The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1905-05-31
Hon. G. K. Thomas to the
Alumni
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world Railroads are closely con-
nected with the welfare of the public,
since they serve the public, but the
government has always seen best to
leave largely the construction and en-
tirely the direction of railroads in this
country to individuals. The govern
ment has called private enterprise to
employ private capital in the con-
struction of railroads. Railroads are
now owned and directed by individ-
uals. If the government should as
sumo the power to fix the rates of
railroads it would invade the rights
of individuals and commit a gross in
Justice upon those rights. To control
the earnings of a business is to control
the business. The proposition would
give the control to the government
and leave the responsibility with the
individual. Power and responsibility
would be separated. If railroads are
in any sense private property and all
responsibility for good service to the
public is to fall upon the individual,
common justice demands that the
power to fix rates be left to private
enterprise. Furthermore, the regula-
ton of rates by the government is
the first step toward governmental
ownership of railroads, which is OPP
posed by all the leading economists of
the country. In fact. governmental
ownership of railroads, with whatever
evils it might be attended, would be
more righteous policy than the as
sumption of the rate-making power
with the responsibility left with the
individual.
What would it involve for the gov
eminent to fix the price of transpor-
tation? The price of transportation is,
like all other prices, governed by the
great and inexonerable laws of trade
Should the government undertake to
fix, therefore. the rates of railroads.
there would be a state of artifciality
in the railroad business and disaster
to our Industrial life would be the
inevitable result. Again, there is lit
tie difference between the fixing of the
price of transportation and the fixing
the price of the transported article.
If the government fixes a price for
which shipper may transport his
goods, ii is just as reasonable for it
to dictate the price for which he may
sell his goods when they have reached
the market. 1t would be the first act
i'm the drama of socialism, and if we
have the first act there is no reason
why we should not have the whole
drama completed. Governmental mi
tiatiVc would be substituted for in
dividual initiatives; governmentally
fixed statutes for the flexible law of
supply and demand. Progress would
be dealt a fatal blow. Construction
Of new railroads would be checked.
The entire industrial life of the coun-
try would be greatly affected.
THE proposition calls for the Gre
alton of an undemocratic tribunal.
The three organic branches of our
government established by our con-
stitution would be combined in this
commission, since TO regulate rates
calls for the exercise of judicial, leg
islative and executive functions
In conclusion. the proposition is
unjust to the individual; it IS an in
reference with the laws of trade; it
would result in depression in our in
dustrial and commercial life 1t would
combine the three branches of our
government and deprive one class of
our people of the right of trial by
jury. Individualism would be sacri-
feed on the altar of committeeism
Governmental Socialism would be sub
stituted for fresh individualsm. The
salvation of the nation lies not in con-
straining statutes and Iordly tribunals,
but in free individual effort and un-
hampered play for natural forces.
Mr.. Parker for the Affirmative.
Mr.. Parker second speaker on the
affirmative. prefaced his remarks by
outlining the points he proposed to
prove. He said, first, that it was his
purpose to show that railroad traffic
rates of the country did need regula-
ton; that the railroads We're abusing
their powers as given them in their
charters; second, that the government
should regulate such abuses through
and by the Interstate Commerce
Commission
He started out by showing many of
the violent and fragrant abuses that
the railroads were guilty of, cited i'm
stances in which the railroads made
small shippers pay twice as much
for the same weight and class of
freight that large shippers had to pay.
He further showed that Chapel Hill
was Disseminated against, as con-
trasted with Durham. That many
small towns bore the brunt of rate
paying while large cities and towns
secured lower freight rates and better
service. He quoted President VIM.
*. Vanderbilt, president of the VAN
derbilt Railroad System, as having
testified that all large shippers re-
ceived rebates, if they asked for them,
and showed that the Atchison, To-
peka and Sante Fe Railroad paid
more than million dollars in re-
bates to shippers during ore year.
From this point he took up the ques-
lion of how the government should
regulate such abuses of power and
determinations between individual
shippers. towns and sections He
showed that the Intention of Congress
TO give the present Interstate Com
mission full power to deal with such
abuses was understood from the be-
ginning, when the Commission was
created in 1887; but that the Supreme
court had in a number of decisions
declared the lack OF authority for the
Commission as was intended by Con-