The independent. [volume] (Lincoln, Neb.) 1902-1907, 1904-09-01

sOVeTelgnlty. so Wnen government
grants to a private party such right,
it not only surrenders to that private
party part of its sovereignty, but 1t
makes it possible for that private
party during the term of years for
which the franchise runs, to say to all
corners Thou shalt not" 1t thereby
affords to this private party an abso-
lutte monopoly That monopoly is
therefore based entirely upon the fran
chise. We therefore maintain that
such franchises should not be granted.
Now is. such the case with shoe
factory, packing house, printing
establishment or any such thing?
Clearly not. Anybody may engage in
such lines of industry without leave
OF any power. Yet many of these lines
of industry become monopolies. Why?
Because laws are made that in an
other sense grant to these private in
dustries certain special privileges.
Such, for instance, are patent rights,
tariff and other indirect taxes upon
labor products and other improve
ments. These taxes so operate that
these industries are protected in their
monopoly of valuable business sites,
that not only brings them close to the
direct purchasing public, but by tax
ing improvements of all kinds, makes
it difficult for newcomers to get
started. All these unfair monopoly
privileges are fraceable directly to.
special favors of government, grant
ing to private monopoly advantages
that can not be enjoyed by all. These
we propose to withdraw.
The same looseness of economic rea-'
soning is seen in the socialists indis-
criminate use of the terms capital
and monopoly" Yet these two things
are not necessarily even related to
each other. Without any capital at
all, one may enjoy an absolute mo-
nopoly. And without monopoly one
may use capital, injuring no one.
Capital is that part of the product of
human toll which is used to produce
wealth. A twig may be broken from
tree with which to dig, and who
would complain of such capital? Yet
it is capital.
On the other hand monopoly is
based upon some special grant by gov
eminent that enables those who pos
sess it to say to all who come, Before
you break twig from that tree with
which you desire to till the soil, you
must pay tribute to me-" That is the
power OF monopoly, and against this
re justly complain. 1t does not follow
that the owner Ct capital is monopo-
list, any more than it follows that a
mOnopoIst is user of capital. In
fact these two are seldom coupled in
the same companies or persons. Most
of the valuable mines are owned by
who work them are the capitalists
and workingmen. Yet these two de-
slrable classes, before they can so
operate the mines must pay tribute to
The same is true of many
lines of industry, notably farmers.
More and more the farmers are be-
coming mere tenants Of others That
is, the real farmer mus. sweat and toll
in the sun and turn over to the owner
OF the farm part of the fruits of his
toll. While he is farming the earth,
the lord of the land is farming him.
Were our socialist critics capable of
compromising these clear distinc-
tions, such silly statements as "popu-
Lists are unable to show any virtual
and material difference between the
special privilege of franchise and
the special privilege of corporation
law they can not virtually and ma
terially injure the prospects of the So
cialist party" would not appear in
their editorial columns.
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