The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1905-05-18
IABOR'S LOSSES.

Statistics show that niue Hiole thah ohe-
half of all the strikes OF the last twenty-five
years were undertaken either for the pur-
pose of securing an increase in wages. or
In resistance to a proposed decrease in wage
rates. 1t is utterly impossible 10 determine
what labor has actually gained, IN dollars
and cents, by These movements. Inc cash
cost of them is susceptible oil approximate
statement.
The total number of strikes in the United
States during the last Twenty-Five years
will come not far short OF 1900. Accurate
and up to date figures are not available,
but this IL the indication from those at hand.
These have caused direct loss OF wages to
an amount not far from 1925 100000. The
loss to EMPLOYERS may be estimated at about
one-half that sum.
During this period there has been a
marked increase in the wage rates OF both
skilled and unskIled labor. I'nonisn is
disposed to look on the grand aggregate q
this increase and claim that sum as the
return for its expenditure OF the amount
involved in the direct loss caused by strikes.
Nothing could be more fallacious Other
influences have been far more potent in the
establishment of higher rates than have
those costly disturbances commonly called
strikes The actual net gain from the in
vestment of something like saoOo,0 900 a
year, for twenty-five years, in strikes is not
possible Of statement
1t now becomes more and more evident
each year that unionism keeps no debit ac-
count in it's books. 1t counts its gains in
figures and in rainbows. 1t takes no heed
Of its losses. II these were represented
only by figures, the matter might he dis
missed as spilled milk for which it was Use
less to wall But there is another loss, far
more important, of which unionism seems
to take no account. That Is public opinion.
public sympathy and support. few years
ago, the public was quite ready to support
the striker in any demand which carried
even shadow Of reason for its existence
To-day. every strike is regarded with sus-
picion, and most Of them encounter only
public condemnation.
The public, during a strike, no longer
regards itself merely az a more or less dis
Interested spectator at a prizefght 1t now
sees itself AZ the victim OF a struggle, and
the lquidator Of all the expenses incurred
In its processes The striker for more wages
believes that his success will transfer to his
pocket something which has been previously
slowed away in the plethorc money bags
Of a greedy employer. The public, paying
more for rent. for fuel, food. clothing, and
even for amusement, is beginning to realize
who it is that pays the bill. Labor, ever
clamoring for more. has shown itself as
greedy as the capitalist 1t denounces.
The public is coming though vaguely as
yet. to note the inequalities in wage rates
which result from the abuse OF power by
organized labor. 1t sees hodcarriers earn
ing 2sh cents an hour in 1903. while skilled
machinists receive ~ cents. 1t sees brick
LAYERS getting 54'. cents an hour u9osl,
while carpenters, whose work is equally
hard and perhaps even more skilful, get
only SO cents 1t sees painters getting IS
cents, while plumbers get IS. 1t sees motor
men, responsible for human lives, earning
less than plasterers, and street cleaners
earning more than clerks and statesmen.
More than all this, it sees the frequency
with which unionism Uses violence as its
weapon. and intimidation of its own mem
bers az one Of its strongest influences in
precipitating and maintaining strikes. Some
OF the testimony regarding these features
In the Chicago strike is highly instructive.
There is important Significance in the fact
that q strike always calls for greatly in
creased police vigilance, and often in an in
crease in the numerical strength Of the
force.
unionism comes before the public with
Its assertions OF brotherhood, its claims,
and its demands. Yet ii comes with dis
cord and division in its ranks; with demands
that inferiority be paid as mich as, and
more than, trained and skilled
efficiency, and with methods which en-
only an increasing antagonism on
the part of the public.
II unionism would live. it must set its
house in order, and win men to it and to it's
support, by demonstration of its WORTH
ness There are individual unions whose
experience is open to no criticism, and whose
adherence to sound principles has given
hem place of recognized and approved
'orcs in the world Of industry. Yet for
Inionism as whole, 1t can only be said to-
lay that if it would endure in this country
t must adopt new policies and develop
more leaders OF the type OF the late p. NJ.
Arthur. who was for more than twenty-five
years the head OF the Brotherhood of Loco
motive Engineers.
Labor unionism should open debit page
n it's ledger. and should there enter among
t. list Of losses during the last twenty-five
,ears two items-thus Cash, 1927 600 900;
public support and approval.
Requests 10 Churches aid bishop.
Sarah Martin, who died recently, leaves