The Minneapolis journal. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1888-1939, 1904-01-19


committee. This committee is made
up Of forty-five members, or one from
each state. AS soon as it meets it al
ways selects subcommittee of per-.
haps a dozen members, which mo-
nopolizes the work of writing the ma
tional platform. This subcommittee
in Philadelphia, was composed Of nine
members, and if there weren't nine
senators composing it, it was because
there weren't that many senators
available for appointment. The other
members of the platform committee
will not have any more to- say about
the drafting of the platform, except
perfunctorilyto vote to- ratify the
work of the sub-c mmittee, than men
who stay at home.
This is sad to relate, but it is very
true.
Certain republican senator's who
are really Indifferent about attending
the convention as delegates are being
quietly told that it will be wise for
them to attend. else the impression
may gain ground among their coll
leagues that they have lost prestige
at home. In this way it is believed
that the senatorial attendance at. the
Chicago convention will be increased
perhaps a dozen as the result of this
one suggestion.
The Situation Analysed. :.
I had an interesting talk recently
with very prominent Minnesotan
! regarding this question of senatorial
| influence dominating national conven-
tons. He calls attention to the fact
that it is. a distinct departure from
the ideas of the founders Of the gov
eminent, who wanted a perfect sep
aratien between theN three coordinate
| departments. Besides, it gives the
senate as such entirely too much au-
thority. 1T is a dangerous tendency
he said, "and I regret to see it,. but
what can we do to prevent it? APP
parently nothing. We are rapidly
getting to be a people who are gov
erned by and with the advice and
consent of the senate in all things
The upper house of congress is be-
coming more powerful year after
year. and an advanced position once
taken by it is relinquished. You
and I may not live to see the day,
but If this policy is pursued to it's in
| evitable conclusions. it will make Sc
| rious trouble for the country
Then, why aren't you opposed to
the senators from Minnesota-to
make a concrete application of the
argument-going to the Chicago con-
vention this year?''
Because, was the reply, IT want
to see our state exert as great a de-
gree of power in that convention as
is possible. We must. send our sen
ators, Or send twenty-five delegates,
who will not be heard from or CON
suited. In my opinion, we ought to
send the two senators, the governor
of the state. and some such man as
Thomas Lowry as our delegates-at-
large. By doing this, Minnesota,
which is now one of the great states
Of the union, will exert her proper in
fuence on the convention, and have
genuine share in helping shape re-
publican policy. If we send the gov
ernor, Mr.. Lowry and two other men,
leaving out the senators, the state will
cut no figure in the convention, and
our entire delegation will amount to
nothing. .E, s,|
The Philadelphia Convention
''Take the Philadelphia convention
of 1900, for evidence of senate domi-
nation. There were % senators in
that convention as delegates. Senator
Hanna, as chairman of the republican
national committee, called the con-
L.,
Colorado, was elected temporary
chairman. Senator Lodge of Massa-
chusetts, was elected permanent chair
man. Senator Foraker of Ohio nomi-
mated Mckinley, and Senator Thurs
ton of Nebraska seconded the nominal
ton. Senator Depew of New York
nominated Roosevelt. Senator Lodge
of Massachusetts, permanent chair
man, was made chairman of the COM
mittee to notify Mckinley, and Senator
Wolcott. temporary chairman, was
made chairman Of the committee to
notify Roosevelt. On the uninl-
portant committee of the convention,
such as permanent organization, rules
and order of business and, credentials,
there was no senatorial representation,
but on the important committee on
resolutions there were several sena-
tors. The national republican COM
| nittee appointed by that convention
contained five senators. On the ad-
visory committee, appointed by the
national committee, there were three
senators. In fact, the senators were
the whole thing in the organization of
| that convention. the nomination of the
president and vice president, the draft
ing of the platform, and the conduct Of
| the campaign.
''As we all know, each of the great
national conventions of each party is
! run by not to exceed a dozen or f1f-
teen men. Under the precedent
which has been established at Phila-
delphia, and which It.confidently ex-
pect to be followed out at Chicago,
these dozen or fifteen men will be
United States senators. If our sena-
tors go as delegates, they will be a
part Of the controlling force Of the
convention; if they do not, the state
will have nothing to say, or do, ex-
cept blindly to vote aye on all poll
cies which this coterie has agreed to
! to-
The Minnesota Senators.
delegates?" 1 asked.
IT think not was the reply I'm
! fact think know that they would
rather not go. They believe that these
positions of honor should be divided
home. But at the same time, the
pressure to have our senators go as
delegates will be exerted with great
adroitness in Washington. Members
! of the senate from other states who
are planning to go will by indirection
and every other means at their COM
mand seek to create the impression
that If our senators do not go they
will lose standing to certain extent
lin the senate. Then, there is the
i question at home, of whether they can
be left out without creating the i'm
preston that they have been turned
down. Personally, I am sure that
they care nothing about being dele
gates, and yet the stress of circum-
stances may make them candidates
and if it does, it will not be possible
to defeat them
| think the senatorial af