The independent. [volume] (Lincoln, Neb.) 1902-1907, 1906-10-18

regardless of the effect it might have
on his candidacy for office. Like Abra-
ham Lincoln in his great debate with
Douglas on slavery he would declare
for the principles he believed to be
right regardless of its effect on his
public career. And it is this trait OF
Mr.. Bryan in bravely and honestly
EXPIRE ssing his real thoughts on all
public questions and refusing to sacrl-
| flee principles for expediency hat
marks his superiority over all public
men of his day. While others are
! PLAYING politics and wa ching the po-
litical weather vane, Mr.. Bryan, FOR
getting self, is speaking what he con-
scientiously believes TO be for the best
interests of the people. In honesty,
bravery and moral courage no Amerl-
can of the present time approaches
Mr.. Bryan In this respect he is the
equal of Lincoln or Jefferson. Bryan
would not play politics even to be-
come president, much less smother
his convictions of what he thinks is
rieht Because of this trail of char
acter he is the best loved and most
widely respected man IL the Tn ted
States today not excepting the very
popular republican president.
There should be no surprise now at
Mr. Bryan's views on the question OF
public ownership of railroads, as he
announced them somewhat at length
in the latter part of the year 1904 in
a vigorous editorial in The Commoner
under the title Democracy Must Move
| uhn ti0fC
for his New York speech certainly can
not claim surprise after having read
his views as expressed in The Com
moner almost two years ago. In the
Madison Square Garden speech Mr..
BRYAN makes it clear that he is strong
ly opposed to socialism and in favor
of individualism. He discusses public
ownership as part of the trust ques-
ton and lays down the PROPOSE ion,
70 which all democrats must agree,
that private MONOPOLY is "indefenSible
and intolerable" and must be de-
stroyed. He takes the position that
the trust question is the paramount
issue in this congressional campaign
and after that the tariff question Ger
tainly all democrats will agree to
this.
=, In referring to public ownership as
the final solution of that part of the
trust question relating to the railroads
he uses this significant language,
: which shows clearly that he would
! not advocate government control OF
railroads except as the last resors
,, when all other remedies had failed.
His exact words are: Il do not know
that the country is ready for this
; change. | do not know that majority
of my own party favor it, but he
further states that he bases his con-
, clusion on the theory that public
ownership is necessary where com
petition is Impossible" and then fol
lows the statement "The high hand
ed manner in which the railroads
, have violated the law and ignored au-
thority, together with the corruption
discovered in high places, has done
more to create sentiment in favor OF
7 public ownership than all the speeches
e and arguments of the opponents OF
t private ownership" He further says:
e 'Tf any of you question the propriety
t of my mentioning this subject | beg
: to remind you that the president could
t not have secured the passage OF the
C rate bill had he not appealed to the
G fear of the more radical remedy OF
e government ownership. and nothing
q will so restrain a railroad magnate
f from attempting to capture the in
! terstate commerce commission as the
same fear" He also states specifically
f the great objection to government