The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1910-09-06

and that OF his wife and children, but
| the opportunities OF all workers for q
higher development.
Depends on the Man.
1t is true of wage workers, as of al
| other citizens, that most of their prog
| resS must depend upon their own ini-
tiative and their own efforts. Never
| theless, there are three different fac
| tors in this progress. There is, first
| the share which the mans own indi-
vidual qualities must determine. This
/ is the most important of all. for moth
| ing can supply the place of individual
| capacity. Yet there are two other fac
tors also of prime Importance; name
| ly, what can be done by the wage
workers in cooperation with one an
ernment-that is. by the instrument
through which all the people work col
lectively. Wages and other most i'm
portant conditions of employment must
remain largely outside of government
control; must be left for adjustment
by free contract between employers
and wage-earners. But to attempt to
leave this merely to individual action
means the absolute destruction of in
dividualism; for where the individual
is so weak that he, perforce, has to
accept whatever strongly organized
body chooses to give him, his indi-
vidual liberty becomes mere sham
and mockery. 1t is indispensably
necessary, in order to preserve to the
largest degree our system of indiv1d-
ualism, that there should be effect1ve
and organized collective action. The
wage-earners must act Jointly, through
the process of collective bargaining,
in great industrial enterprises. Only
thus can they be put upon a plane OF
economic equality with their corporate
employers. Only thus is freedom or
contract made a real thing and not
mere legal fiction. There are occa-
sional occupations where this is not
necessary; but, speaking broadly, II Is
necessary throughout the great world
of organized industry. I believe this
practice of collective bargaining, effec-
tive only through such organizations as
the trade unions, to have been one of
the most potent forces in the past
century in promoting the progress or
the wage-earners and in securing
larger social progress for humanity.
believe in the principle of organized
labor and in the practice of collective
bargaining, not merely as desirable
thing for the wage-earnerS, but as
something which has been demon
strated to be essential in the long run
to their permanent progress.
The Weak Places.
This does not mean that I unequiv-
ocally indorse any and all practices
that labor organizations may happen
to adopt, or any or all principles that
they may choose to enunciate. Labor
ORGANIZATIONS nave the weaknesses anu
defects common to all other forms of
human organizations. Sometimes they
act we'll, and sometimes they act very
badly; and l am for them when they
act well, and 1 am against them when
they act badly. I believe that their
existence is necessity; 1 believe that
their aims and purposes are generally
good and I believe that all of them
have occasionally made mistakes. and
that some of them have been guilty of
Just in so far as they
are strong and effective they tempt de-
men who seek to control them
for their own interests, and stimulate
the desire of ambitious leaders who |
may be clever, crooked men, or who
may be honest and visionary and fool |
ish. In other words, in treating OF
labor unions. as in treating of corpor-
atoms, or of humanity generally. we
will do we'll to remember Abraham
Lincoln's saying that there is a deal
of human nature in mankind" Wheth- |
err in a man or in an organized body |
of men, the power to do good means |
that such power may be twisted into |
evil: and in proportion as the power |
grows so it becomes steadily more i'm |
portant that it should be handled |
Alright. Just in proportion as in its |
proper function power Is important to |
social progress, so In its improper
function it becomes fraught with social |
disaster.
outside critics should appreciate the
necessity of organized labor, and un-
derstand and sympathize with what is
good in it. instead of condemning 1t in
discriminatory. On the other hand,
hose within its ranks should fearlessly
analyze the criticisms directed against
t and ruthlessly eliminate from the
practices of its organization those
.hings which justify such criticism and
attack This is the path, not only of
srr11f but 80 yicd0 ND Co O. nh |
opinion in the United States is daily be-
coming more alert and more intelligent
and more forceful: and no organiza-
ion, whether trades union or corpora
ion, whether industrial or non-indus-
rial, can endure or permanently
amount to a social force if it does not
larmonize with a wise and enlightened
public opinion. Hitherto we Ameri-
ans have been over-occupied with ma
erial things, and have neglected to
watch the play of the social forces
bout us. But now we are awakening
rom that Indifference; and every form
If organization representing an impor-
ant economic, political or social force
must undergo closer scrutiny than
,ver before.
Future of Labor.
I think that the next quarter of
century will be important politically in
many ways; and in none more so than
n the labor movement. Not only are
he benefits of labor organizations more
clearly understood than ever before. but
any shortcoming or vice displayed in
connection Herewith is also more
clearly understood and more quickly
resented. The public is growing more
and more to understand that. in a con-
est between employer and employee
L corporation and a trades union-not
only the interests of the contestants,
out the interests of the third party
The public-must be considered. Any
hing like levity in provoking a strike,
On the one hand or the other, is GER
ain more and more to be resented by
he public. Strikes are sometimes nee
essary and proper sometimes they rep
resent the only way in which, after all
1ther methods have been exhausted, it
S possible for the labor union to stand
Tor it's rights; but it must be clearly
understood that strike is a matter