The Bridgeport evening farmer., 1912-08-17

resentatives later did when they se- cured the triumph of Lorimer in the Chicago campaign.
 We progresaves believe in direct preferential primaries because only by means of such primaries can the dates without regard to the bosses. Not since the day of Lincoln has there been any movement which has contained such large promise for the good of the people as a whole.
 At this moment. I ask your atten to secure social and industrial justice In the first place, we set forth de- f1nitely what we mean to try to se- cure-for instance, one days rest in seven for all wage workers, and eight hour day in continuous 24 hour in- dustries, the prohibition of child labor, the esta blishment of an eight hour day for women and young per sons, the erection of minimum wages for workingnen and women, work mems compensation acts, the securing of proper conditions of life and la bor for workingmen and women, the prevention of occupational diseases and the fixing of occupational health standards.
 we do not intend to let either executive or legislative officers for bid us to have such laws and neither do we intend to let the judges forbid us to have such laws. Therefore, in our platform we have stated that we intend to provide more easy and ex- peditious methods of amending the federal constitution and when, in any state, state court declares a law passed for social industrial justice is unconstitutional, then, after an inter- val for consideration, the people shall themselves decide by vote whether lor coin said: This country, with its in- stitutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it.
 The 11th amendment contains the essence of my protection. This amendment was rendered necessary by a decision the supreme court Now remember. l am not in any way or shape attacking the judiciary. The power to set aside a law is not a iu- dicial function for it involves the right to determine the conditions under which society shall live-and this is a right which insist belongs to the peo- pie alone. Evidently such right, such power, must exist somewhere. I hold that it inheres in the American peo- pie, that it inheres in the one hun dred millions of free Americans. And
 
 cry progressive in our history
 It is most unWiSe for courts to be used save with extreme caution as in- struments of executive mechanism and that where the courts are thus used. it is imperative that the people themselves shall keep the power to decide for themselves what they mean and what they want in the way of social and industrial justice if the de- cision of the court is unsatisfactory to them.
 we insist that if the people of right to prohibit women from working excessive hours, that the people of New York have the same right. I fully believe that I speak for the or dinary man, for the wage worker, for the clerk. for the small tradesman, for the farmer, fer the young professional man, when I say that we do not in tend to permit any body of public ser wants, no matter how worthy or how high-ninded to usurp the function of the people of the United States in matters like these which are vital to the welfare of the whole people.
 "Our proposal is to leave the courts absolutely unaffected by the exercise of their judicial functions. But where they exercise executive functions and where they thwart the will of the peo- pie through the executive branch of the government, we propose to. give the people themselves. after due de- liberation, the right finally to decide whether, in any given case, they re- gard the legislature Or the courts as