The evening star and Newark advertiser. [volume] (Newark, N.J.) 1907-1908, 1907-12-19

parties themselves. to say nothing OF the
unfortunate ~engendering of the baser pas
s~ions-pride, envy and hatred among
brethren. who must ali 60 up or go down
together. The economic loss Is Something
frightful! We will not review the enor-
nous losses sustained by individuals, and
by us, as a people, through strikes.
must realize the obvious fact that
If radicals are to nave their way aud pur-
sue their fight to the finish, a revolution
will shortly be precipitated that can result
only In the absolute control of all industry,
either by despotic capital or despotic labor
or by the State. Control by deSpotic cap
ital or despotic labor, as patriotic Ameri-
cans, we will refuse to consider.
Let us then examine this movement
towards State and National control. Meet
industrial Capitalization by government
Capitalization is the Roosevelt policy in a
sentence.
MIR. Roosevelt is a pronounced federal
list. He believes In a strong centralized
government with large power exercised in
an extended field. His message recognizes
and acknowledges that the day of great
industrial combinations is here; and these,
whether of labor or capital, are not to be
broken up, nor are they to be given control
of the industrials of the country.
What then? They are to be made TO
serve the public welfare through power of
a still greater and stronger combination,
that of the people, acting In and through
the Federal Government.
we must recognize that 1t Is a remedy
that may become necessary, and. as such,
should have our most careful considera-
ton. In the meanwhile let us not lose
sight of that other idea and ideal of gov
eminent which exalts and emphasizes the
responsibilities of the individual citizen,
and even views with alarm paternalisIn in
government. ,
Tho average American. | believe, wants
TO attend to his own business, so far AS
possible, and does not care TO have even
his government attend to 1t for him. Ger
tain it Is that you and l ought to realize
our full individual civic responsibilities,
and then measure up to them as best we
nay
There is a mighty but intangible force
that Is the great kinetlc energy In all our
governing bodies. 1t makes and unmakes
our Presidents, it determines the course of
action for the humblest official. 1t is the
force of public opinion, Of which you and
| are a part.
Both sides are right and both sides are
wrong. Capital is right when 1t says we
should be left free to manage our own
business so long as we are within the
bounds Of statute law and have regard for
that higher law, love they nelghbor as
myself Labo is right when 1t states
that 1t has increased wages, shortened
EotirF. introduced government factory M
spection, has partially done away with
child labor, and has lone other useful and
c~ommendable things.
Capital Is wrong when II forgets that
1t Is the first member of an equation Of
which llh"r ,uu>l ln tho second: whal
through Illegal combinations It selfshly
exacts from the w~nrkingman and the pub
lie profits Capital Is wrong
when in its pride and its might II says.
wealth Is power and it shall exercise
privilege to do as it pleases regardless az
outside sentiment and without any inter-
ference whatsoever as to sanitary condition
or wage given.
Tabor is wrong when 1t gets to a p1ilt
where it dictates to the employer whom he
shall hire and besides. who shall lave Il
right TO labor and for how much, and who
~aA -I-r a t-AzA- H. -,.- -
the output, forbidding any man to earn
more than so much, decides on the nro.
portion of apprentices TO Wprknnen. that is.
who shall advance and who shall not, when
1t tears out work that has been done Nv
%non-union men and requires that It shall
be done over by nnicn mon; when II m
fists that You or ! must join = union or
else re deprived of the RICH; to work.
I'm these points 7 believe both unions
and capital have, In the past. put them
selves beyond the pale of the best senti-
ment and Judgment of the masses OF peo-
pie Mt large. It does not need to be said
levying individual warfare upon them,
concocting schemes TO harass them, rem
derlng 1t unsafe to take contracts on a
large scale and for a long time, is not only
not conducive to c~anital's best interests
but to labor's best interests IN lowering
the standard Of permanency of position
and efficiency in labor.
your American well knows there Is
us mo- iAAhi6iiAA VI
for another man; that all business must
have n responsible head: that the capital
lists of this country, for the most part. were
once working men. and many Of them are
now; that he himself is n capitalist IL he
OWNS bis own home and has a savings
bank account. In fact he Is welded to
that good doctrine, live and let live and
believes in the square deal in theory
and in practise"
''The Ethical Standpoint" was dwelt upon
by The Rev. Charles Sickle. the superin-
teudent OF the department of church and
labor of the Presbyterian home mission
board.
THE average workingman," he said, lis
too close to the labor problem TO under
stand it and the average employer Is too
much wrapped up in the question from his
standpoint to understand It's real economic
significance. The average workingman
understands the real question better than
the average employer. IL every labor
union were wiped out we would still have
the labor question before us.
After ALL" was his conclusion, "the
labor question is a moral and religious
problem. 1t will never be settled uoon
any other basis. 1t viii never be settled
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