Weekly journal-miner., 1911-03-29

only investigate and report on one
 schedule or group of articles at a
 time. It would end the habit of
 tinkering with the whole tariff at
 every session of congress. Whether
 the protective theory be right or
 wrong, past history shows nothing is
 more dangerous to business eondi-
 tions than continual tariff agitation.
 The bill when enacted may be very
 mild, but it is the uncertainty pend ing action which 6emoralizes things.
 In 1909, after a long agitation a
 tariff bill was passed and business
 has not had an opportunity to recover before the probability of another re-
 vision is faced. Whether the next revision be good or bad, it does not require a prophet to say that busi ness conditions will not improve gen orally until the mater is determined. In the one hundred and twenty-two years since the first tariff law in 17S9. there have been twenty general tariff bills passed about one every six years, to say nothing of special measures and bills which have failed to pass. Is this a good business tonie7 With a tariff commission in good working order, we would have bills and reports from time to time on separate schedules. Such bills would receive more careful eonsidera- [ tion and the rates for each article or 1 schedule would be considered on its merit; but a revision of the tariff on cotton for instance would not demoralize business generally because those not affected could go on with their own affairs.
 The proposed tariff board is not a party measure. It is approved by the best element in both parties. Why has it not been put into effect long ago? I am sorry to say that I be- lieve the only true reason is that certain high protectionists fear that the investigations of the board will disclose unequal and unnecessary duties and rates which creep into every tariff under our present sys- tenn.
 Let me give one example of the evil results of our careless way of considering our tariff. I will go back | 4 2 .eAn Tn the market was supplied with salt from works in New York, Virginia and Louisiana. The war placed the New York producers in control. A duty of twelve cents bushel was secured in 1861. In 1862 it was raised to eighteen cents. No salt was importel The Syracuse Company paid six dividends in 1862, one of 1215 per cent and followed this with a stock dividend of 100 per cent. In six years it laid by a surplus of s6OO,OOO and paid $2,OOO,OOO in divi- dends, all on a capital of $l6O,OOO. The duty was cut in two in 1871, but by that time the entire industry was in the hands of a monopoly. Could such a thing have happened with a watchful tariff commission on the job7
 A Chicago young man out with his best girl for the first time and desiring to make an impression, took her to dinner in one of the large restaurants. The waiter came hust i ling up to take the order. ''Will i Monsieur have table d hote or a la carte?'' even have both" "Both, Monsieur?'' "Yes, and put plenty of gravy on 'em." Some powerful combinations today are protected both by high specific and ad valOrem duties. They have the tariff "table a. hote" and Ca la carte" with plenty of gravy. The tariff com mission would at least eliminate the gravy.
 might say in passing that Demo crats have been no more successful with tariff measures than republicans. Since 1857 they have passed just one tariff law. In 1894 a democratic house and senate passed a bill so full of unjust rates and protective features that Grover Cleveland, the greatest democrat since the days of Jackson, refused to sign it and allow ed it to become a law without his signature.
 The other tariff measure which President Taft is strongly advocating
 is the Canadian reciprocity agree
 ment. He regards this of such i'm
 POrtance that he had the courage to
 call a special session of congress to
 consider the measure. It is not to