The daily morning journal and courier., 1905-12-06


 sibIe. there should be a general arbi-
 tration treaty negotiated among all tho nations represented at the conferenca Neutral rights and property should be protected at sea as they are protected on land. There should be an intern ba- tionaI agreement to this purpose and a similar agreement defining contraBand of war.
 During the last century there has been a distinct diminution in the. num- Der of wars between the most civilized nations. International relations have become closer, and the development of The Hague tribunal is not only a symp- tom of this growing closeness Of rela- tionship, but is means by which the growth can be furthered. Our aim should be from time to time to take such steps as may be possible toward creating something like an organiza- tion of the civilized nations, because as the world becomes more highly organ ized the need for navies and armies will diminish. It is not possible to se- cure anything like an immediate dis armament, because it would first be necessary to settle what people are on the whole a menace to the rest of man. kind, and to provide against the disar- mament of the rest being turned into a which would really chiefly benefit these obnoxious peoples; but 1t may be possible to exercise some check upon the tendency to swell indefinitely poi1i Of course suchHsti effort could succeed only if it did tbt attempt to do too
 much; and if it were undertaken in spirit of sanity as far removed as pos sib!e from q merely hysterical pseudo It is worth while point ing out that since the end of the insur- rection in the Philippines this nation has shown it's practical faith in the pol icy of disarmament by reducing it's lit tie army Gne-third. But disarmament can never be of prime importance; there is more need to get rid of the causes of war than of the implements of war.
 have dwelt much on the dangers to be avoided by steering clear of any mere foolish sentimentality because my wish for peace is so genuine and earn est; because 1 have a real and great de- sire that this second Hague conference may mark long stride forward in the direction of securing the peoce of jus -lce throughout the world. No object is better worthy the attention of en- ightened statesmanship than the es- of surer method than now exists of securing justice as be- tween nations, both for the protection 1f the little nations and for the preven- ton of war between the big nations. To this aim we should endeavor not 1nIy to avert bloodshel, but, above all, to strengthen the forces of right. The Golden Rule should be, and IS the world grows in morality 1t will 5a, the guiding rule of conduct among nations as among individuals; though the Golden Rule must not be construed, in fantastic manner, as forbidding the exercise of the police power. This mighty and free republic should ever deal with all other states, great or small, on a basis of high honor, respect ing their rights as jealously as it safe guards it's own.
 Monroe Doctrine.
 One Of the most effective instruments for peace is the Monroe doctrine as it has been and is being gradually devel- oped by this nation and accepted by other nations. No other policy could have been as efficient in promoting peace in the western hemisphere and in giving to each nation thereon the chance to develop along it's own lines. If we had refused to apply the doctrine to changing conditions it would now be outworn, would not meet any of the needs of the present day, and indeed would probably by this time have sunk into complete oblivion. It is useful at home and is meeting with abroad because we have adapted our application of 1t to meet the growing and changing needs of the When we announce pol icy, such as the Monroe doctrine, we thereby commit ourselves to the conse- quences of the policy, and those conse- quences from time to time alter. It is cut of the question to claim right and yet shirk the responsibility for it's ex- ercise. Not only we, but al American republics who are benefited by the eX- istence of the doctrine, must recognize the obligations each nation is under as foreign peoples no less than it's duty to insist upon it's own rights.
 That our rights and interests are
 ! Sx, iy,fo nf the doctrine is so clear as hardly to need argument. This is especially true in view of the construction of the Pan ana canal. As 8 mere matter of self we must exercise close watch over the approaches to this canal; and this means that we must be thoroughly alive to our interests in the Caribbean Sea.
 There are certain essential points which must never be forgotten as re- gards the Monroe doctrine. In the first place, we mast as a nation make it evil dent that we do not intend to treat it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement on our part ah the eX- pense of the republics of the south. We must recognize the fact that in some South American countries there has been much suspicion lest we should the Monroe doctrine as in some way inimical to their interests, and we must try to convince all the other na- tions of this continent once and for all that no just and orderly government has anything to fear from us. There are certain republics to the south of us