Los Angeles herald., 1910-09-04

At Sioux City he left his car to speak
in q baseball park, which was not
large enough to hold all the Iowans
who wanted to hear him.
Those who could not squeeze their
way in collected in the railroad yards
to catch a glimpse of the traveller as
he passed to and from the park
From some of the smaller towns
where no stops by the special train
were scheduled kilograms were sent
ahead, telling Col. Roosevelt that the
people were waiting at the station,
and he stopped for few minutes TO
talk and shake bands. The people
who had one or more babies brought
them all along and the colonel never
failed to speak about them and urged
the duty of attention to "the crop OF
children"
The people of Sioux Falls had made
great preparations to receive Col.
Roosevelt and the plans went through
with dash that kept the colonel busy.
People from many miles around came
to this city to attend the celebration.
The streets were a mass of waving
flags and bunting and pictures of
Roosevelt filled the windows and float
ed from wires hung across the road
ways. Indians dressed in gay finery
mingled with the crowds of holiday
makers.
PARADE AT SIOUX FALLS
There was a parade at Sioux Falls
as soon as Col. Roosevelt arrived. The
crowd almost swamped the police and
1t cheered continuously as hard as 1t
could. After the parade the colonel
was taken to huge circus tent which
had been set up in the middle of the
city The rows of seats that extended
up the canvas covering of the tent
were filed and crowds surged into the
center, their eyes on the colonel, who
stood high above them on a platform.
When he appeared on the platform
a roar of cheers burst out which lasted
for several minutes and tt~took him a
good deal longer than he had expected
to make his speech because the people
spent almost as much time in cheering
as they did in listening.
The speech which Col. Roosevelt de-
livered in this city follows:
FAULT LIES IN CONDITIONS
whenever men just like ourselves
| probably not much better and certainly
| no worse-continually fail to give us
the results we have a right to expect
| from their efforts, we may just as well
make up our minds that the fault lies,
not in their personality, but In the
| conditions under which they work, and
profit comes, not from denouncing
them, but in seeing that the condi-
| tions are changed. This Is especially
true of tariff-making. 1t has been
conclusively shown, by experiments
repeated again and again, that the
methods of tariff-making by congress,
which have now obtained for so many
years, cannot, from the very nature of
the case, bring really satisfactory re-
suits.
with the present tariff, made by
the same methods as its predecessor
and as that predecessors predecessor,
there is grave dissatisfaction. The
people know there are some things in
1t which are not right and therefore
they tend to suspect then, as think,
more numerous things in it which are
| right. They know the system on
| which it is made, the same system in
which its predecessors were made, en-
courages a scramble of selfish interests,
to which the all important general in
terest of the public is necessarily more
or less subordinated.
'"There was a time when this scram-
| BILE was regarded as the natural course
in tariff-making and was not resented.
Now the people demand, and rightly,
that the profit of the special interests
shall be subordinated to the general
welfare in every case. 1t is this atti-
| tude of the people which must be met
in dealing with the present tariff, and
with proposals to amend the present
| tariff.
Every little improvement, indeed,
will follow an attempt to revise the
tariff by methods hitherto used. The
| thing to do is to change the methods.
COMMITTED TO PROTECTION
at believe this country is fully COM
mitted to the principle of protection;
! but 1t is to protection as principle
| to protection primarily in the interest
| Of the standard of living of the Ameri-
can workingman. I believe that when
| protection becomes, not principle,
| but a privilege and a preference,-or,
rather, jumble of privileges and pref
eenrces-then the American people
disapprove of 1t. Now, to correct the
trouble, it is necessary in the first
place to get in mind clearly what we
want, and in the next place to get in
| mind clearly the method by which we
hope to obtain what we want. What
| we want is a square deal in the tariff
as in everything else; square deal
| for the wage Garner, square deal for
the employer and a square deal for the
general public. To obtain it we must
| have a thoroughly efficient and well
equipped tariff commission.
"The tariff ought to be a material
| issue and not a moral issue; but II
| instead of a square deal we get
crooked deal, then 1t becomes very en-
| phatically a moral issue. What we
desire In tariff is such measure of
| protection as will equalize the cost Of
| production here and abroad; and as
the cost of production is mainly labor
cost, this means primarily a tariff suf-
ficient to make up for the difference
in labor cost here and abroad.
SHOULD BE INVESTIGATED
"Finally, it should be the duty of
some governmental department or bu-
reau to investigate the conditions in
the various protected industries, and
see that the laborers really are getting
| the benefit of the tariff supposed to
be enacted in their interest. Moreover,
to insure good treatment abroad we
should keep the maximum and mini
mum provision.
"The same principle of a first class
/ outside commission should be applied
to river and harbor legislation. AT
present river and harbor bill, like a
| tariff bill, tends to be settled by a
squabble among lot of big, selfish
interests and little, selfish interests
with scant regard to the one really
vital interest, that Of the general pub
| lie. In this matter the national legis-
! lature would do well to profit by the
| example of Massachusetts,. Formerly
Massachusetts dealt with it's land and
harbor legislation just as at Washing
ton tariff and river and harbor laws
have been dealt with; and there was
just the same pulling and hauling, the