New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1913-11-30

-'..otor the real crisis in Mr.. AS
this history was not Home Rule nor
T,.once. nor even such schemes of
.odatorv socialism as old Age Pen
f,ons or the Insurance Act. 1t was the
nor,iament Bill. That was the turn
80 noint. Then it was that he threw
oyer his past; turned his back on his
In record. and entered upon that
ork of Revolution which he has since
.o,entlessly pursued. Then it was that
- Aung aside the whole body of Lib
.rsl doctrine on which he had been
.,rtured. The Bill of Rights. the
philosophical wisdom Of Burke, the
,orstitutional authority of Fox, the ex-
annie of all the great Ministers Of
,,oaern days, the teachings of Mr..
fright. the essential truths of Liberal
nsn,ocrac, as they had heretofore been
understood and practised,-all these
,anished from his mind in a night.
The whole fabric of the State rests
unon the axiom that the will of the
doctrine is the negation. The Parlia-
ment Act is an Act to prevent the peo-
ME of Great Britain from being the
arbiters of their own <ate. 1t robs
them Of their birthright 1t denies TO
them their constitutional rights. 1t Is
an act of political brigandage and it
IL Mr.. Asauith's work. No other man
IN this Ministry could have conceived
or carried through such a measure. By
q he must be judged; now when for the
first time the Act is doing its work, and
hereafter when all the destructive con-
sequences Of It have become evident
and historical
Down TO the year 1910 there re-
NAMED to the people Of Great Britain
one means, and one means only, by
which their rights as the ultimate Court
Of political Appeal was secured. 1t was
the House Of Lords. l do not suppose
the House Of Lords, IS an assembly or
hereditar,. legislators, has ever won the
sympathies of the American people. 1t
has not always deserved them. But be
its merits or dement's what they may,
Il had the power TO reject Bill on
which the electorate had never been
consulted. 1t used that power. and the
Ministry which had passed such FIJI
through the House of Commons had
then no means of securing its enact
ment except by dissolving Parliament
and submitting itself and it's Bill TO
the country in a General Election. If
the country sent back to the House of
Commons a Ministerial majority. the
Bill was repassed in the Commons; and
then the House Of Lords. whatever
might be its opinion. gave its assent to
the Bill because 1t had been approved
by the people. That had become the
settled constitutional doctrine and prac-
tce 1t applied. Of course, only TO Bills
Of Importance; Bills on which by an
Gent usage and for the welfare of the
country it was for the country to &c
eide. 1t was a clumsy method. but Il
was the only method.
II exists no longer. Under the Parlia-
ment Act bill. any bill. if rejected by
the Lords. goes back to the House Of
Commons. If again passed by the Com
mons and again rejected by the Lords.
II has only to be passed a third time
by the Commons, in three successive
sessions. The Lords have no longer the
power to veto a bill so passed. They
can no longer compel a dissolution or
take any step whatever TO insure an
election or a submission Of the bill to
the people. 1t goes straight 10 the
King, and if he signs II becomes law
and is put on the Statute Book there
and then. From beginning TO end the
people have had no voice. 1t is Single
Chamber government; the most danger
Gus Of all forms Of Parliamentary
Government
For the doctrine of the supremacy
Of the people Mr.. Asquith has substi-
tuted the supremacy Of Parliament.
What is that but treason TO the Sow
ereign? Is there now in England any
real Sovereign except the People? The
King reigns: the People rule. But Mr..
Asquiths object is TO deny to the Peo-
pie their right to rule. That is the
effect, and the intended effect. Of the
Parliament Act. There is a theory ac-
cording to which the people when once
they have elected a House Of Commons
have given ii a mandate for the whole
term Of its five years existence. They
have parted with their power and even
with their rights during ali that period
reserving no power Of control and no
right to be consulted, no matter what
measure even of Revolution. the Min
istry which has a majority in the
House Of Commons may propose. 1t
may be doubtful whether the new
measure is approved by the people. 1t
may be certain that it is not. But the
mandate holds good; the people are
powerless to resume their rights; and
without the consent or against the eX-
pressed will Of the people Ministers
may force their bill through; even a
bin TO break up the unity Of the King
dom. To state such a doctrine is to
condemn e. None the less is 1t the
doctrine which Mr.. Asquith is putting
into practice.
Ea H. ortbor Of Guh-