The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1905-12-05
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS
continued rom Page TwO.l


CONTINUED from Page Two)
as forbfdding the exercise Of the po-
lice power. This mighty anu re -,
public should ever deal with all ounee
states. great or small on a pasls Oh
high honor, respecting thelr IIsLi's %
jealousy as it safeguards us own
Monroe Doctrine.
Ona Of the most effective instru-
ments for peace is the Monroe DOC
frine. as it has been and IS belnB graz
ually developed by TINS haelO" 80 80
accepted By other nations ~ -
policy could have been as eHlclelll III
promoting Deace in the western neIllA-
sphere and in giving to eacH 4Itlol-
thereon the chance to deyelog ato..s
its own lines. If we had reIuseu ~ 81
Dlv the doctrine to changing cohQlllOAS
& ,s,o,frd now he completely OutWOru;
would not meet any of the heeuS "
the present day. and indeed Wou4o
probably by this time nave suilh ~
complete oblivion. 1t is useful at nome,
e15 If meeting with recognition
abroad because we have adapted our
epplicafior of it to meet the growing
and changing needs Of the hemisphere
When we announce pollcS, 9ucA %
the Monroe doctrine, we thereby - ll u
init ourselves to the consequences %
the policy and those consequences
from time to time alter II Is o1t %
the question to claim right anu -
shirk the responsibility Tor lts eAel Uls0'
Not only we but all American 1tepub-
lies who are benefited by the existence
of the doctrine must recognize llle OD-
LEGATIONS each nation is under as re
CARDS foreign people no less tnaA us
duty TO insist upon its own rlsilts'
That our rights and interests are
deeply concerned in the maintenance
Of the doctrine is so clear as hardly 70
need argument This is especially true
in view of the construction OIL lhe
self-defcnse we must exercise close
watch over the approaches OIL lnls
canal: and this means that we must be
thoroughly alive to our interests IN the
Caribbean Sea-
which must never be forgotten as re-
cards the Monroe doctrine In the
FIRST place we must as a nation make
IL evident that we do not intend TO
treat it i'm any shape or way as an eX-
cuse for ACKNOWLEDGEMENT on our part at
the expense of the republics to the
south. We must recognizes the fact
that in some South American coun-
tries there has been much suspicion
lest we should interpret the Monroe
doctrine as in some way inimical to
their interests. and we must try to
convince all the other nations Of this
continent once and for all that no just
and orderly government has anything
to fear from us. There are certain re-
publics to the south of US which have
already rea ched such a point of sta
bility. order, and prosperity that they
themselves, though as yet hardly CON
sciously. are among the guaTantOrs OF
this doctrine. These republics we now
meet not only on basis of entire
equality but in a spirit of frank and
respectful friendship. which we hope
Is mutual. If all of the republics to
the south of us will only grow as those
TO which I allude have already grown
all need for us to be the especial
champions of the doctrine Will diSap-
pear, for no stable and growing Amer
lean republic wishes to see some great
nOu-An erican military power acquire
territory in its neighbOrhoOd. All that
this country desires is that the other
republics on this continent shall be
happy and prosperous and they can
not be happy and prosperous unless
they maintain order within their
boundaries and behave with a just re-
gard for their obligations toward out
siders- 1t must be understood that un-
der no circumstances will be the United
States use the Monroe doctrine as a
cloak for territorial aggression. We
desire peace with all the world but
perhaps most of all with the other peo-
pies Of the American continent. There
are of course limits to the wrong which
any selt-respectug nation can endure.
lit is always possible that wrong ac-
uons toward this nation, or toward
citizens of this nation, in some state
uDaDle TO keep OrQer among Its own
people unable to secure justice from
outsiders and unwilling TO do justice
to those outsiders who treat it well,
may result in our having to take ac-
ton to protect our rights; but such ac-
ton viii not be taken with view to
territorial aggression, and it viii be
taken al all only with extreme reluc-
lance and when it has become evident
that every other resource has been ex-
hausted.
Moreover, we must make it evident
that we do not intend to permit the
Monroe Doctrine to be used bF any
nation on this continent as a shield to
protect II from the consequences of its
own misdeeds against foreign nations.
If republic to the south of us COM
nits a tort against a. foreign nation.
such as an outrage against a citizen
OF that nation, then the Monroe Doc
trine does not force us to interfere to
prevent punishment of the tort. save to
see that the punishment does not as
sumo the form of territorial occuna-
ton i'm any shape. The case is more
difficult when it refers to a contra ctral
obligation. Our own government has
always refused to enforce such con-
tractual obligations on behalf of its
clll2enS by an appeal to arms 1t is
much to be wished that all foreign
governments would take EhIa same
view. But they do not: and in couse-
quence we are liable at any time to be
brought face TO face with disagree
able alternatives. On the other hand.
This country would certainly decline to
90 TO war to prevent a foreign govern