The Washington herald. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1906-1939, 1913-06-09

happen to be interested. The name does
| not necessarily impute an improper
| method or conduct"
Mr.. Bryce points out that under our
| legislative methods. either a public or a
| private bill. to secure a fair chance OF
passing. must receive a favorable report
from the committee to which IL is re-
| ferred. In England interests involved In
| private bills-the only kind referred TO
committees by the House of Commons
are represented by professional agents
and barristers" No such practice OBJ
tains in this country. Moreover, lobbying
of the more Objectionable kind is fos-
tered here because Congress. through
committees. settled many private claims
against the gOvernment-Indian claims,
pensions, and war claims-which in Eng
land go before a court OF law. In this
country such bills are advocated by per-
sons not belonging to any recognized
and legally regulated body.
Methods summed Up.
The late A. r. Spofford. for years Ii
brsrian OF Congress. gives the following
summing-up of the methods employed by
lobbyists in Washington:
by casual interviews, by informal
facts and arguments. by printed appeals
in pamphlet form, by newspaper COM
munications and leading articles, by per-
sOnal introductions from or through men
of supposed influence, by dinners, recep-
tions, and other entertainments. by the
arts OF social life, and the charms of
feminine attraction. the public man is
beset 10 look favorably upon the meas
ures which interested parties seek to
have enacted"
All of this, while within the law, is
of the nature of the ''insidious" lobby
described by President Wilson in his
statement. And the existence of much
of this form of lobbying, the testimony
so far brought out has confirmed The
testimony also has shown that much of
the lobby which has been in Washing
ton on the tariff bill is entirely leEiti-
mate. whereby representatives of inter-
ests and industries involved in the tariff
bill have sought to influence legislation
by presentation and proof of facts. by
testimony, by arguments, by printed and
personal appeals to the reason and sense
of justice OF members, and to this there
can be no objection.
But because no step has been taken to
leEitimatize the lobby and recognize its
rights, legitimate representation and in
sidious lobbying have become so con-
founded in the public mind that neither
receives its just deserts.
Mr.. Bryce clearly defines the rights
and dangers of lobbying. He says, In
part:
Just as a plaintiff in a lawsuit may
properly employ an attorney and barris- |
ter. so promoter may properly employ
a lobbyist. But there is plainly risk |
Of abuse. In legal proceedings the judge
and jury are bound to take nothing into |
account except the law and facts proved |
in evidence. The judge is surrounded |
by safeguards. The attorney and bar !
rister are each of them also members |
Of recognized profession and would !
forfeit its privileges were they to be de- |
teCted in the attempt to employ under |
hand influence. No such safeguards sur |
round either the member Of the commit |
lee or the lobbyist.
Moreover. the questions which the |
committee has to decide are not questions |
Of law. nor always questions of fact, !
but largely questions Of policy"
Mr.. Bryce. in his chapter on lobby /
sts. also brings out a fact which has
been emphasized IN the present investi- |
cation. that the most dangerous kind /
IF lobbyists are cN-members. who know
cow things are to be managed" This /
evil is recognized in the Kenyon bill. |
which takes away from eX-members OF
he House and Senate the privileges of
the floor. which they now enjoy.
In connection with the present aSita-
ion it is interesting to know that a bill
seeking to create regular body of at
orneys, authorized TO act as agents be-
ore committees of Congress. was intro
tut failed of enactment.