The Montgomery advertiser., 1905-08-23
DOES IT MEAN ANYTHING.

A good deal is being said and writ ten about this last move of the Czar which some think is intended to add very much to the liberties of the Rus sian people. Some even go so far as to look on 1t as an advance which will almost make & republic of that tyrant-r ridden country and give the peo- pie something of the freedom enjoyed by our own citizens.
 A careful reading of the solemn manifesto" fails to, show any ground for the bright dreams indulged in by some. In the resume of the various matters touched on we are told that 'the powers of the Emperor remain theoretically unchanged" and that Is true. The members of the Legislature, or "douma," as 1t is called are not to be chosen by free vote of the people. as we choose law-makers here. but by
 kind of electoral colleges which will be quite different from a popular vote. Certain powers are ostensibly given to the douma, or National Assembly, among these powers being the right to
 reject any law. by two-thirds vote,
 which may be projected to them. As
 an intelligent and brief view of the
 matter we copy from The Philadelphia Record:
 The rejection by the National Assem- bly of a projected law, however, would not be equivalent to its defeat; 1t would merely put the question up to the Czar.
 The later would remain the fountain, NQ xtEuf ffnA md ln1 alf0rrAt in Russia. As at present the recon, mendations of a majority of the council of the Empire may be disregarded ana
 those of minority adopted by the su- preme ruler of Russia, so he may re- fuse to coincide with the views of two thirds of the National Assembly and ap, pend his fiat to Ministerial proposal though supported only by minority of one third or less. The sessions of the National Assembly may be sus- pended at will by the autocrat. Final-
 ly that body Is expressly forbidden 10 ministration."
 Since these fundamental laws are those whereby the acts of the autocrat and his personal representatives are held to be superior to law, the new edict leaves conditions in Russia sub- stantially unchanged. It is in accord ance with the unwritten and fnndae aae police still cause their victims to be fiayed by strokes of the cat-o-nlne- tails. Though the knout as a means of punishment was abolished by statu~ tory enactment years ago. The law of the realm guarantees the liberty or the person in Russia and recognizes the sanctity of mans domiciie; II guar antees everybody fair trial. Yet the police make domiciliary visits and sus-
 poets are cast into dungeons to rot or are sent into exile without hearing or even without public accusation.
 A National Assembly in a country whose institutions are those or the Fourteenth Century would be an anon ally. The Czar's grant Is of little val ue because it is unaccompanied by any curtailment of his own arbitrary pow CTS It is not at all likely that the Russian Liberals will accept the Czars edict even as an lnstailmem. rafnrm or TbaS 1a9 demanded the creation of parliament, the Czar replies by creating an impo- tent debating society, which may be broken up and the members Whereor may be- sent to the mines in Siberia whenever that course may be deemed expedient to a police sergeant.
 Looking at the matter impartially it fs difficult to see much advantage to re- suit from this movement. except that it may be the beginning of better condi- tions for the Russian people. The very fact that the Emperor has taken the step he has, Title as 1t actually amounts to, may mean that real and tangible concessions will follow. which will give to the people something like the liberty that has so long been denied them. It may be a beginning of better times to come in the future. or 1t may be noth- ing but an attempt on the Emperor's part to satisfy the people while yield ing practically none of his own powers.