The Tupelo journal., 1910-06-10

blind 10 our duty to do all Things possible
for the betterment of social conditions.
But 1t Is an unspeakably foolish thing to
strive for this betterment by means SO
destructive that they would leave no So
cial conditions to better. In dealing with
all these social problems, with the init
mate relations OF the family, with wealth
in private use and business use. with la
Dor, with poverty, the one prime neces-
sity Is to remember that, though hard
ness OF heart is 4 great evil. II Is no
greater in evil thai s~oftness Of head.
But IN addition to these problems the
most intimate and important OF all
which to a larger or less degree affect all
the modern nations somewhat alike We
of the great nations that v expanded.
that are now In complicated relations with
one another n with alien races, have
special problems and special duties OF our
own. You belong to a nation which pos
sesses the Creates empire upon which the
sun has ever shone. / belong to a nation
which Is trying. on a scale hitherto unex-
ampled, to work out the problems of gov
rnmen for, of, and by the people. while
at the same time doing the international
duty OF a great power. But there are
certain problems which both of us have
to solve. and as to which our standards
should be the same. The Englishman. the
man of the British isles, in his various
homes across the seas. and the Ameri
can. both at home and abroad, arr
brought Into contact with utterly alien
peoples, some with a civilization more an
cient than our own, others still in, or
having but recently arisen from. the bar
barism which our people left behind ages
ago. The problems that arise are of we'll
nigh inconceivable difficulty. They cannot
be solved by the foolish sentimentality of
stay-at-home people, with little patent
recipes. and those cut-and-dried theories
of the political nursery which have such
limited applicability mid the crash OF
elemental forces. Neither can they be
solved by the raw brutality of the men
Who, whether at home or on the rough
frontier Of civilization. adopt might as
the only standard of right in dealing with
other men, and treat alien races only as
subjects for exploitation.
No hard and fast rule can be drawn as
applying to all alien races, because they
differ from one another far more wide
ly than some of them differ from US. But
there are one or two rules which must
not be forgotten. In the long run, there
can be no justification for one race man
aging or controlling another unless the
management n control are exercised in
the interest and for the benefit Of that
other race. This Is what our peoples
have in the main done, and must con-
tinue In the future in even greater de-
gree to do. in India. Egypt. and the Phil
ippines alike. In the next place, as re-
CARDS every race, everywhere. at home
or abroad. we cannot afford to deviate
from the great rule Of righteousness
which bids us treat each man on his
worth as a man. He must not be senti-
mentally favored because he belongs to
a given race; he must not be given i'm
munity in wrong-doing, or permitted to
cumber the ground, or given other privi-
leges which would be denied to the
vicious and unfit among themselves. On
the other hand. where he acts in a way
which would entitle him to respect and
reward If he were of our own stock. he
Is just as much entitled to that respect
and reward If he comes of another
stock, even though that other stock pro-
duces a much smaller proportion Of men
of his type than does our own. This has
nothing to do with social intermingling,
with what is called social equality. 1t
has to do merely with the question Of do
ing to each man and each woman that
elementary justice which will permit him
or her to gain from life the reward
which should always accompany thrift.
sobriety, self-control. respect for the
rights of others. and hard and intelli-
gem work to a given end. To more than
such just treatment no man Is entitled.
and less h such just treatment no man
should receive.
Duty OF Nation to Nation.
The other type of duty is the interna-
tional duty, the duty owed by one ma
ton to another. I hold that the avs Of
morality which should govern individu-
ais in their dealings one with the other
are just as binding concerning nations in
their dealings one with the other. The
application of the moral law must be
different In the two cases, because in
one case 1t has, and in the other 1t has
not, the sanction of a civil law with force
behind it. The individual can depend for
his rights upon the courts, which them
selves derive their force from the police
power of the state. The nation can de-
pend upon nothing of the kind; and
therefore, as things are now, 1t is the
highest duty of the most advanced and
freest peoples to keep themselves in UGH
a state of readiness as to forbid to any
barbarism or despotism' the hope Of ar
resting the progress Of the world by stri-
king down the nations that lead in that
progress. 1t would be foolish indeed to
pay heed to the unwise persons who de-
sire disarmament to be begun by the
very peoples who, Of all others, should
not be left helpless before any possible
foe. But we must reprobate quite as
strongly both the leaders and the peoples
who practise, or encourage or condone,
dSSEcSSlOu LII lLH4uIty Wy liz olIOuS ~
the expense of the weak. We should toll
crate lawlessness and wickedness neither
by the weak nor by the strong; and both
weak and strong we should in return
treat with sorupulous fairness. The for
eign policy of a great and self-respecting
country should be conducted on exactly
the same plane OF honor, OF insistence
upon ones own rights and of respect for
the rights of others, as when a brave and
honorable man Is dealing with his fell
lows. Permit me to support this state
ment out of my own experience. For
nearly eight years I was the head OF a
great nation and charged especially with
the conduct of its foreign policy: and
during those years I took no action with
reference to any other people on the face
of the earth hat I would not have felt
justified in taking as an individual in
dealing with other individuals.
I believe that we of the great civilized
nations of today AVE a right to feel that
long careers of achievement lie before
our several countries. To each of us IL
vouchsafed the honorable privilege of do
ing his part, however small. in that work.
Let us strive hardly for success, even If
by so doing we risk failure, spurning
the poorer souls of small endeavor who
know neither failure nor success. Let us
hope that our own blood shall continue
in the land, that our children and chill
dren's children to endless generations
shall arise to take our places and play q
mighty and dominant part in the world.
But whether this be denied or granted by
the years we shall not see, let at least
the satisfaction be ours that we have
carried onward the lighted torch in our
own day and generation. If we do this,
then, as our eyes close, and we go out
into the darkness, and other hands grasp
the torch, at least we can say that our
part has been borne we'll n v~aliantly.
so regard It is indicated by the fact
that in the new calendar they adopt