Wausau pilot. [volume] (Wausau, Wis.) 1896-1940, 1913-02-11
III M4zZE 0TL1CUHNEH1ZED By III
E8EZD HaAEyS

made but he wished his paper announcing his
course as correct in terms as it could be made
without any change in the determination. He
read the document. One two unimportant
amendments suggested by Seward were approved.
1t then handed to the secretary of state to
publish tomorrow.
After this Blair remarked that he considered
ii proper to say he did not concur in the ex-
pediency of the measure at this time, though he
approved Of the principle, and should, therefore,
wish to file his objections. He stated at some
length his views, which were substantially that
he ought not to put in greater Jeopardy the pa
triotic element in the border states that the re-
suits of this proclamation would be to carry over
those states masse to the Secessionists as
it read, and that there also a
class of partisans in the free states endeavoring
to revive old parties, who would have club put
into their hands of which they would avail them
selves to beat the administration.
The president said he had considered the dan
ger to be apprehended from the first objection
which was undoubtedly serious but the objection
certainly great not to act; as regarded
the last, it had not much weight with him.
The question of power, authority in the gov
eminent to set free the slaves not much dis
cussed at this meeting, but had been canvassed
by the president in private conversation with the
members individually Some thought legislation
advisable before the step taken, but con-
gress was clothed with no authority this sub
ject nor is the executive, except under the war
power-military necessity, martial law, when
there be no legislation. This the view
which l took when the president first presented
the subject to Seward and myself last summer,
as we were returning from the funeral of STAN
tons child-a ride of two three miles from
beyond Georgetown. Seward was at that time
not at all communicative, and / think, not will
ing to advise, though he did not dissent from the
movement
ia both toto md
mote results. and exercise of extraordinary
power, which cannot be justified mere hui
mantarian principles, and would never have been
attempted but to preserve the national existence.
The slaves must be with us or against us in the
Let us have them These my convic-
TONS and this the drift of the discussion.
The effect which the proclamation viii have
on the public mind is matter of some uncer-
tainty. In some respects it would think. have
been better to have issued it when formerly first
considered.
There is an impression that Seward has op-
posed and Is opposed to- the measure. l have
not been without that impression myself, chiefly
from his hesitation to commit himself and per.
haps because action was suspended on his sug
gestion. But in the final discussion he has as
cordially supported the measure as Chase.
For myself the subject has, from its magnitude
and its consequences, oppressed me, aside from
the ethical features of the question 1t is a step
in the progress of this war which will extend
into the distant future A favorable termination
of this terrible conflict seems more remote with
every movement, and unless the rebels hasten
to avail themselves of the alternative presented,
of which l see little probability. the war can
scarcely be other than one of emancipation to
the slave. or subjugation, submission to their
rebel owners.
There is in the free states a very general i'm.
preston that this measure viii insure a speedy
peace cannot say that / so view it. No one in
those states dare advocate peace as a means of
prolonging slavery, if it is his honest opin-
ion, and the pecuniary, industrial, and social
sacrifice impending will intensity the struggle
before us. While. however, these dark clouds
are above and around us, / cannot see how the
subject be avoided. Perhaps 1t is not de-
srabe it should be- 1t is, however an arbitrary
and despotic measure in the of freedom.