New-York tribune., 1906-06-09


Mr.. divers readable volume. though written
with the single purpose TO present plea for
s,ronger British union possesses a threetold
interest: AS an Englishman's view of Hamilton
as study Of the origins Of American govern
,,sut and as an argument FOR British imperial
,ern Since for various reasons which IL IS I'M
necessary TO set forth the author has placed
q: the end OF his book his remarks upon the
scope and intention of his work which 'ft might
rsasonably be urged would have figured more
suitably in preface" il will be convenient for
similar reasons 10 consider the Conclusion" of
the volume before taking up the matter in the
Eve previous parts After rehearsing his various
disquaTihcations for writing such a work as this
slr Oliver confesses that he was impelled to the
task because he was unable to discover any ac-
count of Hamilton's career that satisfied his
curiosity" If for curiosity he had written
purpose" his statement would have appeared
more reasonable The fault that he finds with
all the existing bogra pllIes of Hamilton is that
they are too American. And conversely. the
fault that Americans viii find with Mr.. divers
books that II is too British"
AS matter OF fact, what really interests Mr.
Oliver IS not Alexander Hamilton but the prob
lem Of adapting or changing the present form
Of the English government TO meet the needs
of great British empire, a problem in regard
10 which he has formulated certain opinions
that he desires TO impress upon his countrymen.
The work Of Hamilton's life" he finds was
the solution OF problems which we have not yet
found any means TO sove.' Though the prob
lems are similar, the conditions are different so
that while Hamiltons policies may serve as an
inspiration 10 British publiclsts. his precedents
cannot well be followed What Great Britain
needs to-day is another Alexander Hamilton,
and the Hamilton whom Mr.. Oliver has
structed in his volume is much more like the
Hamilton that he believes Great Britain needs
than Ike the Hamilton that America really had.
We may be fattered by the avowaI that
mother country finds herself. after the space of
more than a century, ready to profit by our ex-
ample IN order to prevent the loss of other Of her
children. and cannot we'll grudge her the
loan Of Alexander Hamilton a model of a
constructive statesman Likewise, she may
dress him up in any way that is likely to make
him most attractive TO possible imitators: only
Of course, when we get him back again, we
shall prefer TO have him in the guise in which
he is most familiar to
What Mr. Oliver most adnlires in Hamilton
his consistent demand for sovereignty as
essential condition of union and he is
amazed" 10 find how strong likeness there is
between the States Of America before the
union and the British Empire at the present
day.
I the government Of Great Britain and ireland,
perial Parliament, desires anything done which
quires Colonial cooperation, il must go. like the
peFsuading, cajoling and entreatng. BY a fine
in reality it is as impotent as the Continental
Congress and only less ridiculous because it has
learned from experience the timid wisdom not to
court Tebuffs.
The British problem, then, is how to unite its
colorl IND T1cfee rrff1 in
during nation. and Mr.. Oliver modestly offer
ing himself as & sort OF Alexander Hamilton pro
tenlp suggests the terms upon which only, in
his view, such a union effectively be con-
summated
%itnhelq. or granted upon terms or are subject
fe5e-.r,- IL -. - 80 VI aIiS VI i1Ja ti,T
Il is lacking both in stability and permanence for
any moment be Withdrawn The test Of union Is
t1e utter sovereignty OF the central government,
wmca must 6e free and able TO act directly upon,
and 20 touch, without the favor of any inter
Inotest corner Of its dominlons Its subjects are
not states, but people; and according TO the tradl
and beyond question il tie government be the
choice OF The whole people Judged by this test,
The British Empire at the present time is a
1tieal fact, but only phrase an influence senti-
Il is not strange. accordingly, that Hamilton
presents to the author the type of man needed
in Great Britain in the present crisis more es-
pecially his ideal OF the British nation is
one almost II not entirely sufficient unto itself,
reinforcing by ties OF common commercial
interest The stretched and weakening bonds OF
sentiment and influence. Such was Hamilton's
commercial policy although it was the policy
that he was never able to put into effect. Mr..
Oliver believes that the proposition that COM
inerce between nations is a safeguard Of peace
cannot stand historical scrutiny. $50 long as the
relations Of two men or two nations he de-
cares, can be kept mainly 70 the interchange
OF goods Of one class against goods of another
Class commerce is akin 10 peace, and is a strong
lahuence in maintaining il between the parties,
but when this relation alters. and from buyer
and seller they become rival sellers, it is akin
10 war The former was the situation when
Great Britain first accepted free trade a prac-
Teal rule of craftsmanship, when she supplied
1he world with manufactures and received in
turn the materials and food. and when
Ideas OF national development unfashion-
able Now he finds that the utility of commerce
as a means Of binding together, strengthening
and developing each separate empire against
lhe world outside OF it has gradually come to be
accepted everywhere save in the British ISL
ands. What is more grinding still, "the other
states u hch are united under the British crown
nav unanimously rejected our economic creed
and have used the force Of commerce in order
10 make nations. since ii has been discarded for
Uhe purpose Of making empire"
The trouble with Mr. divers plan appears 10
be tiat it is entirely too one-sided The colonies
that have been building themselves up into
nations are far better able 10 take care of them
Selves without Great Britain than Great Britain
Is able 10 take care Of herself and her still un
developed colonies and protectorates without