The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1905-03-25
There is Daniel J. Keefe of the

Longshoremen's union who has as
| complete an industrial union in marine
shipping as can be organized under
! any system of organization. The min
ers, under John Mitchell, have a parti-
| al industrial system. The metal trades
are fast developing into this latter
plan. While the strict trade autonom-
lists prevailed at the San Francisco
convention, any honest observer can
plainly see that the trend is towards
ultimate industrial unity.
Those rebels in the labor movement
who form a rival organization every
time things do not go their way are
really the reactionary ones to be most
feared. We give them credit for be-
ing honest and fearless men, but we
have great doubts as to their wise
judgment on practical labor matters.
Surprising that movement was
started to form a new government in
this United States every time Con-
gress failed TO move forward as ra-
pidly rs the advance thinkers wished,
what would become of this nation
That point was settled for all time to
come in 1865. after five years Of blood
and carnage.
The way to build up the labor move
ment is not to destroy it. There is
too much at stake in every union
treasury, and in every union mans
home to attempt to destroy the AM
erican Federation of Labor, simply
because that organization does not
progress as rapidly as the radical men
in the movement desire.
There is a well grounded suspision
that most of the men who are sup
porting this new movement are doing
SO because Of their ambition for lead
ership, rather than their real interest
in the welfare and security Of labor.
Build from the American Federation
of Labor up. It required twenty-five
years of agitation, thought, work and
sacrifice to give the A. F. Of l.. the in
fluence that it has today. It will take
the same amount Of time for new
movement, no matter how righteous it
may be. to attain the present stand
ing Of the A. F. Of L.
What MIR. Haywood ought to do
first, Is to- affiliate his organization
with the A. F. Of L. Then If he does
not likely the policy Of that organization
he can consistently advocate a change
to conform with his ideas. If he is
right, he can depend upon it, that the
earnestness and sincerity of the Am
.erican workingmen will prompt any
movement for healthy and really
progressive change in policy. No one
man, or no twenty-seven men are big
enough to sway the judgement of the
American workingmen. Years of ex-
perience in the trade union movement
has taught them the best and safest
methods to pursue: They will listen
TO reason without prejudice, but they
will not follow rebel in the move
ment
The men who wish to build upon the
present solid base of unionism will be
encouraged in their honest efforts;
criticised for their weakness, should
any develope, and commended for
their progress, as the case may be. But
those who seek to first destroy the
present movement, in order that they
may build upon its ruins their peculiar
style Of unionism will be fittingly re-
buked by the thoughtful workingmen
of America. We have implicit faith
in our fellow workingrnen throughout
the country, and fear not the destruc-
ton Of our present movement by those
who are now known to be its sworn
enemies. The history of the labor
movement for the past decade tells in
bold language the names Of it's enemies
within the ranks, and their repeated
efforts to launch rival organizations
at regular intervals, and not a few Of
the names appear on the manifesto
calling the Industrial Movement Of
America" in convention at Chicago
next June.
The w0rkinPman generally wants