The Manitowoc pilot. [volume] (Manitowoc, Wis.) 1859-1932, 1909-08-12
THURSDAY, AUGUST -, 1903.

CApltaDr Oh plOtcCtcd ih''''J
very we'll that the system OF protection
is a system of slavery which may not
inaptly be compared with the institution
of African slavery that existed before
Abraham Lincoln issued the emancips
ton proclamation, freeing four million
negroes inaugurating a new epoch III
the history of the Union, which his. gen
ms as statesman saved. 1t IS IN the
heat of anger, and not in the light OF
dispassionate analysis, that opponents
of protectionism attack asfantastlc com
parsons Of the slavery of to-day in A
merica with that of antebellum times.
Let those who smart under the indict-
ment turn to the observations of John
Bigelow upon the tariff, in letter to
the Reform Climb of New York, In re-
printing an excerpt from Mr.. Bigelows
paper, the Outlook calls attention to
the fact that the writer il ninety-two
years old; that he has an intimate
knowledge of American affairs as a
lawyer, publicist and statesman; that
he was Consul to Paris for dozen years
and Minister TO France for three years;
that from 1875 to 1877 he was Secretary
of State in New York. 1t may be added
that he is an independent student of
conditions in this country. At his age
he is asking favor Of no one and cannot
be accused Of self,interest or self adver-
tisement.
Hamilton says Mr. Bgelow, zap.
ologized to the nation for proposing a
tariff of seven and one half per cent
upon list of articles that did not oc
cupy the whole of one eide of letter
sheet That was in 1902 The trend OF
tariff schedules has been upward and
outward since that time.
Here il what Mr.. Bigelow has to say
Of the situation to-day
I'VE have before us in the tariff pre-
cisely the same Issue that confronted us
in the rebellion Of 1861. The Southern
planter wanted slave labor for its cheap
ness. The result Was that we
had to get rid OF the upright
eous three.fifths protection which the
Constitution had given to the slave
holding planters by g long and bloody
war To me it appears that protection
is even more firmly fixed in its saddle
than ever slavery was, because the pro
perty it gives to the protected every year
exceeds the total value of the slave prop
erty of the United States when it was
at It's maximum. What motive
had the Southern planter to 90 to war
for the protection Of slavery that the
Republican party has not II far greater,
to fight for protection
The slave drivers Of the present time
rob the consumer Of 81, 100, 600 900 when
they dole out to the government $500
100000 in revenues, HI WAS shown by
Senator Doliver. Taken by and large
they are set Of hopeless vulgarians.
They would scorn to live rs the plant
ers lived before the war A simple
mansion house was by no means New
port cottage. There was no aping Of
foreign royalty in the South and no fish
ing for titles.
If We had only TO consider the spectacle
made of all Of us by the rich beneiiciar.
les Of the tariff spending their money
there would be small cause for pro
test. They might bargain for titles for
their daughters, divorce their middle
aged wives to marry serpentine dancers
shunt themselves into the next world in
motor car wrecks, and otherwise divert
themselves according to their own ideas
The ground for a reasonable objection
is that the consumer foots their bills
He does 70 at an inconvenient expense
That, now and then tariff baron builds
a church a hospital or "A university is
small compensation The people could
build their own colleges and hospitals
and universities at less expense.
The captains Of protected Industry are
a class Of sordid grafters compared
with whom Boss Tweed and his ieuten-
ants were children.