The Montgomery advertiser., 1904-12-10
ConnUPrINc THE ELECTORATE.

COznUPTING THE ELECTORATE.
 Much has been said and written by NortheFn people about corruption in elections in the South In the past. It is . matter that we need not discuss now. except to cal attention to the fact that vots-buyinE and other wrongs connected with elections is not by any means . sectional affair. We might cite Delaware and Pennsylvania as shining examples of the practice else- where, but that would be like calling attention to the fact that the sun gives light and heat to the earth. The fact is 60 patent that no newspaper reader needs to have his attention called to 1t. We all know 1t and no one can dis pute it.
 Lately we have been enlightened by information from the good old State of Connecticut, which leads us to be- lieve that the people there are no bet ter than the rest of the world in this respect, and that buying votes is rec ognised industry In the Nutmeg State. In fact, The Hartford Times recalls one prominent Connecticut politician, whose name it does not give. "who de- clared himself in favor of buying votes." He did not admit that he had engaged in the business himself. but as he said he favored 1t. the presump' ton 10 that he also practiced 1t.
 4 essrsspohdent of one of the Con- nscticut papers advances novel the ory as a means of breaking up the vote-buying industry. His proposi- ton in brief Is that "in every town persons interested in the purity of gov ernment make lists of those who neith' CT buy nor sell votes. and that all oficers in future be selected from those lists" That, we repeat, is a novel proposition. and might have some ef- feet if 1t were possible to carry 1t out. which 1t isn't. Az The Times says. There would be a good deal of merit fin the scheme if there were any way to guarantee the lists. As matter of fact. no such list can command entire confidence. whether or not a man has bought votes Is chiefly a matter of opinion. In many cases there is no reasonable doubt one way or the other. but in hardly one is there conclusive legal evidence. Suppose man is de- prived of a nomination on the ground that his name Is not on the proposed list. He suffers e great injury-he would probably consider 1t an injury to his reputation--and if he has suf- fered unjustly there ought to be some way in which he can recover damages. Again how are the makers of the list to be sure that all the men they name as satisfactory on this score are what the list makers declare? Very few se- rious offenders of this sort ever con- fess in such 6 way that the admission can be used against them. Some of them are men of reputation in every other affair of life."
 That last sentence carries a point not to be lost sight of. It may seem strange and inconsistent. but the fact remains that in all sections of the country there are men of the highest standing in all the business and social relations of life who will not only take advantage of election irregulari- ties and frauds, but will encourage them. Could a man of this kind, who is prominent and influential in busi- ness and politics. be debarred from a nomination by any committee or list? And, as The Times intimates. there would have to be positive proof that a man had trafficked in votes before he could be left off the lists. or he would suffer bserious injustice. and how is such evidence to be obtained? and how would those who prepare the lists be sure that no guilty man was on 1t?
 The whole truth Is that we will have such government and such officials as the people themselves wish. If they choose for leaders and ofice-holders men who are most prominent in cor rupt.ng the electorate, there is no rem |. edy that we can see. A public senti- ment that will insist on pure and hon. est elections and will submit to no other kind is the only remedy for the evil complained of.