Wauwatosa news. [volume] (Wauwatosa, Wis.) 1900-1948, 1913-02-07
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made, but he wished his paper announcing his
course correct in terms as 1t could be made
without any change in the determination. He
read the document One or two unimportant
amendments suggested by Seward were approved.
1t was then handed to the secretary of state to
publish tomorrow.
After this Blair remarked that he considered
it proper to say he did not concur in the ex-
pediency of the measure at this time though he
approved OF the principle, and should, therefore,
wish to file his objections. He stated at some
length his views, which were substantially that
he ought rot to put In greater jeopardy the pa
triotic element in the border states, that the
suits of this proclamation would be to carry over
those states en- masse to the Secessionists as
it was read and that there was also
class of partisans in the free states endeavoring
to revive old parties, who would have club put
into their hands of which they would avail them
selves to beat the administration
The president said he had considered the dam
ger to DE apprehended from the first objection
which was undoubtedly serious but the objection
was certainly great not to act regarded
the last, it had not much weight with him.
The question of power, authority, In the gov
eminent to set free the slaves was not much dis
cussed at this meeting, but had been canvassed
by the president In private conversation with the
members individually. Some thought legislation
advisable before the step was taken, but con-
gress was clothed with no authority on this sub
power-military necessity, martial law, when
there be no legislation. This WAS the view
which took when the president first presented
the subject to Seward and myself last summer,
as we were returning from the funeral OF Stan
toms child-a ride Of two or three miles from
beyond Georgetown. Seward was at that time
not at all communicative, and l think not WILL
ing to advise, though he did not dissent from the
movement
1t is momentous both in it's immediate and re-
mote results and an exercise of extraordinary
power which cannot be justified on mere hui
manitarian principles and would never have been
attempted but to preserve the national existence.
The slaves must be with or against us in the
war. Let us have them. These were my convic-
lions, and this the drift of the discussion.
The effect which the proclamation will have
on the public mind is matter of some uncer-
tainty. In some respects it would, / think have
been better to have issued it when formerly first
considered
There is an impression that Seward has op-
posed. and is opposed to, the measure / have
not been without that impression myself chiefly
from his hesitation to commit himself and per.
haps because action was suspended on his sug-
gestion. But in the final discussion he has as
cordially supported the measure as Chase.
For myself the subject has, from its magnitude
and its consequences, oppressed me- aside from
the ethical features of the question. 1t is step
IN the progress of this which will extend
into the distant future. A favorable termination
OF this terrible conflict seems more remote with
every movement, and unless the rebels hasten
to avail themselves of the alternative presented
OF which see little probability, the war can
scarcely be other than one of emancipation to
the slave, or subjugation, or submission to their
rebel owners.
There is in the free states very general i'm.
preston that this measure will insure speedy
peace cannot say that so view it. No one in
those states dare advocate peace as a means of
prolonging slavery, even IL 1t is his honest opin.
ion. and the pecunary, industrial and social
sacrifice impending will intensity the struggle
before US. While however these dark clouds
are above and around u.s. I cannot see how the
subject can be avoided. Perhaps 1t is not de-
sirabe it should be. It is however an arbitrary
and despotic measure in tire cause of freedom.