The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1904-12-31
LA|V.QF.:.THElR Ri ! ! | To .
PETITION IS 5. '.ABB|OGED
President Roosevelt's Orde1
Violates Constitutional
Provision.
Letter Carriers and Other
Government Employees
Are Restricted.

Congress shall make no law re-
speeding an establishment OF religion,
or prohibiting the free exercise
| speech or of the press; or the right
OF the people peaceably to assemble
and to petition the government for a
redress Of grievances
This paragraph is so familiar that
you may wonder why 1t is printed.
In this country it is well known
as the Lords prayer.
But its spirit is being violated and
probably its letter.
1t is in the groundwork OF our ma,
t1onal law, but it seems that in these
times even the foundations of law are
not sacred.
This paragraph is the first amend
ment to the Constitution OF the Unit
ed States. II the men who framed
1t little over a hundred years ago
could know how 1t was now being
regarded they would marvel at what
is to be the fact of the rest Of the in
strument.
| 1t is not part OF the main body Of
the Constitution, because the franz
ers OF the Constitution though that
all these things were automatic in
the principles of republic and so
vital part that casting it in the let
ter OF the law was not necessary.
But the members OF the first Con-
gress thought these things had best
be witten in the law.
The right OF petition was not new
thing even a hundred years ago. Be-
fore the death OF Charles Of England
had shattered the doctrine OF the
divine right OF Kings, the right of
petition was occasionally denied
One, to present petition, often had
first to get the consent of the per-
son to be petitioned.
Following the exile OF James II,
the English parliament, which is
greater than it's King, adopted a bill
Of rights, and one Of the important
sections in that bill is this:
THAT it is the right OF the sub
jects to petition the King, and all
commitments and prosecutions for
such petitioning are illegal
This was hundred years before
our revolution. Even then an Eng
fish law-making body had high
enough regard for the right Of petit
ton to decree to King William that
it MUST be the law.
But it is a strange comment on our
own system that those in power must
be reminded Of this cardinal prin-
c1ple Of the law. ~'',
When men can no longer talk for
or petition for their tights there is
little use OF the.srestanff = the written
Constitution. -. <:sr:' <,,'': = '<s@Ez
And yet because Keller, Cunning
ham, lumber and Aldrich, letter car
riers, and officers in their associa-
ton, sought to secure legislation to
improve the condition. of themselves
and their associates, they are dis
the President of the United States
approving.
These men sought legislation OF
benefit to their associates. Their
association sent some Of them to
Washington. They distributed lit
erature. 1t is charged that they en-
comprised the defeat of men who
opposed them. Suppose they did
They had the right.
You can vote for any man for
any reason personal to yourself. You
can urge the defeat Of any man for
any reason to you sufficient. II
you libel him the man can put you
in jail; but that is matter between
you and the man.
When these men were discharged
the section of the Constitution
guaranteeing free speech and the
right to petition was violated.
| With the fate of their officers con.
fronting them, what will the Other
members of the association dare tt
do to secure better salaries? They
do not know what act will cause
their dismissal. They can't read thu
Presidents mind. The letter of the
Constitution OF the United States
can no longer be their guide.
Keller and his associates thought
they were in the letter of their con
stitutional rights, but Mr.. Roosevelt
says they were not.
When Is speech to be free tt
government servants, and when art
they to have the right to petition?
II these men were dismissed fo1
J pernicious activity in politics they
might demand that Taft and Shaw
) and all OF the other talking member!
OF the Cabinet be discharged fol
running up and down the country