The Tupelo journal., 1904-07-15

most effective speeches ever delivered
before such a body, tore the claims OF
the republican prosperity akers to
pieces in a mastery way. Among some
of his leading points were the following:
This is an appropriate place and time
for a democratic convention.
The place is st. Louis, the chief city
of the most populous state carved out
of the Louisiana territory acquired by
the father of democracy. The time is
the centennial anniversary celebration
of the acquisition of that territory, a
vast area of contiguous territory whose
possession was necessary for sell-oe-
tense and which was fitted in climate and
soil for homemaking by the sons and
daughters of the republic-the ami
versary of real and not pseudo expansion
an expansion of our population, our
industrial life, and our free institutions,
over uninhabited lands. or lands sparse
ly settled by wages, whose tribal IN
dependence we recognized by treating
with them, or settled in spots by white
men easily and willingly assimilated;
not a so-called expansion by mere
superimposed force of u flag and our
military authority. The democratlc
party afterwards guided the country to
further expansion of this real, free
character in the acquisition OF Florida,
the admission of Texas as a state the
acquisition from Mexico of a magnificent
far west fit to be made states in the union
and governed under the constitution.
The most important q~uadrennial
event in the world is the election by the
American people of their chief execu-
tive. Before the great election X
place, at which all men are supposed
to arrive at a choice by ways OF nom
esty and intelligence-wOuld to Goa
they did-at least two minor elections
of a different character are held. There
have always been two great parties
which. since the first national political
conventions. have elected delegates TO
conventions for the purpose OF select
ing a candidate and promulgating a
platform. One of these parties has gone
through its party election of delegates.
has selected a candidate and announced
a platform. Ii was n of the quietest
and most unanimous" occasions mat
the muses. of history have recorded.
Everything seemed to have been fixed
beforehand.
The address of the temporary chair
man of the republican national conven-
ton was. in one sense, historical. ii
dealt much in history at any rate, most
of it ancient history and a great deal
of it bad history. There was a labored
argument to prove that the party OF
Roosevelt must, by something like eVo-
l~utionary process, act as the party OF
Lincoln and Mckinley. This was neces-
sary in order to disguise the palpable
fact that it is not SO acting. Not with
out reason then this labored argument
by this great and ingenious lawyer. 1t
was to draw away attention from
Rooseveltism and its volcanic, erupt1ve
and reckless character, by dwelling
upon the fact that, at some period or
it's history, the republican party has
been "a party which did things n
did them safely. The orator hoped to
have the country lose sight of the fact
that it is now in both of its legislative
branches a party of passivity, of ION
action. of obstruction to reform n
progress, in a word a party whose only
sacred precept is the shibboleth which
maketh them known, n of them to
the other, a shibboleth drawn from the
gamblers table, stand pat" a precept
born of c%owardice and fear to move.
have heard that in October, 1902, Mr..
Root made a political speech in Cooper
Union. New York, in which he used this
language:
eff a tariff law has on the whole
worked well, and if business has pros
pered under it and is prospecting, it is
better to endure some slight inconven-
fences and inequalities for a time than
to incur the uncertainty and disturbance
of business which necessarily results
from the process of making changes.
The mere fact that a different rate of
duty would be better than the rate fixed
in statute does not settle the question
whether the change should be made now
or should be deferred. Every tariff
deals with duties on a vast number of
articles and involves a vast number Of
interests often conflicting and whenever
the law is taken up by congress for con-
sideration. with reference to one change
every schedule in that law is going to
find some n urging a change in that
schedule; and all the business interests
of the country are going to be left dur
ing a long continued discussion in a
state of uncertainty as to what will be
the outcome Of duties upon the things
they are producing, and therefore in I'M
certainty as to what competition from
abroad they will be obliged to meet"
And I have heard that the president in
his political tour through the west, in
the spring of 1903, made a speech in
which he used this language: IF a tar
if law has IN the whole worked we'll,
and If business has %prospered under it
and is prospecting, it may be better to
endure some inconvenience and in
equalities for a time than by making
changes to risk causing a disturbance
and perhaps paralysis in the industries
and business of the country. The fact
that the change in a given rate of duty
may be thought desirable does not set
tie the question whether it is advisable
to make the change Immediately.
Every tariff deals with duties on thou
sands of articles arranged in hundreds