The Yale expositor. (Yale, St. Clair County, Mich.) 1894-current, 1904-06-17

THE NEW
EMaNCIPaTION
Miss Hattie r. Merrill

S~~~~S~~-~-~-~~~~~~~
The law of progress is of universal
application. Where there is no for
ward movement, retrogression is in
evitable. History affords abundant il
lustration of this principle. The Age
of Pericles in Greece, the reign of Au-
gustus in Rome, the EliZabethan era
in England, were times of great national
development and contrast strongly
with the period of Spartan domination,
the decaying Roman republic or the
despotic and imbecile rule of George
| III. Progressive ages have been char
acteriZed by marked activity in both
state and society. The ability of a
government to meet and provide for
new conditions of growth largely de-
termines its future strength. 1t was
| possession Of this power that gave to
Greece, Rome, and England their per-
iods of greatness, and lack of it that
led to eras of degeneration. Each sue
ceeding age brings with it new prob
| lens of government peculiar to indi-
yidual nations as modified by the age,
civilization. and local environment. In
/ England there are the varied questions
of colonial administration; in Italy.
social problems: in Germany, the pres
ervation and extension of military
despOtism; and in our own land, the
perpleXing and embarrassing race ques
| ton.
The history of this question in the
United States is unique. Ii dates back
to sixteen hundred nineteen when
slaves were first introduced. The in
stitutiOn spread rapidly in the southern
states becoming part of their social
and industrial life. The extension of
our borders led to new complications
before unknown in the history of ter
ritOrial expansion. After long and
heated controversies demanding the
energies of our greatest statesmen,
compromises were made which settled
the points at issue for time, but led
inevitably to the Civil War. Four long
years of bitter struggle released the
negro from physical bondage, but gave
20 us the complicated problems of re-
construction. Reconstruction in state
government was finally effected, but
the more difficult and vital problem Of
readjusting the white and black tOnew
social and industrial conditions remain
today unsolved.
The enOrmity of the transition from
slavery to freedom can scarcely be real
lied. Four and one-half million slaves,
human beings scarcely above the brute
in intelligence, suddenly raised to the
position of American citizens! The
war had made the negro free and the
ballot was soon put in his hands that
he might maintain the rights of free
man, but that which was most needed
guidance i'll the use of these newly
acquired rights-was withheld. For
two hundred and fifty years the negro
had known no such thing as response
bility. His work had been pointed out
and he was driven to il. To be sud-
denly released from such bonds, to be
left without home, without property
of any kind, to seek employment, to-
shift for himself, these were conditions
with which, unaided, he could not
cope. AS result, the negro today
owns but little. A few, a small minor
ity, aided by philanthropy, the govern
ment, or their former masters, have
succeeded in accommodating some prop
erty. Some of these are business men,
but more are farmers, that for which
their previous life best fitted them.
They have neat, comfortable homes,
and are peaceful, law abiding citizens.
But by far the larger part of the race
are living in hand to mouth fashion,
shiftless, irresponsible, whenever pos
sible depending upon charity. They
constitute the class of small tenant
farmers, the slum element of the city,
and the great army of vagabonds in
our Southern States. Never taught
the beauty and dignity of labor, they
live life of Incidence and poverty, a
serious hindrance to southern develop
ment and a menace to national pros
perity.
The negro occupies position apart
from the white man. The conservative
attitude of the southerner is the natur-
al result of the social relations during
the years of slavery. Nor doubtless
will the time ever come when the negro
will have social equality with the white.
1.-THE future American must be either
an Anglo-SaxOn or MulattO." Give
the negro social equality and II will be
a MulattO, for soon after his admittance
to society, the black 0thello will be
wedding the Anglo-Saxon Desdemona.
Today the negro has his own society,
his own school and his own church
which should not be amalgamated with
the white but built up, made better
and purer.
The colored schools of the South are,
on the whole, in deplorable condition.
For the most part, the school houses
are on par with the homes-rude, UNI
comfortable, uncleanly and unsanitarv.
The school year is of but two or three
months and the instruction is by negro