New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1907-02-05

The old decentralization, Of that Inferno.
tiOndIe which was the boyle OF European states
men, worked in secret for the united action Of
all workingmen regardless of national boun-
diaries. governments and laws for the interdic-
ton Of wars between nations. the abolition Of
all laws and customs discriminating against
wOrkingmen. and the opposition Of organized
labor to organized capital It's reputation was
probably much more formidable than the thing
itself The new internationaIism, which is not
nearly as good it's reputation or its superficial
appearance, aims at a realization OF that vision
of 'the parliament of man. the federation of the
world" which was conceived by n great poet in
his youth only to be repudated by him with
uncommon vehemence in later and more judi
cious years. 1t is not welcome, and 1t may seem
ungrateful and ungracious. TO disapprove any
plan which is put forward by men of undoubted
benevolence and purity Of motives for the wei
fare Of humanity; but when such plan is i'm
practicable it is surely better to recognize the
fact than disingenuously To cherish and encour-
age the fancy.
Note, for example the five recommendations
Of the Interparamentary Union, which the
American Peace Society wants the President to
urge upon the congress at The Hague. The last
two are practical enough though really super
fuous. for there is every reason to expect that
the congress will give conspicuous place in It's
deliberations to the question of the immunity
Of unoffending private property at sea in time Of
war while the matter of an impartial commits
sion to report upon contested issues between
nations before the beginning of hostilities is
already partly arranged in the existing Hague
convention. But what is to be said of the first
of all the recommendations, in behalf Of "a reg
ular international parliament? If a purely vol
untary deberative body is meant such the
congress at The Hague there is no objection
TO it. We already have 1t, practically IN the
meetings at The Hague. But we must regard
parliament as a msnomer when applied to 1t.
A parliament is, in the ordinary use of the word,
lawmaking body, with both responsibility and
authority, with power or associated with q
power capable OF enforcing its enactments. To
suggest that the sovereign nations of the world
should enter such an organization in inter
national affairs. should thus abrogate their own
sovereignty, and should place their most impor-
tant interests in the hands OF aliens, is as I'm
practical as a dogs baying at the moon
Nor is the second recommendation, for "a gen
eral obligatory arbitration treaty" to be more
favorably regarded In some cases international
arbitration is doubtless commendable. That 1t
is desirable IN all cases are certainly not pre-.
pared to concede. There are matters which no
self-respecting nation can or should submit to
alien arbitration. When a nation is absolutely
convinced Of the righteousness of its contentious
in matter involving Its integrity and honor
It seems an impertinence to ask IL TO submit the
dispute to allen arbitration, with the possibility
that the decision will be contrary to justice and
probability that it will be a compromise In
which the nation will be required to submit to
some wrong in order TO secure some good The
notion that international umpires are always of
necessity impartial is quite fallacious There is
on record more than one case OF arbitration In
which, II is true the award was LOYALTY &C.
cepted but OF which one Of the parties has never
ceased 10 believe that It was uniustly treated
by prejudiced umpire. If nations, on their
own initiative or at the suggestion OF others
voluntarily submit their differences to arbitra-
ton. well and good. The result may be gener-
ally banefcial But 70 kay that every nation