The Minneapolis journal. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1888-1939, 1905-05-30
RAILROADS WHIP
ON MIDDLE WEST
Republican Senators Who Oppose
Rate Making Also Try to
Turn South.

Rate Making Also Try to
Turn South.
BY w. w. Jermane.
Washington, May 30.-"If the in
the power to fix rates, one of the first
things it will do will be to abolish the
differentials by which gulf ports have
been built up for purposes of export
This is the statement which repub-
lican railroad senators are making with
a view to securing the aid of their
democratic colleagues in an effort to
administration policy. They are also
using it with senators from the mid
die western states, which furnish wheat,
corn, flour and meat products which
make up goodly part of these exports
from southern ports,
"By artificial and arbitrary meth
DDS the bulk Of middle-west exports
have been diverted from their natural
outlet on the north Atlantic runs
the argument, "and given to the gulf.
The result of the. competition, between
these two exporting centers has been
a better price for the inland producer
and more expeditions delivery OF goods.
Remove the differential and the middle
west will again be under the control of
southern ports will decline.'
Some Of the democratic senators have
been attracted by this argument, but
have not yet announced whether they
will be controlled by it next winter.
On unbiased middlewest senators, OF
whom there seem to be few, the ar
gument has not had marked effect.
s..s Politics in the Fight.
There is still another reason, and
more important one, why republican
railroad senators are DESTROYS OF secur-
ing the aid Of democrats in an effort
fairly large number OF democratlc
votes should be cast against the Dill,
the republican party as an organlza-
ton, would not be held wholly, respon-
sible for the bills defeat, and this is
something worth paying attention to IN
many of the states which have repub-
lican majorities.
Southern democratic senators are
not quite clear as to their attitude to-
ward the proposed legislation. They
are naturally averse to supporting any
measure which embraces major policy
of the opposition, and if other things
were equal, they would probably not
hesitate to vote against the rate bill.
| But other things are not equal.
| In, the democratic states there IS
we'll defined sentiment in favor OF the
administration program, and in some it
has taken radical turn at the behest
of the old Bryan following, which seems
leaning toward government and state
ownership.
In coming face to face with the rate
| bill, therefore, the democratic senator
| finds himself inclined to cater to home
sentiment. A vote for the administra-
ton bill would please his constituency,
and at the same time it might, il the
bill should become a law, prevent the
democratic party from being divided IN
| 1908 over the government ownership
idea.
! South Free from Trusts.
As class, southern democratic sena-
tors are comparatively free from the
corporation temptations to which their
northern republican colleagues are so
peculiarly susceptible, and once their
prejudices can be allayed,, they are able
to vote their convictions on any meas
|ure. Their vote on the administration
4 rate bill, provided that bill is permitted
to reach a vote in the upper house, will
be in the main disinterested. Those
who know them are unwilling to assume
that they viii permit themselves to be
associates, especially when that use will
tend to take from the republican party
the blame Of defeating the rate bill, and
thus prevent the democratic party liz
1908 from improving its opportunity to
the full extent.
| Of the five democratic members of
the senate interstate commerce com
mittee, only three attended the recent
| L ,bo G
her all the time, and Senators Carmack
and Foster, who were here part Of the
time. Senators Tillman and McLauren,
the other minority members, attended
none of the sessions.
Republican Lineup.
There are eight republican members
of this senate committee, Elkins, who
is chairman, Cullom, Aldrich, Kean
Dolliver, Foraker, Clapp and Willard
The first four of these can be put down
as being, unalterably opposed to the ad:
ministration program. Aldrich was not
poets he will be found in the rate-mak,
ing class. Foraker is at heart with the
four, but his situation is embarrassing
He has the presidential bee, and doesn Il
want to do anything to interfere with
the development of his ambitious pro
gram. Should the rate bill reach a
vote, Foraker would probably line up in
favor of ton roll call. But his in.
fuence will secretly be to prevent a
vote. W. -y.- .-.. .,a' r..
Willard comes from a state which has
been railroad ridden for number of
years. Had the railways opposed him
he never could have come to Washing
ton, and should he support the admins
tration policy, they will try to retire
him at the end Of his present term
But he faces a constituency which has
decided views in favor Of rate-making
and which during the past few years
has made several more or less success
full revolts against railroad control.
Dolliver comes from the same ktnC
of a state. What is said here about
Nebraska, appliese with equal force
to Iowa.
Senator Clapp's Position.
The last member of the committee tc
be named is Clapp of Minnesota. His
state stands with Iowa and Nebraska
so far as the common people are con
cerned, in demanding that the admin
istration policy be made effective il
legislation.
How these three middle west republi
cans will stand officially on this great
question, nobody now knows. It ha.
been assumed in we'll informed circles
here that they are likely to be against
rate-making. This assumption, how
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