Monroe City Democrat. (Monroe City, Mo.) 1888-1919, 1912-10-10

this right without which all other
grants and concessions for improve
ment of the condition Of the working.
men are futile. The platform promises
social and industrial justice, but does
not promise industrial democracy. The
the benevolent and wise corporation
is prone to administer through it's vel
fare department. There is no premise
of that justice which free American
workingmen are striving to secure for
themselves through organization. In.
deed, the Industrial policy advocated
by the new party would result in the
denial Of labor's right to organize.
The new party stands for the per
petuation and extension of private
monopoly from which the few have
ever profted at the expense of the
many and for the dethronement OF
which the people have, in the past.
fought so many valiant battles. That
cursed product of despotism, the new
party, proposes to domesticate in our
republic proclatming, We do not fear
commercial power Certainly organ
lied labor has had experience with the
great trusts which should teach all
men that commercial power may be so
great that 1t is the part of wisdom to
fear it,"
The above declaration was made by
Louis d. Brandeis before the conven-
ton of the American Federation of
Labor, Massachusetts state branch, at
Fitchburg, Sept. 49,
OF Supreme Importance.
re urges a careful study of the new
party platform, particularly it's effect
upon labor, noting not only WHAT IT
CONTAINS, but WHAT IT OMITS.
adding, when you make that exami-
nation you will find that there is a
| significant omission and that this skilk
| fully devised platform TAKES FROM
LABOR MORE THAN 1T GIVES"
Labor Record Of Trusts.
Mr.. Brandeis then lays bare the la
! Dor record Of the trusts, declaring that
great trusts-the steel trust, the sug-
ar trust, the beef trust, the tobacco
trust, the smelter trust and whole
troop of lesser trusts-have made the
determination Of organized labor from
their factories the very foundation
stone Of their labor policy. The abili-
II to defeat labor's right to combine
seems to have been regarded by the
trust magnates as a proper test of the
efficiency of their capitalistic combina-
ton"
Mr.. Brandeis shows that in 1899,
during the Colorado smelters' strike,
the American Smelling and Refining
company closed its mills where the
strikers had been employed and trans
ferred the work to other mills, thus
breaking the strike. The United States
Steel corporation had similar success
in 1901 with the Amalgamated Asso-
citation Of Iron and Steel Workers.
Had the association been dealing with
competing employers the result would
have been different. The United States
Steel trust was prompt in introducing
this plan. June IT, 1901, six weeks
after 1t began its operations, its execu-
tive committee passed this vote, which
was offered by Charles Steele, a part.
ner Of George w. Perkins In the firm
Of J. p. Morgan & Co.:
That we are unalterably opposed to
any extension Of union labor and ad.
wise subsidiary companies to take Arm
position when these questions come up
and say that they are not going to rec,
pgnixe it--that is, any extension Of un.
lon in mills where they do not now
exist"
Union Men Not Wanted.
The result was that the bulk OF
American union laboring men in the
iron and steel industry were made to
understand that they were not wanted
ut the works Of the United States Steel
corporation. Places once filed by
American laborers loyal to their union
were given to others, and, as the Stan
ley committee found, "Hordes of la
borers from southern Europe poured
into the United States" I
: Hence about 80 per cent OF the I'm
skilled laborers in the iron and steel
business are foreigners Of these class
es, the profits going to the steel corpor
alton. Mr.. Brandeis declared that 9Th,
immediate and continuing result OF
the steel trusts triumph over organ
I Ia hos HAM s,,a