The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1910-06-19

D N@NAe-s
new conditions. The Increase In IN
number Of departments and In IN
amount Of Departmental and Of parila'
montAry work imposes q severe strain
on the Cabinet. The increase Involves
many risks. There l. q risk Of an over
grown Cabinet dslsgAiing lie function.
20 an inner body. There h q risk Of In
sufilcient central supervision over de-
partmental work. There Il q risk % In
suhlcient cooperation between the great
departmental chiefs In the general worn
Of government. And there Il one strain
under which the Cabinet system, a. VI
understand it. would almost certainly
break down. Il Il dificult to 80 how ths
sEscutive supremacy or the exclusive OF
collective responsibility Of the Cabinet
could survive the iuxtaposition Of another
committee or council. sharing the roaponsi-
bility for important national or imperial
duties. and having. 10 may be. the Prime
Minister a. IL chief
These are real dificultiss which have
shown themselves In ons form or another
IN recent years. Meanwhile tho main
problems are. first. how 20 find time 70
dispose Of the growing mass Of business.
and second. how to reconcile the legtti-
mate demands Of the Government with
the legitimate rights Of thu minority. the
despatch Of business with the duties Of
Parliament a. a grand inquest Of the
nation at which all public questions Of
real importance find opportunity for
adequate discussion these problems
have called for the frequent revision Of
the rules Of procedure. They are prob
lens which all legislative bodies find e
more and more dificult to solve salts
factOrily.
The remarkable character Of the growth
at British institutions. the almost un-
conscious adaptation Of existing methods
and organs 20 new uses. the stretching
OF presidents 20 a. % adapt them 20 new
circumstances. the gradual. hardly per-
ceived alteration in the spirit and purpose
Of established forms. carried In some
cases 70 the point Of making them do the
opposite Of what they did in the begin
ming. stand out perhaps more clearly
In Prof Redlich's study o. the seemingly
trivial details Of parliamentary procedure
than In the history Of more important
matters, such as the development Of the
Law or the growth Of popular representa-
ton. II IL curious. for instance. 20 note
In the description Of the once Of Speaker
that the arbitrary power pertaining %
Il in the Tudor times and then employed
in helping 20 impose the wishes Of the
Crown on the Commons. after having
besn weakened in the centuries when
Parliament was struggling with and
winning the ascendancy over the Crown.
is now revived % enforce the will Of the
against the opposition or
the dilatOriness Of the House Of Commons
10 the apparently harmless and practical
sXpsdient Of reserving a day for the
business Of the Government has been
expanded 20 the point that II 10 extremely
liifficult 10 bring any matters before the
House other than those which the Govern
ment will permit. while the closing %
debate. devised 20 put a stop 10 obstructive
tactics, has been extended 10 a. 20 shut
n discussion of any kind Whenever the
objects TO delay in passing
ts measures The rules have been used
10 do away with some Of the most cher
ished privileges o. Parliament. and 81
ate years have been made deliberately
with that object in view.
We turn nov 20 Prof Redlich'ssummary
u the alterations that have been brought
shout In the relations between the Min
stry and the House Of Commons by the
rules adopted by the House itself in order I
10 expedite business Three tendencies l
stand out in bold relief. the strengthening
d the disciplinary and administrative |
powers Of the Speaker. the continuous |
extension Of the rights Of the Government |
over the direction % al parliamentary |
action in the House. and lastly. the COM !
plsts suppression Of the private member.
10Th a. 20 his legislative initiative and ~
10 the scope Of action allowed 20 him by I
the rules. Not one Of the three IA the
Of any Intentional effort: {
hey have all arisen out Of the hard neces- /
sity Of political requirements The union .
u all slements q political power in the
hands Of the House Of Commons and the
transfer Of this concentrated .
living force 20 a Cabinet drawn eXclu- I
,ively from Parliament are tho dominant /
features % the modern development Of /
public law and politics In England. The |
lnly relics Of Independence remaining 70 |
he Crown and the House Of Lords are Ger |
ain rights Of resistance. certain priv /
lsges and possibilities Of causing a tenn /
Dorary stoppags Of the plans Of the ma
.ority Il tire House Of Commons. a. repre- |
,entei in tho Cabinet The freedom % the /
'rown 20 choose a Prime Minister and tho /
participation Of the peers in the compo-
'ition Of the Cabinet are perhaps the only !
cOnstitutionally definAble func- |
ions In which the Crown and the HOUSE |
II Lords stand on a level with the Com |
mons. But the very completeness Of its !
lower. which may he said 20 comprise the 7
whole administration Of domestic and /
IoreiRn Affairs. has compelled the House Of !
Commons to Abdicate the exercise Of al |
most all its authority in favor Of its ex-
.cutivs COMMITTEES. the Ministry The
order Of business in the House Of Com |
mons. the actual political sovereign Of the I
empire. has Of necessity been convertsd |
rom a weapon TO be used against Crown |
md Government by the representative |
assembly Of the people into a political
Weapon Of the Ministry. but the Ministry /
q both theoretically and practically an 1
,rGan Of the same house. and must be 90 /
regarded
Prof Redlich's investigation IL into the
lrDradure Of the Cornrnona. Ia tottrhaa