Decorah public opinion. (Decorah, Winneshiek County [Iowa]) 1895-1928, 1905-12-06

often raufry IN princrpre anu wasueIu
In results, while many Of their business
methods are Anticipated and inefficient
/ recommend that the congress consider
this subject.
Federal Elections.
In my last annual message l said:
''The power Of the government to
protect the integrity of the elections Of
its own officials Is inherent and has
been recognized and affirmed by re-
peated declarations of the supreme
court. There Is no enemy of free gov.
eminent more dangerous and none 80
insidious as the corruption Of the elect.
crate. No one defends or excuses cor
ruption, and 1t would seem to follow
that none would oppose vigorous meas
ures to eradicate 1t. recommend the
enactment Of law directed against
bribery and corruption in federal cleo
tons. The details of such a law may
be safely left to the wise discretion of
the congress, but 1t should go as far as
under the constitution 1t Is possible to
go and should include severe penalties
against him who gives or receives q
bride intended to influence his act OF
opinion as an elector and provisions for
the publication not only Of the expend-
itures for nominations and elections OF
all candidates, but also of all contribu'
lions received and expenditures made
by political committees"
desire to repeat this recommends.
ton.
All contributions by corporations to
any political committee or for any po-
litical purpose should be forbidden by
law, directors should not be permitted
to use stockholders money for such
purposes, and, moreover, prohibition
Of this kind would be, as far as it
went, an effective method Of stopping
the evils aimed at in corrupt practices
acts.
The Hague Conference.
The first conference of nations held
at The Hague in 1899, being unable to
dispose of all the business before it,
recommended the consideration and
settlement of number Of important
questions by another conference to be
called subsequently and at an early
date. These questions were the follow
ing: % The rights and duties Of neu-
trails; (2) the limitation of the armed
forces ON land and sea and Of military
budgets; g. the use Of new types and
calibers Of military and naval guns; a.
the inviolability of private property at
sea In times of war; % the lombard
ment Of ports, cities and villages by ma
val forces. In October, 1904, at the in
stance of the interparliamentary union,
I issued invitations to all the powers
signatOry to The Hague convention to
send delegates to such a conference
and suggested that 1t be again held at
The Hague.
From all the powers acceptance was
received, coupled in some cases with
the condition that we should wait until
tween Russia and Japan. The emperor
Of Russia, Immediately after the treaty
Of peace which so happily terminated
this war, In note presented to the
president on Sept Is took the initiative
in recommending that the conference
be now called. The United States gov
eminent in response expressed it's COR
dial acquiescence and stated that it
would as a matter Of course take part
In the new conference and endeavor to
further its aims. We assume that all
civilized governments will support the
movement and that the conference is
now an assured fact. This government
will do everything in It's power to Sc
cure the success Of the conference to
the end that substantial progress may
be made in the cause Of international
peace, justice and good will.
Monroe Doctrine.
There are certain essential points
which must never be forgotten as re-
CARDS the Monroe doctrine. In the first
place, we must as nation make it ev-
ident that we do not intend to treat 1t
in any shape or way as an excuse for
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT on our part at the ex-
pense Of the republics to the south.
But we must make it evident that we
do not intend to permit the Monroe doc
trine to be used by any nation on this
continent as shield to protect it from
the consequences of its own misdeeds
against foreign nations. The Monroe
doctrine does not force us to interfere
to prevent the punishment of port
save to see that the punishment does
not assume the form of territorial occu-
patton in any shape. The case is more
difficult when it refers to a contractual
obligation. This country would GER
tainly decline to go to war to prevent a
foreign government from collecting q
just debt. On the other hand, 1t is
very inadvisable to permit any foreign
power to take possession, even tempo
rarily, of the custom houses Of an
American republic in order to enforce
the payment Of its obligations, for such
temporary occupation might turn into
a permanent occupation. The only es-
cape from these alternatives may at
any time be that we must ourselves
undertake to bring about some arrange
ment by which so much as possible Of
just obligation shall be paid.
To do so insures the defaulting re-
public from having to pay debts Of an
improper character under duress, while
1t also insures honest creditors of the
republic from being passed by in the
interest Of dishonest or grasping cred
itors. Moreover, for the United States
to take such position offers the only
possible way Of insuring us against a
clash with some foreign power. The