Waterbury evening Democrat., 1908-09-05
SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM
Explslns Why li Should Be Call.
 ed Revolutionary.

nrst leaders of what is called scien.
 tinc socialism. That the revolution
 ary feature was in later days recog-
 nized as too radical by some is evi.
 dent from the reform wing that has
 sprung up In ranks of socialists and ! that goes under the name of revision
 fists. K. Kautsky Is a good socialist
 and he gives us definition of revo-
 lution as understood in socialist
 ranks. It Is so lengthy that space
 forbids literal citation. One who
 reads 1t in Kautsky's 'The Social
 Revolution" will find the following
 correct compendium. Revolution
 is a struggle between the oppressors
 and the oppressed, the rulers and the
 ruled. In the economic world it Is
 the struggle between the capitalist
 and the laborer-a struggle in which
 all other classes will disappear. It
 is unrelenting war between the rich
 capitalist and the enslaved prole-
 tartan. The reformists have the
 same end in view as the revolution
 ist. the establishment of co-opera- [ tive commonwealth by a gradual
 transforming of the economic struc-
 ture of society. Collective owner-
 ship and the control of production and distribution are the watchwords of both. And 1t may be questioned
 If the reformist is not the more dan
 gerous, for under the velvet glove is the mailed fist Ha.....-
 At any rate the reformist is only
 a small portion of the socialist ranks
 and of only recent date. The philoso-
 phy of socialism as laid down by its
 leader is essentially revolutionary. In their first appeal, "The Commun- sistic Manifesto" they declare that
 the immediate aim or communism is
 that of all proletarian parties; forma-
 tion of the proletariat into a class
 .s.s and conquest of political
 power by the proletariat. And En-
 gel in his Socialism, Utopian and Scientific" (page S6) describes the
 manner of seizing public power in
 language that leaves no doubt of the
 revolutionary character of socialism
 It is true that men like Bernstein,
 Untermann and Won Vollmar have
 attempted to tone down the revolu-
 tionary feature, but they have met with comparatively little success. The Erfurt Programme of 1891 tells us that socialism aims at the enamel patton of the proletariat, but that such emancipation can never be ef- fected without being first invested with political right and political power. The reform party, whether sincere or only opportunist waiting for more favorable opportunity to strike radical blow, received a stag gering setback at the Dresden con- vention of 1903, where their schemes of reformation were defeated by a vote of 2SS to II. That convention decreed as follows: "The conven. tion rejects in the most decisive man. ner the revisionist efforts to change our hitherto tested and victory. crowned tactics, resting on the class struggle, by substituting for the con. quest of political power through the overthrow of our opponents, a policy of conciliation with the existing order of things" The above men, tioned K. Kautsky was a delegate to that convention and the following is his expression of the object of social | ism: Tt is, therefore, the conquest | Of the powers of the state by hith- | erto oppressed class. in other words, ! the political revolution, which is the essential characteristic of the social revolution. This leaves no doubt | where the vast body of socialists stand.
 The Dresden convention was rati- he'd by the internationalist socialist congress held in Amsterdam in 1904 and representing nearly every civ slized country. Later in 1905 the French socialists, differing in some details, nevertheless united on a rev programme. In America there are two wings of the socialists, the socialist labor party and the socialist party of America" The former in its platform says: We call upon the wage carriers of the United States and upon all other honest citizens to organize under the banner of the socialist labor party Into class-conscious body to con- quer them (capitalistsl by taking possession of the public powers that we may put summary end to that barbarous struggle by the abolition of classes, the restora- ion of the land and of all the means of production. transportation and dis ,r1bution to the people as a collective body" The socialist party of Amer ca assembled at Chicago decreed he following: There can be no possible basis for social peace, for individual freedom, for mental and moral harmony, except in the con 'cious and complete triumphing of he working class as the only class hat has the right or power to be. Such measures of relief as we may ,e able to force from capitalism are ut a preparation of the workers to eize the whole powers of govern nent, in order that they may there y lay hold of the whole system of government, and thus come into heir rightful inheritance And so ood socialist as Eugene Debs said. There is not line in that platform hat is not revolutionary
 A. M. Simons. one time editor of , he Internationalist and Social Re- ( few. in speaking of the Chicago con- f ention, says: The socialist party f f America stands is the most intel gently revolutionary and uncom- ( ronising position of any socialist ( arty in the world" And James T. i an Renssalaer, perhaps the most l rominent socialist in California tells a g There is no Socialism that is not I