The daily morning journal and courier., 1907-07-16


 Of information is apparent in the very lively interest aroused by the recent articles in the North American Re- view by James H. Blount,. who has been invalided home from the Philip pines after a residence there of seven years, two years in the military ser vice and five years as judge of the court of first instance of the islands. MT. Blount's plea for Philippine inde- pendence is based upon every ground except the military one, which he does not touch upon. The element of mili- tary weakness, in holding distant and disaffected possessions difficult of de- fense, comes into consideration now as an additional argument to suport his thesis.
 Many Americans, re-reading the oth- CT day the Declaratoin of Independ- ence, with its statement of ''self-evid- ent truths''-the equality of mankind and the inherent right of every peo- pie to determine their own form of government-musth have asked them selves anew how what we are trying to do in the Philippines can possibly be reconciled with our own political professions. We have attempted the reconciliation of course, by the easy assumption that the Filipinos arc mot fit for elf-goyernment,' or that they were not united in desiring it, or that we were going to govern them 80 well and to make them so contented and happy and prosperous, that our Just powers" would ultimately rest upon "the consent of the governed" Judge Blount, who evidently knows what he is writing about and cites a cloud of witnesses to sustain him, deprives us of all these pleasant fictions. We are not governing the islands successfully; the F1lipinos are neither prosperous nor contented; they are more than ever united in the desire for independ- ence, and their distrust and dislike of American rule grow more intense as the promise of self-government is de- ferred.
 The eror is not alone in the costly administration We have set up, which would be burden even in prosperity, a grievous example of "taxation with out representation" While we have annexed the islands, we have not taken them into our economic system, and the tariff which excludes their su- gar and tobacco from the American markets brings them no compensating advantage. We have destroyed their former commerce with Spa'n and given them no market in exchange. Their chief industries are prostrate. As the Manila chamber of commerce said to the Taft party in 1905, "the country is in a state of financial collapse"
 Most of US, knowing little of the real conditions in the Philippines have been content, to leave evrythineg to Secre- tary Taft. But this cheerful plliloso- pher and able man Is himself quite helpless. He has presented the econ orlic aspect of the problem to congress again and again, and congress will do nothing. We wil not make these isl- ands part of the Union yet we have no machinery for administering them as colony. Meanwhile the pos session of the Philippine has cost the United States, in these eight years, moi less than $SO0,0OO,O00 without the least commercial advantage to this country but rather with continuing loss. The mere statement Is appalling.
 1 Since then, we can hope for neither profit nor glory, nor for anything bui Inn,,efon+ .,, e,,ana ie fhara ,,n4 .oa eny in the wish that some means may bt found to extricate the country iron this onerous engagement? Judge Bloun belives--and this is his positive con. 1 tribution to the discussion-tha z Icompetent Filipino government could be established in very short time under the auspices of men who art both able and trusted, such as some that he names, if only there were { definite promise of independence at { fixed date. The people want independ. ence and vii not be satisfied until they get it: give them that certainty ant their discomfort iS at an end.
 This thought is elaborated in Judge Blounts two articles, with the further proposition that the United States shall negotiate a treaty or treaties with the great nations guaranteeins the neutrality of the islands and the recognition of their independence whenever granted to them by tho United States, This, it will be per. Iceived, is the essence of his plan, ant Iupon the probability of such an agree ment evidently depends the efficacy O. this solution of our problem It is ad Imitted that we cannot 'scuttle; can
 not sail away and leave the Filipino, to their own devices, a prey to thu first ambitious nation that may b, able to annex them. If we are t
 leave them, it Is plain that we mus first have some international agree
 nent to respect their independence The guaranteed neutrality of switzer
 Hand. to which MT. Blount refers, i scarcely parallel, but a precedent ma, lbe found in the later agreements re Igarding China. The practical ques
 tion is whether the nations most in lterested would enter into such al Iagreement now, and also how far the, Iwould hold the United States respon
 sible for the conduct of it's enfranchis
 led ward.
 Here again the Japanese come int
 vision. Japan undoubtedly covets tn
 Philippines. . So does Germany. Unles
 their neutrality were very positivel
 assured by general internationa agreement, 1t would not be hard to fin
 a pretext for it's infringement, an i've should need to bind not only thes
 two powers, but al ltheir possible allies very closely, not only to keep hand
 off, but also not look to us for an