Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1905-12-05

implements OF war.
have dwelt much on the dangers to be
avoided by steering clear of any mere fool.
ish sentfmentality because my wish for
peace Is so genuine and earnest: because
l have real and great desire that this Sec
ond Hague conference may mark long
stride forward In the direction of securing
the peace of justice throughout the world.
No object is better worthy the attention OF
enlightened craftsmanship than the estab.
Hshment of q surer method than now exists
OF securing Justice as between nations. both
for the protection OF the little nations
and for the prevention OF war between the
big nations. To this aim we should en-"
deavor not only TO avert bloodshed but,
above all, effectively 10 strengthen the
forces OF right. The golden rule should be,
ana as the world grows In morality II will
pc. the guiding rule OF conduct among ma
IONS as among individuals; though the goi-
den rule must not be construed. in fam
tastio manner, as forbidding the exercise OF
the police power This mighty and free
Iepupne should ever deal with all other
states. great or small. on n basis of high
honor, respecting their rights as jealousy
as 1t safeguards its own.
Monroe Doctrine.
One of the most effective instrument. for
peace Is the Monroe doctrine as 1t has been
ana Is being gradually developed by this ma
ton and accepted by other nations Nc
other policy could have been as effective
In promoting peace in the western hernis-
phere and In giving to each nation thereon
the chance to develop on Its own lines
II we had refused to apply the doctrine
10 changing conditions 1t would now be
completely outworn, would not meet any OF
the needs of the present day and indeed
would probably by this time have sunk into
compete oblivion. II Is useful at home and
Is meeting with recognition abroad because
we nave ADOPTED our application of It TO
meet the growth and changing needs of tho
hemisphere. When we announce a policy,
.Nr.N -.
commit ourselves to the consequences of the
policy. and those consequences from time
TO time alter. 1t Is out OF tie question to
claim right and yet shirk the responsihIi-
Ivy Ior It's exercise. Not only we, but ali
American republics who are benefited by
the existence of the doctrine, must recog-
nlze the obliga tons each nation IS under as
regards foreign peoples no less than is,
duty to insist upon its own rights
That our rights and interests are deeply
concerned In the maintenance OF the doc
trine is so clear as hardly to need argu.
ment. This is especially true in view OF the
construction OF the Panama canal As a
mere matter Of self-defense we must exer-
else close watch over the approaches TO
this canal :and this means that we must be
thoroughly alive to our interests IN the
Caribbean Eea
There are certain essential points which
must never be forgotten as regards the
MONROE doctrine. In the first place We
must as a nation make 1t evident that we
DO not intend to treat IL In any shape or
way as an excuse for aggrandzement or.
our part at the expense of the republics to
the south. We must recognize the fact that
in some South American countries there has
been much suspicion lest we should In
terpret the Monroe doctrine as in some way
inimical to their interests, and We must
try to convince all the other nations OF
this continent once and for all that no Just
and orderly government has anything TO
rear from U.s. There are certain republics
to the south OF us which have already
a Tf nf pso
ana prosperity that they themselves,
though as yet hardly consciously, are
among the guarantors of this doctrine.
These republics we now meet not only on n
basis OF entire equality, but in a spirit OF
frank and respectful friendship, which we
hope Is mutual. If all of the republics to
the south OF US will only grow as those
to which allude have already grown ali
need for us to be the especial Champions
OF the doctrine will disappear. for no stable
and growing American republic wishes to
see some great non-American military
power acquire territory In its neishborhood
All that this country desires Is that tho
other republics on this continent shall DO
nappy and prosperous; and they cannot
Dc HAPPY ana prosperous unless they MAIN
tain order within their boundaries and he
have with just regard for their obligations
toward outsiders. It must be understood
that under no circumstances viii the United
Tor territorial aggression. We desire peace
Win all the world, but perhaps most of all
with the other peoples of the American con-
unent. There are. of course. limits to the
wrongs which any self-respecting nation
can endure. It Is always possible thar
wrong actions toward this nation or to.
ward citizens OF this nation, in some state
unable to keep order among it's own people,
unable TO secure Justice from outsiders and
unwilling to do justice to those outsiders
who treat 1t well, may result in our having
to take action to protect our rights. but
socn acton VIII not be taken with view
a.
taken at all only with extreme relucfance
ana when 1t has become evident that every
otner resource has been exhausted.
moreover, we must make 1t evident that
we 90 not intend 10 permit the Monroe doc.
Urine 10 be used by any nation on this con-
tlnent as a shield to protect it from the
consequences of its own misdeeds against
foreign nations. If a republic to the south
Of US commits a tort against a foraign ma
tlon, SUCH as an outrage against a citizen
or that nation. then the Monroe doctrine
does not force us to interfere to prevent
punishment OF the tort, save to see that
the punishment does not assume the form
OF territorial occupation in any shape. The
case Is more difficult when It refers TO a
contractual obligation. Our own govern
ment has always refused to enforce such
contractual obligations on behalf of fits eli.
liens by an appeal to arms It is much
to be wished that all foreign governments
would take the same view. But they do
not; and in consequence we are liable at
any time to be brought face to face WIFI
disasreeable alternatives. On the one hand
this country would certainly decline to 90
to war to prevent foreign government
from collecting just debt; on the other
hand, 1t Is very inadvisable to permit any
foreign power to take possession, even
temporarily, of the custom houses of an
American republic in order to enforce the
payment Of Its obligations; for such tempo
rary occupation might turn into a perrna.
nent occupation. The only escape from
these alternatives may at any time be that
we must ourselves undertake to bring about
some arrangement by which so much as
possible of Just obligation shall DO paid
It Is far better that this country should
put through such an arrangement rather
than allow any foreign country to under
take 1t. To do so insures the defaulting
republic from having to pay debts Of an
improper character under duress, while IL
also fnsures honest creditors of the repub-
lie from being passed by in the interest
OF dishonest or grasping creditors. More-
over, for the United States to take such a
position offers tbs only possible way OF
insuring Us against a clash with some for
eign power. The position is, therefore, in
the interest of peace as well as In the In
terest OF justice. 1t is OF benefit to our
people: 1t Is of benefit to foreign peoples;
and most of all 1t IL really of benefit to
the people Of the country concerned.
This brings me to what should be one