Weekly journal-miner., 1909-03-10

office from among their number, IS properly taken as encouragement, and an appreciation of their progress, and this just policy shall be pursued.
 But it may well admit of doubt whether, in the case of any race, an appointment of one of their number to a local office in community Tn which the race feeling is so widespread and acute as to interfere with the ease and facility with which the local govern ment business can be done by the ap- pointee, is of sufficient benefit by way of encouragement to the race to out weigh the recurrence and increase Of race feeling which which such an ap- pointment is likely to engender. There fore, the executive, in recognizing the negro race by appointments must ex- ercise a careful discretion not thereby to do it more narm than good. On the other hand we must be careful not to encourage the mere pretense ot race feeling manufactured in the interest of individual political ambition.
 Personally I nave not the slightest race prejudice or feeling, and recogni- ton of its existence only awakens in my heart a deeper sympathy for those
 
 and I question the wisdom of a policy which is likely to increase it. Mean time. if nothing IS done tO prevent. better feeling between the negroes and the whites in the south will con tinue to grow, and more and more of the white people will come to realize that the future of the South IS to be much benefited by the industrial and intellectual progress of the negro. The exercise of political franchises by those of his race who are intelligent and well-to-do will be acquiesced in. and the right to vote will be withheld on " from the ignorant and irresponsible of both races.
 There is one other matter to which I shall refer. It was made the sub ject of great controversy during the election. and calls for at least a pass ing reference now. My distinguished predecessor has given much attention to the cause of labor, with whose strug- gle for better things he has shown the sincerest sympathy. At his instance Congress has passed the bill fixing the liability of interstate carriers to tnelr employees for injury sustained in the course of employment, abolishing the rule of fellOw-servant and the common law rule as to contributory negligence. It has also passed a law fixing the compensation of government employ es for injuries sustained in the employ of the government through the negli- gence of the superior. It has also passed model child labor law for the District of Columbia. In previous al ministrations an arbitration law for in terstate commerce railroads and their employees, and laws for the application of safety devices to save the lives and limbs of employees of interstate rail roads had been passed. Additional leg iislation of this kind was passed by the outgoing congress.
 I wish to say that insofar as 1 can, l hope to promote the enactment of further legislation of this character. I am strongly convinced that the government should make itself as re- sponsible to employees injured in its employ as an interstate railway cor poration is made responsible by fed Cral law to its employees; and l snail be glad. whenever any additional req sonable safety device can be invented to reduce the loss of life and limb among railway employees, to urge con gress to require its adoption by inter Sate railways.
 Another labor question has arisen which has awakened the most excited discussion. That is in respect to the power of the federal courts to issue injunctions in industrial disputes. As As to that, my convictions are fixed. Take away from courts, if it could be taken away, the power to issue inJunc- tions in labor disputes, and it would create a privileged class among the laborers and save the lawless among their number from a most needful rem edv available to all men for the pro Tection of their business against law less invasion. The proposition that business is not a property or pecunIary right which can be protected by equIt able injunction is utterly without foun datiOn in precedent or reason. The proposition is usually linked with onC to make the secondary boycott lawful Such a proposition is at variance witt the American instinct and will find nc support in my judgment when submit ted to the American people. The see ondary boycott IS an instrument of tyr amy, and it ought not to be made le eitimate.
 The issuing of temporary restrain ing order without notice has in sever al instances been abused by its incOn siderate exercise. and to remedy tht; the platform upon which 1 was el0cte' recommends the formulation in a stat ute of the conditions under which sucl ;i temporary restraining order ough to issue. A statute can and ought l. he framed to embody the best moder, practice, and can bring the subject s closely to the attention of the cOur as to make abuses of the process uu likely in the future. American people if l understand them, insist that tn authority of the courts shall be sus 1ained and are opposed to any chang m the procedure by which the power of a court may be weakened and tn fearless and effective administratio of justice be interfered with.
 Having thus reviewed the question likely to recur during my administrs