The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1904-02-03
Senator FaIybanks ON the Lnhmlan
Trouble and the Presidents POLICY
CONCLUDED FROM FIRST PACED

aUtgIdIICF
10 the parent government? What else
was there left for them TO do? Every senti-
ment or Selt-interest commanded them 70
take the step when they saw that the treaty
was doomed TO defeat They took counsel
Of their own future welfare; they laid care
fully their plans; there was no division of
sentiment among them and on the Sd of
November, 1903, they moved as by a COM
mon impulse. They took possession OF their
own country and set up their own indie
pendence. They were guilty of no barbara
their oppressors with rare forbearance and
kindly consideration.
RECOGNITION.
did the administration inspire the revo-
luton that it might despoil Colombia of her
property upon the isthmus? Such has been
the virtual charge made. 1t has beer made
both by direct statement and inuendo. II
is a grave and serious charge and it is
worth while to pause and observe
whether or not II is well founded in fact.
From what we have observed of the his
tory OF Panama prior to the revolution the
only wonder is that it was so long post
poned. No people ever had better warrant
for renouncing allegiance to their govern
ment than had the people of the department
OF Panama on the Sd OF last November.
Notwithstanding the wrong which they
were obliged TO endure, they would un-
doubleday have continued 10 submit TO the
rule of Colombia if their long-cherished
Our government was fully informed of
the state of public feeling i'm Colombia and
il also knew the intense desire of the peo-
pie of Panama for the prompt ratification
of the treaty"
After discussing the duty of the United
states. under the treaty of 1916, to maintain
free transit across the isthmus, the senator
took up the charge of completely, saying:
This is a grave and serious charge, and it
is worth our time to pause and observe
whether or not it is well founded in fact
hill t1xy 4v1fa 10
canal, we are far more anxious that ii shall
be constructed without any faint whatever
of national 6iscredit.
THE effort to connect this government
with the revolution has been industriously
made The searchlight has been applied in
every direction in the quest of information
which would support the charge of COM
plicity Of the administration in the move
ment.
I'VE must consider this subject not upon
idle rumor or unfounded assertion. but from
the record which the government has made
That record is written; there IL stands ir-
reversible. BY Ii, and by it alone the adj
ministration must be judged. AS for my
self, shall accept the record il has been
made by the executive department and sub
mitted TO the Congress unless ii is i'm
peached by something more conclusive than
vague suspicion, unsupported assertion and
wild conjecture.
I'm the orderly administration of the af-
fairs OF the government. 1t is necessary that
each of the three departments should repose
trust and confidence in the acts of the
others performed within their proper sphere
OF action. We must proceed upon the as
sumption that the executive department,
within its constitutional prerogatives, is
actuated by proper motives and that it is as
regardful of the good name of the country
as either the legislative or the judicial de-
partments.
but il is said that the precautionary
measures adopted interfered with the re-
assertion of her sovereignty by the Colon
bian government. Whether that is so, we
have no means of knowing. except we
advised by the executive department.
We are informed by that department that
by the people thereof upon their own initia-
tive and without the exercise of force i'm
proper or otherwise, on the part of the
United States.
RESTED WITH THE PRESIDENT.
"Who shall determine what steps should
be taken to make secure peace and protect
our people from harm upon the line of
transit? A determined revolution was at
hand under circumstances dissimilar to
any that had preceded it. Bloodshed was
apparently imminent, and interruption TO
the highway across the isthmus was among
the reasonably early probabilities. What
was the duty of the President under the
circumstances? Who should determine
what should be done in that serious ext
gency? Obviously, the chief executive was
to decide. and manifestly the duty de-
volved upon him TO take such steps as in
his judgment were necessary to preserve
the lives of Americans and to maintain
unbroken peace.
THE primary right of the United States
TO protect freedom of transit exists with
out reference TO the treaty. 1t rests upon
the fundamental law of self-preservation.
But L think the right is clearly inferred
from the language of the treaty itself. CO.
lombia expressly guarantees the freedom
expressly implies that the primary duty
rests upon someone else. Obviously that
duty rests. and could only rest, upon the
United States
ton of the United States, Panama has be-
come a great commercial highway between
the nations OF the coasts of western Europe
and eastern Asia, as well as between the
western and eastern coasts of the United
States.
1.-THE Panama Railroad, chartered by the
Legislature of New York in 1919. and opened
to commerce In 1855, has carried millions
or passengers and millions OF tons of
freight
at is fair to say that for more than half
a century the people of the world have
looked TO the United States to see that life
and property upon this great highway were
made secure against attacks from either
the citizens of Panama or those of any
other country. And when the revolution of
November last was imminent. under cir
cumstanceS that promised a more deter
mined resistance than any which had pre-
e S it, 1t was not only the right of the
such measures as he deemed essential for
the general safety, but it was a solemn
DUTY which rested upon him to protect the
lives and property of the people of other
nations, who had so long relied upon the
protecting care of the United States. If
loss and damage had ensued because of his
having failed to adopt reasonable measures
Tor their protection a heavy moral respon-
sibllity would have rested upon him.
he had no guide except his own concep-
ton Of executive duty. What others had
done before, or what others might do i'm
the existing situation, afforded no abso-
lutte criterion to him. He must be governed
by his own view Of responsibility. Possibly
no one in this chamber, under the same
inspired by the same ex-
allied purpose, would have read his duty i'm
the same way the President Some
might have regarded no precautions at ali
necessary; others might have considered
the situation so menacing as to. have iusti-
fled ampler provision. The Fundamental
fact which / seek TO emphasize is this:
Of the situation clothed with large dis
cretionary power. and il seems TO me- in
view OF all that occurred, and in the light
OF all that has followed, no one can saw
that he did not act well within the limits
of sound executive discretion.
HIS DUTY CLEAR.
"He informed Congress in his last animal
that his instructions were i'm ar
cordance with our rights as interpreted bv
former administrations. The duty of the
United States in the premises, he saws.
was clear. In strict accordance with the
principles laid down by Secretaries Cass
and Seward the United States
gave notice that it would permit the land
ms of no expeditiOnary force, the arrival of
which would mean chaos and daStr,,ctgo,,