Arizona sentinel and Yuma weekly examiner., 1912-03-21

11cl11llIOh p1Olh NONA0ON NhS
 scheme of a congressional caucus to
 nominate candidates, and arrange an
 understanding by which the Federal
 ist electors in 1796 were to divide
 their votes between Adams and Pinck-
 ney. The congressional caucus re
 mained in power for twenty eight
 years. It selected the candidates, and
 the electors merely ratified the choice
 of the caucus. By means of this eau
 GUS Jefferson was enabled to pass the
 presidency along to Madison; then
 Jefferson and Madison gave it to
 Monroe The caucus was not crushed
 until 1924, when Crawford's nomina-
 tion was repudiated by Jackson's SUD-
 porters, and the election of a Presi-
 dent was again thrown into the house
 of representatives.
 Following the caucus came the na-
 tional convention, which did not fully materialize until 1882. The first dem-
 ocratic national convention was em- ployed by Jackson as means of mak- ing Van Buren vice president. The second national convention was like wise controlled by Jackson, who used it as an instrument to appoint Van Buren his successor in the presidency.
 The convention method, regarless of the letter and spirit of the consti-
 tuition has continued in force ever since No presidential elector would dare exercise the independent judg- ment which the framers of the consti- stution intended and expected he would exercise. Although we have been disregarding since the beginning of the republic the method of choos- ing a president which the fathers de- vised, we are expected to believe that republican institutions will crumble if we fail to forever to respect an un- written mandate which they refuse to incorporate into the organic law.
 We are told that the reelection of any president to a third term would mean the Mexicanization of the United States, but two of the democratic pres idents who have been canonized by their party-Jefferson and Jackson named their successors when they themselves retired from office-some- thing no living king or kaiser would be allowed to do
 The chief function of the third term inhibition has been not to protect re- publican institutions but to get some | body into office or out of office. In Grants day, when the cry of Caesar" was raised and the republic was pie tured as rushing toward the precipice | 0 despotism, it became a national cult
 There were excellent reasons why Grant should not have a third term; indeed, why he should not have had | a second term. His reputation might | be higher if he had never been presi- dent at all; but four years more of Grant at worst would have meant on y four years more of bad government. The Hero of Appamatox was anything put a Caesar So far as the third term movement concerned him, he vas hardly more than a pawn in the ludacious game of politics played by Roscoe Conkling.
 In spite of Roosevelts emphatic declaration, it is by no means certain hat the voters will take him at his word. Senator Hansbrough remarks hat 'the interests of the republican )arty and the entire country may be paramount to the presidents personal wishes in the matter" If the people 'eally want MT. Roosevelt they are likely to take him, tradition or no tra- Iition.
 Whether the custom on which MT. roosevelt bases his refusal is wise 1T not depends entirely upon circum- tances. i: the country were in the g nidst of a great war or a great social f nd economic upheaval it might be he extreme of unwisdom to change residents. There may be times when l very argument that can be advanced | I favor of a second term will apply ( 7ith equal force to a third.
 Our own opinion is that if the 16,- , OO,OOO voters, supported by the con- :: by congress and by the Uni ed States Supreme Court, and in control of all the machinery nomination and election, cannot 'ithout the assistance of an "unwrit- Il en law protect the republican insti- 0 ltions from presidential usurption, le country will never be saved by Il lyths and tradition. FAR FIR EbGH mn hR p p