The Lexington intelligencer. [volume] (Lexington, Mo.) 1901-1949, 1904-09-10

u settled by ueir wars lie sahi-t
substance thar sou mas LaiE about yau
"pafu on Arbitration % learned rlf
-ee Ll-t lou nal the praises O
thc quiet lie. aui strike f,om your ma
NNnal autncu4s every martial note. hu
tAat out n LHD darkness will Oa th.
ramp OF horses ana tue silent, rigid up
turned race. He said Lu4t men ma
pfQphesN ana women pray. but aha.
peace would never come TO abide IDOL
this earth until tle dreams OF Cuiidno0l
became the char,s 20 su.de the destinei
OF men, lie said that the wires run
around the earth, and that we can no.
teli when We are pom tAs deadly circuit
that We may be bisking M ,ue sunshIn,
OF peace To-day, a Tomorrow be In
-le loiis OF Wa, -ai TO meet this cOndi
uOn he presents a man OF granite ant
IRON. When before was a man evei
commended for the presidency on III,
ground that he represented war as op-
posed to peaCeE Gov. Blacks speech was
not only a challenge To peace. out ii wa.
a challenge to the Christian civilization
OF the world. For nearly twenty centuries
the world has been growing toward
peace, and Increasing numbers have been
worshiping the Prince of Peace. and now
We are told that we have not only made
no progress, but that we can not hope
Tor the realization Of the promises of Holy
writ we are told that war must still set
tie the controversies between nations,
and young men must still be targets for
bullets. Ihat the description given by
Gov. Black Of the candidate which he
presented for nomination was an inap-
propriate one is evident from the fact
that the president himself made a speech
as much at variance with the traditions
OF the nation. In an address to the stu
dents at West Point. he said that a good
soldier should not only be willing to
fight, but anxious to fight" When 1t Is
remembered that fighting means killing.
the presidents declaration was equiva-
lent 10 saying that a good soldier must
not only be willing to kill. but must be
anxious to Kill. l denOunce the senti-
ment as bloody, brutal and barbarous,
and appea. TO you who have seen milf
tary service 10 verify the charge. see
before me men who fought on the Union
side and men who fought on the Con-
tederate side in the civil war; possibly
there may be men who took part in the
Mexican war, and 1 know THAI there are
those here VINO took part in the Spanish
war, and others who are members of the
military companies. What one of you
ever regarded 1t as the duty Of a good
soldied to be anxious to xii? Men have
taken human lite in the heat Of passion,
governments have taken human life in
the enforcement of the law; and oldiers
have taken human life in the defense
OF their country and in the enforcement
OF principles that they believed to be
more important than life, but what SOL
der would admit that he regarded it his
duty to desire to take a human life? The
election of Judge Parker viii place i'm the
White House d man whose thoughts tend
towards peace rather han to war; a man
who believes that our nation SHOULD be
admired for its moral grandeur rather
than excite fear by the number Of its
soldiers or Of the size of its gun and
this Is reason enough why l should sup
port him.
But Judge Parker is opposed to i'm
perialism; he is in favor of giving indie
pendence to the Philippines. and he Is in
favor of making that promise now. If
that promise a been made in the
spring of 1898, 1t would have saved our
country much in lives II money. He
can not regain what we have all
ready lost but by making the promise
now we can convert the Filipinos into
friends and begin to reduce our war ex-
penses. The Democratic position upon the
Philippine question is the same as II was
then, it Is the American position now.
We then declared 1t to be the paramount
issue, more important than the money
question, more important than the tariff
question, more important than any eco
nomic question. ] went through the land
presenting the objections to Imperialism,
repeating the declaration of our plat
form that the nation could not endure
half Republic and half Empire. The Re-
publcans refused to meet the question
then. They said they could not reason
with the Filipinos while the Filipinos had
their guns in their hands. and as soon
as the Fflipinos laid down their arms the
Republicans said there was nothing to
reason about, that the question was set
tied. They refuse to announce their po-
sltion so-day. If a Republican asks you
to vote his ticket, ask him where his
party stands upon Imperialism. Do the
Republicans believe that the Filipinos
should be made citizens of the United
States2 They dare not say so. We nave
one race question with us now, and II
will require all the wisdom and patriot
favg4 ~ Nhna UaaNw 80 .ANN1 Il. aL-UT 80
bring in another race question? Shall we
go 1000 miles from home and involve our
selves In race question more difficult Of
solution than that which we have at our
doors? Are the Republicans in favor Of
a colonial policy? They dare not say so.
For rs years we have maintained the
doctrine Of self government; we can not
defend a colonial policy without defend
ing the principles of monarchy. My OBJ
jections to Imperialism is not that Y
hurts the Filipinos, although l believe
that it does. ! believe hat the Filipinos
will work out their own salvation, aided
by our example, better than we can work
it out for them with carpet-bag officials
and an army, but my objection to i'm
perialism' is hat It impares the strength
of American principles. An English
statesmen declared that his objection to
England's position In the American rev.
olution was that 1t could not be defended
without asserting principles which, II
carried out, would destroy English lib
erty as well as American liberty. My
objection to Imperialism is that 1t can not
be defended without asserting principles
which, II carried out, would destroy self
government In the United States as well
as in the Philippine Islands. The DEM
octatlc position Is the correct one; we
do not want the Filipinos as citizens; we
do not a them as subjects We want
to announce to them, as we announced to
Cuba, that we do not want their land or
their liberty, but that WI a to help
them to establish a stable government,
which, when established, shall be their
government, and not ours. Judge Par
ker has himself In sympathy
with this doctrine, and his election, II he
has congress to cooperate with him,
will give TO the Fllipinos the promise
Of indie pendence, and then we shall be
able to do for the Ftlipinos what we did
for Cuba, namely. cave them to enjoy
the liberty which we helped them to win,
and thus win their everlasting gratitude.
Judge TaIker believes in the Gold
Standard, ! believe In bimetallism. but /
can vote for him, in order that through
him the country may rid itself Of an inn
periai policy. What II he does believe
IN the Gold Standard? / never disliked an
advocate OF the Gold Standard so much
that / would refuse any aid that he was
willing to give in bringing to the coun-
try any Pocd thing. and Judge Parker'a
election would bring us relief from inn
perialism. II any Silver Democrat Is
still in doubt as to his duty, let me say
to him hat Judge Parker voted for me
when the restoration of bimetallism was
the paramount Issue; II he could vote
for me when the money question was
paramount, / can vote for him when we
are confronted with another and greater
issue than the money question. | believe
to-day in the principles set forth at Chi
cago and at Kansas City; / have lost
none of my faith in the triumph Of those
principles. When the election Is over