New-York tribune., 1910-06-08

the permanent national types will more and
more tend toward those in which. while
the intellect stands high. character stands
higher; In which rugged strength and
courage, rugged capacity to resist wrong
ful aggression by others, will go hand in
hand with a lofty scorn of doing wrong 70
others. This Is the type of Tinoleon. or
Hampden. OF Washington and Lincoln.
These were as good men, as disinterested
ard unselhsh men. as ever served a state;
and they were also as strong men as ever
founded or saved a state. Surely sucn
examples prove that there is nothing
Utopian in our effort TO combine justice
and strength in the same nation. The
really high civilizations must themselves
supply the antidote to the self-indulgence
and love OF ease which they tend to pro-
duce.
Means of Meeting Crises.
Every modern civilized nation has many
and terrible problems to solve within it's
own borders, problems that arise not
merely from juxtaposition Of poverty and
riches, but especially from the self-con-
sciousness of both poverty and riches.
Each nation must deal with these matters
in it's own fashion, and yet the spirit in
which the problem is approached must
ever be fundamentally the same. II must
be a spirit of broad humanity; Of broth
erly kindness; of acceptance of responst-
bility one for each and each for all; and
at the same time spirit as remote as the
poles from every form of weakness and
sentimentality. AS in war to pardon the
coward Is to do cruel wrong to the brave
men whose life his cowardice jeopardizes.
so in civil affairs it is revolving to every
principle Of justice TO give to the lazy, the
vicious, or even the feeble and dull witted,
a reward which is really the robbery OF
what Drawer, wiser, abler men have earned.
The only effective way to help any man is
to help him to help himself; and the worst
lesson to teach him is that he can be per-
manently helped at the expense of some
one else.
The Rights of Minorities.
True Hberality shows itself to best ad
vantage IN protecting the rights of others,
and especially of minorities. Privilege
should not be tolerated because 1t is to
the advantage of a minority, nor yet be-
cause IT is TO the advantage of majority
No doctrinaire theories of vested rights or
freedom Of contract can stand in the way
Of our cutting out abuses from the body
polite. Just as little can we afford to fol-
low the .doctrinaires of an impOssible-and
incidentally of a highly undesirable-social
revolution which, in destroying individual
rights Gncluding property rights and the
family would destroy the two chief agents
in the advance of mankind, and the two
chief reasons why either the advance or
the preservation of mankind is worth while
It is an evil aad a dreadful thing to be
calIous to sorrow and suffering, and blind
to our duty to do all things possible for
the betterment OF social conditions. But 1t
is an unspeakably foolish thing to strive
for this betternent by means so destructive
that they would leave no social conditions
to better. In dealing with all these social
problems with the intimate relations of
the family, with wealth in private use and
business use, with labor, with poverty, the
one prime necessity is to remember that.
though hardness of heart is great evil,
It is no greater an evil than softness Of
head.
Questions of Colonial Rule.
But in addition to these problems the
most intimate and important OF all which
to a larger or less degree affect all the
modern nations somewhat alike. We of the
great nations that have expanded, that
another and with alien races, have special
problems and special duties of our own.
You belong to a nation which possesses the
greatest empire upon which the sun has
ever shone. I belong to a nation which is
trying on a scale hitherto unexampled, TO
work out the problems of government for,
of and by the people. while at the same
time doing the International duty Of
great power. But there are certain prob
lens which both of US have to solve. and
as to which our standards should be the
same. The EngIshman, the man of the
British Isles, in his various homes across
the seas, and the American, both at home
and abroad, are brought into contact with
utterly alien peoples, some with civiliza-
ton more ancient than our own, others
still in. or having but recently arisen from,
the barbarism which our people left behind
ages ago The problems that arise are Of
wellnigh inconceivabIe difficulty. They can
not be solved by the foolish sentimentality
Of stay-at-home people, wiki little patent
recipes. and those cut-and-dried theories Of
the political nursery which have such lin
tied applicability amid the crash of ele-
mental forces. Neither can they be solved
by the raw brutality of the men who,
whether at home or on the rough frontier
OF C1VlIlZaLlOn, ADOPT might dS IILS OiIJ
standard Of right in dealing with other men,
and treat alien races only as subjects for
exploitation.
The Rights of Subject Races
No hard and fast rule can be drawn as
applying 10 all alien races. because they
differ from one another far more widely
than some of them differ from US But
there are one or two rules which must not
be forgotten In the long run there can
be no justification for one race manag aging
or controlling another unless the manage
ment and control are exercised in the in
terest and for the benefit OF that other race.
This is what our peoples have in the main
done, and must continue in the future III
even greater degree TO do, in India, Egypt
and the Philippines alike In the next
place. as regards every race, everywhere.
at home or abroad we cannot afford to-de-