The San Francisco call., 1910-09-04

Whenever men just like our
selves-probably not much bet
ter, and certainly no worse, con-
tinually fail to give US the re
suits we have a right to expect
from their efforts, we may Just
as well make up our minds that
the fault lies, not in their per
sonaiity, but in the conditions
under which they. work, ana
profit comes, not from denounc-
ing them. but in seeing that the
conditions are changed. This Is
especially true of tariff making.
1t has been conclusiyely shown,
by experiments repeated again
and again, that the methods OF
tariff making by congress, Whlch
have now obtained for so many
years, can not, from the very ma
ture of the case. bring really
satisfactory results.
With the present tariff, made
by the same methods as its pre-
decessor and as that predeces-
Justification. The people know
that there are some things In IL
which are not right, and there
fore they tend to suspect
as think, more numerous
things in it which are right.
They know that the system on
which ii is made, the same sys-
tenn in which its predecessors
were made. encourage 9. scram-
BILE of selfish interests, Ito when
the all-important general IN
terest of the public is neces-
sarily more or less subordinated.
There was a time when this
scramble was regarded as the
natural course in tariff making
and was not resented. Now the
people demand, ana rightly, that
the profit of the special interests
shall be subordinated to the
general welfare in every case.
II is this attitude of the people
which must be met in dealing
with the present tariff, and with
proposals to amend the present
tariff. Very little Improvement,
indeed, will follow any attempt
to revise the tariff by methods
hitherto used.
The thing to do is to change
| believe this country is fully
committed to the principle OF
protection; but it is to protec-
tion as principle; TO protectlon
primarily in the interest of the
standard of living of the Ameri-
can Workingman. | believe that
when protection becomes, not
principle, but a privilege and
preference-or, rather, a jumble
of privileges and preferences
then the American people dis
approve of it. Now, to correct
the trouble, it is necessary, In
the first place. to get in mind
clearly what we want, and, In
the next place, TO get in mind
clearly the method by which we
hope to obtain what we want.
What we want is square deal
in the tariff as in everything
else; a square deal for the wage
Garner; square deal for the
employer; and square deal Tor
the general public. To obtain II
we must have thoroughly ef--
ficient and well equipped tarin
commission.
The tariff ought to be a ma
terial issue and not a moral Is
sue; but If instead OF a square
deal we get a crooked deal, then
1t becomes very emphatically
moral issue. What we desire In
a tariff is such a measure of pro-
lection as will equalize the cost
OF production here and abroad;
and as the cost of production is
primarily a tariff sufficient to
make up for the difference in Ia
Dor cost here and abroad. The
American public wants the Amer
lean laboring man put on an
equality with other citizens, so
L
achieve the American standard of
living and the capacity TO enjoy
it; and to DO this we must see
that his wages are not lowered
by improper competition with in
ferior wage workers abroad
with waze workers who are paid
poorly and who live as no Amer
leans are willing to live. But
the American public does not
wish to see the tariff so arranged
as 10 benefit primarily a Few
wealthy men.
As a means toward the attain
ment of the end in view we have
as vet devised nothing in any
way as effective as q tariff COM
mission. There should be a COM
mission of well paid experts;
men who should not represent
any industry: who should be
masters of their subjects; of the
very highest character, and who
should approach the matter with
absolute disregard of every oHt-
side consideration. These men
should take up in succession each
subject with which the tariff
deals and investigate the condi-
tions of production here and
abroad: they should find out the
facts and not merely accept the
statements of interested parties,
and they should report to con-
gress on each subject as soon s
that subject has been covered.
Then action can be taken at once
on the particular subject con-
cerned, while the commission i'm
mediately proceeds TO Investigate
another BY these means log
rolling would be avoided and
each subject treated on its merits,
while there would be no such
shock to general industry as is
implied In the present custom of
making sweeping changes in the
whole tariff at once. Finally, it
should be the duty of some gov
ernmental department or bureau
to investigate the conditions in
the various protected industries
and see that the laborers really
are getting the benefit of the
tariff supposed to be enacted in
their interest. Moreover, to in
sure good treatment abroad we
should keep the maximum and
minimum provision.
The same principle of first
class outside commission should
be applied to river and harbor
legislation. At present a river
and harbor bill, like a tariff bill
tends TO be settled by a squabble
among a lot of big selfish inter-
ests and little selfish interests.
with scant regard to the one
really vital interest, that of the
general public. In this matter
the national legislature would do
well TO profit by the example Of
Massachusetts. Formerly Massa =
chusetts dealt with its land and
harbor legislation just as at
Washington tariff and river and
harbor laws have been dealt with.
and there was just the same pull
ing and hauling. the same bar
gaining and log rolling, the same
subordination of the general in
terest to various special inter
ests.- Last year Governor Draper
took up the matter. and on his
recommendations the laPislat tire