The Bridgeport evening farmer., 1910-03-05
rHE question of female suffrage,
 like the ghost of Banquo, will

like the gnOSG or ba11QuO, VIII
 not down. To some, it is only
 a shade from the neither world 1; while, to others, it is as one of the white-robed celestial beings who ap- peared to Peter, James and John on the mountain top.
 real, it is now a living, practical ques- fion. It has passed beyond the days of ridic1le, and we hear no more of it's advocates as short-haired women and long-haired men. It is being considered by thoughtful men and women, ami mated by the desire of doing that which shall be for the best interests of all.
 Speaking abstractly, 1t is difficult to see how the capacity to vote, and to vote wisely, depends or the mere matter Of pr against female suffrage. Yet not Elways does abstract right determine the question of wisdom or availability. A scheme may seem logically correct and perfect, and yet upon trial prove fail are John Locke drafted form of colonies, which, on the face of 1t, ap- peared to be wise and just, yet it failed of success. The consent of the gov erned, affirmed in the Declaration of In dependence, is not always of immediate application. By the late amendments to tf1e national constitution, the emancipated slaves were made citizens and given the right of suffrage, yet it has always been question whether the latter grant was then the part of wisdom for them or the nation. The inhabitants of the Philip pine Islands were brought under our control Full suffrage was not granted to them, and the matter is still one for fair discussion whether now or, if not now, how soon, it should be granted Indeed, looking at other nations, we find that in many of them the people are not yet capable of government. They have not the respect for legal proceedings, the self-restraint which is necessary to make safe and efficient gov ernment of and by the people. So it is practical question whether the grant ing to-day of full female suffrage will inure to the benefit of the sex or the nation. It has been granted in four States, and thoughtful men are watch ing those States to see its effects upon their political life.
 Objections are raised, not f7ippant1y but seriously, and to be seriously con- sidered. One grows out of the fact that, in many States, the franchise has been granted to women in respect only to educational matters. We naturally think that nothing would be of more vital importance to them than that which affects their children, and that they would everywhere take part in educa- fional questions and show their inter est by participation in the ballot; yet 1t Is true that they have not responded as fully as was expected. Thus, while there were about 7oo,ooo women authorized to vote in Massachusetts on school ques- lions, the number actually voting fell from I8,483 in Ioo6 to I3,6Io in 1907. In one hundred and eighty-rine towns, where 3,6O8 women were registered, not a single woman voted In Cleveland, Ohio, the number of registered voters diminished from 6,681 in 1904 to 3,I7o in 1907. They seem to have thought the partial ballot not worthy of their at tefltiOn and the argument is that if educational interests do not appeal to them sufficiently to bring out their at tendance at the polls, they will also fail If the full franchise is granted.
 Many of our English sisters are striv- ing to secure the ballot, but the means which, according to the papers, they take would not be tolerated here, and, to say the least, are offensive. We want no lighting Arnazons''; no gathering of women to break up political meeting,