The Bridgeport evening farmer., 1911-08-03
THE COMPENSATION BILL.

A scrutiny of the vote upon the workmens compensation bill indi- cates that it was beaten by the rep resentatives of the small towns ,,and that it had the support of the repre- sentatives rof more than a majority of the people of Connecticut.
 There can be no doubt but that the voters of Connecticut desired the passage of the bill The vote in the senate, which is elected by popular ballot, shows this. The senators were overwhelmingly in favor of the bill.
 But the vote in the House also shows the popular demand.
 The representatives of New Haven, Bridgeport. Hartford, Waterbury, Nor walk, Danbury, Greenwich, Norwich, Naugatuck, Huntington, New Milford, Litchfield and Torrington voted sol- idly for the bill, with the single ex- ception that Hobart l.. Hotchkiss of New Haven appears not to have vot- ed.
 In these cities live almost one half of the people of Connecticut.
 In Meriden, Bethel, Newtown, Yer non. Stafford, Middletown. New Brit ain, Stratford, Ansonia, Derby and West Hartford, either the whole, or half the delegation voted for the bill.
 The vote was IA to 46.
 Judging by the vote the plan to compensate injured workn1en and their dependents in Connecticut, would seem 6 have no standing. But judg ed by the communities represented by the vote, it appears that the de- feat of the measure was accomplish ed by the representatives of minor ity of the people. even casting aside the evidence of the vote in the Sem ate.
 The big places, those where the in- mainly carried on desired the legis- lation. The smaller places, where little-or .rio-industrial life exists, were against compensation, or had no in- terest in it. It may be said that the bill was beaten more by the ig- norance of the legislature than by deliberate wickedness, although of wickedness there was enough and too much. Never does a lobby work to better advantage than among legis- question involved, or who have no practical experience with it, or inter est in it.
 It must be held that the lobby and the oligarchy of privilege played a great part in procuring the defeat of the compensation act.
 A scrutiny of the vote from a party standpoint shows this, of the 46 mem bers of the House who voted for the bill all but nine were Democrats.
 And this showing was humiliating enough, when it is considered that the Democratic party had fathered the compensation legislation in this state by causing a plank favoring it
 But this platform, together with the arguments that preceded the election, had neither reached nor in- fuenced the majority of the Demo- ties engaged principally in agricul- ture and little in manufactures.
 These men had apparently not grasped the significance or the bind i. ing force of a party declaration as a >promise to the people. They found < in their own localities no particular sentiment in favor of compensating workmen for injuries and voted in ac- cordance with the views or lack of views of their own constituencies.
 But upon the Republicans in the General Assembly must be placed the burden of disgrace. Had they rallied to the support of the bill in the same measure as the Democratic representatives there would be an- other story to tell.
 Republicans were not bound by platform declarations it is true But in the last campaign the Republican < leaders did declare that workman's compensation bill would be passed. This declaration was held as less than nothing, and but nine members of the Republican majority voted with the people. Of course neither the Democrats who voted against the bill nor the Republicans who did so, were representing the people, nor the rank and file of their parties.
 There is no party division as to the merits of workmen's compensa- ton. Republican workmen want the bill as much as Democratic workmen do. Death does not discriminate aiung poIr-ca1 rmes. Fatal accident ---anent injury is as likely to overtake Republican as a Demo- crat.
 The widow of the one needs protee- ton when the breadwinner is remov- ed as much as the widow of the other needs it.
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