The Yale expositor., 1910-05-06

the very rare cases where the nations
honor is vitality concerned) all other
possible subjects of controversy will
be submitted to arbitration. Such a
treaty should insure peace until one
party deliberately violated it. OF
course, as yet there is no adequate
safeguard against such deliberate vio-
lation, but the establishment of a
sufficient number of these treaties
would go long way towards creating
a world opinion which would finally
find expression in the provision OF
methods TO forbid or punish any such
violation.
Work Of Hague Tribunal.
Secondly, there is the further de-
of The Hague tribunal, Of
the work of the conferences and courts
at The Hague. 1t has been well said
that the first Hague conference
framed a Magma Charta for the ma
tions; it set before us an ideal which
has already 10 some extent been real
lied, and towards the full realization
of which we can all steadily strive.
The second conference made further
progress; the third should do yet
more. Meanwhile the American gov
eminent has more than once tenta-
lively suggested methods for COM
pleting the court of arbitral justice,
constituted at the second Hague con-
ference. and for rendering it effective.
1t is earnestly TO be hoped that the
various governments of Europe, work
ing with those of America and of
Asia, shall set themselves seriously to
the task of devising some method
which shall accomplish this result. If
may venture the suggestion, it would
be well for the statesmen of the
world, in planning for the erection of
this world court, TO study what has
been done in the United States by the
Supreme court. i cannot help think
ing that the Constitution of the Uni
ment Of the Supreme court and in the
methods adopted for securing peace
and good relations among and be-
tween the different states, offers GER
tain valuable analogies TO what should
be striven for in order TO secure,
through The Hague courts and confer
ences, species of world federation
for international peace and justice.
There are, of course, fundamental diff
ferences between what the United
States Constitution does and what we
should ever attempt at this time TO
Gn OF Tho hut af h
DDS adopted In the American Consti-
tuition to prevent hostilities between
the states, and TO secure the suprem-
acy Of the federal court in certain
classes OF cases, are we'll worth the
study OF those who seek at The Hague
to obtain the same result on a world
scale.
Undue Growth OF Armaments.
In the third place, something should
be done as soon as possible to check
the growth of ornaments, especially
naval ornaments, by International
agreement. No one power could or
should act by itself; for its is eminent
ly undesirable. from the standpoint OF
the peace of righteousness, that a
power which really does believe in
peace should place itself at the mercy
of some rival which may at bottom
have no such belief and no intention
of acting on it. But, granted sim
cerity of purpose, the great powers OF
the world should find no insurmount-
able difficulty in reaching an agree
tuhfah urnt.lA nm nd n ka
present costly and growing extrava-
gance of expenditure on naval arma-
ments. An agreement merely to limit
the size of the ships would have been
very useful few years ago. and would
still be of use; but the agreement
should 60 much further.
Finally, 1t would be a master stroke
IL those great powers honestly bent on
peace would form league OF peace.
not only to keep the peace among
themselves, but to prevent. by force II
necessary, it's being broken by others.
The supreme difficulty in connection
with developing the peace work of
The Hague arises from the lack OF any
executive power. OF any police power
to enforce the decree of the court.
In any community of any size the au-
thority OF the courts rests upon actual
or potential force; on the existence of
a police, or on the knowledge that the
able-bodied men Of the country are
both ready and willing to see that the
DEGREES of judicial and legislative
bodies are put into effect. In new and
wild communities where there is vio-
lencc. an honest man must protect
himself; and until other means of Sc
curing his safety are devised. II is
both foolish and wicked to persuade
him 10 surrender HE arms while the
men who are dangerous to the com
munity retain theirs. He should not
renounco the right to protect himself
by his own efforts until the commu-
nifty is so organized that II can effec.
lively relieve the individual of the
duty of putting down violence. So II
Is with nations. Each nation must
keep well prepared to defend itself un.
I'll the establishment OF some form
OF international police power, compe
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