The Jeffersonian. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1907-1917, 1909-11-04

United States? What of it? Has the Eff
teehth Amendment anything about it that we
need respect? Was it not aimed at us as
malignant war-measure? Is it not monu-
ment to the triumph of those who conquered
us! Does it not remind us of the downfall of
the Southern Confederacy, the devastation of
our country, the burning of our cities, and the
efforts to put black heels upon white necls?
Why should it have any sanctity in our eyes?
Let us pass straight-out disfranchisement
laws, and quit telling the world lies, either in
the statute-books, in editorials or in stump
speeches. Let us come out with the whole
truth, and put New England upon notice that
this is white mans country, and the white
man intends to rule it. Let us tell them plain
ly and boldly that nobody but white men
shall vote or hold office, and then ask them
what they are going to do about it.
Of course, they will tell you that the Su-
preme Court of the United States will declare
the laws unconstitutional. It is not certain
that the Court would so decide. The Eff
tenth Amendment is of doubtful legality,
even in the minds of the Northern people.
Southern jurists, of the frst-class, unani-
mously hold that it was never proposed or
adopted according to the requirements of the
Constitution.
But suppose the Supreme Court does decide
IN favor of the niggers, who is to enforce it's
decision? Why pay any attention to it? It
has been ignored, defed, scornfully brought
to naught, time and again. What Mr. Jeffer-
son did, we can do what Andrew jackson
did, we can do; what Abraham Lincoln did,
we can do
The Supreme Court is utterly powerless to
enforce it's will, in such a case. President
Taft, even if he thought the law authorized
him to use the national troops, wouldn't dare
to do it. He knows perfectly we'll that this
country is rocking with revolutionary tenden-
cies right now. He knows that the world
movement of the under-classes is felt here
just as it is felt in England, in France, in
Italy, in Spain and in Hindustan He
wouldn't dare to attempt thing of that sort
He knows that the entire South would spring
up, as one man, for it's rights.
In the time of George NJ Troup, John
Quincy Adams, who hated the South with
venomous intensity, and who was very
crafty politician, came to the conclusion that
he couldn't afford to ask the country to sus-
tain him in fight against Georgia, in behalf
of the red men. When Governor Troup put
the machinery in readiness to resist the Fed
eral soldiers, the President backed down, and
the triumph of Georgia was complete. In
that case, the Supreme Court decided against
Georgia. and President Andrew Jackson said
"John Marshall has made his decision now
let him enforce it."
The Supreme Court was powerless; Geor-
gia came off victorious.
What has been done can be done again
Neither President Taft, nor any other man
who is likely to be sent to the White House,
would be such an egregious blockhead as to
appeal to this country to make war upon the
South, in behalf of the Negroes right to vote.
The ballot is political privilege; it is not
civil right. 1t belongs neither to the absolute
nor to The relative RIGHTS of man Tt is dis