The Richmond palladium and sun-telegram. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1907-1939, 1908-11-18
THE LABOR DINNER.

The much discussed labor dinner OF
the president has come and gone. So
much comment has been evoked by
the function that is we'll to remark
that It has always been the custom
Of the present occupant of the white
house, when he wants to get at the
heart of a matter, to invite the per-
sons concerned to convene at his lun-
cheon or dinner table. 1t was SO in
the now famous Booker Washington
affair. and in many other cases which
have not been called into the lime
light
While none of the matters under
en- out to the public, it is quite certain
that 1t bears directly on the points
which were brought up in the last
campaign. 1t is a singularly good
proof of Mr.. Roosevelts sincerity in
the things he had to say in the last
campaign; that he was honestly in
terested" In the cause of labor. The
campaign is over, there is no cause
for valid criticism which is certain in
some parts as to it's being a grand
stand play. The president has done
we'll after the harsh things which
have been said on both sides to make
the attempt to see what the attitude
Of representative labor leaders Is.
True, the chief executive is not the
congress, but it is certain that legis-
lative measures which have the stamp
of the president and his backing are
more likely to have some action TAX
en- on them. Nor is this the least
gain; Mr.. Roosevelt has from the
very beginning been conspicuous for
his power in creating popular senti.
ment and public opinion and this
above all other things is what the
cause of organized labor must have
behind 1t. Lacking that it must con-
tinuously despair of gaining its points.
It 10 80 obvious that this public senti-
ment must have a solid basis OF fair
ness that it seems hardly necessary to
mention it-but the truth is that pub
lie sentiment on the subject of labor
is at present divided shaply into two
camps, namely: Thost who think that
every thing advocated by organized
labor is vicious and those who think
that every thing advanced by the
unions is fair and just, simply because
1t is advocated by certain men. Eth
er view is entirely wrong.
Whatever was agitated at the din
ner, one thing seems necessary and
that Is proper code or bill Of rights
which shall put an end to the hazy
ideas which rest entirely on much
mooted legal decisions. Then there
will be less friction and less misun-
derstanding. As-~sTaft said In his
speech of acceptance it is quite neces-
sary that we look at the subject from
the point OF view Of the man who
thinks himself abused. 1t may well be
that bill Of rights which will put the
status of organised labor on solid
footing will put an end to the discus
sion which was SO rampant in the re-
cent campaign about the Injunction
question. If SO it will clear the at.
mosphere tremendously.
It seems to the more or less un-
pred1udiced observer that something
should be done. But 1t is equally cer-
tain that whatever is done should
have for its basis not the tearing
down OF the right to conduct business
or their right to consider business as
property right for that would throw
the country into turmoil which
would cripple industrial life in regard
to both labor and capital. In other
words any legislation should be con-
structive rather than destructive.
but SuSh iSSicidion must ncCeSSaf-
lily be Of difficult sort and Its rise
may have to be of gradual nature.
Nothing can be expected to happen
right off the bat" The president can
recommend, but unless public opinion
IL very strong indeed, 1t is doubtful
whether any thing will happen at the
special session of congress. 1t is to
be hoped that this is merely a pre-
lude to what most people desire to see
in Taft's administration.
The accomplishments of the criminal
lawyers are such that the attorneys
for the defense in the Lamphere case