New-York tribune., 1905-11-01
RI life of James G. Blaine IN the
american Statesmen Series.


sne ...rel is obvious; the two men had many
Ine. in common. Both possessed in
GUS, magnetism and aptitude for leader
ae'DD .o.b commanded extraordinary popularity
shE' -o,,ed lasting enmities. Moreover, the
so I.,srtv in politics seemed to pursue them,
sa, -, lost the Presidency by exasperat
=" -.--ov margin, and were twice defeated
iss .,,aI conventions when a nomination
:, !, all probability have meant victory at
.,,- In one respect, however, Mr.. Blaine's
U" I. ,olitics was differentiated sharply from
foe r,,ys. The great Kentuckian had behind
Al -. unhroken support of his own section.
n'D typical westerner. the unchallenged
be :, the whfs party Of the Western
-. as It was understood in his day. Mr.
r.s a Pennsylvanian, transplanted TO
p pa was not a New -Englander in tenn
"A.' ,,, or spirit and never became one. In
-. =. easily won his way TO the front. but
"",-. .r.- commanded the support of Massachu-
rd the other New-England common
~. Tn the Middle States, the Middle West.
- The Mississippi and on the Pacific Coast.
- 6or wears a party. idol. The only Presi-
IT., candidate ever taken by the Republicans
- New England. he was nominated practi-
a, n.,hour New -Englands aid. On the bal
=. - which he was chosen at Chicago, in 1884,
= A.5 outside of the Maine delegation. only
,..en votes from New England, and there
=. sf,y-one votes against him. AS MI stan
ii sustlv saws the anti Blaine movement
u,,,n the Republican party was really strong
.,,s.re save in Massachusetts. and the head
-,r,rsrs of the revolt was in Boston
u. cannot bu. think that the significance Of
this Iocaized. sporadic outbursr-due in large
ool- oF thv with
salesman whom it considered no New-Eng-
sDdsr-is unduly magnifiec in Mr. Stanwoods s
whine. In his Introductory chapter the author
asserts that what will most engage the future
,,s,orian in any study of Mr.. Blaine's career is
.tbe question as to the truth or falsity of the
charges against his personal character. which
formed the basis Of inlplacabls hostility to him
m the part of many estinabe and high minded
men" Mr. stanwood does not himself admit the
rravsn,en of these charges but he explains that
his own opinion will undoubtedly be regarded
IS too much BIASED by personal friendship to
be accepted: and throughout the book he seems
compelled by desire to prove his own fairness
TO give excessive weight to the attacks made
on Mr.. BIaine's personal character. Undoubt-
edly the Mulligan letters and the transactions
they laid bare exposed Mr.. Blaine to the innu-
enQOeS OF any CIlAlC Nlio Ctec W iiAAo hi4SSo
letters a malevolent construction They were
amazingly indiscreet But they disclosed no
corruption. public or private and it is absurd
to hold that the charges TO which they gave
rise 50 seriously affected Mr.. Blaine's career
as to make the investigation above outlined the
future historians most peremptory task.
Mr.. Blaine's status in history is not likely to
be disturbed by such investigation any more
than his usefulness and opportunities as pub
lie man actually hazarded by the publica-
ton Of the Mulligan correspondence. Less than
month after the investigation by Congress
In 1876 he came within few votes OF being
nominated for President. He was shortly af-
terward appointed and then elected a Senator
from Maine; in 1880 was again almost within
reach of the Presidential nomination: he be-
came Secretary of State in 1881; was the nom
nee for President in 1884: was Secretary of State
in 1889. and was again voted for-though with
out his approval-as a candidate for President
in the national conventions Of 1883 and 1892
In view of this record, it is idle to assume that
the Mulligan charges must be reckoned with as
exercising a vital influence on Mr.. Baines polit-
ical career
What gave Mr.. Blaine his power as a political
leader in the period between 1875 and 1892?
Mr. Stanwood attributes II largely TO personal
magnetism and personal ability. Yet it seems
to Us there is a better explanation. Hundreds
Of thousands Of voters who had never come into
personal contact with the "Pluned Knight
were his devoted partisans The fact IS that
Mr. Blaine's leadership stood for idea and
that idea the liberalization of the RepubIi-
can party. the destruction of the odious and
menacing system of boss rule. Under Grant
the party had fallen into the clutch of a few
leaders-out and out spoilsmen OF the type OF
Conklng and the Camerons. They believed in
using the Offices to create q great machine for
controlling party action and sitting any free
expression of opinion on the part Of the voters
They perfected an alliance with the rotten
borough Office holding party managers in the
Southern States, and sought 10 dominate ma
donal conventions by solidifying the delegations
nom few big Northern States like New-York,
Pennsylvania ana Illinois under the unit rule.
Mr.. Blaine fought the battle to upset this dan
seroIs and despotio combination, to end the
sbuses Of the spoils system in party politics and
10 restore sovereignty to the actual voters.
tnder his leadership the unit rule finally
outlawed. and each Congress district obtained
NE uEdsputed right To express it's free opinion
IN national conventions. It long and hard
aght- but At Chicago in 1850 the ole fashioned
sPoiss and boss system went down to defeat, and
ne way was cleared for the reforms which have
aopped political assessments and taken the
Great mass Of federal Office holders cut OF active
P'allcs In that long contest Mr- Blaine led the
forcss Of intelligence and progress. and did an
saornous service In lifting the level OF our pub
lie life The enthusiasm he aroused was moral
enhEsasun-aot tependent chiefly his per
sonzity-and the results he achieved Of
ha-,o thnr SAT 1,n,ra
1a more stress on this phase Of Mr. Blaines &C
ayy. Cor It exulaine much Of the ardor and 10y
sF which ne inspired
mT sfanwood's book fails IN It's handling Of
fsiues and is handicapped by its too localized
sho indeefsye noint Of view Within its limits