Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1905-12-05

ner for distinctly legal services.
The Hague Conference.
The frst conference Of nations held at
| The Hague in 1880. being unable to dispose
OF all the business before 1t. recommended
the consideration and settlement OF num-
Der Of important questions by another con-
| ference to be called subsequently and at
an early date. These questions were the
following: % The rights and duties OF neu-
| trails; Cd the limitation Of the armed forces
| on land and sea, and Of military budgets,
| CD the use Of new types and caiiber Of
military and naval guns: ~ the invioiabil-
tty OF private property at sea In times of
war; (5) the bombardment OF ports. cities
and villages by naval forces. In October
1904. at the instance of the interpariia-
nentary union, which. at a conference held
IN the United States and attended by the
| lawmakers OF fifteen different nations, had
reiterated the demand for second con-
ference OF nations, issued invitations
70 all the powers signatory to The
Hague convention to send delegates to
| such conference and suggested that 1t be
again held at The Hague. In Its note of
December 10. 1904, the United States gov
tives or foreign governments Its belief that
the conference could be best arranged under
the provisions of the present Hague treaty.
From all the powers acceptance was re-
ceived, coupled in some cases with the con-
dition that we should walt until the end
OF the war then waging between Russia and
Japan. The Emperor OF Russia, Immediate
ly after the treaty of peace which so hap
PLY terminated this war, In note pre-
scented to the President on September ID.
| through Ambassador Rosen, took the initia-
tive IN Recommending that the conference
be now called. The United States govern
ment in response expressed its cordial ac-
Quiescence and stated that 1t would, as
matter of course, take part In the new con-
We assume that all civilized governments
VIII support the movement, and that the
conference Is now an assured fact. This
government will do everything In Its pow
er to secure the success OF the conference
to the end that substantial progress may
be made in the cause OF International peace,
justice and good Will.
This renders 1t proper at this time to say
something as to the general attitude OF this
government toward peace. More and more
war is coming to be looked upon as in IT.
self a lamentable and evil thing. wanton
or useless war, or war OF mere agrees
| sion-in short, any war begun or carried on
in a conscienceless spirit. Is to be con-
demned as peculiarly atrocious crime
against al humanity, We can. however, do
nothing of permanent value for peace un-
less we keep ever clearly in mind the ethi-
cal element which lies at the root of the
problem. Our aim Is righteousness. Peace
Is normally the handmaiden OF righteous
ness; but when peace and righteousness
q
never for q moment hesitate to follow the
path which leads toward righteousness.
even though that path also leads to war.
There are persons who advocate peace at
any price; there are others who. following
a false analogy, think that because 1t Is no
longer necessary in civilized countries for
individuals to protect their rights with
strong hand, It Is therefore unnecessary
for nations to be ready to defend their
rights. These persons would do irreparabie
harm to any nation that adopted their
principles, and even as It Is they seriously
hamper the cause which they advocate by
tending to render 1t absurd In the eyes of
sensible and patriotic men. There can be
no worse foe of mankind in general. and OF
his own country In particular. than the
demagogue OF war. the man who IN mere
folly or to serve his own selfish ends con-
tinually rails at and abuses other nations,
who seeks to excite his countrymen against
foreigners on insufficient pretexts, who ex-
cites and inf1ames a perverse and agrees
sive national vanity. and who may on occa-
sions wantonly bring on conflict between
his nation and some other nation. But
there are demagogues OF peace just as there
are demagogues OF war, and in any such
movement as this for The Hague confer
ence 1t is essential not to be misled by one
set Of extremists any more than by the
other. Whenever 1t is possible for nation
or an individual to work for real peace, as
suredly 1t is failure OF duty not 50 to strive;
but II war Is necessary and righteous then
either the man or the nation shrinking from
IL lOrlSllS All Lftl6 10 Sell-IeSpSCt. we nave
scant sympathy with the sentimentalist
who breads oppression less than physical
suffering, who would prefer shameful
peace to the pain and toll sometimes la
mentally necessary in order to secure a
righteous peace. AS yet there is only par
tial and imperfect analogy between inter
national law and internal or municipal law,
because there Is no sanction OF force for
executing the former while there IL in the
case of the latter. The private citizen is
protected in his rights by the law, because
the law rests in the last resort upon force
exercised through the forms OF law. A man
does not have to defend his rights with his
own hand because he can call upon the
police upon the sherims posse. upon the
militia or, in certain extreme cases, upon
the army to defend him. But there is no
such sanction of force for international
law. At present there could be no greater
calamity than for the free peoples, the en-
lightened, independent and peace-lovtng
peoples, to disarm while yet leaving 1t open
to any barbarism or despotism to remain
armed. SO long as the world Is as unor-
ganized as now, the armies and navies Of
those peoples who on the whole stand
for justice. offer not only the best, but the
only possible, security for just peace. For
instance, If the United States alone, or in
company only with the other nations that
on the whole tend to act justly, disarmed,
we might sometimes avoid bloodshed, but
we would cease to be of weight in securing
the peace Of justice-the real peace for
which the most law-abiding and high
minded men must at times De Wiling TO nght-
AS the world Is now. only that nation Is
equipped for peace that knows how to
f1ght and that will not shrink from fighting
IL ever the conditions become such that war
is demanded in the name OF the highest
morality.
So much it is emphatically necessary to
say In order both that the position of the
United States may not be misunderstood,
and that a genuine effort to bring nearer
the day of the peace Of justice among the
nations may not be hampered by a folly
which, in striving to achieve the tmposssi-
BILE, would render it hopeless to attempt the
achievement of the practical. But while
recognizing most clearly all above set forth
it remains our clear duty to strive in ev-
cry practicable way to bring nearer the
time when the sword shall not be the arbi-
ter among the nations. At present the
practical thing to do is to try to minimize
the number Of cases in which 1t must be
the arbiter, and to offer, at least to all civ
!lized powers, some substitute for war
which will be available in at least q con-
siderable number of instances. Very much
can be done through another Hague con-
ference In this direction, and l most ear
nestly urge that this nation do ell In its
power to try to further the movement and
TO make the result of the decisions of The
Hague conference effective. earnestly
hope that the conference may be able to
70 mol QrhitYa a.