The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1904-04-09

concluded yesterday. Leaders Of or
ganized labor made the closing presen-
tatiOn in favor of a modification Of the
laws under which courts. have been
granting Writs to employers in labor
disputes.
Samuel Gompers, president of: the
American Federation Of Labor; H. Fl.
Fuller, representing the organized rail-
way employees, and Andrew F'uruseth,
representing the International Seamen's
Union, made earnest and dignified pleas
for the enactment of the bill which
passed the House unanimously last ses-
sion and was favorably reported by the
Senate Committee on Judiciary:
President Gompers replied to the mis-
representations and charges of crimin-
ality made by the representatives Of
capital who appeared in opposition to
the bill He gave particular attention
to the misstatements concerning labor
leaders made by Attorney David Day.
export of Bridgeport, and former Attor-
ney General Black, the Wall Street ADJ
vocate.
Andrew Furuseth in an able Thought
full review of the labor movement,
brought to the attention Of the COM
that they have a vested right in the
productive power of labor and in the
last analysis this meant Industrial abb
solutism which takes all liberty of ac-
ton from the laborer.
He said in part:
'"This bill and the hearing thereon
brings to your attention a conflict which
is but another phase of that eldest of
struggles in human society, the strug-
gle between the houses of Have and
WANT on the part Of labor the cry
for freedom on the part of capital, the
argument of necessity
There are some positions taken by
the employers and their attorneys
which, to say the least, will be startling
reading for thoughtful men, and which,
properly considered, will bring the pub
lie to our side as surely as the American
public mind is yet of the opinion which
made this; country pour out it's blood
and treasure; to abolish the ownership
of man by man in any sense:
1.-THE labor movement is but the fund
amental Christian idea taking hold Of
the industrial field in an endeavor to
transform it into it's own image.
This, gentlemen, is in short, the la
Dor movement. Absolutism has been re-
moved from church and the state; it
still holds full sway in Industry. Yet
the employer says: This is my bust
ness; am this business like the die
tlm: Of Louis: XIV T.: am; the state
II :tssWeH of the labor movement dispute
this. We: hold that SINCE the, business
cannot exist without the: worker he,ha s
something to say, Or should. have son1e-
thing to say, about it. We do not claim
that we are always right in what we
say, but since the toiler cannot be di-
vorced from his labor power the claim
set up here of vested right in so much
labor power as will make a. plant pro-
fitable, is not only un-Christian, but
un-American.
Rights Of the Employer.
''There are plants which employ in
different ways 10000 men. Allowing
five to a family, this means $50, 0o0 men,
women and children
The owner or owners claim the right
to determine the hours Of labor, which
means what time the employee may be
with his family. They claim the sole
right to determine wages. This means
the power to say in what kind of house
the worker shall live, what kind Of
clothing shall be worn by his wife and
children, what shall be their food, what
kind Of education thehy shall gain,
what character shall be developed by
the rising generation. The power of
kings is as nothing to this. Kingly
power only touches the life of the peo-
pie in spots, at intervals.
/ This power has sought to control the
political action Of the workmen subject
to it, and did SO control it that it was
necessary to make the ballot secret.
we have found judges who were
not proof against this power and who
have used their holy office contrary to
, the settled law. Thus: the virus Of in
Gustr1al absolutism is burroWing
through every safeguard and filling the
holes with maggots of it's own making
What can the working class do? In
the developments and the law, of which
we complain, we are considered: and
treated as a class. Here is; a power
Which watches: over us in the shop, at
our home, at our every meeting and at
the polls. To incur it's displeasure means
discharge, and this means finding. if
we can, employment in some other line
Of industry and less of such value as
our acquired: skill may have.
I'VE apply the lessons taught us by
the animals, Of mutual aid We come
together for protection and endeavor to
| put into practice the instruction to bear
each others burden, but are promptly
met by an order from the court in
which this is called conspiracy and
the oldest Of Saxon rights, the trial by
jury, is swept away.
mot that all our employers act thus.
Many, nay, perhaps majority. would
have it. otherwise, but thehy have to
keep up with the procession or go out
| of business.
I'VE exercise the right Of assembly,
we discuss our grievances, appoint our
committee and respectfully submit our
petition for redress, and we are told
that Jones', Smith & Go. would gladly
grant our petition, but there is Hogg,
Hunger & Co. working one hour per
day more and paying less wages: Jones,
Smith & co. cannot grant our request
1t would mean going out of business.