New-York tribune., 1905-02-17
THE PRERoGATTTE OF THE HOUSE.

The privilege of originating revenue meas
ures is one of the sacred prerogatives of the
House of Representatives which that body is
justified in maintaining against all encroach-
ment, even though its concern seems to be
more with form than with substance. The
constitutional provision that "all bills for rails
"ing revenue shall originate in the House of
Representatives; but the Senate may propose
cor concur with the amendments as other
bills" was. Of course, modelled on the English
constitution. The long struggle for the control
of the purse as a check upon arbitrary royal
power made the right of the representatives of
the people to initiate all measures of taxation
seem peculiarly important to liberty. Much de-
pended on the power to propose taxes in the
time of the Stuarts and after the Revolution the
tradition of the popular grant was naturally
strong. Though the Senate was to be an cleo
tive body, and not, like the House of Lords, the
reflection of a distinct class with its own inter-
ests to the House as more directly dependent
on the people was confded the duty of saying
not so much how as when new taxes should be
imposed, for that is practically what the Houses
prerogative amounts TO-
Senator Hansbroughs original proposition re-
specting the wheat drawback was nothing more
than a declaration of opinion. AS passed by
the Senate however it was a piece of legs-
lation declaring that the drawback provisions
affect the wheat scheddle This is palpably
revenue legislation. 1t is an attempt on Sen
ate initiative to remodel one feature of the
tariff law, and the House properly refuses to
countenance any such thing. Yet the House has
time and time again felt compelled to assent to
much more important changes in the tariff die
tated from the Senate chamber
Under cover of it's right to amend the Senate
has sometimes left little but the enacting clause
of House tariff bills This was conspicuously
the case with the Wilson BILL which in spirit
and purpose was largely transformed in the
Senate. 1t may be doubted if the makers of the
Constitution expected that in the guise of
amendment practically new bills would be
passed. Their idea, some House leaders have
held, may have been that the Senate would
merely review and revise in detail but certainly
they conferred the power to make over tariff
bills in language broad as TO deprive the
House of any preponderance in shaping reve-
nue. laws. The compactness of the Senate and
the premium its rules put upon obstructive tao
tics have in fact given TO that body the positive
weight of authority even in tariff legislation
The policy of action once determined the pre-
rogative of the House becomes merely an empty
form It's only real efficacy is the power which
it confers the House to block innovation and
smother agitation.
If the House does not want to open up a tariff
question, the Senate is helpless. In the case of
the wheat drawback the House. whether entire
ly satisfied with the department ruling or not.
seems content 10 LET it stand and quietly give
the extended drawback plan trial That is
within its province. If the House would show
an equal frmness in insisting on the preserva
ton of the great outlines of its tariff bills in
stead of being content merely with saving an
enactng clause, its prestige as the effective rep
resentatye OF popular feeling would be en-
hanced- But, once started on course of legisla
| tion, its organization appears 10 be such that
final decisions pass to others