The Richmond Virginian. (Richmond, Va.) 1910-1920, 1912-10-06
syowed antitrust policies of both the
other parties Mr. President"
~ 60 Antitrust Policies.

I er Governor Wilson nor any other OF
/ the authorized Democratic campo ign
/ ers. thus Ear has made his party pro-
! gram on that question clear to me or
anybody else with whom | have talk
ed. Ia the vague light they have
thrown on IL ] am unable to tell what
they are promising On that score.
But the Progressive party's anti
trust plank L. probably the least de-
feasible plank in the entire platform.
''In effect Ii Is the old Roosevelt
scheme to divide trusts irto Two class
es--good trusts and bad trusts--and
have a pa.cruaI government at Wash
tngton spank the bad trusts and re-
ward The e. cd ones''
our program on this question is
clear-cnt and definite. I would retain
the present antitrust law, but would
favor the voluntary federal incorpora-
ton of all corporations doing an in ~
fCrstate bsiness under a law to be en-
acted nv ihe cor gross winch might
denounce certain iniuri ans methods OF
/ busnesis and competition az misde-
meanofs
From all Of this, with the decisions
of the courts il would lie asy for cor
roratIOns 10 KIN w the correct rule Of
action for them, They Guild know
exactly what We're their r.sht2 and
/ what wefe their obligations 4 board
could be created to see to il that they
7 complied with the rules ln any cage
where this board s. action might be
I Of doubtful legality or constitutions
atty an appeal to the courts for re
I view OF its action would lie.
( A Club of Tremendous Power.
But the Progressive partys pro-
/ gram would empower a board or com
mission appointed hy the Executive
| TO have exclusive supervision over
regulation of everything that body SO
appointed might classify as an injuri-
Gus trust,
! This would place IN the hands OF
/ the Executive and his commission
/ discretionary power dangerous be
/ cause so capable Of tyranoHs use
favor q line Of distinction between
/ good corporations ana bad corpora
! tons OF a uniform character estab-
i lfshed by law and statute, and capable
( Of definition, limitation and enforce
ment by the courts.
The ProEresstve idea IL 10 leave
! this line of distinction to the discre-
/ ton Of an Executive tribunal to de-
teruine each case according TO cir
1 cumstances and the general view Of
/ the commission as TO public interest
and benefit
/ Such a commission. acting under
an ambitious Executive, would arrow
TO be an instrument of tyranny and
dangerous in the extreme" .....
Strong for Income Tax
! DO you Mr.. President, regard the
I Constitution. which both the Demo
I cratic and Progressive parties are
seeking TO amend in several parti-
culars. perfect"
Tn broad sense / do not; for do
I not myself favor two important
amendments. and am / not doing all
4 | can to bring them about ! refer to
! the income tax and the popular cleo
/ ton of Senators. The Republican par
j tN4 in Congress aud the majority Of the
states in which it is dominant is com
united TO those two amendments
Il have heartily co-operated in the
I work Of so presenting them to the
people that both questions will he
so thoroughly understood that the
electorate will authorize the adoption
of the income tax amendment and the
one for the popular election of sena-
/ tors
If am president when the income
tax amendment Is adopted land I'M
less there Is unforeseen delay that viii
carry It's adoption over 1917, | don't
see why | should not bet will he
come my pleasant duty to recommend
to the congress the enactment of APP
proximate legislation To give force and
effect TO the amendment
u have not yet been able 10 form
n, hXed Judgment as To where the line
Tor the tax ttiln of incomes should he
drawn That II the most difficult
part of the problem to solve. In de-
AF,tp
erned by consideration much higher
than the mere amount OF revenue the
tax viii bring. The limitation should
he so fixed as to make the tax touch
the greatest possible number of ctti-
zens without imposing hardship upon
any OF them. This ought to he done
I chieify To arouse their keen, alert,
personal interest in the operations Of
their government at Washington.
Direct taxes always have the effect
of making those who pay them watch
sharply the expenditure of revenue.
10 make my meaning clear. take as
a simple illustration the custom in
some communities Of levying a special
road tax. You can rely upon It that
every person compelled to pay that
tax witt insist upon being shown what
has been done with the money If
1 he doesn't get good roads when he
knows he is paying for them he will
vote against the road administration
at the first opportunity and put In
"A new administration pledged to make
proper use Of lis money, any he will
do this irrespective OF whether or
not the administration he is turning
out belongs to his party.
AS in the case of country road
building, so it. would be in a larger
and much more important sense OF
! the administration of affairs at Wash
| ington. Every man and woman who
| had paid an income tax would re-
quire of the congress and the presi-
/ dent strict accounting of the use TO
which their money had been put, how
1t had beer employed for the best
I interest Of each and the country at
/ large. If 1t had been economically or
eNtravagantly appropriated and ex-
: pended, and SO forth
/ Rich Must Pay Their share
y heartily favor the levying Of
graduated income tax I would not
carry the principle to the point of
conftscntion or 10 the discourageme mt
/ OF enterprises and thrift in the ac-
eumuiation of fortunes hut L. certain
ly would insist upon milionaires with
enormous incomes bearing their Just
proportion of the tax, If, say the
( limitation were fixed at incomes OF
two or three thousand dollars on
Cne per cent basis would haye the