The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1912-06-18
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proceeds to organize, the groups OF
contested delegates stand aside ana Al
low their title to be passed upon DS
the remaining unconteSted delegates
This will be not only in strict accoru-
ance with common sense ana JustIce'
but in accordance with the pldctIco
prevalent under the rules OF congress
in the organization of the house IN ti ,9
matter of contested seats we Will
abide by the decision of any honese
and impartial tribunal III TINS I1dttet >
but we will not permit the fraudulent
ly seated delegates to sit as JUDGES on
their own cases and perhaps as
suit, to overthrow in the INTERESTS "
certain bosses and of the DenencIattl
of privilege the clearly and oenoel-
ately expressed judgment or the pialI
citizens who make up the rank anu
file of the Republican party.
ssvVa rest our case, not only before
the Republican voters, but before the
American people, upon the proPoslt ~ ~, II
first, that the national commlltee can
not defeat the wishes of the rank anu
file of the Republican voters by I'M
seating delegates honestly elected anu
second, that those who are olsno!leSt
" substituted for them by the natioii a.
committee must not be permltteu 70
vote on their own cases and to be the
benefciaries of fraud committed IN
their own behalf. ,..
There never has been a clearer
Imam than this between the
rIain people of the country on
the one side. and on the other the
powers that prey, the representative %
speeial privileges in the world OF pusi-
ness and their tools and instruments
in the world of politics. There can "
no compromise in such contest -
is natural that the representatives. Va
special privilege, who know thdC SpeC
iaI privilege cannot continue II the peo
ple really rule, should resort unplush-
inelv to every kind of trickery and
dishonesty in order to perpetuate tnelr
hold on the party, and should De easei
callously to destroy the party IL NET
essary to prevent its being controlleu
bv it's rank and file. But for TINS very
req son we feel we have right solemn
" to appeal to all honest men to stahu
with us on what has now become
naked issue of right and wrong. 1heIc
can be no yielding, no f1inchlng on ouI
part We have the people ben1nd Us
overwhelmingly. We have justice ana
honesty on our side. We are Warrlns
against bossism, against privilege, soclal
and Industrial; we are warning Tor the
elemental virtues of honesty and decen7
CIV of fair dealing as between man anu
man: we are warning to save the Re-
publican party, and the only reward
for which we ask is to put our party
in such shape that it shall be OF the
highest possible service to the peopi
of the United States.
Now let us consider what this fight
has been for. The issue has been sharp
" drawn. not merely by the words or
Mr. Taft and of myself and of our sup
porters, but by our several actions. l
have stood for the right of the people
TO rule and for their duty so to rule
as to work for moral, political and in
dustrial justice. Mr.. Taft has no less
explicitly stood for government OF
the people by what he calls a repre-
sentative part of the people; and whllc
he has of course stated in perfunctory
fashion that he favors industrial JUS
tice, he has violently opposed every |
practical method advanced for actually |
doing away with industrial injustice
for actually driving privilege out of It's |
entertainments, and for actually equal |
izing opportunity.
He Tells of Primaries.
AT the present moment we see be- |
fore our eyes here in Chicago just eX- |
actly what Mr.. Taft's doctrine of gov
eminent of the people by repre-
sentative part of the people really |
amounts to. Eight years ago I re-
Ceived electoral votes from 80 states
In 20 of these states direct primaries
have been held, or if not direct pri- |
naries at least primaries sufficient to |
give the people a reasonable chance
to express their preferences. In these
20 states where the rank and file of |
the Republican party had a chance to /
express their preference L won 395
delegates Mr.. Taft 81, Mr.. LaFollette !
IS. That is, in those states which |
went Republican eight years ago, Mr..
Taft obtained between one-seventh |
and one-eighth of the delegates where |
the people had a chance to express |
their will. These primary states are |
scattered everywhere throughout the |
country from Maine to California, and |
IL is impossible to doubt that they give |
an accurate measure of what the vote |
in all the Republican states would be |
If the people had been allowed a |
chance to vote.
But Mr.. Tafts representatives, |
wherever possible. prevented the |
vented it in Michigan, for instance, |
they prevented it in Montana. With |
out question Montana and Michigan
would have gone for us at least as
strongly as Illinois and Oregon. had
there been a primary law. Before the |
people of either state Mr.. Taft did not
stand the chance to get a single dele
gate. His led captains recognized this
fact and prevented the people from
voting; he and they distrusted the peO-
pie, with reason; and, with equal rea-
son, they trusted the professional poll
ticianS; and in Montana and Michigan
Mr.. Taft won delegates, to the snick
ering delight of every friend of priv
ilege and hossism in the land, whose
relish is peculiarly keen in seeing del
egates won against the will of the
people.
These Republican primary states
cast over two-thirds of the Republican
vote in the electoral college. In them
lHC people SnOkS. 4ASy went ONGT-
whelmingly for me- and still more
overwhelmingly against Mr.. Taft. In
the other states that went Republican
eight years ago no primaries were held
and in all but one the politicians had
nearly complete sway. In those states
Mr.. Taft secured 176 votes, secured
40, Mr.. Cummins o.. OF the Republic
can states therefore, 1 received the
overwhelming majority of the dele
gates wherever the people could ex-