Newark evening star and Newark advertiser. [volume] (Newark, N.J.) 1909-1916, 1913-09-12
fcantinued from Flr.t Page.l

G0NTEBU MTTN
TO do all things for the individual that
can be done without injury to the lnol-
~Adual or the State.
Is Up to Individual.
while I do not believe In being bound
bv hard and fast rules, or in permitting
theories TO completely control our actions,
I do believe that the Progressive party
must stand squarely upon the theory that
the State shall be clothed with power TO
do the things that the general welfare. or
ehe State requires. But in the exercise
of this power 1t should be remembered
that the character of the individual is
the foundation of all development ana
srogress both in the individual and state.
To take away mans elt-respect py
robbing him of his self reliance Is to do
the greatest possible mischief, and moth
Ing could be more disastrous than to give
che impression that individual exertion is
unnecessary and that the State owes
every man living. There Is nothing
however. in the doctrine OF the eollee-
twists, and use the term not In the
technical, socialistic sense, to warrant
ahe conclusion that such Is our plan
We do not propose to place q premium
ON ineficiency or Incidence, But We do
aropose to counterfeit the theory or the
survival of the httest when the nttest
survive, not because of moral mental and
physical superiority, which we cannot
control except by degrees, but because
of Embellishments In the social order
which we can control and control at once.
This theory of the functions of govern
ment is in line with the trend of modern
ahought
The life of the Individual is being
merged into the life of the community,
not to the detriment Of the individual,
not to overshadow him. not to destroy
ambition, initiative and individuality. but
to quicken all the finer qualities in both
men and women. When person realizes
that he is in truth his brothers keeper
Ii does not make him smaller or cause
him to shrink or lose his self-respect;
but. on the contrary, as he surrenders
something of his freedom for the good
Of another he becomes UNNECESSARILY
stronger and more efficient.
And. let me tell you this idea Of CO.
. operation, this idea of cheering for the
men who boost" is travelling at the
rate of q mile a minute, and the man
who does not see what 1t means Is an
evil. 1t means that we are entering upon
one of those curious periods of rapid de-
selopment that mark from time to time
the progress Of evolution. Evolution oc-
caslonally speeds up. It was so when
kings began to rule and men were slaves
and women yoked with cattle In the
fields 1t was so when cities sprang up
and factories and children WORKED IN
mills, and some were very rich and some
were very poor. IT was so when democ,
racy was born and freedom came and
none were very rich and none were very
poor. And 1t will be so when the call OF
brotherhood is heard and one navy poiices
the waters of the world. Yes, that ls
lust what this great, forward movement
neaus--ultimate victory over poverty anu
war 1t is the vision OF the progresslVes
and it Is something more than dream
or fantasy.
RadicaIism Is Raped.
But. ladies and gentlemen, 1t is one
thing to see what is to come and anoIher
thing to grab for il before 1t Is within
ones reach, and herein lies the difference
between the two elements, In the Pro
gressive party. The dithculties WIN tne
extreme radical Is not that he sees 100
far, but that he sees some things ana IL
blind to others. 1t sounds like para
dox to say that man can see ana YET
will be but he is blind to the danger
OF attempting things for which we are
not vet prepared. For instance. see
clearly the time when the power or nina
cure disease Scientific demonstrations
convince me that this is so, but 1T would |
be blind folly for me not to call In
physician to treat n sick child just pc
cause / think | see the direction In wnicn
we are travelling.
believe we all see clearly the time
when war will be but a horrible and
sickening memory, but believe II would
orr navy until all the great nations are
prepared for peace. Only last winter |
an officer in n foreign army told me
that the people of his country would not
continue n statesman in power one day |
If he failed to repudiate and abrogate
any treaty that proved disadvantageous |
to this country. What absurditv. then, !
TO talk about universal peace before the |
very rudiments of national honor are In
stilled
And so I say we can see with equal
clearness that the time will come when
wealth viii he more e1uitably distributed
and poverty disDeled, but 1t will be many |
generations before we reach that golden
age. We can; however. go forward and
=, ,..s+ hfVk fnv7nn
teaches that II we attempt to exceed the |
speed limit. set by laws of human nature,
we not only fail to go forward, but we
actually go backward and retard the
whole progressive movement for a gen.
Grafton.
Rearing these general principles in
mind. let us attempt to apply them. The
best illustration of the way the people
of the country separate into those In
favor of and those opposed to government
regulation is found in the discussion of
4 minimum wage Law One group says II
will take away the incentive to work and
destroy their initiative. and that wages
are fixed by certain laws of trade which
the government cannot and should not
Interfere with The other group says that
the theory of non-interference has fallen
down and that the national health is
becoming devitaliZed by great poverty.
that wages are not fixed by mysterious
laws but by the fact that the employer
Is in the stronger position for bargaining
There Is certainly something wrong when
there is plenty of food in the, country
and strong. sober. willing worker can't |
secure a sufficient share for a days labor
10 support his family.
II II was n question of insuflciency of
food 1t would be a different thing. but II
Is moi. 1t is not a question of produc-
ton, but a question of distribution. In |
the last fifteen years the population of |
the world has increased about l per cent
year. whereas the average annual in
crease in the five great cereals. wheat,
corn, oats rye and barley. has increased /
30 per cent: and yet in spite of this fact
we. have 100000 people in this country
living In poverty without sufficient food |
and with an average wage of S1006 per
week $1116 for men, 1917 for women
and 1916 for childreD-all far below
normal wage.
On the strength of the foregoing, we
say. therefore. that the State has the
right to step in and say to the employer;
Every man and woman who puts In a |
days work in your shop is worthy of his
or her hire. They are entitled to a wage |
that will make IT possible for them to
five in deceney. Physical laws make 1t |
impossible for you to use an iron or steel |
machine for less than the cost of mainte-
troll of this regulating machinery. There |
nance. We propose to make 1t impossi-
BILE by human laws for you to use the
human machine for less than the cost of |
maintenance So much for the applica-
cip1e to this problem-the right of the |
government to regulate. Now, as TO the
second part
How shall the rule be applied? Shall
we attempt to achieve at once what we
propose to attain in a few years, dislo-
cate business. iniure the workingman as
we'll rs the employer, and bring about
reaction against the whole proposition;
or, si.a'l we 20 at It by degrees2 / be-
l1e.e we should first apply the principle
IN the great industries in which women
are employed. If it works, and believe
It will we can then take the next step.
Natonalize Railroad Systems
How would we apply our principle in
considering the ACCESSIBILITY of national
izing the railroad system of the country
The statement of the principle is very