The Arvada enterprise., 1913-02-06
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made, but he wished his paper announcing his
course correct in terms it could be made
without any change in the determination. He
read the document One or two unmportant
amendments suggested by Seward approved
1t then handed to the secretary of state to
publish tomorrow.
After this, Blair remarked that he considered
It proper to say he did not concur in the
pediency of the measure at this time, though he
approved of the principle, and should, therefore.
wish to file his objections. He stated at
length his views which substantially that
he ought not to put in greater jeopardy the pa
triotic element in the border states that the re-
suits of this proclamation would be to carry over
those states to the Secessionsts as
soon as 1t was read and that there also
class OF partisans in the free states endeavoring
to revive old parties, who would have club put
into their hands of which they would avail them
selves to beat the administration.
The president said he had considered the dan
ger to be apprehended from the first objection
which undoubtedly serious but the objection
was certainly great not to act; regarded
the last, it had not much weight with him
The question of power, authority. in the gov
ernment to set free the slaves not much dis
cussed at this meeting but had been canvassed
by the president in private conversation with the
members individually. Some thought legislation
advisable before the step was taken, but con-
gress was clothed with authority this sub
ject, nor is the executive. except under the
power-military necessity martial law, when
there can be no legislation. This the view
which | took when the president first presented
the subject to Seward and myself last summer,
as we were returning from the funeral Of Stan
toms child-a ride of two three miles from
beyond Georgetown. Seward at that time
not at all communicative, and, | think, not will
Ing to advise though he did not dissent from the
movement.
1t is momentous both In its Immediate and re-
exercise
power, which cannot be justified on mere hu.
manitarian principles. and would never have been
attempted but to preserve the national existence
The slaves must be with us or against us in the
war. Let us have them These were my convic-
tons, and this the drift OF the discussion.
The effect which the proclamation will have
on the public mind Is matter of some uncer-
tainty. In some respects It would, I think have
been better to have issued it when formerly first
considered
There is an impression that Seward has op-
posed, and is opposed o. the measure l have
not been without that impression myself chiefly
from his hesitation to commit himself and per.
haps because action suspended on his sug-
geston But in the final discussion he has as
cordially supported the measure as Chase
For myself the subject has from its magnitude
and Its consequences oppressed me- aside from
the ethical features OF the question 1t is step
In the progress of this war which will extend
into the distant future. favorable termination
OF this terrible conflict seems more remote with
every movement, and unless the rebels hasten
to avail themselves OF the alternative presented
OF which see little probability the war can
scarcely be other than one Of emancipation to
the slave, or subjugation or submission to their
rebel owners.
There is in the free states a very general i'm.
preston that this measure will insure speedy
peace. cannot say that | view 1t. No one in
those states dare advocate peace means OF
proonging slavery, even II It is his honest opln.
Ion, and the pecuniary, Industrial and social
sacrifice impending will intensity the struggle
before us. While, however, these dark clouds
are above and around us | cannot see how the
subject can be avoided. Perhaps It is not de-
sirable It should be 1t is, however, an arbitrary
and despotc measure in the cause OF freedom