The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1906-11-25

Of bribery, and no testimony 70 rouse
Tor more Than o brief moment he us-
picion Of II In the mind Of an acute and
fair minded lawyer. He notes that none
OF Buffers brother managers Joined with
him In signing the final report. "A thor
oughly informed posterity raises not .
breath OF suspicion against any me OF
tho seven. We know them all 70 have been
men OF unimpeachable honor" IL 10 GER
tain, however. that the charge made by
Butler and repeated by many newspapers
had the effect of iniuring temporarily the
reputation Of tho United States abroad.
Mr.. Rhodes recalls that travelling In Ger
many at the time Andrew d. White read
In a German newspaper Tthe impeachment
has been defeated; three Senators were
bnbed"; and one Of the three named was
Fessenden. A contemporary New YORK
newspaper bore witness TO "the bitterness
OF modification which an American OF
distinction endured when in Germany
during the impeachment trial. at finding
himself an object Of daily condolences on
the part Of his German lend touching
the corruption Of Senators Trumbun,
Fessenden and Grimes" There was no
use. it seems. in his trying TO repel the
charge or TO explain Il, although, a. our
author AYERS. no honeeter men than Fes-
sender, Trumbull and Grimes ever lived
in any country. The English people were
better informed BY their newspapers than
were the Germans. The Spectator OF June 9,
1858, testified that there were 10 grounds
for suspicion OF corrupt practices. and
added that -four OF the 'traitorous' Senators
are men that would be a credit to any
assembly In the world
What is the lesson drawn by Mr.. Rhodes
from the outcome OF the impeachment
trial2 It is a lesson which national oon-
ventions have since taken TO heart by Civ
ing, as a rule, more attention TO their nom
nations for vice-President. johnson had
been nominated solely for his zeal and
supposed courage sincs then more regard
has been paid to the mental constitution
and political and social training Of the
candidates for the secondary ofioe. The
character OF subsequent vice-Presidents
has been such that any one OF them, had
the higher post devolved upon him, would
have filed 1t with dignity. and undoubtedly
In a reasonable degree OF harmony with
Congress. Through the as~sassinstions OF
Garfield and Mckinley W. Vice-Presidents
since johnson have reached the White
House. Even Arthur, whose nomination
vas hasty and Ill considered, 30 conducted
affairs hat he became a prominent candi-
date for the succeeding Presidential nomina-
ton OF his party. Roosevelt, whose sebec-
ton for the Vice Pre- idency had been
deliberate and forced upon him against his
will, so conducted himself In the higher
Office to which he was raised by accident
that he was nominated for a second term
unanimously and received the largest pop
uIar majority known in American political
history. Thus the Tyler-Johnson legend.
that a vioe-Ppsident succeeding TO the
Presidency would quarrel with his party,
has apparently been laid TO rest.
As Cor Johnson's 40 Initial, Mr.. rhodes
concurs with almost all dlsinterosted on
lockers Of the day in holding that 1t wns
justified. The impeachment managers did
not prove their charges, and the minority
Of the Senate undoubtedly gave . righteous
Judgment 1t ie, at the same time, pointed
out that the general agreement in this
statement has caused many to overlook
the fact that there was probable cause
for impeachment. and that it was a case
about which honest men might difer.
IL is doubtless true that il the charges
had been capable Of direct disproof the
President would have been unanimously
acquitted. So far as our author can see.
the time is far distant when this extreme
remedy will again he attempted, and
even II 10 should be considered the House
Of Representatives. having the johnson
case before IL, will, before IL acts, in
uuire carefully whether tho Law has been
really, or only apparently, violated. Yet
while il is true that the constitutional effect
OF the impeachment trial has been to
strengthen the power OF the Executive, Nr.
Rhodes holds that no lawyer and no re-
hecting citizen can regret that the trial
took place. The lawyer who heard or
who has read the arguments OF r.. II. Curtis,
OF Evarts and Of Groesheck, may we'll feel
proud of his profession. so. too. the re-
fecting citiyen may recall with satisfaction
the fact that the high State trial, occurring
though il did in the midst Of great popular
excitement, vas conducted with gravity,
according TO the forms of law. With even
greater complacency the lover Of his country
NAV recall that the verdict. though it ran
counter to an aggressive majority in the
Legislature and to an intense public senti-
ment, was accepted without any disturb
ance. indeed with entire submission.
Pew nations" wrote Ragehot. perhaps
scarcely any nation. could have borne such
a trial so easily and so perfed8y.- 1T is
strange wrote John Sherman, that the
impeachment proceedings have so little
eject upon prices and business The
fluctuations Of gold during the trial we're
slight: after the first verdict Cover nment
bonds advanced.
our author justly holds that the glory OF
the impeachment trial was the action OF the
seven recusant Senators. -Macaulay has
immortalized seven Bishops, hut IL was
easier to disobey the mandate OF the IN
popular James ii. han to oppose the will
OF the American Republican party Of 1893"
Only after great inward trouble could
the seven Senators have come to their
determination. 1t was easy to go the other
way, and tho average Senator who hesi-
tated finally gave his voice with h ma
jority. Pm these seven, in conscientious
ness and delicacy Of moral fibre, were above
any average, aud in refusing to sacrifice
their ideas Of justice TO a popular demand
which, in this case, was neither i%nsincere
nor unenlightsned, they showed a degree