The Greenville journal. [volume] (Greenville, Ohio) 1850-1918, 1912-05-02

lelSIS Dul II SSINeu HIS puI pOSe III
Illinois, just as it served his pur-
pose in Pennsylvania to waive every
legitimate issue there and take ad-
vantage of the strong sentiment
against Senator Penrose and drown
Taft under a vote that with an hon
est presentation Of the case would
have been sweepingly in his favor.
or course, these methods. spelled
success-and no doubt in the sight
Of Roosevelt, the end once more JUS
tilted the means.
No Gander Sauce.
He made great outcry against the
"bread-and-butter" politicians who
stood with President Taft. By
"bread-and-butter" politicians, he
meant the office holders, the post
masters, collectors, surveyors and
others. They weren't bread-and-but-
ter politicians when they supported
him in 1904. They weren't breadand-
butter politicians when they supported
Taft at his behest in 1908. They
were bread-and-butter politicians in
1912 in so far as they supported Taft,
and patriots, pure and genuine, in so
far as they supported Roosevelt. The
bosses were things of evil and cor
ruption wherever it suited his pur-
pose. The Films and Magees of
Pittsburgh, the Walter Browns of
Ohio and all the rest Of them that
supported Roosevelt-why are they
pure and high-minded men in compari-
son? Billy Finn of Pittsburgh, who
brazzenly contracted to turn over to
Matthew Stanley Quay Of Pennsyl
yania the support of the Finn ma
chine in Pittsburgh in return for pro-
lection in the Legislature of Films
personal and political business
Roosevelt didn't hesitate to accept
Films support. But he didn't de-
nounce him. He didn't denounce the
QuayPlatt machine that nominated
him for vice president at Philadel-
phia. He didn't hesitate to call on
Senator Platt when he wanted to be
nominated for governor of New
York. Why this hollow pretense of
indignation?
Take the case of Postmaster A. M.
High of Reading. High had sent
circulars to his friends, asking them
to support Taft for denomination.
Roosevelt denounced him from the
stump. He pointed to this act as an
outrageous violation of the civil
service rules, of a deliberate attempt
to prevent the peoples rule, But the
civil service regulations cover no
such acts, and Roosevelt knew it.
of the people as the millionaire bank
er or the driver of a garbage cart.
Now Mr.. High is a bread-and-butter
politician.
But Mr.. High quietly pointed out
it was Roosevelt who appointed him
to his first term as postmaster, and
that shortly after his appointment the
Roosevelt manager had asked him to
be delegate to the national conven-
tion in Roosevelt's behalf High did
so. but Roosevelt did not criticise him
nor remove him from office. Four
years later Roosevelt reappointed
him Again his managers asked him
to be a delegate to the national con-
vention and to act in Roosevelts be-
half or in support Of RooseWelt's
choice. That was proper in 1904 and
in 1908: what makes it reprehenslble
to send letters to friends in 1912?
The Great seIf-Repudiator.
There hasn't been a public declara-
| ton of Roosevelt's from which he
| hasn't endeavored to back away when
| it suited his ends. He backed away
from his opposition to a third term.
He backed away from his pledge not
to become a candidate himself. He
backed away from his Columbus
speech, declaring for a recall of
judges and judicial decisions, to the
extent of ignoring it as the issue he
! himself had raised. He backed away
from his outspoken support Of the
Taft Canadian reciprocity policy
when he found that it didn't strike
a popular chord, in whatever com.
munity he happened at that particu
lar time to canvass and submerge
with his plea for votes. He backed
away from the Osawatomie speech at
Saratoga, and he backed away from
the Saratoga endorsement Of Presi
dent Taft's administration when il
no longer suited him. He is one
thing today, another tomorrow, one
thing in Kansas, another in New
York. Whatever he may have said
then presumably popular, is subjec
to the recall if it should prove to bt
unpopular at any place or at an!