Arizona republican., 1905-12-06

that in some South American coun
 tries there has been much suspicion
 lest we should interpret the Monro
 doctrine as in some way inimical t, their interests, and we must try t, convince all the other nations of thi
 continent once and for all that no jus and orderly government has anything to fear from us. There are certain republics to the south of us whicl have already reached such a point ot stability, order, and prosperity that they themselves, though as yet hardly consciously, are among the guarantors of this doctrine. These republics we now meet not only on a basis of entire equality. but in a spirit of frank and respectful friendship, which we hope is mutual. If all of the republics to the south of us will only grow as those to which I allude have already grown all need for us to be the especial champion Of the doctrine will disap. | pear, for no stable and growing Amer ican republic wishes to see some great non- American military power acquire territory in it's neighborhood. All that this country desires is that the other republics on this continent shall be happy and prosperous and they can
 
 | they maintain order within their boun- daries and behave with a just regard for their obligations toward outsiders. | It must be understood that under no | circumstances will the United States use the Monroe doctrine as a cloak for | territorial aggression. We desire peace l with all the world but perhaps most l of all with the other peoples of the l American continent. There are of course limits to the wrongs which any i self-respccting nation can endure. It | is always possible that wrong actions toward this nation, or toward citizens of this nation, in some state unable to keep order among it's own people unable to secure justice from outsid- CTS, and unwilling to do justice to those outsiders who treat it well. may result in our having to take action to protect our rights; but such action will not be taken with view to terri torial aggression, and it will be taken at all only with extreme reluctance and when it has become evident that every other resource has been ex- hausted.
 Moreover, we must make it evident that we do not intend to permit the Monroe doctrine to be used by any nation on this continent as a shield to protect it from the consequences of it's own misdeeds against foreign nations. If a republic to the south of US com mits a tort against a foreign nation, such as an outrage against a citizen of that nation, then the Monroe doc Urine does not force us to interfere to prevent punishment of the tort, save to see that the punishment does not assume the form of territorial occupa- tion in any shape. The case is more difficult when it refers to a contract ual obligation. Our own government has always refused to enforce such contractual obligations on behalf of it's citizens by an appeal to arms. It is much to be wished that all foreign governments would take the same view. But they do not; and in conse- quence we are liable at any time to be brought face to face with disagree able alternatives. On the one hand, this country would certainly decline to go to war to prevent a foreign gov ernment from collecting a just debt; on the other hand, it is very inadvisa- ble to permit any foreign power to take possession, even temporarily, of the customs houses of an American LCPdDllC OidCI lO pay ment of its obligations; for such tenn porary occupation might turn into a permanent occupation. The only es- cape from these alternatives may at any time be that we must ourselves undertake to bring about some ar engagement by which so much as possi- ble of a just obligation shall be raid. It is far better that this country should put through such an arrange ment, rather than allow any foreign country to undertake it. To do so in sures the defaulting republic from having to pay debts of an improper character under duress, while it also inSureS honest creditors of the repub- lie from being passed by in the inter est of dishonest or grasping creditors. Moreover, for the United States to take such a position offers the only possible way of insuring us against a clash with some foreign power. The position is, therefore, in the interest of peace as well as in the interest of justice. It is of benefit to our people; it is of benefit to foreign peoples; and most of all it is really of benefit to the people of the country concerned.
 DOMINICAN AFFAIRS.
 SantO DOmlnSO, Tn her turn, haS now made an appeal to us to help her, and not only every principle of wis dom but every generous instinct with in us bids us respond to the appeal. It is not of the slightest consequence whether we grant the aid needed by Santo Domingo as an incident to the wise development of the Monroe doc Urine, or because we regard the case of Santo Domingo as standing wholly by itself, and to be treated as such, and not on general principles or with any reference to the Monroe doctrine. The important point is to give the needed aid, and the case is certainly sufficiently peculiar to deserve to be judged purely on it's own merits.
 THE ARMY AND NAVY.
 We cannot consider the question of our foreign policy without at the same time treating of the army and navy. We now have very small army-in- deed, one well-nigh infinitesimal when compared with the army of any other large nation. Of course the army we do have should be as nearly perfect of it's kind and for it's size as is possible. T