Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, 1912-08-09

, fiuencing of elections.
Not one dollar of this vast expendi-
ture was reflected in the statements of
any candidate. We should have laws
effective for the exposure and proven
ton of such methods
The same power was back of the
fund of nearly $500, 600 that was sent
here in April last to control our presi-
Dental primary against Wilson, and by
the use of which so much advertising
matter was printed as to absolutely
sti1e the judgment of the state and
make possible the sending to Baltimore
of a delegation whose vote was cast in
opposition to the protest of the party
against Wall street control of our party
action. Nothing should so arouse the
Indignation of Georgians as the ship
ping of foreign money here to control
our politics.
HALLS VIEWS ON PUBLIC EX-
TRAVAGANCE.
Mr.. Halls warning to the state as to
extravaganza is good. Last year, when
was pleading, item by item, in the
legislature against that extravagant APP
preparation bill, would have been a good
time for him to have Joined me in that
fight.
So excessive were those appropria-
tons that it is difficult to see at this
time how the state is going to meet its
bills in 1913. The state should take
warning on this matter, for there Is
serious trouble ahead I labored against
that bill, and my vote was cast against
it. And I appealed against it through
the press. Mr.. Hall voted for it.
CAUSE OF EXTRAvAGANT APPRo-
PRIATIONS.
One of the chief difficulties in the
-. 49,,
that is made every year between the
public institutions of the state There
are so many of these, located in so many
counties, all blind to- any need but their
own, and all Needless of the states
necessities, and so many groups of citi-
zens come clamoring in behalf of each
and denouncing as narrow-minded big
OTIS those members who try to Withstand
the flood, that their power has become
irresistible.
REMEDY is IN TIEING THE APPRO-
PRIATION TO THE TAX LEVY.
I shall insist, If elected governor, that
the tax there will be more caution shown,
priations shall be separately made the
appropriation being limited to the levy.
When that is done and the man who
votes the appropriation must also vote
tax, there will be more caution shown,
and combination between the beneficial
ries will be impossible. Unless some
such expedient is adopted, the state
cannot hold obligations down to the
revenues.
There is one other remedy. The gov
ernor can veto separate items in the APP
preparation bills. Unless these scandal
Gus combinations are abandoned he
should have the courage to exercise that
power.
PROHIBITION.
These present what I conceive to be
the chief questions now demanding at
tention, but there is one other subject
that overshadows them all and makes
adequate treatment of them impossible,
and that is the struggle between the
prohibition element of the state on the
one hand and the law-defying element
on the other, which absorbs and will
continue to absorb, the energies of the
legislature and the people until it is set
tied one way or the other.
Upon this subject I deem 1T necessary
that the bitter partisanship which has
beclouded the issue be cleared away and
the people made to see clearly what the
issue is. Because that struggle. is of
such a character that it never can be
settled till one side or the other pre-
walls; and until it Is settled the state
can never give rational consideration to
its other problems and never can ade-
quately deal with the usurpations and
aggressions of the privileged aristoc-
racy we are rapidly creating by our dan
gerous and reckless system of public
franchises.
Ny own activities recently on this
question have not been merely because 1
am a prohibitionist, but chiefly because
am a Georgian, and 1 invoke the
thoughtful and candid consideration of
the people to the real nature of the
problem.
The state patiently experimental 40
years in prohibition legislation and be-
came convinced of the efficacy and wis
dom of the policy. Then 1t passed a
statewide prohibition law in 1907 Up
to that time there was room for hon
est difference of opinion. After that
time honest men might still demand the
repeal of the law. But nobody demands
that now, and the issue is no longer for
or against prohibition, but for or
against anarchy.
ANARCHY.
Anarchy means lawlessness and the
absence Of government
Our condition is one of anarchy in
the cities and the challenge is before
the people whether the cities shall or
shall not defy the state. Upon that is
sue 1 stand for law.
The Tippins bill was not a prohibition
bill. 1t was an effort to aid the gov
GIuOE anu the cur u III the
of the states majesty Upon the ques-
ii On, stand for the honor of the state
The issue presented is-whether there
shall be one law for the cities and
another for the country and the towns.
Upon that I stand for equal rights to
all.
But it goes deeper. The lawlessness
of the cities finds its strength and bull
wark in the claim, not openly made but
none the less real, actually set up by
the rich and idle classes that they are
and ought TO be above the law. Upon
that issue I stand for the same treat
ment to rich and poor alike.
CLUBS CLAIM SPECIAL. PRIVILEGE
They can not disguise that issue. The
rich clubs are violating the law. They
refuse to obey il. They are willing,
and many Of them say So to indict
and prosecute the common criminals
who follow their example and take shell
ter under ii. But they demand and en-
joy immunity for themselves, and it
is utterly hopeless to expect the law
TO be enforced against the common