Every evening, Wilmington daily commercial., 1906-02-10
Haaty AetIon of the House.

Instead OF standing by their defiant
declaration that the Senate must concur
in the Hepburn Railroad Rates bill as it
was passed by the House OF Representa-
tives, it is probable that before many
more days active supporters Of that meas
ure will bepleading with the Senate to make
the many material amendments which,
from present appearances, will be needed
to lick the measure into decent shape.
Generally speaking, the Hepburn bill
is presumed to confer upon the Interstate
Commerce Commission full power, on
appeal and hearing to establish maxi
mum rates Of freight on railroads. But
80 far as the bill in It's present shape is
concerned, no one seems to know exactly
what Il provides for. Il was hastily pre-
pared, scantily considered and passed
with a rush, notwithstanding that many
Of its friends we're fully aware that it was
a very imperfect measure. us said that
even Mr.. Hepburn, its reputed author,
admitted that II was utterly impossible
to secure Legislative unanimity" on its
proper and reasonable construction, so
ambiguous and meaningless are some Of
its provisions.
One important matter that is left abso-
lutely in cloud by this bill, according
to the New York Evening Post ''is the
control Of differential rates. This is a
subject Of vital interest. II involves tho
whole question Of the long haul versus
the short haul, and also that Of discrimi-
nation against localities. In the latter
particular, complaints have been long and
loud in many parts Of the West. Il has
been alleged, and with a great array Of
evidence, that railroad managers have
selhshly used discriminating rates to
build up one town, OF develop one region,
at the expense Of another. A cure for
this unfainess was explicitly sought by
the Western advocates Of railway legis-
lation, but how is the case left by the
Hepburn bill Nobody knows. The
point was closely argued on January Both
by Representative Littlefeld in his ques-
tioning Of Representative Townsend, ono
Of the sponsors Of the bill. Did Il give
the commission power TO abolish prefer
ential rates ? Mr.. Townsend was sorry
TO say hs thought not. BE said: The
best authority can obtain rays not
Others, he mngnAnimousiy added, may
underStand that the bill coufers such a
power Mr.. Llttlefeld cited one member
Of the commission who thought il did.
He also argued that the power was con-
ferred indirectly under Section 3 Of tho
existing Interstate Commerce law, Of
which the Hepburn bill is formally amend
atory. But there was no agreement.
Ono member pointed out a glaring dis
agreement between one clause Of tho bill
and a paragraph Of the accompanying
reporti but trihes like that were not
allowed to impede tho march to enact
ment Of a bill which its very begetteru
do no profess TO understand"
In respect to tho stopping Of rebates
the bill is equally unintelligible and
mysterious, and none Of its baolSers can
say what Il really means. Mr. Hepburn
declared, referring TO lis ambiguity Of
expression, that no two members Of the
House could put the same construction
on the same paragraph. Stil, with an
equal mixture Of blindness and persist
ence, the House insisted on jamming
through this half-baked measure Of legis-
lation, simply on the plea that Il was what
the President Of the United States do
sired. This was Mr.. Hepburn's most
convincing argument, and his fellow
Republicans almost unanimously con
Cured. For the Democratic supporters,
John Sharp Williams raised the slogan,
ave will stay here until next December
before we will amend this bill ourselves
or let the Senate amend IT," Bourke
Cochran, the eminent orator of New York,
dramatically declaimed that the enact
ment Of the bill would be ga step In the
direction Of emancipating the industrial
life Of this country from the domination
Of forces which have begun to control and
threaten to submerge It's institutions. +"
But oceans Of this kind Of eloquence will
not straighten out the verbal perplexities
Of the measure, and inform the public
exactly what it means or how Il would
operate
II is probable, now that the measure
is likely 10 be considered In the proper
spirit Of deliberation, and not blindly
indorsed In a rush Of unnatural enthusi-
asn, that oven President Roosevelt will
feel constrained to ask his friends in the
Senate TO amend the bill properly. He
cannot plead that the administration
wants law which win threaten to muddle
the railroad situation, instead Of clearing
It up, or may be thrown over al the first
test Of its operations Such a law would
be a reflection Of him and a discredit TO
his administration. Il is probable, there
fore, that the work Of proper and iudicious
amendment, which the Senate is pretty
sure 70 undertake, will be hailed with at
least secret satisfaction by some Of the
widest advocates Of the Rates bill in the
House, who evidently were afraid that
their constituents would annihilate them
If they even questioned the wobbly and
meaningless structure Of words 10 which
they have given their official approval.
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