The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1912-06-13
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.

Another object of the Constitution
take to be such as is common to all
written constitutions of free govern
ments, that is, to fix limits to delegated
authority, or in other words to impose
constitutional restraints on political
power. Some who esteem themselves
Republicans, seem to think no other
security for public liberty necessary
than a provisions for a popular choice
of rulers. If political power be dele
gated Power they entertain little fear
of its being abused. The peoples SER
wants and favorites, they think, may
be safely trusted. Our fathers certainly
were not of this school. They sought
to make assurance doublv sure by pro-
viding, in the first place, for the cleo
ton of political agents by the people
themselves at short intervals; and, in
the next place by prescribing constitu
tional restraints on all branches Of this
delegated authority. 1t is not among
the circumstances of the time most
ominous for good that diminished est
mate appears to be placed on those cor
stitutional securities. A disposition is
but too prevalent to substitute personal
confidence for legal restraint; to put
trust in men rather than in principles
and this disposition being strongest, as
it most obviously is, whenever party
spirit prevails to the greatest extent, it
is not without reason that fears are
entertained Of the existence of a spirit
/ tending strongly to an unlimited, fit be
! an elective government.
/ Surely, gentlemen, this Government
can 20 through no such change. Long
before the change could take place, the
/ Constitution would be shattered to
/ pieces and the Union Of the States be-
/ come matter Of history, To the Union,
/ therefore, as well as to civil liberty, to
every interest which we enjoy and value,
to all that makes US proud of our coun-
try, or which renders our country love-
/ ly in our eyes, or dear to our hearts,
nothing can be more repugnant, nothing
more directly destructive than excess
sivc, unlimited, unconstitutional conf
dence in men; nothing worse than the
doctrine that official agents may inter-
pref the public VIII in their own way,
in defiance Of the Constitution and the
laws; or that they may set up anything
for the declaration Of that will except
the Constitution and the laws them
selves; or that any public official,
high or low, should undertake to con
stitute himself or call himself the repre-
sentative Of the people except so far as
the Constitution and the laws create
and denominate him such representa-
tive. There is no Usurpation 50 danger
Gus as that which comes in the borrowed
name Of the people. If from some other
authority or other source prerogatives
be attempted to be forced upon the peo-
pie, they naturally oppose and resist it.
1t is an open enemy, and they can easily
suhdue il. But that which processes to
act IN their own name, and by their
authority, that which calls itself their
/ servant, although it exercises their
power without legal right or constitu-
tional sanction, requires something
more of vigilance 10 detect and some
/ thing more Of stern patriotism to re-
press; and if it be not seasonably both
detected and depressed, then the republic
is already in the downward path Of those
which have gone before it..
mold, therefore, gentlemen, that a
strict submission by every branch Of
the government to the limitations and
restraints of the Constitution is of the
very essence of all security for the
preservation of liberty, and that no one
can be true and intelligent friend of
that liberty who will consent that any
man in public station, whatever he may
think Of the honesty of his motives,
shall assume to exercise an authority
above the Constitution and the laws.
Whatever government is not a govern
ment Of laws is despotism, let it be
called what it may. Address at Ban
gor, Maine, by Daniel Webster, in 1885.
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