The Spokane press. [volume] (Spokane, Wash.) 1902-1939, 1908-10-09
BY gibson GARDNER

When the democratic party came
into being there were none. of the
conditions which have gone to
make the present democratic is
sues. There were not great bust
ness corporations, no huge railroad
systems, no wealthy industries
fostered by tariff. Thomas Jeffer-
son, to whom democrats refer as
a patron saint, was farming gen
tleman of Virginia. He believed
in the farmers life, was opposed
to big cities, or any other form of
concentration. He watned ma
ton like his native state. He op-
posed concentrated government,
and believed in regulating local
matters locally. He had many
splendid ideas.
The democratic party of 1854
60 was the party of the vested
interests Slavery was to the
country then much what Wall
street is today. The wealth which
then bought senators and courts
was the wealth of the slave-holding
south. The "progressives' and
the radicals" of that day were
the Lincolns, Summers, Medills and
Greeleys. These headed the vari-
GUS movements which finally wiped
out slavery in bloody war.
The democratic party became
the heritage of that wretched
strife. South, it opposed numer-
GUS ill-advised and oppressive
measures by which republicans in
power attempted to reap the fruits
Of victory. They called 1t recon
struction" work. This, to southern
white men, came to stand for negro
domination.
North, during 80 years following
the war, the term democrat stood
for little more than general opposi-
ton to the ruling powers. 1t was
the minority out of power. 1t was
composed mainly of the elements
of discomfort. 1t was loosely Or
ganized and poorly led. But it had
a certain strength always from
what has come to be known as the
solid SOUTH"
Twenty years of taking the re-
sponsibility" finally did for the re-
publicans. Grover Cleveland was
elected. The issues" of that CAM
paign were not so much funda-
mental principles as they were
criticism of rulifg powers and
candidates. Abuses had grown up
There were scandals of all sorts.
The democratic party appealed
successfully to the voters to turn
the rascals out. This was the
Blaine campaign. There was
some agitation for a revision of
the tariff-a cry of tariff for reve-
nue. only.
In the eight years which follow
ed, tariff grew to be the issue
which divided republicans from
democrats. The republicans were
in power for one term under Har-
rison, and then came the second
Cleveland term. Cleveland and
some members of his party stood
honestly for such revision of the
schedules as would make living
cheaper for the poor man, and
check government fostered monop-
olies.
The republicans stood by the
tariff structure they had built
Cleveland's party never had a
chance to try out it's tariff theories.
During Cleveland's first term con-
gress was dominated by republi.
cans; during his second, his quar-
rel with the senate made him inn
potent.
In the various tariff bills the
tariff fostered interests had their
way.
Between 1892 and 1896 the demo-
cratic party underwent a revolu-
ton. The country saw hard times,
especially in the west. Crops had
failed, farms were mortgaged,
money was scarce, and even the
product of the silver mines no long,
er brought it's former price be-
cause the government had passed a
law stopping the coinage of silver
dollars.
The Chicago platform and Will
liam j. Bryan's nomination result
ed.
This platform was very different
from the democratic platforms of
the previous 30 years. Those plat
forms had dealt with dead or
trifling issues. This declaration was
revolutionary. 1t said that the gov.
eminent had fallen into the hands
of the money power, and the coun-
try was now plutocracy rather
than democracy. In addition to
demanding a restoration of free
coinage at the ratio of 16 to /, 1t
demanded many Of those things
which have since come to be
known as the Roosevelt policies"
IL To- L..