Semi-weekly herald., 1912-06-24

humor will account for much. The
national optimism undoubtedly comes
into play. The human interest in
good fight should be taken into ac-
count. But, obviously, it would be
sorry thing for democracy if the calm
attitude of the masses, in the face of
a furious political struggle, is to be
accounted for either by popular in
difference or by popular preoccupa-
tion with personal affairs or by popu-
lar inability to take things seriously.
Well, there is, in fact, another phase
of popular thought that must be taken
into consideration. If the great body
of the people refuses to be impressed
by the hysteria of the politicians, it
is because, ingrained in the popular
consciousness, lies the belief that such
manifestations are necessary in
cident to the proper working of the
Democratic machine. We may call it
optimism if we will, but it is not an
unintelligent optimism which holds
that, in spite of imperfect function
ing, in spite of the occasional frus-
tration of majorities or oppression of
minorities, our political system works,
in the long run, towards justice and
democracy.
If Mr.. Roosevelt had been a man
of years in 1861, endowed with the
same energies, the same views, and
the same methods as today, he would
have denounced Abraham Lincoln as
highwayman and usurper, because
President Lincoln was the choice of
In the case of Lincoln it happened that
our political machinery, though oper-
ating on the principle that the ma
jority should rule, produced presi
dent who fell nearly million votes
short of a majority. Before and after
Lincoln the history of the presidency
shows many striking deviations from
the ideal plan. In 1924 Andrew Jack
son obtained large plurality over
John Quincy Adams, but the latter
was chosen president by the house of
representatives. In 1888 Cleveland
had a plurality Of nearly 100000 over
Harrison, but the latter won in the
electoral college. Other men who
have been chosen president by a mi
nority of the total body of voters were
Polk, who was in a minority of $4,000;
Taylor, who was in a minority of 14O,-
900; Buchanan, who was in a minority
of 375,000; Hayes, who fell $4,000
votes below Tilden and was in a total
minority of 100000; Garfield, who had
a plurality of only 7,01S votes, and
was in a minority of 100000; Cleve-
land, in 1884, with minority of 220,-
900, and again in 1892, with a Mi
nority of nearly 100000. In the his
tory of less than ninety years we have
had ten presidents who had not be
hind them a majority of the people.
and of these, three actually drew less
votes than their unsuccessful oppcr-
ents.
But it is on record that on no occa-
sion in the history of the American
presidency has the frustrated majority
taken to barricades and guerrilla
warfare. That we play the game un-
der the rules in force, that we take
our medicine, wincing or groaning, but
take it nevertheless, is what distin-
guishes US from the Latin republics.
In more warm -blooded countries the
case of Tilden would have led to vio-
ience. With us it was part of the
game of democracy. And it is not the
mere sporting" instinct that makes
Us submit, but the broader conscious
ness that to play the game under the
rules rebounds in the last resort to
the best interests of all concerned.
After the game is over, it is quite
within ones rights to try to change
the rules, if one finds them working
for injustice. But while the rules
hold, there is no protesting against
the accidents of the game, against the
break" of luck.
And because all this is a common
place, the people today refuse to be
greatly put out by the hysteria of
the popular champions at Chicago. Be
cause the colonel has beaten Mr.. Taft
in those states where the new rules
obtain, his victories are no more lc-
gitimate than those won by Mr.. Taft
in those states where the rules under
which scores of presidential candidates
have been nominated still obtain That
Mr.. Taft's opponent is one who has
never hesitated to take advantage OF
every rule in his own favor, who has
always hit the line hard, who is even
now insisting passionately on what is
his" makes the situation only more
piquant. Mr.. Taft is playing the game
under the rules, and with good
deal of the zest advocated by Mr..
Roosevelt. 1t may be conceded that
he is less popular with the rank and
file of his party than his opponent.
But if the existing rules are such as
to enable him to minimize this dis
advantage, that, too, is part of the
game. To the great body of citizens
it is by no means a certainty that
if Mr.. Taft should be nominated tho