Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1909-01-08

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pared, by word of mouth, to resent what
they deemed to be the insinuations of
the President upon them as members of
the committee on appropriations.
They were not alone in their indigna-
ton. Indeed, for some time past the
feelings Of the members had been grow
ing more and more intense, and some of
them have been giving way to their SEN
timents in language which fully testified
to their wounded pride.
Perkins Presents Report.
| Mr. Perkins addressed the House as fol-
lows:
ITO your committee were referred Ger
/ tain passages contained in the annual
message of the President. We were to
decide whether in our opinion, those por-
lions of the message were couched In
such form that a proper regard for the
dignity of a great legislative body should
| forbid their reception.
| I'VE are of the opinion that the portions
of the message do constitute breach of
| the privileges of this House and that.
therefore. following the precedent set in
similar cases, the House should decline
| to consider them:
| with the merits of the question, with
men, this committee has nothing to do.
We fully recognize the right of the Pres
ident to express his disapproval of legis-
lation adopted by the Congress. to point
out it's defects and to ask that they be
| 10 will
be consideped by Congress and such ac-
ton taken as may seem to be in the pub
| lie interest.
| But your committee has to consider
the criticisms made by the President upon
session, to consider his suggestions as to
| future legislation and to report whether
Congress with proper self respect can re-
ceive them. 1t is stated in the message
that the chief argument in favor of the
provision was that the congressman did
not themselves wish to be Investigated
by secret service men, and this is re-
peated in the additional message.
IF this was the chief argument, it must
have been by this argument that the ma
iority of members were led to vote in
favor of the offending provision. Your
committee is unable to share in this be.
| lief
| I'm the arguments OF the House The
gentleman from Kentucky, speaking in
| favor of the amendment. asked if it was
intended that if member of Congress
| was guilty of unbecoming conduct the
department would be warranted in inves-
| tigating his conduct by secret service
men. And the gentleman from New York.
opposing the amendment, stated that we
all knew, lawyers, that We were not
federal officers; that we were component
members of the government and there was
| no one over us.
Then the gentleman from Kentucky
| said, notwithstanding the views of the
| gentleman from New York, the private
conduct of a member of Congress mad
| once been investigated by secret serv-
ice men, but the gentleman from New
| York denied even this one and solitary
instance and stated the investigation
| in the case cited had not been made by
| a member of the secret service, but by
"a police officer of Washington.
! Vote Not Induced by Fear.
1--WE do not think that even the most
timorous of congressman could nave
been induced by these arguments TO
! vote in favor of the amendment from
fear that if he voted no the secret
service might ferret out his secret sins.
Nor does it seem that statements
made in 1904. even by newspaper re-
| porter, are convincing evidence of the
motive which actuated congressman IN
|
made in newspapers are sometimes
| questioned even at the White House.
| ''The statement contained in the mes
| sage that the chief argument in favor
| of the provision was that the congressman
| did not themselves wish to be investi-
| gated can have but one meaning. 1t
means that Congress voted for the meas
| ure from an improper motive.
| Amy congressman whose vote can be
| determined by unwillingness to have his
| own conduct investigated by secret Serv-
i've men, or by any other men, must surely
| be in fear of the law. If it was believed
| that majority of this body were in fear
| that their acts might be investigated and
| their crimes discovered, the respect of
| the people, which it is important for the
| republic that Congress should possess,
would be impaired, if not destroyed.
| 1T is dangerous to the republic that a
| large portion of our people should have
| their confidence shaken in the judges
| who interpret the law; it is equally dam
| gerous that their confidence should be i'm
| paired in those who enact the laws. 1t
| Is for this reason that the duty devolves
| upon the lawmakers not to allow the in
tegrity of their motives to be lightly ques-
| toned.
| I'VE may be sure that legislative
| body will be respected by the people I'M
less it respects itself. We are jealous of
the honor of the nation: we should be
| equally jealous of the honor of our in
| stitutions.
Doubtless in the Congress are some
| times found unfit and dishonest men. But
l believe that with few exceptions the
body is composed of men of integrity
| whose vote is determined not by fear Of
the police, but by an honest regard for
| the public service.
| eff the time should ever come when a
majority Of the chosen representatives OF
the American people were so UNIT for
| their trust that their votes were con-
Etrolled by a craven fear of the detection of
their crimes. then surely the republic will
| have come upon evil days and the failure
of popular government will be demon
! Strated.
1.-THE people of this country have sent
| their representatives to the Congress-
Many of them have for long years been
reelected at the polls or by legislatures.
I do not believe that popular government
and universal suffrage are such lament
able failures that dishonest. cowardly or
unfit men are chosen to continue in Office.
| I'm this matter we stand not only for
| ourselves, but for those who sent us here.
| The Impeachment of those who are chosen
| is the impeachment of those who chd4e.
Thing to Be Deplored.
The President says that no one holds
| the dignity of the Congress of the United
States in higher regard than he does 1t