The Montgomery advertiser., 1909-03-17
AMERICAN TARIFF LAWS
ME-.The First Federal Tariff.
By Frederic J. Haskin.

Massachusetts was once more heard in opposition, MT. Thatcher saying 1t would be no fairer to the South for him to ask an impost of $50 a head on slaves. than it was for the South ern members to support the proposed duty. on rum and molasses. He held that the effects of Massachusetts rum were no more pernicious than South Carolina slavery. A fight was made later fr an< fmpost of $10 a head on all s!, 5 imported. but this proposi- ! tton Was defeated.
 After the House had agreed on the terms of the bill. 1t was recommitted to the Committee of the Whole to de- termine how long 1t should remain in force. On this question the first yea and nay vote in the American House of Representatives was taken. The date of the expiration Of the law was fixed for June 1, 17s6, by a vote of 4l to 3. This action was taken on May 16. so that the House had spent month and eight days In perfecting the measure. When it went, to the Senate it was debated behind closed doors. and there is only the diary of a partisan Senator to- tell what hap pened there. At one point he says that New England men fought over the molasses schedule. even down ito the batting Of the hook that caught the fish that went to buy the molasses." In another place he tells how Richard Henry Lee attacked the loaf sugar business by saying 1t was made of lime and other vile combinations. He said he had broken a silver spoon try ing to dissolve and separate 1t, and added that he supposed he must go on breaking his spoons. and a nation be taxed to make a few Philadelphians rich. !
 The Senate made numerous amend ments to the House bill. and passed it on June II. As signed by Prsei- dent Washington on July (, after the Senate and House had adjusted their disagreeeing votes, the act provided for specific duties on thirty six enumerated articles; an ad valorem duty of 15 per cent on carriages; of 10 per cent on seven articles; q 1-2 per cent on sixteen and per cent on all others, except seventeen. whfrh con- stituted the free list. Affairs in the youthful nation were not all that could be desired when the first tarin law went into effect The people had an almost frenzied hatred of authority. having so lately thrown off the power of the King and Par lament. The dominant note of the time was oppositinn to centralized power, and insistence upon the doc- urine of States rights. How far this was carried may be inferred by the fact that when Virginia, which had taken the leading part in calling the Constitutional Convention. came to ratify the Constitution, it was with the express reservation that she could withdraw from the Union whenever she regarded 1t as detrimental to her interests. Other States had taken a similar course, and 1t was with fear and tre- pidation that the first tarin law was NIafN to law that contained the twice-rejected idea of custom duties. If the people did not like 1t, and refused to stand by 1t, the whole governmental struc- ture so recently reared would fall asunder, and the fruits of independence would be lost. But fortunately, the people did not reject it. It acted so silently and powerfully that the people were hardly aware of It's existence. It had such magic effect upon the finances of the struggling empire that | everybody was satisfied for the tune being.
 The act was. of course, an experi- mental measure. No one could tell exactly what effect 1t was going to have upon importations, and conse- ouently on reVenues. But those Wno made the experiment had reason 10 pc satisfied, so far as the attitude Of the people toward it was concerned. IL IS ITu6 that U ol0 hot
 all the interest on the public debt, but it did serve to educate the country up to the point of allowing an Increase Of practically one-half on all the duties provided in the act of 17S9. That ed- ucation was rapid, for it was only twelve months from the time when the
 first act was approved until 1t was revised upward to that extent.
 There were both Protectfonists and Free Traders in the First Congress. sorne duties were laid which were higher than was thought sufficient | to stop all importation Madison was
 the leading spirit of the House. and his position was as ambiguously ex- pressed as anything modern politi-
 clan has ever said. Some thought that he meant to be for free trade. Others
 construed his words as being in favor
 of protection. Some years afterward hs was asked whether his utterances
 were meant to imply that he was for
 protection, but he lodged the question
 bv saying that no adverse inference" could be taken from them.
 | (Capyright 1909. by Frederic J. l Haskin.)
 | Tomorrow-American Tartf Laws.
 " Hamilton BIases PrOtection's
 Way.