The commercial. (Union City, Tenn.) 190?-193?, 1904-06-17
nae Baehelor,s Idea Of Citizenship

The Bachelors Idea of Citizenship
But our privileges of citizenship
involve much more than these hui
man rights. In our view, every
citizen, whether enfranchised by
birth or by naturalization, is a
miniature incarnation Of the sover-
eign rights of the nation whose
whole power is pledged to his pro-
lection in the exercise of his civil
rights, wherever he may be. An
obscure American sailor in Chi
liam port has as true and almost as
large a claim upon his country's
defense as the whole body of its
electors.
There may be, and there neces-
sarily are, limitations thrown
around the exercise Of certain
functions of citizenship. The law,
which expresses the mind of the
whole people through their repre-
sentatives, prescribes the qualifca
tions of electors as to age, sex and
length of local residence. But
these limitations are prudential.
They must be general, impartial
and applicable alike to all classes
and sections. The tendency, too,
is to reduce their number.
1t is no doubt partly because
this tendency appears to be dis
turbed by the restriction of voting
to men that many thoughtful peo-
pie are now pleading for its ex-
tension to women, are pleading for
human suffrage. We repudiate
any distinction between birthright
and naturalized voters.
An American is not only one
that has a peculiar strain of blood,
but every one, If whatever origin,
who now gives sincere and com
plete allegiance to this country.
Know nothing" parties are not
popular even with native voters.
Why should they be when the only
natives of long standing are the
Aborigines9 But it is certainly
fair question whether the condi
tons of naturalization should not
be made more exacting as we'll as
uniform throughout the States.
Party zeal. on the eve of impor-
tant elections, leads to promiscous
naturalization, which, insufficient
and too often irresponsible, scruti-
nizes with not little fraud.
But we ought to bear in mind
the immense meaning and broad
qualities of our manhood suffrage.
1t puts the emphasis in the right
place-upon the worth of man
himself. The individual is made
the unit of natural life and this
seems to be the natural unit. As
a nation, we have little sympathy
with the occasional demand for
qualification in voters.
That would obviously foster the
tendency, otherwise sufficiently
strong, towards moneyed aristoc-
racy, and it is impracticable for
The reason that majority of our
voters are comparatively poor.
Dollars already have an influence
quite equal to their relative worth. I
The question of an educational 5
qualification has somewhat better s
grounds. Certainly the stability s
If a popular government must de- s
pend upon the intelligence, vigi !
ance and good character of those &
Who administer and control it, and s
hose in the last analysis are the 8
yoters. But the wiser plan would 9
be to retain manhood D
outrage, and then use every posi- &
lie means to make manhood q
worthy of it. That implies to a s
Universal and even compulsory ed &
lcation, not only in the rudiments B
# English, but also in the princi- Q
lies and the art of self government y
nd in public manners and morals. S
short of universal interest il
nd attention by competent cleo. &
ors can make our popular govern &
nent safe and permanent. q
(To be continued e
In Memory of Curtis Ray Fisher. =