The San Francisco call., 1910-09-06


in the labor struggle, and yet l
speak of this primarily as one
aspect of the larger social strug-
gle growing out of the attempts
to readjust social conditions ana
make them more equitable.
The nineteenth century was
distino lively one of economic
triumphs-triumphs in the 90
main of production, including
transportation and the mechanics
of exchange. The marvellous
progress made in these respects
multiplied mans productive
power to an almost inconceive
able degree. In the matter OF
the production of wealth. as
much progress was made during
the nineteenth century as dur
ing all previous periods since
history dawned-that is, the
changes brought in single cen,
tury through machinery and
steam have been greater than
the sum total of the changes or
the preceding thousands or years,
and these very changes and TINS
material progress have thrust
upon ue social and political prop
lens of the first magnitude.
Our basic problem is to see
that the marvelously augmented
powers of production bequeathed
to us by the nineteenth century
shall in the twentieth be MADE
to administer to the needs Of the
many rather than be exploited
for the profit of the few.
The American wage Garner
faces this larger social problem
in a dual capacity; first; as a
citizen of the republic charged
with the full duty of citizenship.
and next as a wage earner-as
a wage worker-who, together
with his fellow workers, is vi
tally concerned in the question
of wages and general conditions
of employment, which affect not
only his wellbeing and that or
his wife and children, but the
opportunities of all workers for
higher development.
1t is true of wage workers,
as of all other citizens, that most
of their progress must depend
upon their own initiative and
their own efforts. Nevertheless,
there are three different factors
in this progress. There is, first.
the share which the mans own
individual qualities must deter
mine. This is the most impor-
tant of all, for nothing can sup
ply the place of individual ca
pacity. Yet there are two other
factors also of prime importance,
namely, what can be done by the
wage workers In cooperation
with one another; and what can
be done by government-that1 is,
by the instrument through which
all the people work collectively.
Wages and other most impor-
tant conditions of employment
must remain largely outside OF
government control; must be left
for adjustment by free contract
between employers and vase
earners, subject to legislation
which will rrPVent conditions
which compel man or woman TO
accept wages representing less
than will ensure decent living.
But to attempt to leave this
merely to individual action
means the absolute destruction
of individualism; for where the
individual is so weak that he,
perforce, has to accept whatever
a strongly organized BODY chooses
to give him, his individual lib
erty, becomes a mere sham ana
mockery. 1t is indispensably
necessary, in order to preserve
to the largest degree our sys-
tenn of individualiSm, that there
should be effective and organ
fZed collective action. The wage
earners must act jointly, through
the process of collective bargain
ing, in great Industrial enter
prises. Only thus can they be
put upon a plane of economic
equality with their corporate
employers. Only thus is free
dom of contract made a real
thing and not a mere legal f1c-
ton There are occasional oc-
cupations where this is not nee
essary, but, speaking broadly, IL
is necessary throughout the great
world of organized industry. l
bargaining, effective only through
such organizations as the trade
unions, to have been one of the
most potent forces in the last
century in promoting the prog
ress of the wage earners and IN
securing larger social progress
for humanity, wherever there IS
able scale. / believe In the prin-
ciple of organized labor and in
the practice of collective bar
gaining, not merely as a des1r-
able thing for the wage earners.
but s something which has been
demonstrated to be essential in
the long run to their permanent
progress.
This does not mean that 1 un--
equivocally indorse any or all
practices that labor organizations
may happen to adopt, or any or
all principles that they may
choose to enunciate. Labor or
ganizations have the weaknesses
and defects common to all other
forms of human rganizatlons.
Sometimes they act very well,
and sometimes they act very bad
ly; and | am for them when
they act well, and 7 am against
them when they act badly. / be-
lieVe that their existence is
necessity; l believe that their
aims and purposes are generally
good; and [ believe that all of
them have occasionally made
mistakes, and that some of them
have been guilty of wrong doing.
Just in so far as they are strong
and effective they tempt design
ing men who seek to control them
for their own interests, and
bilious leaders who may be
clever, crooked men, or who may
be honest but Visionary and fool
ish. In other words, In treat
ing OF. labor unions. as in treat
ing of corporations, or of hu-
to remember Abraham Lincoln's
saying that there is a deal of
human nature in mankind"
Outside critics should appreci-
ate the necessity of organized
labor, and understand and sym
instead of condemning it indis-
. criminately. On the other hand,
those within its ranks should
fearlessly analyze the criticisms
directed against it and ruthlessly
eliminate from the practices of
it's organization those things
which justify such criticism and
attack. This is the path not only
of right, but of wisdom and
safety. Public opinion in the
United States is daily becoming
more alert and more intelligent
and more forcefuI; and no or
ganization, whether trades union
or corporation, whether indust-
rial or nonindustrial, can endure
or permanently amount to So
cial force If it does not harmonize
with a wise and enlightened pub
lie opinion.
I think that the next quarter
OF a century will be important
politically in many ways; and in