The San Francisco call., 1904-08-14
e., RePUblicanism,
the Ideal and Real

. RANK PRESTON STEARNS is
the author OF a book, True Re
. - publicanism." which attempts a
survey OF the real and the ideal
IN American politics and a prog
1osrication OF the drift Of the
tide in the government Of the republic
Though written conscientiously and
with evident conviction, this volume
:. cannot take place with accepted stand
ards on constitutional law and econo-
mics for two very sufficient reasons
One Of these is the weakness displayed
in many Of the authors leading deduc-
1iors. the other. nlisstatement OF facts.
.Xvratever Of sound reasoning and
scholarly argument True Republican
ism" may contain is stulufed in large
measure by the very manifest presence
. Of these faults
BY inductive reasoning MI Stearns
arrives at the conclusion that the one
.osniversal law is change" that only by
n continuous process Of regeneration,
by a serious consideration OF existing
conditions and the application OF we'll
.'-apparent in them can the Government
of the United States exist without some
inevitable revolutionary upheaVaL
True reuublfcanfsm we have not, &C
cordfnz 10 his thinking: a rational re-
.pubIicanism we may possess If only we
'foIQw closely the universal law OF
change in its operations and abide
thereby
-- A true repubIicanism We have not,
declares the author And why notZ
Our Declaration OF Independence an
nQunces the quality Of men and de-
clares that government derives its pow
- from the consent Of the governed.
In the spirit Of these utterances our
constitution vas framed; il vouchsated
an ideal republicanism. But, says the
author. coercion is inseparable from
any form Of government; the Declara-
-tfon Of independence is q revolutionary
document. revolution is coercion; hence
the government built upon the consu-
tuition. which reflected in its essence
the spirit Of this revolutionary docu-
nent. was not q government deriving
its powers from the consent OF the gov
erned. SO much is theoretically correct,
IS recognized by theorists. but when in
the face Of this conclusion the author
makes the assertion that for perfect
example o. unrestricted government by
the people we should turn 10 the rule
OF the committee Of public safety In the
French Revolution. one IS at loss TO
know what conception he holds OF ideal
free government. No better example OF
a ty-rsnnous oIigarchy than that afford
- bv the committee OF public safety
could be cited
Accepting the fact, then, that our
Government IN its earliest practical
oneration was far from the ideal the
sutror fproceeds 10 show the influences
which have arisen 70 carry it farther
svav stfll. Class distinctions, newt
<able always. have arisen. Our Vaunt-
81 snirtt OF freedom from a strong
central Government has led US into the
p far,It OF enjoying too little govern
r,eut. negro lyachings. mob violence
an6 fhe IKE are sufficient denonstra-
fions OF this fact Party machines
have concentrated all individual ini-
tiative IN affairs governmental in
themselves; this will pervert politics
frou a science TO q trade" Legisla-
tive boodling follows as direct re-
er,lt Of this conversion Of politics from
a science 10 a trade through the op-
Grafton OF machines
since these things are-and incon-
teefablv they are-the author would
have II that We meet changed condi-
+ions with changes ere We drift to-
vvars revolution. The only logical
renedv IS 10 restrict the suffrage"
srbe author follows with a sketch Of
how the suffrage might better be
nlaoed upon a higher intellectual ba-
sis even upon a modified property
.,-,s1secatfon in the matter Of munich
ral government He condemns the
,articipation in any prerogatives OF
,~,+izenship on the part Of aliens yet
,,nassirnilated thoroughly. We must
I've ID the principle Of "condescend-
~ 70 the masses in things political.
An sristocracy holding tenure on the
right 10 vote is our hope OF salvation.
Arc these deductions logical, fol-
loving the authors premise that al
ready we are suffering from having
ceded our political prerogatives TO the
;nachine-to the few; that it is the
property class. the clique of the heav-
ilv invested corporate interests that
controls our legislative bodies to the
exclusion OF general interests?
In an appreciative review OF the in
fuence Of Alexander Hamilton in the
shaping Of the early republic. which,
with a like study Of Lincoln, closes