The commercial. (Union City, Tenn.) 190?-193?, 1910-11-04


difficult to secure redress, by removing
the seat Of power to Washington And
the secopd:
The new nationalism is still more
impatient Of the importance which
springs from the over-division Of gov
eminent powers. y
You are not only to concentrate power
in Washington, but you are to CONSOLE
date the power Of government. Instead
Of hasing division of powers such as
the fathers though necessary for the
protection Of liberty you are to have a
rising executive and diminishing court
and Legislature. That is step number
two. And what is the third stepg 1t
naturally follows:
PERNIc1oBs DOCTRINE.
Third, the new nationalism regards
the executive power as the steward of
the public welfare"
There you have it, my friends. First,
put everything in Washington. Sec
ond, put everything in the hands Of the
President And then he is TO stand as
a sort Of earthly father and take care of
us. How do you like the new nation
alism, my friends, when you find out
what it is? This is the doctrine from
which the world has been moving. 1t
has cost the lives of millions of patriots
to get away from this doctrine. God
forbid that he should go back to it.
| | doubt if there is another man in
the United States who would desire to
exercise the power that Mr. Roosevelt
wants to vest in President. ] do not
believe there is another; and even if
you are willing to trust him with this
power beg you to remember that he
is only human and may die; you must
trust another man to exercise it when
he is dead. You cannot judge mon
archy by good king. There have been
good kings, but there never was good
monarchy. The doctrine is bad, and
never since the dayso Alexander Ham
ilton has such doctrine been promul-
gated in the United States by promi-
nent man as is now advanced in the
name of new nationalism. You need
John Kern there to vote against these
initial steps toward a one-man power.
You need John Kern there to vote
against national Incorporation of rail-
roads. You need John Kern there to
vote against the national incorporation
of great corporations that are now hard
to deal with, and will be stronger still
il they can rid themselves of all State
restrictions and stalk, uncontrolled, |
across the land.
FREE SPEECH AND FREE PRESS.
And then there is the question of free
speech and free press. Is it part of
new nationalism to commence libel suits
in Washington and drag editors across
the continent to defend themselves for
criticism of an administration? Ii we
are to increase the Importance of the
Federal Government by concentrating
all power there; if we are then to in
crease the powers of the Presidential
ei1ice by consolidating all power there,
and then be required to reverence it as
the guardian and steward of the peo-
ple--if that is to be the doctrine then Il
you need not be surprised if you are
told that you must not frown when you
look up towards this source Of power;
that if you do frown you must not
speak that il you speak, they can take
you from your home and make you
defend yourself at such distance from
your home that even victory will be
bankruptcy for you and your children
There is another matter that will Il
come before your Senator'S 1t is the
ship subsidy Mr.. Roosevelt is for it.
Mr. Taft is for it. Mr.. Beyeridge has
voted for it; it is part of their plan.
They do not always put it in their plat
form but they are for it; and you need
John Kern there to vote against this
new kind of graft that will be worked
upon you whenever they think you are
able to bear it.
And there is another menace, there is
he central bank. They have wanted it
'or years. They have planned for it for
more than decade. Last year a letter
vas sent out by the National City Bank
II New York the biggest bank in the
United States The letter was handed
o me by man who is now candidate
or Congress in Kansas He obtained
I from national banker. This letter,
ent out by the biggest bank in New
fork, contains the statement that one II
i the provisions of the postal savings