The Madisonian. (Richmond, Ky.) 1913-1914, 1913-02-05
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ESZD AHXES

made. but he wished his paper announcing his
course as correct in terms 1t could be made
without any change in the determination. He
read the document One two unmportant
amendments suggested by Seward were approved
1t was then handed to the secretary OF state to
publish tomorrow.
After this. Blair remarked that he considered
II proper to say he did not concur in the en-
pediency of the measure at this time. though he
approved Of the principle, and should. therefore,
wish to file his objections. He stated at some
length his views, which were substantially that
he ought not to put in greater jeopardy the pa
trotic element in the border states that the re-
suits of this proclamation would be to carry over
those states masse to the Secessonists as
soou as 1t read. and that there was also
class OF partisans in the free states endeavorng
to revive old parties who would have club put
into their hands OF which they would avail them
selves to beat the administration.
The president said he had considered the dan
ger to be apprehended from the first objection.
,.s.s sAisa6rsss eiiJ .ser.ussi fetes.-
was rtainly as great not to act: as regarded
the Ast 1t had not much weight with him
The question of power authority in the gov
eminent to set free the slaves not much dis
cussed at this meeting. but had been canvassed
by the president in private conversation with the
members individually. Some thought legislation
advisable before the step was taken. but con-
gress was clothed with authority on this sub
ject nor is the executive. except under the war
power-nilitary necessity, martial law, when
there can be no legislation. This was the view
which took when the president first presented
the subject to Seward and myself last summer
as we we're returning from the funeral CT Stan
toms child-a ride of two three miles from
beyond Georgetown. Seward was at that time
not at all communicative. and. think. not Will
ing to advise. though he did not dissent from the
movement
n is momentous both in its Immediate and re-
mote results and an exercise of extraordinary
power, which cannot be justified on mere hu.
mantarian principles and would never have been
attempted but to preserve the national existence
The slaves must be with against us in the
Let us have them. These were my convic
TONS and this the drift OF the discussion.
The effect which the proclamation will have
on the public mind is matter of some uncer
tainty. In some respects it would. think. have
been better to have issued It when formerly first
considered.
There is an impression that Seward has OPP
posed and Is opposed to. the measure ! have
not been without that impression myself. chiefly
from his hesitation to commit himself and per-
haps because action was suspended on his sug
gestion But in the final discussion he has as
cordially supported the measure as Chase.
For myself the subject has. from its magnitude
and its consequences. oppressed me. aside from
the ethicalfeatures OF the question II is a step
in the progress OF this war which will extend
into the distant future favorable termination
OF this terrible conflict seems more remote with
every movement. and unless the rebels hasten
to avail themselves OF the alternative presented
OF which | see little probability the war can
scarcely be other than one OF emancipation to
the slave. or subJugation. OF submission to their
rebel owners.
There Is In the free states a very general i'm
preston that this measure will insure a speedy
peace cannot say that SO view IT, No one In
those states dare advocate peace a means OF
prolonging slavery. even II II is his honest opin
ion. and the pecuniary. Industrial. and social
sacrifice impending will intensity the struggle
before us. While. however. these dark clouds
are above and around US. ! cannot see how the
subject can be avoided. Perhaps II is not de
sirable IL should be II is, however. an arbitrary
and despotic measure In the cause OF freedom.