The Montgomery advertiser., 1908-11-08

so. strongly that IT the elecIlon ndu pcen held then there is little doubt both states would have gone into the Demo- cratic column. The question was if the Republicans, thoroughly alarmed and aroused, could pull them over on the right side. They have succeeded In do- ing so. And they were able to save these states by the disappearance of the apathy which hitherto had pre- vailed among business men, due in large part, 1t Is believed, to their be- lief that there was no danger of Bry- ems success. was told by leading Republicans in New York last week that my dispatches of three weeks ago pointing out the serious condition of affairs in Ohio and Indiana were dis- cussed in the councils of the party ana at the White House. and led directly to the movement which in the end eni- braced a considerable part of the bus mess men and employers of the coun- try and resulted in saving the two states named, and also aided in piling up the large majority for Taft in New York. It need scarcely be said this was not the purpose of those dis patches; but such was their indirect effect. Both Ohio and Indiana were pulled over Taft Aby relatively small pluralities almost entirely by the in- duence of business men among their employees in the closing fortnight of the campaign.
 It is now believed that the effort of President Gompers of the American Federation of Labor to elect Bryan and defeat Taft did almost as much harm as good to the cause which he espoused. Gompers did, indeed, succeed in throw Ing good many votes to Bryan, though not half as many as he had counted upon, else Bryan would have won the day. But If 1t had not been for the activity of Gompers and his Iieutenants 1t Is certain the business and enploy- Ing world would not have become alarmed and the decisive factor in the closing days of the campaign would not have appeared. The leading men in the commercial and industrial world as has been already pointed out in these dispatches feared to have the combin- ation of Bryan in the White House placed there by his labor allies. They dreaded not only Bryan, but the atti- tude of labor in the future. This atti- tude. they feared. would be one which meant trouble--labor using its politi- cal power in its relations. to indus trialism, and becoming more and more difficult to get along with.
 Judge Taft and some of his advisers held theory as to the labor vote which till now has not been brought out in the campaign discussion. They believed that the activity of Gompers and part of his organization for Bryan would be resented not only by union men who are stanch Republicans. which certainly proved to be the scase. but also by nonunion men of all parties. Mir. Taft looked for q substantial gain from this source, from men who are members of the noble army of labor. but who did not relish the idea that their vote could be delievered by A leader who had entered upon a poiiti- cal propaganda.
 This election has settled 1t for many years to come that labdr in America cannot be made political force on a large scale. As rule union men are citizens, and as citizens either Repub- hcans or Democrats, before they are unionists. Party habit is as strong with them as with other citizens. as is shown by the admission of the Gompers people that they could do nothing with men old enough to have voted often enough to have formed a party attachment. In England John Burns and other. leaders were able to bring about solidarity Of labor forces in politics. That is because party habit is not strong among English CA, and many of the best friends of or. gantzed labor In this country thought. 1t a mistake for the federation to at- tempt 1t, even though it deemed itself greatly provoked byseeertman ctrcu1n- stances entering into the campaign.
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 Tn the last analysis, of course, Bryan has himself to thank for his defeat. If the Democratic candidate had been aAN A.VA .l.1.s t1 record 1t would not have been possi- bleAfor the employers to work up the feeling they did work up during the closing days of the campaign. Able and sincere as he is, unrivaled as a campaigner and admired very greatly by many thousands of men who did not vote for him as a splendid type of American, Bryan could not live down his past, He could not escape the nat ural consequences of his unsoundness on the money question twelve years ago. This and his undoubted blunder in advocating government ownership of railways on his return from Europe, led a large part of the public to look upon him with suspicion. an induIgent suspicion mixed mingled with trernen- dous admiration for hls brilliancy and skill as a performer. but still disin4 clined to trust him at the head of the government. It was this which enabled the business mems movement of the closing days of the battle to make such rapid headway. It enabled them to convince. first themselves, then many thousands of other business men. including tradesmen and small deal CTS, and finally a considerable part of their employees, whether clerical or la bor, that we might have another period of hard times. backset at least. if Bryan were to win. Chairman Mack complains that this. was an unfair weapon to use against Bryan. but he is right in saying 1t was the decisive factor in the stages of the struggle.
 Fnasmuch as this weapon, wheth- CT fair one or not, was ter ribly effective against Bryan and could not have been effective against a man like Judge Gray or Gov ernor Johnson. the interesting question has arisen whether the Democrats could have won this year if they had discarded Bryan at Denver and named one or the other of them. I hea j this