The Montgomery advertiser., 1904-04-17

and driven into helpless flight the Sow ereign that now came 'to enjoy his own again"--who had renewed beyond sea the glories of Greasy and of .Agin-, court. had mastered the Parliament, had brought King to justice and the block, had given laws to England, and held even Cromwell in awe--became farmers and traders again, and were known among their fellow men there- after by no other sign than their greater soberness and greater in- dustry.
 Was not that triumph of Puritan self conquest, asks Mir. Murray, paraiIeled, nay. transcended. in the story of the men who turned their faces homeward from Appomattox? These went back not as tradesmen to their trading, but as men unusued to the hardest offices of industry, to take up, with unfamiliar labor, grim and desperate struggle for life and bread. These went back to no waiting oppor- tunities, to no world of apointed tasks. but to saddened and desoiate land. m which tasks must be found and opportu- mites created. Before. them was no pro- spective enjoyment of a successful com
 pact with \ former foes, but the tortur. ing vision of long years in which, through the consequences of their defeat, their
 homes and their meagre fortunes were to
 be the scene of administrative ''occupa-
 ticn." They were to work out their task not as members of a homogeneous popu- lation, heirs of a single civic fate. but
 confronted by the vast multitude of their
 former bondmen, dark. vague, uncertain
 masses--half pitiful. half terrifying, free forever from the white mans ma stery. yet
 never free from the breeding and unyield-
 ing heritage Of the black mans barbaric roo ot TfrAa uu m easy thing for the Southern whites who went home from Appomattox to achieve the victories of patience. to develop an industrial efficiency and to generate civic hopefulness which might yield again an ordered. happy world. & It Is the unitary aim of Mr. Murphys papers to prove that the task. however difficult. is now. at the beginning of the twentieth century, far advanced toward accomplishment. He reminds us that be- tween 1880 and 1900 the capital invested l in cotton manufacturing at the South in creased from s22.00o,00o to nearly $1i3, ,ooo,-
 900. and the number of establishments
 from 1so to 412. So rapid, indeed. has been the growth of this especial interest Of the South that since the taking of the census for 1900. the number of cotton mills had reached over 900 in January, 1904, or, in other woids, had more than doubled in three years. Even in 1900 the value of Southern manufactures of all kinds exceeded the value of Southern ag-
 ricultural products by slsoooo.ooo and. if
 mining interests be taken into the account, by nearly ssOo.0Ooo0o. The economical revolution has been contemporaneous with
 a political change which has put an end forever to the cry of Negro Domina- tion," which once shook the heart of the
 South with indesoribable terror. Notwith-
 standing all It's millions of negroes, the
 South has today not negro Representa- tive. not negro Governor, or Senator.
 A few obscure Justices of the Peace.
 few Mayors in small villages of negro
 people-these, if a few Federal appointees
 be omitted, make up the total of all the
 negro officials in the Southern States. The
 peril of the supremacy of the coIored
 population Is now pronounced by Mir.
 Murphy to be the merest bogie. Never
 was such peril to be dreaded, except
 through the support of negro domination
 by military force. That force has been for nearly thirty years withdrawn. Never will it enter the South again. The whole country has so willed 1t; and. could 1t come again. Mir. Murphy. for his part, is convinced that intelligent and conserve. tive negroes would be the first to suspect it's motive and to repudiate its odious compulsion. In word, this Southern ob- server testifies that, among all the ab- surdities of conjecture, and among all the ridiculous imaginings of theoretic hor- TOT, there Is just now no phantom so spectral in its substance or so trivial in
 its proportions as the ''periP' of negro domination.
 MT. Murphy Is one of those who be-
 lieve that social and domestic segrega-
 ton is demanded as lmperatively by the
 interests of the negroes as by the inter
 ests of the stronger white race about
 them. At the same time, he deems 1t In- eonceiyable that this segregation of the black race should involve It's degradation.
 That would be, to his mind,' conclusion
 as unworthy of logic as 1t would be un- worthy of humanity. It would be con- clusion disastrous to every interest of the South. The perils involved in the prog
 ress of the negro are as nothing to the
 perils invited by his failure. MT. Murphy
 recognizes, however. that, if any race Is
 to live, 1t must have something to live for. The true hope, therefore, of race integrity for the negro lies in establishing for him within his own racial life the possibilities of social differentiation. For the very reason that the black race in the apartness of its social life Is to work out its destiny as the separate member
 of a large group, we must accord to it
 its. own leaders and thinkers, its own scholars, artists, prophets. Thus will the
 race come to have within itself. within its own social resources, a world that is
 worth living for. That is the only real. the only permanent security of race in- tegrity for the negro. Such security must
 ba hased mt on deRradation but on ou-