New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1910-09-18

1hSlll-
The colonel slightly modified his def
i.i.ion of new nationalisn" to-day He
called il 1.-The efficient application TO mex
conditions Of certain oldtiTne and fUnda-
mental 71ora!ities" The word efficient
he inserted to-day. He then proceeded
win a defence of mis- attitude, an eNrosi-
ton OF new national:sm'' and a repeti-
ton of his declaration Of war on crooks
and bosses.
MIR. Roosevelts Address.
Colonel Roosevelt-s speech was fol-
lows;
Criticism has been made of certain Of my
speeches in the Nest, where / advocated
sVhsf has been called the new national
lsrn' But the new nauonallSm reaIIF
means nothing but an application 10 new
conditions of certain old and fundamental
:noralities. 1t means an invitation to meet
the new problems OF the present day IN
precisely Ihe spirit in which Lincoln ana
The men OF his day met their new prom,
lens. In my Western speeches sane
chiefly what 1 again and again said IN
MESSAGES TO Congress when was tlesl-
dent. ] very slightly developed the uoS-
1rines contained in those Preslden'lat al.
crosses ia order 10 meet the deVeiVlibeht
of the conditions and the chlet way
III which ] developed them Vas 10 IN
,-lude a quotation from Abraham Lincoln
very oId doctrine OF eminent domain
Now. what I say in the West L, OF
course. say here. Whether II Is SodRu oi
not can. I think. be answered o. Ine SIM
1,le eNpedienf Of asking whether any party
Is willing frankly 10 take the other sue
OF the propositions OF FIich coIhp PAM Is
have the issue made in clear-cut fashion
before the people, for IN the enc the
ieople would most cerlaiiliy oecine ~, IN
new natiCnalisnl. because otherwise TINS
country could not continue 10 be true
republic. true democracy
Decision Has Been a Bar"
Take. for instance. what l said in refer
cnce Ie two decisions OF the supreme
court II was in the course OF an ac-
,Iress in which ] dNelt upon the great need
OF having the spheres OF activity of the
rational and state governments EXTENDED
10 cover the whole field OF our life that
ean properly be touched 10y legislation at
I'll. so that there shall not be left de-
batabIe land in which neither nation nor
stare mas real power, ano when can serve
a. a place of refuge for men who wish TO
escape oil effective control under the law,
auo especially Tor the great corporations
which wish thus 10 escape control one
decision was in the Knight sugar case in
y. hicl- according TO the dissenting opinion
OF Justice Harlan the judgment OF the
court placed the public SO far as national
S-eV.er $ concerned tthe only power which
could be effectively. entirely at the mercy
of cofahinat tons which arbitrarily control
The prices cf articles purchased TO be
transported from one state to another
state" ] merely took the view which the
learned justice had thus taken in his dis
scnfin- opinion. 1t is, in my judgment
7Frcf1aeStiona bly, the correct view The de
rIs;on has been a bar in the path Of those
Who arc honestly enGeavoring TO secure
adequate control over great corporations
DONG an interstate business. Those VINO
cllueise me are also crlJiclsinS JuSqce
Ct the Supreme Court. Mr. Harlan DO
lny critics take the position that the people
shall not be able to control the manage
naenr and activities of these great monop-
oliStic corporations doing an Interstate
business If so. let them frankly ayoW
their position. II not, let them cease their
criticism.
Right to Regulate Hours of Work.
The second decision was one against states
rights. prohibiting the State OF New 1ork
&c regulate in very moderate fashion the
hours OF work in bakery and confectionery
esta bLshn1ents- where the conditions are
such that excessive hours OF labor con
Iinued day in and day out may endanger
the health and shorten the lives OF the
woTkin-men. Here what [ said was based
upon the dissenting opinions of Justices
Harlan, White, Day and Holmes, who spe-
officially upheld the view that the state had
the power to regulate the hours of labor
under such conditions, taking the broad
ground that ii is the primary duty of the
safety OF its people Here l hold that the
dissenting justices we're night III their
views. and that, however honest men may
be who revive the long outwoTn doctrine
that the state shall not interfere With the
liberty of laborers who are driven by
grinding reed to contract 10 work for an
exressi7-e number OF hours under unhealthy
conditions, Vet that such doctrine is essen
TALLY >-nti-Social and is really relic OF a
past geological age in our social and eco
nornic history IF my opponents disagree
with me let them frankly say that the state
has no right to limit the hours of labor OF
men 4rnr,loved under conditions dangerous
TO their health and welfare If they do 50
! take issue with them If they DO not:
then they have no right TO criticlse what 1
have said.
Lincoln Criticised Court
Fifty-three years ago Abraham Lincoln
was sssailed for his repeated criticisms of
the Supreme Court ia the bred Scott case
As regards this decision he announced, not
once, but again ana again. that he held 1t
10 be not merely the right but the duty
OF citizens who felt that judicial decisions
were erroneous and damaging, Loyalty 10
abide by the decisions long they
stood but 10 try hard to secure their re-
versal; his language on one occasion being
ss follows. We do not propose TO disturb
the rights of property thus settled We
propose SO resisting the decision as to have
T,,Je estaI1Iieted TJpon the subject
He repeated this statement IN slightly
differing Language IN speech after speech
Moreover. he used very strong language
about the decision, far stronger than /
dream OF using. or than 1t would be proper
10 use about the decisions with which
nov deal But his view as to his right and
duty to call attention 10 an erroneous de-
ciston which vitality affected the rights OF
~ any rate. # ] have erred tn comment
trg as have commented upon the decisions
IN question, ] err in company with Ahra-
ham Lincoln. The criticism OF me Is per
hars Well summed UP N the following
Sr)eeeh Of . n eminent pubic man:
Tie makes var on the decisions OF the
supreme Court. J wish to say to you,
fellow citizens. that ] have war to make
o. that decision or any other ever rem
dered by the Supreme Court. / am con
tent 70 take that decision as il stands de-
Hxered by the highest judicial tribunal on
earth a tribunal established by the Const-
tuition OF the United States fer that pur-
pose and hence that decision becomes the
law Of the land, binding on you. on ne,
and on every other good citizen whether
NE like IL or not. Hence do rot choose
70 70 into an argument to prove before this
audience whether or not he fthe chief JUS
Ticet understood the law better t2an Theo-
dcre Roosevelt
Court Cause of Pride.
Now. gentlemen. ] have made one change
IN the above quotation The last words
were Iso1 Theodore Roosevelt the las
words we're Abraham Lincoln and thi.
attack made nearly ifty-three years age
upon s braham Lincoln f. precisely and eX
acrlr I he kind of attack made upon me a.
Tho moment. Abraham Lincoln felt and
-,-ofessed throughout his life the same pro
found respect for the Supreme Court that
again IN public speech and In messages. as
President of the United States, expressed
An upright Judge Is a higher and better
public servant than any other man car
POSSIBLY be. and II Is cause of pride &c
every American citizen that our Supreme
Court ig the most influential judicial tn
bunal in the entire world. l have quoted
ID,