New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1906-01-17
4 POLITICAL REVOLUTION.

The British elections amount to political
revolution, such as Is quite possible under the
constitution. There is no change In the form
or genius Of government. The constitution re-
mains untouched. But the political complexion
of the kingdom undergoes such a change as
has not been known for many years, The reia-
tive position of parties, the temper OF the par
ties and the nature of the issues before the
nation are startlingly Transformed Day after
day emphasizes the impression created by the
earliest returns. The Liberal victory is sim
ply overwhelming far exceeding the most san
guine hopes of the party leaders There Will
almost certainly be IS large a Liberal major
tty over all as that of the Unionists in the
last Parliament, while the Unionist Opposition
will probably be much smaller than was that
of the Liberals.
This result must be profoundly gratifying to
the Liberals on all grounds, and especially be-
cause it will make them independent OF all
alliances, Irish or other. Had they gained
mere plurality and been dependent upon Irish
votes for a controlling majority, there would
have been almost incessant trouble, with
prospect of dissolution after short and stormy
career That was what the Unionists reck-
oned on But the Liberals now bid fair to be
as independent Of the Irish party as the Union
lists have been, so that without embarrassment
or danger they can fulfil their promise to keep
Home Rule on the shelf, and can proceed with
those great works Of constructive legislation
which they have for years been demanding
It is we'll that, having the responsibility OF
government they are to have its full and IN
challenged power.
The possible question of coalition Is not be-
tween Liberals and Nationalist, buff it eX-
lists at aII-betWeen Liberals and Labor men,
There has been close understanding between
them hitherto and Sir Henry Campbeu-Ban-
herman has taken Labor man into his Cabl-
net-who, however, will probably hereafter be
called a Liberal, and will practically be de-
posed from the Labor leadership he has hith-
erto held Now, the Labor party In the new
House will be large enough to exert marked
influence. It will be q force to be reckoned
with both actually and potentially. It's rise
has been one of the marked features Of this
campaign, and shrewd politicians Ike the Lib
eraI leaders will take note Of 1t and shape
their courses accordingly. We shall not be
surprised If the most veXatious question be-
fore the new House shall prove to be. not the
Irish demand for separation, but the Labor
demand for legislation practically annuIling
the famous Taft Vale decision. Upon that the
heart of the Labor party is set, but It Is not
at all sure that the Liberals will grant so revO-
Iutionary a measure.
AS for the Conservatives and Liberal Union
lists, their discontinue is wellnigh complete.
It's full significance will be perceptible, how
ever only d1leT DLE1uIHShaul a4Au BULLY VCA0A
places have voted, where the tariff reform
propaganda has been pushed. The leaders of
free trade Conservatism, Lord Hugh Cecil and
Mr. B0Wles, have been beaten, and the dex-
terousy non-committal Mr.. Balfour has also
suffered that fate Now we shall what
happens to Mr.. Chamberlain and the tariff re-
formers. If they, too, are defeated, the YER
dict will be against the party as a whole re-
CARELESS of the tariff issue. But If they are
successful, their leadership Of what remains of
the party will be confirmed and the tariff re-
form issue will be more securely established as
the party policy. That fact may theoretically
be comforting to Mr.. Chamberlain. But, If the
Liberals use their newly gained power dis
creetIy, it may be a weary while before he
has a chance practically to appeal to the nation
upon that issue