Manchester Democrat. [volume] (Manchester, Iowa) 1875-1930, 1911-08-16

ordinary intelligence to tell within
the span of speech whether or not
the well spring of the eloQuence is IN
the heart. Voice and manner betray
the hypocrite, though the words
themselves are a fair mask for the lie.
The speech reads well in the Con.
gressional Record and in the other
public prints. The constituents find
sincerity in the written words, but
the listeners have caught the false
notes in every sentence of the
tongues utterance.
Members of congress
lions of conscience in the matter
aside-do not care to be marked for
hypocrisy by their fellow members,
even though the excuse of orders from
their constituents be theirs to COM
mand. In this may be found the
reason why so many representatives
sitting at one session of congress,
members who usually are heard when
matters Of great public moment are
before the house, had nothing to say
upon the railroad rate bill.
The country knows today that one
Of the chief promoters Of the rate
regulating measure was a man who
thought that the legislation was con.
ceived in iniquity. He had the cour-
age of his convictions at the outset
or thought he had-but later without
undergoing in the least change OF
heart he changed his attitude. and
the railroad rate measure goes into
history inseparably connected in the
public mind with the name Of rep
resentative who almost unquestion.
ably was a foe rather than friend
to the legislation Are renomina.
ton and reelection worth the price
of public hypocrisy?
There were Republican representa-
tives few years ago who yearned
to speak their minds on the subject
Of tariff revision. That which they
wanted to say would have been un-
pleasant to the ears of the majority OF
the party members. Loyalty to party
kept most Of these men silent, and
no one, perhaps, blames them for
their silence, for possibly party good
is paramount. The few plain speakers
on tariff revision were In the main
those Republicans who were certain
o. the countenance of their constit.
uents in that which they had to say
1t is highly probable, however, that
Samuel w. Mccall of Massachusetts,
would have said what he did say II
there hadn't been a revisionist Re
publican in his district. There are
some men whom party considerations
can't throttle. 1t was not a bit pleas.
ant for Mr.. Cannon and others to hear
the hereto Mccall say in his cold,
blunt but forceful way:
.Now, the people of Massachusetts
are only thinking a little in advance
OF some of the people of this country.
Soon this idea will invade New York
and Illinois and Ohio, gathering force
as it moves; and say tc you that
If we do rot treat protection as ra-
tivnal principle instead of as cast
iron, immutable set Of schedules. we
are likely to have the Democratic
party and then possibly the deluge."
There was prophecy in that.
Mr.. McCall's boldness in the tariff
revision matter calls to mind another
showing of the courage in which he
was one Of two chief figures Most
party men probably will look upon
it as simply bit Of Massachusetts,
"holier than thouism," the outgrowth
of anti-imperialist Pharisaism, but it
looked like the genuine courage
article nevertheless.
John Sharp Williams proposed to
the Philippine tariff bill an amend
ment promising ultimately freedom to
the little brown brother" It was
pu. to rising vote. Every Democrat
stood "affirmatively" upon his feet
The Republicans, all save two, sat as
IL spiked to their chairs. The two
who rose affirmative and defiant, dar
ing to vote with the Democratic
enemy, were Samuel w. Mccall and
Redwood Hoar-true son of his
father.
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cf In NJ