The Richmond palladium and sun-telegram. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1907-1939, 1908-07-01


and girls were princes and princesses.
The aim of unionism is not to in
cite to ideas of inferiOrity-to tell
men and women that they are slaves
to sinister circumstances. But to
make them "dreamers." To inspire
in them ideas of superiority. To ami
mate their aspirations with visions of
regal dignity for themselves, their
wives, their children, their fellow
workers.
The test of a nations value is the
kind of men it produces. Someone
has said that :" the first business of a
nation is the manufacture of souls of
good quality.'' The first need of our
country" said Lord Roseberry, the
brilliant British statesman, before the
University of Glasgow, lis the want Of
men. We want men for all sorts of
high position-f irst-rate men, if pos
sible; if not. as nearly first-rate as may
be-" The greatest manufacturing in
dustry that needs encouragement is
that which produces a high grade of
manhood. Protection for American
manufacturers is not in any wise i'm
portant except as it protects the man
hood of the country. The open shop,
the politician tells us, is bad for the
American manufacturer; it exposes
him to the competition of the cheap,
foreign manufacturer. Is it not
equally bad for the American working
man? 1t is better to have cheap
goods than cheap men. If closed-shop
tariff is good closed-shop labor is bet
ter.
The protection of American labor
That has been the political cry of ev-
cry party. They have taught us that
Chinese wall of protection must sur
round our nation in order to protect us
from the cheap labor of the old world.
Their orators have pictured to us the
horrible conditions that exist in the
various countries of Europe. Yet,
while the hired hot-air dispenses were
painting this picture with their fervid
breath, the employers were opening
the gate and flooding our American la
Dor market with the cheapest labor
from across the seas, and insisting
that the American laborers who
sought protection in their unions were
arraying themselves against the best
interests of the nation.
Either the American workingman is
a slave. or he has rights as sacred as
those of any employer. He has obliga-
tions, too. and the greatest of these is
to give to the nation high type of
citizenship. He must have high
ideals of liberty and advancement. and
he must stand for them. He must not
degrade his own manhood, or the man
hood of his fellowcitizens. He has
no right that is not subject to his OBJ
legation as a citizen.
The labor union is the principal
means for benefitng the condition of
the working classes. That's the opin-
ion, plainly expressed. of the best
economic authorities of the world. And
it cannot be denied. EN en- its enemies
emphasize it by the activity of their
opposition, If it did not raise their
wages and shorten hours and work
generally to the advantage of the en-
: ploA2. it would not arouse much an
laSOnlSl0.
Mr.. Hearst has explained: Why
does the capitalist haughtily refuse to
treat with the accredited agent of the
men who have labor for sale:
is it not because he resents the
workman's attempt at emancipation
and emancipation and equality? Is it
not because the capitalist in his heart
demands submission from the man
who works for a daily wage
is it because the powerful among
us fail 10 admit that workers have
passed from slavery to equality?''
Says Lowell, They have rights who
I dare maintain them" If the laborer
/ does not stand for his rights. he can
not have them. If he does not oppose
10 the low ideals that deny him liberty
and equality, ideals high-based on
manhood and aspiration. hs is yet a
slave and deserves TO be-. And worss.