The daily telegram. [volume] (Clarksburg, W. Va.) 1901-1926, 1912-03-01

for self government. Says the Dis
patch;
The advocacy OF the full doctrine
of the initiative. referendum and re-
call is pushed to the length OF a -
markable allegation. It has pro.
ceded to the point Of asserting that
those opposed to these methods do
not believe that the people are qual-I
fled to govern Themselves. This
practically asserts the nostrums are
essential to self-goYernment by the
peoples and the essential inference
is that the people Of the United
States have not self-goyernmentI
now. Only the most reckless
would make the assertion that the
people have not at present the right
and power Of governing, for every
intelligent man knows the contrary
to be true.
Colonel Roosevelt in his Colum-
bus speech furnished the refutation.
of this assertion, though he did not
seem to be aware of the fact. He
cited Lincoln's criticism of the bred
Scott decision and asserts that Lin
coin secured recall on the decision.
But what he omitted to say was
that the means by which Lincoln
and -overruled the bred
Scott decision were exactly the
means now open to every party or
political leader. Since Lincoln,
without dreaming of the initiative,
referendum and RECALL, was able to
overturn the Dred Scott decision
under the existing constitution, it is
plain that the assertion that the
people have not power to govern
themselves is a gross Pigment of i'm
agination.
The difference between the con-
stitutional system as now estab-
lished and the socialistic democracy
as advocated by the radical class is
this: The constitutional system is
that the people shall, govern them
selves by methods which insure that
Iany popular command for vital
change Of policy shall be a deliber-
ate and sustained decision and not
the whim of the moment. The So
cialistic4D Democratic idea is that
when a tide of popular feeling OF
misunderstanding shall be strong
enough it may overturn the most
important policies or state under.
takings at a single election.
What this means can be illus
\ trated by some potential examples.
In the latter part of 1852 and the
first half of 1853 there was. a great
deal of doubt and encouragement in
the North over the Civil war. 1t is
quite possible that If the peace party
had possessed the right to call for
a referendum on continuing the war
there would have been a majority
against the war and this nation
would have been divided. In the
Revolutionary war, Just before and
Immediately after the winter at
Valley Forge, it is hardly doubtful
that a popular vote would have been
in favor of submitting to George
LII on the best terms that could be
got; in which case we would now
be colony of England. The fact
that popular discomfort could not
recall or reverse governmental pol
icy by a single election in those
struggles can be credited with the
result that we are today the creates!
nation in the world.
1t is a favorite assertion with the
radical advocates of these measures
that those opposing them are reac-
tionaries. The fact is that the sup
porters of the initiative, referendum
and recall are the most extreme re.
dictionaries of the age. They pro-
pose to practically go bact to the
democracy of ATHENS, where the
people in their assemBlages would
appoint generals and remove them,
would authorize expeditions and re-
call them before they had done their
work. The disastrous failue Of this
system created the belief that ruled
for subsequent centuries that the
people could not govern themselves.
This government was founded on
the belief that the people can gov
ern themselves If care is taken that
their judgments shall be sustained
and deliberate and not the prevail
ing within of the day the election is
held. If a modern example is.
needed, the first French republic was
based on the direct rule not only Of
the people but of the mobs. IT
lasted in that form about seveaI
years and reacted into relationships
and empire. The present French
republic. based on constitutional re-
straints, has lasted forty-one years,