New-York tribune., 1910-01-16
XLIX,
London, December 8

an fhe newspapers TO WHICH ne WRITES
freouent letters, on the political plat
form. in far lands as both traveller and
envoy. and in society. They call him
;mn,Isive and I suppose he is, being an
Jr;sbnan. But when he went TO China
no went. I believe. at the request OF GER
tain important people in the CITY or
london. to report on business prospects
IN China. and on the employment OF
British capital. He wrote thick book
which was accepted at once as manual
end an authority on great Chinese ques-
tions.
do not know that II is his fault that
rsrty has gathered about him in the
navy II is melancholy that there
.bo,lId be parties in great service which
5enends for much of its efficiency on the
,,rion Of hearts and hands. But Lord
charles was. and is. the representative
of one school of thought. and Sir John
richer was the representative of an
o,ber and hostile school Of thought.
,.o,eo1er Sir John Fisher is Identified
D,th z political as well as naval party;
or II not political governmental: and
9. nresent II Is difficult 10 distinguish
betu.een the two. This present govern
r,art came. in fact. very near TO starv-
.,g the navy: 10 Withholding the second
.o,,- hsttleships which alone could
maintain the superiority. or even the
equality. of the English with the Ger
man sea forces four years hence. Ihey
allowed politics to be mixed with purely
naval questions The four Dreaonoushts
uere discussed with reference TO by
elections and the movement, supposed
or real Of public opinion. The question
If EngIand's naval supremacy does not
seem ever to have presented Itself 10
the mind of the Prime Minister as q
question of pure patriotism. He was
eble ultimately 10 carry his Cabinet
with him in that policy of which eight
ss against four Dreadnoughts were the
evnressjon. For in this country votes
are taken in Cabinet councils, and. as
rule. the majority prevails. In that
respect. as in others, the power of the
British Prime Minister is inferior to the
roWer of the President of the United
States who is himself a majority.
Lord Charles was not content even
with that decision. or that triumph
over Mr.. Lloyd George and Mr.. Winston
Churchill He maintained then and he
maintains now that the navy needs
much besides more battleships: more
men. more cruisers. more stores and
munitions. There is ever present to his
mind the theory that the navy is a
fighting machine: only valuable so far
ss it is efficient for fighting purposes.
He is not in the mood of that great
Gar of Russia who hated war because
he could not endure 10 see the splendors
Of his Guards regiments dinmed by the
smoke and shattered by the havoc of
battle
The mood of the anti -Dreadnought
party in the Cabinet and elsewhere is
very much like the mood OF Mr. Glad
stone with reference to the Channel
tunnel That great man had been per-
suaded by Sir Edward Watkin. chair
man Of the South Eastern Railway into
z belief in the tunnel as a great civil
izing and commercial agency, and L
know not what. He supported the
scheme in the House of Commons,
where he made a very remarkable
speech in aid OF Sir Edward Watkin' s
project. He said in substance:
Il understand that this benehcient
meas sure is opposed on the ground that
Il might conceivably in certain possible
circumstances facilitate the invasion Of
England by the French. / am ashamed
-s,l laraI NJ M
countrymen, no matter how insignificant
in numbers, allowing their judgment
on noble enterprise like this to be per-
verted by the apprehension lest a great
and friendly nation should attack us"
In other words. Mr.. Gladstone was
ready 10 risk the invasion of England
on his own personal belief that the
friendship of France would for all time
be proof against the temptation TO war
which the tunnel would offer
Mr. Lloyd-George fand Mr.. Winston
Churchill are, in this one particular, Mr..
Gladstone's disciples. They are SO conf
Dent Of the good will of Germany that
they would not mind seeing the German n
navy stronger than the English. They
would back their own opinion not only
against so distinguished an admiral as
Lord Charles Beresford, but against all
the adnlirals and all the high officers of
the whole British navy. They put all
that aside as -'professionaP' opinion.
They put aside the opinion Of Sir John
Fisher himself, their own colleague, and
Of all the other Sea Lords of the Ad-
miralty, al their colleagues. They very
Yearly converted, or coaxed, or coerced,
the Prime Minister. But not quite, for
Mr.. Asquith has some knowledge Of pub
lie opinion and some respect for it, He
should stint the naval defence Of Eng
land would not long be Ministry. So,
LOT once, he asserted his rightful author
i'y as Head Of the Government, and re-
ouced his rebellious lieutenants to order.
IL was matter in which Lord Charles
beresford proved his best friend, though
90 not know that Mr.. Asquith ever ad-
mtted it or perceived it.
But that is one of the uses Of a man
high in the naval or military service of
Ills country. He can do something more
uhan command an army corps or a
squadron. He can and does command
PUBLIC confidence on questions of naval
or military policy. The politician does
hot always take thought of that possi-
piilty' or even proba bility. He thinks
politics are all in all in public life. But
"a tnis country they are very far from