The semi-weekly messenger. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1897-1908, 1905-12-08

ence his act or opinion as an elector:
and provisions for the publication not
!. only of the expenditures for nomina-
tions and elections of all candidates.
but also Of all contributions received
and expenditures made BY political
| committees"
] desire to epeat this recommends
ton. In political campaigns in a coun-
try as large and as u Ii is
inevitable hat there should be much
expense OF an entirely legitimate kind
| This. of course. means that many o
tributions. and some OF them of large
size. must be made and. as a matter
| OF fact. I'm n big political contest
such contributions are always made to
both sides. 1t is entirely proper both
TO give and receive them. unless there
is an Improper motive connected with
either gift or reception. II they are
extorted by any kind of pressure or
/ promise. express or Implied. direct or
indirect. in the way of favor or i'm
munity. then the giving Or receiving
becomes. not only improper but crimi-
nal. 1t will undoubtedly be difficult
as a matter of practical detail to shape
an act which shall guard with reason
able certainty against such miScon-
duct: but if it is possible to secure by
law the full and verified publication in
detail of all the sums contributed to
and expended by the candidates or
| committees of anv political parties the
| result can not but be wholesome. All
contributions by corporations to n
political committee or for anv political
purpose should be forbidden by law:
directors should not be permitted to
use stockholders money for such pur-
poses: and. moreover. a prohibition OF
this kind would be. as far as it went.
an effective method of stopping the
evils aimed at in corrupt practices acts.
=
the several State legislatures forbid any
officer of a corporation from using the
money Of the corporation in or about
an election. but they should also forbid
such use of money in connection with
any legislation save by the employment
OF counsel in public n for dis
tinctlv legal services.
The Hague Conference.
! The first Conference Of Nations held
at The Hague in 1899. being unable to
dispose of all the business before it.
recommended the consideration and
| settlement Of a number of important
| questions by another conference to be
called subsequently and at an, early
date. These questions were the fol-
lowing: Cd The rights and duties OF
ne%utrals: CD the limitation of the arm
ed forces on LAND and sea. and of mill
tary budgets: CD the use Of new types
and calibres Of military and naval
guns: (4) the in%violability of private
property at sea in times of war: 60
the bombardment Of ports. cities, and
villages by naval forces. In October,
1904. at the instance Of the Interpar-
liamentarv Union. which. at a confer
ence held in the United States and at
tended by the lawmakers Of fifteen diff
ferent nations had reiterated the de-
! mand for a second Conference Of Ma
/ tiOrc T icS1Jnl IN vita fionc To all the
powers signatory to The Hague Con-
vention to SEND delegates to such a
| conference and suggested that it be
again held at The Hague. In its note
of December Is. 1904. the United
States Government communicated to
the representatives of foreign govern
ments its belief that the conference
could be best arranged under the pro-
| visions of the present Hague treaty.
From all the powers acceptance was
| received, coupled in some cases with
| the condition that we should wait until
| the end of the war then Wag1ng be-
| tween Russia and japan. The Emper-
or of Russia. immediately after the
| treaty of peace which SO happily ter
minated this war. in a note presented
to the President on September IS,
through Ambassador Rosen. tool the
initiative in recommending that the
| conference be nov called. The United
| States Government in response express
ed its cordial acuuiescence and stated
that it would, as a matter of course.
take part in the new conference and
endeavor to further its aims. We as
sumo that all civilized governments
will support the movement. and that
| the conference is now an assured fact.
I This Government will do everything IN
| its power to secure the success Of the
conference to the end that substantial
progress NAV be made in the cause of
international peace. Justice. and good
| will.
Peace and War
This renders it proper at this time
to say something as to the general at
titude of his Government toward
| peace. More and more war is coming
to be looked upon as in itself a lament
able and evil thing. A wanton or use
| less war. or q war of mere aggression
in short. any war begun or carried
on in a constituencies spirit, is to be
| condemned as a peculiarly a~trocious
| crime against all humanity. We an.
| however. do nothing of permanent
value for peace unless we keep ever
| clearly in mind the ethical element
| which lies at the root of the problem.
| Our aim is Righteousness. Peace is
normally the handmaiden of righteous
ness, but when peace and righteous
ness conflict then a great and upright
| people can never for a hesitate
to follow the path which leads toward
| Righteousness. even though the path
also leads to war. There are persons
who advocate peace at anv price: there
| are others who. following a false anal
oev, think that because it is no longer
| necessary in civilized countries for indi-
viduals to protect their rights with a
strong hand: it is therefore unneces-
GO x-- - = 80, - h0 ~noI~ - dnfnn
their rights. These persons would do
i~rreparable harm to any nation that
adopted their principles, and even as it
is they seriously hamper the cause
which they advocate by lending to
render it absurd in the eyes of sensible
and patriotic men. There can be no
worse foe of mankind in general. and
Of his own ountry in particular. thar
the demagogue of war. the man who in
mere folly or to serve his own selfish
ends continually rails at and abuses
other nations, who seeks to excite his