The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1907-04-20
COLONIAL CONFERENCE.

Al the outset OF the conference of CO.
lOnial premieTs in London it becomes
evident that no permanent Organiza-
ton looking TO the establishment of an
executive colonial office can be success
full The Australian colonies have IA
vored plan for the establishment of a
permanent conference with a secretary
in London. who shall be an adminis-
trative or executive officer; but Ca
NADIA and the Transvaal object, and
without their consent the project must
fail.
The proposal is not new; on the con-
trary, it is an outgrowth of the senti-
ment which found expression in Jo-
seph Chamberlain plan for an impe-
rial federation. but any attempt to re-
concile it with the seIf-gOverning
powers of Canada and others of the col
onies is doomed to failure, because self
government and the broadening of inn
perial prerOgatives are plainly incOm-
patible. In a way it is as though one
proposed to centraIize federal govern
ment in the United States without a
Politically the idea of imperial fed
Grafton is a twin of the Conservative
party's foreign policy. 1t assumes that
the interests Of the colonies and the
crown are identical and both are best
promoted by closer union. The col
onists, however, agree more perfectly
with the Liberal theory that the
strength of the empire lies in the 10y
atty Of colonies which are given the
largest freedom and are bound to the
home government chiefly by CONNER
ciaI ties and by the traditions of Brit
ons devoted to their mother country
So far as the present conference is con-
cerned, the liberal idea is dominant
and whatever the conference may agree
to do in an imperial way will be vol
untary concession to sentimental and
business considerations.
Regarding the geographical separa-
ton of the colonies, the diversity of
their interests, the competition between
them in British and world markets, the
varied conditions and environment
which are factors in their development.
it would be remarkable if they should
agree on a surrender of any established
privileges in order to augment the glory
or strength of the empire. The BritOn
is not wont to abate any privilege once
won; and the colonial BritOn is a little
less likely to make such a sacrifice than
any other Anglo-SaxOn on the globe.
He has won his way on his own
merits: he has conquered new lands and
made his own government by sheer
nerve and force of initiative. Much as
he loves the imperial power, and quick
as he is to avail himself of its protee-
ton in need, he has no thought of Civ
ing back any of the liberties that are
his. In any case of stress he is willing
to volunteer or contribute to the defense
of Great Britain, as he proved in the
Transvaal war, but that is an alto
gether different thing from compulsory
service or taxation.
So far as the outsider can read his
tory. the cOlonist is right and the i'm
perialist wrong. The power of the
British empire lies in the voluntary de-
votion of it's sons, and the colonies
which are her strongest bulwarks are
the ones that have been given the great
est measure of freedom.
One striking incident of the confer
ence is the attention paid to Premier
Botha of the Transvaal government AL
though he was one of the greatest of
the Boer generals, and fought to the
end, he accepted the inevitable grace
fully. advised his people to do likewise
and has devoted his energies to the up
building of his country. To him is due
in large measure the grant of self-gov-
eminent to the Transvaal, and to him is
due the credit for the remarkable pro-
gress made in reconstruction. In
way. his reception in London parallels
the generosity shown the armies of the
south by Grant, and it demonstrates
the wisdom of the liberal spirit in which
the South African problem has been
approached by the British government.
When the Meyer Haywood trial is
finally disposed of, some of the Repub- |
Iicans of Idaho are going to have a |