The Manchester journal. [volume] (Manchester, Vt.) 1861-current, 1908-02-27
LINCOLN
As Lawyer
ano Debater
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By WARD HILL MON,
BY WARD HILL LAMON,
Lincoln's Friend and Bodysuard.

huboruuaica the ole 10 TIE other
When he was compelled by what b,
deelBed an overrnllng necessity, found
esi on both military aud political con
s4ieration, 10 declare the freedom oi
ihe public snsngs slaves lac did NJ
With aroweh reluctance and took pains
10 have IL understood that his resolu,
ti0n was IN nOwise affected by senti
ment He never at any time favored
the admission OF negroes into the body
~ electors in hIs own state or In the
states Of the south. He claimed that
those who were incidentally liberated
hy the Federal arms were poor spirit
ed, lazy and slothful; that they could
l,e made soldiers only by force and
willing laborers not at all. that they
seemed TO have 10 interest IN III
cause of their own race but were
docile IN the service of the rebellion ms
the mules that plowed the fields or
drew the baggage trains, and as peo
pie were useful only TO those who were
al The same time their masters and
the foes OF those who sought their
good. With such views honestly form
ed II is no wonder that he longed to
see them transported 10 Haiti. Central
| America. Africa or anywhere, SO that
| they might In no event aud In no way
| participate In the government of his
country Accordingly he was from
the beginning as earnest a colonlza-
4 ZIONIST as Mr.. Clay and even during
Lis presidency zealously and persist
entity devised schemes for the deporta.
tion OF the negroes, which the latter
deemed cruel and atrocious IN the ex-
treme. He believed, with his rival,
that this was purely "white mans
government but he would have been
perfectly willing TO share IFS blessings
with the black man had he not been
very certain that the blessings would
disappear when divided with such
partner lie was no AbolitlonIst In
the popular sense; did not want TO
break over the safeguards OF the con
stitutlon TO interfere with slavery
where IL had n lawful existence, but
wherever his power rightfully extend
cd he was anxious that the negro
should be protected. just as women
and children and unnaturalized men
are protected In life, limb. property.
reputation and everything that nature
or law makes sacred But this was
all lie had M npilqn al extending to
the negro the privilege OF governing
him and other white men by making
him an elector That was a political
trust, an Office 10 DE exercised only by
the superior race
Aroused by Compromise Repeal.
II was therefore as white man and
IN the interests of white men that he |
threw himself into the struggle to /
keep the blacks out of the territories. |
slaves or freemen, but he wanted them |
less as slaves than as freemen. He /
perceived clearly enough the motives /
OF the south IN repeating the Missouri |
compromise. II did, In fact, arouse /
him like fire bell in the night"
He felt that great conflict impend- /
ed, and, although he had as yet no I
idea that It was an "irrepressible con
fict between opposing and enduring I
forces" which must end In making all
free or all slave, he thought II was
serious enough TO demand his entire
mind and heart. and he freely gave
them both
Mr.. Gillespie gives the substance OF
a conversation with him which, judg
Ing from the context, must have taken
place about this time. Prefaclng with
the remark that the slavery question
was the only one ION which he (Mr
LIDcoln) would become excited" he
says:
Il recollect meeting with him once
at ShelbyvIlle, when he remarked that
something must lie done or slavery
would overrun the whole country. He
said there were about 600,000 non.
slayeholdIng whites In Kentucky 10
about $4,000 Shareholders: that In the
convention then recently held II was
expected that the delegates would rep.
resent these classes about In proper
ton TO their respective numbers, but
when the convention assembled there
was not single representative OF the
nonsaveholdlng class. Every one was
In the interest OF the Shareholders,
and said he The thing IL spreading
like wildnre over the country la a
few years We win be ready TO accept
whole country will adopt IT, asked
him 20 what he attributed the change
THAI was going on IN public opinion.
He said he had put that question TO q
kentuckIan shortly bcfores who an-
swercd by saying, You might have
any amount Of land. money In your
pocket or bank stock aud while tray
cling around nobody would he any
wiser, but II you had a darky trndgfne
AT your heels everybody would see him
and know that you owned a slave II
Is the most gllttering osientatIous and
displaying property in the world, and
now says be. ~ young man goes
eourfing the only inquiry Is how many
negroes he or she owns The love for
slave property was swallowing up ey-
cry other mercenary possession. It's
ownership betok-ned not only the pos
session u wealth, but Indicated The
gentleman VI leisure. who was above
and sc0rned labor These things Mr.
Lincoln regarded as highly seductive
% the thcushtless aud giddy headed
Young men who looked upon sork as
vulgar and ungenilemanly. Mr. Lin
coin was really excited aud said, With
great earnesiness. that this spirit caght I
10 lse met aud II possible checked;
thar slavery was great and crying
Injustice. an enormous national crime. {
nfd that re could not expect 10 escape
punishment for r. asked him how !
be would proceed 10 his efforts 10 !
check the spread ~ slavery He con (
frssed be disi no, $50 his way clearly
tiiink he made ~ bis mind from that !
time thar be would nppose slavery ac ,
tirely know ihat Mr.. Lincoln a. I
whFs conienAed that no man had any !
fgtt nfhaf than sflaf. t.ysass. f,,s,s.. "a 80