Washington standard. [volume] (Olympia, Wash. Territory) 1860-1921, 1912-09-20

Observation-Disclosures.



become the instrument of Industrial
Seryitude. America seeks for It's
Workingmen shorter hours, higher
wages, and better working conditions
as the fruits of industrial democracy;
but the new party offers them as a
substitute for industrial democracy.
1t asks us to abandon the American
ideal of industrial liberty and to es-
tablish the German practice OF beno-
violent industrial despotism-to en-
throne monopoly made good by law.
,, The country was Mortified recently
by the discovery that the steel trust
which had paid fabulous sums to pro-
moters and stockholders, worked
many of its employees twelve hours a
day seven days in the week-worked
them, too at such low wages that, even
if a man toiled his twelve hours each
of the 365 days in the year, he could
not earn enough to provide a decent
! living for small family. The doc
| trine of legaliZed monopoly threatens
TO perpetuate the cause which made
such conditions possible and which
must breed similar evils in the future.
That cause is the huge, overwhelming
power of the great trusts, the mex
haustible resources of organized cap
ital, which enable it to prevent the
organization of labor and to make the
term ironmaster a realty. America
must breed only free men. 1t must de-
velop citizens. 1t cannot develop I'M
less the workingman possesses indus
trial liberty; and industrial liberty for
the workingman is impossible If the
right to organize be denied. Without
the right to organize, short hours, high
wages, and the best of working con-
ditions, whether introduced by legisla-
ton or by the welfare departments of
great corporations can do no more
! than make sldUery luxurious.
The great trusts have made the eX-
termination of organized labor
the foundation of their administration.
The labor policy of the Steel Trust is
not exceptional. The Harvester Trust,
the Beef Trust, the Smelter Trust, the
Tobacco Trust, the Sugar Trust, and
many others can all boast of their
triumphs over organized labor. Denial
| to labor of the right to combine is a
policy common to the great combina-
! tions of capital; and against that
policy labor battles in vain. It's loosely
| banded ill-provisioned forces, however
valiant and self-sacrificing, are no
| match for the compact power of the
I huge trusts with the inexhaustible re-
sources of money and of brains. Too
great inequality in power is necessar-
lily destructive of liberty-be it polit-
| ical or industrial. There is but one
choice. We must keep democracy, or
we must pass rapidly on to State So
cialism.
(Note:-This supplements the ed
| itOrial on Regulated or LOCALIZED
| Monopoly" reprinted in the STANDARD
] last week, in which Golfers endorsed
I the Democratic plan of regulating
monopoly in preference to the Bull
Moose idea of legalizing it,
| The Eastern Elections.
Monroe MonitorTranscript, Repub-
| lican.)
There is no question but that the
elections in Kansas and Vermont and
Maine and the primaries in Michigan
and California and Washington have
already thrown shadow over the
Roosevelt candidacy and proven that
he is not nearly SO popular as he was
two or three months ago when all of
those states showed bull moose lean
ings greatly in excess of that shown
within the past two weeks.
| And. the cold water thrown now will
probably get colder as the people get
to soberly thinking over conditions
and they will be doubly careful about
disrupting what they already have
for chimera that processes cure for
every ill.
Roosevelt and POpulism.
(Elma Chronicle, Republican,
Theodore Roosevelt is expecting q
big farmer vote at the coming national
election. The reason is that the plat.
form of the Progressive party Is much
like the platform of the old Populist
party, and Roosevelt thinks all the
erstwhile Populists will come flocking
around his banner This illustrates
once more the amazing conceit of the
man and the depths he will descend to
win the favor of the individual voter
In this campaign the emblem of the
Progressive party is the bandana hand
kerchief and Roosevelt, at heart and
| LII dCIlOA OIL al lStOCldtp oQOptCU tudk
emblem to win the dear people to him
Yet this same man has said that the
best people are found in the upper
crust Of our cities, and that our great.
est men come from them.
In 1896 Roosevelt, then a blue.
blooded New York aristocrat, wrote a
pamphlet attacking Populism. With
his usual disregard of truth and love
of phrase-making he declared that
one principle of Populism was that no
man should pay his debts and that
Populists never took baths. He not
only scored the individual members
of the party, but he attacked the Pop.
ulist platform, and now, in less than q
score of years he is running on much
of that same platform and trying to
get the votes of the men he declared
did not pay their debts or battle. In
other words he Is after the votes at
any cost, and he will turn any kind of
a political somersault to get the
ballots.
1t may also be of interest to farm
ers to know what Roosevelt really
thinks of the agricultural classes. In
one of his books he tells of the cow
boys, and says they are a rough,
drunken, law-breaking set of men, and
then he adds that with all their faults
they are to be preferred to the farmer.
| . .
Lincoln County for Todd.
Davenport Tribune, Democratic.)
Hugh Todd should be proud of the
vote given him by old Lincoln county
friends, and these same friends are
praying right now that the apparent
closeness of the contest will result
in his favor. Todd's nomination
means his election and his election
means better administration of
state affairs.
Wilson in Lead, Says Correspondent.
Seattle st-Intelligencer.)
An Eastern correspondent who trav-
eled across the continent with Col.
Roosevelt, making note of the little
stir the Bull Moose leader created in
Seattle, especially the lack of enthus-
iasm attending his ride through the
streets and absence of crowd, said:
Il