The Montgomery advertiser., 1905-01-31

agitation for the free coinage of sil- yer. The agitation for the rate-ffxing power has been brought about and has been kept alive largely by the campaign carried on in its favor by the Interstate Commerce Commission, just as the life of the free silver movement, especially in its earlier stages, was the systematic campaign carEied on by those interested in the mining of silver. The, doctrine that the stoppage of the free coinage Of sll- yer in 1878 had been responsible for all the hard times after that date. and that genuine prosperity could be brought about only by the opening of preached so industriously that large proportion of the people of the United States were brought to believe that 1t was true, and many men in public life in both parties, who really believed that the doctrine was fallacious, gave 1t their support for the reason that they believed that their future political life depended upon their following the apparent trend of public opinion In their localities.
 In the same way, the preaching of the doctrine of governmental rate re- duction has confused the public mind and has created a hazy impression that If this power should be conferred up- on the Interstate Commerce Commits sion 1t would, in some way, result in preventing discriminations and all other abuses In connection with trans- portation.
 As in the silver movement. so now, men in Congress who fear that 1t would be a dangerous step to confer the rate-fixing power on any gov ernmental body are being swept off their feet by what they believe to be the wishes of their constituents, and, without giving the subject the study that its importance would justify, they will vote for rate-fixing legislation if it is brought to a nissue in Congress.
 President Roosevelt seems to be one of those who became confused as to the whole subject of railroad legtsla- tion. There Is every reason to believe that what was uppermost in his mind when he wrote his message to Congress at the beginning of the present session was the desirability of insuring to every person equal rights on the high ways of commerce and the doing away absolutely with rebates and discrimi- nations of all kinds. whether open or concealed. Yet he seems to have be- lieyed that the way to get at this would be through rate-hxing legisIa- tion.
 The general discussion of the subject that has been in progress ever since the publication of the message seems to have cleared the Presidents mind to some degree; In discussing the the President has expressed his gem eral approval of it, but has also ex- pressed regret that 1t does not include provisions for the regulation of pri- vate car lines, declaring that he com sidered legislation for their regulation of more importance than anything else. Had the President taken this position in his message, explicitly recommend ing Legislation for the more effective prevention of rebates and discrimina- tions, and for, the regulation of prl- vate cars, private terminals and pri- vate side tracks, and had made his rec commentators for ratefixing legis- lation secondary. there would have been much more probability of some thing being done during the present session of Congress. As 1t is, his in- sistence on giving the Interstate Com merce Commission power to fix rates has diverted the efforts in Congress away from the evils which many stu dents of transportation problems, like the President, declare to be the most important evils, and which could have been corrected by Legislation along the lines of least resistance. As 1t is, the President has brought his party face to face with a policy that many of its members believe involves the taking of q very dangerous step in the direc- tion of governmental ownership of transportation lines, and the carrying out of which will involve a contest that may result in party division.