Imperial Valley press., 1912-10-25

all the powsI Of ofhcs. Today he has
40 power of ofhce--nothing but the
will of people untrammeled except
by conviction.
There are millions who will accept
many of the reforms advocated by So
cialists, as there were millions who
adopted many of the reforms of Popu-
iism, but they are not willing to go
to the extreme of Socialism, any more
than they were willing to go to the
extreme of Populism. The incentive
to be "somebody"-the chance to make
the race and to reach the goal of
individual achievem one of the
! highest ideals of American citizenship
| II has made this country great in its
| men, in its measures, in its devel-
| oped resources. This is one of the
| things that, in way, Socialism would
! destroy. Provided this struggle is an
| equal one, it is as precious to the
| heart of youth and middle age as the
victory itself. The system of bossism
| in both old parties has destroyed this
fine American ideal, not only in poll
ties, but in business, for the political
1 ramifications which center in the po-
| litical boss reach out into the high
ways and byways of business life.
I have seen the finest flower of Amer
lean manhood relegated to the scrap
heap because of independence; not cap
tious independence, but that independ-
ence which refused to cross the line
between what was distinctly right and
what was unmistakably wrong. To BE
anybody, to get anywhere, you had TO
take orders, and obey them. That
these orders might conflict with your
sense of right and wrong made no diff
| ference. 1t is not a new thing, to be
sure, but its poison had gotten so far
into the life of the old parties that
il could not be cradicated from with
in 1t had to be assailed from with
out.
In every state, hundreds of your g
and middle aged men of the finest type
and of the highest ability were wait
ing for the movement They were dis
gusted with the attempt to break the
power of the Republican boss at the
polls, only 70 find that they had BY
their votes set up a Democratic boss
just as bad, and just as friendly with
the interests which secured special
privilege by legislation.
AS a rule, the public en- masse does
not reason. But ii mas ina gination; ;
| and when the shots which struck down
Rosenthal on a brilliantly lighted street
of New York City-a scene as care
| fully staged as a play, with policemen
| acting as SuperS-eVerybody instinct
lively knew that behind the shots was
| a conspiracy of crime and corruption
| SO deep that it was impossible to
sound it. They saw that in the me-
| tropoIs of their nation the life of
! a witness against misrule was des-
| perately unsafe. Conditions were little
! better in the capital than they were
J in the metropolis of the greatest state
| of the Union. A Democratic boss ruled
in one, a Republican boss in the other.
! Boss rule. With its accompanying cor
! ruption. had eaten into the very hear
Of our highest civilization. In Gin
| cinnati George E. Cox had ravished
| and looted a great city. He sprang
/ from the tenderlOin. Politics made him
| the president of a great trust company,
a financial power in the city. He con
/ trOlled in large part the theaters. His
| word for or against the nomination of
any judicial candidate on the Repub-
| lican ticket was final; no man could
| be prosecuted without his consent. Ev-
! cry elected officeholder surrendered the
J appointment of his deputies to Cox and
his ring, often even the keys to his
| safe. Other cities, with not a quar-
ter of the advantages or attractions.
! finally surpassed Cincinnati in growth
and in the larger civic spirit. The
reason was not far to seek Thuggism
had ruled the city; business men of
independence found it hard to thrive;
real citizenship was outlawed; servile
Judges obeyed CoX's will.
The business of these bosses was TO
rule their cities; but power embold
ened them, and they reached out after
the political control of their states.
Undistingushed for any dignity, use
fulness Or purpose except that of po