Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1912-08-17

are merely the differences between
great corporation attorneys who for
the moment represent different cor
porations but who come together in
stantly against any movement which
is meant to establish the people as
masters over both. We Progressiyes
stand against both. We propose TO
drive them both from power for all
time, and TO substitute for their pow
err the genuine rule of the people
There is peculiar need of leader
ship for this fight in New England.
1t has becn a matter of concern to
me to see so many of those here in
New England who should be leaders
in the new movement turn cold heart
eddy from If. l believe half of the
opposition TO our course in New Eng
land is due to sheer pain ignorance,
half OF the remainder hard shelled
prejudice ana the u;her half OF the
remainder To craven fear of what is
new.
"One of our great troubles, here in
New England and elsewhere, is that
the representatives OF privilege in
finance and politics control most of
the newspapers, so that the ordinary
man finds the channels of informal
tion choktd. l do no; so much mind
the editorial columns being closed
against us; but it Is a matter of real
regret that the news columns are
closed to us.
There is good reason why many
men should bitterly oppose the Pro-
gressive party. Every political job
Der. every crooked business man,
every beneficiary of privilege and
every paid employee of such benefic-
ia1y-all these are naturally against
us. But | hold that every self-ce
specting ordinary citizen should be
for us.
Hitherto, as a standpatter, re-
dictionary congressman from Kansas,
with involuntary truthfulness. put it.
these plain people have been regarded
by politicians as only entitled to pay
the price of admission and sit on the
bleachers and watch the politicians
play the game for their own benefit.
The Progressive doctrine is that the
plain people of America are not to
look on ats,the politicians play the
game that the plain people are to b.
their own masters and masters over
all their public servants.
1--WE stand for protective tariff,
but we wish to see the benefits of
the protective tariff get into the pay
envelope of the wage worker Instead
of decreasing, we wish to increase
the amount of the prize money that
is rightfully due those who work hard
in industry; but we stand for a more
equitable division of the prize money.
Moreover, our movement is not only
for economic but for ethical better
ment. We do not accept the view
that greed and selishness are the
only factors to be considered in gov
eminent We insist that in mans ma
ture there is something noble some
thing lofty. TO which it is possible to
appeal, and we make our appeal
therefore, not only to his self inter
est, but also to what is highest and
best in him. 1t is not right that he
should neglect his self-interest. No
man can do his duty by the state as
whole unless he pulls his own
weight; he must take care of mis-
wife, his children and himself before
he can help his fellow citizens in do
ing efficiently the common work for
the common good We intend to work
for the economic betterment of the
average citizen. We intend to insist
upon the average men having a great
err share than now of the good things
which by his labor are produced. But
we intend also TO work for a broader
and kindlier charity of relationship
as between man and man.
1.-The Progressive platform has really
faced the local issues of today. 1t has
done this as regards the trusts. re-
CARDS the rights of labor, as regards the
tariff l do not see how the people of
New England can for one moment sup
port either the Republican or the
Democratic tariff platform. Remem-
Der that when / use the word Re-
publican now. l do not refer to the rank
and file of the Republican party, but to
the bosses who have usurped the con-
troll of the machinery of the party. The
Republican proposal is a tariff for privi-
lege i'm industry. The Democratic pro-
posal is a tariff for the destruction of in
dustry. The Progressive proposal is
tariff in tlfe interest of labor in industry
AT the time when the Payne-Aldrich
bill was put through Congress it was
by private men who ought to know that
the cotton schedule, for instance, was
written by then private citizen of
Rhode Island. now a senator from your
State Mr. Lippitt. and Mr.. Lippitt was
credited with making the statement Mr.
Aldrich had been good to him. The
Republican purpose is to have future
tariffs written by the Mr.. Lippitts of the
party, or else by the party leaders VINO
are good TO the Mr.. Lippitt The Demo-
cratic proposal is to hurt the Mr.. Lip
pitts by hurting everybody, big and lit
tie. connected with the industries which
have built up states like the New Eng
land states. Our proposal is not merely
to reform schedules of the tariff but to
reform the methods and purposes of tar
If making
We propose to reduce the various
schedules as to which the duty Is un-
doubtedly too high. We propose to deal
with the tariff schedule by schedule In
accordance with the reports of a non
partisan commission of experts who shall
make their reports. not on the theory of
being good to somebody, but with the
theory of doing justice primarily to the
American wage worker and the American
consumer
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