The semi-weekly messenger. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1897-1908, 1905-12-08

That our rights and interests are
deeply concerned In the maintenance
Of the Doctrine is so clear as hardly TO
need argument This Is especially true
In view OF the construction of the Pan
anna Canal. As a mere matter OF self
defense We must exercise a close watch
over he approaches to this canal: and
this means that we must be thoroughly
alive TO our interests in the Caribbean
Sea
There are certain points
which must never be forgotten as re-
CARDS the Monroe Doctrine. In the
first place we must as q nation make
it evident that We do not intend 10 treat
= in n or way as IN excuse
for ACKNOWLEDGMENT on our part at she
expense OF the republics to the south
We must recognize the fac that in
some South American countries there
has been much suspicion lest we should
interpret the Monroe Doctrine as In
some way inimical to their interests.
other nations Of this continent once
and for all that no iust and orderly
government has ANYTHING to fear from
us. There are certain republics TO the
south Of Us which have already reach
ed such a point of stability. order. n
prosperity that they themselves
though as vet hardly consciously. are
among the guarantors OF this Doctrine.
These REPUBLICS we now meet not only
on a bisis of entire equality. but in n
spirit of frank and respectful friend
ship. which we hope is mutual. If all
of the republics to the south of us
viii only grow as those to which / al
lude have already grown. all need for
us to De the especial champions OF the
Doctrine will disappear. for no stable
and growing American Republic
y-;SI,ac e.. Gao prn 49, nm .a a-sna,
military power ACQUIRE territory in its
neighborhood. All that this country
desires is that the other republics on
this Continent shal be happy and pros
porous: and they can not be happy and
prosperous unless they maintain order
within their boundaries and behave
with a Just regard for their obligations
toward outsiders. 1t must be under
stood that under no circumstances will
the United States use the Monroe Doc
trine as a cloak for territorial aggres
sion. We desire peace with all the
world. but perhaps most # all with
the other peoples Of the American Con-
tinent. There are of course limits to
the wrongs which any s~elf-respecting
nation can endure. 1t is ALWAYS DOS
Sible that wrong actions toward this
Nation. or toward citizens OF this Ma
ton. in some State unable to keep or
~ oAAiO4tS 49, W. S>oSN
secure Justice from outsiders. and I'M
willing to do Justice to those outsiders
who treat it we'll. may result In u
having to tax action to protect u
rights: but such action will not be
taken with a view to territorial ag-
gression, and it will be taken at all
only with extreme reluctance and
when ii has become evident that every
other has been exhausted.
Moreover, we must make It evident
that we do not intend. to permit the
Monroe Doctrine, to be used by any
nation or this Continent as a shield to
protect it from the consequences Of its
own misdeeds against foreign nations.
If a republic to the south of us COM
mits a tort against a foreign nation.
such as an outrage against a citizen of
that nation. then the Monroe Doctrine
does not force us to interfere to pre-
vent punishment of the tort. save to
see that the punishment does not as
sumo the form of territorial occupa-
ton in any shape. The case is more
difficult when it refers to a c~ontrac-
tual~ obligation. Our w Government
has always refused to enforce such
contractual obligations on behalf of its
citizens by an appeal to arms. It is
much to be wished that all foreign
governments would take the same
view. But they do not: and in conse-
uuence we are liable at any time to be
brought fac to face with d~isagreeable
alternatives. On the one hand. this
country would certainly decline to go
to war to prevent a foreign government
from collecting a lust debt: on the 9TH
er hand. it is very inadvisable to per-
NIT any foreign power to take posses
sion. even temporarily. of the CUSTOM
house of an American Republic in or
der to enforce the payment of its obli-
cations: for sue
ton might turn into a ornament oc-
cupation. The only escape from these
alternatives may at any time be that
we must ourselves undertake to bring
about some ARRANGEMENT by which 50
much as possible of a JUS obligation
shall be paid. 1t is far better that this
country should put through such an
arrangement. rather than allow any
foreign country to undertake 1t. To
do so insures the defaulting republic
from having to paw debts of an inn
proper character under duress. while
it also insures honest creditors of the
republic from be'~~ Dassed by in the
interest Of dishonest or grasping credi-
tors. Moreover. for the United States
to take such q position offers the only
possible way of inSuring us agains a
clash with some foreign power. The
position is, therefore. in the interest of
peace as we'll as in the interest of JUS
tice. It is of benefit to our people,: it
is of benefit to foreign PEOPLES: n
most of all it is really Of benefit to the
country concerned.
This brings me to what should be
one Of the fundamental objects OF the
Monore Doctrine. We must ourselves
in good faith try to help upward toward
peace and order those Of our sister
republics which need such help. Just
as there has been a gradual growth
of the ethical element in the relations
of one individual to another. so we
are. even though slowly. more and
more coming to recognize the duty OF
bearing one another's burdens. not
only as among individuals. but also as
among nations.
Santo Domingo.
Santo Domingo. in her turn. a now
made an appeal to US to helm her. and
not only every principle of wisdom but
every generous instinct within Us bids
us respond to the appeal 1t is lot Of