Los Angeles herald., 1906-03-25

early action could have been taken
he would have rallied a strong force
in his support The senate was then
about evenly divided between Demo-
Gratis and Republicans, and none of
the former supported Conkling. A
deadlock in the senate ensued, lasting
six weeks, and enough Republican
senators refused to take position in
opposition to the president to make
Conkling's success hopeless. President
Garfield withdrew all New York NOM
nations except Robertson's, and that
caused all whose names had been sent
to the senate and withdrawn to make
fight against Conkling.
Democrats Recognize It
Though the extreme courtesy rule
originated with the Republicans, and
by them particularly enforced, it has
had some recognition from the Demo-
Gratis, notably when David b. Hill en-
ployed it to defeat some of President
Cleveland's New York nominees, one
being q nomination to associate JUS
ticeship of the national supreme court.
The courtesy rule to the extent 1t
is now carried is an outgrowth from
machine politics. Such politics are
particularly an institution of party
long in power. Machine politics are
fostered and financed by monopolsts
and special privilegists, the sordid and
greedy men who would fatten on the
wealth produced by the masses
through advantages received from the
government
1t has now become settled in prac-
tice for the last eight years that sena-
torial recommendation in the several
states assures presidential nomination
and senatorial confirmation. 1t is only
departed from that the executive may
be placated by being granted less
restricted liberty. This, of course, is
only true in states in accord with the
party in executive and senatorial con-
troll. Recommendations by the direct
representatives of the people, or by
the people themselves, have little, if
any, weight. The senate uses it's pre-
negatives in treaty making as well as
patronage to help in maintaining it's
dominant influence in the government.
Recommendations by senators are
quite invariably of men who have aided
them in obtaining their seats, and
those who are believed to be able and
willing to render service in returning
them. Men appointed to office and
who are elected senators are usually
such as will help the machine and the
power behind the machine. Men for
senators are not wanted who will act
on self-formed opinoins but such as
will be receptive of opinions prepared
for them. The case is almost unknown
that a senator has of late years rec
commended a man who opposed his
election. 1t is not a question of fitness
and merit, but of personal subserviency
to a senator.
Must Have Wealth
The Earl of Chatham said a man
ought not to be raised to the peerage
unless he had an income of $4,000 per
annum, and that of late is rule
largely acted upon in Great Britain.
The larger number of British peers
are parvenus; few have earned the
place by good public service. A poor
British peer is ostracised by his class
in social circles and hence the tremend-
Gus aspiration to marry rich American
girls or widows or spinsters that have
ample fortunes.
1t has largely become an ideal that
an American senator should have
large income or be backed by rich cor
porations. The number of such cases