Arizona republican., 1910-06-08

ness and Sentimentality. As Tn war to pardon the coward is to do cruel wrong to the brave man whose life his coWardice jeopardiZes, so in civil af- fairs it is revolting to every principle of justice to give to the lazy, the vi cious, or even the feeble and dull-wit- ted a reward which is really the rob berv of what braVer, wiser, abler men have earned The only effective way to help any man is to help him to help himself; and the worst lesson to teach him is that he can be permanently helped at the expense of some one else. True liberty shows itself to best ad- vantage in protecting the rights of others, and especially of minorities. Privilege should not be tolerated be- cause it is to the advantage of a ml- rOrity, nor yet because it is to the ad- vantake of a majority. No doctrinaire theories of vested rights or freedom of contract can stand in the way of our cutting out abuses from the body po- litic. Just as little can we afford to follow the doctrinaires of an impOs- sible-and incidentally of highly un- desira ble-social revolution which, in destroying individual rights Gnclud-
 ing property rights) and the family, would destroy the two chief agents in the advance of mandkind, and the two chief reasons why either the advance or the preservation of mankind is worth while It is an evil and dread ful thing to be CallouS to sorrow and suffering, and blind to our duty to do all things possible for the betterment of social conditions. But it is an un- speakabIy foolish thing to strive for this betterment by means so destruct- i've that they would leave no social conditions to better In dealing with all these social problems, with the in- innate relations Of the family, with wealth in private use and business use, with labor, with poverty. the one prime necessity is to remember that, though hardness of heart is great evil. it is no greater an evil than softness of head.
 WORLD RELATIONS.
 But in addition to these problems the most intimate and important of all which to larger or less degree affect all the modern nations somewhat alike, we of the great nations that lave eX- banded, that are nov in complicated relations with one another and with alien races, have special problems and special duties of our own. You belong to nation which possesses the great est empire upon which the sun has ever shOne. I belong to a nation which is trying. on a scale hitherto uneXam- pied. to work out the problems of gov ernment for, of, and by the people, while at the same time doing the in- ternational duty of a great power. But there are certain problems which both of us have to solve, and as to which our standards should be the same. The Englishman, the man of the British Isles, in his various homes across the seas, and the American, both at home and abroad, are brought into contact with utterly alien peoples, some with a civilization more ancient than our own, others still in. or having but recently arisen from, the barbarism which our people left behind years ago. The problems that arise are of well-nigh inconceivable difficulty. They cannot be solved by the foolish sentimentality of stay-at-home people. with little patent recipes, and those cut-and dried lutOTltS OI lut pOullCdl nursery WHICH have such limited applicabilitt amid the crash of elemental forces. Neither can they be solved by the raw brutality of the men, who, whether at home or on the rough frontier of civilization, adopt might as the only standard of right in dealing with other men, and treat alien races only as subjects for exploitation.
 WHAT JUSTIFIES CONTROL? 7 No hard and fast rule can be drawn as applying to all alien races, because they differ from one another far more widely than some of them differ from us. But there are one or two rules which must not be forgotten. Tn the long run, there can be no justification for one race managing or controlling