The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1907-07-14

Parliament. and IL is obvious that their
advice on imperial matters relating TO their
own district would be most useful The
advantages to the colonies would lie direct
representation in imperial policy and a
share in the navy. In return for, these
gains they would have TO bear their share
~ the financial burdens.
No far az Mr.. Aleakin can see. the colonial
Parliaments would not lose anything OF
Importance which they now possess. and
their ablest members would be able to make
better use Of their talents for the collective
good, while at the same time the people
OF the colonies. having a share in imperial
government. would begin to take more
interest in the empire, considered asa whole.
Al present many Of them do not realize
that the navy il as much for their defence
as II is for that Of Great Britain and every
now and then evince "A wish to build a navy
OF their own The control they now exer-
else over their W local afairy. and about
which they are very jealous. would hardly
be touched by imperial federation, mas
much a. most Of the matters that would be
assigned to the imperial Government al
ready belong to the British Government,
and the few that do not are not Of much
political interest to the colonies.
AS regards the British Parliament the
author Of this book challenges contradiction
for the assertion that the formation OF an
imperial Parliament would be a great
blessing. He points out. in the first place.
that the Parliament at Westminster has
already sufficient work on tts hands with
out undertaking any discussion on foreign
policies. As things are now. " foreign
policy happens to he interesting, local
government and social questions are
neglected; il. on the contrary. it is the latter
that happens to be interesting foreign
policy 10 overlooked. At the present
moment. for example. the representatives
Of the electors Of the United Kingdom
are pledged to effect numerous social
reforms, and Il make these successful
all the legislation will need the most pro-
longed and careful consideration. Much
Of the attention. however. that ought to
have. been confined to these matters. since
tho existing House OF Commons was re-
turned in Janusry-February. 1908. has been
given to imperial questions in South
Africa, such as the concession OF self
government to the Beers in the Transvaal,
Chinese immigration and the treatment
OF the natives. OF course such ques-
tons have TO be discussed. but il 10 plainly
re~grettable that a body chosen for one
purpose should have to devote 30 much
OF it's time to another purpose. II, on the
other hand. the duties Of the British Parlia-
ment we're confined to British matters
the questions before the electorate called
upon to choose a new House OF Commons
would not be 30 complicated. and though
party disagreements on domestic legis-
lation are frequent they are not nearly
30 dangerous as those on imperial matters.
When. on the other hand. elections should
be held not for the British Hous Of Commons
but for the imperial Parliament there would
only be a few issues before the people.
The author OF this book comedies that
the British Parliament might lose in brill
lance by being deprived Of the manage
ment OF important foreign policies. but
he is convinced that what it lost in brillianoy
il would gain in usefulness.
IL is generally admitted that the present
legal links OF the British Empire are not only
unsatisfactory but out Of date The British
Government. through the King, still pos
sesses. il is true. n rather uncertain veto
over the legislation Of the colonies. The
uncertainty of this veto tends to limit its
exercise. as every year the colonies resent
interference more and more. No British
Government wishes to exercise q veto,
however legal. IL it will excite bitterness,
but II is manifest that though in theory
the legality Of a veto should continue to
be undoubted, its non-exercise for a long
period would rave a practical effect upon
the veto similar to that which il has had
on the sovereign's veto on the will OF the
British Parliament. The last occasion on
which the latter veto was exercised was in
the reign of Anne. II is true that in the
first third OF the nineteenth century william
Nv dissolved Parliament without the con-
sent Of the party in Office, but though the
arrogation OF this power. practically tanta-
mount to a veto. still belongs theoretically
to the King. the long suspension Of recourse
to il makes a revival Of it's exercise i'm
probable. A like process 10 going On with
the veto over the colonial Parliaments ..
Formerly such vetos were not uncommon.
but now the exercise is viewed with the
utmost suspicion. and when Lord Elgin.
the present Secretary for the Colonies. de-
layed the execution Of natives condemned TO
death in Natal the Natal Government re-
signed. II looks as IL the sovereign's veto
on colonial legislation would soon be as
lead ~ 10 that OF the King over q bill passed
by the British Parliament.
The second link bet ween the United
Kingdom and the transmarine parts Of
the British Empire is the judicial link. The
final court OF appeal from all the British
dependencies and colonies is the judicial
Committee OF the Privy Council. This
body is composed Of the Law Lords and
some special members and is nearly the
same as that part OF the House OF Lords,
to which, in practice. is confined thef function
OF acting as the final court OF appeal for
Great Britain. Mr., Meakin would not
dispute the excellence OF the idea Of having
in substance one final court OF appeal
for the whole empire. inasmuch as IL offers
a means whereby important questions Of
law may receive similar decisions. He
recalls, however, that there are many COM
plants against both Of these bodies on
account OF the delay a recourse TO them
involves. and he thinks that In the case
OF the judicial Committee Of the Privy
Council it would be advisable TO select