The Greenville times. [volume] (Greenville, Miss.) 1868-1917, 1909-08-28
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other, SccuOuaHSTn- Is already at an
end. Such action could be aimed at
but one or two objects; either the
securing of freedom for the negro
from the restrictive provisions OF
Southern constitutions as regards the
ballot, or relieving him from the OPP
Grafton of Southern Social reguia-
tions-and separation Of the races
in cars and schools and the prohibit
ing of racial intermarirage. And
both OF these may be dismissed. The
fifteenth amendment prohibits the
restriction OF suffrage only for race.
kolor or previous condition Of seryI-
sude." The provisions of the South
ern constitution which are really ef-
fcctive in reducing the number ii
negro voters are those which require
registration and the payment OF ali
taxes due as prerequisite conditions
40 the exercise of the ballot These
qualifications aim directly at the lack
OF forcthought and thrift which ~
greater or less degree characterizes
so large an clement of the negro
population. Tn other words they are
directed TO certain weak spots i'm the
negro's present traits-but not in
specific terms to the negro These
requirements. and that Of ability 10
read, have been upheld by the SUI
preme courts Of the United States,
and are not subject to attack BY
congress, save by indirect action,
The house OF representatives. IN the
exercise Of its constitutional prerog-
alive Of Judging Of the qualification
and election of its members, might
possibly refuse to seat members
from districts containing large
number of disqualified or non-voting
negroes But such action would be
little short of revolutionary and cx-
cept in isolated individual cases is
Skely never to be resortcd to. The
alternative possible action would be
30 reduce the representation in the
house and electoral college OF those
states which were charged with pol
itical discrimination against the ne
gro The power to do this was con
fesrsd by the fourteenth amendment
in the constitution. but the means
of execution were not provided. The
result is a provision which practical
iy seems dead letter. Its CHIEF
use at present is 10 serve as bait
for negro voters in Northern states
at national elections. 1t serves as
the basis of threat to reduce Sou
thern representation, inserted in Re
publican platforms for campaign
purposes, but the threat IS never eN-
ecuted
Southern 1ws against intcrma~-
riage. and those separating the race
in schools and cars, are accepted as
legitimate and natural incidents 70
conditions created by contact be
tween large masses OF negroes and
whites The supreme court of the
United States. in the civil rights case.
negatived the only practical effort OF
congress to prevent such legislation
bS dcCtd1nlS the tlNli Tl2Hl0 1CE0
passed ten years after the close OF
the Civil War to be an infringement
upon the police powers of the states.
That act was passed largely through
sentimental reasons 1t was. in fact
a compliance with the dying request
of its author and champion. Senator
Sumner. of Massachusetts. 1t rep
resented the high tide OF the crusade
of the group of men who for many
years had struggled to secure for the
negro absolute Equality before the
law" Such hill TODAY could nor
secure consideration in congress.
even during d presidential campaign
wear. The pendulum has swung
backward. and even in those places
which were not affected bv the deci-
sions of the supreme court in the
ei.il RIGHTS eases the law is practic-
div AZ dad as N the Southern states
The best illustration of the effect Of
public sentiment In thus yitiating an
act OF congress is afforded bv the
District of Columbia. The decision