Albuquerque evening citizen. [volume] (Albuquerque, N.M.) 1905-1907, 1905-12-05

AtNtT W VI prime IulUOTIHnGts AneTe u
more need to get rid OF the causes OF
war than of the implements OF war.
Worldwide Peace Of Justice.
l have dwelt much on the dangers TO
be avoided by steering clear OF any mere
sentimentality because my wish
for peace Is 80 genuine n earnest: be-
have a real and great desire
this second Hague conference may
mark a long stride forward In the direc-
ton of securing the peace OF Justice
throughout the world. No object Is bet
ter worthy the attention of enlightened
craftsmanship than the establishment Of
a surer method than now exists of Sc
curing justice as between nations, both
the protection OF the little nations
and for the prevention of war between
the big nations. To this aim we should
but, above all, effectively TO strengthen
the forces Of right. The Golden Rule
should be and as the world grows In
conduct among nations as among indi-
Viduals; though the old Rule must
not be construed, in fantastic manner,
power. This mighty and free republic
should ever deal with all other states.
great or small, on a basis Of high honor,
respecting their rights as jealousy as IT
safeguards its own.
Monroe Doctrine for Peace.
One of the most effective Instrument
for peace is the Monroe Doctrine as II
has been and Is being gradually develop
W ~ NAAAE wv AAo aNNNlNfh NNh'A
nations. No other policy could have
been as efficient in promoting peace In
the western hemisphere and in giving to
each nation thereon the chance to. de-
velop along it's own lines. II we had re-
fused to apply the doctrine to changing
conditions Il would now be completely
needs of the present day. and indeed
would probably by this time have sunk
into complete oblivion. IL Is useful at
home and is meeting with recognition
ahEAuI hagaaNan moo have oAnVfnA nsrE
application of IL to meet the growing
and changing needs of the hemisphere.
When we announce a policy, such as
the Monroe Doctrine, we thereby coul-
init ourselves to the consequences of the
policy, and those consequences from
time to time alter. IL Is out OF the .ques-
ton to claim a right and yet shirk =
we, but all American republics who are
benefited by the existence of the Doc
,trine, must recognize the obligations
peoples no less than its duty to insist
upon its own rights.
That our rights and interests are deep
ly concerned in the maintenance OF the
doctrine Is so clear as hardly to need
argument. This is especially true in view
of the construction of the Panama canal.
As q mere matter of ~seif-defense we
must exercise a close watch over the APP
breaches to this canal; and this means
that W. must be thoroughly alive to our
interests in the Caribbean sea.
lutFt are CtTlulu tdHtIllldt HOlhNS
which must never be forgotten as re-
CARDS the Monroe Doctrine. In the first
place we must AS a nation make II evil
dent that we do not intend to treat IT In
any shape or way as an excuse for ag-
grandizement on part at the expense
of the republics to the south. We must
recognize the fact that In some South
American countries there has been much
suspicion lest we should interpret the
Monroe Doctrine as In some way mimi
cal to their interests, and we nus try
10 convince all the other nations of this
once and for all that no just
and orderly government has anything
to fear from us. There are certain re-
publics to the south OF us which, have
already reached such a point OF stability,
order, and prosperity that they them
selves. though as yet hardly conscious
ly, are among the ~guarantors of this
Doctrine. These republics we now meet
not only on n basis OF entire equality,
but in n spirit of franz and respectful
friendship, which we hope Is mutual. III
all of the republics to the south OF us
will only grow as those to which al
have already grown, all need for us
to be the especial champions OF the doc,
trine viii disappear. for. no stable and
American republic wishes to see
some great non-American military power
territory in its neighborhood.
All that this country desires is that the
other republics on TINS contlnent snan
not be happy and prosperous unless they
maintain order within their boundaries
and behave with a Just regard for their
obligations toward outsiders. II must be
understood that under no circumstances
will the United States use the Monroe
Doctrine AS q cloak for territorial ag-
gression. We desire peace with all the
world, but perhaps most of all with the
other peoples of the American continent.
There are OF course limits to the wrongs
which any s~elf-respecting, nation can en-
dure. 1t Is always possible that wrong
toward this nation, or toward
citizens of this nation, in some state IN
able to keep order among its own people
unable to secure justice from outsiders,
and unwilling to do Justice TO those out
slders who treat IL well, may result In
orr having to take action TO protect our
rights; but such action will not be taken
with a view 10 territorial aggression, and
IL will be taken at all only Will extreme
reluctance and when It has become evil
dent that every other resource has been
Must Not be Abused.
Moreover, we must make It evident
we do not intend to permit the Mon
roe Dostrine to be used by any nation on
this continent as a shield to protect II
from the consequences of its W mis-
deeds against foreign nations. IL a re-
public to the south of us commits a tort
against a foreign nation, such as an out
then the Monroe Doctrine does not force
us to interfere to prevent the punish
ment of the tort, save to see that the
punishment does MOI assume the form
vi NtIIlNbIlil occupation W ~ jump
The case is more difficult when IL refers
to a contractual obligation. our own
government has always refused 90 en-
force such contractual obligations on be-
half of It's citizens by an appeal to arms.
II il much TO be wished that all foreign
would take the same view.
But they do not; and In consequence we
are liable at any time to be brought face
to face with disagreeable alternatives.
on the one hand, this country would GER
family decline to 60 TO war TO prevent a
- 80. aAlNAANNnT a
debt; on the other hand. IL Is very
inadvisable to permit any foreign power
to take possession, even temporarily, OF
the custom Houses of an American repub-
JIG in order TO enforce the payment of
its obligations; for such temporary oc-
cupation might turn into a permanent
The only escape from these
alternatives may at any time be that We
must ourselves undertake 10 bring about
some arrangement by which so much as
possible of a just obligation shall be
paid. II Is far better that this country
should put through such an arrangement
than allow any foreign country
to undertake Il. To do so insures thf
defaulting republic from having to pay
while IL also insures honest cred
of the republic from being passed
by IN the Interest of hon or grasp
Ing creditors. Moreover, for the United
TO take such a position offers the
only possible way OF insuring us ain
q clash with some foreign power. The
H. AntiflbIft III the llltifHA VI
peace as well AS in the interest Of jus
lice. IL Is Of benefit TO our people; IL Is
Df benefit To foreign peoples. and most
u all IL IL really of benefit To- the people
Of the country concerned.
This brings me 10 what should be one
n the fundamental objects OF the Mon
roe Doctrine. We must ourselves In good
faith try Ia help upward toward peace
and order those OF our sister republics
need such help. Just as there has
been a gradual growth OF the ethical
element in the relations of one individual
tO another, 80 We are, even though slow
y, more and more coming 10 recognize