Hopkinsville Kentuckian. [volume] (Hopkinsville, Ky.) 1889-1918, 1912-03-28

Der Of reputable and honorable men
who down at bottom dlstrust popular
government and when they must ac-
cept II accept II with reluctance and
hedge around Il with every species Of
restriction and check and balance 20
as TO make the power OF the people az
limited and as ineffective ms possible.
Mr.. Taft fairly defines the issue when
he says that our government is and
should be a government Of all the peo-
pie by a representative part Of the peo-
pie. This Is an excellent and moderate
description OF nm oligarchy. 1t defines
our government as government OF oil
Of the people By n few Of the people.
am not speaking jokingly nor do I
mean to be unkind. for | repeat that
many honorable and well meaning men
Of high character take this view and
have taken II from the time of the for.
nation of the nation Essentially this
view IS that the constitution is strait
jacket to be used for the control Of an
unruly patient-the people. Now,
hold that this view is not only false,
but mischievous. that our constitutions
are instruments designed to secure JUS
tice by securing the deliberate but eff
fective expression Of the popular will.
that the checks and balances are valua-
able as far and only so far as they ac-
complish that deliberation and that 1t
is a warped and unworthy and improp-
er construction of our form Of gov
eminent to see in 1t only a means of
thwarting the popular will and of pre-
venting justice. Mr.. Taft says that
''every class" should have a voice in
the government That seems to be a
very serious misconception of the
American political situation. The real
trouble with us is that some classes
have had too much voice One of the
most important of all the lessons to be
taught and TO be learned is that n man
should vote not as a representative of
a class. but merely as n good citizen,
whose prime interests are the same as
those Of all other good citizens.
Taft's disbelief In the People"
Mr.. Taft again and again, in quota
tons | have given and elsewhere
through his speech, expresses his dis
belief in the people when they vote at
the polls. In one sentence he says that
the proposition gives powerful effect
to the momentary impulse Of a major
ity of an electorate and prepares the
way for the possible exercise Of the
grossest tyranny" Elsewhere he
speaks of the "feverish uncertainty"
and unstable determination" of laws
by Temporary and changing majori-
ties" and again he says that the sys-
TEN propose would result in suspen-
sion or application of constitutional
guarantees according to popular
whim," which would destroy call pos
sible consistency" in constitutional in
l should much like to
know the exact distinction that is to
be made between what Mr.. Taft calls
"the ftful impulse of a temporary ma
jority" when applied to a question such
as that raise and any other question.
Remember that under my proposal to
review a rule Of decision by popular
vote, amending or constituting to that
extent the constitution. would certainly
take at least two years from the time
Of the election Of the legislature which
passed the act. Now. only four months
elapse between the nomination and the
election of man as president, to fill
for four years the most important Of
fee in the land. In one of Mr.. Taft's
speeches he speaks Of "the voice of
the people as coming next to the voice
of God" Apparently, then, the decision
of the people about the presidency, aft
er four months elaboration. is to be
treated as next to the voice of God"
but if after two years of sober thought
they decide that women and children
shall be protected in industry. or men
protected from excessive hours of labor
under unhygenic conditions, or wage
workers compensated when they lose
life or limb in the service of others,
then their decision forthwith becomes
a "whim" and "feverish" and 'unsta-
BILE" and an exercise of 1.-THE grossest
tyranny" and the laying of the AK to
the foot of the tree of freedom" That
Is the old, old doctrine which has been
acted upon for thousands of years
abroad and which here in America has
been acted upon sometimes openly,
secretly, for forty years by
many men in public and in private
life, and / am sorry to say by many
judges; a doctrine which has in fact
tended to create q bulwark for privi-
Iege, bulwark unjustly protecting
special interests against the rights of |
the people as a whole. This doctrine |
Is to me a dreadful doctrine. for it's eff |
feet is. and can only be, to make the |
courts the shield of privilege against |
popular rights. Naturally, every up |
holder and beneficiary of crooked priv
lege loudly applauds the doctrine. 1t |
Is behind the shield Of that doctrine |
hat crooked clauses creep into laws,
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