New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1907-05-08
THE NEW IRISH BILL.

Mr. BirrelI kept the secret of his Irish Coun-
ellis bill as completely as Mr. Gladstone did
that of his famous Home Rule bill. The cir
cumstances were not, however, marked with
nearly so much interest and curiosity, and the
final revelation is by no means so startling
Indeed, we should scarcely describe it as
startling at all though neither should recall
the fable of the mountain in labor and the
ridiculous result Mr.. Brrelrs bill, far as
we can Judge from the cabled synopsis, Is not
revolutionary in character, and neither is it
empty and vain. We should think it might
command the support of some who would be
unalteraby opposed TO Home Rule In the Sc
cessionist sense of that term as used by MesSrs
Gladstone and ParnelI. and also that its enact
ment and application might be productive of
some real good TO Ireland To what extent 1t
will satisfy the desires of the Irish National
lists and whether it will be acceptable 10
Messrs. Haldane. Asqulth and other members
of the Cabinet interesting questions which
the near future will answer.
Broadly speaking the bill leaves Irish legis-
laton, the police power and the supreme judi
catltre just where they are to-day, and 'puts
most of the other administrative departments
in the hands of m Irish council. four-hfths of
the members of which are TO be elected by the
Irish people. II may we'll be asked If 1t Will
be satisfactory to Irish Natonalists 10 have
all laws for Ireland still made at Westminster
by a parliament of which Irish members are
a small minority and to have the municipal
and general police force of Ireland still di
rected from Dublin Castle by an appointee OF
the British Crown. An Irish legislature and
Irish control Of the police of Ireland have for
many years been cardinal points in the Irish
bill OF demands. Again, IL may be questioned
whether the proposed system will not be pro-
vocatve of much friction between governmental
departments The Irish council will admin
lister Englsh-made laws. In such a situation
there are embarrassing possibilities. The Irish
people may choose their own council, but they
cannot mako or unmHlie n single law, nor I'm
pose nor remit a shilling OF taxation. We
should think there might be danger that the
Irish administrators would complain that they
were hampered by British laws. and that thus
serious friction would arise between the coun-
Gil and Parliament.
There will probably be objection TO the
scheme, even from some of the government
party, ON the ground that 1t would give Ireland
special privileges over the other members of
the United Kingdom. That. Of course, Is one
thing which Irish Nationalist desire. They
would like 10 see Ireland completely separated
from the other kingdoms But 1t will be per
tinently asked why Scotland Is not entitled to
a council as well as Ireland, and why Wales
not be also an English council OF course, such
questions would not be necessarily destructive
OF Mr. BirrelPs measure, for the reason that
uniformity among the kingdoms Is not COM
pulsOry. nor does ii, as matter of fact, now
exist. Scotland has a local government board
of It's own, which is different from anything in
any other part of the United Kingdom. Wales
is merged with England. The Isle of Man and
the Channel Islands are not under acts of Par
lament at all unless 1t is specifically so stated
I'm the acts. The county councils OF England
are quite different from those of Ireland. So
there is no convincing reason OH that ground
why Ireland should not have such a council as
that proposed by Mr. Blrrell.
The cruX of the matter will. we imagine, be
found in the relationship of the bill to ultimate
Home Rule. Mr.. Birrell is reported as saying
that if his scheme should prove successful 1t
might pave the way for Home Rule. If they
could be convinced of that, the Irish National
lists would doubtless support 1t. On the other
hand, if they were convinced of 1t. many Eng
ish and Scotch Liberals such as Mr. Haldane
Mr.. Asquith and their supporters would ear
nestly oppose II. The details of the measure will
be deliberately discussed, no doubt. 1t Is fair
presumption, however, that they will be dis
posed Of not according to their specific merits
but according to their bearing upon that Sepa-
ration of Ireland from the rest of the kingdom
which a majority of Irishmen probably desire,
but which a strong majority of the rest of the
kingdom are determined not to permit.