Lawrence democrat. (Lawrenceburg, Tenn.) 1884-1925, 1905-07-14

ease of operation was without parallel |
He called in several gentlemen of his
line of work and unfolded scheme to
mulet their own employers and divide
the profits. His friends promised to
cooperate, and that night there went
to the several inside offices of the rail-
road companies information, from
their trusted agents, that resolution
calling for legislative investigation
into certain shady practices of rail-
roads and other common carriers was
to be introduced in the house.
The next day the resolution was in
troGuced, and as 1t had been drafted
by experts in shady transactions it
fairly bristled with points dangerous
to common carriers. Yet the resolution
wac so cleverly worded that its danger
GUS character was apparent only to men
who knew the inside of things and
I knew what effect an honest effort to
carry out the investigation demanded
would have. When the agents tele-
graphed the full resolution to their
principals they started trouble all
along the line. By telegraph and tele-
phone, by letter and messenger, came
the orders to head off the threatened in
vestigation at any cost.
The resolution had been sent to a
committee, and this committee was con-
trolled by the legislators who were in
the deal with the railroad agents. For
a week the agents kept their principals
in suspense. Some of the roads sent
their keenest lobbyists to the state
house. Cash, spot cash. is the only
thing that can keep that resolution
from coming out of committee" was
the unanimous report of the railroad
agents, and soon the money was where
it was wanted, the syndicate divided
the profits, the resolution died in COM
mittee and the originator Of the scheme
took up his o US and then had
small surplus.
At times members of committees
from cities or other political districts
fail to discriminate between public and
private bills. They seem to think that
measure affecting municipality and
bill introduced to give some one a
special privilege must travel the same
boodle-paved road. Perhaps that is
why sometimes one of the first Ques-
tions asked in committees appointed to
urge the passage of a public measure
is: How much will it cost?" AS
matter of fact partisan politics or local
jealousies are the principal factors
which enter into the problem involved
in securing the passage of bill of pub
lie import.
But, as | said, some people have an
abiding conviction that no bill can pass
without the use of money. And that
was what one of the amateur lobbyists,
who came to the state capital in the
interest of public bill, had in mind
when he, unsolicited, offered one of our
cheapest members some money to vote
for the bill at issue. Lobbying was a
novel departure for the business man
whose civic pride had carried him to
the state house. The bill in which he
was interested was in no danger of de-
feat, although he thought it was. Full
of zeal and enthusiasm he started out
on lone hunt for votes which were not
needed
He ran against member who was
in the condition known as loaded"
and getting down to business told
the inebriated lawmaker he would get
so much money if he would vote for
the bill The legislator solemnly shook
hands on the proposition and the two
came into the house just as the clerk
began calling the roll for vote. The
legislator with load" loudly voted
AYE" when his name was called, then
staggered to the door, took the amateur
lobbyist by the arm, dragged him
around the corner and demanded
his money. The business man tried
to explain that his bill had not come
up for a vote; that the vote just re-
corded by the lawmaker was for another
measure. But the drunken member
insisted he had voted as agreed and
made such a row that the business man,
to quiet him, paid the promised amount
of money and later sat in the gallery
and saw his bill passed with such a
majority it was nearly unanimous.
The legislative conscience is an
elastic contrivance; it conveniently
stretches to suit the occasion. For in
stance, there are many members of a
general assembly whose vote or infiu-
ence could not be purchased with
money, yet such votes can be bought
with public jobs.
In legislature the terms bribery"
doodle" and graft" apply to transac-
lions involving the use of money Rail
road passes and public jobs are not
actual cash paid in hand, therefore alaw-
maker, whose vote is influenced by the
promise of public position for himself
or one whom he names, does not look
upon the transaction as bribery OF
DOODLE
AS a matter of fact there is no real
difference between buying vote with
money and buying vote with a job