The leader-enterprise. [volume] (Fitzgerald, Ga.) 1912-1915, 1913-07-18
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he meant 1t should form, under his
care, an independent character.
Not a SentimentaIist.
It was thus he proved himself no
sentimentalist, but a statesman. 1t
was stuff of his character, this pur-
pose of independence. He would have
played like part of self-respect for
himself among his neighbors on the
Virginia plantations; and he could
neither understand nor tolerate the
sentiment which made men like JEFF
ferson eager to fling themselves into
European broils Truly this man was
the American, the men about him
provincials merely, dependent still for
their life and thought upon the breath
of the Old World, unless, like Hamil-
ton. they had been born and had stood
aloof, or, like Gouverneur Morris, had
OWNED Europe in her own capitals
with clear, unenamoured eyes.
Fortunately affairs could be held
steadily enough to a course of wise
neutrality and moderation at first,
while Frances revolution wrought
only its work of internal overthrow
and destruction; and while things went
thus opinion began slowly to cool.
Twas plain to be seen, as the months
went by that the work being done In
France bore no real likeness at all to
the revolution in America; and wise
men began to see it for what it was,
social distemper, not a reformation of
overnment-effective enough as a
purge, no doubt; inevitable, perhaps;
a cure of natures own devising; but
by no means to be taken part in by a
people not likewise stricken, still free
to choose.
At first Washington and few men
of like insight stood almost alone in
their cool self-possession. Every man
of generous spirit deemed it his mere
duty to extol the French, to join clubs
after their manner, in the name of the
rights Of man, to speak everywhere in
praise of the revolution. But by the
time it became necessary to act-to
declare the position and policy of the
nations government towards France
a sober second thought had come, and
Washington's task was a little simpli-
fed.
The measures already adopted by
the government, though we'll enough
calculated to render it strong, had not
been equally well planned to make it
popular. The power to tax, so jeal-
ously withheld but the other day from
the Confederation, the new congress
had begun promptly and confidently
to exercise upon a great scale, not
only laying duties upon imports, the
natural resource of the general gov
eminent, but also imposing taxes upon
distilled spirits, and SO entering the
fiscal field of the states.
Not only had the war debts of the
states been assumed, but national
bank had been set up (1791), as if still
further to make the general govern
ment sure of a complete mastery in
the field of finance. Jefferson and Ran
dolph had fought the measure in the
cabinet, as many moderate man had
fought it in congress, and Washington
had withheld his signature from it till
he should hear what they had to urge.
But he had sent their arguments to
Hamilton for criticism, and had &C
cepted his answer in favor of the
bank.
jefferson and Randolph had chal-
lenged the measure on the ground that
it was without warrant in the Consti-
tuition, which nowhere gave congress
the right to create corporations, fiscal
or other. Hamilton replied that, be-
sides the powers explicitly enumer-
Iated, the Constitution gave to congress
the power to pass any measure nee
lessary and proper" for executing those
set forth; that congress was itself left
to determine what might thus seem
necessary; and that If it deemed the
direction of bank proper means Of
executing the undoubted financial pow
ers of the government, the constitu-
tional question was answered.
BY accepting such view Washing
tion sanctioned the whole doctrine Of
implied powers which Jefferson
deemed the very annulment of writ
ten and explicit constitution. No
bounds, Jefferson believed, could be
set TO the aggressive sweep of congress
sional pretension If the two houses
were to be given leave to do whatever
they thought expedient in exercising
their in any case great and command
ing powers. No man could doubt, in
the face of such measures, what the
spirit and purpose of Hamilton were,
or of the president whom Hamilton so
strangely dominated
Opposition Is Strong.
Strong measures bred strong opposi-
ton. When the first congress came
together there seemed to be no par
ties in the country. All men seemed
agreed upon a fair and spirited trial
of the new Constitution. But an oppo-
sition had begun to gather form before
it's two years term was out; and in
the second congress party lines began
TO grow definite-not for and against
the Constitution, but for and against
an extravagant use of constitutional
powers.
There was still a majority for the
principal measures of the administra-