The Mitchell capital. (Mitchell, Dakota [S.D.]) 1879-1918, 1905-12-08

nent between ether nations ana sur~
Need an Eiastie Currency.
n,Nnds the addition OK the element Of
elasticity to our currency system. The
evil does not consist In an in~adsQuate
this volume, which does not respond as
1t hould to the VARYING needs of COM
be avoided; but some provision should
be made that will insure. a larger volume
of money during the fall and winter
Of the year; so hat the currency will
contract against speculation, and will
e nsss for n the nsed ass Of r lsgi5ima ,isn bus US
ment is, at. irregularly recurring inter
Xass Obliged, In the interest Of the bus.
the American p%ublic-to try to avert
financial crises. by providing a remedy
which should be provided by congress
Serutinize Campaign Gifts.
I desire TO repeat this recommendations:
In political campaigns in a country as
large and populous as ours 1t is ineyit-
Of an entirely legitimate kind. This. Of
course, meanH. that many contributions.
and some Of them Of large size, must
be made, and. as a matter OF fact, in any
big political contest such contributions
! are always made to both sides. 1t is
s them, yn Rnepe There Roth Is s an f smere apa T moeiye
connected with either gift or reception.
II they are extorted by any kind Of pres
rect or Indirect in the way of favor or
immunity. then the giving OF receiving
Is becomes S,3's not only tmpf sa a, but criminal
act which Shall Guard With reasonable
i s r Il So. aEa1ins y s such m~Hi rs ono St: but but
and verified publication in detail OF ali
the sums contributed to and expended
political parties. the result can not but
be Wholesome.
Stop Insurance Campaign Funds.
Az contributions by corporations tosany
P p1r1sss .s ssmmie 5s fo ss any by l RSE4!is az
re eeds5Ssa, s1ngld not be- pefmaisted TO use
s Woald n ISs. as iEaa e as i RySs. 81 an t aiTsd a5Rs
esoTSaps pfasSsss aeIs; Nos my shod!a
radon from using the money OF the
fSnpor sSn9E1a in Or. q ABOUT s54s, any s,s slsction. u
money in connection with any legislation
save, by the employment Of counsel In
public manner for distinctly legal serv-
Takes Up Peace Question.
More and more war is coming to be
looked upon as in itself a lamentable n
q war of mere aggression-tn short, any
war begun or carried On In a Conscience
less spirit. Is to be condemned as a pecu-
manity. Whenever 1t is possible for q
peace. assuredly It is failure Of duty not
so to strive: hut II war Is necessary and
righteous then either the man or the
nation shrinking from It f%orfeiss all title
70 SET Ire respect tir, Ms nay sea sfant sympat b!
prsxsaslt6n less fhsn physical suffering. who
would prefer a shameful peace to the
pain toll sometimes lamentably nec-
essary In order to secure q righteous
peace.
international Arbitration.
Very much can be done through another
most earnestly urge thai this nation do all
In It's power to try to further the move
ment and to make the result OF the de-
! earnestly hope that the conference may
be able to devise some way to make Tbi-
tration between nations the customary
way OF settling International disputes In
all a a few classes of cases. which
SHOULD themselves be as sharply defined
and rigtdly limited as the present gov
world viii permit. If possible there should
be q general arbitration treaty negotiated
among all the nations represented at the
conference.
The Monroe Doctrine.
One Of h q most effective instruments for
peace Is h Monroe doctrine as 1t has
been and Is being gradually developed by
this nation and accepted by other ma
efficient In promoting peace in the western
hemisphere n in giving to each nation
thereon the chance, to develop along Its
the doctrine to changing conditions It
would now be completely outworn, would
not meet any OF the needs Of the present
time have sunk into complete oblivion.
That our rights and interests are deep
ly concerned in the maintenance of the
argument. This is especially true in view
of the construction of the Panama canal.
AS q mere matter Of self-defense we must
exercise q close watch over the approaches
to this canal; and this means that we must
be thoroughly alive to our interests in the
Caribbean sea.
Not a Means of Aggression.
There are certain essential points which
Monroe doctrine. In the first place we
must as a nation make it evident that we
do not intend to treat II in any shape or
way as an excuse for aggrandizement on
our part at the expense of the republics
to the south. We must recognize the fact
that In some South American countries
there has been much suspicion lest we
should interpret the Monroe doctrine as in
some way tnimtcal to their interests, and
We must try to convince all the other ma,
anything to fear from US.
Can't Use II aa a Shield.
Moreover, we must make 1T evident that
we do not intend TO permit the Monroe
doctrine to be used by any nation on this
continent as q shield to protect 1t from
the consequences of its own misdeeds
against foreign nations: II a republic to
the south OF us commits a tort against
a foreign nation, such as an outrage
against a citizen OF that nation. then the
Monroe doctrine does not force us to in
terfere to prevent punishment of the tort.
save to see that the punishment does not
assume the form of territorial occupation
in any shape. On the one hand. this
war to prevent a foreign government
from collecting a just debt: on the other
hand. It is very inadvisable to permit
even temporarily, of the custom houses
of an American republic III order to en-
such temporary occupation might turn
into a -nermanen REMUNERATION. Tha- only