New-York tribune., 1908-11-18
4 nonEYrors INTERTIEW.

II NAV be well to refrain from too inqu1sltiVeiS
considering whether the action OF the Emperor
after the interview at Potsdam yesterday was
taken spontaneously or at the threatening man
date of discretion. The paramount fact is that
he did take it. and that thus one Of the most
serious political and constitutional crises in the
history CT the empire ended by the En-
peror's subordinatiol of his specifically pre-
scribed preroga tveS 70 the unwrtten VIII OF inc
people For hitherto the doctrine that me
King reigns but does not rule" has not applied
TO the House of Hohenzollern. That ii did not
thus apply TO the King of Prussia was the con
tention of Bismarck, and il was successfuiy
maintained by him in the epoch-nakinS crisis
of 1882 and in more than one or two subsequent
cases. That was the contention which William
III practically made in his imperial capacity
down to yesterday and which he apparently
was able TO maintain. He was superior 10 MS
Chancellor and his Chancellor was responsible
TO him alone, not a all TO the Reichstas- Some
months ago. it is true. the announcement was
made that thereafter the Chancellor and the
other ministers of state would he directly re
sponsibie to the Reichstag, and would hold their
places only with the support OF n majority Of
that body But until yesterday that striking
new departure seemed to have lapsed. The
German constitution remained unchanged. The
Chancellor was still the Kings man; the other
ministers were not the Chancellors colleagues
but his underlings and the Reichstag was
merely an estimable debating society.
AS matter of fact, that was, and indeed
still is the literal constitutional system Of the
empire An Instructive light was thrown upon
the status of the Emperor, bis Chancellor and
the Reichstag by 'Ex-Attache" in last Sunday
Tribune. which should correct many popular
errors and mlsapprehensions. Despite the an
nouncement Of ministerial responsibility to
which we have referred, it is obvious that there
is no analogy between the German and LEI us
say The British system. The German En-
peror has no such constitutional limitations rs
the British King. and the Reichstag has no
such povnr as the House Of Commons Theo
reticallv. II is trues the Rechstag may inltis te
legislation. and must vote a yearly budget
Practically it very Seldom has initiated lmpor-
tant laws. Int has merely passed the measures
which have been submitted to it by the Chan
ceIler or, the Rundesrath; while as for the
midget. il is TO he observed that the principal
revenue laws are permanent and can be changed
only with the assent of the Bundesrath. q body
which in such matters the Emperor absolutely
controls. and some of the most important p
propria tions are voted for from three to seven
years in advance. 49,. --.-.
The Reichstag does. not. therefore, control the
administration by holding the purse strings Of
rfe empire If it should refuse to vote supplies,
and make the expenditures. Just as Bismarck
did in 1862 and Just as the Danish government
did for dozen years, using the permanent rev
enues at will and if they proved insufficient, IN
curing public Indebtedness which could not be
repudated. Moreover whenever the Reichs-
tag proved obsrePeFous the Emperor could DIS
miss it and at an interval erder the election Of
ia neVleRe. in the interim governing at will ana
using the governmental influence for the cleo
say that 10 do this would excite popular
taconism against the Crown; but the fact is
that it has been done repeatedly-1n 1873, in
1881 in 1893 and in 190I-and each time, in
stead Of resenting such action by the Emperor.
the electorate proved submissive and returned
4 new Rechstag compliant with the imperial
will And this was of all four cases most
notably true in the latest. the election Of 1907
having placed the Kaiser for the first time In
'llis life in position Of uncontrolled suprem-
"acy."
All this was true in both theory and prac-
tice until yesterday. It still remains true in
theory. under the letter Of the constitution. The
interview st Potsdam gives grounds for grave
doubts however, whether II will hereafter be
oujte so true in practice. The Emperor might
have insisted upon the maintenance Of the fun
letter Of his constitutional prerogatives, and
might have replaced Prince Won Btlow in the
ChancellOrship with some more serviceable
.ILinc's man" But he did not. Voluntarily
invoiuntarily. he yielded when he might have
dictated. and recognized the Chancellor not as
his own personal servant but as the servant
and Spokesman Of the German nation. After
that. so far as his personal 8bsolutism is con
cerned. things can never be quite the same as
they were before And it is TO be believed that
the instant opinion of the world and It's mature
Judgment will be that his course was wise pru-
dent and such as TO commend him to the re-
ne7ved confidence and affection of the German
people