The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1911-02-02

ton of the title and not from a study |
of the proposed law itself want TO
Samuel G. Blythe. one of the strongest
advocates of this plan, admits this very
statement in a recent article in the
Saturday Evening Post.
Robertson, of Rawlins, argued at
length for a small percentage. He de-
clared that it would act a safety
valve for obstreperous legislators who
came to Topeka, choked laudable legis-
lation and brought forth little fruits of
their labors. The Rawlins man con-
tended that the amendment was need
ed and would bring forth good fruit
He pointed to the good results in Ore
gon and declared that the Kansas
voters were just as intelligent as tho
voters of any other state.
GanSe, of Emporia, followed the
Rawlins county senator in behalf OF
the measure and said that majority
of the voters preferred the change and
would vote for it. He said he was will
ing to compromise on 15 per cent, but
that a larger percentage was unfair.
Ganse said if the liquor question was
to be an issue in this state that now
was a good time for the fireworks and
that the vote in favor of prohibition
| would be certain and final.
A roll call was demanded on the
| Bender amendment for 35 per cent.
Fifteen members demanded call.
Here Stannard declared the senate was
playing horse with his new rule. but
before he could discuss the error of
the members, Carey called him to Or
der. The third and final roll call on
the resolution was taken and the mo-
ton was adopted "a to IA.
With the roll calls disposed of, the
Senate settled down for real business.
| The vital paragraphs of the measure
were left intact for an invasion Of
which no record can be made. Just as
had been predicted, the Stannard plan
had been made a laughing stock and
common joke. Stavely had taken great
| chunks of hide from the inSurgent lead
ers by his clever illusions and quota
tions from Bill Whites popular editor
ial of the Populist days. Solemnly the
| Usage City member called attention to
! the radical changes of heart of the man
| who now advocates a change which he
| once derided as the rantings of an ov-
erheated public mind. Brewster and
| Stewart had added to the general ca
lamity in the administration camp by
declaration that the alleged platform
to which allegiance was charged, had
been manufactured by the most rabid
machine politics. The discontinue of
| the reform element was made more
manifest when the lingering hope of
| successful record was destroyed by men
who made motions, demanded roll calls
! and voted against their very motions.
Senator Potter tried to call the forces
together, but without avail. Quincy
charged insincerity, but it did not
/ reach home. Myers intimated political
juggling and Hamilton vouched for the
| assertion. but it did not bring a change
| of heart. Near the close Of the morn
ing session Robertson and Hodges on
behalf of the minority began to find
4 fault with the document. They re-
| sponded to the cry for roll calls and
Hodges prepared amendments which
were hurried to the desk of the reading
clerk.
At 1890, a recess was taken until 2
o'clock this afternoon with no visible
results from the morning session, al
though nearly two hours were spent
!. trying to fix the document according
to individual liking. GanSe, a radical
insurgent leader and perhaps the best
. source of oratory in the reform camp,
offered to raise the required percentage.
The regulars smiled, but declined to
meet the advance.
| After week of patching and fixing,
J the subrailroad committee of the SEN
ate has combined the ideas of the four
: trainers of the public utility bills in
! a single measure which embodies the
theory or portions of theories of all
parties and factions of the upper house.
, From the Carey bill was taken sections
which were moulded into the Quincy
bill and portions of the Quincy bill were
added to the Stavely bill and the three
2 were carefully mixed with extracts from
the Democratic document.
The bill may not be reported for sew
eral days, although the subcommittee
has finished the arduouS duties which
D they undertook. This evening the bill
t will go to the general committee and
will carry the headline of committee
preparation.
4 From the administration bill offered
by Quincy, which he admitted he ha6
i never read, was removed the stipula-
n ton that railroads and other utilities
r must furnish maps and profiles oftheil
I roads and bridges; on the ground tha'
t it is better to benefit the railroads thar
i to harass the public. The utilities com
mission is to compose three members
S That's the Quincy idea. Until the 191.
L election, the duties of the commission
n | will be vested in the railroad commits
U sioners. Then an elective board Is call
5 ed for. The salary of each member l:
fixed at $4,000 a year, although no per
q son owning stock in any public utilit,
is eligible for the job from commission
| er down to general stenographer. On
s radical paragraph in the new bill reads
mo public utility or common car
: rier shall declare any stock, bond Of
I script dividend, or divide the proceed
= of the sale of any stock. bond or scrip
y among it's stockholders"
. ANY concern operating under tn
Il commission is forbidden from pur
% chasing or acquiring any part of tn
T capital stock or bonds or other form
of Indebtedness of any competing o
n non-competing utility or commission
q carrier. An officer or director VIII
" Shall issue stock or bonds contrary t.
n the provisions of the act. is liable fo
a a fine of not less than $500 or NOR
than $4,000. The commission is give
?, the power to fix all rates or joint rate
,r in a conference with officials of sue
It company.
A An annual statement is require
e from each corporation thus governe
le which will give in detail the amount Q
n capital stock issued. price paid 70
h same The board is given absolut
* power to regulate all 1ssuances {
a. bonds and securities. Not more tfa
two members of the commission sha
L. be of the same political faith. A put
ID lie utility is defined in the new bill q