The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1905-01-15


ton Ia not learned nor his rhetoric high
| flown: but ono has tho feeling that be In
alive and worth listening to. that he sees
things in sharp perspective, Is sincerely
moral and has something of his OVID TO
say, Parry politics do not Interest him
specially, although. as citizen, he goes to a
few meetings, contributes to party funds
and votes on election day II the weather
permits But he speaks Of politics generally
with half smile. and laughs outright Mt
the thorght II himself running Cor the
legiaaturs
II some one should ask our author who
makes public opinion IN America, he would
be referred az first 10 a class which at pres-
ent does not, ~ a whole, enjoy the suffrage,
and presumably will not for some time
to come--the women. The American woman
cares little enough for party politics. and
this ia not so much because she has no
right to vote. II she felt sufficiently deep
interest In the matter she probably would
have the right. But while the best peo-
pile have no wish 10 see their women brought
in contact with the routine OF party ma
chnery this is not at all in order that they
may not concern themselves with the pub
lie problems Of the day. On the contrary,
American women eIert marked nfiu-
ence on public opinion; and here, as might
be expected, II Is not the organized CRU
sades. like the temperance movement.
which count. but rather their less noisy
demonstrations their unobtrusive infiu-
enoe In the home and their general right
ness Of feeling. Every reform movements
which appeals to moral motives Is advanced
by the influence of women, and many bad
pieoe OF jobbery Ia defeated by their in
strumentality.' Turning from women TO
men, our author finds that the masculine
springs OF public opinion flow, not from
officials and professional politicians, too
busy with strictly party affairs TO read
correctly the natl MS WILL but from the edu-
Gated and substantial members OF the com
monwealth. These springs are often tinged
at first with personal coloring; but the
streamlets gather and go far from their
sources until every vestige Of an individu-
atty Ia lost Ideas pass from man 70
man, and those which are typicaDy American
find as ready Judgment with the banker.
the manufacturer or the scholar as With
the artisan or farm hand. Any man who
appeals TO the conscience, morality, patH-
otisrn or brotherly feeling OF the American,
or TO his love OF progress and order. appeals
TO no special parties or classes, but TO one
univocal public opinion, that, namely
which is formulated and uttered by the
community Of high minded citizens to the
extent of their disinterestedness.
1t Is as clear, however. to Prof. Monster
berg, as 1t is to the most observant native
American, that even suoh public opinion
as is described in tho book before us needs
some organization and support He goes
on to demonstrate his fitness for the inter-
probation OF American life by telling his
German fellow oountrynen that, bold as
the slater enL may sound, toe American
newspaper = the main ally o: public opin-
ion, serving that opinion more Loyalty than
il serves either official politics or the party
spirit 1t is not the literary Significance
of the American newspaper that ID con-
sidered in this place, but only its public
influence. An American philosophizlng
on the lewapapers takes II as matter OF
course that they serve the ends Of party
politics, and IL Is true enough that party
life az II ia would not be possible without
tho widely disseminated influence OF the
newspaper" Later on, however, We read:
The better sort of American newspaper
l. neither a party publication nor yet
merely u news sheet, but the conscious
exponent of public opinion. lts columns
contain a tiresome amount OF party infor-
nation it II true; but part OF this Ii d.
rectly in the interest OF an intelligent public
opinion, since every citizen needs to be
instructed in all the phases OF party life,
of political and Congressional dotngs and
in regard to the candidates who are up for
office Ii il to be admitted, moreover, that
some of the better newspapers, although
not the very best, are unreservedly COM
Initted 20 the leaders of some party; in
short, they are party organs. In the same
way, several newspapers are under the
domination Of certain industrial interests
and cater 10 the wishes Of a group Of capital
lists Butany such policy has to be managed
with the utmost discretion, for the Ameri-
can newspaper reader ia far too experienced
to buy sheet day after day which he sees
TO be falsided; and he has enough others
10 resort to, since the competition is al
ways keen. and even middle sized cities
have three OF four large daily papers.
Our author does US but Justice when no
adds that, on the whole, tho American
newspaper, COnluIel VIII NDHtIheAtAi
journals. is extraordinarily nonpartisan
on public questions, notwithstanding the
statements made in many German books
and periodicals to the contrary. 1t is true,
as Prof Munsterberg testifies, that the
ordinary reader might peruse almost any
newspaper for weeks, except just on the
eve of an election, without really knowing
whether it was Republican or Democratic.
Now one party and then the other is
brought up for criticism. and even when
the sheet is evidently in favor Of a certain
side it will print extrncts from the leading
articles Of opposing journals and 30 w,l
depict the entire situation that the reader
can form an opinion for himself.
In a subsequent paragraph 20 come
upon a conclusive proof Of tho master y
which tho author has acquired Of the sub
ject which he has undertaken TO discuss
He points out that while the newspapers
are in this way largely euancipated from
the yoke of party, they are the opponents
Of a general set Of tendencies which, in
opposition TO party politics. we have called
public opinion. In other words, the papers
stand above the Parties with their crudely
schematic programmes and issues, ard
aspire to measure men and things accord
ing 10 their true worth Though oetensi-
A.