The Montgomery advertiser., 1908-12-06

manner can beat his own country. This one thing is all-it is the only feature or characteristic. which hc feels overtops his own America.
 What is wrong with us? Nothing serious but enough to give us thought and concern. It has set Americans to writing articles on The Non- -Observ- ance of the Law" where the statement is eooily made that of all civilized na- tiona there is least respect for law in America. We are told that life and property rights are held more chsaply In America than in any other country of civilization. We are told and we do not know whether statistics are true or not that there are more violent deaths In the single County of Jefer- son, in the state of Alabama, than In all the British Isles We are told that human life is held more cheaply in Alabama than In any other known country of civilization and christianity. And we do know--no matter how call lons We are. or how thoughtless we are. that human life has too little as- surance and that our people have too little respect for the law.
 We get back to that thought in which there Is a warning--that with all our wealth and strength we are yet young as a nation. What. then Is our danger? If Is republican dam ger, a democratic danger. It Is the danger--ths- single one of a govern msnt by the people--of contempt and indifference to the laws we make It Is probably more serious than the ay- craze man apprehends. but .thoughtful leaders have called out the note of warning.
 Corruption vs. nemagosy. 4f am convinced after a more or less extensive Knowledge of and acquaint- anceship with public men. that there is much less corruption in public life than Is generally believed. I am con- vinced. too. that where one man sacri- nces his conscience for a monetary beneit a hundred officers sacrifice | thetr convictions for political benefit. | l believe that the public official who I settles the course of an official action when he answers the question. "How much money is there In 1t for mef' Is l rare. But believe that there are too l many public officials who, deciding an ofiieial course. asks one of two aues- ! tions: How will this affect my polit- ioaI future?" or How will this affect the friends who stood by me and elect cd meT'
 I do not. believe that Bur public men. as a rule, sacrifice their convictions and consclencea for money directly or indi- rectly. wish could believe that the instances are rare in which they put aside conviction, that political prefer ment may come with more ease and more certainty.
 The Non~O Observance of the Law. if we take 1t to be the single menace to oure institutlons has a paFentage of corruption and demagogy: The two have produced tha menace and laid our government open to its only just crit lclsm, And of these demagegy does more harm than corruption. This .of course Is not the popular Idea. The popular idea, and it is in itself a weak n6ass IS 10 loosely charge all public of- ficials with corruption. The charge is not trua.
 Nor Is 1t true, on the other hand, that all our oificiais stoop to tricks of the demagogue, before and after they get In ofiee. But demaaogy. the will fngness to do anything that seems popuiaf, that throws aside convictions because they stand in the way that overiooks a duty which might bring unpopularity. that would rather be popular than be right, that does not fear to be on the wrong side but is mortally afraid of being In the minor. ity, this as we grow older we will ind is Pandora, who opened the box out of which our ills have flown.
 H The True Fear.
 It is one mans opinion that the time has come when we should fear corrup- ton less and demagogy more, for in the South at least we are not beset by corruption, whatever may be the Louis and New York. But when dem- agogy's the only wear. 1t Is time for another kind of thought
 <. If Jefferson's ideal of democracy ever meant anything 1t meant a rep- resentatiwe form of government. He planned the American government on that idea-that the people should rule. but rule through regularly selected representatives. The greatest Demo- crat that ever lived would have been astonished at the theories of today that bear the stamp of approval of the party which he founded. He mapped out the Senate of the United States as q body which should be made iup of members selected by Legislatures and which should act as cheek and con servative balance on the lower House, which was supposed to act more, im- patiently and more hastily. What he would say of the popular theory of overturning the governmental Drinci- pie in which he so strongly believed and substituting for 1t the direct vote on Senators by the people can well be left to the imagination. And no man need be In doubt as to his opinion of so-calle1 lnl&tlVe ana reIerSndum, which would overturn the representa- tive government which he founded.
 What the wise old governmental philosopher feared and sought to avoid Is happening. We are not given to doing the right thing. We are too busy trying to find out which Is popu- lar and trying to be first with 1t. We count the lineup on every question and then jump over to the big side. We haven't got our head in the air searching the stars for ideals. We can't do that while we keep our ear to the ground and keeping the ear to the ground is the most fashionable thing just now in politica
 Nothing Is terrible except to be with the minority. Nothing Is to be feared except a loss of popularity. And hold ing such ideals how can we expect our Legislatures to do anything but pass laws which may work evil. but which are demanded by the temporary major lty? And fearing nothing like we fear unpopularlty, how can we be ex- pected to enforce unpopular laws, or how can we put the law on the man who can make us unpopular The man