The Columbia herald. [volume] (Columbia, Tenn.) 18??-1935, 1907-05-10

and that's what Roosevelt wanted anl
got
This conspiracy business has had
the same effect on the Hartman con
troversy and yet no evidence Of any
conspiracy has been presented to the
dear public. No names have beer
called and every man who has beer
suggested as belonging to it, either
has denied it, openly and without con
tradiction, or has proved an alibi
| The truth probably is that no such
conspiracy exists only in the magma
ton of the fecund brain of the Presi-
dent, who knows that the captains of
finance Of the country have no reas.
on to love him, for his crazy policies
have caused values in this country to
shrink over one billion dollars since
1901. How can such a thing occur
without the common people, whom
he processes to love so much, losing
money as well as the magnates, for
thousands of them have their money
invested in railroad securities. If
such conspiracy does exist, then the
President has got himself between
the devil of the money power and the
deep sea of trades unionism. His
latest break has made the working
open condemnation of Meyer and
Haywood before they have had a
chance to be tried before an impartial
tribunal has set tongues wagging
and heads athinking. everywhere in
this country, and people are begin
ming to ask themselves the question:
has the President of the United States
the right to condemn a man before
he has had a chance to be tried upon
the facts and the evidence?
Mr.. Roosevelt is the Chief Magis- |
trate of the United States. If he |
were a private citizen he might with |
express his opinion OF other i
Individuals, subject only to the penal /
ties which the law attaches to SANDER
and libel. His opinion, then, as to
he guilt or innocence of an accused
person would be presumed to have no
effect upon the trial of that person.
But as Chief Magistrate of the Uni
ed States his publicity expressed de-
carries with it the weight
# his great Office.
The injury resulting from such reck-
of utterance on the part of
he President of the United States,
erious as it may be to the individ-
al against whom it is directed, is
hief1y to the community at large and {
} the office which Mr.. Roosevelt t
olds. II
Comparatively few persons are in i
crested in what may befall Meyer,
eywood or Hartman, but the whole Il
1untry is concerned in the preserva- t
on Of the dignity and character of o
lie presendential office, and the OBJ p
,rvance of proprieties by any man a
,lding that Office. Mr.. Roosevelt de- e
nds his course in publicly denounc- W
g these accused men by declaring h
at the persons who have protested al
him against his actions are guilty
of trying to interfere with
stice, and he condemns this action. T.
it be true it should be condemned, i.
t can it be cited as justification for
nilar action on the part of the Pres
ent of the United States? What is
proper for a private citizen is
initely more so for the President of M
) United States.
f this recklessness and ruthless
IS of procedure on the part of a
vate individual renders him an I'M
,irable citizen, may not radicalism, %
klessness and a ruthless disregard M'
proprieties render a man an I'M t'
irable President? The qualities WI
lch Mr.. Roosevelt attributes to qu
Sc men are not desirable in citi- ie'
Neither are they desirable in a wa
sident. They are less excusable WI
a President. Mr.. Roosevelt says IS
1t is absurd to suppose that be- an
Sc man Is on trial for a given 10
nse he is therefore to be freed ah'
II all criticism upon hts lgenerals[ on'
duct and manner of life. But is it 'he
motion of the Chief Executive to pur
iounce upon the desirability OF and
srican citizens, whether on trial CON
lot?
it for him to determine and VIZ
are who are and who are not de- w
Bile citizens. SSa'E
Is judgment may sometimes be
t, as to this, but it may be wrong 49,
s many instances, and whatever
It, ,,rrh l. 0,tx atA al