The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1908-09-20

Though no other country 10 In q poeition
to oppose the taking Of the Philippines
into the American customs union, the act
will be resented and may servo some
other Powers az q precedent. At any
rate IL will be quoted to show 'the hollow.
ness Of Yankee professions when thev
clash with Yankee interests At the
same time Mr.. Coolidge admits that the
benefit derivable by 100000 Flipinos
free trade with the United States,
coupled though 1t would be with dis
against foreign customers,
seems 80 great that n may we'll hesi-
tate before coming to any conclusion.
-
".
Let US turn to q chapter on the pros
pectlve relations Of the United States
and Germany. in which Mr.. Coolidge has
occasion to examine the desire Of German
expansionists for transmarine acquisi-
tons. He recalls the fact that Germany's
new colonies, with one barren exceptc.
"a part of southwest Africa-are in the
tropics and incapable Of supporting any
large number Of white settlers. For
trade with the Far East Germany although
has q lease Of Kiaouchou Bay. is less
we'll placed than the United States. and In
China will find It ever harder to compete
with Japan. There remains South Amer
ica. a whole continent Of vast resources,
all OF whose inhabitants put together are
hardly equal to one-half Of Germany's
and many Of whom are not
Of the white race. Here, then, would
seem to be a splendid opening for German
a unique chance for the German
nation to control permanently Q territory
comparable to that held by the Anglo
saxon and the slav. During the last
quarter Of q century the Germans have
made long strides to intimate commercial
relations with this part Of the world by
founding steamship lines and banking
houses, by constructing public works, by
making investments and by building up
their trade In every way. Here. more
over, In the three southern provinces Of
Brazil is q population Of some 10000
Germans who. thanks to their high birth
rate, are increasing fast and who 90 far
have succeeded In maintaining their
national individuality. II the few thou
sand emigrants who wandered thither
more than half q century ago have grown
up into 90 considerable q nucleus a We
wonder that enthusiasts have dreamed
Of the building up Of o German State in
this part Of the New World7 How differ
remarks Mr.. Coolidge. would the
whole situation In that part Of South Amer
lea be to-day II from 1853 to 1893 the Prus-
sian Government had not made the mis-
take Of ~forbidding the departure Of
oolonists for this region and II but Q tenth
Of the swarm which In those years was
lost to the Fatherland by dispersal among
the United States had found homes In
Brazill' Our author can well understand.
he says the despair OF the German patriot
when he thinks OF the magnificent oppor-
tunity sacrificed 10 wantonly. Pam
writers declare. however. that
IL Is not too late to hope and to act, and
they have outlined possibilities magnif-
cent enough in their own eyes but un-
luckily quite out Of keeping with the
Monroe Doctrine. The greatest danger
to international peace would arise from an
antagonism between the German settlers
In Brazil and other Brazilians that should
lead to armed conflict during which SUBJ
jects Of the Emperor William might
1t would then be very hard for
the Berlin Government to resist the pres
sure Of popular sentiment in favor Of
rendering some sort Of aid to tho strps-
Cling brothers across the VI But OBJ
such intervention would at onoe
lead to counteraction on the part OF the
United States.
In an attempt to determine the per-
.anenoe Of tho Anglo-American har-
mony now existing. Mr.. Coolidge poses
the question whether the present friend
is in keeping with the general trend
Of the modern world. This question he
answers unhesitatingly in the affirms-
tive, although he admits that grave CON.
between the United States and
Japan might put Great Britain in an
position. Assuming for the
sake Of argument that no rupture Of
.nglo-American relations will arise from
that cause he invites US to consider the
truth that at different periods
In the history Of mankind nations have
shown a tendency to group themselves
according to one or another common
sentiment. At times 1t has been the
religious motive-witness the Christian
coalition Of the Crusades against the
Mohammedan East. and. again. the hostile
Catholic and Protestant leagues in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. At
other junctures other principles Of gov
eminent have led to political groupings.
as when after 1916 monarohicd Europe
gathered about the Holy Alliance. while
the idea that the free republics Of the
West have a natural community Of in
was the basis OF the Monroe Doc
trine. In the nineteenth century. how
sver. the feeling OF nationality was the
most potent instrument In uniting peoples,
NOTABLY" in the case Of Italy and Germany.
This last sen timent is still in full force,
as is shown by the present Pan-Germanio
and other movements. and it 10 coming
to include not merely members Of the
same nationality but in some vague
way the peoples Of kindred nationalites.
As examples Of the last named fact
our author adduces the Pan-Slavio agits-
ton. the dreams Of Latin union. Pan
and sven some Pan-Teutonio
although the last named
are not H%ourishing just now. While Mr..
Coolidge deems 1t open to doubt whether
any Of these broader movements will
lead to permanent political results he
submits that taken together they prove