The Birmingham age-herald., 1909-08-12

1 1 dega bill.
 Also to pay back due pension to ". N. Clifton of Randolph to allow stem l ograhper for city court of Anniston. Also to fix salaries of judge of the city 1 court of Montgomery.
 Prohibition Bill Called.
 With the galleries damned, largely of women, desks of members piled with l books the clerk called the constitu- 1 tional prohibition bill at 12 o'clock. 1 MT. Overton moved to amend by making the election time the next gen. l eral election instead of three months after the adjournment of this session, as the bill provided.
 Arguing his position, Mir. Overton re- cited the progress of the proh hibition ! movement from the adoption of the local option act to the main bill of 1907, to the Carmichael law signed Monday by the governor. All these he was for and indorsed. He even goes further. If the people want it let them vote on it. He did not believe there would ever be legislature that will re- peal the Carmichael bill, or a man elected on any proposition looking backward on the prohibition fight.
 The speaker saw no reason for an election when the people are busy and may vote upon 1t at a time when an election is already set. This special election will cost an enormous sum; the state is not able to afford the ex- penes of 1t now. Many counties will be forced to borrow money to hold the election Sentiment growing all the time the bill will be much stronger in 1910 than now as with every law passed the movement has gathered force. He believes there is some doubt of the amendment passing now, as the business men are weary of so many elections.
 MT. Merritt asked if the business men were the safe and sane organiza- ton.
 Mir. Overton said his ideas were from his own heart and a result of his bet ter judgment.
 Thomas Opens Up.
 Mir. Thomas moved to amend or in deed, he offered substitute. It pro- vides to submit to the people at the next general election an amendment to make it unlawful for any one to drink or in any way put into their bodies any sort of intoxicants, or that the smell of liquors shall be prima facie evidence of violation; also that the place where the smell is discovered shall be held to be the place where the liquors are drank. Sick persons are exempted from the provisions of the substitute, as well as all who may par take of sacramental wines. A fine of $50 to $500 with hard labor is provided, and 1t shall be charged to all grand juries, which will have no discretion but to indict. Trial without indict- ment is allowed, and officers may ar rest all whose breath shows suspicion of such inhibited liquors.
 Officers must show that they are good smellers, or they cannot hold office, and all police or county officers who do not smell well will be impeaehed
 Noting the levity, MT Thomas said that his proposition was no more ridic- ulous than the proposed amendment. Both seek to do the same thing, prevent man from taking a drink. The substitute would do 1t openly, the bill, by means that are covert and hypocritical. It would still leave the man the right to drink and to buy but deny all the right to sell or provide it to him. It is like giving a man the right to work and denying men the right to employ him
 "Why not come out, you constitutional prohibitionists," he demanded, land be honest? You can't say 1t is honest. It is a delusion and a snare. If you pass the substitute 1t will become a part of tutional."
 Easy to Enforce.
 "The substitute will be much easier of enforcement than the bill. Officers have been criticised for failure to enforce the laws, but if the substitute Is passed blind tigers can be broken up in a week by reaching those who patronize them. Their foul breath will be unansWerable testimony against them.
 "The substitute leaves the liquors in the state, but allows no man to use it. i. riflr- fra t1 inal measure,'' says the speaker. If the substitute should be adopted" he stated most of the prohibitionists would be in jail before tomorrow night, and some of the ntl-prohibitionists. too."
 To pass the bill is to take away that liberty which was given by the fathers of the country to the people; argued Mir Thomas. If you do not intend to try to change the spirit of the constitution, then why put this in it?' he asked Constl- tutions, he argued, are places for prin- ciples, not for police regulations. Murder is a crime. Why not put murder in the constitution and robbery and burglary? Would the friends of prohibition say of lenses against 1t are worse than mur- der he asked. Would you make dirty dishrag of the sacred constitution" he shouted "If the statutory prohibition was right, why was it not submitted to the people?" he asked. You are sticklers for submitting to the people when 1t suits you," he exclaimed. The man Is narrow he said. who thought that one election would settle a question that has burdened the patriots Of all the ages since Noah lay drunken in his tent. The problem still stands and will stand
 Great Agitation. 'Tf you bring on this election you bring on the greatest agitation that has ever cursed the state," he pleaded, "and beg of you not to put this on the state and bring on the feeling that will tear the state. If 1t is good thing. the statute will bring it about; if bad thing, why put it in the constitution? I believe that the ministers have not stopped to think how far we are drifting. I am going to speak what I conceive to be words of truth and soberness with respect to the question. It's time to take warning "Our forefathers left England for liberty of church, and, thank God, established religious liberty. They wrote 1t into our constitution that no religion shall be es- tablished by law.
 "The ministers of the state respected