Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, 1909-04-06

In all the history or the WOTiu lheTS
has never been such stupendous effort
to laugh anything out of the court OF
public opinion, as the effort made in 1898
to discredit protection as a governmental
policy. With mock devotion to 1T, many
freetraders made speeches in. its behalf
that were as able presentations of the
case of protection as its most sincere eX-
ponents had ever offered. The free trad
ers become as lavish in handing out pro-
lection arguments as the most ardent
protectionists themselves. Duties were
piled on with unrestricted hand; duties
so high, so absurd, so uncalled-for, that
they served to give the measure clear title
to it's popular name-the tariff OF aboml-
nations. When 1t came through the leg
islative mill a more grotesque grist was
never seen. It seemed that the laughing
it-out-of-court program was going to sue
coed.
Although an edifice of such horrid and
shocking design and proportions, it served
all the main purposes for which proper
structure is built The unexpected sue
cess that attended the working of the
measure after il became law turned the
tables on the trainers, and the protection
that had been made sport of had the last
and best laugh.
There were two dominant notes in the
tariff legislation OF 1928. The first was
the effort to make it ridiculous: the 9TH
er, the effort to make ii a sort of polit-
cal football In the presidential field. The
tariff had hitherto not been a strict par
ty question, but more of a sectional is
sue. Now some observers began to see a
presidency in 1t. The effort to make a
president out of it cropped out in the
house proceedings on the famous woolens
bill of 1897. A strong effort was made to
unite all the forces of free trade against
Adams and in favor of Jackson, and al
the same time to capture enough protec'
tionists to insure the election of Jackson
1t was necessary to strike New England
by refusing its manufacturers relief
without seeming to reject protection by
a direct Reputation. Led by James Buch-
anan, the effort to make political capita
out of the woolens bill in the house was
entirely successful.
PI1tics was played in the senate with
equal success. Martin Van Buren, could
have cast the vote that would have in.
sured the passage OF the woolens bill
but he remained silent, and thereby fore.
ed Vice President Calhoun to vote, so az
to place on Mr.. Calhoun's shoulders what.
ever odium might attach to the defeat
of the bill. The woolens bill was defeat.
ed, but both sides prepared for the strug-
gle OF the next congress. When the TWEEN
tieth congress organized it was found
that free trade was again in the saddle
Andrew Stevenson, a Virginia free trad
er, was elected speaker, though the pro-
tctionists declared that his election was
m -,
to them. The organization of the house
was a triumph for the Jackson party.
The bill which was to be the basis Of
the act of 1928 was reported to the house
on the last day of January. Though Il
was drawn by free traders, and the re
port thereon made by free traders, there
was not a word hostile to protection IL
IL. Imagine John Sharp williams
Champ Clark and Bourke Cochran bring
inG in bill and report with protection
written In every clause. Yet that wa
exactly what happened in the twentieth
| congress, only the names were different
The protectionists understood the hol
low pretenses of the bill, and one o.
them said right out in meeting that 4
the committee had sought to frame tn,
brought In one that served their aim
more fully. The newspapers of the coun
try refused to approve the measure
When II came up for consideration, of al
the states south of the Maryland line
got only the votes of three members from
Virginia, and those of Kentucky. 1
finally passed the house by a vote o
| los to "a.
After passing the house the measur,
was taken in hand by the senate, which
proceeded promptly to out-Herod tn,
house After serving as a political foot
ball in the senate for some weeks thu
measure was finally passed. The hous
ccncuTred in the amendments made b!
| the senate, and the act was signed oil
{, May 10. The approval Of Mr.. Adams wa
not given because he liked the measure
but up to this time no president hat
| ever vetoed an act of congress excep
on constitutional grounds. Andrew Jack
son was the first president who ever We
toed a measure on the grounds of expe
| diency.
The opposing sentiments in the enact
ment of the tariff of denominations is il
Illustrated by the debate on the approva
of the title. Mr.. Wilde, of Georgia, wan
| ted to add In order to show what tn
measure was for, the words land 70