New-York tribune., 1909-12-19
CHURCHILL AP0WER
IN BITTER CAMPAIGN.
Strength of His CanUass an
Lancashire.
Southport. Lancashire. December 8.

the Prime Minister'S 1rgumentatiNe
power; but he has the buoyancy OF
youth, unmeasured audacity and his
fathers instructive talent for saying
what an audience wants 10 hear. The
first impression conveyed to the specta-
tors when he rises with an elastic step
on the platform is that of a gladiator
with an Unborn love OF fighting. His
eyes twinkle and snap with enjoyment;
his arms are thrown out with masterfui
gestures; his body sways from side TO
side from unrestrained energy, and hts
face is aglow with excitement. The ap-
plause is tumultuous and long contin-
ued, but he can hardly wait for II 10
subside. so eager is he 10 begin his work
of slashing attack and dexterous coun-
ter defence
He commands silence at last with
raised hand and glance of entreaty, and
after exchanging smiles with his hand
some wife, who is close beside him on
the platform, he starts off with
strident voice and whirl OF gesture
In q few minutes he quiets down for an
bour's sustained defamation. but never
for an instant does he lose his charac-
ter as a man of war. The Prime Minis
ter NAV be the Liberal Jove and the
Chancellor of the Exchequer the Radical
Mercury. but Mr.. Churchill is Mars; and
the masses love fighter.
-Four wears ago Mr. Churchill led the
/ Liberal canvass In Lancashire, and be-
came the idol of Manchester, heading
the revolt against Unionism which up
J OH a
gressive party to defend Free Trade by
enlarging its financial resources and TO
/ create a constructive policy of social re-
form During the interval he has been
sobered and steadied by ministerial
promotions and responsibilities, and has
: improved as debater; and he has re-
appeared I'm Lancashire for ten days
speaking tour as the best missioner OF
! Liberalism in n crisis of representative
institutions. He began his work at
Preston with lucid exposition OF the So
cial aspects Of the budget, which ne
illustrated by old age pensions, labor
I exchanges. invalidity and unemployment
insurance. land for the landless and the
development act, and described the ne"
constructive policies as great rein
! forcement. a fresh army coming up at
/ the end of the day on the side OF the
health, life and welfare of the country
That was his proper line of approach TO
the great working constituency tor
which his fathers friend, Sir John
COrst, was standing.
Southport is a popuIous coast resort
with suburbs fringing upon that strong
hold of conservatism, Liverpool: and in
/ supporting his friend, Baron de Forest.
the Liberal candidate, he naturally has
/ had less to say about labor and social re-
! form and much more about the delio-
crate and wanton attempt of the Lords
I to deprive the representatives OF the
people of their rights as an independent
/ assembly, responsible undc= the crown
for the government of the country. This
was the dry constitutional question to
which the Unionists lad declared the
masses were utterly indifferent. Mr..
Churchill succeeded in interesting his
audience in It at once.
He did not talk over the heads Of his
audience, but used the simplest language
and appealed to knowledge within their
own experience. He began by describing
the general election of 1906. in which go
representatives were chosen by over six
millions Of votes, and continued by re-
counting the enormous labors Of three
sessions expended upon the education
licensing and finance bills, which were
vetoed by the Lords. After this exhaust
ing consumption of energy, knowledge
and life in processes of election and dis
cussion the measures were swept aside
and the work of three years out of four
of Liberal Parliament was nullifed.
The young Commoner by this time was
In q white heat of passion. In fusil-
lade of rapid questions he challenged the
Lords astonishing claims of superior
jurisdiction over their fellows. What
was their authority? What qualihca-
tions or special knowledge did they
{ have? BY whom were they chosen?
Whom did they represent? To whom
were they responsible? why should
five hundred or six hundred titled per-
sons govern us?" he shouted, with arms
aloft. ''Why should their children gov
ern our children for ever?" he reiterated,
with an even mere masterful gesture
while the Empire Hall rang with rounds
of applause. He had put what he called
"brutally fundamental questions simply
and plainly so that the dullest listener
could understand the issue between a
national assembly, in which every mem
Der represented ten thousand or more
voters, and the hereditary chamber
which was not accountable to any con-
stituency, but was n law unto ITSELF
If the sentences had come coldly and
laboriously at the outset, as though the
Cabinet Minister were worn out with the
exhausting drudgery OF the session, he
had warmed to his work and was carry
ing the audience with him by the i'm
petuosity of his argument and the on
rush of his scornful irony. The Lords,
he asserted, had never been right in any
of the controversies of the last hundred
years. They had never acted impar-
TALLY as a chamber OF review and re-
straint; their attitude toward measures
passed by the Commons was always par-
tisan, and had been especially objection
able when the education and licensing
bills came before them; they kept ques-
tions open which would embarrass their
opponents and enacted bills which they
considered vicious and demorallzing
when they were convinced that their own