New-York tribune., 1908-11-09
JOHN BURNS In OFFICE
Reasons for His impaired Prestige
Among the Radicals.
1ondon. October 2S


politics AS the first trade unionist who has
risen from the lowest levels of labor and street
agitation TO Cabinet rank and the adrn1nistra-
tion of one Of the most important departments
of the government he ought TO be the hero OF
the masses: Yet the Labor members in Farila-
ment do not hesitate to denounce him as a rene
gade advanced Radicals are Intriguing against
him. and his reelection for Battersea VIII De
more strenuously opposed by men or ms own
class than that Of any other Minister OF me
Crown What has Mr. Burns done TO excite
such rancorous enmity? Certainly he has no'
failed either as a hard working official or As
resourcefuI and aggressive debater lie mas
shown exceptional capacity and industry in the
discharge Of his public duty. and thereby mas
made It clear that Labor ministry, II one comes
into power here as in some of the AustrHI'@H
states can be depended upon 10 govern the
country with efficiency and dignity. why Is ne
denied the honors of pioneer and champion ana
denounced as traitor TO tho working cause:
II is not difficult TO understand the bitterness
with which Mr.. Keir Hardie has been attacking
him on the question Of unemployment Ihey
have been rivals in trade union congresses and
in Parliament, and have been repeatedly pitted
against each other. 1t sturdy John Burns
who at Cardiff carried organized labor against
naturalization of land and industries after Mr.
Hardie at Norwich had committed it to the
. crudest vagaries of socialism.
The duel tetween the bowler hat and the REQ
necktie has been in progress for over thirteen
years and there has been another round this
week in the Commons. Each has been strike
leader and has carried the Socialist flag, but
there has been q wide divergence between their
opinions and policies MI. Burns has been an
Id-fashioned trade unonist. who has never dis
credited the value of honest toll nor sought TO
do
die has been new tangled trade unionist who
is bent upon making workers and idlers alike
dependent upon the state. One recognizes the
moral obligation Of the workman to earn his
bread. to be temperate in habits, 10 provide
against emergencies by thrift and never 10 sacri-
fee his independence and manliness. The other
proclaims the duty of the state to supply work
with food housing. education, employment,
pensions and an equitable share in the profits Of
land. industries and investments not because
they are sober industrious and provident. but
because they are human beings. Mr.. Burns con-
tends that the workman must work out his own
salvation, whereas Mr. Hardie considers him the
natural ward of the state and entitled tc have
everything done for him at public expense.
The personal antagonism between two leaders
who are as far apart though they had been
born different planets is tntelligfble but the
coldness with which Mr.. Burns is regarded by
advanced Radicals and trade Unionists gener-
ally is not 10 be explained with equal facility
Is il because he has been transformed by Off
ciaI life? His friends know that he is the
John Burns who. in his words, came into
the world with struggle, is struggling now and
has every prospect Of continuing it." His man
ners are as unconstrained and genial as in the
old days when he used to lay aside his books in
Lavender Hill Gardens and talk about the dock
ers' strike and his lea dership Of fororn hope
in Trafalgar Square and Whitehall. He has
remained a strenuous fighter on the ministerial
benches. bluff and hearty associate in the lob
bies an indefatigable and tireless worker in
his department and everybOdy's friend IN Bat
tersea. If the King has singled him out for
special distinction. was done during his re-
cent visit to Sandringham, this ought not to ex-
cite prejudice, since 1t is 4 sign that the hum
bIest workman can aspire to the heights Of in
fuence and feel at home when he reaches them.
The King by knighting mechanic mayors and
treating Nr Burns with exceptional favor and
respect has shown that he is high above party
politics and social conventions, and II the occa-
sion arises can be depended upon TO get on with
a Labor ministry as comfortably as with Lib
eraI or q Unionist government The success Of
the first trade unionist Cabinet Minister at
Court was full Of promise for the social eleva
tion OF the working world.
Apparently the deCilne or MY buTIs pIesllSt
in IiberaI-I4a Dor politics is not due to his pres
enca at Court and in the drawing rooms Of gov
ernment hostesses but to the conservatism in
herent in trade unionism OF the older and better
tvpe He had organized labor revolts and de-
family proclaimed under a red flag his hostility
10 constituted authority: and when he was
drawn into the Cabinet after the triumph Of the
IiberaI-Labor coalition he was expected TO keep
the two sections Of government supporters In
svrnpathetic touch and 10 be another Millerand
or BRAND Instead OF turning over the Local
Government Board 10 Socialists and experiment
ers he has checked extravaganza discours ged
wastefu relief works restricted the activities OF
reckless boroughs and municipalities, opposed
local rates for the payment Of wages 10 the
unemployed and been exceedingiy cautious in
his treatment Of pensions and other social aIes
tons He has been sobered by of re
sponslbility for the administration of a complex
department and has acted like q prudent ser
want Of the Crown instead OF party trickster
and labor egitatOr. Consequently trade union
congresses have denounced him traitor and
& renegade the Labor members are constantly /
N conflict with him: and Mr.. Lloyd George and
Mr. Winston Churchill have intrigued against
him inside the Cabinet as a poor politician who
is imperilling the alliance between the progress
sive forces in the kingdom. Mr.. Burns has been |
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