The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1904-05-31
RAPS PROHIBITIONS.
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of New Mexico that this was mistake.
The pressure, however, for additional
territory, the aggressiveness of the
slave states, and the complaints made
by them in respect to failure to re-
store fugitive slaves in the north, pro-
duced a political anxiety on the part of
the leaders of the Wing party, whose
supporters were to be found partly in
free states and partly in slave states,
to secure another compromise, dispos-
ing of the questions arising out of the
Mexican war.
Accordingly, Mr. Clay in 1850 intro
duced his series of resolutions provid-
ing among other things, for the ad-
mission of California with a free con-
stitutiOn, for the admission of any Ier-
ritory acquired from Mexico without
any restriction as to slavery, because
it did not exist by law and was not
likely to be introduced into any such
territory; declaring the inexpediency
of abolishing slavery in the District of
Columbia without the consent of
Maryland, and without just compensa-
ton to the owners of slaves; prohibit
ing the slave trade in the District of
Columbia; and making more effectual
provision for the rendition of fugitive
slaves. These resolutions were embod-
led in bill, were supported by Mr.
Clay, by Mr.. Calhoun and by Mr.. Webs
ter, by the last named in his famous
seventh of March speech, and were
enacted into law against the opposition
| of senators who were subsequently
identified with the Republican party.
Kansas Nebraska Bill.
Four years later, after the death of
Mr.. Calhoun Mr.. Clay and Mr. Web
ster, Judge Douglas of Illinois, intro
duced in the senate the Kansas-Ne
braska bill, asserting that it was the
logical outcome of the compromise
measure of 1850, which he said neces-
sarily involved a repeal of the Missouri
Compromise. The bill permitted the
people of the projected state to declare
it free or slave. In the debate which
followed it was clearly esta biished by
Wade of Ohio, Seward of New York,
and Sumner and Everett of Massa-
chusettS, that the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise did not enter into the con-
sideration of those who were discussing
! the compromise measure of 1850.
Nevertheless the southern senators,
coming to the rescue of Judge Douglas
upon the constitutional ground that
congress had not the power to restrict
slavery in the territories of new states,
passed the bill and gave, as they sup
posed further extension to their favor
ed institution. Governor Reeder was
IaDpOinted governor of the new territory
by President Pierce, and an election
was held for the territorial legislature.
A pro-slavery legislature was carried
by the vote of $500 men who moved
their ballots and then returned to their
Missouri homes. At this stage in the
history of our country, there was very
little to encourage those who looked
upon slavery as a curse and found no
safety for the country save in its ex-
termination. Compromise after COM
promise had been made with the slave
power with a view to restricting the ex-
tension of its operation, until now all
COMPROMISES were abandoned and the
question of the existence of slavery was
left to mob law and mob violence. At
this time one would have been thought
n LITTLE more
than ten years from the date Of the
Kansas Nebraska, bill. there would be
within the jurisdiction of the United
States only free men and women II
is well for us with the tendency to
pessinis!n which we find so widespread
at the present day, to look back IN our
history and note the occasions and times
when the reasons for d1Scouragernent
have been far greater than at the pres
ent day and to follow with care the re-
suit of the courageous and Intelligent
effort toward the betterment of condi-
tions-of individuals who believe in
practical progress, and who believe in
doing things instead OF saying Things
Men Who Do.
At every stage of progress in the
country's growth, there are those who
profess to have and follow the highest
standard of ethics, and by their critic
isms of actual progress anger and dis
courage others who with quite as high
standards, conceive that it is wiser to
make some progress by seeing clearly
actual conditions, treating them as
facts of obstacles, and compromising
with them so far as is possible without
sacrifice of honesty and decency for
the sake of real advancement The for
mer class usually plumes itself as the
higher and purer element, because it
makes no compromise and accepts
nothing as such. 1 do not know that
it is important to dispute this pretense,
but I cannot refrain from saying that
AI,. ri tow ex1-d q
higher civilization, those who make the
progress may fairly claim higher
mead of praise than those VINO not
only do not themselves make the prog
ress, but so frequently obstruct by
their criticisms and sneers those who
do.
When the enactment of the Kansas
bill of 1854 presented the issue, shall
Kansas be free or slave, a few men
hardly more than a dozen-determined
to make her free by peopling the state
with citizens who would forever ex-
clude slavery from the limits of the
new state.
/ 1t is noteworthy that the professed
and prominent abolitionists secuted the
/ idea that this could be successful
movement, and rejected men engaged
! in it as allies because it did not appear
/ with sufficient clearness that they were
casting themselves upon the altar III
declared and open sacr1hce Tor the
cause of the negro These theorists
/ seemed not to be content with the
bringing in of the state of Kansas as g
free state They demanded that il
must be brought in on the avowed prin-
ciple of love for the negro and in hi:
interest Had their views prevailed
Kansas might have been a slave state
but the men engaged in the work were
practical men and of sterner stuff. The!
were little moved by words or forma
distinctions Eli Thayer Travelled from
town to town in the north soliciting
aid for his emigration society and re
cruiting the ranks of the small band
of settlers already in Kansas or oil
their way there When it became nee
essary to have guns. Thayer Obtaine'
them in the east and sent them to hi