Los Angeles herald., 1909-04-19
AMERICAN TARIFF LAWS.
XXlEE-AS a Political issue
BY FREDERIC j. HASKlN

with him. This time Gen. Zachary
Taylor was nominated and was elect
ed. He was not as thoroughly ground
ed in the doctrine of protection as
some of the protectionists could wish,
but that was secondary considera-
ton. His election did not profit the
protectionists The Wings did not con-
troll congress and this prevented the
Taylor Fillmore administration from
revising the tariff of 1S46. Thereafter
the tariff question was kept in the
background. SO well did the tariff of
1886 work that even James G.. Blaine
says in effect in his Twenty Years of
Congress" that the question was re-
garded as practically settled. 1t is
true that the Republicans made 1t one
of their cardinal principles in 1856. and
again in 1860. in which latter year
Pennsylvania turned the tide from
Democracy to Republicanism, more on
the tariff issue than on the slavery
issue.
After the election of Lincoln and
before the retirement of Buchanan the
Morrill, tariff law was passed-its
enactment being brought about
through the prospect of war. Little
was heard of the tariff during the war;
although many additional duties were
put on. Along about 1870 the demand
for tariff reduction was heard. Grant
had been Democrat and low tariff
man, and was still inclined to low tar
ifs. In 1879 the low tariff party ac-
tually accepted as its candidate very
high priest of protection-Horace
Greeley and high tariff party re-
nominated man who had in his early
life been as much of low tariff man
as Greeley had been a protectionist.
Greeley had agreed not to veto any
tariff bill congress might pass, should
the DamocrafG raDtIira fha 1a1fafaf fva
machinery. The Democratic platform
of that year recognized honest but
irreconcilable differences of opinion
with regard to the respective systems
of protection and free trade" and de-
clared that 1--WE remit the discussion
of the subject to the people in their
congressional districts, and to the de-
cision of the congress thereon, wholly
free from executive interference or
dictation." Such a declaration re-
mains unique in tariff history.
The Democratic platform of 1876 de-
nounced the tariff then in effect, as
sorting that it was laid upon nearly
1000 different articles. that it was a
masterpiece of injustice. inequality and
false pretense. They blamed it with
the decadence of American shipping
and asserted that 1t cost the country
five times as much as 1t benefited the
treasury. In 1872 and 1876 and 1880 the
Republicans declared in mild language
for protection, and in the latter year
the Democrats contented themselves
with the simple statement that they
wanted a tariff for. revenue only. The
soft pedal playing on the tariff ques-
ton that characterized the platforms
of 1880 was less in evidence in 1884
The platform of the Democrats in 1888
was very mild" on the tariff question.
but the Republicans put great deal
of ginger into theirs.
The events of 1890 lent themselves
as readily to the Democratic cause as
those of later years have lent them
selves to the ascendancy of protec-
ton. Just as the Republicans propne-
sled that a high tariff in 1897 would
bring about good times and the good
times came, so the Democrats prophe-
sled in 1890 that the passage of the
Mckinley bill would bring about high
prices, and temporary high prices
came. The law went into effect a
month before the congressional cleo
lions of 1890 A systematic campaign
was made showing how prices had in
creased. Tin peddlers were sent
around with tinware marked up to
absurdly high prices, their mission
being to convert the housewives to low
tariff more than to sell tinware. Po-
1itical tears were shed over the poor
sewing woman who had to pay an ad-
vanced price for pearl buttons. Young
men felt the pinch of the tariff be-
cause of the advanced price of cigar
cites and cigars. The newspapers set
out to show how much further dollar
went under the tariff of 1883 than 1t
would go under the Mckinley tariff.
1t does not matter that the advance
of prices because of the Mckinley bill
was more imaginary than real, more
temporary than permanent, the result
nf 10
slaughter of Republican congressional
candidates the country has seen, and
the Democrats came into control OF
the house by the biggest majority any
party ever had in that body.
Two years after that the tariff ques-
ton was the paramount issue, and II
the Democrats had previously thrown
out milk-and-water tariff bait to the
voter they were not going to do so
this time 1t called protection robbery
to start with and then warmed up to
the subject. The Republicans stood by
their protection guns. They lost The
Wilson law, with all the evils of the
panic period, followed. This time the
Republicans laid claim to the gift of
prophecy, and events bore out, II they
did not justify, their prophecy. The
remaining history of the tariff as
political issue Is we'll known. Perhaps
too much is claimed for protection
and too much blame is laid upon IT;
perhaps the same may be said of low
tariff, but these claims and charges as
made for each system serve we'll to
make the tariff perfect political issue.
The present state of acquiescence in
protection has counterpart in a past
state of acceptance of free trade. Who
knows but that the pendulum may
swing again? And again?
Copyright, 1909, by Frederic ]. Haskin)
Tonorrow-American Tarif Laws.