The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1907-08-31

principle of compulsory sale of their
holdings by landlords to evioted ten-
ants. was under discussion as a Minis
terial project of flrst-class Importance
of secession from a Parliament with
a House of Commons of whom the
overwhelming majority were In genuine
sympathy with Irish popular rights and
aspirations, guided by a Cabinet two
thirds Of whom were in favor Of the
establishment of free Irish Parlia-
ment. and on the eve of struggle.
whose issue is undoubted, of wrestling
from an hereditary and irresponsible
Chamber all power of thwartinR tho
will Of the British democracy in leeis-
lating for themselves and in extending
to Ireland an equal privilege Mr.. Grat-
tan so far back as 1895 had learned to
draw the distinction. not yet perceived
by few persons of the present eener-
alton. between the British nation and
British cabinet not brought into ac-
cord with the sympathies and wishes
of the British nation. II wish" he
said. most ardently to distinguish the
British nation and the British adminis-
tration, and that whatever indisposition
their misconduct may excite, it shall
be confined to them" Grattans seces-
sion from Parliament was, as 1 have
said, contemporaneous with the seces-
sion of Fox from the English House
or Commons What was the effect of
that secession? It's immediate result
was. as Mr. Lecky has placed on reo-
ord. to take away almost all puhlic in.
terest from the proceedings of the
House Of Commons. From 1881 till the
close of the session Of 1907 there ara
excellent reports of its debates which
are Of the greatest possible value to
every serious student of Irish history.
From this period to the period of the
Union debates our knowledge Of what
passed in the House Of Commons ia
of the vaguest and most fragmentarv
character. derived chiefly from short
newspaper reports, and the check upon
public conduct Of Parliamentary criti-
cism was practically abolished. But
Grattan's secession from the Parlia-
ment. whose theoretical independence
his own genius had established. had
more serious results. 1t is no exaR-
geration to say that If Grattan had
stuck to his guns, despite discourage
ment and defeat, Ireland would have
been spared. IL not indeed the Insur-
rection Of '98. some of the verv most
appalling atrocities perpetrated by the
unrestrained license Of the troops by
which that Insurrection was charac-
terized, and above all, the act Of union
would in all probability never have been
carried. If Grattan had remained in
the Irish Parliament there is little
doubt that the reign Of terror through
which, by imprisonment without law.
detention in prison without trial. trans
portation without law, burning houses.
'oA'AAA6 AoSeoeCS, uQurOofSs
proclamations for the disarminr Of tha
people. all the engines which were put
In motion to goad the people into in.
surrection in order to carry the Union
would have been restrained, while the
great influence Of Grattan could have
been used to the preservation of ma
tional rights by moderating the vio-
lence Of the Government on the ono
hand and the evaporation Of the peo-
pie on the other. In the general elec-
tion Of the Parliament which was
elected in the summer Of 1897, to which
Grattan and his friends did not seek
election-the last Parliament of Ire
land-the faintest rumor Of Legisla-
tive Union was never heard, nor was
that measure in contemplation by the
Government as a project coming within
the range of practical politics. After
the election of that Parliament the.
measures for driving the people into
insurrection were redoublsd. and the
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