Los Angeles herald., 1909-04-01

would hurt the shipbuilding industry
and opposed them as earnestly as they
had fought the tariff on rum and mo-
lasses. Massachusetts, the leading New
England influence, traded low grade
fish for rum and molasses from ia.
maica, and was heartily opposed to any
restriction of imports from the Wesl
Indies. 1t was but another evidence OF
the clashing of interests that has char
acterized all tariff debates from then tc
now. The duty on cordage was passed
through the support of the southerners
who were given duty on hemp.
When spikes, nails, lacks and brads
came to be considered the south was
In opposition and New England in sup
port of duty. Mr.. A les of Massa-
chusetts drew fine picture of the in
dustry as being "prodigiously great"
He showed how every country kitchen
had its forge, where all hands, big and
little, spent the long winter evenings
making nails. The differences were
finally compromised by placing a
specific duty of cent a pound on nails,
etc. After this came salt. Here again
sectional interests were in conflict. but
a compromise of cents a bushel was
the result of the debate.
When the duty on coal came to be
discussed Virginia was at, the forefront
in advocating it. That state then in
cluded the present state OF West Vir-
ginia, and Mr. Bland declared that
there were mines in Virginia capable of
supplying the demands OF the whole
country IF some restraint was laid on
the importation of foreign COAL"
Affairs in the youthful nation were
not all that could be desired when the
first tariff law went into effect The
people had an almost frenzied hatred
of authority, having so lately thrown
off the power of the king and parlia-
ment. The dominant note of the time
was opposition to centralized power.
and insistence upon the doctrine of
states rights. How far this was carried
may be inferred by the fact that when
Virginia, which had taken the leading
part in calling the constitutional con-
came, to ratify the constitution
1t was with the express reservation that
she could withdraw from the Union
whenever she regarded 1t as detrimen-
tai to her interests.
Other states had taken a similar
and 1t was with fear and trepi
1ation that the first tariff law was pro-
claimed to the people. 1t was a. law
that contained the twice-rejected idea
Of custom duties. If the people did
he whole governmental structure so
recently reared would fall asunder and
he fruits of independence would be |
ost. But fortunately the people did not
reject it. 1t acted so silently and
that the people were hardly
lware of IT'S existence. 1t had such |
magic effect upon the finances of the
empire that everybody was
for the time being.
The act was of course an experiment
al measure. No one could tell exactly
What effect it was going to have upon
and consequently on
evenues. But those who made the ex
had reason to be satisfied, so
ar as the attitude of the people toward
t was concerned. 1t is true that it did
erve to educate the country up to the
ically one-ha1f on all the duties pro-
ided in the act of 1882 That education
vas rapid, for it was only twelve
months from the time when the first
ct was approved until 1t was revised
pward to that extent.
There were both protectionists and
rec traders in the first congress. Some
uties were laid which were higher
nan was thought sufficient to stop all
nportation. Madison was the leading :
pirit of the house, and his position '
as as ambigCously expressed as any i;
hing a modern politician has ever i
aid. Some thought that he meant to
e for free trade. Others construed his
ords as being in favor of protection.
Copyright, 1909, by Frederick ]. Haskln)
Tomorrow-American Tariff Laws.
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