The Richmond Virginian. (Richmond, Va.) 1910-1920, 1912-03-07
COLONEL EXPLAINS
RULE OF PEOPLE
Declares Much. Effort Has
Been Made to Fog
the Issue
IN REALITY, 1T IS
PERFECTLY SIMPLE
Admits Some Good and Hon
orable People Do Not Be-
lieve in 1t, Others Not
SO Honorable

Roosevelt laid down the gage or bat
tie and defined the stand ne VIII tane
in the campaign against PRESIDENT
raft for the Republican nomination
in an editorial which appears In the
current Issue of The Outlook.
Let me ask those who disagree
with me frankly to state whether or
not they believe that the people have
the right To rule themselves, and to
settle for themselves tn course they
wish to pursue MS regards great ana
Vita questions of public polcN, says
the eS-presidcnt.
Colonel Rooseyelt's chief argument
is directed against the criticism OF
his policy IN regard TO the recall Of
judges as declared in his platform
spe cch" before the ohio Constitutions
al Convention.
There has ben much effort made"
he said. ito fog the issue raised In
my Columbus speech. In reality, the
issue Is perfectly simple: Do you be-
liese In the rule of the people, If
Nou-dn.-Aou -Ara-N.ith -us.--1f ynu do
not, YOU are against us.
Many good and honorable persons
do not believe in the rule OF people,
and openly say So. We disagree with
ttfIcse persurs, but VIC Can respect
them. There are other persons. how
ever, who do not believe i'll the rule
of the people, but who dare not say
so, and who endeavor by trickery,
| by chicanery. by fraud 10 seem TO
give the people the right TO rule and
at the same time to dcpriYe them of
! that right. These persons We do not
respect.
earring Forward Lincoins Work.
Those who stand for the cause
Of social and industrial justice. to
be obtained through the genuine rule
of the people. are but carrying for
ward the work which dropped from
| Abra ham Lincolns hands when the
! patient tired. kindly eyes were c4osed
| forever. He strove against intrench-
! cd wrong. against privilege In the
most hateful form of his day. We in
our day. strive against hateful forms
| Of intrenched wrong and privilege.
We are not striving in bitterness Of
spirit, or with anger and hatred as
| Tar as in us lies we seek to emulate
| y bra ham Lincoins charity and kind
illness in dealing with those who. as
we believe, think enormously; but we
also endeavor 10 emulate the unnlnch-
/ ing resolutions, the answering pur-
pose. with which he fought for the
great cause of righteousness.
Abraham Lincoln respected we
judges. But he regarded them as the
servants aud not the masters of the
! people. and he believed that the peo-
pie had the right TO decide for them
sevles the great fundamental ques-
lions of public policy. upon the prop
err solution of which it depends
whether there shall OF shall not he
true social justice in the land.
/ Therefore. We hold that, as regards
| these questions OF public policy,
/ like nd lapia(a-
lures must bow 10 the sober and well
| thought out judgment of the people.
| Only Constitutional Decisions.
Let me repeat once more what ]
| have so often said--that / am not
now speaking OF ordinary cases OF
! justice between man and man, such as
| must he decided by judges here in
| America as they are decided by judges
in all other lands. / am speaking or
the action Of the court when 1t de-
| clares that "a law passed in the col
| iectiVe interest of the whole COM
munity is constitutional; and
| have especially in view the laws at
fecting human rights from a most
| vital standpont--the laws affecting
! the terms and conditions of life and
| employment among the wage work.
ers.
| If in any State the Constitution
| so clearly defined the power of the
| Legislature to act for the general
welfare as to prohibit the courts
from multiplying any law that Is con-
sonant with morality and public policy
as understood by majority Of the
| people. and if in actual practice the
courts respected such constitutional
prohibition, then there would be no
need for what l PROPOSE because
In. such case there would be full
recognition of the absolute right Of
! the. eeapleta 80 @saegiass the policy Of
| their representatives. legislative and
| judicial, in these matters-and this Is
all for which / contend.
But in actual practice / know no
| state where such conditions prevail.
Therefore. | hold that provision should
be made In the constitutions Of the
| several States which, in the event of
a clash between the Legislature and
the court as to the constitutionality
OF such legislation as have spoken
OF. SHOULD permit, the people them
selves 10 decide what~the true inter-
probation of the Constitution Is | am
not concerned with terminology.
Whether this is called a referendum
to the people or whether IL IL called
shorter and simpler way of amend
Ing the Constitution. to my mind mat
ters nothing. The essential thing Is
to get the power for the people.
Not at Mercy Of Mob.
1T IS not merely untruthful but silly
to say that such a process would
leave us at the mercy OF the mob"
Such process as ! advocate would
take at the very least two years
time. If in two years the people
cannot come to sober and deliberate
Judgment, then 1t is impossible that
they should ever so come. IL they
have not the character and the in
telligence TO enable them after two
years elaboration, after seeing the
whole matter threshed out by the
Legislature and before the executive
ana by the court and finally by pub
lie speakers in an election, to them
selves decide what they meant when
they framed tn Constitution then II il
idle to talk of their being hit TO frame
= constitution.
do not propose to give the peo-
PIE any new power. / propose to re-
store To them the power out OF which
they have been defrauded, the power
which II Is their right and their duty
to exercise. | propose to provide a |
better and more effective method for |
the exercise OF the power reserved
ana inherent in the people to make |
or unmake their Constitution or con- |
strue the Constitution In accordance |
with their well considered needs
Let the power so secured TO them /
be real and not a nominal power. |
q s,f a,t., 81