The Irish standard., 1905-04-22
Irish Voters all Over England Made it Knowa
That Otherwise They Would Not
Support the Liberals.
They Realize the Danger Of Giving Maorlty
Over Tories and Irish Nationalists
Combined.

pursue Home Rule policy in the next
Parliament. Why "a physical impossi-
bility" is not explained. In substitu-
tion therefor Mr.. Churchill advocates
Coordination" on the Wyndham lines,
and "devolution" on the Dunraven
lines. The centralisation of the Castle
Boards, and Private Bill legislation,
with a representative element on the
boards, is Mr.. Churchill's specific. Mr..
Morley himself has made acute criti-
cisms upon this policy of what is
called administrative Home Rule"
When the popularisation of the Castle
begins there will be some interesting
problems. So far the only concrete at
tempt at popularisation is the Plunkett
department, and we all know how
popular" the administration of that
department is. No department in Ire
land has been more contemptuous of
Irish opinion, nor is there any where
the Ascendency is more rampant. The
only other model suggested is the FL
nancial Council of the Dunraven
scheme, consisting of twelve represen-
tatives of the Irish majority, four rep
resentatives of the Irish minority and
seventeen nominees of the Dublin Cas-
tie. If these are to be the Liberal al
ternatives to Home Rule, the difficult
ties which the youthful temperament
of Mr.. Churchill causes to vanish by
mere effort of the imagination will,
we fear, increase and multiply. If
the Liberal party is wise it will look
for it's Irish policy not to Dublin Castle
or Lord Dunraven, but to the author
ized representatives of Ireland itself.
Mr. Morley's advice to the Liberal
party, not to be afraid of their own
shadows, is the wisest it has yet re-
ceived about Ireland. Its Irish policy
must be a Home Rule policy, not
Unionist policy. We note that Mr..
AsQuith is not afraid to face the issue
raised by the Turf resolution, which is
shortly to come on for debate. Parlia-
ment, he acknowledges, could do worse
than spend an evening in considering
the present phase of the Irish question.
1t is healthful sign of the times that
the bogus outrage-monger is again
busy in the land. The prosperous days
of the Irish cause have always been
those in which the wretched gutter
sparrows of the Unionist press find
sale for the defamation of Ireland
Pigott found purchaser when the
Parnell movement was reaching its
climax; and the imitators of Pigott
are trying for little trade, now that
the reunited Irish party is making
progress towards the goal Our rep
resentative's investigation of the al
legged outrages in the Athenry district
shows the material of the prese1.
campaign. We are surprised that he
discovered so little reality behind the
reported outrages. For the Coercion
ist party has not only been able to
command a supply of reported out
RACES in the past, but to secure the
manufacture of very good limitations
of the real thing. There has not been
so-called Irish dynamite outrage
since Mr.. Morley's administration, a
fact that needs no comment. Since
the Sheridan case even the cutting of
cows tails has ceased to be an indus
try. But with new Chief Secretary,
sympathetically Coercionist, who talks
of his duty to law and order as if he
really believed that the cause of law
and order was dependent upon him in
Ireland, it might we'll have been hoped
that the industry could be revived. So
far the outrages have been confined to
the columns of the Unionist press.
But it would not surprise us in the
least if the advocates of Coercion
were able to frighten Mr.. Long, by a
real Whiteboy outrage committed in
the interests of Unionism. Those who
can read the political signs in Ireland
know what it all means. The reign of
reason is approaching in Irish affairs
once more, and those who dread its ap:
proach can only think of "the bloody
shirt" for defence. That there has