The times dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1903-1914, 1906-02-11
BY c o .STEBBlNS.

think But convenience isn't a. safe
criterion for a representative democracy.
Dispatch isn't what we are after;+is 1t?
AS I understand II. we are trying for
sclf-government, free and freely repre-
sentative, and our House OF Repre-
scntntives Is neither.
Then make 1t So" says the President,
In effect. THAT Is your business; not
mine. I I'm as much a reformer as over.
but I am also the responsible head OF
q great nation. and I must accept the
machinery as I find 1t. oh, 1 must i'm
prove It hero and there, as ! can, and as
l do, but my first and my almost suffi-
Client duty Is to make 1t turn out good
goods. This is job enough for one man.
II you think the House az 1t Is organized
Is not a 1T instrument for a President to
use, reform It, you, who gave It to mo-"
There Is q Just rebuke for us In that.
II our representatives aren't h they
should be, we ought to send here men
who are. But how can we pick out for
defeat those congressman who ought to
be defeated II they are all tied up In
joblots and voted in a combine? Suppose
the President, having recommended his
legislation, would wait-saying no moro.
making no deals-till Congress had voted;
then suppose that with the poll of voters
in his hand he should appeal to us to
defeat those who in his Judgment were
not representative, and to re-elect those
only who were. Wouldn't we reform that
House OF Representatives?
But you might not" says the Presi-
dent. u am not quoting his language;
that is not permitted.)
They have done 1t wherever that meth
cd has been tried" I answered. citing
Chicago and Wisconsin, for examples.
Even so. that course would take time,
L and q nytlIo v-Gat aI,p,,t tho ~,
and the other things that must-be done?"
You see, 1t comes down finally to o
question of the relative Importance of the
many things to be done. I'd rather mako
our government represent us than dig
the canal; the President would rather
dig the canal and regulate railway rates.
So he makes his deal" with the Speaker
and 1 condemn 1t.
But the Senate doesn't reason that
way. The Senate doesn't object to deals.
nor to the House combine, nor to the
deal with the House combine, The Sem
ate makes deals. The steering commit
tee of the Senate has made deals with
the boss and ring of the House combine.
That's what the House combine was built
for-to make it work with the Senate.
Sc the Presidents deal with the COM
bine is not the real reason for the ter
rof here of that dangerous man." the
President. What else is there?
The friends OF the Senate charge that
the President upholds the House combine
with patronage. This also is true. The
President is carrying out his part by his
deal with all the force of his forceful
personality. When the Speaker began
to put through the administration pro-
gramme. a large number of the Repub-
lfcan members turned insurgents. You
have heard a lot about them. They join
ed with the Democrats to beat the rule"
and break up the organization OF the
House. The Speaker applied his whip. He
drove some OF his wild horses" back
into the herd, but his whip was too
short for others. so no went up to the
White House. He gave tho President
a list. The President sent for the men,
bers on 1t, and he used his whip. What is
u whip?
Patronage. Other things, too. The
President has man resources,-facts,
arguments. reason. the authority OF the
leadership OF his party. and he relies
mainly upon these, of course. But the
! friends of the Senate charge that he usss
also the appointive power OF the Presl
dent to compel Congressman to vote az
they don't want to vote. The charge is
true. Each case that Is reported is con-
fused by conflicting testimony, and con-
tradiction. and, indeed, any ono case
must give a false impression. The truth
is all that VIC arc after. however, and it
is true that the President does use Of
fices, directly or indirectly, to influence
votes In Congress on administrative meas
ures.
Is this the whole truth? Let's ask the
President.
First, he says, such cases arc few.
They stick up in local knowledge. and
nothing is heard of tho good appoint
ments. And in proportion to the
great total OF (sorne 25.C0D vacancies
filled each year, the bad appointments
are very few. The President Is with
drawing from politics more n more
classes of offices. and the civil service
is being steadily improved. He believes
sincerely that ne Is giving good govern
lnent.
Second. the President is not the snle
appointive power. The Constitution pro-
vides that the Presidents appointments
shall be made by and with the con-
sent of the Senate. The size of the coun-
try, and the number OF places to be
filled. render 1t impossible for the Pres
ident to examine personally, or ever care
fully into all candidates. so he relies
mainly upon the senator's as he should;
and us the Constitution contemplated.
I,nu Az uuN'oes LIS Will 4tHe representa-
tives, as he should. But the senators
and representatives have come to look
upon his appointments as their graft.
There has grown up In the Senate q
custom or courtesy which enables any
I, one senator at will to hold up q nomina-
ton by the President. and this to a large
extent, turns over to, the senator's from
each State the appointive power OF the
President for that State. The President
has to make deals" with them to get
his appointments confirmed; n to get
his bills through the Senate, he must
appoint enough OF their men to keep out
OF u general fight.
Here is the situation. then. How does