Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, 1909-03-26

slavery. A fight was made later for an
impost of ten dollars head on all slaves
imported, but this proposition was de-
feated.
After the house had agreed on the terms
OF the bill, 1t was recommitted to the COM
mittee of the whole to determine how long
it should remain in force. On this ques-
tion the first yea and nay vote in the
American house of representatives was
taken. The date of the expiration of the
law was fixed for June 1, 1876, by a vote
of forty-one to eight. This action was
taken on May is, so that the house had
spent a month and eight days in perfect
ing the measure. When 1t went to the
senate 1t was debated behind closed doors,
and there is only the diary of a partisan
senator to tell what happened there. At
one point he says that New England men
fought over the molasses schedule, even
down ''to the batting of the hook that
caught the fish that went to buy the mo-
lasses." In another place he tells how
Richard Henry Lee attacked the loaf
sugar business by saying it was made of
lime and other vile combinations. He
said he had broken a silver spoon trying
to dissolve and separate it. and added
that he supposed he must go on breaking
his spoons, and a nation be taxed to make
few Philadelphians rich.
The senate made numerous amendments
to the house bill, and passed it on June II.
AS signed by President Washington on
July 4, after the senate and house had
adjusted their disagreeing votes, the act
provided for specific duties on the thirty
six enumerated articles; an ad valorem
duty of 10 per cent on carriages; of 10 per
cent on seven articles; 1-2 per cent on
sixteen; and per cent on all others, ex-
cept seventeen, which constituted the free
| list.
Affairs in the youthful nation were not
| all that could be desired when the first
tariff law went into effect. The people
had an almost frenZied hatred of authori-
| ty, having so lately thrown off the pow
err of the king and parliament. The DOM
| fnant note of the time was opposition to
| centralized power, and insistence upon the
! doctrine of states rights. How far this
| was carried may be inferred by the fact
that when Virginia, which had taken the
leading part in calling the constitutional
convention, came to ratify the constitu-
ton, it was with the express reservation
that she could withdraw from the union
whenever she regarded it as detrimental
to her interests.
other states had taken a similar
I course, and it was with fear and trepi-
| dation that the first tariff law was pro-
| claimed to the people. 1t was law that
contained the twice-rejected idea of Gus
tom duties. If the people did not like it.
/ and refused to stand by it, the whole
governmental structure so recently rear
| ed would fall asunder, and the fruits of
| independence would be lost. But fortu-
nately the people did not reject it. II
acted so silently and powerfully that the
people were hardly aware of its exist
ence It had such magic effect upon the
finances of the struggling empire that
everybody was satisfied for the time be-
/ ing.
The act was of course an experimental
measure. No one could tell exactly what
effect it was going to have upon impor-
| tations, and consequently on revenues.
But those who made the experiment had
reason to be satisfied, so far as the at
titude of the people toward it was con-
cerned. 1t is true that It did not suffice
| to meet all the interest on the public
debt but it did serve to educate the
country up to the point Of allowing an
increase of practically one-half on all the
duties provided in the act of 17Se That
education was rapid, for it was only