New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1907-04-26
THE FRENCH STRIKES.

Interest in the present strikes in France
centres chiefly upon the action OF the govern
ment The practical genius Of the French for
s44n-nistratlon has in late years made them
more and more an object lesson for the Eu-
ropean Continent Willingly or unwittngly,
other governments take cues from that OF the
great republic, particularly in social and eco
nomic matters. In nearly every European coun-
try the question Of dealing with labor disturb
ances has in recent years steadily been rising In
prominence and urgency, while the embarrass-
ment and reluctance of governments to deal
with II have not diminished. The French gov
eminent with the strenuous DR.. Clemenceau at
fits head, seems 70 be holder than the rest Or
perhaps the necessity OF action is more nearly
irresistible to it than to any other. At all
events, IL seems TO be seeking a way TO deal
decisively with the problem, while its neghbOrs
look on with fascinated interest
The principle has been laid down by the
French government that the employees OF the
state, In the postal and other services, have
no right to strike. They have at least tacitly
and morally renOunced that right In return for
the hxity Of employment and the pensions which
are guaranteed TO them. They are put In a
category comparable with that OF soldiers and
policemen. Whether or not that is cOnVincingly
logical Il seems 20 be effective, for the civil
servants have abandoned their threatened strike
But those who are striking, or trying to create
a general strike, while not employees of the
state, are scarcely less essential 20 the we'll
being Of the nation They comprise the butch
ers and bakers and grOcers and milkmen and
restaurant men-in brief. practically all the pur-
veyQrs OF food A universal strike OF such ele-
ments OF the population, strictly maintained
would threaten he cities with famine and
would create an intOlerable condition Of affairs
The question has therefore arisen fnr Drac4icaI
consideration 20 what extent and at what point
the government would be justified in interven-
Ing with force for the prevention OF abatement
Of such a calamity.
There Is beginning to arise the principle that
no class or part Of the community has a right
for It's own pleasure or profit to do anything
directly injurious to all the rest To a certain
extent this Is pretty generally conceded. 1t
would be an abOminsbIe thing, for example for
all doctors and druggists to refuse TO treat pa
dents sell medicines and thus doom the sick
70 death. universal strike Of coal miners. or
dairymen, or producers OF any of the neces-
saEfes OF life would be similarly serious But
what could the government do about it? To
compel men TO return TO work when they were
simply abstaining from It without violence
would be scarcely disting uishable from slavery
No doubt the government could and should use
all the power necessary to make il safe for
Others 20 take the places Of the strikers IL they
wished 70 do so. But how IL there were no
others able or willing 90 do so2 Such suppO-
! sttion may seem fantastic, but some recent oc-
currences have appeared TO put it within the
pale OF practical possibilities. and there can be
no doubt that the eminently practical states
men Of France are seriously considering their
duty In such case.
Ihs present strike may pass without much