The independent. [volume] (Lincoln, Neb.) 1902-1907, 1904-11-24


appreciated the situation; had he been
man, as Andrew Jackson was man,
the strike would indeed have been very
quickly at an end. The trouble did
not concern the people of one state
j only only, but Of eight or nine states at
the least, and the very lives of the peo-
pie OF those states were at stake upon
| the issue. SO that from the narrow
point Of view of the interstate clause
iuf the constitution, the United States
government, through congress, had the
right to intervene.
But the question was too broad for
that point of view only. The president
should have replied to the brow-beat-
ing monopOlists: "You are right, l.
have neglected my duty hitherto, but
will do it henceforward. You, me
railroad corporations, hold your char
ters ON the condition that you carry
coal and other merchandise and to
you and to the owners OF the coal lands
say that the safety Of the people is
the supreme law and is recognized by
every jurist and by all laws and all
systems CT law. You are endeavoring
to subjugate the people to your will by
violating your duties under your char
tiers, by means which will inliict misery
upon some 100000 people of the
United States and death in agony upon
many of them. and it is my duty to
prevent such dire consequences falling
upon them. Unless within forty-eight
hours the coal roads are drawing coal
and unless within five days the mines
are being efficiently worked, the Unit
ed States will seize the coal roads and
the coal mines, work them, sell the
coal to pay expenses, and you may
recover through the court of claims
whatever may be adjudged payable to
you for the use thereof"
Within fOrty-eight hours from the
enunciation of such an intention the
appropriations of the roads and mines,
the men who through appropriation of
mines and roads havs been enabled to
appropriate the products of the labor
OF others, would have made acceptable
terms with the men who work
| Now, all this disturbance would have
| been avoided, and will be averted for
the future, by the adoption of the rule,
! that all who claim the ownership of
any OF the forces OF nature shall pay
to the community what such owner
ship is worth, in other words, shall
pay to the community the economic
rent Of hose lands. and the value of
| the franchises of the coal roads, each
such franchise being, in fact, an in
terest in lard.
Such rule would render it practi-
cally impossible for the coal lands to
be held out OF use, as is now so largely
done, and which the owners are now
invited to do by the fact that while the
/ coal lends which arr Iroing mined are
assessed for taxation at an appro
/ nation TO Their loel value. the coal
lands which are not SO used are as
sessed only cs agricultural land. Under
the juster plan known as the single
tax as herein exposed these owners
would not be able to afford to keep the
coal lands out of use, and just SO much
of them would be mined, the miners
paying rent for such user under the
name of tax, as the needs of the COM
munity might require, and as would
afford the current rate of profit and
wages to the workers. The demand
for labor would be increased. and the
wealth produced by the laborers would
! increase the demand for the necessaries
and comforts of life they desired, and
thereby increase the demand for labor
in those departments of labor, and so
through the entire circle of human in
dustries.
The same principles apply to lands
in cities now held out Of use, the pres
ent law and practice affording two
told incentive to the owner not to i'm
prove his land; first, by fining the man
who does improve it, to the extent of
an increased tax upon his land if i'm
proved, and secondly, by affording him
a continually increasing reward for
leaving his land idle in the enhanced
value impaired to it by the labors of
his neighbors.
Further, to take from man, under
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