Audubon Republican. [volume] (Audubon, Iowa) 1894-1925, 1904-09-15

Oyster Bay, Sept. 12-President
Roosevelt this morning issued his let
ter accepting the nomination for the
Presidency rendered him by the Re-
publican National Convention. In
part the document is as follows:
oyster Bay N. Y.
September IL, 1904
Hon. ]. G. Cannon. Chairman of the
Notification COMMITTEES:
My Dear Sir: / accept the nomination
Tor the presidency rendered me by the
Republican National Convention, and cor
daily approve the platform adopted by it,.
The principles which we profess are
those In which we believe with heart l
soul and strength. Men may differ a
us; out they cannot accuse us of Shift
ness or insincerity. The policies we have
pursued are those which we earnestly
hold as essential to the national welfare
ana repute. Our actions speak even
louder than our words for the faith that
Is IN us We base our appeal upon what
record of administration and legislation
curing the last seven years, in which we
have had complete control of the gov
eminent We intend in the future to
carry on the government in the same
way that we have carried 1t on in the
past.
The acts of the Administration in
connection with the war with Spain,
the lsthmian canal and the unfolding
Of the Monroe doctrine the President
defends at length, and declares the
party is prepared fully to accept the
issue on these questions. He con.
tinues:
In addition to those acts of the admin
istration which they venture to assail
after misrepresenting them, there are
others which they dare not overtly or Of
tcially attack, and yet which they COW
ertly bring forward as reason for the
overthrow of the party. In certain great
centers and with certain great interests
our opponents make every effort to show
that the settlement of the anthracite
coal strike by the individual act of the
president and the successful suit against
the Northern Securities Company-the
merger suit-undertaken by the DEPART
ment of justice, were acts because OF
which the present administration should
be thrown from power, Yet they dare
not openly condemn either act They
dare not in any authoritative or formal
manner say that in either case wrong
was done or error committed In the meth
cd Of action. or in the choice of instru-
ments for putting that action into effect.
But what they dare not manfully assert
In open day, they seek to use furtively
and through special agents. Some of our
opponents complain because under the
antitrust and interstate commerce laws
suits were undertaken which have been
successful: others, because suits were not
undertaken which would have been UNI
successful. The Democratic state con-
vention in New York dealt with the an
thracite coal strike by demanding in de-
liberate and formal fashion that the ma
tional government should take possession
of the coal fields; yet champions of that
conventions cause now condemn the fact
that there was any action by the presi-
dent at although they must know that
1t was only this action by the president
which prevensi the movement for ma
tional ownership of the coal fields from
gaining what might well have been an ir-
resistible impetus. Such mutually de-
structive criticisms furnish an adequate
measure Of the chance for coherent ac-
ton or constructive legislation II our
opponents should be given power.
So much for what our opponents open
~ or covertly advance in the way of an
attack on the acts of the administration.
When we come to consider the policies
for which they profess to stand we are
met with the difficulty always arising
when statements of policy are SO made
that they can be 9terpreted in different
that have confronted the American peo-
pie in the last decade our opponents take
the position that silence is the best pos
sible way to convey their views They
contend that their lukewarm attitude of
partial acquiesence in what others have
accomplished entities them to be made
the custodians of the financial honor
and commercial interests which they have
but recently sought to ruin. Being UNI
able to agree among themselves as to
whether the gold standard Is curse or
a blessing, and as to whether we ought
Or ought not to have free and unlimited
coinage of silver, they have apparently
thought 1t expedient to avoid any com
initial on these subjects and individually
each to follow his particu lar bent: Their
nearest approach to majority Judgment
seems to be that 1t Is now inexpedient
to assert their convictions one way or
Of the gold standard by the Republican
party should not be disturbed unless
quantity of production of silver and gold.
Men who hold sincere convictions on VI
al questions can respect equally sincere
men with whose views they radically DIFF
fer: and men may confess change OF
faith without compromising their honor
Or their self-respect. But 1t is difficult
70 respect an attitude OF mind such as
where there is no respect there can be
40 trust. A policy with so slender a
basis of principle would not stand the
strain Of single year OF business ad-
rersity.
We, on the contrary, believe in the gold
standard as fixed by the usage and YER
dict OF the business world. and In
principle; as matters not Of monetary po-
,iticaI expediency, but Of permanent or
ganic policy. In 1896 and again In 1900
featy men in tbe pas ened TIC work
monetary system. The policies which
they championed have been steadfastly
adhered to by the administrations: and
by the act OF March H. 1900, Congress
established the single gold standard as
the measure of our monetary value. This
act received the support Of every Repub-
lican in the house, and of very Repub-
lican except one in the senate. or our
opponents, eleven supported it in the
house and two in the senate: and one
hundred and fifty opposed 1t in the house
and twenty-eight in the senate. The rec