Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1911-07-05
Representative Government.

Il
IEditor Kennebec Journal:
! | am submitting the following as
worth a hearing We propose TO give
the people of the several states direct
suffrage for United States Senators
Ion the ground that the people OF the
several states have misused their di-
rect suffrage for the members of the
state legislatures. An attempt to re-
| form abuses by drastic action Is al
ways more popular than an attempt
to reform them by elementary. action.
Saving the pennies of direct suffrage
for the members of the state lesisla
lures is more difficult and laborious
than dealing at first hand with the
dollars of direct suffrage for United
States Senators.
The debates in the Constitutional
Convention Indicate clearly that when
the methods of election of the two
houses of Congress were being framed
conditions analogous TO those now in
existence (Which, latter have largely
supplied the motive for the proposed
|amendmenD We're not only in con-
temptation, but that those portions OF
the constitution were so framed to
meet them (the vote being practically
Unanimously The provision for the
election of United States Senators by
the state legislatures was an answer
to the question Why two Houses ?"
The people of those days, to whom
the convention confidently entrusted
the purse strings of the Republic. had
proposed the abolition of the state
senate. although members of the state
lower house had been convicted of
infamous crimes" A check TO popu-
lar passion was sought in a com
mereial' or wealthy class, which the
people had already come to regard as
oppressofs. The state legislatures, 1t
was argued, if properly chosen, would
be more likely than the people to give
this class proper representation at
Washington. The citizens of the
states would be represented indfvidu-
ally and collectively. Today while the
activities of an outgrowth of the then
commercial class have deyelopa1l
enormously the power, prosperity and
prestige of the United States Ito the
pride of every citizen thereby the
Ia Wiessness of certain members of this
modern kind of commercial citizens
has become intolerable. And yet, does
any rational man deny that big
business" that the interests" If law
abiding. are entitled To proper renre
sentation in the national government
1t may be easier to disfranchise the
whole class of swollen corporations"
than, through our national police
power, TO bring the offending members
to book; but it would not be just and
would certainly be ~ impolitic If a
more extreme example of the want of
virtue of (ungnarded) direct suffrage
be sought than the case of election for
governor in many states, where s,the
governor elect is under obligations
primarily to party boss. it may be
found in the nonentity of the individ-
ual stakeholder in the management of
some of our swollen corporation
ffiends~-a management. which curl
ously enough has al been lauded as
representative government by adyo-
Gates of the corporations and as popu-
lar government by progressives. but
which apparently is neither. Cannot
the increased fitness of the people to
govern, from education and the faeili-
ties of modern civilization, find suf-
ficient outlet in cleansing in the
municipalities and states the springs
of the electorate and in maintaining
the efficiency of the police power
against both crooked politics and cor
rupt big business; but especially
against unla wfu business which.
through its control of the medium of
exchange directs all Interstate COM
meree?
EMLEN HARE MILLER.
Philadelphia, July 4, 1911.