Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, 1909-03-19
LIFE OF CLEVELAND
is PAID EUL0GIES
IN SONG AND STORY
Continued from Page Ono

Continued from Page Ono
ed he led his party to the greatest victory
in its history.
I'm this campaign Mr.. Cleveland stood
for an affirmative idea, that of reduc-
ton of the tariff, so as to make It a tarin
for revenue. He attacked the protective
theory and system.
He stood for something aggressive and
affirmative. 1t was in accordance with
the ancient traditions of the party.
''I do not need to enter into a discus
sion of that issue, but comment on IL
only as illustrating Mr.. Cleveland's char
/ acter. He was positive. He was afirma-
tive. He was courageous. He believed In
parties. He believed in party policies, and
he believed in consistency in regard to
them. and he did not believe in trim
ming down a policy to catch the votes
OF those who really did not agree with
it. ...- ..-.
THE first time Mr.. Cleveland was in
power he was opposed by a Republican
senate. This gave little opportunity for
any radical change by legislation in the
previous policies by Republican admin
istrations. but it did offer an opportunity
by Mr.. Cleveland to point out to the
country the fact that our government is
government of three distinct branches,
the executive, the legislative and the Ju-
dicial, and that the executive has
sphere which the legislative branch has
no right to invade.
Days of Usurpation
I'VE hear much in these days OF the
usurpation of legislation by the executive
branch. As long as the legislative
branch has the power Of the purse. the
danger of executive usurpation is mag
NATIVE. The real danger arises from the
! a..
assume that Il has the omnipotence of
parliament and may completely control
the discretion conferred upon the execu-
tive by the constitution.
THE country Is under obligation to Mr..
Cleveland for having pointed out in his
controversy with the Republican senate
some of the limitations that there are in
the constitution upon attempted legisla-
tive action to restrict executive discre-
ton.
I'm the end Mr.. Cleveland won in his
controversy with the senate. Whether he
might have done so had both the house
and senate been against him is a matter
Of doubt. The history of Andrew John
sons controversy with congress shows
how far a partisan legislature may be in
duced to go in an unconstitutional at
tempt to cut down executive power.
Limit of Restriction
1.-THE limit of legislative restriction upon
executive action is a difficult line to de-
fine. Anyone who attempts to do more
than to pass on single instances as they
arise may find himself in great difficulty.
but as such instances are considered and
decided, the limits are gradually being de-
fined. We owe to Mr.. Cleveland and his
courage in dealing with the senate of the
United States the establishment OF some
useful presidents.
"In Mr.. Cleveland's second term there
was a large majority Of his party in the
house and a working majority in the SEN
ate, so that the whole responsibility of
government fell upon the Democrats, with
Mr.. Cleveland at their head. The signifl-
canoe OF his second administration centers
about three issues. The first was the
| tariff; the second free silver: and the
third the suppression OF lawlessness d.
rected against federal authority by use Of
the porcess OF federal courts and by fed
eral troops.
Stronger Than Party
1.-THE same influences In his own party
| which had sought to defeat him for nom
lnation in his third canvass, he found in
trenched In the senate so strongly as to
be able to defeat the declared policy OF
his party in favor of a tariff for revenue,
and he refused to sign the Gorman-Wil-
son bill, but allowed II to become q law
after denouncing 1t as the result of per-
| hdy and dishonor. This was doubtless the
greatest disappointment of his political
| life. for It destroyed the opportunity to
test the wisdom of the party policy ad-
vocated by him and declared in the party
platform, while the business depression
which existed before and after its pass
age furnished ammunition to his political
| opponents who did not hesitate to argue
/ that the prospect of q revenue tariff on
the one hand and the passage of the aot-
ual Germany Wilson bill on the other hand
paralyzed the industries OF the country.
| Whatever ones viewso nthe tariff,
whether he be portectionist or a free
trader, he cannot but have the deepest
sympathy with Mr.. Cleveland in his deep
Indignation at the party disIoyaIty which
\ defeated the Wilson bills as 1t passed the
/ house, and gave us the nondescript bill
which became the law.
When Party Rose Up
But there was rising in the Demo-
| cratic party at the time, especially in
the western and southern parts OF the
country, a desire for economic remedy
| which should cure everything in our bust
/ ness and body polite. This was the
movement in favor OF the free coinage of
silver. The Republican party and some
of its leaders in the west and south had
| not been free from weakness in this re-
spect and the law for the monthly pur-
chase Of s2.O0o.00O OF silvr hung like a
stone around the neck OF the country
Mr.. Cleveland used all the authority
that he could command as the executive
to bring about a repeal OF this law, and
he finally succeeded. The deep gratitude
OF the country Is due to him for this re-
suit Without 1t disaster would have
come. Without It the credit Of the coun-
try could not have been sustained and
there would have bean a blot on our
| financial esoutcheon.
But when Mr.. Cleveland succeeded in
| securing the repeal OF the Sherman act
1t seemed as II his control over the party
with respect to the monetary issues had
been exhausted. His party became hope
lessly divided and the majority OF Il de-
olared in favor OF tn efree coinage OF
silver, q policy which we know today, and
which we ought to have known then.
was nothing but a policy OF reputation.
Contrary Policy
'Tt was q policy completely contrary
TO the ancient and traditional views of
tha old neuOcratfc marty II uaa q ID