Arizona republican., 1907-01-11

moneys worth" This sentence means more than it says: much more than many a high and rolling advertisement of patriotism. It means that the citi- zen of Galveston understands that the business of the city is his own, and is watching it. Ii means that there is in Galveston today the most powerful mo- tive in the world for good government the normal. healthy selfishness of the individual citizen opposed continually to the craft and greed of the exploiters Of the community. And it is the new form of administration which made this possible.
 After all is said. a city is primarily a business body; a great cooperative association for the transaction of com- munity business Through it the in- dividual corporator-the citizen-buys a great variety of things-ways of trav- el, water, light, education, health, pro- tection from vice and violence. Through 1t he now sells, or should sell, the great rights and franchiseS-transpor lighting, electrical communication - which the community has made so inn mensely valuable. A host of vital con- siderations-moral,m mental and physi- cal-depend upon the proper conduct of this community work; but if it is conducted properly every function of the organization is carried out as it should be. Naturally, any successful type of municipal government must recognize these facts.
 The present form of city govern ment in the United States has been failure since its first adoption three quarters of a century ago. It was not framed as a city government in the first place; it was simply the system of the national government transferred bodily to the city. Fifty years of changes and repairs have not adapted it to its use It is still radically wrong. It can not act simply and directly, be- cause it was fashioned to be complex and slow. It can not be clear-cut and responsible. for 1t was intended con tinually to divide responsibility. It can not represent the will of the city, because it's strongest body represents the ward-the most vicious political unit in our democratic government. It is folly to expect efficient administra- ton from this machinery. A thousand unsuccessful attempts at reform show it.
 EVERYBODY KNOWS THE POLICE
 CHIEF-WHO KNOWS AN
 ALDERMAN?
 For the Galveston Commission, it may be sad that it is a small. re- sponsible. business-like body. thorough ly representative of the city. It pro- r1x- proper men to do its work, and-per- haps greatest of all-it produces the normal relation between the citizen and his government. A citizen is interes- ted in good streets, in good lights, Tn good water, In efficient protection from vice and crime-in short in good mu- nicipal service. He observes and thinks naturally along those lines every day of his life Every child in a city knows the fire chief and the police chief and the superintendent of schools. Who knows an alderman Do you? If so, how many; and do you know enough about them to really vote intei''S'nt'y? The citizen of Galveston knows every commissioner of a department He has an intelligent opinion of him, for he judges him by his work, which is be- fore his eyes continually. This one feature is the greatest corrective to bad politics conceivable. It compels the citizen to choose by service. and not by political prejudice or affiliatlon. He will vote for good service, because 1t Is his selfish interest to do so.
 It would be rash to say that the Galveston form of government would be the exact form of future city gov ernment in the United tSates. It must very evidently be adjusted to condi- tions in other cities. The number Of commissioners may have to be increas- ed .though-as has been found by cor porations-there is a distinct limit to the setting off of departments, formed by the business itself. In the case Of the city's administration it is not likely that it would be of advantage to o'have more than seven or. at most, nine de- partments. It may not be necessary to have more than five. Another ad- justment. will be that in the greatest cities it will be necessary for the conl- rnissioners to give all their time to the work. Cities up to 100000 in popula- ton can probably secure the best gov ernment from commissioners who give only a part of their time-as in Calves ton. Cities over that can easily afford to pay for the best managers obtain able in competition with other great corporations. The chief object is to get the proper class of men. The small city can secure them in one way, the larger in another, and both can cer- tairlly find them in their own popula- tiOns.
 But ali this is not important; de- tails for other municipalities can easily be worked out The question is simply one of principle. Is an elective con- mission. composed of department heads the proper form of government for the American city? There will be active objection to it. of course. It will be urged at once that it gives too great a concentration of power. But such concentration is not nearly so hazard ous as is being made upon the mayor, under recent practice. There may be had commissions elected, as there may be A bad mayor. But there is only one danger in the Galveston Commission of e1ecting ruling authority entirely bad. For so long as one honest man re- mains on the board-with it's intimate methods of transacting business-just so long is there a guarantee against great exploitation of the community.