The Barre daily times. (Barre, Vt.) 1897-1959, 1912-05-31

strength with the people; IL hau alreau.
begun to dominate and shape the cours'
of South Carolina statesmen and polt
clans, as well as it's editors, its news
paper writers, it's magazine writers, ant
its business men.
The comparison of the events II
Charlestown to the Boston Tea Party oe
Cured more than once in the agitation
that preceded secession. 1t was sol
emn assertion to the people that they
were actuated by the spirit of '76. Al
though the Massachusetts of Sumner
and Garrison was hated, her example
in the early days of the Revolution was
continually brought up to urge forward
the people of South Carolina in the patti
that should lead to independence
In the North Immediately after the
election, the Republicans were in high
] glee at their success and their companies
and battalions lent themselves handily
to great demonstrations. After a while,
it seemed as if everyone in the North
was of the Republican party, but soon
those men who were not prejudiced by
preconeeived ideas were convinced that
South Carolina would certainly secede,
and there was danger of other cotton
states following her example. The ques-
| tion then arose, What would the Repub-
leans do to prevent disunionY They
were the arbiters of the situation, and.
assuming that the sentiment of South
Carolina would drive her to secession, in
their action depended whether the out
come would be peace or war.
| When men met in the streets, in public
places or in society, the common saluta-
ton of the day and the usual talk gave
way to the question that was in every
mind; 'Do you think the South will
secedei" Beecher said: II don't be-
leve they will, and ! don't care if they
| do"
The spontaneous feeling existed in the
| North that the election had been fair,
! that the decision had been reached in Il
constitutional manner, and it was tina
duty of the South to submit to the cleo
| tion of Lincoln as the northern Dem
ocrats We're submitting to it, and as the
Republicans had submitted TO the cleo
| ton of Buchanan.
Another phase of opinion was put
forth by Horace Greeley in his New York
Tribune. In a leading article, he said;
"If the cotton states should decide that
they can do better out of the union than
in it, We insist on letting them go in
peace. The right to secede may be a
revolutionary one, but it exists, never.
theless. Whenever a considerable see
ton of the country shall deliberately
resolve to go out, we shall resist all
measures to keep it in. We hope never
to live in a republic whereof one section
is pinned to the residue by bayonets."
On the 4th day of March, 1861, MI.
Lincoln was peacefully inaugurated. His
address, to which careful heed was given
by an anxious and eager crowd, had been
carefully prepared at Springfield. With
the constitution, Henry Clay's speech OF
1850. Jackson's proclamation against
notification, and Webster's reply to-
Hayne, as authorities, he locked himself
up in a room upstairs over store,
across the street from the State House,
and amidst these dingy surroundings he
wrote his inaugural address. He submit.
ed it to his friends for approval and ad.
vice From Seward he received many
suggestions, some of which he adopted.
Lincoln now proclaimed to the country
that he had no purpose to interfere di
rectly or indirectly with slavery in the
states; he intimated that he would en-
force the fugitive slave law. He held
that, in contemplation Of universal law
and the constitution, the union Of these
states is perpetual. mo state" he con-
tinued, upon its own mere motion, can
lawfully get out of the union; resolves !
and ordinances to that effect are legally |
void; the acts of violence in any state,
or states, against the authority Of the
United States are insurrectionary or rev.
according to the circum- |
stances. To the extent of my ability, ! |
shall take care, as the constitution itself I
strictly enjoins me, that the laws of the !
union be faithfully executed in oil the I
states. In doing this there need be no
bloodshed or violence; and there shall
be none, unless it be forced upon the
national authority. The power confdel !
possess the property belonging to the
government, and to collect the duties
and imposts. But beyond what may
be necessary for these objects, there will
be no invasion, no using of force against
or among people anywhere. The mails,
unless repealed, will continue to be fur
nished in all parts of the union. One
section of our country believes that slav-
cry is right and ought to be extended.
while the other believes it is wrong and
ought not to be extended this is the
only substantial dispute. Physically
speaking we cannot separate; in your
hands, my dissatisfied fellow country
men, and not mine, is the momentous
ssue of civil war. The government VIII
not assail you. You can have no con
lct without being yourselves the ag
yressors. We are not enemies, hut
friends. We must not be enemies.
Though passion may have strained, it
must not break our bonds of affection.
The mystic cords of memory stretching
rom every battlefield and patriot grave
% every living heart and hearthstone,
III over this broad land, will yet swell
he chorus of the union, when touched,
rs they surely will be, by the better
lngels of our nature"
Conspicuous on the platform wherJ
lincoln stood was Senator Douglass, who
Wished to give notice to the country
hat he proposed to use his abilities to
the union. The inaugural was
satisfactory to the North.
and radical Republicans /
md Douglass Democrats approved of it.
{ was paper such as jackson, Clay and
Webster would have sanctioned had they ,
,een living. But in the Confederate ,
tates Lincon's inaugural was construed ,
o mean war. 1t was similarly regarded |
n Virginia, and only the unconditional |
lnionists liked it in Maryland. The |