Daily Arizona silver belt., 1908-12-09

judges. On the whole there IS no body
 of public servants who do as valuabl,
 work, nor whose moneyed reward il
 so inadequate compared to their work Beginning with the Supreme court tn, judges should have their salaries dou lblcd, It is not befitting the dignity of the nation that its most honoreC
 public servants should be paid sum,
 so small compared to what they would earn in private life that the perform
 ance of public service by them implies
 an exceedingly heavy pecuniary sacri
 flee.
 It is earnestly to be, desired that some
 method should be devised flor doing
 away with the long delays which now
 obtain in the administration of jus
 tice, and which operate with peculiar severity against persons of small means, and favor only the very criminals whom it IS most desirable to punish. These long delays in the final decisions of cases make in the aggregate crying evil; and remedy should be devised. Much of this intolerable delay is due to improper regard paid to technicali. ties which are a mere hindranee to jus tiee. In some noted recent cases this over-regard for techniealities has re- suited in striking denial of justice, and fragrant wrong to the body poll tic.
 At the last election certain leaders of organized labor made a violent and sweeping attack upon the entire judi ciary of the country, an attack couched In such terms as to include the most up- right, honest and broad.minded judges, no less than those of narrower mind and more restricted outlook. 1t was the kind of attack admirably fitted to pre-. vent any successful attempt to reform abuses of the judiciary, because it gave the champions of the unjust judge their eagerly desired opportunity to shift their ground into a championship of just judges who were unjustly assailed. Last year before the House Committee on the Judiciary, these same labor lead. CTS formulated their demands. specify ing the bill that contained them, refus. ing all compromise, stating they wished the principle of that bill or nothing. They insisted on a provision that in labor dispute no injunction should issue except to protect property right, and specifically provided that the right to carry on business should not be con strued as property right; and in a see. ond provision their bill made legal in labor dispute any act or agreement by or between two or more persons that would not have been unlawful if done by single person. In other words, this bill legalized blacklisting and boy. eotting in every form, legalizing, for instance, those forms of the secondary boycott which the anthracite coal strike commission so unreservedly condemned; while the right to carry on a business was explicitly taken out from under that protection which the law throws over property. The demand was made that there should be trial by jury in con. tempt cases, thereby most seriosuly i'm pairing the authority of the courts. All this represented course of policy which If carried out would mean the enthronement of class privilege in its crudest and most brutal form, and the destruction of one of the most essential functions of the judiciary in all civil ized lands.
 The violence of the crusade for this legislation, and it's complete failure. il lustrate two truths, which it is essen tlal that our people should learn. In the first place, they ought to teach the workingman, the laborer, the wage. worker, that by demanding what is i'm. proper and impossible he plays into the hands of his foes. Such a crude and vicious attack upon the courts, even If 1t were temporarily successful, would inevitably in the end cause a violent reaction and would band the great mass of citizens together, forcing them to stand by all the judges, competent and incompetent alike, rather than to see the wheels of justice stopped. A move ment of this kind can ultimately result m nothing but damage to those in whose behalf it is nominally undertaken. This IS a most healthy truth, which it is wise for all our people to learn. Any movement based on that class hatred which at times assumes the name of "class consciousness is certain ulti- mately to fail, and if it temporarily succeeds, to do far-reaching damage. 'Class consciousness, where it is merely another name for the odious vice of class selfshness, is equally nox Ious whether in an employers asso- citation or in a workingman's associa- tion. The movement in question was one in which the appeal was made to all workingmen to vote primarily, not as American citizens, but as individu. als of certain class in society. Such an appeal in the first place revolts the | more high-minded and far-sighted l among the persons to whom it is ad- | dressed and in the second place tends l to arouse strong antagonism among all | other classes of citizens, whom it there fore tends to unite against the very or yanization on whose behalf it is is- | sued. The result is therefore unfortu- | nate from every standpoint. This heal. | thy truth, by the way, will be learned by the socialists if they ever succeed in establishing in this country an i'm portant national party based on such class consciousness and selfish class-ih | terest.
 The wageworkers, the workingmen, the laboring men of the country by the way in which they repudiated the effort | to get them to cast their votes in re- ,ponse to an appeal to class hatred, have emphasized their sound patriotism and | Americanism. The whole country has