New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1912-03-25
D|S|NHER|TED WORKERS
Socialist Teaching for British
Democracy.
London, March ..

social reforms The current estimate for
old age pensions is f12, 100000; for labor
exchanges and unemployment insurance
1904, O37 is added, and the preliminary
expenses of the insurance act, which is
to become operative next July, are
G2,040,92J. The Liberal government has
not shirked the responsibility Of waging
at high cost what the Chancellor has de.
scribed as ''lmpacable warfare against
poverty" and yet there has been a series
of startling defeats at by-elections cul
minating in disaster at South Man
chester, since the insurance bill was in
troduced in Parliament as remedial
measure for uplifting the masses
Unonist managers and candidates have
been inscriptions in taking advantage
! Of an unpopular act before it's benefits
were understood; but partisan sharp
practice does not account for the shrink
age Of the Liberal polls. The trade
unonists and workingmen under social
list leadership have turned against the
government. They have not been willing
to pay for social reform by "a tax on
wages"
Neither the South Manchester cleo
| ton nor the disastrous miners strike
can be understood without specific ref
ersnce to the socialist propaganda pro-
| claimed by agitators and explained IN
| leaflets and cheap manuals. AS the case
for socialism is summed up by plausible
writer's like Mr.. Fred Henderson, pri-
vate ownership of land and capital en-
ables the HAYES to appropriate for them
selves everything above'a bare living
| for the have-nots. There IS wealth
| enough for all when incomes are I'm
creaslng at an average Of f22O00,0O0
year; and people are poor because the
national resources are unjustly dts
| tributed. That is the socialist teaching,
and the conclusion comes straightway
| that poverty will be got rid OF. II the
privileged classes can be dispossessed Of
control of the sources Of wealth. That
is to say, capital and industry instead
Of being ordered for private profit Will
become civic services for the benefit OF
ALL and there will be a final disappear
ance Of the right of an owning class TO
live by tribute upon the labor Of sub
ject class. At the bottom of the socialist
case as presented by agitators like Mr..
Hartshorn and Mr.. Keir Hardie and by
writer's like Mr.. Henderson Is the idea
that cooperative joint ownership by the
whole nation Of the means Of work will
change the face of England and put an
end to poverty The United Kingdom,
with its land industries and capital, will
become a joint stock company with
every citizen fully invested with pro-
prietary rights.
Trade unionism Is saturated with those
socialist teachings. Workingmen in
mines and factories are looking for their
ransom In an industrial inheritance when
national resources now reserved for the
few are distributed among the homes Of
the people and made available for gen
eral life Their expectations are dis
appointed when the Chancellor, after
budgeting for a few millions for pen
sions ana other social reforms, asks
workmen to pay their quota along with
their employers toward sickness funds
tributory basis of insurance as an I'M
necessary concession TO the capitalist
class. There must be nothing like taxa
tion of wages! Let ministers find fresh
methods of attacking privileged classes
and OF making levies upon the idle rich,
but let them beware of asking the disin-
herited masses who have not yet come
into their kingdom, to pay for anything
themselves. II there cannot be insur-
ance at the expense OF either the state
or of the employers, the Socialist, with
his trade unionist followers, VIII have
none of it. II ministers persist in sad
ding burdens upon the poor workman
their majorities will be cut down and
wiped out! If they are not warned by
one by-election they will be demoralized
by a series OF disasters until they learn
that no stronghold Of Liberalism is safe!
There may be frothy talk of this kind
i'm the German beer saloons and Socialist
platforms when a general election is APP
preaching. but It does not represent the
collectivist agencies, which are improv-
ing and uplifting the condition Of the
masses in the Fatherland The wage
Garner is the unit OF the social organ
ization of the German Empire. He has
no inherent right to expect that the state
will take care of him and provide him
with food, lodging and work, a pension
in old age and a share in the profits, In
come and wealth of other men as a sup
pressed stakeholder in every national In
duStry. 1t is his duty to work and TO
contribute a few pennies weekly for
emergencies of sickness, disability ana
old age, and if he declines employment
and becomes a vagrant or a beggar ne
can be compelled to earn his bread in a
workhouse conducted on business prin-
ciples. lie is entitled, however, 10 have
state aid in everything that tends to
make him more efficient as a worker ana
less anxious in his home; he is TO be
we'll housed and trained for his occupa-
ton the various systems of industrial
insurance are To be carefully supervised;
when he is out of work he must have
every facility for finding fresh employ
ment, and he can depend upon coli
lectiyist agencies when he strives tn inn
prove his lot and to give his children
better chance to get on in the world than
his own has been. State socialism IN
Germany neither pauperizes nor pampers
the workman as a dependent upon the
bounties of paternal government. IL
stimulates manly Independence and