The Birmingham age-herald., 1909-09-12

will give a grand fireworks display each night, and which they think will. alone, be worth much more than the price of admission.
 The dis play, which will last about 45 minutes each evening, will consist of mammoth fire balloons and bombs, pro- ducing beautiful prismatic effects, the latest things in rockets and mechanical movements. The set pieces, containing some of the latest 1909 effects in electric fire, coruscating serpents, scintilating fountains, and polychromatic canopies will please the children as well as the older people. Pyrotechnic airships, fight as nerve-thrilling.
 
 from the figures given (and they are taken from a publication by the federal governmenD that while total of 75, 0O0 voted for and against constitutional pro- hibition in 1889, 1t was taken out of tho constitution by a vote in which only 55, 900 participated Did the 10000 or nearly 30 per cent of the voters go to sleep or lose interest in the question? Then again, when the state control amendment was adopted why did only 44,000 vote out of
 
 were more voters in 1897 than In 1889, and certainly so when we find that in 1900 the vote cast on the question aggregated S3,000 of which 340O0 voted to keep 1t in the constitution. What became of the original 55,000 who put 1t in the con- stitution of South Dakota?
 We mention this history to show how spacious Is the argument that putting prohibition in the constit tution'' settles r1 fA Ina that putting prohibition in the consti tution' will cause many well-disposed people to abate their interest in the ques- ton. They will assume, as they must have assumed In South Dakota, that they have done all that can be done when it is written in the constitution, when, as matter of fact, the best work that has been, or can be, done for prohibitioHr3s the cultivation of healthy public senti- ment to deal with It. When the people want the sale of liquor stopped they will have 1t stopped by enforcing laws adapt ed to that end; and, until the sentiment of the people has reached that point they will not enforce all the laws in that re- gard If the statutes are enforced, 1t Is entirely fmmaterial that there should be anything in the constitution on the sub iect We doubt, indeed the wisdom of removing public questions from politics using the word in it's broader sense- because we believe that only by discussion before the people can the best results be obtained on all public questions. From the character of some of the statutes lately enacted 1t seems that even the legislature thought that eternal vigilance would be the price of real prohibition. If 1t be good thing 1t will bear all manner of discussion; and if 1t will not bear discussion and trial 1t ought not to be in our constitution. Every candid mind oIv gf a DrOhfb1tfOn. so far as its enforcibility in every place is concerned Is in the experimental stage, and until the experiment ripsns into fixed fact we ought not to preclude any further efforts to regulate tho traffic.
 Will of the People.
 f. The fears expressed in some quar- ters that if the amendment is not adopted a legislature may assemble and repeal the prohibition laws, are, 1t seems, to us. ridiculous. Suppose a legislature does re- peal them; are not the legislators chosen by the people? Ana If the people want their laws repealed or modified, should they be deprived of that right? Do they need guardians, like the Oklahoma In- dians had?
 And we are gravely told that the brew cry interest Twill pour" money into the state and change the prohibition senti- ment This reminds us of what Ike Hi'l
 
 on one occasion. He spoke confidently of the chances of the democrats there. and added: wen carry Ohio If they don't buy us."
 We think that the argument that the brewers may corrupt the electorate Is bedrocked in mistrust of the people themselves or in an unexprossed fear that the people cannot decide, or will not do, what is best for their own interests The argument Is unworthy to be addressed to the sovereign and free people of Ala bama, They cannot be bought, and no hint of suspicion has attached to their chosen representatives. This generation has not all wisdom, and we may make a mistake in declaring that prohibition shall forever exist here.
 Nor does the statement that If the peo- ple wish to repeal constitutional prohi- bition. if it be adopted, they can do so. strike us as an entirely frank statement of the conditions under which there may be a repeal. It requires three-fifths vote of all the members elected to the two houses of the legislature to submit an amendment to the constitution; that Is, three-ffths of the members of the house and three ffths of those in the senate must vote to submit an amendment; and. when this Is done, the amendment must be voted on by the people. It Is, there fore, apparent that before there can be any vote to repeal cOnstltutioHdl pToHl- hilton there must be first elected at least three -fifths not mere majority of the legislators who will vote to submit the question of repeal But a mere major ity of the people does not elect three ffths of the legislators. So that whilst a mere majority voting to put prohibit ton In the constitution may accomplish that purpose, under the peculiar condi- tions under which the present amend ment is offered. like majority cannot take it out It seems to us that what a majority oan do in the one instance n similar majority ought to be able to do in the other case: and we are, therefore, opposed to a proposition which would en- able a majority at this time to bind a similar majority in the future. The ma tority of the people should be free to act hereafter and all the time.
 We repeat that prohibition and its en- forcement depends upon the statutes and the sentiment of the people towards 1t, and not upon the constitution. If en- forcible and enforced. 1t need not be in the constitution; and if not enforced, it ought not to be there. Respectfully. E. K. CAMPBELL.
 SIDNEY J. BOWIE.