The Minneapolis journal. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1888-1939, 1906-01-18
Roosevelt's Monroe Doctrine.

Roosevelt's Monroe Doctrine.
Senator Rayner s discussion Of the
Monroe doctrine as interpreted by
Roosevelt is interesting. = The sena-
tor declares that what thesadministra-
tion is seeking to enforce is not the
Monroe doctrine, but the Roosevelt doc
trine. Monroe, he says, did nothing
but assert that the United States would
look upon the attempt Of European
powers to establish their system in this
hemisphere as imperiling our peace and
safety. He did not contemplate that
we should become the receivers and
debt collectors Of the petty republics
south Of us. ..z...,.. -: .....-....... -. ..
It is true that President Monroe did
not elaborate his doctrine into code
upon which he should act in case OF
necessity. He wisely left. that to the
time when he should have occasion to
act and that time neverN came. We
are left therefore in the dark as to how
Monroe would have interpreted his own
doctrine. Would he have looked upon
the seizure Of custom houses as VIC
lation Of sovereignty and therefore
repugnant to his doctrine? Senator
Rayner says he would not. Senator
Rayner's idea Of the Monroe doctrine
is that it was not a bargain between
the United States and Europe. We
did not undertake., In consideration Of
their respecting the territorial integ-
rity of the South American republics,
to help foreign powers collect their
bills. We simply asserted on our own
account that we should look with dis
favor on their attempting to set up
kingdoms over here in the new world.
Monroe probably did not have in
mind debts or contractual obligations
at all. But even if he did not his sue
cessors have had to have them in
mind because of the very potent fact
that sovereign nations will attempt to
collect debts due their SUBJECTS in
alien territory. We have done it our
selves. We have threatened naval de-
monstrations against Turkey to per-
suade the Turks to pay up. We may
suppose that when the Monroe doctrine
was promulgated, European nations
saw it and resolved to find some way
to, collect their bills which would be
agreeable to us. Foreign nations do
make such efforts and did so before
there was Monroe doctrine. They
! customarily begin with diplomatic rep
reservations, proceed to a rupture of
relations and if that does not have the
desired effect make show of force
Here the United States steps in and
says, s'you must not attack the sover
eighty of that country" "All right, ,:
says the foreigner, II have tried tc
collect this bill peacefully and have
failed, you say I :, must not try any
other way: Suppose you try
| The United States recently has beer
trying this plan. We tried it success
fully in Venezuela. We are trying il
in Santo> Domingo. In each case. we in
tervened to prevent foreign power
from landing marines and taking posses
sion of the custom houses by force anl
paying themselves out Of the returns.
: Senator Rayner denies that in the
seizure of. custom house or a blockade
there is any seizure Of territory within
the meaning Of the Monroe doctrine
Perhaps abstractly there is not, but con
cretely there is grave reason to believ,
that it would amount to that in tn,
end. Once in, when would the foreigl
power get outs This is the question be
fore the executive. The president say
he does not know and therefore he viii
use every effort to prevent it getting in
An ounce Of prevention, in his estima
ton, is still worth a pound of cure.
Senator Rayner also denies that for
eign powers have any right to enforc
contractual obligations any further thai
thru diplomatic efforts. But can he con
vince Europe Of that's If he can b.
!. will make the Monroe doctrine easy o
enforcement The difficulty with thi
bland denial is that it is SO very bland
i 1t does not take account of the fac