The Black Hills union and western stock review. [volume] (Rapid City, S.D.) 1904-19??, 1910-05-27
n enacting tariff legislation" If it
loes Burke should point out that pro-

in enacting tariff legislation" If it
does Burke should point out that pro-
vision.
Burke says that further tariff revi-
sion "ought not to be until after op-
portunity for the present law to be
tested" So say the stand-patters all.
Moreover, those who have expressed
themselves appear to be of the opinion
that decade or two will be required
for proper test Of the law. No, dear
reader, the tariff will not be revised
until "after opportunity for the pres
emit law to be tested" Not if Aldrich,
Cannon, Payne, and Dalzell, with the
help of their Burkes, Tawneys, Hulls,
Smiths, Kennedys and the rest can
prevent it.
On the issue Of Cannonism and Can
non, Burke will misrepresent his con-
stitnency in the future, If reelected, as
in the past. This is as fair a state
ment of the noncommittal declaration
in his appeal for votes as can be put
in definite or tangible terms. His dec
laration means that if the Cannon ma
chine can get the caucus endorsement
of Cannon for Speaker, Burke will vote
for him. 1t means, if it means any
thing, that Burke will vote for Cannon,
as no has on every occasion that has
offered while Burke has been men,
Der of Congress. 1t means, if it means
anything, that Burke, if reelected, will
continue in the future as in the past a
"me too" System Congressman, sup
porting in every way within his power
the efforts of the House machine to
preserve intact the Cannon rules of the
House.
In evidence of his loyalty to the
Roosevelt policies and of his adherence
to the progressive sentiments of his
constituency, Burke points to his sup
port of the so-called Hepburn Rate
Bill of the 59th Congress. 1t is true
that Burke supported the rate bill.
1t Is even true that he spoke in favor
of the Townsend bill that preceded it.,
joining in the System clack that there
is no complaint of excessive rates but
only of railroad discrimination. 1t is
true also that the Cannon-System ma
chine of the House, forced by Roose-
welt, supported by an insistent public
sentiment, conceded SO much of rail
road reform and railroad regulation as
the Hepburn bill embodied. When the
Hepburn bill passed the House, Burke
voted for it, as did also Cannon, Dali
zell, Payne. ct al. Out Of nearly 400
members Of the House only voted
against it. When it passed the House
again in the form of a conference re-
port, only out of the entire member
ship of the House voted against it..
Yes, Burke supported the railroad bill.
That is, he supported it as the Cannon
System machine, of the House support
ed it.
In the same light Burke seeks to
make political capital out of his sup
port of the Pure Food legislation.
This Bill Passed the House by Vote
of PAL to II. All the members of the
Cannon System machine, including
Burke, voted for it, excepting Cannon
himself, who is recorded as not voting.
The bill to create the Department of
Commerce and Labor, to which he re-
fers in his appeal for votes, had a sim
liar history and Burke's support Of
that measure was of the same character.
Burke dwells at length on his sup
port of railroad safety appliance, liza
bility and similar legislation, which
support was, in most cases at least, Of
about the same character. He seeks
too, to make political capital out of
his support Of the Elkins! "Anti-Re-
bate law" and Of the resolution to
have the Interstate Commerce Com
mission investigate determinations by
the railroads in the upbuilding of mo-
nopolies in coal and oil. He does not,
however, call attention to the fact
that the distinctive feature of the Ell
kins' can't Rebate law,' so called,
was that it abrogated the Imprisonment
penalty for rebaters and that after
wards, when it was learned that this
legislation instead of prohibiting
made rebating easy and comparatively
safe, the Senate in the Hepburn bill
restored the Imprisonment penalty.
But Burke's record, by himself, is
more diplomatic because of its entire
omission of some chapters of his real
record than because of the "slick'
fashion in which the chapters referred
to are set forth to appeal to progress
i've electorate. Crafty Burke appeals
to the organized railroad employees of
South Dakota on his votes in favor of
safety appliance and employers liabil-
ity legislation. Crafty also he admits
reference to his record during his first
term in Congress on the Ridgeley La
Dor Bill. He does not tell how Little
field eviscerated that bill, and how a
motion was made in the House to sus-
pend the rules and shove the bill thru
without opportunity for amendment, in
a form designed to defeat the wishes
and interests of labor. Burke's record
by himself, does not tell that he voted
for that motion, but the official Record
of Congress does. Nor does he direct
attention to his record in the seth Con.
gress on the bill to promote the safety
of employees and travellers upon rail
roads by limiting the hours of service
of train operatives. But the Record
shows that he voted with the Cannon
machine to destroy this bill by so
amending it shat it would be incapa-
BILE of enforcement.
4 In Burke's record, by himself, no
reference is made to the Payne War
Revenue legislation of the same ses-
sion. Burke does not proclaim to the
people of South Dakota his votes on
this measure against their interests
and in favor of the railroads and ex-
press companies. Nor does he tell that