Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1905-12-05

70 gel ria Of the causes Of war than of IL
implements of war.
l have dwelt much on the dangers to b
avoided by steering clear of any mere fool
ish sentfmcntality because my wish for
peace Is soGseniifne and earnest: because
/ have real and great desire that this sect
ond Hague conference may mark n long
stride forward In the direction OF securing
the peace of Justice throughout the por d.
No object II better worthy the attention of
lishment of a surer method than now exists
of securing justice as between nations both
for the protection of The little nations
and for the prevention of war between the
big nations. To this aim We should en-
deavor not only to avert bloodshed but,
above all, effectively to strengthen the
forces of right. The golden rule should be-
and as the world grows in morality II will :
be, the guiding rule OF conduct among ma
tions as among individuals: though the goi-
den rue must not be construed. in fam
tastic manner, as forbidding the exercise of
the police power. This mighty and free
republic should ever deal with all other
states. great or small, basis of high
honor. respecting their rights as jealousy
as III safeguards Its own.
Monroe Doctrine.
One of the most effective Instruments for
peace Is the Monroe doctrine as 1t has been
ana is being gradually developed by this
ton and accepted by other nations. No
In promoting peace In the western hemis--
phere and in giving to each nation thereon
the chance TO develop on its own lines
II we had refused to apply the doctrine
TO changing conditions it would now be
completely outworn, would not meet any OF
the needs of the present day and indeed
would probably by this time have sunk Ito
complete oblivion. 1t is useful at home and
Is meeting with recognition abroad because
we have adopted our application of IL to
meet the growth and changing needs of the
hemisphere. When we announce n policy
such as the Monroe doctrine, we thereby
commit ourselves TO the consequences of the
policy, and those consequences from {. me-
to time alter IT is out of the question TO
claim right and yet shirk the responsible
fty for its exercise. Not only we bur all 4,
American republics who are benefited by :
the existence of the doctrine. must rtcog-
nize the obligations each nation is under as
regards foreign peoples no less than its
duty to insist upon its own rights
That our rights and interests are deeply
concerned in the maintenance of the doc
trfne Is so clear as hardly to need argu-
ment This is especially true in view OF tue
construction of the Panama canal AS a
mere matter of self-defense We must exer-
else close watch over the approach to
this canal land this means that we must be
thoroughly alive to our interests in the
Caribbean Sea
There are certain essential points which
must never be forgotten as regards the
Monroe doctrine. In the first place
do not intend to treat 1t in any shape or
way as an excuse for ACKNOWLEDGMENT on
our part at the expense OF the republics to
the south We must recognize the fact that
IN some South American countries there has
been much suspicion lest we should in
terpret the Monroe doctrine as in some way
inimical to their interests, and We must
Try to convince all the other nation.
this continent once and for all that no just
and orderly government has anything to
rear from US There are certain repu lies
to the south OF us which have already
reached such point OF stability order
and prosperity that they themselves,
though as yet hardly consciously. are
among the guarantors of this doctrine.
Ihese republics We now meet not only on a
basis of entire equality, but In a spirit OF
frank and respectful friendship. y .
hope is mutual If all OF the republics to
the south of US will only grow those
10 which L allude have already grown all
need for US to be the especial champions
of the doctrine will disappear. for no Stable
and growing American republic wishes to
see some great non-American military
power acquire territory in its neiEhborhooi
All that this country desires is that the
other republics this continent shall be
happy ana prosperous; and they cannot
pc happy and prosperous unless they MAIN
tain order within then. boundaries and be-
nave with a just regard for their obligations
toward outsiders. 1t must be understood
that under no circumstances will the United
States use the Monroe doctrine as cloak
for territorial aggression. We desire peace
with all the world, but perhaps most of an
with the other peoples of the American con-
tlnent. There are, of course limits to the
wrongs which any self-respectIng nation
can endure. 1t is always possible that
wrong actions toward this nation or to-
Wara cltiZens or this nation, in some state
unaple TO Keep order among its own people,
unaDle TO secure justice from outside nd
unwilling to do justice to those outsiders
VINO treat 1t WELL may result In our having
TO take action 10 protect our rights. but
such action viii not be taken with a view
to territorial aggression, and IL will be
taken at all only with extreme re'urtenre
ana Wheh II has, become evident that every
other resource has been exhausted
Moreover, we must make it evident that
we do not intend to permit the Monroe doc
trlne to be used by any nation on this con-
tinent as a shield to protect IL from tho
consequences of its own misdeeds against
foreign nations. If a republic to the south
OF us commits tort against foreign ma
tioi, sueh as an outrage against citizen
or that nation. then the Monroe doctrine
does not force US to interfere to prevent
punishment of the tort, save TO see that
the punishment does not assume the form
OF territorial occupation in any shape. The
case is more difficult when 1t refers 20 a
contractual obligation. Our own govern
ment has always refused to enforce such
eontractual obligations on behalf OF its cit
liens by an appeal to arms. 1t is much
to be wished that all foreign governments
would take the same view. But they 10
not; and in consequence we are liable at
any time to be brought face to face with
disagreeable alternatives On the one hand
this country would certainly decline to go
to war to prevent foreign government
from collecting a just debt; on the other
hand, it is very inadvisable to permit anx>
foreign power to take possession, even
temporarily, of the custom houses of an
American republic in order TO enforce the
payment of its obligations; for such tempo
rary occupation might turn into a perrna-
nent occupation. The only escape from
these alternatives may at any time be that
we must ourselves undertake to bring about
some arrangement by which so much as
possible of just obligation shall be paid.
1t Is far better that this country should
put through such an arrangement, rather
than allow any foreign country to under
take it. To do so insures the defaulting
republic from having to pay debts of an
improper character under duress. while 1t
also insures honest creditors of the repub-
lie from being passed by in the interest
of dishonest or grasping creditors. More
over, for the United States to take such a
position offers the only possible way Of
insurins us against clash with some for
eign power. The position is. therefore, in
the interest of peace as well as in the In