Los Angeles herald., 1907-09-23
TELEGRAPHERs STRIKE


II President Roosevelt to take part
in the work of bringing about the arbi-
tration OF differences between them and
the two telegraph companies, and when
the fact was made known to General
superintendent Brooks of the Western
Union company he is reported as
saying:
1--WE have all the men we desire. and
there is no need for us to seek to
secure the services of the men who left
the employ of the company. Further
more. we will never again tolerate the
conditions that existed before the
strike. The action of the union opera
tors before the strike, in deliberately
interfering with the business of the
company, and in abusing those who
failed to join their Organization, will
never occur again in the operating
rooms of the Western Union Telegraph
company. There are ITS operators who
company prior to the strike who will
never again secure work with the COM
pany. They were all trouble makers"
II superintendent Brooks said these
things, especially the blacklist sem
tence, he has done more to help the
public than any act of their own could
have done. 1t is but few days since
the National Association of Manufac-
turers appeared in these columns
through it's president and said
''In every instance in which I have
heard the blacklist mentioned by mem
bers of the National Association of
Manufacturers, or by employers Of any
sort or in any place, it was condemned
as cowardly oppression of the weak
by the strong. For this practice no
defense, no apology, has ever been Of
is worth moments considera-
ton. To this statement there are
no exceptions, no reservations, no linn
itations. The question of the blacklist
has only one side, and that side is
base"
The statement was and is so true, so
filled with the spirit of tolerance and
forbearance that The Herald gave to it
unusual editorial space in helpful COM
ment, and now would call the careful
attention Of Superintendent Brooks and
all men who employ labor to its words
and their meaning.
The blacklist and the boycott stand
out in the history of labor-capital
troubles as the newer proof that two
wrongs cannot make a right, and as
certain indicators that both elements
have a deadline of action over which
public opinion will not follow. How
arbitrary, even tyrannous, are these
words from Vice President Nally of the
Postal Telegraph Gable company. in
the light of the foregoing utterance of
representative employers of labor:
There is not the slightest ground for
the report that we are to arbitrate with
the strikers. Notify all offices and
asure all that there will be no compro-
mise, and to pay no heed to reports to
the contrary"
The BLACKLIST deliverance of Mr..
Brooks, and the arbitrary refusal to
discuss the matter in issue by Vice
President Nally give ringing force to
the charges of unfair dealing made
against both corporations by the teleg-
raphers, and serve to condemn the
assumed attitude of tolerance toward
striking labor as being insincere and
open to the charge of hypocrisy. II
these men after due hearing can be
made to see they erred why not engage
them? Why not hear them that it may
be determined who is right and who is
wrong? The idle boasts of injudicious
individual strikers should not weigh in
the minds of men of large mental
caliber against the rights or claims of
labor as a whole.
The striking telegraphers have been
remarkably peaceful and law-abiding,
and have won a large share of popular
good will, and the people believe these
men should have their day in court that
it may be known beyond doubt just
what the merits of both sides are. The
people are vastly more concerned for q
settlement than either warning faction
seems to be, and something must be
done to meet that general demand.
Blacklists and arbitrary rulings will
not suffice to still public clamor for a
speedy and lasting settlement Of this
hurtful labor trouble.