The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1906-04-22

them eve Extreme Marxists, like
Guesde al lint DO mot have this sense
OF the uuI and o5ntinuity OF the Liberal
movement To them a moderate Liberal
Republican is d natural enemy and the
tool Of capitalism TO Jaures he Is d natural
ally, and in a sense the tool Of socialism,
because in giving his best efforts TO main
tain republican institutions he is strength
ening the foundation without which So
cialism must remain a purely utopian
ideal. "t q '" .
The translator is fully justified in say
ing that the difficulties and dangers OF the
situation with which Republicans nave
to deal in France are such as Americans
can scarcely imagine. We can see that
the present French Government is Liberal,
and even Radical, in tendency; and is sup
ported by a majority in Parliament and
in the country what we do not zee, or do
not comprehend Is. that the opposition
which confronts the present French Gov
ernnent, and which tries by every possible
means to win over public sentiment, is
not a n opposition in the parliamentary
sense Of the word, but a rebellious, seeding
fraction OF the community. whose real aim
Is to overthrow the whole Republican sys-
tenn, ~reestablish monarchy and Undo TIE
work Of the Revolution. Under the cir
cumstances it was but natural that in
France the Reformist Socialists should
unite with other Republicans In the fight
against the common enemy The Revolu-
tionary Socialists, on their side. however,
maintain that the union has been too close;
that Jaures and his friends have risked
merging the party with the other groups
OF the Left, and have lost sight of their
essentially Sooialistio aims.
In France the quarrel between the two
wings Of the Socialist party reached its
climax seven years ago on the entrance
OF the Reformist Socialist Millerand into
the Waheck-Rousseau coalition Cabinet.
The "Afaire Millerand' has served as a
text for endless arguments on both sides
! and has been one Of the pivotal issues be-
tween the two wings Of the French Socialist
| party. It Is worth recalling that at the
time when Millerand took office as Minister
Of Commerce and. Industry there was
reason to fear, owing to the bitterness OF
the feeling aroused by the Dreyfus case.
that the existence Of the Republic was In
DANGER. When in Office Millerand three
times voted against the Socialist party
and as Minister was obliged 10 receive
the Gar, the typical representative of
autocracy, when he came to Paris. These
acts, the Revolutionists maintained, fully
proved their assertion that my alliance
between Socialists and bourgeois could
only tend to weaken the position Of the
former. and they wished to expel Millerand
from the party. The Reformists, on the
other hand, while formally censuring 'Mi-
lerand for his anti Socialist votes, pointed
with satisfaction to the practical reforms
he instituted while IN Office and argued that
so much positive gain justified their theory
that. alliance was a valuable and necessary
method of attaining their end. As a matter
of fact. Millerand formulated and sue
oeeded in getting passed a, law limiting
to ten hours the working day in factories
where men, women and children were en-
| pioyed, and In the departments under
his immediate control as Minister he in
| stituted the eight hour day. He also es-
tablished certain minimum conditions for
| all labor on contracts for national public
works. His special effort, however. was
| given TO the encouragement and recog-
milton. of organized labor. He created
labor councils, the members of which are
Elected by organized workers and organized
employers. These councils form Perma-
menu DOdIuS Ol. dIDltT dtiOu. al dColCllldtiOut
which may be consulted by private concerns
and must be consulted by the State, and
they fix the standard rate of wages and
hours for every district, and this standard
is at once applicable to State contracts.
The same councils make annual reports
on the conditions of labor, causes of I'M
employment, enforcement Of the law, &c.
The translator of these essays also notes
that Mhlerand introduced though he did
not manage to get passed, a bill to regulate
industrial disputes, a moderate adaptation
of compulsory arbitration on the New
Zealand. model. r
For what Prof. Jaures has to say about @
general strike, considered as an instru-
meht' Of revolution, and about other Social
ist questions, theoretical and practical, We
must refer. the reader to the book itself,
congratulating them meanwhile upon the
fact that the translation has been made by
an } expert, and Is, therefore, accurate
ms well as Of high literary quality.
A word, however, should be said about
the distinguished author, who unquestion-
ably is one Of the strongest personalities
In the contemporary political life OF France.
Jean Janres is what would be described
in Russia as an intellectual. He graduated
at the head Of his class at the Ecole Normale
Superieure, and has twice been professor
of philosophy at Toulouse. During an
interval Of our years in his parliamentary
career, he wrote a history Of the French
Revolution that is said by some authorities
to be based on a more. careful study of
original documents than any other history
OF. the period. This seems extraordinary
praise when ono recalls the laborious re-
searches undertaken by 'Taine. It lie,
however, as a political leader and orator
that Jaures is best known and most sue
oessful. He attends political meetings all
over the. country, mi wherever he goes
he communicates some Of his enthusiasm
and energy to his hearers. In the Chamber
of Deputies he makes an incredible number
of speeches, hardly ever letting an important
debate pass without taking an active,
and usually a dramatic, part, and never
failing to secure. %breathless attention from
friends and adversaries alike. He is equally
ct home denouncing the r~eactionary ele-
ment in French politics, in exalting the