Waterbury evening Democrat., 1905-12-05


 which we hope is mutual If all of the republics to the south of us will only grow as those to which I allude have already grown, all need for us to be the especial champions of the doctrine will disappear, for no stable and growing American republic wishes to see some great non-American military power ac- quire territory in its neighborhood. All that this country desires is that the other republics on this continent shall be happy and prosperous, and they cannot be happy and prosperous unless they maintain order within their boundaries and behave with a just re- gard for their obligations toward out siders. It must be understood that un- der no circumstances will the United States use the Monroe doctrine as a cloak for territorial aggression. We desire peace with all the world, but perhaps most of all with the other peo- ples of the American continent. There are of course limits to the wrongs which any self respecting nation can endure. It is always possible that wrong actions toward this nation or toward citizens of this nation in some state unable to keep order among it's own people, unable to secure justice from outsiders and unwilling. to do jus tice to those outsiders who treat it well, may result in our having to take ac ton to protect our rights, but such action will not be taken with view to territorial aggression, and it will be taken at all only with extreme reluc tance and when it has become evident that every other resource has been ex' hausted.
 Moreover, we must make it evident that we do not intend to permit the Monroe doctrine to be used by any na- ton on this continent as a shield to protect it from the consequences of its own misdeeds against foreign nations. If republic to the south of us com mits a tort against foreign nation, that nation, then the Monroe doctrine does not force us to interfere to pre- vent punishment of the tort save to see that the punishment does not assume the form of territorial occupation in any shape. The case is more difficult when it refers to a contractIlal obliga- ton. Our own government has always refused to enforce such contractual ob- legations on behalf of it's citizens by an appeal to arms. 1t is much to be wished that all foreign governments would take the same view. But they do not, and in co@sequence we are lia- ble at any time to be brought face to face with disagreeable alternatives. On the one hand. this country would cer- tainly decline to go to war to prevent foreign government from collecting just debt. On the other hand, 1t is very inadvisable to permit any foreign power to take possession, even tempo rarily, of the custom houses of an American republic in order to enforce the payment of it's obligations, for such temporary occupation might turn into a permanent occupation. The only es- cape from these alternatives may at any time be that we must ourselves undertake to bring about some arrange ment by which so much as possible of just obligation shall be paid. It is far better that this country should put through such an arrangement rather than allow any foreign country to un- dertake it. To do so insures the de- faulting republic from having to pay debts of an improper character under duress, while it also insures honest creditors of the republic from being passed by in the interest of dishonest or grasping creditors. Moreover, for the United States to take such posi- ton offers the only possible way of in- surfing us against a clash with some foreign power. The position is there fore in the interest of peace as we'll as in the interest of justice It is of ben eft to our people: it is of benefit to for eign peoples, and. most of all. it is real ly of benefit to the people of the coun- try concerned.
 This brings me 10 what should he one of the fundamental objects of the Mon roe doctrine. We must ourselves in good faith try to help upward toward peace and order those of our sister re- publics which need such help. Just as there has been gradual growth of the ethical element in the relations of one to another. so we are. even though slowly. more and more coming to recognize the duty of bearing one another's burdens. not only as among individuals. but also as among nations. . - Santo Domingo. .0
 Santo Domingo. in her turn. has now made an appeal to us to help her, and not only every principle of wisdom, but every generous instinc. within us. bids us respond to the appeal It is not of the slightest consequence whether we grant the aid needed by SantO Do mingo as an incident to the wise de- veIopment of the Monroe doctrine. or because we regard the case of Santo Domingo as standing wholly by itself and to be treated as such and not or general principles or with any refer ence to the Monroe doctrine. The i'm portant point is to give the needed aid. and the case is certainly sufficiently peculiar to deserve to be judged purely on it's own merits. The conditions in Santo Domingo have for a number of years grown from bad to worse until a year ago all society was on the verge of dissolution. Fortunately just at this time a ruler sprang up in Santo Domin- 70 who. with his colleagues. saw fhe