The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1910-06-09

SIoHS lHdC are Required DN lie law
abroad. More considerate treatment
of the public;i greater publicity of cor
poration affairs; improved relation be-
tween capital and labor and better ap-
probation of their rights and RESPONSE
bilities toward each other and of both to
the general public are results that can
be directly credited to this single indi-
videal. But the real and surest test of
his popularity is that the people trust
him and, on this account, his home-com-
ing assumes its largest aspect.
The people manifest no anxiety or ap-
prehension over possible opinions he may
express on present or prospective con-
ditlons. Their faith in him is abiding;
he did little IN the past to test that faith
For this reason, if none other, Mr..
Roosevelt cannot be expected to take
any decided position involving much de-
narration from convictions he has often
eXpounded. His opposition to the prin-
ciple that might makes right can, there
fore, be depended upon and those inter-
ests which have formerly been specially
favored by suppliant representatives at
Washington and atvarious state capitals
need anticipate no relaxing because of
private citizenship. In reality. his
power has evidently been materially in
creased since he left the White House
notwithstanding that he has no pa
tronage to distribute, nothing but his
personality to attract and no announced
political plans or ambitions. If, as re-
ported, he declared before departing for
Africa last year that he would reserve
the right on his return to approve or
condemn the acts of his successor, there
can be no doubt of highly interesting
comments. These comments are i'm
patiently awaited. The earnestness
with which the present administration
processes to believe in his practical en-
dorsement suggests only hope thereof.
Should it be realized, the effect not only
on the Taft administration. but on the
vested interests and their allies would
be temporarily electrical. There would
be an immediate and radical change in
the business, financial, investment and
political situation. The collapse of the
insurgent movement, the election of Re-
publican House of Representative and
the retention of number of state legis-
latures, insuring Republican successors
to senator's whose terms expire next
year, would be practically assured. The
shrewdest politicians clearly recognize
there contingencies. But the fighting
for the maintenance Of the Roosevelt
policies has not been done by the few
senators and Representatives who have
braved the power and the wrath of the
leaders on congress and the administra-
ton and who have wrung important
concessions from a most unwilling ma
jority, by unremltting efforts. The
prospect that the advantages so acqulr-
ed will be jeopardzed, by the greatest
politician this country has ever pro-
duced, seem to remote too be seriously
considered. Moreover, it is against all
precedent to suspect that Mr.. Roosevelt
has any project in mind that would bene-
fit the few at the expense of the many.
1t is certain that approval of the party
in power, and Mr.. Roosevelt is a strong
party man, would Immediately stimulate
enterprise, encourage exploitation and
revive many plans that are held in abey-
ance. Corporation progress was retard-
ed by the Roosevelt policies and the liti-
cation against the so-called trusts, be-
gun during the former administration.
The re-argument Of the American To-
bacco and Standard Oil cases before the
Supreme Court of the United States,
next November along with the certain
ty of decisions not far distant thereaf-
ter, presages additional hesitancy.
These proceedings were instituted only
because it had become apparent that
the manner of conducting large corpora
tons had reached point pregnant with
the gravest dangers for the safety of the
republic. Final Interpretation of the
questions at issue will blaze the way for
future operation along constitutional
lines and will safeguard the interests of
invested capital and the rights of the
individual. The rapidity of the growth
of industrial power after Mr. McKin-
leY's first Inauguration overshadowed
all other developments between 1897
and 1902 and led to the supposition that
the country was to capture the trade of
the universe. The American invasion
became spectre in Europe in 1901 but
the sudden collapse in 1903, followed by
and equally sudden recuperation in 1905
demonstrated to the world at large our
irrational character and removed the
possibility of our becoming the arbiter
OF industeral and financial affairs. Dur
ing the first Mckinley administration,
there was no effort to check industrial
ACKNOWLEDGMENT and most of the abuses
sought to be corrected, since 1905, then
had their most vigorous development.
Believing that Mr. Roosevelt, whose
SagacitV is universally conceded will