The Birmingham age-herald. [volume] (Birmingham, Ala.) 1902-1950, 1910-05-29

|
their never-fading laurels? answer bold
ly and without the fear of contradiction,
that, though they all reached the temple
of fame by different routes. they all
passed through the broad vista of inter
nal suggestions The same may be said or
Jefferson Madison and many other dis
| tinguished personages OF our own coun-
| try.
II challenge the gentlemen on the other
side to produce examples like these IN
support of their cause
Mr. Longworth pressed these profound
and logical views to length to which
our limits will not permit us to follow
him, and which the readers patience
would hardly bear II they would Per-
haps, however he will bear with us while
we give the conclusion of Mr.. Long
worth's remarks, as it was here that he
put forth all his strength:
Mr. President let the bias of jurispru-
dence pred and how is 1t posi-
BILE considering it merely as extending to
| those impulses which may with proprie-
| ty be termed a bias)-how is 1t possible
| for a government to exist whose object Is
the public good? The marbe-hearted ma
rauder might seize the throne of civil
authority and hurl into thraldom the vo-
taries of rational liberty. Virtue, Justice,
and all the nobler principles of human
nature would wither away under the pes
tilential breath of political faction; and
an unnerved constitution be left to the
! sport Of demagogue and parasite. Crash
after crash would be heard in quick sue
cession, as the strong pillars of the re-
public gave way, and despotism would
shout in hellish triumph amid the crumb-
| ling ruins. Anarchy would wave her
| bloody sceptre over the devoted land, and
the blood hounds of civil war would lap
the crimson gore of our most worthy cit
| liens. The shrieks of women and the
screams of children would be drowned
amid the clash of swords and the can
mons peal; and Liberty, mantling her
| face from the horrid scene, would spread
her golden-tinted pinions and wing her
| fight to some far-distant land, never
again to revisit our peaceful shores. In
vain should we then sigh for the beatific
reign of those suggestions which l am
proud to acknowledge as peculiarly and
exclusively internal"
Mr.. McDermot rose promptly at the call
of the president and proceeded as fol-
| lows:
Mr.. President: II listened unmoved
to the very labored appeal to the passions
which has just been made, 1t was not be-
cause l am insensible to the powers of ell
| oquence, but because l happen to be
| blessed with the small measure of sense
which is necessary to distinguish true elo-
quence from the wild rawlings of an I'M
bridled imagination. Grave and solemn
appeals, when ill-tmed and misplaced, are
apt to excite ridicule; hence it was that
I detected myself more than once in open
| laughter during the most pathetic parts
| of Mr.. Longworths argument, II so it
can be called. In the midst of crashing
pillars 'crumblng ruins, shouting des-
potsm,' screaming women and flying
Liberty the question was perpetually
recurring to me- what has all this to do
with the subject of dispute? 1 will not
follow the example of that gentleman. 1t
shall be my endeavor to clear away the
mist which he has thrown around the
subject, and to place it before the society
In clear Ineligible point of view; for
1 must say that though his speech bears
| strong marks of the pen (sarcastically),
| it has but few marks of sober reflection.
Some of 1t. I confess, is very Ineligible
and very plausible but most of it. bold
ly assert, no man living can comprehend.
I mention this for the edifcation of that
gentleman (who is usually clear and for
cible). to teach him that he is most sue
| cessful when he labors least
Mr.. President, the gentleman In open
ing the debate stated that the question
was one of vast Importance. pervading
| the profound depths of psychology and
embracing within Its ample range the
| whole circle of arts and sciences. And
really. sir he has verified his statement
| for he has extended 1t over the whole
moral and physical world. But, Mr.. Pres
ident, take leave to differ from the gen.
tleman at the very threshold of his re-
marks The subject is one which is con-
| fined within very narrow limits. 1t ex-
| dc fir RI fba elective fran
| chise and Is not even commensurate with
this important privilege; for it stops short
at the vote OF faction. In this point of
| light the subject comes within the grasp
| of the most common intellect; 1t Is plain.
1 simple, natural and Ineligible Thus
viewing 1t. Mr.. President, where does the
gentleman ind in 1t, or in all nature be-
sides, the original of the dismal picture
which he has presented to the society?
1t loses all it's interest and becomes su-
premely ridiculous. Having thus, Mr..
President Invested the subject Of all OBJ
security, having reduced it to those few
elements with which we are all familiar.
| I proceed to make few deductions from
| the premises, which seem to me inevita-
ble and decisive of the question. I lay
it down as self-evident proposition. that
faction In all it's forms is hideous; and
| maintain with equal confidence that 1t
| has never been nor never will be re-
strained by those suggestions which the
gentleman 'emphatically terms internal
No sir, nothing short of the bias, and
the very strong bias, too. OF jurisprudence,
or the potent energies of the sword can
restrain II. But, sir, shall here, per-
haps, be asked, whether there is not a
very wide difference between turbulent.
lawless faction and the vote of faction?
Most unquestionably there Is, and to this
distinction l shall presently advert, and
demonstrably prove, that 1t is distinc-
| ton which makes altogether in our fav-
| or" .. .
Thus did Mr. McDermot continue to dis
sect and expose his adversary's argument,
| in the most clear, conclusive and master
| ly manner, at considerable length. But
we canont deal more favorably by him
than we have dealt by Mr.. Longworth.
We must therefore dismiss him after we
shall have given the reader his concluding
remarks. They were as follows:
Let us now suppose Mr.. Longworth' 8
principles brought to the test Of expert
ment. Let us suppose his language adj
dressed to all mankind. We close the
temples Of justice as useless; we burn
our codes of laws as worthless; and we
substitute in their place the more valua-
BILE restraints Of internal suggestions.
Thieves invade not your neighbor's prop
erty; II you do, you will be arraigned be-
fore the august tribunal Of conscience.
Robbers, stay your lawless hand, or you
will be visited with the tremendous penal
ties of psychology. Mnrderers spare the
blood Of your fellow creatures. or you will
| be exposed to the excruciating fortunes of
innate maxims--when it shall be discov-
cred that there are any Mr. President,
| could there be a broader license to crime