The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1907-09-22

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~ fns fnrur'r ruwurpmis~ required vrars
vhere wv" lti.'' r"-i"l months w" ~"
tod ~ mo aufhor ~ tho hork hefors va
thai iuar rtp brai through 'he rerinh ~
wear sofno Ii.yrs-iHp vsre vont a~ft"rw'tt
To cay DO upf cock ipt tr' principles winch
Glllod u4 chance ATONE Wa our master
Inv ~ iHn ,iIIsnutator4 nv tho work tho
Duo ~ Hruliin admitted tnst 'svsrvthinR
n Tho prgpri. Boz ~ $50 hears Tho trace ~
IN a.=embasa OF urorpn'iahle elements
which were hroupnf tngp'hor WI y view
w trau-itory ,pn,''l Tie comment of
. = Wei.s Na- that r's National Assembly
dreamed ~ a monarchy whila realizing a
repuhhc - ipcoh"rnnt was II hat the
name ~ Constitution va- moi Inscribed upon
n 10 thi. Iav o. - referred 70 simply ~
tho LaV 81 1919
II - at tho same time unieniahle that
o. the general election ~ 1911 universal
suffrage. consulted under conditions of
exceptional sincerity. had intrlzted the
reprcsantation of the nation 10 very honest
though very inferior men. The same thing
had been remarked by DE Tocqueville of
the constituent Assembly Of isis. The
members 81 the former regime dared not
show themselves,-. he wrote; they left
the field clear for se0 tradesmen. law ers
and land owners from the provinces -timid
and peace loving people. full Of good in
tentions. but entirely new To public life"
This was true also ~ the assembly which
met in Bordeaux. There was a difference.
however. The experiences Of ls4s served az
n warning to 1871. The Deputies Of the
Bordeaux Assembly had not forgotten the
June DAYS of lsss, nor December ?. 1881;
moreover they had seen hut yesterday
tho war and they were quickly to see the
Paris Commune. After many years of
disappointment. sorrow and anguish they
feared for the future Of their country. They
were afraid not only Of others but also Of
themselves. What they were most anxious
to guard against was the headlong applica-
ton Of extravagant theories. That was
the reason why both on the Right and the
Left there was a prevailing tendency
toward Cancellation and tolerance. Rigid
doctrinaires were few and UNDECIDED. Espe-
cially were the minds Of the new legislators
full Of the evils brought upon the country
ny n personal power. Hatred Of Bonapart-
ism hung over the debates at Versailles. and
no barrier was To be omitted from the new
regime which could form an obstacle TO the
return of tyranny.
The author of the book before us points
out that in studying the French Constitu-
ton of 1875 We must take into account not
only what il contains but what was left
out. II was more exclusive than inclusive,
more preventive than reconstructive-in in
tended rather To- moderate than TO excite
70 sootha the nation rather than exalt il,
In the care With which opposing principles
were balanced VI. Hanotaux sees the proof
Of the scrupleS with which an empirical
rather than a scientific dose was prepared
for a convalescent country. Attention ia
directed. for instance, to tho curious atti-
tude Of the Assembly and of its principal
committees toward popular sovereignty.
They accepted it and leaned upon il in
WIN W. i'Hh' wv" IVY
did not proclaim II and never appealed to
II. In the Committee OF Thirty, where the
debates were secret, men were not afraid
10 speak out. Universal suffrage was a
most fatal gift, said NJ Combier. NJ
ChesIenong went further: "The so-called
law of equality IL a false and EVIL Jaw.
NJ falkland and Others, even more moder-
ate, Joined in the chorus. Universal
suffrage has been but n peril and a lie.
says one. We must break the tyranny OF
numbers added NJ. Cezanne. Here again
we are reminded OF our own Philadelphia
convention. The French Constitution
makers, however, did not, like our own,
have the courage OF their convictions. At
n public sitting they voted laws establish
ing the very principle which they had de-
nounced 80 violently in a private sitting.
II was moreover in the name Of popular
sovereignty that NJ. Chesienong and his
colleagues imposed upon the mooted Res
II = ~ IH.v,N. do IAavahArI nan