The times and democrat. [volume] (Orangeburg, S.C.) 1881-current, 1911-08-17
WILL DO GOOD
Campaign Funds Hust Be Plb!i:hed Be-
fore and After Elections
one OF BRYAh'S IDEAS

We're Made by the Trusts to Buy
up the Elections So as They Could
Rob the People.
Among the beneficent acts Of the
Democratic House of Representa-
-t.ves the passage of tho Rucker bill,
providing for publicity Of campaign
funds beth before and after Federal
elections is first in Importance. 1t
seeks to purify politics ct the source.
The revelations made before the COM
mittee have once mare demonstrated
how vital Is the need of this legisla-
ton. 1t is necessary and it is inevi-
table.
Young men in politics would find it
hard to credit how shameless and
sordid a quarter of a century ago
was the open use of money in cleo
tions, or how corruption was made
lest by men who should have been
leaders in public thought. In 1888
Chester A. Arthur was President or
the United States. In 1880 he was
already elected Vice President when
at a public banquet said:
Indiana was really, l suppose,
Democratic State 1T had always been
rut down in the book as a State that
might be carried by close and care
full and perfect organization and a
great deal of-(Pause filled in by
laughter and cry of "Soap.~
In 1888 Privilege with Enlightened
audacity pushed the corruption OF
voters to point never before paral-
leled. At any cost Democracy was
to be dethroned. On MAY rs Presi-
dent James J. Foster of the Republi-
can League sent out his letter say
ing that manufacturers benefited by
projections were laggard in contrib
uting. He added in phrase that be-
came famous: "If had my way
1 would put the manufacturers OF
PENNSYLVANIA under the fire and Try
all the fat out of them" Fosters let
ter closed with the remark: If you
give us the means to win the victory
we will do it. Are you willing?"
On Oct. "a Col. W. w. Dudley,
Treasurer Of the Republican National
Committee, showed how the means 3
were to be applied. He sent out this
advice as>to the handling of purchas-
ed votes.
Divide the voters into blocks Of
five and put trusted man with nee
essary funds in charge Of these five
men, and make him responsible that
none get away, and that all vote our
ticket.
In 1892 when Cleveland was elect
ed the serond time the interests rails
ed big corruption fund for his bene-
fit and he was elected. We all know
he favored Wall street by his bond
issues. In 1896 Mark Hanna raised
an immense fund to defeat Bryan,
which was repeated again IN 1900.
It is said no one knows how much
money was raised to defeat Bryan in
those two campaigns, but the amount
was very large. The immense cor
ruption and vote buying in the above
campaigns caused Mr.. Bryan to pro-
pose the law which will soon be on
the statute books, requiring pub
lication of all campaign fund con-
tributions. In 1904 means Of
frying the fat" which far out-Fos-
tered Fosters widest dreams had in
the mean time been provided in the
Bureau of Corporations. whose re-
searches were to be conducted in Sc
cret and whose conclusions were to
be disclosed only to the President.
They have been refused to an inves-
tigating committee of the House OF
Representative within the present
session.
When George B. Cortelyou, who as
Secretary of Commerce and Labor
had oversight of the Bureau of Cor
porations and access to it's business
secrets was made chairman of the Re-
publican National committee charged
with the reelection of Theodore
Roosevelt, Financial leaders knew
what was expected of them. The en-
suing scandals were the greatest that
ever in the history of American poll
tics have gathered about the corrupt
use of money at the pools. So gross
we're the abuses that on Oct. 29, 1904
Judge Parker said in public speech:
AS have said before, and l deem
it my duty to say it again, the trusts
are furnishing the money with which
they hope to control the election. |
am sorry to be obliged to say it. If it
were not true I would not say it to
gain the Presidency or any earthly
reward.
Mr.. Roosevelts reply, issued six
days later, within which period he
had ample time to inform himself,
consisted of a quibbling restatement
of the charges and sweeping denial:
Mr.. Parker's charges are in effect
that the President Of the United
States and Mr.. Cortelyou, formerly
Mr.. Cleveland's executive clerk, then
Mr.. Mckinley's and my secretary,
then Secretary of Commerce and La
Dor, now chairman of the Republican
National committee have been in a
conspiracy in blackmail corporations,
MT. Cortelyou using his knowledge
| r,;,od u.b;1o ho was secretary of