New-York tribune., 1908-11-15
prero8afives of OId-World
Rulers with Regard to
Forei8n Relations.
Copyright. 1905. by the Brentwood Company

PRINCE RiiIoW's speech in the Reichstag on
last Tuesday in reply TO the Interpolation ad-
dressed to him in mis- capacity Of Chancellor ~
the leaders OF the various nti-adInlnistratlon
parties on the subject OF THE London Daily
telegraph interview was the most notao!e
event of last week and attracted an immense
amount Of attention, both at home and abroad.
The speech OF the prince seems to have oeen
interpreted in many quarters. especially on this
side of the Atlantic as pledge that the Kaiser
would abstain In future from personal interfer-
ence in the management OF the foreign relations
Of the empire and would leave the direction
thereof entirely in the hands Of the Chancellor
and OF the Secretary OF State for Foreign At
fairs both Of whom are liable to be called upon
for explanations by parliament. It appears to
be assumed moreover, that IN adopting this
course William II VIII be complying with the
terms of the constitution. which he is held to
have vioiated by the remarks escribed to him
by The London Telegraph" as we'll as IN the
Morocco imbroglio and in the contreteInps re
lating to Ambassador Hill.
This construction placed upon Tuesdays de-
bate in the Reichstag at Berlin Is not altogether
correct The exact words of the Chancellor,
literally translated, were as follows: Il have
IN the last few days acquired the personal con-
viction that the rejection by England of his
advances and the excitement which has pre-
vailed during the last week In Germany, viii
lead the Emperor to maintain that reserve IN
his private conversations which is Indispensable
to uniform policy and to the authority OF the
Crown Otherwise neither / any of my sue
cessors would be able to assume responsibility"
POWERS OF THE CHANCELLOR.
It will be noted that the Chancellor avoids all
reference to the constitution OF the empire.
Now there is very good reason for this since
there is nothing whatsoever In the terms Of the
constitution of the German Empire which rem
ders the Chancellor or any other minister Of the
empire responsible for the Emperor, either In
connection with foreign affairs. or with his pri-
vate utterances. The terms of the constitution
expressly invest the King Of Prussia, as presi-
dent OF the confederation OF sovereign states
comprised IN the empire and as Kaiser, with
the exclusive right of representing the empire
among nations. Of declaring war and concluding
peace In the name Of the same. Of entering into
alliances and other conventions with foreign
countries and with the accrediting and
ception of ambassadors For a declaration Of
war in the name OF the empire the consent Of
the Federal Council. composed of the penipo-
tentiaries in Berlin Of the federal states, shall
be required But this is not requisite in the
event of any attack upon German territory or
upon its coasts"
The constitution does not say that the direc-
ton OF Germany's foreign relations Is vested
IN the hands of the Chancellor, but solely in
those of the Emperor. The only thing that is
said In the constitution about the Chancellor
is that all the decrees and ordinances of the
Kaiser promulgated in the name of the empire
shall require FOR their validity the signature OF
the Chancellor of the Empire. who thereby be-
comes responsible for their execution. But there
is nothing said IN the constitutional copy OF
which / have before me-of the ChanceOrs
being accountable 20 parliament for the charac-
ter of these DEGREES. He is merely responsible
for their execution: and their initiation and
preparation belong, according to the constitu-
tion. to the Kaiser alone. Prince Bismarck the
first Chancellor. repeatedly deied the Reichstag
during the lifetime Of old Emperor William
declaring In the most brutally outspOken fashion
that he denied any responsibility toward the
legislature. and that there was nothing in the
constitution that compelled him to render &C
count to parliament. In word. that he WIS
the man. not Of parliament. but OF the EN-
peror.
Nor would It be possible to introduce the sys-
tenn OF ministerial responsibility into the affairs
of the German Empire without g complete re-
vision and reorganization of the German con-
stitution. The ministers Of state, like the
Chancellor. do not hold their office dependent
upon any legislative majority. as IN England IN
France III Italy and in a number of other con-
sututional countries. but only so long as thev
enjoy the good will and the confidence OF the
Emperor. If Chancellor we're to refuse to
countersign decree or ordinance promulgated
by the Emperor, or to approve OF his act he
would be quickly asked for his resignation. or
else dismissed, and some one more amenahIs
appointed In his place AS long as this is the
case IL is ridiculous to talk about "the constitu-
tional responsibility OF the ministers of the
empire or TO run away with the apparently
widespread impression that there ix anything