The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1911-05-27

branoleS only naQ MS SrdHuIALuoI .
and fathers example before him.
He admits having mad "a big share
of corporation work and Of having
even worked for a trust or two.
But inspead of these tempting him
into their permanent service they EVIL
IDENTIFY turned him more and more in
the opposite direction, and no Won:
der. His ideal sense of justice must
have suffered in that, to him, unna-
turaI atmosphere. Perhaps that is
one reason" lie says, why I am not
a corporation lawyer now
Won Boston Traction Case.
His first important public struggle:
was over the traction situation in
Boston, the city of residence. On the.
one hand were big financial inter-
ests; the political machine and the
press; on the other handful of
citizens creating public opinion. Bran
dies was their counsel and admitted
ly the brains Of the fight. In 1896
the fremont Street subway was
built by the city, and the East End
company undertook to lease it for
so years at a nominal price. Bran
dies was engaged by a few citizens to
voice their protest. The fight was
carried into the legislature and re-.
suited in the lease being granted for
20 years only, with a rental to the
city of ~ per cent, on the cost of
construction.
- u People Were Victors.
This was, victory for the people,
When his associate, who expected to
pay him a fee of IS, 600 for his SER
vices as attorney, asked for the bill
he replied: There is no fee. This
is part of plan of NINE
This was not the only conflict with
trust interests in which Brandies en-
gagged. The next year he engaged in
a. similar struggle with New York
capitalists who aimed at the complete
control of the transportation system
/ of Boston. Again ne was triumphant
great services. ...
His Labor Philosophy.
Brandies' views on the labor pro-
3blem generally are also interesting.
He says: -. 81
THE government must keep order
not only physically but socially. We
have now a. subtler civilization; from
oppression by force we have come to
oppression in other ways, and the law
must protect man against that
which robs him Of his freedom,
whether the depressing force is pny
steal or Of subtler kind. There
is no such thing as freedom for a
man who is not financially free. We,
must therefore find means to create
for the individual financial indepen-
denee against sickness, accidents, old
age, and the dread of leaving his
family destitute If he suffer prema-
ture death. For we nave become
practically a world of EMPLOYEES; and
It q man is to have real freedom OF
contract in dealing with Lis employer,
he must be financially independent OF
these ordinary contingencies. Unless
we protect him from this oppression
Il il foolish to call him free.
| Oppression Must Cease.
The people are beginning to doubt
whether In the long run democracy
and absoli1tfsm can co-exfst Ia the
same community; whether there fs=
really q justification for the great
Inequalities IN the distribution at.
wealth. This (the labory movement
must necessarily progress; the peo-
pies Thought will take shape Ia &C.
ton, and It Hes with our lawyers TO
say In what lines this action shall be
expressed: wisely and temperately or
/ In lines Of evolution or In lines OF
revolution. .
A man who Ii 50 sympathetic to
the working class and who acts Sc
EcnrdinGi e surely frtend q, our
c1use. ...
II rs