Nome industrial worker., 1908-02-14
Wage and Chattel Slavery.

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 In the time of chattel slavery in the South negro slave had no rights that a white person was. obliged to respect. If one took front seat ln church he was either ordered to back seat or out of the house-just as the master class chose to direct. If anything was said in their favor by the more con siderate and fair minded people, the reply would be, "Oh, they Ire nothing but niggers;" and that was sufficient to settle it. The rule carried good, no matter if the negro had provided the seat himself at any kind of public gathering-if white man or woman wanted it the damned nigger was or dered to get out. But if there was any fixing up of seats, tables or stands, the negroes were called on to do 1t, and paid whatever the master wanted to pay, if that was nothing and commented on by their friends in the North-little thinking, I sup. pose, that the same treatment would in half century be given wage slaves in the North. But now notice the parallel in the treatment of Miss Hamm in the court house at Boise, Idaho One of the elect wanted her seat and had no hesitancy in taking it, and when asked to give it up the retort was, "Oh, you're nothing but a Socialist, nohow.' Just as much as to say, "You have no rights that desirable people are bound to re- spect." And to reward her for her good hit on the "damned Socialist" she was given conspicuous seat of honor up near the judge.
 For the rough and unfair treatment of the damned niggers'' there was at least the difference of race and color, but in Miss Hamm's case there was no such difference-both parties being of the same race of people.
 Such discrimination against the negroes of the South was called by James F. Morton, Jr., and his school of thought, trace prejudice," but in reality it is and always has been the prejudice engendered by the moneyed or ruling class here and elsewhere.
 To illustrate-the ''po' white trash" are no more respectable under wage slavery than were the damned nig- gers" under chattel slavery.
 Indeed, the prosperous negroes are very "desirable citizens" now, pro- vided they vote the democratic ticket or stay away from the polls. It is also very significant that Judge Wood changed his ruling just before giving his charge to the jury. That charge seemed to indicate that he knew the law relative to circumstan tial evidence, while only few days before he held the opinion that the defendant must prove himself inno- cent of aiding and abetting the mur- der of Steuenberg, throwing the bur- den of proof on the defense instead of the prosecution, where it properly be- longed. Thereby hangs a tale-the working people showed not only their hands but their teeth also in the Hay wood trial, and the very desirable citizen judge saw it was policy te one time observe the law wherein capital ists were prosecutors and laborers de- fendants. Now, if the useful working class can force justice in one case they can in all. Besides, there is no use of trying Mover, and Pettibone, because they are no more guilty than Haywood, and the state can't now fix up any more perjured testimony-the time has passed. Why, then, submit to two more long and expensive trials, when under the circumstances, con
 viction is impossible. Besides, should Mover and Pettibone be convicted they could not be hung without civil war. Another Chicago holocaust of labor leaders is not in order now--the wage slaves are waking up. It would only have been necessary for the exe- cution of Mover, Haywood and Pet tibone for Orchard to tell his mem- orized confession and have a few Pinkerton detectives corroborate it. Proof of their innocence would have availed nothing. What was proved against the labor leaders at Chicago? They were arraigned and tried for aiding and abetting murder. Every