Nome industrial worker., 1908-05-08
outh, was dominated by the slave

South, was dominated by the slave owner.
 In the slave states this power was insolent, brutal and defiant, It ruled with the lash. It's code of ethics could be read in the tracks of its blood hounds In the so-called free states it ruled by threat and intim- idation. Northern tradesmen were infinitely cowardly. 'In it's pres ence," again quoting Philipps, "the North knelt and whispered.
 The whole country was Ill the grasp of this heartless and corrupt power Chattel Slavery.
 The President was its tool, the Supreme Court its vassels, and Sen ators and Representative its lackeys, politicians, editors and preachers its retainers and mercenaries, the work ing class and the country at large its private estate.
 | The Picrces, Buchanans, Websters, Clays, Calhouns and Douglasses were the political chattels of the slave own CTS. They were of exalted rank in the slave administration, known as statesmen, and honored above all others by the cowardice and venality of that degenerate age. When history is rightly written and men and events are juslty judged they will be relegat- ol k> 1l, son, Parker and other disreputable agitators and Undesirable citizens' will replace them as the sturdy pion- eers and ideal heroes of an enlightened age.
 With but the change of names the indictment of the chattel slave power and it's political tools by Phillips above quoted applies perfectly to the wage-slave power which rules the country today. For Webster, Clay, Calhoun, and Douglas, the leading statesmen and politicians under the regime of wage slavey, and its most eminent and ignoble mercenaries. sub stitute the name of Taft Root, Hearst, and Bryan, and the analogy is complete Of the four first named three were presidential aspirants and basely sur rendered to the slave owners to secure their support. They all died of dis appointed and humiliated, Webster most of all.
 Of the four last named all are presi- dential candidates and they will very likely share similar fate, Bryan most certainly and most completely of all
 The position of Bryan is strikingly analogous to that of Webster half century ago. The great "expounder" was nominally opposed to chattel sla- very and posed as the champion of popular freedom but he wanted to be president and, this low ambition for personal aggrandizement cost him his honor, his self respect and his life. The great "commoner' of today is nominally opposed to wage slavery and poses as the friend of the com mon people-but he also wants to become president, and he will as in- evitably fail for the same reason and with the same result.
 The great strusggle half century age was between the abolitionists and the slave holders. Those who at temptd to occupy neutral position were forced to the one side or the other, or sank into oblivion. The struggle today is between the wage slaves who are figting for freedom and there capitalist masters who are fight ing to keep them in subjection. There is no half way ground.
 Lincoln said fifty years ago thta the country could not exist half slave and half free, that it must become wholly slave or wholly free ;and the same incontrovertable fact fconfronts the nation today. The Socialist move ment, expressing the material inter ests, the intellectual convictions and moral aspirations of the working class, is the abolition movement of the present day, infinitely greater than it's prototype of two score and half years ago.
 The capitalist administration of Theodore Rooseelt is mortgaged body and soul to the industrial slave mas ters, as was that of Franklin Pierce to the Chattel slave owners Tn the middle of the last century.
 The agitators and revolutionists. Phillips called them ,were hated and bounded then as they are now, and as they will be until slavery in every form is free.
 The despotism reared by capital must grapple with and overthrow by means of industrial and political agitation and organization. In the coming battle we will have the oppor-