The labor journal. [volume] (Everett, Wash.) 1909-1976, 1913-01-24


forced in discussion to agree that a
peaceful general strike would surely
meet with defeat. AS Buisson says:
IF the general strike remains the rev.
olution of folded arms, if it does not
degenerate into violent insurrection,
one cannot see how a strike of fifteen,
thirty or even sixty days could bring
into the industrial form of govern
ment and into the present social sys-
tenn changes great enough to deter
mine their fall" To be sure, the rev.
olutionary unionists do not lay so
much emphasis on the abolition of
government as do the anarchists, but
their plan leads to nothing less than
that. If the capitalist class is to be
locked out-whatever that may mean
one must conclude that the workers
intend in some manner without the
use of public powers to gain control
of the tools of production. In any
case, they will be forced, in order to
achieve any possible success, to take
the factories, the mines, and the mills,
and put the work of production into
the hands of the masses. If the state
interferes, as it undoubtedly will, in
the most vigorous manner, the
strikers will be forced to fight the
state. In other words, we shall see
the general strike become an insur
rection and the people without arms
carrying on civil war against the
armies of the government. We might,
of course, pass over with light hearts
much of the above interesting and
harmless speculation were it not for
the violent and bitter attacks made
by both anarchists and syndicalists
upon any form of political party ac-
ton. We can afford to be tolerant to-
ward any positive proposition and
even adverse criticism, except when
they menace organization. When,
however, a group of men conspire to
create suspicion and to promote dis
trust of all socialist party action, we
are forced not only to defend our
selves, but even to put the proposals
of our opponents under critical analy-
sis. And the general strike of the
syndicalists is only the insurrection
of the anarchists in disguise.
Indeed, syndicalism, as a whole, has
been defined as anarchism in dis
guise. Certainly the entire forces of
anarchism have been turned to the
service Of the syndicalist movement.
Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman,
and other anarchists in New York
have recently formed a syndicalist
educational league, and from now on,
even in this country, every assault
made by the anarchists upon
the socialist movement will be labeled
"syndicalsm" or direct action" The
marriage of anarchism and syndical-
ism is, of course, a natural and legiti-
mate union, and we must expect to
see in the near future under its new
guise an extensive growth in anar-
chist propaganda. So long as the an
archists were excluded from the
unions and divorced from every sec
ton of the labor movement by the
MARKHAM elements, they could only
keep alive their doctrines by indivi-
dual acts of violence But in recent
years the anarchists have not only
gained a strong position in the labor
movement of the Latin countries, they
have also gained at hearing in other
countries through policies which, how
ever old in their philosophy, bear new
and striking labels.
And it is perhaps inevitable that the
views OF the anarchists should gain a
larger and larger following Political
action is slow, and many OF the young
er, the more petulant and impulsive,
are impatient. Furthermore, the so
cialist movement has become so ex-
tensive that while it is fundamentally
more revolutionary, II no longer ap-
pears revolutionary Its tone is quiet
er, its reasoning is saner, and its
members include a multitude who are
no less determined because they are
less given to fanaticism Great halls,
theatres. and lyceums are now the
common meeting-places of the party,
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