New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1905-03-20
/ THE ZEMSTVoS PART IN THE REFORM MOVEMENT.
". STOLYPIN WRITES OF BUREAUCRATS' EFFORTS TO
CRUSH AGRARIAN DEVELOPMENT.

! zerngtyo establishment was well organized and
conducted by enthusiastic teachers Inc Church C
school experiment foredoomed to failure,
and the government has now greatly cooled tow
ard the enterprise
I have devoted so much attention to this
branch Of zemstvo work because L think my
American readers will more readily understand
It's general character from this particular e1-
ample than from a disquisition on the Wholo
aspect of the question. many elements of which
are foreign to American life and comprehension
THE FIGHT AGAINST BUREAUCRACY.
1t is demonstrable that the conflict now pro-
ceeding in Russia is nowise directed against
the monarchieal principle 10 when .ne Rvoprv b,
the bureaucracy of all the vital functlonS OF
the nation. The peasants have come to believe
that their former owners nave since the en1aia-
cipation OF the serfs been concentrating OF
fees and influence in their own hands, and have
thus practically usurped the power OF the En-
peror. It is a common saying among the peas
ants that the government STANDS Ike a wan
between the Emperor and his people. There
is great deal OF truth In this. on the otner per
hand, great alarm is felt In higher spheres for
the safety of the dynasty, and this alarm
is due to misunderstanding Of the fact that the
genstvo upon which a evolutionary mask has
been foisted an excuse for repression, is es-
sentially q conservative institution
The zemstvo cannot be revolutionary and
still less anarEhistio element, for the simple
reason that it is composed of landholders, and
the ideals pursued by the proletarias of labor
although they may be temporarily adopted by
the zemstvo in its campaign for freedom-are
necessarily objectionable and even terrible to IL.
After the reactionary changes Of 1890 the pro-
portion Of mobiles in the zemstvos increased
over that of the first zemstvos. showing that
the changes. dealing principally with the meth
cd of election chiefly affected the peasants The
government hoped to find in the mobiles a con-
servative element which should relieve 1t OF all
apprehensions from an elective institution. But
the reformed zernstvo did not display the slight
est change or policy, and The late Minister
Plehve found, to his astonishment, that the
sophisticated body was just as re5olute an OPP
ponent as its predecessor.
It may even be confidently asserted that had
Plehve done the very reverse. had he increased
the proportion Of peasants he would have done
much more to achieve the desired result for,
though the peasants might have gone the length
OF seeking to apply Henry Georges nationaliEa-
ton OF land, they would certainly have re-
mained Indifferent TO political rights If
are to judge by the rapidity with which tho
large land holdings Of the mobiles are passing
INTO the narlds OF the peasants, It may be pre-
sumed that this transfer would have nateri-
any Facilitated normal evolution. unattended
by any catastrophe
The fact is however that orr e,overnroant
IearS nothlng so much as agrarian move
ment everything is sacrificed to this self-im-
posed pogle, the people are sedulOusIy kept In
a state Of darkness and ignorance the develop
ment OF this country is tmpeded and numbed
I 1Seoiltent s IS engendered and the energies of
the hatlon are wasted in internal strife
ELEMENTS OF THE REFORM PARTY.
But how is it to be explained that the zemstyo,
composed OF noble proprietors with a small ad-
ia mixture OF peasants has remained progressive
Hoeral ana perststently opposed to the govern
hV
pointing out that the bureaucratic army is re-
cruited from the same noble class, but from less
independent, less self-reliant menbers-nobIes
| who have deteriorated In the luxurious entoy-
nent OF government offices and ernolurnenfs ON
| the other hand the opposing force is composed
OF men or energy. of principle and of ideals.
forming minority Of the mobiles which has rea-
| llzed the banefulness Of bureaucratic routine
| and sees the salvation of Russia in the untran-
melled growth of free institutions
It is none the less a family quarrel between
the hperal ana reactionary parties of the dorni-
| nant class The mass Of the people remains a
! passive spectator Of this conflict Hence, Pleh-
! We, by reinforcing the mobiles In the zennstvo
| only increased the number Of his liberal oppo-
nents. who fought him. not within the narrow
walls Of q parliament. but in enormous arena.
they had the whole provinces; he had his Peters
| burg offices, and consequently, notwithstand-
! ing all his despotic power, he was doomed to
! defeat by sheer force of numbers.
| When, however, the inevitable victory Of the
zemstYo is finally won. when its united forces
| succeed in obtaining some form of constitutional
| government, zensky sober, we may expect a
transformation of the political struggle such as
| few foresee.
| national participation in self-government. This
| will give the peasant a preponderant vote and at
| once give rise to agrarian movement-the
| peasants seeking to Increase their holdings from
| the land belonging to other classes and to the
state. OF course this can be settled by means OF
gradual appropriations, but 1t is difficult to ex-
pect such peaceful adjustment. This interest
ing social question is destined to assume unex-
| pectsd forms in Russia.
ORGANIZATION OF THE ZEMSTVOS.
| In concluding this review Of the zemstvo's
role in the political development of Russia,
think 1t OF interest to give few facts regarding
| its organization. The zemstvo institution ex-
| lists in thirty-four provinces or governments of
| European Russia. The members of the provtn-
| cal zemstvos are elected by the members OF
! the district zemstvos. which number BIS; the
| members of the district bodies are elected by
direct vote IN the electoral colleges of each class
of the community The contingent of members
! returned by the peasants is strictly limited.
and the number of peasants electoral col
leges is in excess of this contingent, the governor
| makes a selection. The ukase of December
! %, 1904 provides for the creation of small
zenstvo units, which will represent the villages
and bear the relation to the district zeTnst-
/ vo that the latter bears to the provincial
body.
| There also exists a secret organization which
virtually unites the thirS'-four Zemstvos in q
/ cIandestine national assembly. Quite recently
this organization was treated as Illegal and sub
/ jected to persecution by the government, but
now it is not directly interfered with, although
still unrecognized by law.
Besides building and endowing schools. the
| Russian Zemstvo has developed and organized a
number of other public enterprises including
/ statistical veterinary and, most important of all
national medical services. One Of the reproaches
/ constantly brought by the government against
statisticianS, teachers, physicians and other rep
resentatives of the liberal professions who form
an imposing army of revolutionary workers
! Although unenfranchised, they none the less ac-
/ uuire the character of members of the zemstvo
! and exercise great influence among the people
In Justice it must be said that these men-the
so-called third estate-are the personif1cation of
Russia The failure of the government to bring
/ these men to it's side is great mistake.