Omaha daily bee., 1909-12-04

Britain, which has been brewing for the
last six months opens vigorously, with
the opposing political legions equipped for
battle. Dispatches from the seat OF war
have kept the interested reader informed
from day to, day Of the events leading
up to the crisis, the debate in the House
OF Lords on the budget, and the futile
attempt Of the minority of Liberal peers,
few in numbers but magnificent in ability
ard courage, to change the plan Of the
majority. The course Of the Tory road
roller was fixed in advance, and the crush
ing machine moved with ruthless precision
over the seventy-five Liberal peers, driven
by the united pressure Of $50 eager lords.
The propagation OF parliament to jan
uary IT followed, and for five weeks the
fiercest electoral contest experienced in
the kingdom in two centuries will be
waged. Both sides profess confidence In
the result. Both profess to welcome an
appeal to the country on the clearly de-
fined issue Of the right Of the peers to
veto finance bills, For years past the
radical section of the Liberal party sought
In vain Tor an opportunity 10 test public
sentiment squarely on the question Of
ending or mending the lords, but the party
leaders either hesitated or the lords dex-
terously tucked. Likewise, the lords have
lost no opportunity since the Liberals
came into power to mutilate or reject
party legislation, claiming that the Liberals
had no mandate for the legislation in
question. Some features Of the rejected
legislation were embodied in the rejected
budget, with the evident purpose Of fore
ing the long sought issue. For the Liberal,
progressive forces Of the country, the is
sue involves a struggle for life. The eX-
p%erience Of the Liberal majority in the
House of Commons demonstrated that pro-
g~ressive legislation is impossible while the
e-Unionists control four-fifths
Of the upper house. 1t is notorious that
so-called radical legislation proposed dur
ing the preceding Conservative ministries
did not meet serious objection from the
peers. Party measures were promptly
passed. But It is different with measures
Of Liberal party origin. These may be
disposed of as lordly fancy dictates I'M
less the authors can show a mandate
from the country.
If the contest can be held down to the
main issue, that of limiting the veto power
Of the lords, there is little doubt of Liberal
success. But there are many cross-currents
to be considered and great interests at
fected by the budget, the influence of
which, in the result, cannot be measured
at this distance. In the first place the
powerful l~andowning forces are arrayed
with the lords. Back Of these influential
forces is the multitude of direct tax
payers, naturally opposed to increased
taxes. Equally powerful in a political con-
test is the liquor interests, from the brew
ers and distillers down to the retail deal
ers, all directly hit by the budget taxes.
These political forces, no doubt, cut into
the Liberal party supporters. Moreover
they possess unlimited supplies of the
sinews Of political war, which are as
necessary and influential in shaping re-
suits in Great Britain as in other countries
where the ballot box speaks. The money
which wealth and privilege refuses to pay
into the national treasury as taxes win
be poured out lavishly in the campaign.
Already the conservatives have opened
their strong boxes. A request for $25, 900 to
pay the expenses of conservative working
men candidates in districts In ireland and
England brought pledges for the sum re-
quired and a guarantee of the expenses of
each elected candidate while serving in
Parliament. In specializing on the out
come of the struggle, therefore, 1T will be
we'll to give due weight to the potential
elements against which progressive Liberal
forces must contend to overthrow or loosen
the grip of hereditary privileged and en-
trenehed wealth.
The aristocracy of Great Britain has its
foundation on land ownership, its main
stay is revenue from land. One hundred
thousand persons own all the land in the
kingdom. Three-fourths Of it is owned by
members Of the House Of Lords. Fifteen
million acres, yielding an annual rent roll
of $50, 900, 900, represents the holdings of the
lay members. OF this area twenty-seven
dukes own over 4,OOO,oOO acres. Practically
all Of London is owned by $4,000 persons,
of which 1877 own sixty square miles or
more than half of the city. Seven peers
draw a revenue Of $40, co., 900 per annum
from London holdings. Similar land mon
opoly exists in all cities of the kingdom.
1t was city property the budget sought TO
reach by means OF the unearned increment
and leasehold taxes, none OF which applied
to agricultural land. The objections of
the peers to the budget was not so much
against socialistio tendecies as against the
plan Of saddling the burdens Of the deficit
on land and liquor. Their alternative is
the Chamberlain plan Of tariff reform,
AlS hAtdhS q IAN Oh liAlpoILas n Ollei
words the classes are eager for increased
national expenses, provided the burden is
shifted TO the shoulders Of the masses.
$50
A Welshman and an Irishman may
rightfully claim whatever honors are due
for bringing about the crisis. The former
fashioned the budget taxing scheme, and
the latter swung the hammer which put
the budget to sleep in the House of Lords.
David Lloyd George, chancellor of the ex-
cheQuer and author OF the budget, and
Lord Lansdowne, author Of the rejecting
motion, are opposites in sentiment, en-
vlronment and tendencies. w. 7. Stead de-
scribes the Welsh radical as a man dark
of hair and keen Of eye, full Of fire and
impulse" He has been a fighter almost
since birth, poverty being the first to
test his boyish strength. His father was
a Baptist minister. his uncle a shoemaker. |
The latter's shop in Llanystumdroy was,
the clearing house Of village thought and
world affairs.
Young David, as a boy, showed aston
ishing application, and, aided by an uncle.
he gained a thorough practical legal edu-
cation before he was Of age. When the
opportunity came to defend certain politi-