The San Francisco call., 1908-07-10
CLAYTON REPEATS
PARKER'S BLUNDFR
Continued from Page i, Column :

piled it, and the democratic leaders have
only themselves TO blame for the con-
sequences. They have openly sought
20 make the presidents personality an
issue IN the campaign, and they will
get what they were seeking for. It
VIII not DO TO say this speech OF Clay
tons was a mere accidental declara-
ton / was given a confidential copy
OF II nearly week ago. 1t was sub
mitted TO a dozen democratic leaders
including Bryan himself. The attack on
the president was carefully consid-
cred and was made after consultation
between all of those who are respon-
sibIe for the conduct of the campaign.
II Is the keynote Of the Bryan cam
paign OF 1908, and President Roosevelt
would be less than human If he did not
throw the traditions of his Office to
the four winds Of heaven and take the
stump at a critical period Of the cam
paign TO defend his honor as he did
during the days which preceded his
election four years ago.
SIGNIFICANT INCIDENT
This brings me to the story Of q
significant incident at the White House,
which have never told before. Ordi-
narily such things are not matters for
public comment, but I believe the cir
cumstances OF Clayton's speech justify
me III ltlA4uE Ll6 pldln story OF al IN
terview which took place at the White
House Just a day or two before the
election Of 1903.
/ had been out in the campaign for
some months and had stopped in
Washington for a day or two before
going back TO Chicago for election
night Late in the afternoon re-
ceived a message from the White
House. asking me to call there at 10
o'clock in the morning to give the
president some information in regard
10 the political situation in Indiana,
through which state had made
newspaper trip. That very night there
was given out to the press, along
toward midnight, President Roosevelts s
answer 10 Judge Parker, who had made
the same sort OF personal attack which
is now repeated by Chairman Clayton.
u was q matter Of current gossip on
newspaper row that every member of
the cabinet was opposed to the presi-
dent making any public answer to
Judge Parker. All Of his advisers had
been consulted. either personally or by
wire. and thought the president could
AFFORD to remain silent and stand upon
the dignity Of his office, depending
upon the people 10 resent the charges
made by Judge Parker without being
asked TO do so.
REPLY OF ROOSEVELT
This was the situation when I ar
rived at the White House the next
morning. The presidents answer had
been published. but there had not been
time TO judge its effect on the people.
except from casual conversation with
people met on the street. When at last
I obtained access to the president, who
was occupied with the usual morning
business. the conversation had scarcely
opened when John Hay, secretary Of
state walked into the room unan-
nounced, as cabinet officers are privi-
legged TO do. I prepared to withdraw,
as a matter Of course. although I had
not yet made the political report had
been asked for intending TO let the
secretary Of state finish before began.
Instead OF that, there followed one Of
the most remarkable interviews I have
ever participated in, and IL has a his
toric value and prophetic value as
we'll
President Roosevelt was full of the
subject of his letter in response to
Parker. He began TO talk Of It at
once, and to explain why he had made
81 public in spite Of the opposition of
his cabinet. AS the president was
standing, the secretary of state and I
stood also. Turning roughly, but with
Hay, the president grasped him by
the shoulders and laughed out, "Sit
down John" at the Same time pushing
the author Of Little Brseches" into a
chair at one end Of a big table in the
presidents room.
ROoSEVELTS TALK TO TWO
And you, too, sit down." was an
other command, which was promptly
obeyed. And so to the audience Of two,
comfortably seated in large chairs at
either end of the executive table, the
president Of the United States deliv-
cred his lecture OF personal political
ethics as he understood the term, walk
ing backward and forward and talking
vigorously as he walked. nodding first
20 one and then to the other Of the two
listeners thus accidentally brought to-
gether.
For a time the president went over
the actual situation. He called US both
TO witness that the department of
commerce and labor when originally
designed by him and HIS associates was
intended to have much more power
than congress finally gave it. There
was in the original law a paragraph
clothing the bureau of corporations
with considerable authority to make in
vestigations. When the bill was up in
congress a great deal of opposition de-
veloped TO this particular section.
Some OF the members. and particu-
the fear that the bureau of corpora
tions would prove a sort OF inquisition,
and that some Of its employees, being
made aware OF business secrets, might
blacknau the corporations. The re-
suit was that congress eliminated all
power Of that kind and, as any one can
see, by reading the law itself, merely
directed the bureau Of corporations to
collect statistics. It was not given
anything like the power possessed by
the interstate commerce commission,
and, OF course. no such control over the
corporations as bank examiners have
over the national banks.
This condition Of affairs was rapidly
sketched by the president, who ap-
pealed TO the secretary of state and to
my humble self every now and then
for confirmation of his statements.
Then he told the story of how he hap
pened to appoint Cortelyou to the posi-
tion Of chairman of the republican ma
tional committee. Roosevelt had sue
ceeded TO the presidency through the
murder OF President Mckinley. Many
OF the old time Mckinley men and a
large number Of the party leaders were
either suspicious of him or were secret
~ opposed to him. Many OF the same
r,ev are Secretiy OpDOsed to him still