davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19

VVYYHEN August Belmont was chair
 N/ man of the democratic na-
 w tional committee that body had no headauarters, and when Zachariah Chandler was chairman of the national republican committee 1t had but one clerk. That Is all changed. Politics in our coun- try is a game that resembles war, in that organization is necessary to sue cess, and money is requisite to organ ization. Hence it Is become a saying with us that just as victory inclines to the side with the heaviest battalions in war between nations so victory comes to the side with the largest campaign fund fin struggles between parties. And it fol- lows that both political parties are busy before the conventions finding out who of the candidates can command the full sst camp chest.
 Mir. Perry Belmont is convinced that the only way to better politics is to ele- vate the idea above the man. or the dol lar. and to that end he is striving to se- cnre legislation that will force publicity In the matter of contributions Of money for political campaign purposes. He be- lie es that the one way to improve con- ditons in party organizations. The way to do that is to nominate for office men for what they believe and for what they are-for the idea they stand for rather than the money they can command. He recognizes that political campaign funds are necessary, but he would make poll tical ideas even more essential. He would have a party to appeal to the reason an1 the conscience rather than to the passion and the greed of the electorate. AnI where is the patriotic. honest man who has read and pondered the revela- tions touching the national campaign of 1904 who is unwilling to aid MT. Belmont tr this endeavor? Mir. William J. Bryan has expressed his approval of it and mo- body has openly opposed 1t. For some reason or other that it is not difficult to conjecture the animus of the Fifty ninth congress refused to enact the legis- lation Mir. Belmont suggested.
 Perry Belmont is the eldest son of Au- gust Belmont. who was so long promi- nent in politics. diplomacy and finance. Bor1 in Alley, Alsace in 1916, the son of a leading citizen of that province. who, was a republican, but not a terror ist, when the mighty revolution of 17s9 AEurst upon Europe, and later, appointed
 I political position of responsibility ! Napoleon, then first consul, August
 Eimont received an excellent education,
 nd when very young man entered the banking house of the Rothschilds at IFrsnkfort. So ready was he to master
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19

Perry Belmont speaks reads and writes French like the most cultivated Parlslan' and one day Samuel J, Randall said to him that q Frenchman was persistently after him about some claim or other In connection with Peru, and he asked Bel mont to talk with the man in his own tongue and find out what it was. Bel mont did have the interview, and that Is the beginning of the story. Chile and Peru were just out of a war in which Peru was disastrously defeated. It was a good time to administer on her affairs, and our government was sought to be made a collecting agent for some rather shady claims. Morton, Bliss & Co. were interested in 1t, and MT. Blaine had writ ten a letter the import of which was to force the collection.I wish I had the space to enter into the particulars, though it is a not very edifying chapter in our history.
 Belmont was on the committee on for eign affairs He cared nothing about the claim, but he cared much about the prae- tice Of making the United States a col lecting agent for all sorts of scamps, and especially foreign scamps whose preten- sions had been repudiated by their own state departments Then. as now. in the matter of campaign funds, Belmont hoped to cure the disease and disregard the symptoms. He prepared resolution Of inquiry, but MT. Kasson, another mem Der of the committee, rose at the same time was recognized and offered reso- lution practically identical with Bel rnont's. The investigation began, and the House committee on foreign affairs be- came the news center of the capital Bel mont had no disposition to assail Blaine, and no intention or doing so; but Mr. Blaine voted himself impugned and came down on the committee in characteristic Blainosdue fashion. He was mad, and mad clear through. What was more. he was astonished, and resolved to sweep Perry Belmont off the political chess board.
 The testimony of MT. Blaine consumed many sittings of the committee. and Bel monts examination of him was just like Senator Morgan's examination of c. F. Huntington-Belmont was resolved to have an answer and Blaine was deter mined not to give an answer. There was a aubble about quotation marks. There was a question as to the integrity of our minister to Peru, and a great many other things; but Belmont chung with bulldog tenacity to Blaine's letter of in- structon, and Blaine persisted in an at titude of insolence that grew into insult. This policy had served him well in n former investigation. and lie had little doubt that he would browbeat Belmont now. He was never so much mistaken in his life. and probably never so much as- tonished as when Belmont met his blus-
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19

reference to temperance legislation should be nominated.
 All these things seem to mean that an effort Is being made to put the church into politics. Since the adjournment of the first part of the session of the present legislature it appears that meetings have begun to be held in the churches on Sundays with a view to the pushing of one phase of the temperance cause. The local option prohibition act and the local option dispensary act adopted by the present legislature makes it probable that during the next year or two there will be a large amount of voting on one phase or another of the temperance ques- tion. Under the circumstances, therefore. 1t is proper that we should consider at this time whether the churches, as churches, should take part in either of these political movements.
 For hundreds of years the Protestants have endeavored at least in their creeds and formulas to separate church from state. In this movement of separation of church and state the Baptists have claim ed to be leaders. On this subject they grow enthusiastic. They claim, if pos sible, to be in advance of any other de- nomination along this line. But if their ministers in their churches nominate can didates, make speeches on Sunday in fla vor of certain voting or political plat form, and take up contributions at Sun day services for campaign purposes, and deny to others the use of the church for advocating other views on the same sub ject, can 1t be claimed with reason that the church is not to such matter deep in politics?
 The reason or excuse given for these proceedings in the churches Is the con- tention that temperance is a moral ques- ton. The contention that the church should look after moral questions may in former times have been the general ex cuse for the union of church and state.
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19

of this nature. From my earliest remem- branee I was carefully trained to accept the Bible as the Word of God, and as sound, safe and satisfactory guide in faith and in practicei and I have never seen the day when I did not believe just this. An overwhelming majority of those who have most powerfully influenced my life and my thinking were believers. In reviewing the list of my teachers, from the dame school marm," who guided my Infant hands in framing my A, B, Cs, to the world renowned scholars and thinkers who taught me in the University of Virginia. l can recall only one who was ever suspected of skepticlsm, and if he ever was skeptieal he conquered his doubts. and joined that admirable body of Christians. the Presbyterian church., who certainly are "after the most strait est sect of our religion"
 l have seen too much, and, thank God, I have felt too much, of the power of God to save sinner by faith in Jesus Christ, to have my faith upset by meta physical distractions whose truth no hu- man intellect can test. and so I verily believe I can say with humility and godly fear,
 "on Christ. the Solid Rock I stand, All other ground Is sinking sand
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19

It was doubtless the excuse in the early centuries of the Christian era It was the excuse in the middle ages. Such con- tentions have been the excuse of certain churches for their views and practice down to the present time. But is it prop CT that the church should go into politics even on moral questions Is not that thing which the Baptist church has been fighting for centuries? This excuse, if al lowed, would let the church into politics on almost any occasion. Nearly every great political question has moral side. The question of protective tariff, or the right of the government to make one man pay taxes for the benefit of another, has a moral element. The right of the government to declare war for cause of doubtful validity and the propriety of making peace at a certain time and on certain conditions, these are moral questions. The duty of the government to control the trusts and how far 1t should go in doing this may to some ex- tent be moral questions. In the life Of every individual a great many moral questions come up for consideration, and moral questions often arise In the history of every state and country. Party plat forms may be full of moral questions Men may differ about these platforms. A few years ago some of the preachers in the south and west thought that the minister's as ministers, should advocate free silver. They thought that free silver was a great moral question, and that on this account it should receive the support of ministers and churches. In the north, on the other hand, some of the preachers thought that to advocate free silver was immoral and they claimed that they took this position because they regarded free silver as dishonest An earnest man is liable to believe that a certain question in which he is interested is a moral ques- ton, and that the side which he favors is the moral side. Questions of experi-
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19
BY FRANK s. MOODY

lead to harm. We may be about to enter upon a long and severe political cam paign. A little imposed restraint may now be proper We do not know where and when the fight will end It may be well to consider right now the question as to whether during the next two or three years the church, as a church. will carry on the war Let us start right
 There Is no need for this commingling of church and state. A few years ago we had terrible political temperance strug gle in Tuscaloosa county. The saloons and their friends contributed from ten to twenty thousand dollars to the cam paign. Seventy or eighty speeches were made in this county during the contest. Every man and every woman in the coun- ty was on one side or the other. But the churches, as churches, did not take sides. They wisely kept aloof. Nearly all the ministers as men and citizens advocated the dispensary side, and rendered active and valuable assistance. Neither side criticised the other in the pulpit. At the Sunday service the temperance struggle was not mentioned, On that sacred day the eombatants were not invited to take up arms. either in the pulpit or out of it. When the vote was counted the saloons passed away. and the dispensary was es- tablshed. But the church remained un- divided and unhurt Each member of the church felt that no advantage had been taken of his position by the other mem bers or by the minister. large part of the state of Alabama is now prohibition territory. Another large part of the state Is dspensary territory, Nearly all of the prohibition laws and dspensary laws that prevail in Alabama have been secured without putting the church into politics. We see no reason why we should now do violence to the traditions and teachings of the churches in order to bring the bal ance of the state under a wholesome h. fiuence.
 TuslSaIoosa, May II. 1907.
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19

of the speaking is of very high order of oratory.
 Some overwise philosophers have held that, in order to high success, one must conflne himself to one pursuit. but Julius Caesar was one of the greatest generals that the world has known: one of the profoundest statesmen of the ancient world; one of the finest scholars of a scholarly age; one of the greatest orators the Roman Senate ever heard. and one of the greatest writers that ever wrote Latin.
 The versatility of Moses was even more striking; for not only did he excel in every one of these departments, but he was withal a splendid poet and the greatest law-giver that the world has known. Nearly everything that we now call morals" Is to be found in the Penta- teuch.
 The farewell "song of Moses,' com posed and uttered just as he was on the verge of his last march to the top of Pisgah to die, is a magnificent hymn to the glory of the covenant God of Israel. In contrasting Jehovah with the gods of the heather, he says: Their rock is not as our Rock. even our enemies them selves being Judges" The doctrine here set forth is just as true in our age az
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19

ency and morals are often combined. But the fact that an issue has moral side does not take away It's financial or industrial or political side. The fact that a question may have a moral side does not make it non-political question. Politics is politics. no matter what the question in politics may be- Anything Is in politics on which men are required to vote. Voting Is political act Voting is function of government. Voting is an act by which men seek to control physical force, the physical force of state. Voting on a question shows ipso facto that the question is in politics. If the church puts a question Into politics and works for it, then the church becomes to some extent political party. Tariff is in politics whenever we vote on it. The exclusion of the Chinese Is in politics whenever we vote on the question. The regulation of freight rates Is in politics whenever we vote on the issue. The e5- tablishment of a stock law Is in politics whenever we vote on the subject. The issue is political platform, and the people who advocate the issue are polit- ical party. If the church raises an Issue, uses Its buildings and the occasion of the Sunday service for campaign purposes, and takes up collections for the same, then the church itself Is in politics.
 The object of this communication is not to ask the ministers and church members of Alabama to refuse, as in- divduals and citizens to take hand in the present and coming contest but it is our purpose to ask that the churches and the minister in their official capacity keep out of politics. Members of the church may go into politics on the tenn perance question, or on any other ques- ton. But they should go in as individuals and citizens and should not drag the church in with them, and insist that the church as a church should espouse either side of a political controversy. We. should
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19

Many years ago, and at a time when a dispensary in Alabama had not even been thought of we had a prohibition campaign in Tuscaloosa. The prohibition people were anxious that the Presby- terlan minister should take decided stand on the subject. He was an earnest temperance man and he often preached temperance I'm his pulpit. But he re- fused to advocate prohibition In his pull pit. Prohibition to him was political measure, and as his church did not favor the union of church and state, he did not like to preach politics in his pulpit A prohibition meeting was held one night at the court house. The minister referred to was present and he was called on to say something. He arose and In snort speech declared emphatically that he would support prohibition movement. But he emphasized the fact that he sup ported prohibition as a man and citizen and not as a minister. l have often thought of the distinction that was thus drawn by this venerable man, the late Dr. C. A. Stillman, one of the grandest men in the pulpit of the south The writer has made many prohibition and dispensary speeches in church, and he has done this both in the city and in the coun- try.
 He. however, seriously doubts the wis dom and soundness of the practice, es- pecially when the speaking Is to be done on Sunday and by persons high in au. thority in the church. In fact, he IS or opinion, after much consideration, that, as a general proposition. the practice Is un- wise and not in harmony with the gen eral theory of the church and the teach ings of Christianity An occasional speech on political subject In church a. o .yaa1x dau may (bV A laymHn when if is raining and there is no other shel- ter) be permissible. Just as an occasional drink may itself do no harm But acts of each of the two kinds arc liable to
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19

4 BRAHAM Lincoln was born poll
 "A tician and stump speaker. In his 4 A youth he was employed as a com mon farm laborer at SC a month and would often interrupt the work of the harvest by gathering the hands around him, mounting literal stump and spout Ing crude rhetoric and impossible gram mar on some issue of the day
 In early manhood he was elected a member of the lower house of the Illinois legislature. The testimony of Governor Ford assures us that this legislature was one of the most prohigate Hog rolling" bodies that ever sat in any state of this union. Mir. Lincoln soon became one ot the leading spirits of the body which ut terly wrecked the finances of the state, and made It's credit byword and hissing among fnanciers.
 When nominated to the Presidency, he had held no higher position than that of representative in Congress. The Springfield district, which he represented, was decidedly whig; and he was one of the most pronounced whigs in his dis trict. He served only one term. During
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19
SHALL THE CHURCH GO INTO POLITICS

concede that men may have different views on the temperance question: and yet be good men and good church mem- bers As a general rule 1t Is a correct proposition of law that when the plaintiff in any case has a right to prove cer- tain proposition, the defendant has an equal right to deny or controvert the same. If a man advocates certain poli- tical proposition or political remedy in church, why should not the men who op- pose that political proposition or political remedy have equally the privilege of the place and occasion to deny or controvert that proposition or remedy, or to ask that the same be modified or amended? Is the minister to assume that his views on a political question are absolutely correct and that those who differ with him on thhis political question are absolutely wrong? and that, therefore, he has the right, the sole right. to use the institution and machinery of the church In advocat- ing his political views? If not, then, 1t might thus happen that unseemly debates and wrangles might originate in the church, or that one class of worshipers might feel that undue advantage had been taken of them by the ministers who differ with them on 8 political question.
 We wish to repeat that We are not ad- Wsng the suppression of the temperance question. On the contrary, we are trying to push it forward. But we suggest that the churches, as churches, keep out of politics. We ask that the members of the churches, like other individuals and citi- zens, go into politics. There is no need to drag the church itself Into the political arena. Let temperance people meet in their court houses and city halls and school buildings and under the oak trees and consider the various phases of the temperance question. In such places let them discuss plans, take up collections and push forward the temperance cause. Let these meetings be held at some other tine .hau m Sunday.
The Birmingham age-herald., 1907-05-19

the science that ere he was twenty he was appointed as the head of the Roths- childs' bank at Naples, Italy. At the age of twenty-one he went to New York and there opened the house of August Bel mont Co.,. which. became the corerspond- ent of the Rothschlds in the United States Not long after he began busi- ness ha became an American citizen, join ed the democratic party, and was active in behalf of Polk and Dallas in the cam paign of 1S44.
 There were two factors of the New York democracy. At the head of one was Martin Van Buren, with Sllas Wright and Samuel J. Tilden for lieutenants. These became the barn burners" The other faction was headed by William l.. Marcy then, and for years later, the best-ftted man in the entire country for the office of President of the United States. Belmont became partisan Of Marcy, and when the latter was appoint ed secretary of state he selected Bel mont for minister to The Hague. While James Buchanan. minister to England; Pierre Soule, minister to Spain, and John Y Mason, minister to France, were writ ing the Ostend manifesto, Belmont was entering into conventions with Holland that opened the Dutch East Indies to our trade and resulted in incalculable ad- vantage to American commerce, that be- gan to grow about that time. He also participated in the diplomatic congress at Paris and his discussions of the prac- tice of privateering In time of war com manded the attention and extorted the admiration of every European chancel- lery.
 When Marcy ceased to be secretary of state. Belmont returned to America He was now active in politics-not for office l. . for ideas. He might have been gov ernor or senator had his ambition been in that direction. He had gone to The Hague only with the view to serve the country in diplomatic capacity, for which he was spendidly equipped. When Buchanan and Douglas parted company, Belmont followed the latter, and sup ported him in the Charleston conven- tion to the end, and later was active in his behalf at Baltimore. No man in the country had clearer vision of the situ- ation when secession came than August Belmont His letters and speeches of that period are models of strong, terse, con vincing logic expressed in perfect Eng lisa that any one born to that tongue might we'll envy. In the light of subse- quent history they read like prophecy. No man at the north was better friend of the soulh. Few men of the north saw the inevitable result as clearly as he. But his warning fell deaf ears, and
 About 1862 the government sent Arch bishop Hughes and Henry Ward Beecher to England to make public opinion for