Los Angeles herald., 1908-06-26

can enter public life without the aid
of nomination to help him to office.
The infrequent successes of indepen-
dent candidates for minor Offices mark
the exception which but proves the
rule. Therefore 1t is apparent that the
whole fabric of our political institu-
tions rests upon the political party
nomination. The voters can choose no
better man for president than is NOM
mated by the parties. The so-called In
dependent voters can never select a
man to serve in the White House.
That selection of the public may in
duce a'party to take It's choice by
bartering a promise of the "indepen-
dent" vote, but under ordinary circum-
stances 1t must take what the parties
give 1t; the greater of two goods, or
the lesses of two evils.
Just at this time 1t is interesting to
mark the progress of the nominating
machinery of the American political
parties. In the beginning there was the
caucus, then came the delegated con-
vention, and now the direct primary
election bids fair to carry the ma
.chinery to it's more democratic extre-
nifty. There isa great talk of conven-
tions that are boss-ridden, and the like.
There has been such talk before; ever
The greater volume of complaint now
is but the evidence of the increasing
purpose of the people to take the power
of nominating into their own hands.
Leaving aside the hosts of municipal.
county, state and congressional Offices.
for which nominations are already made
by direct primaries in many states. 1t
is interesting to apply the theory OF the
direct primary to the nomination for
the presidency, the most important
function exercised by political party.
The trainers of the constitution did
not believe the people possessed suffi-
cient wisdom and Judgment to select
the chief executive of the federal gov
ernment. They battled long over the
proposition of leaving that selection to
the national legislature, or OF entrust-
ing it to the several state legislatures.
be appointed by the various states
not by the people of the states--in such
manner as each state legislature might
direct.
The constitution was null and void
from the very beginning, so far as the
spirit of this provision was concerned.
Tho people had every confidence in
their ability to select a president, and
they were very careful to choose as
electors only those persons who would
reflect the popular will. Thus the elec-
toral college came to be merely an
tional function Of choosing a president
is concerned. 1t is very far from be-
ing an empty form In that 1t provides
system which gives the smaller
states more power in proportion to
their population than would obtain in
direct VOTE and thus makes the Sc
lection of a minority president pos
sible.
The fathers declined the proposition
to vest the power of selecting preSi-
dent in the hands of congress out of
consideration for the integrity of the
tri-partite system of government they
were establishing, in which the checks
and balances of and between the ex-
ecutive, judicial and legislative depart
ments were so nicely adjusted. But
congress soon perceived that the cleo
torial college was amenable to the pop
ular will. Therefore 1t set about to
captain and command that will, thus
virtually giving congress the power to
name the president.
Political parties appeared In con-
gress before lines were drawn among
the people. The congressional caucus
was the result. From 1888 until 1900
the presidents were named by informal
party caucuses of members of congress.
The attacks ON king Caucus" were
begun in the public press as early as
1900, although the first formally con-
voked nominating caucus was not held
until 1904 From that time until 1924,
liking CaucuSn ruled Slprarna. and the