The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1907-08-16

required OF prisoners of war. but only
such work as is suitable TO their rank
and position. On the other hand the
committee declined to forbid peTemp-
torily the ~traversing of neutral territory
by belligerents-a matter OF vital mo-
ment to Belgium and Switzerland
confined itself to the academic statement
and belligerents should respect IL. The
most important achievement Of the COM
mittee was the prohibition of the throw
ing Of explosives from balloons and air
ships. Whether this measure will meet
with approval in the plenary session is
doubtful, for while it would benefit Great
Britain and other strong naval Powers it
would deprive nations weak at sea OF u
possible resource.
IL would be premature TO describe
the second peace conference AZ a waste
OF time and labor, while it liz still I'M
certain whether the American modi-
fication Of the Drago doctrine concern
ing the forciblc collection Of contractual
debts will be embodied in the law Of ma
tions. The adoption of that principle,
ably advocated by General PORTER,
would represent a substantial advance in
the substitution of pacific for violent
means Of settling international disputes.
IL begins to look, however, as il this
would be the only substantial outcome
Of the international gathering at The
Hague, considered as an instrument de-
vised for the intimidation Of the chances
Of war. Viewed in its other aspect, that
OF a concerted effort to improve the
status Of neutrals and alleviate the suf-
ferings and losses caused by warfare,
through exempting the private property
of the subjects OF a belligerent nation
when not contraband) from seizure and
through strict limitations Of the right of
bombardment, the second Hague confer
ence must be pronounced almost futile.
The question therefore is pressed upon
us whether the aim Of humanizing warfare
would not best be furthered by replacing
a so-called universal peace congress in
which all countries are represented and
on which unanimity is required by a small
body confined to the Spokesman of q few
great Powers, like the congress Of Paris.
The regulations made by such a
would, it is true, be binding only upon
the participants and they only would be
at liberty to profit by it's humanitarian
provisions. But outside Powers would
doubtless be invited to become sigma
tories, and many Of them would be
strongly tempted tn do so. II ought not
to be imprscticable for Great Britain.
France and Russia on the one hand, and
Germany, Austria and Italy or the other.
to convoke a congress, which the United
States and Japan, alone of other coun-
tries. might be requested to attend, for
the exclusive purpose of revising and
codifying the rules OF warfare in an en-
lightened and humanitarian spirit. II
unanimity ever among eight Powers
should prove unattainable, a still smaller
conference might be organized, to which
only three Powers, as, for example, the
United States, Great Britain and France,
should be parties, but which should adopt
regulations obligatory, OF course, only on
themselves, but calculated by their in
trinsic merits to command Difference
and ultimately adhesion on the part of
other civilized countries.
Compared with the fulflment Of the
dream of a Parliament Of Man, a FEEDER
alton of the World, this would be but a
humble achievement. It would be cap
able, however, of quick realization.