The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1912-08-06

toward social and industrial DETER
ment. and true industrial democracy
this attitude on the part of the courts
is of grave portent, because privilege
has intrenched itself in many courts
just as it formerly intrenched itsel'
in many legislative bodies and in many
executive offices. Even in England
where the constitution is based upo7
the theory of the supremacy OF tht
legislative body over the courts, the
cause of democracy has at times beer
hampered by court action. In a It
cent book by notable English Liberia
leader, Mr.. L. T. Hobhouse, there oc-
ours the following sentences dealing
with this subject:
Labor itself had experienced the flll
brunt of the attack. 1t had come, MOI
from the politicians, but from the
judges: but in this country We have &c
realize that within wide limits the
judges are in effect legislators, ana
legislators with certain perslstehs
bent which can be held in check only
by the constant vigilance and repeat
ed efforts of the recognized organ TOT
the making and repeal of law.
1t thus appears that even in England
it is necessary to exercise vigilance III
order to prevent reactionary thWartlhS
of the popular will by courts that arc
subject to the power of the legislature
In the United States, where the courts
are supreme over the legislature II is
vital that the people should keep IN
their own hands the right OF inter
ureting their own constitution WHEN
their public servants differ as to the
Interpretation.
am we'll aware that every upnoloei
of privilege. every hired agent or bene-
dciary of the special interests lncIuC-
ing many well-T1eaning parlor reform :
ers will denOunce all this as SoCIdl-
ISM or anarchy same terms
ct in dpnOIlnCln2
the movements to control the railways
and to control public utilities. AS
matter of fact, the propositions L make
constitute neither anarchy nor Soclai-
ism. but on the contrary, corrective
to socialism and an antidote to anarchy
Justice to the Wage Workers.
7 especially challenge the attention or
the people to the need of dealing IN 1ar-
reaching fashion with our human re-
sources and therefore our labor power.
Ir century and a quarter as a nation
the American people have subdued ana
settled the vast reaches of continent;
ahead lies the greater task OF pulldlhs
upon this foundation, by themselves,
for themselves, and with themselves,
an American commonwealth which in
its social and economical structure
shall be four square with democracy
With England striving to make good
the human wreckage to which scrap
heap Sch6n6 OF HAS I6iV-
gated her, with Germany putting the
resources of an empire at
the work of developing her crafts and
industrial sciences, with the Far East
placing in the hands of its millions the
tools invented and fashioned by West
ern civilization, it behooves Americans
to keep abreast of the great industrial
changes and to show that the people
themselves, through popular self-gov-
can meet an age of crisis with
wisdom and strength.
In the last twenty years an increas-
ing percentage of our people have come
to depend on industry for their liveli-
hood, so that today the wage-workers
in industry rank in Importance side by
side with the tillers of the soil. AS
people We cannot afford to let any
group of citizens or any individual cit1-
zen live or labor unde-' conditions which
are injurious to the common welfare.
Tnustry. therefore, must submit to
such public regulation as will make it a
means of life and health, not of death
Dr. inefficiency. We must protect the
crushable elements at the base of our
present industrial structure.
The first charge on the industrial
of the day is to prevent
human waste. The dead weight of or
ohanage and depleted craftsmanship, Of
crippled workers and workers suffering
from trade diseases, of casual labor, of
insecure old age. and of household de-
pIetion Que to industrial conditions are,
like our depleted soils, our gashed
and flooded river bot
toms, so many strains upon the ma
tional structure, draining the reserve
of all industries and showing
beyond all peradventure the public ele-
nent and public concern in industrial
health.
Ultimately we desire to use the gov
eminent to aid, as far as can safely be
lone, in helping the industrial tool
users to become in part tool-owners, |
Just as our farmers now are. Ulti- |
nately the government may have to
oin more efficiently than at present in
the hands of the work. |
ngmen who already stand at a high !
evel. industrially and socially, and |
who are able by joint action to serve |
themselves. But the most pressing and |
need is to deal with the |
asses of those who are on the level. and |
who are not only in need themselves, |
nut because of their need, tend to jeop- |
trdiZe the welfare of those who are |
better off. We hold that under no in |
lustrial order. in no commonwealth, m |
10 trade and in no establishment |
conditions inimical to the social well
are. The abnormal, ruthless, spend
hrift industry or establishment tends
o drag down all to the level of the
east considerable
Here the sovereign responsibility of
he people as a whole should be placed I
'eyond all bubble and dispute.
The public needs have been we'll j
as follows:
1. We hold that the public has a
light to complete knowledge of the
acts of work.
2. On the basis of these facts and
With the recent discoveries of physi-
ians and neurologists, engineers and
the public can formulate
occupational standards be-
ow which, demonstrably, work can
'e prosecuted only at a human deficit.
3. In the third place, we hold that
IL Industrial conditions which fall be-
Ow such standards should come with
n the scope of governmental action