Wheeling majority. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1907-192?, 1912-02-22

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the trade union movement but also
other divisions on the grounds Of opinI
ion; whether religious; political or
economic. It condemns all rival
unionism and puts the stamp Of So
cialist condemnation on every form
of dual Unionism
Before the National Convention of
the Socialist party held in May, 1908,
a new dissension hada risen in the
Labor movement, It was, no longer a
deustion only Of politics. 1t was now a
question Of the form Of organization.
Industrial unionism had launched it,
self III antagOnism to craft unionisnn,
and the advocates Of the new idea
sought to draw the Socialist party in
Ito the dispute. Industrial unionfsfn
was to be the panacea for all human
ills. It was to abolish the capitalist
system and to usher into being the
New World. It drew tos its banner
| every enemy Of the American Fedora
tion Of Labor, and among the others,
most 81 the Socialist Labor party men
who had set out to smash" the trade
union movement. a great debate took
place at the Convention and finally
the following paragraphs were adopt
ed as a part of an address to organ
lied labor: !,
81 That the party has neither the
right nor the desire to interfere In
any controversies which may exist
within the laborsunion movement over
questions of form Of organization or
methods Of action in the industrial
struggle, but trusts to the labor or
CARNATIONS themselves to solve these
questions and to evolve in the direc-
ton Of ever closer solidarity and ever
more efEective action on the Industrial
field.
e. That it is the interest and the
duty Of the party to give moral and
material support to the Labor organi-
cations in all their defensive or az
gressive struggles against capitalist
oppression and exploitation, for the
protection and extension of the rights
Of the wage workers and the better
ment of their material and social con-
ddtion."
This resolution not only re-afirms
the previous position of the party.
but itsadds new poinb Of view, and
that is that the party recognizes the
trade unions as ad istinct separate
and autonomous Organization to which
the Socialist party has no desire to
dictate. a
For years certain leading Socialists
had considered themselves as the
sole guardians of the working class.
They had the sole science. They knew
the sole road to emancipation. They
alone were fitted BY knowledge to as
| sumo the leadership of all move
ments, political and industrial. OF the
working class 1t Is noteworthy there
fore that in 1908. after thirty years of
bitter experience, the largest body of
Socialists ever assembled in National
Convention frankly declared that as a
party they had no business to NEEDLE
with the internal policies Of the
trade union movement.
III the Socialist convention of 1910
Line Trade Union question came up
liagain. This time It appeared in some
what more subtle form. The advo-
|cates of Industrial Unionism urged
THAT the Party point out to the work
ling class the advantages OF industrial
Reorganization. This was apparently
linoffensive, as not only nearly every
member Of the party but the vast ma
jority of the trade unionists believed
| in the industrial form OF organization.
llNeyertheleas the party rigidly adhers
ed to It's previous attitude and again
definitely asserted that It was
neither the right nor the desire to
| interfere IN any controversies which
may exist within the labor union
movement"
The position Of the Socialist party
| is, as We see, unrnistakably Clear.
During its entire history It has kept
faithfllly to its original position It
Ihas again and again debated the Ques.
ton at length. The opponents Of the
lpartyis policy have assaiIed Its posi-
ton from every angle, yet every time
they have done down to defeat.
| / shah attempt In the articles that
foiloW to go more fully into this vital
question, and shall endeavor to show
that the policy of the party Is founded
InOt only upon the best thought Of the
chief Socialists, from Marx to Bebel
and Kautsky. but that It Is also the
practice Of every European Socialist