Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, 1910-10-11


the efficient application Of the old morali-
ties to the new and changed conditions
of our national life. ! want to see the
same principles that were professed and
practiced by the men who formulated
this government applied to the new con-
ditions. 1 want the same principles ap-
piled. The only difference is that / want
them applied by methods which Will
make them as effective as regards the
new conditions as the old methods made
them as regards the old conditions.
THAT TARIFF PLANK.
Now, in speaking to you Of the new
nationalism l want at the outset 10 an
swer publicly a question put to me
this evening by couple of your journal
lists as to one feature of what had
spoken of as the new nationalism, con-
corning which they thought / had spok-
en- differently at different times.
These gentlemen asked me just how
l reconciled what 1 had said in the
west with the tariff plank in the New
York state Republican platform.
answered them that 1 did not reconcile
It; that on that point of the platform
| must refuse to be judged by what the
platform said, but what / myself said.
You probably know we had quite
lively time at Saratoga. ] was elected
temporary chairman who were In har-
with reasonable efficiency before the
platform was adopted. There were
number of men who voted for me for
temporary chairman and served as such
mony with me on all or most of the
vital points at issue, who yet disagreed
with me on certain points, even in one
or two that I regarded as of great i'm
portance. And so in by speech as tempo
rary chairman l was careful to put my
position as accurately as accurately used
language could put it, and on any point
where what / said in my address differs
from what was said in the platform it
must be understood that 1 personally
must be judged by and stand by what
L myself said.
That fight, as l regarded 1t, was
primarily a fight for the great funda-
mentals of citizenship. 1t was a fight
against corruption, against what is the
absolute negation of democracy, and
that is, against bossism, and a fight for
genuine popular rule. We carried the
contest to triumphant conclusion and
in our platform embodied all three
planks, and on that platform as
candidate we put man of unfiinching
courage and high and stainless char
acter whose past life had justified and
whose future life we knew would justify
by itself our words in the platform.
DIFFERED ON SOME POINTS.
Now to carry those points, to achieve
that great good, 1 worked with many
men who in one or more other points
did not agree with me. We laid no
emphasis on our differences as regards
the points fought in that particular con-
test, however, because 1t was absolutely
essential to good citizenship that we
win in the vital issues.
I'VE are agreed that there should be no
pardon for the dishonest public servant
and least of all for the dishonest public
servant of our own party, that no boss
or group of bosses should rule the party,
that the people should exercise their
right to control their own affairs"
II think I have made myself fairly
clear" continued Mr.. Roosevelt. IT
have certainly tried to state 1t with all
frankness and fuIIness. and now hav-
ing thus publicly answered. as 1 said
1 would. the questions put to me by
certain Of the gentlemen connected with
the Atlanta press, L want to take up
the subject OF New Nationalisrn."
NEW NATIONALIST.
From this point ColoneI Roosevelt's
speech was practically the same as he
had made at Bristol and other points
on the present tour. He defined New
Nationalism as meaning thorough effi-
cheney in public office and that there
should not be a corner of the national
public life where there was not some
governmental authority. AT present"
said he, ''all of US who have had to
do with securing a real control over
great corporations know that thanks
largely to the conflicting decisions of
the judiciary, thanks particularly to
tIl-devised federal and state legisla-
ton, there tends to exist a great de-
batable ground and neutral zone be-
tween federal and state authorities into
which the offender, particularly the Of
fender who is wealthy enough to en-
ploy the best legal talent, can always
escape with the certainty that neither
federal nor state authority will be able
to get at him.
81 want to do away with that neu-
trail zone. l want to have no place
left to which any criminal can flee and
feel that there is not some authority
that can overtake him. L want to
meet changed industrial conditions by
applying the oId-time principles of the
constitution In such fashion that they
shall meet the new needs l am not
breaking with the traditions of the
past, 1 am merely developing them to
meet the needs of the present"
Colonel Roosevelt went on, follow
ing the lines Of the Bristol speech, adj
vocating the more effective control of
the big corporations by federal law
and the comforting OF additional pow
ers upon the national government. He
was not lighting corporations, he de-