The Plymouth tribune. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1901-1911, 1906-12-13
TO to, Senate and House of Representa-


IL is probable that only reckless specula-
ton and disregard of legitimate business
methods on the part of the business world
can materially mar this prosperity.
No Congress in our time has done more
good work of Importance than the present
Congress There were several matters
lefe unfinished at your last session, how
ever. which | most earnestly hope you
will complete before your adjournment.
Campaign Contributions.
again recommend a law prohibiting
all corporations from contributing TO the
campaign expenses of any party. Let
Individuals contribute as they desire; but
let us prohibit in effective fashion al
corporations from making contributions
fox any political purpose, directly or indi-
rectly.
The Governments Right tn Appeal.
A bill which has passed one House OF
the Congress and which IT Is urgently
necessary should be enacted into law Is
that comforting upon the government the
right of appeal in criminal cases on ques-
tons of law. This right exists in many
of the States; it exists in the District of
Columbia by act of the Congress L can
not too strongly urge the passage OF the
bill. in question. A failure to pass 1T Will
result in seriously haompering the govern
ment in its effort to obtain justice, es-
pecially against wealthy individuals or
corporations who do wrong and may also
prevent the government from obtaining
Justice for wage workers who are not
themselves able effectively to contest q
case where the judgemnt of an inferior
court has been against them. The imp0r-
lance of enacting into law the particular
bill: in question is further increased by
the fact that the government has now
definitely begun q policy of resortlng to
the criminal law in those trust and in
terstate commerce cases where such
course offers a reasonable chance of sue
cess At first, as was proper, every effort
was made to enforce these laws by civil
proceedings; but it has become increas-
ingly evident that the action OF the gov
eminent in finally deciding, in certain
cases, to undertake criminal proceedings
was justifable; and though there have
been some conspicuous failures In these
cases. we have had many successes, which
have undoubtedly had deterrent effect
upon evil-doers, whether the penalty in
ficted was in the shape of fine or impris-
onment-and penalties of both kinds have
already been inflicted by the courts. VI
course, where the judge can see his way
to infiict the penalty OF Imprisonment the
deterrent effect of the punishment on 9TH
Ell offenders is increased; but sufficiently
heavy fines accomplish much.
Issuance of Injunctions.
In my last message l suggested the
enactment of a law in connection with
the issuance of injunctions, attention hav-
ing been sharply drawn to the matter by
the demand that the right OF applying IN
functions in labor cases should be wholly
abolished. 1t IS at least doubtful wheth-
IL. al h.- nj
iniunctions in such cases would stand the
test of the courts; in which case of
course the legislation would be ineffective.
Moreover, believe il would be wrong al
together to prohibit the use of injunctions-
1t is criminal to permit sympathy for
criminals TO weaken our hands In uphold
iny the law: and If men seek to destroy
life or property by mob violence there
should be no impairment of the power OF
the courts to deal with them in the most
summary and effective way possible But
so far as possible the abuse OF the power
should be provided against by some such
law as / advocated last year.
In this matter of injunctions there is
lodged in the hands of the judiciary a nee
essary power which is nevertheless sub
ject 20 The possibility of grave abuse. 1t
i n power that should be exercised with
extreme care and should be subject 10 the
Jealous scrutiny of all men, and condem-
nation should be meted out as much to
the Judge who fails to use it boldly when
necessary as TO the judge who uses 1t
wantonly or oppressively- There must be
no hesitation in dealing with disorder.
But there must likewise be no such aDuse
of the injunctive power as Is implied In
forbidding laboring men to strive for their
own betterment IN peaceful and lawful
ways: nor must the injunction be used
merely to aid some big corporation in car
rying out schemes for its own aggrandize-
mept. II must be remembered that pre-
lim:nary Injunction in labor case, IL
granted without adequate proof (even
when authority can be found to support
the conclusions of law on which 1t IS
foundedl, may often settle the dispute
between the parties; and therefore If i'm
properly granted may do irreparanie
wrong. Yet there are many judges who
assume n matter-of-course granting OF
a preliminary Injunction to be the ordi-
rary and proper judicial disposition OF
such cases; and there have undoubtedly
been fragrant wrongs committed by judges
i'm connection with labor disputes even
within the last few years, although
think much less often than in former
wears. Such ridges by their unwise ac-
ton immensely strengthen the hands OF
those who are striving entirely 10 90
away with the power of injunction; and
therefore such careless use or the inJunc-
tive process tends to threaten its very
existence. for il the American people ever
become convinced that this process is
habitually abused, whether in matters at
ftcting labor or in matters affecting cor
porations. it will be well-nigh impossible
to prevent it's abolition.
The Crime Of Lynching.
In connection with the delays of the
law. l call your attention and the atten-
ton of the nation to the prevalence OF
crime among us, and above all to the cpl
demic of lynching and mob violence that
springs ND, now in one part of our coun-
try. now in another. Each section, north,
south, east or west, has its own faults;
no section can with wisdom spend its
time jeering at the faults of another sec
ton; it should be busy trying TO amend
its own shortcomings. To deal with the
crime of corruption it is necessary to
have an awakened public conscience, and
to supplement this by whatever legisla-
ton will add speed and certainty in the
execution of the law. When we deal with
lynching even more is necessary. "A great
many white men are lynched, but the
crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to
black men. The greatest exciting cause
OF Nnchlng IS the perpetration, especially
by black men, of the hideous crime of
rape-the most abominable in all the
category of crimes, even worse than mur-
der. Mobs frequently avenge the COM
mission of this crime by themselves tor
turing to death the man committing it;
thus ayenging in bestial fashion bestial
deed, and reducing themselves to level
with the criminal.
.Lawlessness grows by what it feeds
upon; and when mobs begin to lynch for
rape they speedily extend the sphere of
their operations and lynch for many other
kinds of crimes, so that two-thirds of the
!ynchings are not for rape at all, while
a considerable proportion of the individ-
uals lynched are innocent OF all crime.
Where any crime committed by a mem
Der of one race against member of an
ether race is avenged in such fashion
that it seems as il not the individual
criminal. but the whole race, is attacked,
the result is to exasperate to the highest
degree race feeling. There is but one safe
rule in dealing with black men hs with
white men; it is the same rule that must
be applied in dealing with rich men and
poor men : that is. to treat each man,
xo-o. Ii o<Ior bis croa6 ar his SoCiql