The Pensacola journal. (Pensacola, Fla.) 1898-1985, 1910-01-09

such service is guilty of peonage; but
a federal judge, by injunction, COM
pels men 10 railroad service, without
any debt or contractual obligation as
a basis for his action. Where in the
| history Of any civilized country has
judicial power been carried SO far?
Executive and Legislative Usurpations
| The constant usurpations Of power
by Mr.. Roosevelt and his utter dis
regard of the Constitution are fresh
in the public mind. Congress has not
Jagged far behind in it's aggressions.
1t has conferred all sorts of unusual
and extraordinary powers upon the
president. 1t has created new COM
missions with large discretionary pow
ers. 1t has authorized the heads OF
departments to go into various ex-
travagant enterprises. It has made
| large appropriations for all kinds OF
schemes and enterprises, without the
| slightest constitutional authority. The
expenses of the government have been
increased enormously. These burdens
must be borne by the general public.
Washington said:
IF in the opinion of the people. the
distribution of the Constitutional DOW
ers be in any particular wrong, if
should be corrected in the way which
the Constitution designates, but let
there be no change by usurpation, for
| this, though it may in one instance be
the instrument of good, is the ordi-
nary weapon by which free govern
ments are destroyed"
| Do not misunderstood me. I am not :,
discussing dead issues, for these are
the questions of today. Although
these aggressions have been deplored
by modern writer's and other thinkers,
and notwithstanding all of our early
statesmen have again and again point
| ed out the danger, l have yet to hear
the first protest from any representa-
tive Of any of the great interests.
| These aggressions can be, and should
| be, curbed by federal legislation.
| There will be no attempt by the rep
resentatives of any OF the great in
| terests to check these aggressions. II
| they are ever checked, it must be
done by men of a broader patriotism,
who place personal liberty above sor-
did gain. l have taken some pains to
point out the danger and in my plat
form, believe, have presented some
| of the remedies.
The Blight of commerciaIism.
Gouverneur Morris, a member Of
the Constitutional Convention, said:
TIE senate should be composed OF
men of great and established proper
ty, not liberty, but property, is the
main object of society,"
This idea seems to have been re-
jected b ythe trainers Of the Constitu-
ton, but for many years the idea has
found too much expression in actual
practice.
For the past few years there has
been a combined effort upon the part
of many able writer's and thinkers
through books and periodicals to
arouse the public to some apprecia-
ton of the condition of affairs in this
country, and to the danger into which
We are drifting. l do not refer to
what is sneeringly spoken of as muck
rakers." I refer to men Of established
reputation and recognized ability; but
we are so drugged with commercial
| ism, so hypnotiZed by wealth and the
desire to get it, that virtue and INTEL
| ligence count for but little in compari-
Nson with business success. No mat
| ter how mediocre ones abilities, if he
possesses wealth, he is looked upon
as irresistible. He is regarded by
large portion of the press and consid-
cradle part of the public as great
man. Like Thackeray's Snob, who in
expressing his, alteration for the no
| bility, exclaimed, 81 dearly love a
lord" we adore a millionaire. In the
estimation of the press, he is the most
suitable and thoroughly equipped man
in the country for any position and is,
therefore, invincible. We clamor for
special benefits, and worship business
success We regard 1t as a crime for
one to sell his vote and influence for
small sum of money directly paid in
hand, but we think it justifiable for
one to give his vote and influence in
consideration of a larger sum, which
| he expects to receive indirectly
through special privileges; but is there
any difference between the two in
morals, or in the subversive effect
upon government?
| In the days of Lincoln and Webster
when no home was so humble that 1t
might not hope that some one of its
scions would become prominent in
the councils of the nation, the govern
ment was not regarded as the instru-
ment of aggregated wealth. This lat
ter condition of affairs came about
when business success became the
only criterion of merit.
Is there any wonder that statesmen
are growing fewer? The politician
knows that if he can skillfully dangie
covert promises of special benefits to
all, without exciting the fears of any,
he will not only succeed, but he may
dictate legislators and governors, and
he and they will carry out the policies
of those who furnish the campaign
funds If We are fiattered when
wealthy candidate of lofty reserve.
wishing to use us, condescends to write
us a letter signed either by his own
hand or by the hand OF his clerk ana
allow him to cheat US With such empty
courtesies, when in fact he represents
the interests, we may expect him 70
take from US the substantial blessings
of life by the laws he makes. SO long
as we are so drugged, what right have
we to complain if five trust magnates
I in this country count for more than
five million easy-going farmers? What
right has the business man, when his
business is finally absorbed by some