Waterbury evening Democrat., 1905-05-10

ion 10 the umplrage or An lHpAT lldA third party, and accepting that decis-
 ion, right or wrong, as binding upon
 both parties. Such course is a guar antee of the preservation of law and order. All that the unions ask for or desire in this controversy is that an arbitration shall be granted as spe- officially agreed to in the contracts in volved. All that is desired Is that the public officials shall join with the labor bodies in demanding that lawlessness shall not be allowed to be used in fore violence shall not be allowed to pre- vent differences of opinion to be settled by the quiet, orderly method of arbitra- tion.
 The contracts of June 26, 1905, pro- vide for arbitration in the sixth, four teenth and eighth sections respective ly, and we have the written right to demand arbitrat tiOn-a demand that has been repeatedly spurned by the employers in the presence of Mayor Dunne of Chicago.
 And why snurned?
 Because they openly boast that they can spurn it, and that the troops under your command will shoot down him who dares to openly protest against their action. They flatter themselves that the federal army is their ready tool to act upon their suggestion, right or wrong, and they therefore refuse to have any inquiry made as to whether they are right or wrong.
 They can now say, There is nothing to arbitrate;" but if a board should find there was something to arbitrate public sympathy might he too strong for them and they might not be able to crush out unionism once and for all" as they openly declare they in tend to do. But can they do it?
 it is? Is it not fact, after all, that the power of the army even rests to a great extent upon the support of the people? What would few soldiers be against a nation? Without intending to be discourteous or suggesting a threat, we desire to call attention to a clear and true statement of this fact by General Benjamin K. Butler of Massachusetts in his celebrated speech of some sixty years ago to the people of. Lowell:
 If the workingmen can be deprived of their freedom and their rights by threats of starvation of themselves and their wives and children, when they act according to the laws and their own judgments, then they had better be slaves indeed, having kind masters, instead of being free men who are only at liberty to do what their taskmasters impose upon them, or starve. And this question must be settled here aul now.
 T know the power of these corpora ti0ns; I know many of the men who have been in charge. They have made a mistake in appeal to force. When that weapon is tried they are weak and you are strong They have their mills and machinery, their bricks and their mortar, and that is the extent of their power. You are stronger than they. You have your right arms and your torches, and by them we will blot out this accursed outrage.
 As God lives and I live, by the liy- ing Jehovah; if one man is driven from his employment by these men I will lead you to make Lowell what 1t was twenty-five years ago-a sheep pasture and fishing place; and I will cGln- mence by. applying the torch to my own house. Let them come on. As we are not the aggressors, we seek not this awful contest"
 Peace rests not upon the militia or the army, but upon the patience and long suffering of the toiling mass. The army, so far as it has any effect, is not to quiet but to disturb; it is not to ter rorize, but to make the people medi- tate. They wonder what all this "bluffing' is for. Can few soldiers scare the men who make armies and who compose the flower of American manhood? Are we serfs that we cringe at the mention of troops.
 If the laboring men are wrong the decision of an arbitrator without can non or club will command the obedi- ence of every toiler affected.
 Even if we are right and the arbi- trator decide against us, still we will bow to that decision.
 Then If the decision of one man, un- armed and alone. can exercise this vast power. what is the use of the sacrifice of lives. calling out armies and making an opera bouffe of government?
 It is evident that blunder has been made somewhere. some how. Let us ascertain its source.
 Is it just or is it necessary to bring the United States army into Chicago in an effort to smother the cry of the toiler for arbitration. Is 1t right or expedi- ept to attempt to stifie the demand for | the settlement of controversy by court | Is the purpose of. the army 1 to prevent the carrying out of written contracts that are open to all who care to read theml Can you our honored l president. afford to us the forces un- | der your control to stide labors de mand for peace and the methods of 1 peacer Why should our attempt te l ref and maintain peace be met by the army and by war;
 Every laboring man knows these | facts. What will be the results urca the citizenship of this country if. when American citizens ask for court proceed ure and orfer. they are met by the Suf l let and the jail: Is it not time 10 in auire as to the facts in the easel We submit that lst-or Is an essential of na' tionaI life. And the sympathy and eo- operation of the laborers is their life work is as essential as is the sympathy 1 and cooperation of citizenship Unity l Is q necessary fact of development and ppxresz- TDsonism can no more b< destroyed in industrial life than czs patriotism in political fife. He is short sighted indeed who cannot see that the csuse of one fs the cause 0f sll snd sA.k xl.. dnufrucffon n{ nue Hifhruf