Macon beacon. [volume] (Macon, Miss.) 1859-1995, 1910-08-26
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A Remedy for Some
Forms of
Selfish Legislation

uments would afford a yer useful
source Of raw material.
Is there a remedy for such a state
of things? The answer is, yes; and,
moreover, it is a remedy which con-
gress can itself Immediately provide.
There is no complete remedy, OF
course. No scheme can be devised
which can prevent such a request as
that Of the constituent last named
who wished public documents to use
in his private paper business. Re
quests like this merely mean that in
every district individuals will always
be found who will request improper
favors. AS regards these people, all
that can be done is to create a vigor-
Gus public opinion-an opinion which
shall not only make 1t uncomfortable
for any mar to demand such favors,
but which shall cordially support the
congressman in refusing them and
hold him accountable for granting
them.
Congress has now, and has long
had, the power to rid its members Of
almost all the improper pressure
brought to bear upon the individual
by special interests-great and small,
local and metropolitan-on such sub
jects as tariff legislation, river and
harbor legislation, and pension legis-
lation. Congress has not exercised
this power; chiefly because of what
I am bound to regard as a very short
sighted and unwise belief that it is
beneath it's dignity to delegate any OF
ifc fI1nOtinnC PU nocCin0 q rI11o which
would forbid the reception or passage
of any pension bill save the pension
legislation recommended by the com
missioner of pensions (this of course
to be rejected or amended as congress
saw fit, but not so amended as to
include any special or private legis-
latiOn), congress would at once do
away with the possibility of its mem
bers being subject to local pressure
for improper private pension bills, and
at the same time guarantee proper
treatment for the veteran who really
does deserve to have everything done
for him that the country can afford.
In the case Of the tariff and the
river and harbor legislation, what is
needed in each case is ample prov1-
sion for a commission OF the highest
possible grade, composed Of men who
thoroughly know the subject, and who
possess every attribute required for
the performance of the great and diff
1cult task of framing in outline the
legislation that the country, as dis
i tinguished from special interests,
really needs. These men, from the
very nature of the case, will be wholly
free from the local pressure of special
interests so keenly felt by every man
who is dependent upon the vote Of
a particular district every two years
for his continuance in public life.
Such a river and harbor commission
could report, and probably would re-
port, a great and comprehensive ma
tional scheme for river and harbor i'm
provements fit to be considered by
the people as a whole upon its merits,
and not dependent for enactment into
law upon a system Of log-rolling
designed to placate special interests
which are powerful in each OF many
score congressional districts. Such
a tariff commission could get at the
facts of labor cost here and abroad
| by expert inquiry, and not by the C
| CGDCdnCG OF Interested lGSI1LI1Ouy , SuCn
a commission could consider dispas-
sionate1y the probable effect upon the
entire social and economic body Of
all changes in any given branch of the
tariff, and its recommendations would
represent the exercise of careful
Judgment from a d~isinterested stand
point. Such a commission could work
in harmony with h commissioner OF
labor so as to insure that the labor'
ers for whom the tariff Is passed get
the full benefit of it; for the major
part of the benefit Of a protective
tariff should unquestionably go to the
wage-workers.
Even under such conditions of tariff
making errors might be committed,
but they would be merely those errors
Of disinterested judgment incidental
to every kind Of public or, for the mat
ter of that, private effort, and the work
would not be hampered from the be-
ginning by the need of gratifying prt-
vate selfishness.
It Is only in his way that tariff
legislation, river and harbor legisla-
ton, and pension legislation can be
treated from the standpoint of prin-
ciple and not from the very Low stand
point Of privilege and preference. The
obstacle hitherto to the adoption OF
such a method Of treatment has come
from the queer dislike felt by SO many
congressional leaders to q course OF
action which they quite unJusti1ably)
feel would in some way be a limitation
Of their powers. I think this feeling
IS passing. 1t is simply another In
stance of the kind of feeling which
makes some executives suspicious
about delegating their work to any
subordinate, and which makes many
voters, who have not pondered the