The Somerset reporter., 1909-03-11
Lincoln and the War.

| nc ioioWHR cASoiiche P"Poi wa
read before, the NEE ting Of the Towr
Improvement Society on February IL
also as part of the Lincoln Anniver
sary program, at the opera house the
evening of the same day, and at the
meeting of Eunice Farnsworth Chap
ter the following week.
Many requests for it's public atior
have peen received, both by those
who had the opportunity to listen to
it and by those who were not present
on either occasion and for that rea.
sou are anxious to have the paper
to read. The REPORTER takes pleas
ure in reproducing it in compliance
with the wishes of it's subscribers.
The trainers of the Constitution
left two open questions for the future
to settle. One related to slavery, the
other to the right of a State to repud
late the Union that made it State
Like all vital questions these called
more loudly for answers as the years
went by. The answers were within
the Constitution itself, involved in its
life principles; but abstract truths
have to be translated into experience
slowly. Slavery was repudiated by
nearly half the states in the early years
of our National existence but then
the leaven of righteousness existing
in the words "all men are born free
and equal" ceased for time to work
and the evil thing called Slavery grew
until its quarters were too straight for
it. Then as it encroached more and
more, the conscience of the North
questioned it's right to exist and fought
against it's encroachments. Finally 1t
came to question, not of our brothers.
sin, but whether our brother should
compel us to abet him in his sin;
whether slavery should stay where it
was or become the ruling power of the
Country. Compromise after compro
mise failed to satisfy. Demand fol-
lowed demand. Threat followed
threat. Then the spirit of the Consti-
tuition spoke in the North and the
South like petulant child refused to
play any longer. The old cry of
question got itself asked SO loudly
UIldU Vic NOIUI CcdScu
its shoulders at the threat and
gave the answer in tones that echo
and feecho forevermore.
When Abraham Lincoln was elected
those who had talked treason began
to do reasonable things. The gov
ernors of Southern States, men in Blu
chanan's own cabinet, and members
of Congress conspired like Catilines
with no Cicero to denounce. The
weak Executive in the White House
said it would be very wrong for a
State to secede but it would also be
wrong TO coerce the recreant ones.
Like Johny Sands! his hands were
tied securely; and what might have
been easily crushed by prompt ad-
ministration of the laws, lived to be-
come a fearful problem for the new
president whose election had been the
signal for Secession to begin, whose
Inauguration would set the time for
more open aggressions. South Caro-
lima, Mississippi. Florida, Alabama,
Georgia, Louisiana and Texas had
p ,ssed acts of Secession, twelve or fif-
teen harbor forts, one extensive navy
yard, half dozen arsenals, three mints,
four custom houses, three revenue cut
tiers and other valuable property had
passed quietly into rebel hands, and
all Buchanan could do, says Nicolay,
was to appoint day of fasting and
prayer. All this was over now. A
very different man was at the helm.
Abraham Lincoln hated slavery. He
had fought whole heartedly against its
extension, but he loved the Union
more than he hated it's greatest curse.
He knew that the nation could not
exist half slave and half free and he
knew the mind of the South.
He had said, "Sooner will the Auto
crat of all the Russias declare his sub
jects free republicans than American
masters will give up their slaves" and
the event justified his wisdom. On
the day before his first Inauguration
the Gar freed the Russian serfs we
know what the American masters did.
He had said -" The Union canpot be
dissolved. We don't want to dissolve
it and if you attempt it we wont let
you," but he would use every effort
to persuade recreant states back into
their allegiance. So, though in his in
augnral address he declared once
more that the Union was perpetual;
union were legally void; that to the
best of his ability he would execute
the laws in all the states; that the
power confided to him should be used
to hold, occupy aud possess the prop
erty and places belonging to the gov
eminent and to collect duties and i'm
posts;- yet on the other hand, be-
You'd what was necessary for these
objects no force would be used; no
attempt would be made to force OBJ
noxious strangers upon them as
federal officers, and the mails would
be furnished them as usual. He
pleaded with the South against the
folly of disunion, declaring their
property, peace and security to be in
no danger.
Zone section of our country be-
lieves slavery is right and should be
extended, the other believes it is
wrong and should not. That is the
dispute" said he. "Suppose you go
to war. you can not fight always and
when you cease fighting the identi-
cal old questions as to intercourse are
again upon you. In your hands my
dissatisfied fellow countrynen and
not in mine is the issue OF the civil
war. The government will not assail
you. You can have no conflict unless
you are yourselves the aggressors."
These words seemed to fall on deaf
ears. Commissioners from the South
came demanding recognition and were
dismissed unheard. The cabinet de-
bated as to the advisability of man
ming and provisioning Fort Sumpter
and one day Mr.. Seward handed the