Deseret evening news. [volume] (Great Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1867-1920, 1904-01-02

The result of trusts IL corruption IL Is
already here. And. in seeking to eradi-
cate the corruption, the measures pro-
posed tend toward overturnlng the
most luminous features Of American
government, which was a feature OF
the Democratic party in the past, name
ly, anti-paternalism.
jefferson hated paternalism. Jackson
was It's keen enemy. PaternaUsm II
the seed of Socialism which has always
existed. II IL the demand that the gov
eminent shall be "A father 10 It's peo-
pie. II may take the form OF a klhu
and humane despotism, Its tnal pro-
position Is that the people shall control
all Industries and arts, fairly dlstrlDut-
ing the blessings Of the earth 10 the
end that poverty shall no longer DE as
unfair as wealth, or, as many put
It that every person shall be entitled
TO all he produces, or its equivalent.
In Jefferson's day there was the ls-
sue of n strong central government
versus home rule. Jefferson was a
home ruler. His belief was that the
least amount of governing was the
best. The government should preserve
the peace; furnish courts to settle dis
putes, enact only necessary laws pro-
vide a stable currency and foster edu-
cation and science; beyond that its
best attitude was to let the people alone
and leave trade and enterprise untram-
meled.
The Federalists, or HamIltonian
uarty. feared that this meant mob rule;
they felt that public morals had to De
guided by a strong government ana the
very name Democrat originally was
an epithet Of hate and .derislon resem-
bling the use today OF the term an
archlst.'
In the furtherance of this Jefferson
ian Democracy, or anarchy, ne
came necessary to regard principles az
higher than personality The strong
government party naturally leaned TO-
ward the strength for It's cause found
i'm strong, masterful men In the offices
while, except when following a popular
leader, the peoples party placed its
principles above preference for lndi'
Viduals.
Thus. again, the national Democracy
will very likely make a campaign on
principles. versus the brilliant ana
strong man. President Roosevelt,
OF course, this rule has only been
applied according to occasion, because
any sort Of party naturally prefers a
fascinating standard bearer.
The national campaign viii be intlu'
enced by a personality, perhaps more
than by party principles. No matter
how lucldly the Republican national
convention Of 1904 sets forth It's policy,
or how satisfactorily the broken parts
| OF the Democracy are mended, the peo'
pie Of the country viii be voting for or
against Roosevelt,
And. should the Democracy nominate
Grover Cleveland despite his declina-
tom II win become largely a question
Of choice between men, because many
Republicans (malnly In the easO VIII
prefer Democratic victory, with CleNe-
land, to a triumph Of the Rough
Rider and many Democrats mainly
I'm the west) Will rather see Republic
can success with Roosevelt than the re-
election OF Cleveland.
Amrlcan politicians of both parties
are united In the feeling that leaders
who are greater than their parties are
dangerous. They want safe men
meaning by safe men, leaders who
viii be strict party servants or cham.
plons. To this feeling may be ascrlbed
much Of the talk about the Republicans