The Columbus weekly dispatch., 1908-05-03
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new or necessarily a cause of war.
That their doctrines and their course
were not condemned by many at the
North might abundantly be proved.
At a great Union meeting in New
York in 1860, Hon. Charles O'COnnor
said, There is no fault in the South
and on the whole it has done moth
ing to atone for" which utterance
was applauded. The mayor of New
York in his message to the council,
January, 1861, suggested the pro-
priety of New York becoming a free
city so as to avoid being a party to
injustice ''to their aggrieved brothers
of the Slave States" Horace Greeley
in the Tribune, November 8, 1860,
insisted on letting the Cotton States
go in peace" That same year the
United States Senate adopted the
States Rights Resolutions introduced
by Mr.. Davis by vote of nearly two
to one. President Buchanan, in his
message to Congress, December,
1860, protested against the repeated
attacks Of the North against the
South, expressing himself thus: AS
Sovereign States, they and they alone
are responsible to God and to the
world for the slavery existing among
them. For this reason the people of
the North are not more responsible
and have no more right to interfere
than with similar institutions in Rus
sia or BRAZIL" discIaiming, too, the
right to force them to remain ia the
Union. Wendell Phillips, Edward
Everett, DR. Holmes, and many other
distinguished men advised a peace
ful separation of the sections. But
most notable of all such utterances
was that of the New York Herald,
which, in March, 1861. Published
the Confederate Constitution in full
and recommended its acceptance as
the basis of peaceful reunion"
[Curry.l
The fundamental principle of the
Confederacy was the assertion of the
unaIienabIe rights of the states as
guaranteed in the Constitution; in
opposition to the centralizing ten
dency of the United States govern
ment manifested chiefly in the in
creasing1y violent attempts of Con-
gress to control the territories, ire
spective of the Constitution and of
the equal rights of the states in their
common territorial possession. I'M
piled in the States Right theory of
the Union, or resultant thereof. were
the doctrines of Notification and Sc
cession. which in the very irony of
history, have been attached as stig
mas peculiar to the South; whereas
in both of these the North led the
way, and repeatedly, without Consti-
tutional warrant, nulliied the laws
of Congress, threatened secession
singly or collectively, and defed
openly and fagrantly the decrees of
the Supreme Court of the United
States. With Jefferson's election,
began the plot for a New England
Confederacy lasting ten years or
more, and frustrated only by the sue
cessful termination of the second war
lOI independence With IuSldnIs
which the New England States re-
fused to support. Neither soldiers
nor money would they furnish on de-
mand of Congress and the President;
leaving to the Southern States the
burdens and the sacrifices of war by
which they and the other Northern
States profited materially thirty-fo1d
more than did the South. Like |
threats of secession and often actual |
notification followed the admission |
of Louisiana, the annexation of Tex
as, the war with Mexico, the Compro- |
mise of 1850, the Nebraska Act, and |
the Dred Scott Decision. Well says
Curry in his Southern States in the
American Union. which every South
ern boy and girl should carefully
read: 1T is singular political Ne
mesis that Notification and Rebellion
as terms of reproach should attach !,
to the South, while the North has
escaped any odium attaching to these |
terms; although she openly and sue
cessfully nullified the Constitution,
and the flag OF rebellion against the /
Federal compact and Federal laws