Arizona republican., 1905-12-06

and wasteful in results while man, of their business methods are anti quated and inefficient There is ever, reason why our executive govern
 mental machinery should be at Ieas
 as well planned, economical. and eff
 cient as the best machinery of the i great business organizations, which a i present is not the case To make il 1 so is a task of complex detail and es- 1 sentially executive i'm it's nature; prob
 ably no legislative body, no matter
 how wise and able, could undertake il
 with reasonable prospect of success l recommend that the congress con- sider this subject with a view to pro- vide by Legislation for the transfer | distribution, consolidation, and assign ment of duties and executive organiza- tions or parts of organizations, and for the changes in business methods with in or between the several departments that will best promote the economy efficiency, and high character of the government work.
 FEDERAL ELECTIONS.
 In my last annual message I said:
 The power of the government to protect the integrity of the elections of its own officials is inherent and has been recognized and affirmed by re- peated declarations of the supreme court. There is no enemy of free gov ernment more dangerous and none so fnsidious as the corruption of the cleo torate. No one defends or excuses corruption, and it would seem to fol- low that none would oppose vigorous measures to eradicate it. I recom- mend the enactment of a law directed against bribery and corruption in fed eral elections. The details of such a law may be safely left to the wise dis erection of the congress, but it should go as far as under the Constitution it Is possible to go, and should include severe penalties against him wno gives or receives a bribe intended to influ- ence his act or opinion as an elector; and provisions for the publication not only of the expenditures for nomina- tions and elections of all candidates. but also of all contributions received and expenditures made by political committees
 THE PEACE CONFERENCE.
 The first conference of nations held at The Hague in 1899, being unable to dispose of all the business before it, recommended the consideration and settlement of a number of important questions by another conference to be called subsequently, and at an early date. These questions were the fol- lowing: CD The rights and duties of neutrals: CD the limitation of the armed forces on land and sea, and of military budgets; (3) the use of new types and calibers of military and na- val guns; (4) the inviolability of pri- vate property at sea in times of war; (5) the bombardment of ports cities and villages by naval forces. Tn Oc- tober, 1904, at the instance of the h. terparliamentary Union, which, at a conference held in the United States and attended by the lawmakers of fif- teen different nations, had reiterated the demand for a second conference of nations, I issued invitations to all the powers signatory to The Hague con- vention to send delegates to such a conference and suggested that it be again held at The Hague. In it's note of December 16, 1904, the United States government communicated to the representatives of foreign govern ments its belief that the conference could be best arranged under the pro- visions of the present Hague treaty.
 From all the powers acceptance was received, coupled in some cases with the condition that we should wait un- til the end of the war then waging be- tween Russia and Japan. The emperor of Russia, immediately after the treaty of peace which so happily terminated this war, in a note presented to the president on September 13, through Ambassador Rosen, took the initiative in recommending that the conference be now called. The United States government in response expressed it's cordial ecquiescence and stated that it would, as a matter of course, take part in the new conference and en- deavor to further its aims. We assume that all civilized governments will support the movement, and that the conference is now an assured fact. This government will do everything in it's power to secure the success of the conference to the end that substantial progress may be made in the cause of international peace, justice and good will.
 THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
 One of the most effective instru- ments of peace is the Monroe doctrine as it has been and is being gradually developed by this nation and accepted by other nations. No other policy could have been as efficient in pro- noting peace in the western hemis- phere and in giving to each nation thereon the chance to develop along it's own lines. If we had refused to apply the doctrine to changing condi- tions 1t would now be completely out worn, would not meet any of the needs of the present day and indeed would probably by this time have sunk into complete oblivion. It is useful at home, and is meeting with recognition abroad because we have adapted our application of it to meet the growing and changing needs of the hemisphere. When we announce a policy, Sucn as the Monroe doctrine, we thereby com init ourselves to the consequences of the policy, and those consequences from time to time alter. It is out of the question to claim a right and yet shirk the responsibility for it's eXer else. Not only we, but all American republics who are benefited by the ex- istence of the doctrine, must recognize the obligations each nation is under as regards foreign peoples no less than its duty to insist upon it's own rights.
 That our rights and interests are