New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1912-08-04

tnat Kind which. so long as IL Is pri-
Fate' can be censurcd by nobody might
In print give rise to critical remarks,
ana IL was not thought prudent 10 ac-
cept Str Hudson's challenge. The
| Peerage was duly conferred, but the
party treasury was not a penny the
richer. II the story is true, Lord
Davenport had stood out for prin-
clple of political purity which not every
candidate for title thinks It neces-
sary TO uphold. whether Liberal or
Unionist
The Port of London Authority is u
body created by statute in f90S-Port
Of London Act, s Edward VII. ch. GS-
for the purpose Of administering, pre-
serving and improving the Port of
London. II was meant 20 collect in
one strong hand divers powers and
authorities heretofore separate, some
times conflicting and not always eff1-
Gent In respect Of the interests Of the
Port of London as a whole. From the
invaluable Whitaker's Almanac, which
all OF us often use and seldom quote,
copy the following description Of the
transfer:
The following undertakings were
transferred 10 the Port Authority as
from the Sist March, 1909: Thames
Conservancy (all rights. powers and
duties OF the Conservators of tho
Thames in respect Of the river below
Teddington); London ana India Docks
Company; Surrey Commercial Dock
Company: Mll~all Dock Company,
and watermens Company, except GER
tain property and funds"
The Authority consists Of 80 mem
bers. j. appointed and IS elected;
except that all the elected members
were, in the fret instance, appointed
by the Board OF Trade. The Admiralty
names one member, the Board OF Trade
three. the Corporation OF London two,
the London County Council four and
Trinity House one. 1t became at once
one Of the largest, I suppose the
! largest, employers Of labor in London.
and when the transport workers struck
they struck In effect against the
Authority as well as against other enl-
ployers 1t is nevertheless admitted
that against the Authority the strikers
had no grievance.
| The strike was Of a nature to par
alyze the shipping trade OF London.
That was its intent. As In the rail-
way and coal mine strikes, the trade
unions made war on society The only
pretext they could put forward was
their claim that q single worker should
join q particular union. Upon that
they declared strike and called out
( 10000 workmen OF more. After the
men had come out one complaint after
another was trumped up. But the real
object Of their man9uvre was TO com
pei all workers 10 join a union. 20 pro-
hibit the employers from engaging a
man who had not the Federation
ticket" which Is the accepted badge OF
slavery 10 the Union, and to prevent
BY violence the working Of any non
unionists. The form Of violence prac-
tised Is called peaceful picketing."
which IL legaiized by the Trades Dis
putes Act; piece OF legislation de-
vised and passed by the present Min
istry in obedience to the demands OF
their labor allies in the House Of Com
mons and in the electorate.
This peaceful picketing' consists
partly in intimidation, partly in savage
attacks on non-unionist workmen and
on their houses, their wives and their
! children. II has filed the hospitals
with victims and the police courts with
the "pickets hundreds OF cases
IL all. The Government has given q
measure Of protection; never adequate,
but under pressure OF public opinion In
creasing In efficiency. as the figures
show. On May o. after the strike had
broken out. one ship, and only one. was
being unloaded, and 266 men we're at
work. On July II the number OF
ships had risen 70 168 and of workfnen
20 1903. do not hesitate TO say that
this increase was due 10 Lord Devon
port moro than 70 all other men to-
gether. He was supported by the great
employers. Policy and methods were
left TO him. He supplied the working
ability and the courage; and courage
and patient fortitude, both Of q high
order, were needed.
Every kind OF influence has been used
to induce Lord Davenport 10 give way
Bishops and other well meaning men
have pleaded in the name Of charity.
Ministers. from the Prime Minister
downward, besought him to yield.
There were appeals, conferences, de-
bates, and finally party vote In the
House Of Commons in favor Of sur
render, or-which Is much the same
thing-an agreement by Lord Devon
port TO submit to some Of the defeated
strikers demands as a condition OF
their return. TO all alike he said no.
The strike was a deliberate attempt on
the part Of MT. Gosling and other trade
union leaders to put their own author
ity above the law, and TO make the
Transport Workers Federation gu
preme over employers and men alike IN
the East End Of London.
Mr.. Costing and Mr.. Orbell. two Of
the strike leaders, are actually mem