The labor argus. [volume] (Charleston, W. Va.) 1906-1915, 1909-08-19

That is the future of American labor.
What is the ideal condition of the Amer
lean Workman What shall we reach
this era!
l have been asked to say something
in answer to these questions. They are
in the ideal way is quite another mat
ter.
Briefly, let me say, the ideal future of
American labor concerns the ideal future
of the average workman. He has be-
fore his eyes certain definite social
and industrial status. He wants to reach
it.
The American workman wants an
eiGht-hour day. He wants half holiday
on Saturday. He wants Il Sunday of
rest and recreation. He wants a home
He wants comfortable surroundings He
wants an income sufficient to clothe his
family and feed them. He wants to
educate his children. And aside from
that, he wants an irz,me which, with
reasonable frugality, will be enough to
provide for maintaining him in sickness
and old age.
That is the idea of every average
workman. When every average work
mani am not speaking of workmen
whose natural talents will raise them
much higher than this-has reached this
status, then we shall have industrial con
tentment. and not before.
Laboring men in this country have
always been divided in political opinion.
Nevertheless there is this modification
the sentiment is crystallizing that rem
edial Legislation should be enacted either
for the protection of the American work
man. or for his relief from some of the
statutes as interpreted by the courts.
1t would not be at all surprising to
find in future elections that the Amer
lean workmcn are acting in greater con
cert than they have done heretofore.
For instance, the Sherman Antitrust
law, which was originally intended to
prevent combinations in restrans of
trade, to prevent combinations among
producers of the necessarics of life, to
prevent monopoles in the products of
labor. has now been interpreted by the
courts as against the labor unions.
This is indicated by the decisions in
the ease of Lowe against the United Hat
ters of North America. In this decision.
the labor organization has been declared
a combination in restraint of trade. This
decision, if applied to all labor organi-
zations, would so hamper them, as to de-
strov their usefulness in a very large
measure.
Then again, when the extension of the
use of the writ of injunction is denied
in labor disputes whereby the workmen
are refused actions which are of them
selves legal and constitutional, it makes
it imperative that there be some legal
limitations upon the courts in the exer-
else of their equity powers.
These two demands-relief from the
abuse of the injunction and exemption
from the action of the Sherman Anti
Trust act-are absolutely essential to the
national development of Il trade union
movement. And these two issues are
today doing more to cement the interests
Of the workmen Of America into one
solid body than any other political ques
tion.
If the wage-carners divide their Lower
they viii have little to do with the con
troll of political parties. And what would
not their power be if they voted j
unit.
While the right TO vote is of the great
est possible Importance. the control OF
the political machine by workmen is ir
a large degree what is necessary. Ur.
fortunately they do not control
We have allowed men to make a bus
mess of controlling political parties
They are exercising that very importanj
political function to our detriment. Il
seems to me that there are many impor
tant indications that workmen who de
sire the best possible government in tIs
future Will take larger interest in tn,