The Montgomery advertiser., 1908-08-02
What Getting Ready For the
 Presidential Cnn,paign Means

paien of 1888. Quay acted on just such lines He did not go to the manufac- turers; he just sent for them. and they responded. with some exceptions. The exceptions brought out the famous Foster "fry-the- letter. Foster was the head of Republican Club League. and he advised that the fat be fried out of the men who had profit ed by over protection. and who refused 10 contribute to the campaign ex- penses. It was plainly threat to re- duce the tariff at the next meeting of Congress. if more money were not sent in. The threat was effective. and Eos ter had nothing more to say about fat frying during the rest of the cam paign.
 At the Democratic National head quarters 1t was all uphill work There was little money except what was con tributed by Colonel Brice and a few Iother wealthy men who assisted him in the management of the campaign The general alarm about a sweeping reduction of the tariff kept the head quarters treasury almost empty during the campaign. Mfr. Brice worked hard | every day. but 1t was evident from the beginning that he was not hope full He and other friends of Presi- dent Cleveland evidently believed that Cleveiand's tariff measure was too strong. and that the manufacturing in- terests of the country were not pre- pared for such quick action as the message indicated. Brice did his best by sending out great quantities of literature, to show that nothing revoiu- tionary was intended; but 1t was too late.
 Cleveiand's defeat In 1888 was due chiefly to the tariff message; but there were other contributing causes. It has been charged that Tammany Hall betrayed him at the polls. Governor Hill, who was then Tammany favorite. was reelected by a majority of 1s.17I. while Cleveland lost New York State by a majority of l4,37S
 Tariff Causes Defeat.
 Col. A. K. Mcclure. in his book on Our Presidents" referring to the cam paign of 1888 said: Cleveland lost the election in 1888 by his message making the tariff question the sole issue be- fore the country, I saw him on Satur- day night, before the meeting of Con- gress. and with Speaker Carlisle, earnestly urged him to modify the mes sage. Carlisle was quite as positive as was in assuring him that it would result in disaster to himself and his administration. His answer was, that possibly we were right but that 1t was duty that should be performed; and, while he might fall. he believed that the country would vindicate him at an early day. He was a man who gave any serious thoughts to his officiaI duties. performed them with great fidelity. and when convinced as to his duty, none could persuade him from his purpose.
 He certainly knew when he sent his tariff message to Congress. against the advice Of nearly all of those upon whose political judgment he most de- pended, that he invited political dis aster. I met him. frequently during the contest of 1888. and, while he hoped he might be reelected, he was not con fident"
 At the national headquarters, the same lack of confidence prevailed. Mir. Brtce and his assistants declared occa- sionally that Cleveland's reelection was certain, but it was evident that they were whistling to keep up their courage. There was no great sur prise, therefore. when, on election night, the returns showed that Harrison was elected. and had carried New York State. It may be mentioned here that notwithstanding the tariff message and the alleged perfidy of Tammany, Cleve- land carried the country by nearly 100,- 900 popular majority. hut the electoral vote of New York lost him the Prssi- dency.
 Election in 1892.
 Tn 1892. Harrison and Cleveland were both renominated. Senator Carter of Montana, directed Harrison's campaign, and William F. Harrity of Philadel- phia, had charge of the Democratic headquarters. Carter, like Quay. con- ducted silent campaign, with the as- sistance of Lemuel E. Quigg; while Harrity made a strong and open fight f0r a narnnnwo ta nAfAotM Ta years public opinion had greatly changed in regard to taTiR reform. It had become evident that Mir. Cleveland was not a revolutionist. and business men in New York City and elsewhere organized clubs to support him. Among these were clubs made up of members of the Stock Exchange. the Produce Exchange. and men representing the business interests generally.