The Caldwell tribune., 1905-12-09

| 4nMuencs n 49, nis act OF opinion as an aIsa4tg "
of the expenditures for nonnISst, not only
eIections or all candidates, but 49, ano
~, ytai,ticoi eSsvsa ana expenditures mada
desire to repeat this recompo :,
pontacal campaigns In q country - i N
and populous as ours 1t is inevitahI. itSse t,ss
there should be much expense ns 80 oIe ol that
legitimate kind This, OF coi,rse .a 90 entirely
many contributions, and some ~ tH that
large size, must be made, and as = mem Hsn Of
contributions are always made 10 hats such
It Ia entirely proper both 10 give n as aaea
ceive them, unless there is an inpronere re- re-"
tive connected with either gift ar rape peE mo-
II they are e&torted by any nina 80 SSSeptloh
or promise, express or implied dtraot pttessars
| direct. in the way Of favor or irono,'n w ta a.
onn bnt Sr rseeivns not
doubtedly be difficult as a matter WI w nn-
tical detail to shape an act which SaS, shaT
a St certainty against such
by law the full ana verified pubIicstsasss ssssuEo
detail OF all the sums contribu+nS ~s N
eapenaSa exp la.y oy the candidates or committees ~
any poAtical' parties the result cannot hs
ne wholesome. All contributions bv cornra eGt
atoms to any political commtttee or Snr por "n
pohtlcsl purpose should be forbidden ~
law directors should not be pernjttaa
use stockholders money for such n,rno,.o 20
and moreover, prohibition Of thi, TtnSs
would be. as far as it went an efreetivs
method Of stopping the evils ainad .'avS -. 70
corrupt practices acts. No only shon1a a. hatn IN
the National and the several stato % ootA
latures forbid any officer of a cornorot;ns
| or about any election, but thew shou,a I'm IN
forbid such use Of money In connection w;tS
any legislation save by the emnlovmart -
services. 'sS@
The Hague Conference.
| The first conference of nations he1d NJ rE
Hague in 1890, being unable to disnosa ~ a1S
the business before 1t, recommended the
consideration and settlement of a number op
important questions by another conferano~
to be called subsequently and at an earIs
date. These questions were the following.
% The rights and duties of neutrals; (2l tSs
sea, and OF military budgets; (3) the nsa
of new types and calibers OF military and
naval guns; t) the inviolability Of private
property at in times of war: * -
bombardment of ports. cities ana VILLAGES 'hS bS
naval forces. In October, 1904, at the in.
stance or the tnterparliamentary Union.
S' which' at conference held in the United
states and attended by the lawmakers Of *
different nations, had reiterated the demand
| for second conference of nations issuoS
1nvit9tiens 1 to all the powers signatory to
The Hague convention to send delegates r.
such conference and suggested that II be
again held at The Hague. In its note OF
December 10. 1904 the United States Cow
ernment communicated to the represents.
tives OF foreign governments its belief that
the conference could be best arranged I'm.
der the provisions Of the present Hague
treaty.
From all the powers acceptance was re-
ceived, coupled in some cases with the con-
| dition that we should wait until the end OF
| the war then waging between Russia and
Japan. The Emperor of Russia, Immediately
after the treaty OF peace which so happilv
terminated this war, in note presented to
the President on September 49, through Am
! bassador Rosen, took the initiative In recon-
| mendtng that the conference be now called
The United States Government, in response,
| expressed It's cordial acQuiescence and stated
that 1t would, as matter of course take
part in the new conference and endeayor to
| further its aims. We assume that all civilized
governments Will support the movement, and
that the conference Is now an assured fact
| This Government will do everything in It's
| power to secure the success Of the confer
ence to the end that substantial progress may
be made In the cause of international peace.
justice and good will.
! During the last century there has been n
| distinct diminution in the number of wars
| between the most civilized nations. Interna.
| ttonal relations have become closer, and the
development of The Hague tribunal Is not only
| a symptom Of this growing closeness of re-
| lationship, but is a means by which the growth
can be furthered. Our aim should be from
| time to time to take such steps as may hs
| possible toward creating something like
organization of the civilized nations, because
| as the world becomes more highly organized
the need for navies and armies will diminish.
| It Is not possible to secure anything like an
| immediate disarmament, because 1t would
first be necessary to settle what peoples are
| on the whole a menace to the rest of man
kind, and to provide against the disarmament
| Of the rest being turned into a movement
which would really chiefly benefit these OBJ
noxtous peoples; but 1t may be possible TO
| exercise some check upon the tendency TO
| swell indefinitely the budgets for military ex-
pendlture. OF course such an effort could sucs
ceed only II 1t did not attempt to do too much:
and IL 1t were undertaken in a spirit Of sanity
as far removed possible from merely
| hysterical pseudo-philanthropy. 1t Is worth
| while pointing out that since the end Of the
| insurrection In the Philippines this Nation has
| shown its practical faith in the policy Of da
| armament by reducing Its little Army one
third. But disarmament can never be Of prime
| Importance; there Is more need to get rid OF
| the causes OF war than of the implements Of
| war.
The Monroe Doctrine.
| One of the most effective instruments for
peace Is the Monroe Doctrine. as It has been
and is being gradually developed by this Ma
| tion and accepted by other nations No other
policy could have been as efficient in pro
noting peace in the Western Hemisphere and
| In giving to each nation thereon the chance
| to develop along Its own lines If we had
refused to apply the doctrine to changing con-
ditions II would be completely outWorn.
| would not meet any of the needs of the pres
| ent day, and indeed would probably by thls
time have sunk into complete oblivion 1t 10
| useful at home. and is meeting with recoSni-
| tion abroad because have adapted our
| application of 1t to meet the growing ana
| changing needs of the hemisphere. When We
| announce a policy, such as the Monroe DOC
trine, we thereby commit ourselves to the CON.
sequences Of the policy. and those consequences
| from time to time alter. 1t is out OF tns
| question to claim a right and yet shirk the
| responsibility for its exercise. Not only We
| but all American republics who are benenteu
| by the existence of the doctrine, must recoR-
nize the obligations each nation Is under AZ
| regards foreign peoples no less than its ouV
| to insist upon its own rights. ,,
| That our rights and interests are oeepH
! concerned in the maintenance OF the doe-
*rine Is so clear as hardly to need argument
| This is especially true in view of the con-
structon of the Panama Canal AS
mere matter of self-defense we must eXeI
else a close watch over the approaches !"
this canal; and this means that we must %
thoroughly alive to interests IN III"
| Caribbean Sea.
| SantO Domingo.
| Santo Domingo, in her turn, has now ihauo
an appeal to US to help her, and not @ oh,S
every principle of wisdom but every generous
| instinct within us bids respond to the o.
peal. 1t Is not of the slightest CONSEQUENCE Gto
whether grant the aid needed by i san
| Domingo as an incident to the wise deFe'op
ment of the Monroe Doctrine or because snT
| regard the case of Santo Domingo as stah1
| ing wholly by itself, and to be tfeateu
such. and not on genera principles or W. mt
any reference to the Monroe Doctrlne', IA
| important point is to give the neeueu neeun,or
and the case is certainly sufficiently pe'un~ nr
| to deserve to be judged purely on 'rn lts Nv"
| merits. The conditions in Santo Doi'neS hS
| Hnyr orr