Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, 1910-06-17
he has increased the prestige of Ameri-
cans throughout the world.
WILLIAM II. TAFT.
FROM GOVERNOR HUGHE

he has increased the prestige of Ameri-
cans throughout the world.
WILLIAM Fl. TAFT.
FROM GOVERNOR HUGHES.
My Dear Colonel Roosevelt:
On my own behalf. and on behalf of
your fellow citizens of the state of New
y ork. whose cordial sentiment 1t gives me
pleasure to express, | extend to you a
most hearty welcome upon your return
home.
The people OF your native state, which
nourished your strength and gave you 20
the nation for service of worldwide influ-
ence, take pride in the distinguished non
ors which you have received abroad as
a fitting tribute to your representative
and personal character, and join in wish
ing you the most abundant happiness and
a long life enriched by continued useful
ness and by the love and esteem which
know no division with respect to party,
creed. or race.
With assurance of my high regard l
am, Faithfully yours
CHARLES E. HUGHES.
The Hon. Theodore Roosevelt.
FROM MAYOR GAYOR.
The people of the city of New York
do well to welcome Mr.. Roosevelt nome.
He is of them-bone of their bone, flesh
OF their flesh-and they have "a soft
side" for him. Through a long ances-
try he is native and to the manor born
here. And the people of the whole
country will join the welcome. They
have witnessed with pleasure the honor
done to Mr.. Roosevelt in Europe. Twice
within two generations have they now
seen the like In the case Of two or
their former presidents. General Grant
had not only been president twice, like
Mr.. Roosevelt, but had one of the great
military careers of the world back or
him. No doubt some of the extraordi-
nary curiosity displayed in Europe TO
see him and do him honor arose from
this latter fact. But the chief reason
was the same as in the case of Mr..
Roosevelt, namely, that, having been
twice president OF the United States
and become again a private citizen,
docile to just authority. he personitied
in the European mind the idea of a gov
eminent of laws as distinguished from
a government OF men. 1t is that idea,
first vitalized on this continent, and
afterwards followed as an example in
Europe, by slow degrees and by one ma
ton after another, which shall always
make one who has been in chief ruler
ship over this country an object or pro-
found interest and reverence to the rest
OF the world. In one form and another
We cApTeSStu II the DeSlnnlnB IN us
threefold division of power In all OF our
fundamental instruments of govern
ment, the loftiness of the conception
being sometimes expressed i'm equally lof-
ty and felicitous language. as, for in
stance, in the Massachusetts, bill OF
rights:
In the government of this common
wealth, the legislative department shall
never exercise the executive and judi
ecutive shall never exercise the IegisIa-
tive and judicial powers, or either or
them; the judicial shall never exercise
the legislative and executive powers, or
either OF them Ito the end it may be a
government OF laws and not of men.
Great problems now confront us FOR
solution, the accumulation OF more than
two generations OF men more bent on
their individual success, If not greed.
than on the public veal No few, but
all OF us, are to blame for II, either by
actual commission or by indifference
and neglect. With that era now draw
ing toward it's close, let us get our
standpoint anew in this conception or
government, to the end that we may
lose all fear, as We most certainly
shall, OF q resort to force to right
whatever has grown up among us that
suiteth not a commonwealth, and has
in ii the canker OF death to governm emit
of equal opportunity to all and favorit-
ism or privilege to none.
w. ]. GAYNOR.