Truth. [volume] (Salt Lake City, Utah) 1901-1908, 1906-02-17
THE RAILWAY RATE BILL.

Republicans and the Democrats of the
house are agreed is to be offere 10 the
senate, in the words of the New York
Times (Dem.), "as the expression of
the political and economic wisdom of
the lower branch upon the subject of
the federal regulation of railroad
rates." The essence of the BILL says
the Literary Digest, is the provision
that after full hearing by the Inter
state Commerce Commission of COM
plant against an existing rate charged
or collected by road engaged in in
Iterstate commerce, the commission
may regulate the rate. That is, should
it find the rate unjust or unreason-
able or unjustly discriminatory, OF
Iunduly preferential, or prejudicial in
violation of any of the provisions OF
this act" it shall have power to deter
mine and prescribe what WILL in its
Judgment, be "the just, reasonable
and fairly remunerative rate to be
thereafter observed as the maximum
rate to be charged" This bill has the
approval of the president, is, in fact,
the administration measures, and the
Dolliver bill in the senate is it's par
allel. The Times, just quoted points
out that by accepting this measure the
house disregards ruling of the SUI
preme court in the case of the Inter-
state Commerce Commission against
the Cincinnati Railway company us
ing this language:
ut is one thing to inquire whether
the rates which have been charged
and collected are reasonable-that is
a judicial act-but an entirely differ
ent thing to prescribe rates which
| CHI hn chor in, fha f,,t,,
is legislative act"
Papers not in favor of rate legisla-
ton put the action of the house down
as response to public clamor merely,
without reference to the actual nee Is
of the country. In an article from it's
Washington correspondent which the
+ New York Sun prints on the editorial
page, the situation is summed up as
follows:
1T has not been clearly shown that,
under the Constitution, even congress
itself had the power to dictate trans
portation charges. 1t has been but in
! differently shown that, possessing the
power itself, congress may delegate
the power to a non-congressional ad-
ministrative body. Eminent authori-
ties doubt and deny both the posses
sion of power and the right that the
senate is most likely to concern itself.
The upper house in our national leg
} islature is less disposed than is the
lower branch to give approval to
measures that will not stand examina-
ton by the Supreme court
ut is not at all imperative that this
matter be decided next week, next
month or even next year. The coun-
try has thriven wonderfully under the
existing system. Our trade, both do,
nestle and foreign, is greater than
that of any earlier period in our his
tory. Above all, in it's efforts to arrive
at sane and sound conclusions in a
matter involving legal and constitu-
tional questions of exceeding intri-
cacy and supreme Importance, the
| senate should not be made target
| for charges of wilful and wicked OBJ
|, structiveness.'
The Philadelphia Public Ledger
(Ind) thinks the public has lost in
terest'' in TIE whole matter, and the
! New York Journal of Commerce puts
the action of the house down to the
approaching congressional elections,
but has no assurance that the meas
ure will become a law in the present
session. THAT it will pass the sen.