The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1904-10-29
EXECUTIVE USURPATION.
Not in a Republican Congress 10 Oppose
a Republican President.

SCCl ClOIJ VI w al w AAs AoA =,
speaking for the Administration at the
Union League Club meeting on Thurs
day night, quoted from Judge Parker's S
letter of acceptance this, and proceeded
to criticise it:
Already the National Government
has become centralized beyond any
point contemplated by the trainers of
the Constitution. How tremendously
all this has added to the power of
the President 1t has developed from
year to year until it almost equals that
of many monarchS."
Then Secretary Taft has this COM
ment to make:
I'm what respect does the Executive
to-day exercise any more power than
he did in the time of Washington and
Jefferson? 1t may be that the Presi-
dent of the United States exercises
more power under the Constitution
than many monarchs. If this is true
to-day, it is because the Constitution
builders put the instrument into force.
But if it were otherwise, if there has
been an encroachment by the Execu-
tive on the legislative and judicial
branches of the Government, why does
not the Judge point out where these
dlC, 81 tudL hO ihdy PAOAAA
Use to the people that under his admin
istration such usurpations will not be
continued?"
again continues Secretary Taft:
"The possibility of improper 1imita-
ton of executive power by Congress is
real, but the danger that the Executive
will usurp the functions of the Legis-
lature is mere hobgobliD, because the
Legislature las always at its command
that which in England won from the
most arbitrary kings liberty for the
people-the power over the public
purse. Mere inaction by Congress
would render the President powerless."
Judge Parker's assertion as to the
Capitalization of power in the Govern
ment is most abundantly warranted by
abuses too notoriously patent to need
specification. Not few administra-
tions have seen this question under dis
cCssion in Congress, and before the
people on the hustings. 1t is by no
means a new question, 1t was last
most seriously debated during the adj.
ministration of President Grant. New
er before has the question of central
ization of power assumed so grave an
aspect as under the administration
Of Mr.. Roosevelt. Since the day he
took the oath of Office, after the death
Of William Mckinley, Theodore Roose-
velt has bent every energy of an ex-
ceptionally energetic nature to pre- mot
ing his own succession, and in the pur-
suit Of that object he has time and
again transgressed the legitimate
sphere of his executive functions.
Mr.. Taft was in the Philippines
when Mr.. Roosevelt was bossing his
Republican Congress, and there were
things about Congress he didn't see.
There were Republicans in that Con-
gress who several times evinced symp-
toms Of revolt, but the power Of the
Executive was quickly brought into
play and the would-be party recalci-
trants were incontinently whipped into
line.
1t is the veriest idle twaddle to speak
In this connection of s'the Legisla-
ture" having the power to make the
Executive powerleEs. What il the pow
er Of the Legislature worth 20 long as
it is unexercised when it mott needs to
be exercised? Did a Republican Con-
gress ever dare to oppose Republican
Executive? If it has ever ibeen criti-
cised by Republican members. it has
been by indir action, with the final re-
suit that the vote Of the Republican
Legislature has been with 1.-THE Execu-
tive. The Republican Congress has
done President Roosevelt's bidding ab-
jectly and servilely, the while its in
dividuals in private criticised and even
cursed his fatuous blundefing.
Congress may. indeed. under the