The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1904-01-28

general SOOQ OF WdSG-WOIkorS through
out the country. Millions of men are
thus held together sympathetically, and
they are able to disturb the tranquil
lily, comfort and prosperity of all the
people
Not to be outdone. and as they I'M
doubtedly believe, for their own safety.
the employers, who, taken alone are al
ready in aggregation. find it essential
TO combine from the Atlantic to the
Pacific, with the avowed purpose of
annihiliating labor unions. Monopolles
are established and unfair and tryan-
nous practices are pursued by the bust
ness associations. Strikes, riots and
boycotts become the instruments of the
labor unions, and lockouts and black
lists are the weapons of retaliation
which flash here and there in the hands
of the employers combination.
A SHOT AT HANNA'S POLICY.
There are some hopeful and sangu-
Inc stand patterS' who believe that all
are as natural as they are new, is the
mediation of a few civic declarations
and a few apostles crying throughout
the land, Peace on earth and good will
to men, ] am not one of them. 1
believe it is the duty of the govern
ment to define what men may lawfully
do in association, and that done, should
enforce the definition with all the pow
er at its command. The government
is created for no other purpose than
that a man may do what, according
to the civilization of the age, he may
welfare, and to set a limit to the in
justice which the strong may inf1ict
upon the week.
Governor Cummins then made the de-
clarations quoted above.
rs it not time that we should look
again into the rights of MANI" he ask
ed.
''Is it not the duty of the government
to declare in an effectual way what as
sociations of citizens may lawfully be
made, what they may associate to do,
and what their powers and privileges
shall be? We cannot afford, If free
and orderly institutions are to remain
to guard these associations with an
army
THE LABOR UNIONS.
'Inasmuch as the labor union is a
prominent type of voluntary associa-
ton, I take it for illustration. Let it
be understood first that I believe in
labor organizations. 1 believe they
pose. Not only so, but they are nee
essary factor in the problems of our
day. They have accomplished vast
good for themselves, and for the cItl-
zenship of our common country. They
have lifted up the manhood of those
who work with their hands, and they
have made it more certain that the
rank and file of the nation will always
be equal to the duties which free
government exacts of its people. They
have planted ambition in hearts that
had no hope, and have increased the
esteem in which the world holds honest
toll. They have added to the dignity
of wage workers and have 1essened the
distance which caste measures between
the rich and the poor
$50 much, and much more, of good
have they brought to themselves, and
their fellowmen; but if they declare
that when an employer wants to hire
a workman, that he must hire one of
their number, they invade the rights of
man, and they usurp the function of
organized society. The government
speaking as the voice of all the people,
might, if it were deemed for the pubic
good, declare who should be employed,
and who should not, but for any lesser
association than the government to so
declare is a violation of the most sa-
cred and inalienable rights OF man.
When they pronounce the ban against
a tradesman and prevent, through the
force of conspiracy, the transaction of
business which may lawfully be car
ried on, they ere again exercising q
power which only the government can
WELD, and even there Vt is a doubtful
prerogative.
Il do not speak of the forcible in
reference oftentimes seen in the idle
mob which follows cessation from work,
because that is already condemned by
the law; nor do I speak of many other
things which would fall naturally into
the train of thought I am pursuing.
What I have said is sufficient for the
conclusion I desire to impress upon you.
It is this: The law should provide for
the creation of labor associations. 1t
should trace the scope of labor unions,
should define the powers which they
may exercise, and the privileges which
they may enjoy.
GOVERNMENT CONTROL.
TT should prescribe the conditions
under which strikes may occur, so that
the public may be protected from their
consequences, and should ordain penal
ties that would restrain violations OF
the law I urge this, not with a view
of a guaranty for the performance OF
contracts which may be made urge
it for the sake of peace, so that when
the union is within it's rights under the
law. it may have the sympathy of all
good citizens, and when it is beyond
those rights, that it may rest under the
condemnation of all who believe in the
law. I urge it because there is no other
way of preventing the constant col
lision between forces in society SO for
midable that when they meet in an
tagonism, the shock is greater than we
can safely bare.
what has been said with respect to
labor organizations, applies with equal
force to employers associations. What
the employee may lawfully do, the en-
ployer must not organize to prevent
and when he does enter into associa-
ton, let it be under the law, With It's
objects avowed and its purposes
stated.
It understand perfectly that the strug-
gle between the man who pays wages
and the man who receives wages is a
perpetual one Its origin was with the
beginning of labor. and its end will be
with the last trump. In some periods
and with some people slavery has beer
its outcome and war and revolution
have often accompanied the controversy
But if there must be either master OF
slave in our country, the hope that we
have so fondly INDUCED is destroyed
and the fairest experiment ever tried II
the history of man has come to naught
If it must be attended with force thai
of the law, then our Wanted civilization
is no better than that of the remote
past.