New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1907-02-13

binary contract debts of foreign governments
Ito her citizens" The continuation or MI
Roots statement may also profitably be re-
called:
For more than a century the State Depart
ment has refused to take such action ana tlal
has become the settled policy Of our country
We deem It to be inconsistent with tnat re-
spect for the sovereignty OF weaker powers
which is essential to their protection against tls
aggression OF the strong We deem the use %
force for the collection of ordinary contract deoLs
to be an invitation TO abuses in their necess4dIS
results far worse, far more baletuI 10
than that the debts contracted by any nation
should go unpaid We consider that the use OF
the army and navy Of great power 10 CoIIIpeI
a weaker power to answer to a contract with
private individual is both an invitation 70 spec
IIlation 1lDon the necessities of weak and strug-
Cling countries and Infringement upon tle
sovereignty of those countries, and we are now
as we have always been, opposed TO H. ana we
believe that perhaps not to-day nor tomorrow
but through the slow and certain process OF tne
future. the world will come to the same opinion
That is n statement consistent with the
American record and with the known facts Of
history elsewhere. 1t is Unhappy notorious
that there has been Speculation upon the ne
CeSslteS Of weak and struggling countries,
with resultant claims Of an exaggerated amount.
It is indSputable too, thar there have been reCk-
less extravaganza on the part Of some Of those
weak and struggling countries and profigacy
IN the use Of money borrowed and in the treat
ment of contract obligations. But the DragO
Doctrine, or the policy Of the United States, or
the principle enunciaed by Lord Palmerston
and repeated by Lord Sasbury-for they are
all substantially the same-would, as 1t seems
to us, operate to discourage and prevent both
those evils. IF money lenders and promoters
generally understood that they could not have
their claims collected by force nor by diplo-
matte intervention. but would be left to the
jurisdiction of the common courts of the coun-
tries with which they dealt they would be far
more circumspect and cautious in making their
investments and contracts, and that circum-
stance in turn would move countries needing
the aid Of foreign capital TO make and show
themselves worthy of confidence
The question is also raised by Dir. De Mar
tens whether it is well TO discuss at The Hague
matters upon which It is improbable that any
definite action will be taken. The general
judgment Of the world will, we think be that
it is. OF course, It would be unfortunate to take
up all or most Of the time Of the congress with
mere talk when there are some important
topics OF which definite disposition could and
should be made. We can safely leave It TO the
Judgment Of the congress not TO fall into that
error But not every important subject can be
finally acted upon the first time 1t IS consid-
cred. There are some subjects which need
much discussion, perhaps continued through
several conferences during term Of years. 1t
IS, indeed, q result Of such deliberations that
some Of the most important and bcnefcent
international conventions have been made. 1t
Will therefore be worth while to have the Draco
Doctrine presented at The Hague and discussed
to an appropriate extent even though it may
not actually be enacted by that congress