The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1905-07-08

administration of the railroads and
gas companies lies the panacea for
our deep rooted troubles. Before I
IeIt nome, was asked not to disturb
the nations new glowing hope that
IN this way safety lies. I was asked
10 take the presidency of a national
league for political ownership which
is being organized, but I must be true
to my convictions and I must not tenn
porlze with the facts as know them
/ Munlcipal ownership is a will-o'-the-
| Wlsp- The system circulates the idea
OF 1t among the people to keep them
OUT OF mischief. 1t is a rattle and a
rubber ring for the country to play
| with. If Rogers and Rockefeller and
the other frenzied financiers were
starting over again. they would ask
notning better than to begin in a
world IN which all the banks railroads
and manufactures were in the hands
Oh the government because they could
steal them easier, quicker, cheaper and
more safely from elected authorities
lnan from individual owners. Make
no mistake about my attitude on this
question. The. house of the Ameri-
can people is on fire; I believe the
| names can be put out in time to save
the structure and without sacrificing
| the llVes OF the inmates, but if some
or those on the top stories get impa-
tent at the heat and conclude to drop
ffom the windows on to the munich
pal and federal ownership grass, let
! A4ACAAI LILY lII01I luck. D6n6VG In6Y
| stand a chance of breaking their
necks or their limbs, thereby missing
the fight to extinguish the fire and
save the house. I advise them strong
ly against the experiment for very
| Let US look at municipal and federal
| ownership, and tell investors frankly
what 1t means. It means that the bal
lot box becomes the general manager
| OF the street car lines, the gas and
| Waf1rWOFl<S and the hip rai1VUaU
TENS What does the ballot box know
except of votes? What influence only
| is it susceptible to-votes! You are
not new to politics--the profession of
lVoters-and you know its fruits and its
| flowers.
They are about to try an expert
ment in municipal ownership in Chi
cago, the city infamous for it's poor
street car service. If the system is
| able to corrupt the lawmakers and
law administrators who have all these
years eonnived at the wretched man
agement of the Chicago railways, what
possible hope can there be of relief
when the roads are actually under the
| management of city officials elected in
the same way as the lawmakers and
administrators whose weakness and
wickedness have been so manifest?
| Let US suppose the System" organizes
| a campaign to regain, at reduced
price, the railway properties it has
sold the public. Could it not first,
through corrupt means. elect its own
agents to manage the railway lines?
They would find it no difficult task to
| disgust the public with their bargain.
! Or, failing here, could they not as
easily use their dollars to corrupt the
servants of the people in charge of the
road to render SO poor a service that
the citizens would be glad to turn back
the property to the old owners, just as
Philadelphia did years ago with its
gas company? The many resist less
l. Sfr0nfrlU the SfAaIir1o u
railway from individuals tests the
power Of the System for the indi-
viduals fight for high prices; but it is
a simple task to wrest one from the
government for what is every ones
| interest is no ones concern. Success
full administration of public utilities is
| incompatible with political considera-
lions, and if tried in this country is
| bound to prove a disappointment and
a failure If it were possible to bring
| it about, believe it would set back
the relief which the people must have
at least 100 years.
| Don't Jump for Your Lives.
Remember, am only opposed to
municipal and federal ownership Of
public utilities requiring the services
| of thousands of employees. I believe
! strongly that there are some utilities
that the government is better fitted to
administer than the ablest individuals.
My experience has taught me that
public whose affairs can be conducted
with the minimum of machinery. For
instance, the three great insurance
companies of the country-the New
York Life, Mutual and Equitable are
ripe for government direction and
could be handled to tremendous ad-
vantage by Uncle Sam. Today these
| three concerns have a billion and a
| quarter of assets, and under the meth
Cd of management in vogue they
must hold vast sums of money, or it's
equivalent on hand to keep solvent
their contracts or policies. This great
accumulation is a constant temptation
TO the men who have charge of it, to
use it for their own profit. a ripe men
ace to the peoples interests. Think
what it would mean to the policy hold
ers in these huge institutions if to-
morrow President Roosevelt could
with a wave or his hand take possess
sion of their billion and a quarter of
assets, turn them into the federal
treasury in the form of cash, first
selling all the riffraff which they have
piled up during the past 80 years.
With the federal governments guar
antee stamped across the face of every
| policy, it would become as good as a
| government bond. All the government
each policy holder once year pay in
at its custom houses, its postofices or
its subtreasuries the actual amount of
money necessary to pay what his
policy called for.
This would at once reduce the ex-
pense of running these institutions,
eliminate graft and immensely cheap
en- the charge for insurance. The re-
duction of insurance premiums to a
fair amount annually would relieve one
| of the greatest drains on the income
of the people. and, above all, the ''sys-
TENS" mechanism would be deprived
of one of its main fywheels. But
President Roosevelt cannot under the
constitution of the United States per-
form this act so. we must look else
| where for relief.
His Plan.
! Long before had to do with "Stand-
/ ard Oil' or the system" 1 was con-
WINGED that the form of finance which
| wrought such inquitities as have desig-
| tnatad i,aI1x