The sun., 1908-08-16

& . ~ ~ u 4 d ~ 4.
after both Chambers have resolved tnas
there is a need Of revision has some innu.
encs in preventing changes IN the text Oh
the constitutional laws. because the Sen.
ate, being the more conservative body ana
only half as large as the other house. I'D
timid about going into joint session' not
knowing what radical amendments may DO
proposed there and fearing to be swamped
by tho more numerous votes belonging
to the Chamber Of Deputies. We observe
finally, that one feature OF the present
French Constitution seems 70 have been
initiated in the federal organic law OF the
Australian Commonwealth. We refer TO
the provision which directs both houses
of the Australian Parliament to sit and
vote together for certain purposes.
~ NJ. W. II.
The Growth OF Paternalisrn I'm Great
Britain,
In a former notice Of tho remarkable
work The Gopernment OF England. by Prof.
A. LAWRENCE LOWELL, two volumes (Mac-
millans), we confined ourselves for the most
part to those chapters Of the first volume
which deal with the structure Of tho central
Government and with the working OF 1t
under the party system. Sinoe our former
and partial examination Of the work the
passage Of an old age pensions bill has
invested with peculiar interest part OF
Mr.. Lowells second volume, In which he
deals with the growth OF paternalfsm IN
England and With the recent Developments
Of class legislation. 1t has been, OF COURSE
particularly during the last half century
that the reaction toward paternalism from
the ldisses fdire doctrine OF the Manoheeter
school Of political economists has been
most marked. In his concise but oompre-
hensive survey Of the subject Prof. Lowell
| reminds US that the doctrine carried into
practical politics by the so-called orthodox
| economist to whom We have just referred
was really founded on the assumption that
the enlightened self-interest OF each In
dividual must be In general harmony with
that Of everybody else. On this assumption
was based the expectation that state Oh
universal prosperity would eventually bo
the outcome Of universal selfshness. 1t
was soon observed. however. that as
matter Of fact the doctrine Of ldisses fdfre
could not be permitted to receive unlimited
application. -
II was noticed that managers OF the
new industries, intent on building up their
business and as yet unrestrained by stat
ute, employed labor on the terms fixed
by the law OF demand and supply. with
too little thought for the well being OF
their operatives. and with the result that the
rapid growth Of industrial life led to misery
among the lowest class Of working people.
especially among women and children
| in factories and mines. When these evils
were brought under the public eye they
gave rise to factory legislation. Gradu-
ally the employment Of child labor was
| limited, hours OF work were regulated.
sanitary conditions were improved, dan
gerous machinery was guarded. compul-
sorry education of children was enforced
| and employers were made liable for in
juries TO their workmen. Laws OF this
kind, indeed, began long before the doc
trine OF laissss fdire had reached high water
mark in public favor. spd they have ever
since been enacted at increasing speed.
They involve an admission that the enlight-
ened self-interest OF employers or employed
Ii not Q sufficient safeguard against op-
precision. These factory acts made q
breach in the tenets OF Laisses fdire which
has constantly been growing wider. until
there is not enough Of the doctrine left
to offer q formidable resistance to any
legislation purporting to be philanthropio.
The doctrine has at the same time been
undermined by Socialist theories based
on exactly the opposite principle, and
although these are not accepted as q creed
by majority or even very large minor
ity Of tho English people-the trade unions
have since Mr Lowell wrote seemed to
| ,h. Ian In
opinion among all classes. as was shown
the other day by the remarkable pronounce
ment Of the Lambeth conference with
regard to socialism.
Prof. Lowell points out that the Socialist
theory proceeds upon the premise that the
interests OF men are essentially discordant
and that the State must intervene to regu-
late conflicting forces and prevent abuse OF
power. As formulated by Karl Marx. the
theory would place all industry in the hands
OF the Government and deny altogether to
private individuals the conduct OF business.
To show the extent to which q belief in the
natural discord OF human interests may be
carried Prof. Lowell directs attention to a
couple of the vivid fables Of Mr.. II. G.
Wells. In "Ths Time Machine where Mr..
Wells projects himself into the world many
l
divided into two parts. OF which the more
vigorous preserves the other for food. We
see this state of things practically exem-
plifed In the world Of fishes. and II is said
that an approximation to 1t is exhibited by
certain species Of ants. Again. In Mr..
wells's story OF "The Way OF the World. =
the creatures. far superior to men. who
invade the earth from Mars live by suck
ing the blood Of the people they find here.
These tales. as Prof. Lowell recognizes. are
written with q purpose. and 1t is not merely
as literary fantasy that the unfettered
course OF selfish evolution Is portrayed as
ending in cannibslism. They show the
extreme swing away from the fundamental
conceptions Of loissss fdire.
Prof. Lowell for his own part Is inclined
to admit that civilization may be measured
by the breadth Of human sympathy. He
Acknowledges the truth Of the conclusion
reached by anthropologists that at first
human beings have q fellow feeling only
~ thnir ourv, favy vy,ilv trit>o ~