The daily morning journal and courier., 1906-03-22
RUSSIA PLAYING FALSE
 CAME WITH THE PEOPLE
IMPERIAL MANIFESTO AND UKASES NOT WHAT TBEY
 OUGHT TO BE-

Constitute Neither Constitution Nor "Bill of Rights''-Create a Popular
 Assembly but the Powers Granted to
 It Are So Hedged About With Re-
 strictions That It Will bo Rather
 Parliament in Name Than in Faot.
 St. Petersburg, March 21-ITse im- perial manifesto and the ukases of March 8, which incorporate in the fun damental law of the empire the provis- ions for national assembly in Russia, promised in the manifesto last fall, are | disappointing in many respects. They constitute neither constitution nor a 'bill of rights" for the Russian people. They do create popular assembly. but the powers granted to 1t are so hedged about with restrictions and conditions that it will be rather parliament in name than in fact. Nevertheless, by 1 the terms of the manifesto the emperor himself is powerless to revoke what he has now given. This constitutes the greatest victory which the people have won. They at last have an authorita- tive medium through which they can make their voice heard, and it is in this assembly probably that the greatest historical struggle against prerogative and privilege will be fought out.
 An examination of the documents shows clearly that their purpose has been to intrench the government at every point against the assaults of the people. The council of the empire, or upper chamber, as reorganized, pro- vides for the election of only half the members, and these are chosen by the nobility, clergy, zemstvos and conmer- cial interests, so that with the other half directly nominated by the crown the government can always interpose decision of the council as buffer be- tween 1t and the direct representatives of the people in the douma, or lower house. Besides certain important ques- lions, notably, malfeasanoe in office, for members of the council of the empire, the cabinet, the provincial general gov ernors and other functionaries of the government belonging to the three l highest ranks in the Russian hierarchy, are excluded entirely from the jurisdic- tion of the parliament and are consign- ed to committees, or commissions, as they are called of the council of the empire But the composition of such committees is restricted to the members appointed by the emperor. Other quesz4 l tions which go to similar committees are those relating to the reports of the minister of finance on the cash in the treasury and savings banks, reports on the state pawnshops and matters re- l lating to the law of primogeniture and to titles conferred by the crown. These are all subjects which the representa- tives of the people will probably want to inquire into.
 The main weapon retained by the em- peror is his power to dissolve parlia- ment at will. This, coupled with the governments ability to promulgate temporary laws" leaves the govern ment master of the situation whenever it cares to employ this means of rid ding itself of parliament when the lat ter has grown too inquisitive or trou- blesome.
 Instead of leaving to the chambers the creation of the rules and questions of procedure which are to govern them, they are carefully prescribed in the ukase and it only needs a perusal of the documents by the foreign student of parliamentary institutions and pro cedure to make it apparent that the cumbersome and complicated lnachin- cry devised is largely for the purpose of crippling parliament in it's struggle against the government Enormous power is concentrated in the hands of the presidents of each house, only the president of the lower house being elected. They have the authority to adjourn sessions, order the closing of the doors during a debate and, to a large measure, control the publication of the reports of the sittings. They also act as the intermediates for the transmission of reports to the emperor.