The Idaho Republican. [volume] (Blackfoot, Idaho) 1904-1932, 1905-12-08

Il
ganization OF the departments Is often fault
in principle and wasteful In results, Will
many OF their business methods are ant
quated and inefficient. There Is every rea
son why our executive governmental ma
chinery should be at least as well planned
economical, and efficient as the best machn
cry OF the great business organizations, whic
at present is not the case To make it s
is task Of complex detail and essential
executive in Its nature; probably no legis
| latve body no matter how wise and able
could undertake it with reasonable prospeC
| of successss recommend that the Congress
consider this subject with view to provid
| by legislation for the transfer, distribution
consolidation, and assignment of duties an
executive organizations or parts of organza
| tons, and for the changes in business meth
DDS, within or between the several depart
ments that will best promote the economy
efficiency. and high character OF the govern
| ment work.
In my last annual message said:
Federal Elections.
1.-The power OF the government to protec
the integrity Of the elections of its own Of
fcials is inheren and has been recognized
and affirmed by repeated declarations OF thu
Supreme court There is no enemy of fre'
government more dangerous and none so In
sidious as the corruption Of the electorate
No one defends or excuses corruption. ant
it would seem to follow that none would op
pose vigorous measures to eradicate it.
| recommend the enactment Of law directed
against bribery and corruption in fedora
ele tions. The details Of such law may bt
safely left to the wise discretion Of the Con
| gress. but 1t should go as far as under the
constitution 1t Is possible to go, and should
include severe penalties against him who
| gives or receives bride intended to nhu-
| ence his act or opinion as an elector; and
provisions for the publication not only OF
the expenditures for nominations and cleo
| tons of all candidates. but also of all con-
| tributions received and expenditures made by
political committees"
desire to repeat this recommendation. In
political campaigns in country as large
and populous as ours 1t is inevitable that
| there should be much expense of an entirely
legitimate kind. This, of course, means that
many contributions, and some of them OF
large size, must be made, and, as a matter
Of fact, in any big political contest such con-
trlbutions are always made to both sides. 1t
is entirely proper both to give and receive
them, unless there Is an improper motive
connected with either gift or reception. II
they are extorted by any kind of pressure
or promise, express or implied, direct or in
direct, in the way of favor or immunity, then
the giving or receiving becomes not only i'm
proper but criminal. 1t will undoubtedly be
difficult as matter Of practical detail to
shape an act which shall guard with reason
able certainty against such misconduct; but
il it is possible to secure by law the full and
verified publication in detail Of all the sums
contributed to and expended by the candi-
dates or committees Of any political parties
tributions by corporations to any political
committee or for any political purpose should
be forbidden by law; directors should not
be permitted to use stockholders money for
such purposes and. moreover a prohibition
of this kind would be, as far as it went, an
effective method of stopping the evils aimed
at in corrupt practices acts Not only should
both the national and the several state legis-
latures forbid any officer Of a corporation
from using the money Of the corporation in
or about any election, but they should also
forbid such use Of money in connections with
any legislation save by the employment of
services
The Hague Conference.
The first conference of nations held at The
Hague in 1899, being unable to dispose of all
the business before it, recommended the con-
sideration and settlement of a number Of i'm
portant questions bv another conference to
be called subsequently and at an early date.
rights and duties Of neutrals; (2) the limita-
ton of the armed forces on land and sea,
and of military budgets; (3) the use of new
types and calibers of military and naval
at sea in times Of war; (6) the lombard
ment of ports, cities, and villages by naval
forces In October, 1904, at the instance Of
the Interparliamentary union, which, at
tended by the lawmakers of fifteen different
nations. had reiterated the demand for a
second conference of nations, I issued invi-
tations to all the powers signatory to The
Hague convention to send delegates to such
a conference and suggested that it be again
held at The Hague. In it's note Of Dec. 49,
1904, the United States government communi-
Gated to the representatives of foreign gov
ernments it's belief that the conference could
be best arranged under the provisions of the
present Hague treaty.
From all the powers acceptance was re-
ceived, coupled in some cases with the con.
the war then wagng between Russia and
Japan. The Emperor of Russia, Immediately
after the treaty Of peace which so happily
terminated this war, in note presented to
sador Rosen, took the initiative in recon-
mending that the conference be now called.
The United States government in response
its cordial acquiescence and stated
that it would, as matter of course, take
part in the new conference and endeavor to
further its aims. We assume that all civ
ilized governments will support the move
ment, and that the conference is now an as
sured fact. This government will do every.
thing in Its power to secure the success of
the conference to the end that substantial |
progress may be made In the cause Of in |
ternational peace, justice, and good will.
This renders it proper at this time to say |
as to the general attitude Of this |
government toward peace, More and more |
war is coming to be looked upon as in it |
self lamentable and evil thing. wanton |
Dr. useless war, or war of mere aggression |
in short any war begun or carried on in |
A constituencies spirit is to be condemned |
as peculiarly atrocious crime against all |
humanity. We can, however, do nothing of |
value for peace unless we keep |
ever clearly in mind the ethical element |
which lies at the root Of the problem. Our |
aim is Righteousness. Peace Is normally the |
Of righteousness; but when peace |
and righteousness conflict then a great and |
Upright people can never for moment hest |
ate to follow the path which leads toward |
righteousness, even though that path also |
eads to war. There are persons who advo- |
,ate peace at any price; there are others |
who, following false analogy, think that |
because it Is no longer necessary in civilized |
countries for individuals to protect their |
lights with strong hand, 1t is therefore
for nations to be ready to de-
end their rights. These persons would do
rreparable harm to any nation that adopted
heir principles. and even as 1t is they seri-
,usly hamper the cause which they advocate
~ tending to render 1t absurd in the eyes
II sensible and patriotic men. There can be
10 worse foe Of mankind in general, and of
lis own country In particular, than the
Of war, the man who in mere folly
II to serve his own selfish ends continually
O excite his countrymen against foreigners
N insufficient pretexts, who excites and in
lanes a perverse and aggressive national
anity, and who may on occasions wantonly |
ring on conflict between his nation and
ONE other nation. But there are dema-
ogues Of peace just as there are demagogues
4 war, and in any such movement as this
o be msled by one set Of extremists any
more than by the other. Whenever 1t is
possible for nation or an individual to
tork for real peace. assuredly 1t Is failure |