The Raymer enterprise., 1913-02-06
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made but he wished his paper announcing his
course correct In terms as 1t could be made
without any change in the determination He>
read the document One or two unimportant
amendments suggested by Seward were approved.
1t was then handed to the secretary OF state to
publish tomorrow.
After this, Blair remarked that he considered
It proper to say he did not concur In the ex.
pediency OF the measure at this time, though he
approved OF the principle. and should therefore.
wish to file his objections He stated at some
length his views which were substantially that
he ought not to put in greater jeopardy the pa.
trotc element In the border states that the re-
suits OF this proclamation would be to carry over
those states en- masse to the Secessoniss as
sooh as It was read. and that there was also a
class OF partisans in the free states endeavoring
to revive old parties, who would have club put
into their hands OF which they would avail them
selves TO beat the administration.
The president said he had considered the dam
ger to be apprehended from the first objection.
which was undoubtedly serious but the objection
was certainly as great not to act: as regarded
the last It had not much weight with him.
The question of power. authority in the gov
ernment TO set free the slaves was not much dis.
cussed at this meeting but had been canvassed
by the president in private conversation with tho
members individually Some thought legislation
advisable before the step was taken, but con.
gress was clothed with no authority on this sub
ject nor is the executive. except under the war
power-military necessity. martial law. when
there can be no legislation. This was the view
which took when the president first presented
the subject to Seward and myself last summer.
as we were returning from the funeral OF Stan.
toms chd-a ride Of two or three miles from
beyond Georgetown. Seward was at that time
not at all communicative. and. | think not will.
ing to advise though he did not dissent from the
movement.
1t is momentous both In its immediate and re-
mote results. and an exercise OF extraordinary
power. which cannot be justified on mere hu.
manitarian principles, and would never have been
attempted but to preserve the national existence.
The slaves must be with us or against us in the
war. Let us have them. These were my convic-
tions. and this the drift OF the discussion
The effect which the proclamation will have
on the public mind is matter OF some uncer.
tanty. In some respects It would think have
been better to have issued 1t when formerly first
considered.
There is an impression that Seward has op-
posed, and Is opposed to. the measure. I have
not been without that impression myself. chiefly
from his hesitation to commit himself, and per.
haps because action suspended on his sug.
gestion. But In the final discussion he has a.
cordially supported the measure as Chase.
For myself the subject has from its magnitude
and Its consequences. oppressed me, aside from
the ethical features Of the question. 1t is a step
In the progress OF this war which will extend
into the distant future. A favorable termination
OF this terrible conflict seems more remote with
every movement. and unless the rebels hasten
to avail themselves Of the alternative presented,
OF which l see little probability the war can
scarcely be other than one OF emancipation to
the slave or subjugaton. or submission to their
rebel owners
There Is In the free states very general i'm.
preston that this measure will insure a speedy
peace. cannot say that SO view It. No one In
those states dare advocate peace as a means Of
prolonging slavery. even II It is his honest opin.
lon. and the pecuniary. Industrial, and social
sacrifice impending will intensity the struggle
before us. While. however. these dark clouds
are above and around us. cannot see how the
subject can be avoided Perhaps It Is not de-
sirable II should be- It is. however. an arbitrary
and despotic measure In tho cause Of freedom