The Madison daily leader. [volume] (Madison, S.D.) 1890-current, 1909-01-04

1 tliSSb BIdClltbS we owe tle securing Oh
the evidence which enabled us to drive
] great lotteries out of business and secure
| a quarter of a million of dollars in fines
| from their promoters. These practices
| have enabled us to discover some of the
i most outrageous frauds in connection
1 with the theft of government land and
/ government timber by great corporations
| and by individuals. These practices have
/ enabled us to get some of the evidence in
| dispensable in order to secure the convic-
| tion Of the wealthiest and most formida-
! BILE criminals with whom the government
has to deal. both those operating In viola
| ton of the antitrust law and others The
| amendment In question was Of benefit to
/ no one excepting to these criminals and
| II seriously hampers the government In
| the detection of crime and the securing of
| justice Moreover, 1t not only affects de-
| partments outside of the treasury, but II
| tends to hamper the secretary of the
| treasury himself In the effort to utilize
| the employees of his department so as to
| best meet the requirements OF the public
| service. 1t forbids him from preventing
| frauds upon the customs service, from in
vestigating Irregularities in branch mints
| snd assay offices and has seriously Grip
pied F'n. 1t prevents the promotion of
| empluy ees in the secret service, and this
| further discourages good effort. In its
present form the restriction operates only
| to the advantage of the criminal, of the
| wrongdoer.
] The chief argument in favor of the pro-
vision was that the congressman did not
| themselves wish to be Investigated by
| secret service men. Very little of such
| investigation has been done in the past
But 1t is true that the work OF the secret
| service agents was partly responsible for
| the Indictment and conviction of a SEN
ator and congressman for land frauds
| in Oregon. l do not believe that 1t is
| in the public interest to protect GRIM
| inals in any branch of the public service,
and, exactly as we have again and again
during the past seven years prosecuted
and convicted such criminals who were
| In the executive branch of the govern
| ment, so in my belief we should be given
ample means to prosecute them IL found
/ in the legislative branch. But II this Is
not considered desirable special excep-
| ton could be made in the law prohibit
| ing the use of the secret service force In
| investigating members of the congress.
| 1t would be far better to do this than to
do what actually was done and strive to
prevent or at least ITO hamper effective
| action against criminals by the executive
branch of the government
Asks Careful Reading of Message.
A careful reading of this message
| will show that l said nothing to war
| rant the statement that "the majority
| Of the congressman were in fear Of
| being investigated by the secret serv-
| Ice men" or that congress as a whole
| was actuated by that motive" / did
| not make any such statement In this
| message. Moreover, l have never made
| any such statement about congress as
| q whole nor, with few inevitable ex-
| ceptions, about the members Of con-
| gress In any message or article or
speech. On the contrary, l have al
| ways not only deprecated, but vigor-
| ously resented, the practice of indis-
| criminate attack upon congress and
| indiscriminate co,demnation Of all
| congressman. wise and unwise, fit and
unfit, good and bad alike No one real
| izes more than ] the Importance of
| cooperation between the executive
and congress. and no one holds the au-
thority and dignity Of the congress of
| the United States In higher respect
| than j do | have not the slightest
| sympathy with the practice Of judging
men for good or for Ill not on their
| several merits, but in q mass, as mem
| bers of one particular body or one
caste. To put together all men holding
| or who have held particular office,
| whether 1t be the Office of president
| or judge or senator or member Of the
house of representatives, and to class
them all. without regard to their in
dividual differences, as good or bad
| seems to me utterly indefensible, and
1t is equally indefensible whether the
| a heated and unwarranted champion
| ship Of all or In a heated and unwar-
ranted assault upon all. l would nei-
| ther attack nor defend all executive
| officers In mass. whether presidents,
/ governors, cabinet officers or officials
| Of lower rank, nor would | attack or
| defend all Legislative officers In a mass.
| The safety of free government rests
very largely In the ability of the plain,
everyday citizen to discriminate be-
| tween those public servants who serve
| him well and those public servants
who serve him III. He cannot thus
| discriminate II he is persuaded to pass
| Judgment upon q man not with refer
ence to whether he Is a fit or unfit
public servant, but with reference to
| whether he is an executive or legisla-
| tive officer, whether he belongs to one
branch or the other of the government.
| Says Message Is Misunderstood.
| This allegation in the resolution,
| therefore, must certainly be due to an
entire failure to understand my mes
sage.
| The resolution continues, THAT the
president be requested to transmit to
the house any evidence upon which he
based his statements that the chief
argument in favor Of the provision
was that the congressman did not
! themselves wish to be investigated by
| secret service men," This statement.
J which was an attack upon no one. still