The Birmingham age-herald., 1904-09-04

1 ly one who, in consequence of such ser | vice, had given unequivocal proofs of what his principles really were; a per-
 son who had marked a line of conduct
 so deeisively that you might tell what
 he would be here after by what he had
 been heretofore. To place thls gentle
 man or any other of his standing In
 the chair of the present incumbent would
 not be well thought of in America"
 l Next to Alexander Hamilton Aaron | Burr was then the ablest and most bril- liant political leader in New York, dis tineuished at the bar, of acknowledged
 genius, a leader and favorite In society because of his accomplished manners
 and famous ancestry. Than he no one
 had contributed more to create and so-
 lidify the young political party which was soon to drive the federalists from power, and rule the country under three presidents successively chosen from a single state, their terms extending over a quarter of a century. As a political manager he beat Hamilton on his own ground. and laid the foundations of an organization which has been the most potent political force in the first of Amer ican cities from that day until the pres ent time. Burr finally obtained the vice. presidency and barely missed the great CT office; but at the period In question the fact that his state stood behind him d vice did not commend him to Monroe as the man to succeed John Adams. po- litical opponent though Adams was. Burr had not been tried in high office to win the confidence either of his party or of the country, and so he opposed him. Monroe knew what Burr was but he knew not what he might become when when placed in the highest, or next to the highest responsibilities. And, later on, Burr's meteoric career fully justified the apprehensions of him who was him self destined to the presidency and while in it to enounce and give his name to a doctrine that in its importance stands next to the great declaration itself
 In the evolution of our political hsto- ry there is to be observed another wide departure from the principle of the early days, namely In allowing the candidate for president, whoever he may be, to se- lect the person who Is to make the cam paign with him. This. surely, Is not in accordance with the theory of our insti- tutions. that the people, through their representatives, shall select the author ities to rule over them. A national con vention is chosen to nominate a candidate for president and vice-presdent. Does it not fail in the performance of the duty devolved upon it, when having nam ed the candidate for the first office. 1t invites the person thus chosen to inform whom II Sndli Seltci lVi tue ScSoht To consult him may be proper but to allow him to dictate the nomination, even when 1t is against their judgment, Is assuredly a betrayal of their trust, an abdcation of their functions. violation of the strict rule of representative polt- teal procedure.
 The history of the country contains re- peated warnings that the second office is very nearly as important as the first one. Five times has the vice president been called to the succession owing to death. owing to three of the greatest crimes that have ever been committed. In two, at least, of these cases, the suc- cessors departed very widely from the policies of those that preceded them. and in one of them the conflict which was thus provoked. was of character to which it is not well ever, if possible to avert it, to submit our institutions. As- suredly the Monroe doctrine on the vice presidential question is the correct one that no one should be selected for the great office "who has not given unequiv- ocal proofs of what his principles really l are; who has not marked a line of con- 1 duct so decisively that you can tell what l he will be by what he has been"