The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1910-12-31
now be to go ahead.

Asquith may repeat the we'll known
{ words of the German emperor when
he was rid of Bismarck: "Full steam
ahead" This is undoubtedly the wise
as well as the courageous policy, for
the heat of the country is great, and
1t would be insanity not to strike the
iron while it is hot
] expect, therefore, that the first
day the house Of commons meets the
prime minister will announce the i'm.
mediate introduction of the veto bill,
and that 1t will be pushed through
with fair rapidity and that it will be
sent to the house of lords promptly.
OF course the body will reject it,
and then will come the critical mo.
ment- Of the whole struggle. The
premier certainly has an understand.
ing from the king that he will be
supplied with all the necessary weap-
ems to carry his policy through. In
the concrete that means that he will
be given as many new peers as would
be necessary to carry his bill over the
standing majority In the house of
lords.
Of course it is doubtful If it will
ever come to that. And of course the
king might refuse, but 1 don't think
the king can refuse, or that if he did
it would save the lords.
The king would then have to call
Mr.. Balfour in, and the day Mr.. Bal
four appeared in the house of COM
mons the Liberals would carry vote
against him, and either Balfour would
have to resign or go to another cleo
ton.
doubt if the country would stand
another election within "a couple of
years, and then think the Liberals
have all the cards in their HANDS, and
that they must win on the house of
lords issue.
Kings Death Has Effect.
So much is this felt even on the
Tory side that there are already
many appeals for another conference
Here again I do not think Asquith
can yield. The last conference put
ssoh heavy strain ON the loyalty of
LIS own supporters, and it was only
the Overwhelming influence of the
conditions that enabled Asquith to
carry the conference through; It was
only the feeling that the emotion OF
the country over the death Of King
Edward would resent any attempt at
the renewal Of the bitter party fight
which got even federation for these
prolonged negotiations.
On home rule compromise is Diff
fioult for the Tory party, not because
of English opinion among Tories, but
because Of the Orange section in Ire
land. and a certain Orange section in
carts Of England, especially in the
region from which write this COM
munication, namely, Liverpool, and
the surrounding parts of Lancashire.
Audiences Enthusiastic.
Here Orangeism is rampant, and it
is doubtful If here any more than in
Belfast 1t would be safe for any Tory
to assent to home rule in any shape.
But after all it doesn't matter.
The Liberal party is more of a
home rule party today than at any
time since the death of Gladstone.
Liberal opinion in this country is
much ripper than in the early days Of
Gladstone's home rule campaign.
Every reference have made to it
on English platforms during the last
fortnight of our whirlwind campaign
has been received with enthusiasm
by. the English audiences. And in
short it is my opinion that nothing
barring some disastrous accident, can
now prevent the advent of home rule
in a comparatively short time.
Even the remnant of the faction
left in Ireland cannot seriously af-
feet the situation. O'Brien is now
to all intents and purposes a Tory,
That ts to say, an ally of the Tories.
He may be ready to do all the mis-
chief he can to the Liberal ministry in
order to. break up the Irish party,
but when the Liberal ministers pro-
pose a bill to do away with the veto
of the lords, even he, believe, will
find it impossible to oppose them, for
no Irish Nationalist can have any.
thing but a ferocious hatred of that
sinister assembly.
If he has to go into the same lobby
with the Irish party under Redmond,
1t would be hard to see where his
raison Diet re-exists. He will try to
make trouble in the budget, but the
budget will be forgotten in the con.
fagration of the fight against the
lords.
Task Is Difficult.
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