Iron County register. [volume] (Ironton, Iron County, Mo.) 1867-1965, 1908-07-16

his faithful subjects. And forthwith the
trumpets sounded. and there was hurry
ing and scurrying In all directions
throughout the land. High officials,
munificent salaries. hastened
hither and yon to obey the sovereign will.
went to the south TO organize the
retainers there that they might, II
possible, tease or coerce the recalcitrant
brother into line, and to devise
plans TO capture conventions by whatever
tactics the e~xigencies might require.
Others went north and east and west to
put the machine in motion, until a hun
dred thousand officeholders were in the
field. The Republicans of Missouri know
what happened here. Practically every
Federal official in the State was an ac-
tive. dictatorial, noisy Taft p~ropagandist
Scarcely could a county, much more a
district, convention be assembled With
out the over-awing, assertive presence
of an official representative Of the White
House. The e-Democrat. the Kansas
City Journal Al other Republican or
gans cried out in vehement protest, but
the ponderous machine rolled steadily on
like a juggernaut crushing out all OPP
position. Uncle Joe Cannon, the rugged
Car of the House, gnawed his big che
root more viciously than ever n looked
on in amazement, for once impotent and
helpless. And Fairbanks, Knox, Hughes
and such old warehouses rs Crane, Car
ter, Cullom and kerens were bowled
over like ten pins. The like of it has
The machise was irresistible. The Presi-
dents triumph was complete. He nom1-
mated his protege, and made him the
scion of our new Republican royalty.
With this situation, viewed solely as
a Republican party condition, / ought not
perhaps to feel very deep concern. An
yet 1 cannot view with Indifference the
spectacle of a great party, which for the
major part of a a century a domi-
mated the American Republic, having its
organization, it's policies n its destiny
taken bodily and by force into the hands
of a trained army of offceholders with
the sinister and selfish n of perpetual
ing themselves in power. But over and
beyond that is the universal question as
to whether the American people. without
regard to party, endorse the notion of a
| President openly and extensively using
the great powers of his great office, and
of employing a stupendous force of sal
aried subordinates, to compel the selec-
ton of his choice to the Presidential suo-
c%ession. None would deny to the Presi-
dent the privilege of a preference, nor the
right within conservative limits to ex-
press it. That is a right inherent in him,
not as President but as citizen. Against
that I make no protest, but I do pro-
test against the President aggressively
using the tremendous power and inf1u-
ence of his office, and aggressively direct
ing the organization of q vast official
machine, to force his individual choice
of a successor upon the country. Such a
course is violative of historic usage, and
violative also of the civil service law
which forbids ''pernicious activity" by
public officials in politics. Moreover, it is
Eintolerable as a matter of good taste and
public decency, and is dangerous as a
precedent. If it can be successfully ac-
complished today, it can be successfully
accomplished hereafter, n so, If per-
mitted to go unchallenged, it may be-
come the rule for one President after an
other to name his successor. That in
itself would border pretty close on to q
species of monarchy, wherein the presi-
Dental will would be substituted for ar
untrammeled popular will, and to whai
that would ultimately lead no man car
foreteli. Hear what the Hon. Henry F
Cochems of Wisconsin had to say in mis-
speech nominating Senator LaFollette fol
President before the Chicago convention
He declared that the man who succeeded
Roosevelt should be neither his heir MOI
his crown prince" And further he said,
IF there be danger of Mexicanizing the
term, that reason obtains with equa
force against the wisdom of a secont
term incumbent debating the candidat'
for the third term" That is Republican
authority. OF all things it is most i'm
portant that the supreme right of tn
American people to voice their will a
the ballot-box should be absolutely free
Therefore, 1t Is of the utmost conse
quence that this extraordinary and y,ulga
misuse of executive power should be in
stantly rebuked, and that this arrogan
stride in executive assumption n usur
patton should be rudely checked in it
in%cipiency: Those who win party victo
ries in this fashion should be taught tina
they must afterwards account to an in
dignant people.
OF Judge Taft as a possible Presiden
I have but little to remark. No one ca
assume to outline with certainty what h
might or might not do. But of one thin
YOU may be sure, that the tariff baron
the trust magnate, the exploiter of specia
privilege, and all who represent, preda
tory wealth, are without dread of his can
didacy. They have tested him on tn
bench and in other stations, and they ar
without fear. Instinctively an homes
man, with intellectual qualities of a h1g
b order, he is yet deficient in combativ
force and by nature unfit for uncom
promising resistance. Those mighty IN
f~iuences the people dread the most wi
be chine his candidacy, and If electe
n they will be forever grouped about him
) and step by step he will become to
) large extent the creature of his environ
ment. j. Pierpont Morgan arrived !
3 New York from Europe on the day TO
/ lowing Mr.. Taft's nomination at Chicago
To an Associated Press reporter he eS
pressed himself as pleased at the choic
! Of the Secretary of War, remarking. u
is good, very good" The reactionarie
/, feared the, idiosyncracies, the bronch
! methods and the impetuous outbursts c
t Roosevelt, but they are not much alarme
I about Taft. The Wall street sentimer
was well expressed by a prominent broke
when he said, I'VE think Taft has sens
: enough to stand hitched." He inherite
!, Roosevelt's policies, so-called, but whe
he will do with them no man can pre-
s dict. About all we can say is that he
r an uncertain quantity, and if he Shout
! be elected, all we can do is to hope fe
the best.
: OF Mr.. Bryan there is need to say BIT
q little to an American audience. If eve
= a name in fact was a household wore
I 1t is the name of Bryan. He Is not onl
: the most conspicuous living American
q but the most illustrious private citize
: of the world. And yet, great as he is, /
| is only a plain, unpretentious, everyda
type of the common people. II 70
n should ask n mar of any party in an
audience who most nearly represente
Q his ideal Of a Great Commoner, h
mind would instantly revert to Bryal
n All men know him to be honest an
able, faithful and gifted, courageous an
devoted, and utterly incapable of pr
:. tense, double-dealing or littleness. b
to eulogize Bryan is superfuous. 1t
but commonplace to praise him.
What q contrast between his n n,
s nomination was not in the remotest d.
gree the product of official intervention
: force or intrigue. 1t is the product Of
: spontaneous demand Of the people. Fro
n every section of the Union the unma
tered, untrammeled masses called to hi
q for leadership. Stalwart efforts p,
g forth to stem the tide were futile. A
well had the opposition tried to dam IL
i Nile with bull-rushes. The people b.
:. lieve in the man and love him. The
VI | know him tn he a man of eXEHDL10nAI Hl
s dowments-a student, thinker, philos'
4 pher-a man familiar with the govern
: ments and civilizations of the world, az
9 one who correctly co~mprehends both Il
constitutional form and true spirit
' American institutions-but, withal,
: man Of simple habits and simple LII
e But, above all, they believe him to J
faithful and true. And SO buoyed |