The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1910-11-19
THE END OF DISFRANCHISEMENT

IT. HE Baltimore Sun is entirely
justified in its statement that
- no hope for the rafting OF
valid law that will disfl anchise the
negro solely because OF his race or
color will be found in the opinion
handed down by Judge Morris, in the
U. ). Circuit Court, declaring uncon-
stitutonal and void the grandfather's
clause OF the Annapolis election law"
To put it a little differently, this de-
cision practically kills all attempts to
disiranchise the colored voters in these
indirect ways and the Fifteenth Amend
ment precudes any direct way of dis
franchlSing them. 1t would seem,
therefore, that political geniuses might
save themselves the trouble OF de-
vising further DISTINGUISHING amend
ments and Maryland politics may be
delivered from further discussion of
such amendments. For such a happy
deliverance we may well feel grateful.
This everlasting emphasis of negro
Acknowledgement has been the very
salvation of the Democratic machine i'll
this State for number OF years. 1t
has likewise been the most discourag-
ing and most repellcnt feature OF our
political debates. No proper interest
could be focused upon administrative
policies and records, because for
Sooth everybody was engaged in at
lacking or defending the right OF ne
gro suffrage. At last this subject
may be laid to rest, and the electorate
OF the state is at liberty to pass YER
dict (ol approval or dlsapproyaD upon
the record OF its public Servants as the
record stands. Another disiranchiSe-
ment amendment is to be submitted
to the voters in the Fall OF 1871. 1t
will hardly command the distinction Of
a debate, however. &c an anord TO
let II pass, on me comiui abe aSSur-
ancc that it will be declared lnconsti-
tutional by the courts and election
officials attempting to enforce its pro-
visions viii he Liable .or aamages at
the hands OF the parties affected. 1t
viii not be necessary to make this
Amendment a paramount issue, or
to male it an issue at al. We can
turn from its consideration to the dis"
cussion OF State affairs in the coming
campaign, to the discussion OF the
Executive and Legislative record OF
the Democratic administration; we
can do what the electorate ought to
do i'll every such campaign--we can
sit in judgment upon the stewardship
OF our public servants, unhampered
and undivcrtcd BY sore contention Tor
the suffrage right Itself.
One other consideration is engen-
dered by Judge Morris decision That
decision makes it plain that iii Mary
land and every other State OF this
Federal Union the right OF suffrage IS
not to De subjected 10 discrimination
because OF race, color, etc This does
not mean that no restrictions may be
placed upon the exercise OF the sui
frage. They may, but they will not be.
Our Democratic friends do not dare
attempt such a thing as limitation OF
the suffrage upon educational tests
or any other tests that must be APP
piled to all men alike. We must stand
or fall upon our doctrine OF universal
suffrage. This means the acceptance
OF the vote OF thousands OF ignorant
and illiterate' colored men, also OF
thousands oil Ignorant and illiterate"
white men. What follows, except all
the greater obligation upon those of
us who have had fairer chance in
life-the obligation to do all that doth
become man and citizen in the di-
rection OF our governmental affairs,
and in the education and upliit of those
who are equally rulers with us in our
Republic. The doctrine OF universal
suffrage is a bold theory OF govern.
ment and can onl ybe justified by the
further doctrine that the strong shall
bear the intirmtics OF the eak"-aye,
shall aid the weak to become the
strong. Universal suffrage is meant
to level the race up, not down; and
therein lies its only justification in the
science of government.