The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1905-07-02
The SUN. SUNDAY. july 2, 1905.

whole debt was the heritage Of past mis-
government, hung like milestone around
the neck Of the nation. Delays In the pay.
ment of interest the forced reduction Of the
rate Of interest In violation Of public faith.
the risk of total Reputation alarmed the
Weather classes OF the bouroeoisie the
merchants. the fnanciers and the new
nobility, who were at once the Govern
ment's chief creditors and its principal
critics" 1t is by an appreciation OF this
atate Of things that We are enabled to under
stand the military and naval weakness OF
the Bourbon monarchy in the ninth decade
Of the eighteenth century. "The superior
credit Of England would have rendered II
possible for her in case Of war to raise easily
and rapidly large war loan. while France
would have been at the mercy of her en-
emiee. Her treasury empty. her credit
exhausted, her resources anticipated In
advance. she could hardly hope to hold
her place as a great nation il she con-
tinued to descend the slope Of insolvency.
After payment Of the debt charge,
her revenues fell hop,lessly shot OF tho
minimum requirements OF the public
service, and the most drastic economy
"ouiu nave III 'h0
final crash. The direct taxes pressed 80
heavily upon the Tiers ttdt that an increase
was not to be thought Of Indirect taxes
might, perhaps, by operation of what is
known as the elasticity Of the exchequer
have yielded an even higher return If they
had been reduced 1t is pronounced
on the other hand almost certain that an
augmentation OF indirect taxes would have
failed to produce higher revenue. There
was plainly but one solution Of the problem.
only one loophole of escape from bank
ruptcy. for the French nation. It was in
dispensable that the privileged classes
and privileged localities should be deprived
of their fiscal immunitiee, and that the
French people as whole should shoulder
the burden Of taxation, unity the fiscal
arrangements Of the country and decide
for itself how best to support the weight
Of the national engagements.
v.
The ripenees OF the intellectual classes
of the French people for trenchant political
reform used to be moderated in most popu-
lar histories. Not only had a few far
sighted statesmen disoerned. but by 1889
the mass Of educated Frenchmen had ar
rived at the conviction. that the sole pre-
ventive Of national insolvency. the sole
remedy for political and social inequalities
and abuses, was to be found In a radical
Of the scheme OF govern
ment. Prof. Montague shows that, If We
fix our eyes on the cahiers or documents
in which the grievances and wishes Of his
subjects were laid before the King, we shall
recognize that the cardinal demand in
most Of them is for the substitution Of a
constitutional monarchy in the place of the
traditional despotsm That part OF the
changes usually begins with insisting
that the Government of France be declared
a hereditary monarchy, descending to the
males Of the House Of Bourbon.
This, however, is the only feature Of the
actual system which it is desired to pre-
serve. .The States-General are to be
convoked at regular intervals. The per-
sons Of their members are to be inviolate,
and their debates are to be public. We
often meet lin the cdhier with the de-
mand that the States General shall not be
dissolved without their own consent. The
executive power Us to remain with the
King, but the taxing power is to be in the
Estates, and is taken to include the control
of loans and what in England is known as
the appropriation OF supplies. The legisla-
tive power is to belong to the Estates, act
ing jointly with the King. As rule, it is
not proposed to leave the King any initia-
tive in legislation, and some cdhiers would
allow him only suspensive veto upon
measures which had been passed by the
National Assembly. The Ministers, how
ever, are to be appointed and dismissed
by the sovereign. since they are con-
ceived as the organs OF the executive
power, which is to continue to reside in him.
As might have been expected d, we no more
find in the cdhiers Of 1859 than we find in
the Constitution of the United States framed
at Philadelphia two years before, any |
mixing of the Cabinet system which was
already at work in England, but which as
yet was imperfect and not clearly appre-
hended even by the acutest political writers. |
The ca iers, it Is true, insist upon the re- |
sponsibility Of Ministers to the law and to |
the nation. 1t is pointed out by Prof. |
Monta que, however, that the Ministerial |
contemplated is always one
enforceable by criminal courts. Political
the liability Of Minister to
lose his place as soon as he loses the con-
fidence OF Parlia ment, was so far from the
intention of the cd1iers that they generally
demanded the exclusion of Ministers from
that assembly.
VI.
Prof Montague concurs with many
recent investigators Of the internal situa-
ton OF France during the ninth decade Of
The eighteenth century in opining that the
needed constitutional reforms might have
been brought about Practically had the
King and Queen been better qualified for
The singularly difficult roles which they
we're called upon to all. There is no doubt
that the character OF Louis XVI. presented
IN amiable contrast to that Of Louis XIV.
The former revolted against the vices Of
he Court in which he was brought up; he
;ook a serious view Of his duties, was re-
igious without fanatical intolerance, and
;ried to live in some accord with his pro-
fession Of faith. He sincerely wished to