Franklin's paper the statesman., 1912-02-10

ing large liberties with his past both in
the direction of adoption and that of re-
pudiation. AS an American he can exer-
else the rights of mental republican
He can begin anywhere and claim any
thing. The question is therefore whether
or not the Negro wishes to have a sepa-
rate history. apart from the general his
tory OF this country, what justification
there is other than the purely sentimental
reasons he sometimes gives himself and
the wholly unjustifiable reasons usually
given him for having a separate tradition
in contrast or addition to the tradition he
can acquire and claim as an American.
enjoying theoretically at least all Of the
benefits of free education and democratic
institutions.
For very different reasons and very d.
verse hopes then the speaker found him
self forced to believe in race history
and a race culture. The desire to preserve
our past commits us to a racial conscious
ness and requires of the development
of a sense for corporate interests and des
TIMES. Indeed the tendencies and facts
which threaten the solidarity and perpe-
tuity Of a distinct Negro tradition in this
country may prove the ultimate stumbling
blocks in the way of our progress. The
historical dilemma of the American Ne
gro is the painful position Of standing be-
tween two heritages, one lost the other
not fully acquired the one something for
which we have as yet no definite use and
the other something which may not have
permanent satisfaction for US.
This situation IL both the price and the
reward OF the Negroes unique history.
Later he may be as anxious to take the
advantages OF the alternatives he is at
present to escape the disadvantages of
this situation. Our intellectual and spir-
3tual problems have a different point of
origin from social or political econom-
10 issues we face. and they are as likely
TO have a different solution. History and
culture, at all events, are known only as
the attributes OF nations and races. One
cannot raise the question Of history with
out raising the question of race or ma
ttonality.
Any one who surveys at all closely tho
estate Of culture or the feld of history
will Hoc that 1t has Its fences and propri-
stary rights. quite material in their
way a. the fences and property deeds of
any civtli1ed community. They will
that no people has acquired a passport to
culture. citizenship and the exchange civil
tiles Of civilization until II has cultivated
its own land. its own tradition and evolved
It's own culture. A people that proceeds
upon any other assumption Is threatened
under the present facts at least with the
fate Of mental pariahs. Race is not only
the key to history. Disra eli said; 1t is
the mast legitimate and indisputable claim
to education and culture.
We as Negroes need to distinguish
sharply between the claim of education
and the claim Of a mental birthright 1t
may even be that we shall have to choose
between them on certain occasions. Ger
fainly we must always bear the distinction
In mind. The very accidents of our birth
and history make for us claim upon a
civilization and heritage of ideas which
no amount Of mental 1ugglery and self
sought nystf6cation can conceal from us
as not ours In the same literal sense that
It Is the hereditary culture and history of
Aryan peoples This is the cruz of the
problem from the side of education and