Daily Kennebec journal., 1905-12-06

our executive governmental machinery
should. be at least as well planned,
economical, and efficient as the best
machinery of the great business Or
ganizations. which at present Is not
the case. To make 1t SO Is a task OF
complex detail and essentially ex-
ecutive in it's nature; probably no
legislative body, no matter how wise
and able, could undertake it with rea-
sonapie prospect of success. I recon-
mend that the Congress consider this
subject with a view to provide by
legislation for the transfer. distribu-
ton, consolidation, and assignment OF
duties and executive organizations or
parts of organizations. and for the
changes in business methods, within
or between the several departments,
that will best promote the economy,
efficiency and high character of the
government work.
FEDERAL ELECTIONS.
In my last annual message I said:
"The power of the government to
protect the integrity of the elections
of its own officials is inherent and has
been recognized and affirmed by re-
court. There is no enemy of free gov
ernment more dangerous and none SO
| insidious as the corruption of the elec-
tOrate. No one defends or excuses cor
ruption, and it would seem TO 1ollow
| that none would oppose vigorous meas
ures to eradicate it. 1 recommend the
enactment of law directed against
| bribery and corruption in Federal cleo
| tions. The details of such law may
be safely left to the wise discretion of
| the Congress-, but it should go as far
as under the constitution it is possible
to 60 and should include severe penal
| ties against him who gives or receives
a bribe intended to influence his act or
opinion as an elector: and provisions
| for the publication not only of the ex-
penditures for nominations and cleo
| tions Of all candidates, but also of all
| contributions received and expenditures
made by political committees"
| l desire to repeat this recommended
ton. In political campaigns in a
country as large and populous as ours
| il is inevita BILE that there should be
much expense of an entirely legitimate
kind. This. of course, means that
many contributions, and some of them
of large size, must be made, and. as
matter of fact, in any big political
contest such contributions are always
made to both sides. 1t is entirely
proper both to give and receive them,
| unless there is an improper motive
| connected with either gift or reception.
If they are extorted by any kind of
pressure or promise, express or implied,
N n
| or immunity, then the giving or receiv-
| ing becomes not only improper but
! criminal 1t will undoubtedly be diff
cult as a matter of practical detail to
shape an act which shall guard with
reasonable certainty against such mis-
conduct; but If it is possible to secure
by law the full and verified publication
in detail Of all the sums contributed
to and expended by the candidates or
committees of any political parties the
result can not but be wholesome. All
contributions by corporations to any
political committee or for any political
purpose should be forbidden by law;
| directors should not be permitted to
use stockholders money for such pur-
! poses; and, moreover. a prohibition Of
| tflis kind would be. as far, as 1t ID went,
an effective method Of stopping the
| evils aimed at in corrupt practices acts.
| Not only should both the national and
| the several state legislatures forbid
any officer Of corporation from using
| the money of the corporation in or
| about any election, but they should
| also forbid such use of money in con-
nection with any legislation save by
| the employment of counsel in public
manner for distinctly legal services.
THE HAGUE CONFERENCE.
The first conference of nations held
at The Hague in 1899, being unable to
| dispose of all the business before it,
| recommended the consideration and
| settlement of a number of important
questions by another conference to be
called subsequently and at an early
date. These questions were the fol-
lowing: "a The rights and duties of
neutrals; ~ the limitation OF the
armed forces on land and sea, and of
military budgets; (3) the use of new
types and calibers of military and
naval guns; (D the inviolability OF
private property at sea in times OF
| war: (5) the bombardment of ports,
cities and villages by naval forces. In
October, 1904. at the instance of the In
terparliamentary Union. which, at a
conference held in the United States
and attended by the lawmakers of fif-
teen different nations, had reiterated
the demand for a second conference OF
nations, issued invitations to all the
powers signatory to The Hague con-
ventiun to send delegates to such a
conference and suggested that 1t be
again held at The Hague. In its note
of December Is. 1904. the United States
government communicated to the
representatives of foreign governments
its belief that the conference could bt
best arranged under the provisions o,
the present Hague treaty.
From all the powers acceptance was
received, coupled in some cases Witf
the condition that we should wait unit
the end of the war then waging be-
tween Russia and Japan. The EN-
peror of Russia, Immediately after the
treaty of peace which so happily terml'
mated this war. in a note presented te