The Lexington intelligencer. [volume] (Lexington, Mo.) 1901-1949, 1908-07-18

among Contributors to sha~Ftepubncan
teampaign fund zone will be found to
tIonal b oseR mo Nr. Es enseVSiI was the re-
cipient of such fayors from banks, in
surance, companies. and other corpora-
tons when ne ran for Vice-President in
1900, and again when he was a candi-
date for the Presidency in 1904 After
: his election he walled like a ~veritable
jeremiah in warning protest against the
| corruption OF the electorate by the II
legitimate use Of money. But before the
election he personally sent for Hartman
\ and others to come to him at the White
House. and there he personally invoked
occasion, within twenty-four hours after
leaving the august executive presence,
Nj. Hartman produced" 500. 900 n
Roosevelt took the goods, and then. win
a pharisaical p~retense Of virtue. de-
had obtained his Office as a crime and
his participating pals as criminals OF
course, when the President signed the
AIdrich-vreeiand bin. the last act which
made It a law, not evenea dream fitted
across the horizon of his virtuous mind
to him might remember Taft. This
whole performance would be comical, II
it did not border so closely upon tragedy.
FEDERAL AGGRESSION.
The question of the constitutional rela-
ton between the state and federal gov
dictiOn OF each. although an old question,
coeval with the foundation Of the repub-
lie, has, by the circumstances Of recent
years, been forced acuteiy to the front
again In the beginning there xere two
great divergent lines of thought, the one
most conspicuously represented by Hamll-
ton, and the other by Jeferson. These
men snd their ideas FLASHED when the
fathers came to organize the republic
] Hamilton had little faith in the capacity
OF men for self-government; Jefferson had
supreme faith In their capacity. Hamil-
fashioned largely after the British au-
tonomy; Jefferson fought for a represent
tative democracy. Hamilton desired a
great, over-mastering, dominating central
government: Jefferson desired 2 central
government of limited and delegated pow
ers, with all other powers reserved to the
states n the people. Jefferson and his
followers triumphed, and the constitution
of the United States was framed for the
~tention. This provision has been fncor-
porated in the constitution
Powers not delegated to the United
States by the constitution nor pro-
served to the states, respectively. or
TO the people"
That is the theory upon which our gov
ernment was organized, And that means
or jurisdiction the federal government
possesses, he must look TO the constitu-
by that instrument to the federal gov
ernment OF necessarily implied by grants
expressly made, were reserved to the
states. separately, and 10 the people
thereof. The great men who organized
the government feared the half-irrespon-
sible and over-reaching dominance of a
distant, central government, and so hey
wisely determined to grant to that gov
eminent only such powers as were es-
sential to it, and to retain all other pow
ers in the hands Of the people. In gen.
eral terms. the federal government was
organized to regulate and conduct those
public affairs which pertain jointly and
simultaneously to all the people OF all
~lations with foreign countries, affecting
the relations between the different states
and the people thereof, affecting inter-
the navy of the United States, and. con-
cisely, in practically all matters Of pure
" national concern, the constitution con-
fers supreme power upon the federal gov
eminent; but in matters OF local concern,
affecting only the people OF a single state,
being for the most part matters in
which the individual man is most often
directly and Immediately interested, the
was preserved. But from the day OF the
organization OF the government to this
sometimes openly and sometimes covert
". by those who believe in a more in
tense federalism, to curtail the reserved
powers of the general government This
tendency toward a more assertive feder-
alism and the consequent diminution OF
State authority, has, within the last
years, become holder, more
aggressive and acute thar at any. time
since Jefferson surrendered his vigil and
passed from the stage Of action. II the
people are not Indifferent to the trend OF
] GNGILcs anu II L1tH are 70 MAINTAIN III
integrity OF our Institutions as we in
herited them. it behooves them to be
alert and vigilant- If they permit power
to slip from their hands to be exercised
in distant places, 1t will be hard 20 re-
cover. The preachment Of Mr.. Roosevelt
and his followers is for Capitalization.
and in the direction of Imperialism This
] is all the more perilous because of the
Fascinating, albeit to me fnexp7lcabl65
hold the man Roosevelt has mon the
Imagination of the people,. His ablest,
most adroit and dangerous coadjutor in
Elihu Root. the Secretary of State. In
this movement I think the President fol-
verse; nevertheless, the President exerts
the mighty influence of his great office to
promote the doctrine both espouse. On
given by the Pennsylvania Society at the
Waldorf-Astoria in New York, Mr.. Root
gave utterance to the sentiment I quote.
Among other things, he said:
"By the side OF this strong and
growing loyalty to the nation, senti-
ment for the separate states has be-
come dim and faint in comparison.
$500. Our whole life has swung away
from the old state centers and Is
crystallizlng about national %centers.
and interest the old lines between the
states and the old barriers which
kept the states as separate
ties are completely lost from sight
Such changes IN the life of the
people can not fail to produce CORE
spending political changes, Some OF
these changes can be plainly seen now
In progress. The end Is not yet h
instinct for self-government among
the people OF the United States Is too
strong to permit them to respect any
ones right to exercise a power which
he falls to exercise. The government
tai control which they deem just and
necessary they win have. The
people will have the control they need
either from the states or from the
national government, and IL the
states fail to furnish Il in due meas
ure, sooner or later constructions Of
the constitution tgiH be found to fg
the potDer tChere Il tDfH be exercised,
IN the national government"
President Roosevelt gave expression to
similar sentiments at Harrisburg, when
he declared, in substance. that such
power as the government Of the United
might need to promote its policies
ton II possible. and II not possible. then
through executive action and judicial
construction. And so, under the leader
ship OF Roosevelt, Root and Taft. we are
ID to the proposition OF extinguishing
state authority and o~blitereting state
lines as rapidly as possible, and II need
be, by revolutionary means. This Is no
icIy declared. Of the great leaders OF a
great party to bring this about.
1 yield to no man IN my unBtinted
and devoted love for our
great Republic. It Is as much mine and
yours as the State OF Missouri Is ours.
Il is no vain boast to say that the
nation Is the most command
sovereignty on the globe. It Is no
vain boast to say that our national
is symbolic OF greater power
and progress, and OF a higher develop
nent in civilization, than any other