Daily Kennebec journal., 1908-08-07

| luSltdu VI COuI dSSOuoly luSCSAi6 LIN
question, it turned it over to the sue
ceeding Congress, which had already
| been elected at the same time with
| President Harrison, and with a Re-
publican majority, and which 1t there
| fore knew could be depended upon to
deal with this question fearlessly and
intelligently. The only bill this
Democratic committee ever reported
to a Democratic Congress was one for
$11,96S to defray the expenses Of it's
Investigations.
So much for the Democratic record
on the trust question. They lodged
the issue by turning 1t over to their
Republican successors. When that
Republican Congress assembled the
following year, it met this question
with characteristic promptness and
squareness. An act was introduced
by Hon. John Sherman Of Ohio, en-
titled AN act to protect trade and
commerce against unlawful restraints
and monopolies." This was passed by
Republican House and Senate and
signed by President Harrison on July
2. 1890. 1t was a good measure, but
in attempting to enforce it, the Su-
preme court held that under the pro-
visions of the constitution it did not
and could not control manufacture
and production except as they entered
into and became part of interstate
commerce. To remedy this, and give
Congress power to fully reach the
trust evil, the Republicans of the
House judiciary committee, following
out the suggestions of President Nc
kinley's message presented the follow
ing proposed amendments to the con-
stitution.
ARTICLE XVI.
Section l. All powers conferred by
this article shall extend to the several
Columbia, and all territory under the
sovereignty, and subject to the juris-
diction Of the United States.
Section 2. Congress shall have pow
er to define, regulate, prohibit or dis
solve trusts, monopolies or combina-
tiors, whether existing in the form Of
q corporation or otherwise.
The several states may continue to
exercise such power in q manner not to
conflict with the laws of the United
States.
Section 3. Congress shall have pow
er to enforce the provisions of this ar
ticle by appropriate legislation.
We think our readers will agree
with US that language could
rot well have been clearer or
more explicit. This proposed con-
stitutional amendment came up be-
fore the House of Representatives
June 1, 1900. A two-thirds vote was
necessary to insure it's submission to
the American people, in whose good
sense Mr.. Bryan and his followers
have always professed such profound
faith. The roll-call of the House re-
suited in 154 yeas, 1872 nays. OF those
who voted yes, 150-all but four-were
Republicans. OF those who voted no,
124 were Democrats and five We're Pop
ulists.
In a speech at the trust conference in
Chicago, Sept. 16, 1899, Mr.. Bryan de-
clared that he was cordially "in favor
of an amendment to the constitution
tnat would give to Congress the power
to destroy every trust in the country
And yet months afterward, when just
National House of Representatives.
only four Democrats could be found in
that body to vote in favor of submit
ting it to the people of this country, in
whose good judgment Mr.. Bryan and
his followers profess to have such an
abiding faith. And why didn't they
vote for it? Simply because they
feared it would be carried out and
thus seal the doom of certain grasping
monopoles to whom they were to go
that very summer for election funds.
The lobby Of the trusts said to the
Democrats: You stand by us in this
matter. If you permit this amendment
to be submitted to the American peo-
pie, not one dollar of our money will
you secure in the coming national
campaign" And that was why when
the question of the submission of that
proposed amendment came up in the
House, only four of its Democratic
members had the courage to vote
yes" Could anything demonstrate
more clearly the utter hollowness and
insincerty of Democratic professions
on this question?
In view of the record, how empty are
the high sounding phrases with which
Democratic writer's and speakers have
ardea vorad tn mako the publjc baliaye