The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1912-08-07

1t is obvious that the changes we
make would be made only at such
rate and in such a way as will least
Interfere with the normal and health
full course of commerce and manufac-
ture. But we shall notion that ac-
count act with tirniditys as if We did
not know our own minds, for we are
certain of our ground and of our OBJ
ject. There should be an immediate
revision and it should be downward,
unhesitatingly and steadily downward.
Nation Is Rich.
1.-THE nation as a nation has grown
immensely rich. She is justly proud
OF her industries and of the genius of
her men of affairs. They can master
anything they set their minds to and
we have been greatly stimulated un-
der their leadership and command.
Their laurels are many and very green
We must accord them the great hon
ors that are their due and we must
preserve what they have built up for
us. But what of the other side of
the picture? 1t is not as easy for us
to live as it used to be. Our money
will not buy much. High wages
even when we can get them, yield US
no great comfort. We used to be
better off with less, because a dollar
could buy much more. The majority
of us have been disturbed to find our
selves growing poorer, even though
our earnings were slowly increasing.
Prices climb faster than we can push
are not fixed by the competitions Of
the market, or by the ancient law CT
supply and demand which is to be
found stated in all the primers of
economies but by private arrange
ments with regard to what the supply
should be and agreements among the
producers themselves. Those who
buy are not even represented by
counsel The high cost of living is
arranged by private understanding.
I'VE naturally ask ourselves, how
did these gentlemen get control OF
these things? Who handed our econo-
mic laws over to them for legislative
and contractual alteration? We have
in these disclosures still another view
of the tariff, still another proof that,
not the people OF the United states
have been partners in that leg1sla-
ton.
The Labor Question.
ssThe so-called labor question is
question only because we have not yet
fonnd the rule of right in adjusting the
interests of labor and capital. Here,
again the sense of universal partner
shin must come into play if we are to
act like statesmen, as those who serve |
not a class. but a nation
The working people OF Amerlca-h
thew must be distinguished from the |
that constitutes the rest of 1t |
are. of course, the backbone of the |
nation No law that safeguards their /
life. that improved the physical and |
moral conditions under which they live, |
that makes their hours of labor ra-
tional and tolerable, that gives them |
freedom to act in their own interests
and that protects them where they can |
not protect themselves, can properly be |
regarded as class legislation or as any
thing but as a measure taken in the |
interest of the whole people, whose |
partnership in right action we are try
ing to establish and make real and |
practical. 1t is in this spirit that we |
shall act if we are genuine spokesman |
of the whole country.
The Currency.
I'm dealing with the complicated and
7ifficult question of the reform of our
banking and currency laws, it is plain
that we ought to consult very many
persons besides the bankers, not be-
cause we distrust the bankers, but be-
cause they do not necessarily compre-
bend the business of the country, not
they are Indispensable
servants of it and may do vast deal
to make it hard or easy. No mere
bankers plan will meet the require
ments. no matter how honestly conceiv-
ed 1t should be a merchants and
farmers plan as well, elastic in the |
hands of those who use it as in
part of their daily bust
ness
I'm dealing with the Philippines, we
should not allow ourselves to stand
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