The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1913-06-21
hearts assailed it.

advantages in their use of the Panama
Canal. Great Britain thinks we have
violated that treaty in exempting
coastwise vessels from canal tolls.
Some of our ablest lawyers are of the
same opinion. But, unless vigorous
measures are taken to arouse a public
sentiment in favor of submitting tho
Interpretation of that treaty to the
controversy between America and
Great Britain on this subject will re-
main unsettled, provocative of aliena-
tion and dissatisfaction on both sides
of the Atlantic.
waiting for consultation with the Jap
| anese people and without consideration
/; for their feelings had passed an act
which to the Japanese seems a VIOLA
tion of the spirit of a. treaty. and there
is danger that as a result the friendly
, relations between Japan and America
will be seriously impaired. 1t cannot
be too strongly affirmed that it is
worse than useless to make a general
arbitration treaty, and then when any
conflict arises which stirs popular pref
udice and eNcites popular clamor, to
disregard our treaty obligations on the
ground that it is not consonant with
our views, with our interests or with
our honor to submit the question to a
foreign tribunal.
The greatest peril today to the peace
movement, which seeks to substitute
an appeal to reason for the appeal to
force, is not the limitation upon our
general arbitration treaties; it is our
failure to carry them out when inter-
national controversy arises.
Until these three precedent condi-
tions are complied with; until we have
an international conscience which calls
for an international tribunal, states
manship which succeeds in constitute
ing such a tribunal, and a national
conscience which enforcees the sub
mission to such tribunal Of interna-
tional colftlUHefsies Wflen they arise,
any disarmament, unless made by ma
tions in cooperation with one another
is far more likely to promote war than
\ to promote peace.
There arc two ways of promoting
weak that it cannot fight: the other
by making it so strong that it. need
not fight. Weakness is a terrible pro-
vOcative of war. The war OF 1872
would not have occurred If Great Brit
ain had believed that we had q navy
adequate to protect our citizens upon
the sea. 1t is doubtful whether the
4 Civil War would have occurred If An
drew Jackson had been in the presi-
dents chair instead of James Buchan-
an. II is certain that it would have
been of shorter duration and less ter
!. rible extent.
America is one of the richest coun-
tries on the globe. Make it also one of
the weakest and it would invite at
tack. 1t is the first duty of a govern :
ment to protect the people in the en-
joyment of life and liberty. If it fails
to afford such protection it has nc
right to exist. America, therefore
must have an army sufficient in size
equipment and efficiency to protect it's
citizens from violence at home, and "a
navy sufficient to protect it's coasts
from attack and to enable it to take
its share in the fulHlment of those oh
legations which belong to all civilized
nations of the earth.
). We can establish peace only by es-
} tablishing justice. TO do this we must
} by voice and pen develop in the nation
a public conscience which will demand
i the fulf1lment OF arbitration treaties
| already made before undertaking to
make other treaties still more general
, We must seek to develop public sen :
timent in the civilized nations Of the
world which will both create IL tribunal
for the establishment of international
justice and peacefully enforce it's decis-
ion.
Until this is accomplished and the
| appeal to reason is accepted by oul
/ own people and the peoples of the
world as real substitute for an ap-
peal to force, we must maintain an
army and navy adequate for the sup
port of Justice both within our borders
} and in our international relations: and
we must never forget that our object
in so doing is the establishment Of in
ternational justice and Of peace only
, as it is founded on Justice.