The Salt Lake tribune. [volume] (Salt Lake City, Utah) 1890-current, 1911-09-08

providing that the joint high commits
sion. which NAV be composed exclusive
" of "nationals - of the two coun-
tries, but which, also, may be composed
exclusively Of foreigners, may. by
unanimous vote. or by vote of all but
one of its members. determine that any
given question might be arbitrated. II
is difficult TO characterize this provision
truthfully without seeming 10 be often
sive Merely to speak OF il rs silly
comes far short OF saying what should
cases neither of the two component
parts of the treaty making power. the
president OF the senate. should dele
gate to the other for certain purposes,
the power of exclusive action.
''But no sound argument-can he
made for permitting both the president
and the senate to delegate to outsiders,
possibly to foreigners, the exercise OF
a fundamental and vital power. Tho
details Of carrying into effect a great
and far reac hing policy can approprI-
atelv be delegated; but the elected SER
wants OF the people betray THAR inter
csts If they shirk the duty Of them.
selves deciding what that policy shall
be-
People Should Decide,
1T would be quite proper 10 dele
gate TO the joint high commission many
subordinate functions; but the high,
the supreme function of deciding
whether question is of such vital i'm
portance to the country that 1T is. or IS
not, srbitrable cannot with proprlety
be delegated TO any outsider by either
the president or the senate, They are
duties implied in such decision. If a
president, after consulting with his
constitutional advisers, the senate,
could not make up his own mind about
such vital question and had to have
it made up for him by outsiders--pos-
sibly foreigners, and certainly not re-
sponsible to the pedple-it would be
proof positive that he was not ft to
hold the exalted position to which he.
had been elected. A president unfit
to make such decision himself, and
him would also be unfit to perform any
of the really important duties of the
presidency.
"We, the pcopo of the United
States, cannot and will not surrender
to outsiders the power to determine
whether or not we are fit to decide for
ourselves what are our vital needs and
what are the policies proper for meet
ing these needs. In other words. Uncle
Sam does not intend to wrong any one,
but neither does he intend to bind him
self. if his pocket is picked, his house
or his face slapped, to 'ar-
bitrate' with the wrongdoers and as
long AS he docs not intend so to bind
himself it would be offensive hypocrisy
for him to say that he will so bind
himself.
Our Plain Duty.
IE1f ics I,,y,. Sn far NOW nnooi.
Bile, so far as human nature in the
present day world will permit, to try to
provide peaceful substitute for war as
a method for the settlement of intcrna-
tional disputes. But progress in this
direction is merely hindercd by the
folly that believes in putting peace
above righteousness; while it is of
course even worse to pretend so to be-
lieve. The greatest service this nation
can render TO righteousness is to be
have with scrnpulous justice to other
nations, and vet 10 keep ready to hold
its own if necessary. Our chief use
bining power with high purpose,
Power undirected by high purpose
spells calamity; and high purpose by
itself is utterly useless if the power
10 put it into effect is lacking. In the |
history of9our country the peace ad. |
yocatcs who treat peace as more than
will never be and never
have been of service either to it or to
Th true lovers of peace. the |
men who have really helped onward the |
for peace, have been those |
who followed, even though afar off |
.he footsteps of Washington and Lin,
,oln and stood for righteousness as the |
end Of national life. Only by |
acting on these principles, only by fol |
owing in the footsteps OF these great |
Americans of the past, can we Of the |
present generation effectively work for |
and secure the peace of righteousness. -