The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1907-02-22
THE METALS.
THE GALVESTON HEARING.


The meeting of citizens with the spe-
cial legislative committee on municipal
government was a good thing for sew
erai reasons. 1t developed the fact that
the chief opposition to a better city
government plan comes from politicians
like Callister and Fernstrom and Jo-
seph, and that the chief support comes
from business men and citizens gener-
ally who want good city government
and have no axes to grind. It developed
also that the opposition, with the pos
sible exception of Colonel Wall and Mr..
Newhouse. fear the loss of political pat
ronage much more than they fear mis-
government of the city.
OF the men who have had experience
in city Office, F. B. Stephens and Coun-
Gilman Fernstrom are typical of the
two sides. Mr.. Stephens has served as
city attorney, he is familiar with the
workings of the present system, he
knows its defects as we'll as it's few
good points; and he is firmly convinced
that the simple form of government
contemplated in the Galveston bills is
most desirable.
FernstrOm, on the other hand. says
the new plan is theoretical, not practi-
cal that ii would effect no improve
ment thatff would give too mucn pow
er to the trustees. that it is contrary
to the spirit Of American institutions,
that it would build up a political ma
chine to elect from the city at large in
stead of from the municipal wards, that
the idea is more nearly like the secret
council of Venice than the government
of a free American city.
Fernstroms objections sum up the
practical politicians reasons for oppo-
sition. Take them in order: Isn't it
practical business policy to put the
city's affairs in the hands of a respon-
sib1e business organization with power
to get action and with direct RESPONSE
bility to the whole city instead of a
responsibility divided among fifteen
men from five wards?
Is it any more dangerous to give the
power to do business into the hands of
three responsible men rather than into
the hands of fifteen. who divide up the
city offices emong all their followers as
a reward for political service and with
very little regard for their competency
or honesty?
Isn't il pure nonsense to talk about
any. election by the people as being con-
trary to the spirit Of American institu-
tions?
And could there be a more puerile
plea than Fernstrom's declaration that
the Galveston plan is like the secret
council of Venice rather than like the
free government of an American city?
The city government would still be
by elected officials chosen in public
conventions and canvassed as to fit
ness and honor for weeks before cleo
ton: the transactions of the city gov
eminent would be in the open, observed
of all men-not in secret caucuses and
private committee conclaves as now.
With all the business managed by three
trustees it would be a simple matter to
watch the proceedings and fix RESPONSE
bility for. every nation. whereas now.
as Fernstrom knows. the department
heads. the council committees. the city
officials generally don't know for them
selves all the time just what is going
on or what is being done.
As for political machines: Could any,
thing he more subversive of good city
government than Fernstrom's little ma
chine in the Third precinct. Mulvey and |
Davis in the Fifth. Watermaster Hines
in the city at large and the numberless
little Raleigh machines and Moreton |
machines and Swenson machines spread
all Through the city oHices2.
When a nominating convention-is in
prospect all these little maehinists get
together and trade votes and make
promises based on the hope of office: |
after election. if they win, the trades /
are carried out by appointments to city
jobs solely as payment for political |
services to the machines, not as a rec
ognitien of special fitness for sne work
to be done. II is possible a machine
might be built up under the new sys-
tenn. but II would have to be dene sol
cpensy that the people would know
y nat Ma up.~.zls1eas. Under present