The Commonwealth. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1911-1914, 1913-03-07

On teDfuaIy 10 ItbOlutioh ""'
submitted by Berger demanding an
investigation of the postoffice censor
ship, which is being used arbitrarily
by minor officials to limit and harass
a free press The particular instances
which brought forth this resolution
were the indictment of the editors of
the Appeal to Reason for that pa
per's expose of conditions in Leaven-
worth prison, and a very recent case
in which the postoffice suppressed
an article in the New York Call deal
ing with sex hygiene.
The firemen's strike resolution, au-
thorizing the confiscation of the
fifty-four eastern railroads and their
operation by the postoffice until
department of railroads could be
created submitted on February 10,
was the elimination of Berger's legis-
lative record. 1t is undoubtedly true
that this resolution had much to do
with the decision of the railroad Of
ficials a day or so later to accept
arbitration under the Erdman act, the
point on which the strike was threat
ened. While the resolution had no
concrete value until strike was call
theless it's moral effect was tremend-
Gus, and it unquestionably would
have been seized upon by millions as
the solution for the economic dis
tress which would have been pro-
duced by any prolonged tie-up of the
railroads. The railroad owners rea-
lized this, and so did capitalist editors
generally, and the following editorial
from the reactionary springfield
(Mass.) Republican" was a typical
expression of this feeling:
Congressman Berger, the socialist,
is taking advantage of what is prob
ably his last opportunity as a repre-
sentative, in introducing his resolu-
tion regarding the threatened rail-
road strike. No one just now will
regard it seriously, but within two
weeks after genuine tie-up OF the
fifty-four railroads east of Chicago by
the firemen, the Berger resolution
might seem to millions of people to
embody the vital necessity OF the
hour. Seizure of the roads by the
president of the United States, with
directions from congress to operate
them, would be drastic, but, on the
other hand, any prolonged tle-up
would bring many cities face to face
to starvation. Under the conditions
of distress and general business dis
location that would prevail, the peo
pie would stop at nothing to relieve
the intolerable situation. The rail
road companies and the firemen have
this to think of, while disputing over
the forms of arbitration"
His service on the subcommittee
which investigated the fire insurance
companies in the District of Columbia
did not give Berger much opportun
ity to be Of national service, except
as it enabled him to bring out some
samples of typical capitalistic finance
by which millions of people are rob
bed of huge sums of money. But in
the course of this investigation JUS
tice Ashley M. Gould, of the district
supreme court, a director in one OF
the companies under investigation
was called to the stand and this gave
! Berger an opportunity to tell this
typical federal judge what the work
ing class thinks of jurists who ally
themselves with business. Berger'S
examination Mortified the other mem
bers of the committee-all of them
laWyers-and brought beads of per
spiration to Gould's brow, especially
when Berger cited the cases of Han
ford and Archibald to show what is
beginning to happen to judges who
allow their business instincts to run
away with them.
( Berger also this winter was sue
= cessful in acting on the appeal of set
tiers adjoining forest reservations
against the great lumber companies
operating in these districts and pay
ing the homesteaders starvation prices
for their timber Going directly tC
Chief Forester Graves, Berger sug
gested a plan whereby the govern
ment in auctioning off its excess tim
Der to the lumber companies NIGH
include in the parcels the timber O
the settlers, thus acting as sales agen
for the homesteaders in securing bet
ter prices for them. While this mat
ter is still pending the solution II
regarded favorably by the fores