The Goodland republic. [volume] (Goodland, Kan.) 1891-1907, 1904-09-23

speakers, as the cause of the panic of
1898. This not the fact. Between that
bill and the Mckinley bill there was
difference Of only 21z per cent on a
general average; and for the time that
the Wilson bill was in force it brought
more money. into the national treasury
than the Mckinley bill, even after the
supreme court had knocked out that
most just and wise provrsiOn-the in
come tax clause-which, it is estimated,
would have brought $50, 900, 900 annual
ly into the treasury.
The panic of 1903, under the Cleve-
land administration, was nothing in
comparison to the panic of 1873 under
Grant, and was due to the same cause,
previous republican extravaganza and
contraction of the currency, and not the
tariff change, which had been made
but a few months previously. Mr.
Cleveland, at the close Of his first term,
left the treasury full and four years later
found it empty.
The prosperity Of a country does not
depend upon a protective tariff neces-
sarily, nor at all when a nation like the
United States can compete with the
world. Free trade Britain is, and has
been, uniformly prosperous for so years.
With bOuntiful harvests, with labor
fully and Pro6tably employed and well
paid, with peace prevailing and wise
and just administration of government,
any nation should be and will be pros
porous with tariff simply sufficient to
defray the expenses Of government and
adjusted to stimulate domestic and for
eign trade.
In contending that the prosperity, of
the last two presidential terms is due to
the operation of the DINGHY bill is the
folly of taking coincidence for cause.
Well informed republicans are aware of
this and frequently laugh aside at the
gullibility of the rank and file of their
own party. They know that the i'm
mense disbursements incident to the
SPanish-American and Philippine wars,
the marvellous gold production, the
unprecedented coinage of gold and
silver, the expansion of the national
bank circulation to the amount of over
$500, 900, 900, and, good crops, has been
the cause and not the tariff.
A high protective tariff is q bar and
barrier to commerce, and burden and
hindrance to prosperity. Will any one
say that to make a people prosperous
you must burden them with taxation,
and the more you tax them the more
prosperous they will be? A reasonable
and moderate tariff pOurs money into
the national treasury. A high protect
i've tariff, instead of pouring money into
the public treasury, pOurs into the till of
the trusts, and in either case the people
foot the BILL Billions of dollars are an
nually unjustly taken form the Amer
lean people, by this protective policy,
and given to great, imperious corpOr-
atoms aud trusts.
The republican campaign fund, says
the New York American, in 1896, was
S., OOO. 900, in 1900, S, 600, 900 and 1904,
SO, 900, 600. William Rockefeller this
year contributes 81 ,OOO, 900 to this fund.
The steel trust gives $3.50, 900, the sugar
trust $500, 600, the Uneeda biscuit trust
500, 600, etc. These facts are given as
reported in the Literary Digest of Sep
TENDER Il, at page $50, under the head
''Is The Campaign HOnest?'' This
question can only be answered in the
negative, and puts ROOsevelt's antitrust
law enforcement in the deepest shade.
The following categorical statements
are made in denial Of contrary assumed
facts in the presidents letter, andin de-
Tense of which we stan committed:
1. No general farmer, OF grain raiser
is protected by the tariff.
2 No laboring man is protected by
the tariff
No merchant, tradesman or small
capitalist is protected by the tariff.
Money taken from the many and
given to the few, without full remunera-
ton, by a tariff law is legalized robbery
Cunning Newspaper