The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1908-08-22

which are introduced here and which
are not enacted into law.
The Republican platform suggests
that there should be maximum tar
III and q minimum, the maximum to
be used In retaliation and the mini
mum In ordinary cases. This Is mere
ly adding delusion to representation
Republican authority. Senator Dolii-
yer and Senator Hanna. to prove that
in the present law the rates were
knowingly made higher than neces-
sary with the understanding that re-
auctions would be made to secure for
eign trade. Mr.. Dolliver said in the
senate on January ID. 1908: TT is
true that in the bill which he (Mr.
Dingley) reported from the committee
up for the express purpose of having
them traded down." Mr.. Douiver In
sisted that the reciprocity provision In
| the Dingley act was as distinctly
part of the tariff policy as the coal
schedule and complained that mot ono
line Of the wisdom OF James q. Blaine
| remained on the statute books and
| that mot step had been taken to
fulfill the purpose OF the last Buffalo
address Of President Mckinley" And
new plan prevented the carrying out
of the old plan.
Interests Write Tariff Bills.
! The schemes resorted to by the
| men who have grown rich by laying
tariff burdens upon the country are
more numerous than novel. Tariff
measures which embody the principles
of protection are not drawn by iegis-
lators. although as a matter Of cour-
| tesy they generally bear the names OF
legislators: they are really drawn by
| the representatives of the interests
| which demand protection. These rep
| resentatives claim to be the guardians
| of the laboring men, and yet they
| carefully avoid writing into the law
| anything that will require the guar
strange that SO many voters have
been so long deceived as to the object
and the operation Of the laws which
are ostensibly designed for the pro-
only be accounted for on the theory
that the voters have not understood
either the theory Of protection or the
facts that are relied upon to sup
port 1t.
In ordinary affairs there Is no Diff
ference between a tariff reformer ana
protectionist. They meet together
in business: in society. in the lodge
daily life they apply the same rules
and are guided by the same business
rules. This similarity manifests itself
all through life and up to the very hour
of death. If protectionist makes
will, he makes 1t upon the same p;an
that the tariff reformer follows. AS
death approaches, he estimates the
value Of his property, leaves to his
wife and children what he wishes
them to have, and then makes such
requests as he likes to public institu
tions and to those outside of the fam
lily; and such part as he leaves to his
wife and children, he carefully d.
vides among them, giving to each a
his property to one child and say that
he trusts the child to deal fairly with
the rest of the family. why? Because
he knows his children and would not
put a child in position where selfish
ness might lead him to do injustice to
other members of the family. No. he
would not trust his own flesh and
blood to deal fairly with those reared
at the same fireside with him; and he
Is wise in not placing this temptation
when a protectionist comes to make a
tariff law, he acts on an entirely diff
ferent plan: he votes millions, yes,
hundreds of millions OF dollars to
seen. and trusts them to be just in the
distribution of the trust fund among
their employees. And what has been
the result? Just what might have
been expected:-the manufacturers
have appropriated the trust fund to
their own use and have paid their en-
ployes only such wages as trade con-
ditions compelled.
The Homestead strike occurred
after the Republican convention Of
1899, but before the Republican can
didate wrote his letter Of acceptance.
He could not ignore the strike, for 1t
presented an object lesson which even
a high tariff Republican could not fail
to see. So Mr.. Harrison, the candi-
date, referring to the strike. said:
ct regret that all employers of labor
are not just and considerate and that
capital sometimes takes too large a
share of the proflts?" Yes, more
than that. The protected manufactur-
ers have secured, in many cases, a
tariff of more than twice the percent
age paid to workmen in wages. The
net profits Of the steel trust last year
were just about equal to the entire
amount paid in wages, and the wages
constituted less than rs per cent OF
the total value of the product. Ac-
cording to this statement, each work.
ing man employed by the steel trust
earned. on an average. not only the
amount paid to him, but one hundred
per cent profit besides for his employ
er. And, I may add, while these bene-
ficiaries of protection have been pre-
tending to make the tariff laws for the
direct benef1t of the employees, these
same employees have, as rule, been
kept close to the hunger line. while
many Of the employers have become
the possessors of the Swollen for
tunes" which now menace the nations
morals as we'll as its business
How It Works.
And yet the Republican party was
not willing that single item on the
steel schedule should be touched, and
the Republican campaign committee
will not dare to publish, before the
election, the contributions that have
been made or will be made to the Re-
publican campaign fund by the men
most largely interested in the steel
trust.
Let me show you how the tarif
operates. I have here statement
made by Mr.. H. e. Miles, chairman
of the tariff committee Of the National
Association Of Manufacturers and
head Of the Agricultural Implement
trust. The statement appears in the
American Industries of November Is.