The Greenville times. [volume] (Greenville, Miss.) 1868-1917, 1909-07-31

iron ore, petroleum and. biturninous
coal on the free list, the effect upon
the whole tariff and upon the cost OF
living would be scarcely percepti-
bic. Accompanying just reductions
OF the allied finished products would
give consumers some benefit. but at
this writing such reductions are NOT
expected
It should be remembered that a
large part of the present Dingley
tariff (Which was admittedly made
too high in order that there might
be room for reduction by treaties
OF reciprocity has not been disturb
ed by House or Senate, and there
fore is beyond the reach of con-
ference committee, and that in deaf
ing with rates as to which House
and Senate disagree. the committee
must work within the upper and
lower limits. The rules which thus
govern its procedure can be modifed
with respect to separate items only
by the special and concurrent action
and instructions of House and Sen
ate. These conditions tend, in this
final stage of the long contest, to
prevent such action concerning fin
ished products as the President IS
beginning to regard as desirable.
1t is difficult to understand why
the President, So actively insisting
upon reductions at this late day. and
SO persistently exerting his innu-
ence to obtain them, not only made
no effort whatever for downward re-
vision turnout the weeks and months
when he could have accomplished
something because the almost in
surmountable obstacles which now
confront him did not then exist
but Sven permitted the zinsurgent
Republican Senators to believe that
their movement had his disapproval
And yet. from day to day, they were
exposing the inequitable rates whieh
within the last few days he has be
gun to criticise. He has repeated
ly insisted upon due regard for the
doctrine laid down in the Republican
platform, but if the facts presented
in the memorable Senate debate
were not wholly ignored by him, he
must have realized that the control
ling majority was making no at
tempt to measure protective rates
by the difference in costs of produc-
ton, plus a reasonable profit. lie
should have urged that majority %
shape its course in accord with the
platform doctrine. If he had done
so. the two bills sent to conference
would have been much less objec-
tionable than those which the com
-mittee has been considering and
which he has been trying TO inn
prove.
His interest was manifested and
his influence was exerted at too late
day. His demands at first touch
ed only a small part of the broad
tariff field, avoiding inequitable
schedules which had been shameful
ly manipulated to the disadvantage
Of consumers, and when the confer
ence stage was reached the rules
and 4 network of bargains three or
four months old made it extremely
difficult for the controlling MAORI
" to grant what he desired. even if
it had been willing TO do this. 1t
seems to us that he must have
known about the barriers that the
conference rules would raise. When
it was reported from the White
House. not long after the beginning
of the Senate debate, that he intend
ed to deal with the conference com
mttee. these rules and the effect of
them were pointed out to him by
scores of newspapers. and, doubtless
by legislators and others who desir-
ed a reasonable downward revision.
His active and persistent interven
ton after the conference commit
tee began its work indicates that he
was not restrained at an earlier date
by a feeling that he ought not to
attempt TO shape legislation, for Con
gress is still in session, the tariff
bill has not been enacted, and thru
out last week he was striving to
shape the revision by a direct ex-
ertion of his influence For what
he may now accomplish he will re
ceive due credit from the people,
but many loyal friend will think
that by delay he lost his opportu-
nifty.