Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, 1910-01-25

iii
sale decentralization. Moreover, a
citizenship that devotes itself primar-
lily to earning a livelihood, caring for
a family and going to bed O. nights
is seeing things in reasonably true
| perspective when 1t "hasn't time" to
go downtown on rainy evening to
argue regarding the nomination OF
Jones for county clerk. And, finally,
whether 1t ought or oughtn't, it won't.
So that settles it. Human nature has
not changed perceptibly since Adam
and a plan of government that In
wolves radical alteration in the con-
sciences of fifteen or twenty million
citizens will wait forever for its in
tended consummation. To berate the
electorate for indifference when 1t fails
to fulfill this or that set Of demands
Is as useless and unscientific as berat-
ing a horse for falling to grow q
square neck to fit new-style square
collar. And as we can't induce the
electorate to change its nature to fit
the present government, we must re-
shape the government to fit the cleo
torate, with absolute Difference to all
the latter's frailties.
The Short Ballot In Galveston.
Every other democratic nation does
1t. Consider, for instance, the we'll
known success Of the English cities.
Year in, year out, without reform
spasms or "civic. awakenings," these
cities consistently elect their ablest
men to Office. A glance at an En-
glish ballot explains it. The English
citizen goes to the polls and records
his choice for member Of the common
council from his ward. The council
will elect the mayor, the aldermen,
and everybody else in the municipal
ity-the voter has only to fill that one
office. The debate between the can
didates at such times is carried on
with the utmost fierceness. The dead
walls are plaearded with election pos
ters to the temporary exclusion of
other advertising, But the candidates
will make what are known in this
country as "whirlwind campaigns"
within the limits Of their little wards.
There is ample opportunity for both
candidates to get their opinions and
arguments to every voter, and the
voter soon knows which he wants as
clearly as an American voter does In
choosing between two candidates for
president. Conspicuous merit becomes
vital asset to the candidate when
the voters examination Is so minutely
chimes, no tickets, no politicians, in
our American sense Of the words.
The candidate simply gets himself
nominated by petition and goes after
for his election but the people, with
whom he conducted his negotiations
direct He does not need to persuade
boss to tie him up in a bunch, for
there are no other stalks to make up
bunch with. A professional politi-
clan would find nothing to be profes-
sional in, for every citizen is as COM
plete an expert in politics as he.
A similar condition obtains in every
other foreign democracy and results
in a correspondingly higher moral
standard of government without the
aid or interference Of machines. In
the United States, on the contrary, the
long ballot is universal, with one new
bright and widening rift in the clouds.
The city of Galveston, in 1900, adopt
ed plan Of government by a COM
mission of five as an emergency meas
ure to get quick municipal action. I'm
Willingly, I think, it stumbled into a
ballot and proceeded to reap the ad-
vantages Of it. This commission has,
without scandal, carried through tre-
mendous public improvements rails
ing the ground level to prevent anoth-
er fiood-and at the same time has
reduced the public debt and the tax
rate. That is good administration
More than that, it gets reelected by
overwhelming majorites and has not
been in peril at any election. The
"old crowd" that misgoverned this city
of the vote now, and comedies without
contest the reelection of three of the
five good commissioners. And the to-
tai campaign expenses Of electing the
right men are only three hundred and
fifty dollars.
It has been widely said that this
was the fruit of correct organization
analogous to a business corporation
with it's board of directors. But there
are many other elected commissions
and boards in the United States
county commissions, boards of educa-
ton, trustees Of the sanitary district,
boards Of assessors, and they are not
conspicuously successful. In fact
such organization often serves to scat
ter responsibility and shelter corrup-
ton.
Galveston's plan, in fact, was far
from ideal, but it had one overwhelm-
ing merit-that 1t concentrated the
attention of the voters sharply upon
candidates for only five offices, all i'm
portant enough to warrant such at
tention. The press could give ade-
quate space to every one; in conse-
quence every intelligent voter in his
easy chair at home formed opinions
on the whole five and had a definite
notion Of the personality Of every can
didate. In such a situation the ward
politician had no function. There was
no ignorant laissez-f -faire, no mesh OF
detail for him to trade upon. He be-
came no more powerful than any
other citizen, and his only strength
lay in whatever genuine leadership he
possessed. Moreover. if he nominated
men who could stand the fierce lime
light and get elected, they would, ipsc
facto, probably be men who would re-
sist his attempt to control them after
ward. Or if they did cater to him II
would be difficult to do his bidding
right in the concentrated glare of pub