Goldsboro weekly argus. [volume] (Goldsboro, N.C.) 1885-1909, 1908-08-27

generally bear thesf names of 1egisla-
sors; they are really drawn by the rep
OF the interests which de-
mand protsction. These representa-
tives claim to belthe: guardians of the
la boring men, and yet they carefully
that will require ths.fguardians to exc
cute tie trust. It. is strange that SO
many voters have been so long deceiv-
ed as to the object and operation of the
laws~which are ostensibly designed for
the Drote ction of the wage earners; it
can only be accounted for on the the
ory that the svoters have not under
stoed either the theory OF protection or
the facts that are relied upon to sup
po-t it.
Mr. TAFT finds the greatest alarm in
the folle winggclaase in orr platform:
GRADUAL reductions should be made
II such other schedules as may be nee
basis
He regards this threaten ed departure
from the protective system as fatal.
We are here brought face to face with
tths thsoretical differences between the
positions at the two parties>o on the SUBJ
ject of tariff. The Democratic party
regards tariff lew as a revenue law,
the protection itgives being incidental;
the Republican party regards tariff
law rs franaed pri marily for protection,
the revenue being incidental. As the
effect of a given rate on a particular
article Is the same, whether levied for
the purpose of revenue Or for the pur-
pose of protection, it may be we'll to de-
tine the difference between a revenue
tariff aud a protective tariff. A1rave-
nue. tari is ,se!trame ed as to collect q revs
nus and You stop when y ou get enoE gh;
a protective tariff may be.so framed as
to collect but littlersvenus,a ,and yet lay
a heavy burdan upon the People-and
yeu never know when to stop. Te il
lustrats; a tariff may be made SO high
as to absolutely prohibit importation.
II, in such q ease, the manufactur
yield to the temptation mentioned ky
Mr.. Taft and >osmbine to take advant-
heavily taxed, and yet none OF the
money will reach the treasury
But the wheke system is vicious
Business should not be built nponE
legislations it SHOULD stand upon it's:
own merit. and when itt6oes stand up
ifS ho1
have purer politics, but we shak have
2ess fuctuation in business conditions
and a more equitable distributisn of
the proceeds OF toll
The panic Of 1907 same after the Re
SRublicans had been in complete
control of the federal government
for more than ten pears. They had had
an opportunity to dc everything that
they wanted to do and to undo every
thing that needed to be undcne, and
we were under such high tariff that
even Secretary Taft admitted the ne
cessity of revision. This panic was so
bad that banks felt it necessary to do
something that they had never done
before namely, arbitrarily limit the
amount of money that depositors could
draw on their own accounts. Ex-Sec-
retary Shaw says that the stringency
of 1907 was 'the severest the world has
ever witnessed.'' With this panic
fresh in his mind, is it not strange that
he should argue that his election is
necessary to prevent panic?
| For 25 years the American working
man has been told that he receives
higher wages than the Englis work
man solely because of protection, but
our wage earners now know that this
cannot be due to protection, because
the English workman receives higher
wages than the German workman, al
though the German tariff is higher
than the tariff of Great Britain.
Protection does not make good wages
Our better wages are due to the great
or intelligence and skill of our work
men, to the greater hope which free