Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, 1909-06-04
AMERICAN TARIFF LAWS
AS A POLITICAL ISSUE
By FREDERIC J. HAsKIN.

lost out on that music before. and sought
to avoid the repetition of their i'll for
tune. So they side-tracked Henry Clay,
out-and-out protectionist, and resorted
to that expedient which often has been
turned to good advantage-nominating a
war hero. Old ''Tippecanoe" Harrison
justified their hopes, and through the
subordination Of the tariff as an issue in
the campaign they were able TO get
majority in congress which resulted in
the passage of the higest tariff the
country had ever known.
-Four years later-to borrow an express
sion immortalized two-thirds Of century
afterward-the Wings decided to stand
pat'' on The tariff of 1912. and nominated
projections greatest living exponent,
Henry CLAY. The Democrats nominated
James X. Polk, and the campaign that
followed was full of wonders. In the
south, Polk was regarded as an advo-
cete Of a low tariff, but in the protec-
ton centers of the north he was held up
as a better protectionist than Clay, and
the wings were dared TO touch the tar
III OF 1872 Polk was elected, and the
protectionists who had voted for him
were Mortified when he appointed as his
secretary of the treasury, Robert j.
Walker, a Pennsylvania, who had be-
come a southerner and an Out-and-out
Free Trader The result was the Walker
tariff of 1876. a bill not at all satisfac-
tory to most protectionists. But good
times accompanied it's operations, and
the masses cared little for high or low
tariff so long as there was prosperity.
$50
In the following presidential year the
Wings concluded to try the game that
had worked so well in 1870 when they
had nominated a hero and won with him.
This time General Zachary Taylor was
nominated and was elected. He was not
as thoroughly grounded in the doctrine
Of protection as some of the protection
lists could wish. but that was a secondary
consideration. Fis election did not profit
the protectionists. The Wings did not
control congress and This prevented the
Taylor-F Fillmore administration from re-
vising the tariff Of 1876. Thereafter the
tariff question was kept in the back
ground. So well did the tariff OF 1876
work that even James G. Blaine says
In effect in his twenty years of con-
gress'' that the question was regarded as
practically settled. 1t is true that the
Republicans made Il one of their cardi-
nal principles in 1885, and again in 1866,
in which latter year Pennsylvania turned
the tide from Democracy to Republican
ism. more on the tariff issue than on the
slavery issue.
After the election OF Lincoln and be-
fore the retirement OF Buchanan, the
Morrill, tariff law was passed-its enact
ment being brought about through the
prospect Of war. Little was heard of the
tariff during the war, although many al
ditional duties were put on Along about
1870 the demand for tariff reduction was
heard. Grant had been a Democrat and
a low tariff man, and was still inclined
to low tariffs. In 1872 the low tariff par
ty actually accepted as its candidate q
very high priest of observation-disclosures
Greedy; and a high tariff party renom-
mated a man who had in his early life
been as much of a low tariff man as
Greedy had been a protectionist. Greedy
had agreed not to veto any tariff bill
congress might pass. should the Demo-
Gratis capture the legislative machinery.
The Democratic platform of that year
recognized honest but irreconcilible diff
ferences of opinion with regard TO the
respective systems of protection and free
trade" and declared that I'VE remit the
discussion of the subject to the people
in their congressional districts, and to
the decision Of the congress thereon,
wholly free from executive interference
or dictation. Such a declaration remains
unique in tariff history.
The Democratic platform OF 1876 de-
nOunced the tariff then in effect, asserting
that it was laid upon nearly 1900 differ
ent articles. that il was a masterpiece of
! injustice, inequality, and false pretense.
They blamed II with the decadence OF
American shipping, and asserted that il
cost the country five times as much as II
benefited the treasury. In 1872 and 1876
and 1850 the Republicans declared in mild
language for protection, and in the latter
year the Democrats contented themselves
with the simple statement that they want
ed a tariff for revenue only. The soft
pedal playing on the tariff question that
( characterized the platforms of 1880 was
less in evidence in 1854. The platform OF
the Democrats in 1855 was very mild
on the tariff question. but the Republi-
cans put great deal of ginger into
theirs.
The events of 1890 lent themselves as
readily to the Democratic cause as those
OF later years have lent themselves 10
the ascendancy Of protection. Just as
the Republicans prophesied that a high
tariff in 1897 would bring about good
times and the good times came. so the
Democrats prophesied i'm 1890 that the
passage of the Mckinley bill would bring
about high prices. and temporary high
prices came. The law went into effect a
month before the congressional elections
OF 1880. A systematic campaign was made
showing now prices had increased. Tin
peddlers were sent around with tinware
marked up TO absurdly high prices. their
mission being to convert the housewives
! to low tariff more than to sell tinware.
/ Political tears were shed over the poor
sewing woman who had to pay an ad-
| vanced price for pearl buttons. Young