The Minneapolis journal. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1888-1939, 1905-07-08
THE CH7CAGO STRIKE And
SOME or IT'S LESSONS
A Remarkably Ableand Instructive Address BY Successful
Chicago Merchant

J.
union workingman and every business
man among the readers Of 9 u r
nal. It is regretted that there is room
for only few of the more significant
passages:
You may question an appearance OF !
impartiality toward labor unions by
Chicago man lately escaped from state
of street ruffianism and general mix
up Of brickbats, Jumps of coal, glass
bottles, stones, brass knuckles and the
rest of the familiar equipment OF dis
order and smuggling incident to Chicago
strikes.
And you may not welcome Chicago
suggestions about labor unions; our
city being considered highroller IN
however, it is fair to say, is but part
of the wider ferment, because OF which
many of the problems of our national
development are finding their chief
forum in Chicago and this middle west.
Doubtless our teamsters' strike has
not heightened Chicago g authority.
But you must admit that it is credit
to our originality. For it is unique as
a finished example, being an unprece-
dented combination Of every mistake
and every abuse which unionism has so
far evolved. One may study in this one
strike all the defects, excuses and de-
plorable features of the labor move
ment-and with the brilliant effect un-
dimmed by any of its virtues.
It was at first sympathetic tho the
teamsters had agreements specially pro-
hibiting sympathetic strikes.
They struck for the garment workers,
but only when the latter had long lost
their cause. And they did not strike
against the employers Of the garment
| workers, but, like lightning from clear
sky, against houses with whom their
own relationships, and those of all other
unions, were satisfactory and unruf-:
fed. They struck only such houses as
| had never, to their knowledge, seen
garment worker in their lives with the
single exception of one house who had
as a side show Of their business nine
teen tailors, and who didn't care e., a
penny if they. did not have one. The
houses with whom the garment workers
had their strike We're, not molestted.
They were exempt. They were prime
| favorites. The transfers never turned
their eyes their way. =:
It was not merely sympathetic
strike, and sympathetic by pretens,e,
less criminal boycott, with automatic
alterations of strike and boycott that
could not stop short of involving, in the
l end, every employer in Chicago whose
business used a team. And yet, i SO
fatuous and ill-considered were their
plans that the strike leaders expected
to restrict the strike.
The strike has broken every<contract
' it could lay it's hands upon, and as non
chalantly, and almost as frequently, as
the leaders take drink.
It has blockadeds the streets with
J union teams, tho less than formerly, be-
cause comparatively few transfers sym.
pathize with the strike.
It has slugged at every turn and at
every distance. <5.ir;, -,
| It has disregarded the courts, both
state and federal. and has loudly resent
ed any legal restraints. :,
J BY common belief it was not a gen
} uine strike at all, but Conceived in
!. sin and born irrz-5iniauity,;'' with sym
and cupidity hopgless1y confused in In
conceivable motives. =
!, It has broken the peace into little
bits. s
' It has terrorized the retail merchants
thruout the city. >.
l. It has driven the unwilling union mel
! from their Jobs, denied non union mer
! the right to work. and the employer,
the right even to attempt to do bust
l ness. ~ -. 49,: I@a 70 ~ a.
4 It encourages hideous strikes Of chill
q dren.
t It has done everything it coul,
0 find to do that would forfeit the goot
will of the public, and it has raised vi
7 against itself nearly unanimous publ
8 opinion from ocean to ocean.
: r.: It is strike and boycott Of an oil
b garchy Of unfit leaders, who have sacri
: feed with impartial Indifference tn
i rights Of the employers, the citizens, tn
! teamsters and the union cause.
a The initial blunder Of the oligareh,,
y was taking it for granted that the EN-
: ployers would have no scruples agains
: principles or self-respeet for which the.
!, would fight. Tt is unsafe to count upo
q the pusillanimity of peaceful America:
. citizens. " 81
e Such is the latest dire experience o
|. Chicago. But even this does not :shu
o Chicago's eyes to the underlying jus
positions Of un1onlsmi Because wa
l. we do not forget The permanent value
e Of civil government, nor the fruitfr
k progress of the years and areas Of peac,
n All thru the injustice Of this gueril]
e warfare, Chicago s employers and pres
IS have more than pledged themselves to
5, fair field for unionism. And the preser
r. is particularly a iuncture for holding G
J. to the just habit of discrimination bi
= tween fundamental .unionism itself an
Y it's Wretched excuses. For til
I situation is permanent. It is childis
II to think we can abolish labor union
"a for the public opinion Of all nations hs
II accepted them as fixtures. We must a.
- velop, not abolish them. And the en-
- ployers, as sure as there is moral r
> sponsibility anywhere in the worl
y must assume a. distinct share Of the r
sponsibility for the increase of the
= usefulness and for the correction
II their faults.
ID But final friendly acceptance Of lab,
t, unions, either by employers or the pu1
al lie, will not take place until all Of tt
Ie unions have definitely abandoned tN
d. wholly revolving and abominable met
IF DDS which it is impossible for the Anne
ge can people ever to condone. mes
ne contracts. Other methods may be d
at batable. Even the open shop is not
in closed question. But the breaking
er contracts and the breaking of heal
NJ are not in the nature of subjects
to debate.
at A strike is test Of whether an e1
ployer& can run a business to his sat-
of faction with the strikers, or whether t
[e- strikers will have to be called bac
AZ Everybody agrees as to that. And
70 must be agreed that this test cannot
-. made without fair field, and tn
10 there is no suggestion Of violence
We disorder in the proposition. Indeed, t
,;r suggestion of violence would destr
=, the proposition. And it would destr
:" strikes themselves, for it is inconcei
able that strike could be institut
If it proclaimed violence as part
its proposition. If violence or disord
occurs it is wholly foreign to the tie