The Hawaiian star., 1910-04-23
PARIS SPEECH
OF ROOSEVELT
CONTINUED from Page Three)

see, if he will only take the trouble
to think about some of our common
est phenomena. For instance, when
people live on isolated farms or in
little hamlets, each house can be left
to attend to its own drainage and wa.
ter supply, but the mere multiplica-
tion of families in a given area pro.
duces new problems which, because
they differ in size, are found to diff
fer not only in degree but in kind
from the old; and the question of
drainage and water supply have TO be
| considered from the common stand
point 1t is not a matter for mere
abstract dogmatizing to decide when
this point is reached; it is a matter
to be tested by practical experience.
Much of the discussion about social
ism and individualism is entirely
pointless, because of failure to agree
on terminology. 1t is not good to be
the slave of names. l am strong
individualist by personal habit, in
heritance, and conviction; but it is
mere matter of common sense Is
recognize that the state, the commu-
nifty. the citizens acting together can
do a number of things better than If
they were left to individual action
The individualism which finds its eX-
preston in the abuse OF physical
force is checked very early in the
growth of civilization, and we of to-
day should in orr turn strive to
shackle or destroy that individualism
which triumphs by greed and cunning,
which exploits the weak by craft in
stead of ruling them by brutality.
We ought to go with any man in the
effort to bring about justice and the
equality of opportunity, to turn the
tool user more and more into the
tool owner, to shift burdens so that
they can be more equitably borne.
The deadening effect on any race
of the adoption of a logical and eN-
treme socialistic system could no7 be
overstated; it would spell sheer de-
struction; it would produce grosser
wrong and outrage, fouler immoral
ity, than any existing system. But
this advantage does not mean that
we may not with great advantage ad-
opt certain of the principles professed
by some given set of men who hap
pen to call themselves Socialists; to
be afraid to do so would be to make
a mark of weakness on our part.
TRUE EQUALITY DEFINED.
But we should not take part in act
ing lie any more than in telling a
lie. We should not say that men are
equal where they are not equal, nor
proceed upon the assumption that
there is an equality where it does not
exist But we should strive to bring
about a measurable equality, at least
to the extent of preventing the in
equality which is due to force or
fraud Abraham Lincoln, man of
the plain people, blood of their blood,
and bone of their bone, who all his
life toiled and wrought and suffered
for them, and at the end died for
them, who always strove to repre-
sent them, who would never tell an
untruth to or for them, spoke of the
doctrine of equality with his usual
mixture of idealism and sound COM
mon sense. He said Il omit what
was of merely local signifcance); Il
think the authors of the Declaration
of Independence intended to include
all men, but that they did not mean
to declare all men equal in all re-
spects. They did not mean to say
that all men were equal in color, in
size, intellect, moral development,
or social capacity They defined with
tolerable distinctness in what they
did consider all men created equal
equal in certain inalienable rights,
among which are life, liberty, and the
pul oulI VI udppluOo0' llo I4CJ SeNAhS
and this they meant. They did not
mean to assert the obvious untruth
that all men were actually enjoying
that equality, or yet that they were
about to confer it Immediately upon
them. They meant to set up stand
ard maxim for free society which
should be familiar to all, constantly
looked to, constantly labored for, and
even though never perfectly attain
ed, constantly approximated, and
thereby constantly spreading and
deepening it's influence, and aug
menting the happiness and value of
life to all people, everywhere"
We are bound in honor to refuse
TO listen TO those men who would