Perth Amboy evening news., 1907-01-23
. GREAT RAID ON CONGRESS.

lud l. q DClly WIN 10 ItldIluR LuG
dramatic story of "The Tariff in Our
Times" in the American Magazine,
passes, in the January number, to an
account of the outbreak of high pro-
tectionism which followed the Civil
War, and of the C C of certain
special interests in obtaining favors
from congress.
The struggle which characterized
the period between 1865 and 1872,
was between those who wanted to re-
duce the duties to a%nte-bellum pro-
portions, and those who wanted to
preserve the high schedule made nee
essary by the war. The fight was a
bitter one, and the wool and iron and
cotton men o
Among the interesting figures in
troduced in this chapter of the mar
rative re: Thaddeus Stevens, and
'Pig-Iron" Kelly, who fought pas
sionately in congress for high pro-
lection; David A. Wells, William B
Allison, James F. Wilson and John
A. Kasson, who led in the fight
against the outbreak of high protec-
ton which followed the war; Andrew
Johnson, who vetoed the copper bill;
John L. Hayes, one of the most pow
erful lobbyists who ever frequented
Washington; John Sherman, Senator
Morrill,, Henry Raymond, "Tax-fght-
emancipation" Pike and others.
OF the raid on congress just after
the war Miss Tarbell gives this gra-
phic picture:
ut was demonstrated that any pri-
vate interest which could secure the
backing of a powerful senator or rep
4 resentative like Sherman of Ohio,
Chandler of Michigan, Kelly of Penn
sylvania, could obtain what it want
ed from the congress of the United
States, though that favor might raise
prices to consumers without giving
them compensation in other direc-
tions, might destroy established in
dustries, and injure an established
commerce.
"By 1870 the tariff was a conglom-
GRAFTON of special favors. These un-
just and ~unscientific duties had not
been laid without protest. Men like
Morrill,, Garfield, Fessenden, Allison,
Kasson, Raymond and Sumner had
warned against the outbreak. 1T
smells of monopoly they said again
and again, and yet most of them when
1t came to the test voted with their
party. Many of the ablest republican
newspapers, especially those in the
west, harangued necessarily against
the u%nfairness of the legislation. But
remonstrance, wen an attempt at dis
cussion, only aroused the angry cry
of free trader from the dominant
faction in congress. 1T has become
impossible, said Mr.. Wells, in his re-
port of December, 1859, for any to
suggest any reduction or modifica-
tion whatever looking to the abate-
ment of prices artificia1ly maintained
in the interest of special industries
without being immoderately assailed
with accusations of corrupt and I'M
patriotic motives
"The tariff legislation was but a
part of the deplorable and general at
tempt which followed the war to
make congress do for the individual
what it was his business to do for
himself. Men seemed to believe that
heir futures depended on legislation
Ito have forgotten or realized
hat legislation can do nothing more
than distribute WEALTH. cannot
produce it, and that the only way you
can get money to legislate into the
pocket of one individual is by taking
It out of the pocket of another. Wash
ington had come to be filled with as
fne a band of plunderers as ever be-
5ieged a national congress, tax swind-
lers, smugglers, spectators in land
grants, railroad lobbyists, agents OF
ship companies, mingled with the
representatives of industries seeking
protection, until it seemed as If con-
yress was little more than a relief
bureau. At n time in 1869 there
we're Al railroads or would-be rail
roads seeking aid in the house and 81
IN the senate. What was to be the
fleet of this outbreak of projections
SIN? Many sober people asked them
elves the question in dismay. But al
he moment everybody was looking to
Grant. The new president would GER
ainly help the situation-bring back
congress and the party to candid dis
cussion, institute economies, clear
Washington Of the self-seekers."