The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1906-06-10
PROOREss On REvOLUTIoNr
Prem . 1sVSAesmins IIeSt ny GOidv IN
amsth.

ayS signs OF continuing storm, n with
industrial sthfe a good deal n sorial bitter
neaa and caas hatred Ia evidently mingled.
10 anything can M done by amioabls dis
oIsplon 10 couture the storm, nav appaFs
entity 10 the time,
Besides the natural forces there ara two
factors In production, capital and labor
Az that u not labor IN oapitAi, The labofer'a
ovtat In capital. The fruits NJ money laid
out In preparation i6r any skilled ealing,
90 In training for o profession, are capital
and entitled ~ shars under that head.
Capital specialized and spelled with . lares
letter has been erected Into en- industrial
tFyant, the mortal snsmy Of labor, II
capital could be killed OF scaFed away, In
what condition oan We suppose that labor
would be leftf Kafi Mars. borrowing HE
theory from william Thompson, main
tains that ell production Ia The fruit and the
nghtful property Of labor alone. Let
him pit labor without any capital, with
nothing but its bare slncws, on the mos.
fertile land or amid the richest mlnee
and see what would be the result. The
union Of tho two elements In production
10 ~ necessary as that Of oxygen and hydro
gen In the competition Of water. withs
out capital we should DO living In caves
and grubbing up roots with our nails. Such
In fact was the state OF primitive man.
The man who frs. stored up some roots
was the fret capitalist and the man who
frat loaned some Of his rootb on condition
Of future repayment with addition was
the first investor.
Labor, We are told, adds value to the raw
material. Undoubtedly 10 does, and u
receives the price Of the value added in
the form Of wages.
Il Is not between capital and labor gem
orally that the present wal has broken out,
but between the capitalist employing a body
Of workman and those whose wages he is
supposed to determine. The capltahst, be-
sides the money which he Risks, contributes
labor Of an indispensable kind as organiser
and director and is entitled TO payment
for that labor as well as 70 the interest on his
capital. Labor is entitled to such wage
% the capitalist, allowing for his risk,
can afford to give. A strike Ia q legitimate
engine for enforcing the concession Of such
a wage, though not for any exaotion beyond.
exaction must break the trade.
1t has been questioned whether, II the
employer increases his profit by adding to
his risk Of capital or by ar improved policy.
the fruit Of his own brain, the wage Garner
becomes thereby entitled to an increase Of
wage, supposing his part In the production to
the same; though wise policy as we'll
as good feeling would lead the employer to
give his men an interest, as some employ
ers do, in the prosperity of the concern.
The labor contributed by the employer
In the shape Of direction is Indispensable.
Lack OF direction appears TO have been the
cause Of the Ill success Of cooperative works
fully as much as the lack OF funds for their
while they are waiting on the
Nor does the admission Of the
men to the councils Of the firm appear to
have been generally a success. There is too
identity of interest as well as disparity
Of acquaintance with the market.
1t is urged that capital is a monopoly
and as such controls wages. l fail to see
how capital is a monopoly as a general
fact, or otherwise than as skilled labor may
called a monopoly.
Tho right Of Al artisan to a living wage
cannot be asserted unless value in labor
is given for the wage. Nor can the right
to employment be asserted when no en-
ployment offers in the case Of an artisan
any moro than In that Of a lawyer for whom
there are no clients or a physician for whom
there are no patients. Another market
must be sought. This is the common lot.
The capitalist, 1t is important to observe,
though the organizer, director and pay
is not the real employer. The
real employer Is rather the purchaser of
the goods, who oanno be forced by any
strike or pressure to give more for the
goods than he chooses and can afford.
Carried beyond a certain point, therefore,
for an increased wage must either
fail or break the trade.
Unquestionably a large measure Of justice
in the way Of rectifnation Of wages has
been won by unionist effort. though at a
sacrifice Of peace as well as Of
money and of the products Of labor.
Organizations formed for an aggressive
purpose are naturally apt to fall into the
hands Of the most aggressive and least
responsible section. There would per-
haps be fewer strikes If the votes we're
by ballot and every married mar
had two. There is also a danger OF falling
into the hands Of aspiring leaders whose
is industrial war; and this danger in
with the extension Of the field.
Power newly won and flushed with vio-
tory seldom stops exactly at the line of
right. From enabling the wage Garner to
on fair terms with the employer,
the unions seem now to be going on to
for themselves a monopoly Of labor.
To this the community never has sub
and never can submit, Freedom
Of labor is the rightful inheritance Of every
man and the vital interest Of all. Tho
defensive forces Of the community are
slow in gathering to resist usurpation; but
they will gather at last, and when they
do the end Is certain. ! see 1t announced,
apparent oonplaosnoy, that a man
has lost bis trade becauss no sold goods
the union label. A union is o self
constituted power. II a man could DO
ruined by the edict Of ~self-oonstit uted
power for doing that which the law sanc,
lions him in doing, where would commercial
liberty or the general principle Of liberty
be2 No community can permit q self
authority to arrogate to itself
beyond the law.
Strikers should remember that they are
consumers as well as producers, buyers
as we'll az makers. A striker In extorting
Increa sed wages makes the article dear
to his own class as we'll as to the other