The Montgomery advertiser., 1904-08-08
nAs cHANanp Hus v1Ews.

Protection is vicious in theory and harmful in practice" said one Theo- dore Roosevelt in his Life of Thomas H. Benton. That was the Roosevelt who wrote what he believed. The craze for ofice had not then dominated him and warped his conscience. He had lived long enough. and had oppor- tunities enough to know something about the inequities of high protec- tive tarif and had no reason for sup pressing his beliefs and convictions. It is an entirely different Roosevelt who now gives his approval and sup port to that which was vicious and harmful few years ago. Has he changed heart and convictions? Not a bit of it. in our judgment, nor have the conditions changed. The tarif is just what 1t was before. The same ob- tections to the principle are as strong and valid now as they ever were. Roosevelt doubtless has the same opin- the life of Benton. It is not change of heart but of policy. What was safe and proper for citizen Roosevelt to say is not safe and proper for Presidential mating clements of his Party have is- sued their ultimatum and he accepts 1t. He must accept his Partys conception of the tariff and must declare that 1t is right. It would cost him his cleo tion to speak his real sentiments as he did when he was a free man. Roose- welt the citizen and Roosevelt the can didate are entirely different personali- ties.
 And speaking of a protective tariff one of the most untenable arguments used in its support Is that these duties are levied and collected for the benefit of our own people. We are told that if there were no protective duties the country would soon be flooded with the goods manufactured by the "cheap pauper labor" of Europe and that our own laboring men and women would starve or be driven out of business; in short. that our own workers could not compete in prices with those of the old world.
 This is stock argument which is only partially true, but admitting that 1t is wholly true, what of 1t? Accord ing to the census there are in round numbers about 100000 people, or loss than one in ten. engaged In manufac- turing and mercantile pursuits. If we admit that half of these are manufac- turers and employees 1t gives us at the most liberal estimate one person in every twenty of the population who is really benefited by the tariff, admit ting all that Is claimed for 1t by its friends. Then the other nineteen must pay an extra price for almost every thing they use in order that the one may be benefited. To put 1t different ly. nineteen persons pay tribute to one under the. system now in force.
 Is not that class legislation of the most indefensible kind? It is taxing the many for the benefit of the few, and the many are the members of all other caflings. trades and occupations who have to buy any of the articles covered by the tariff. That is the kind of protective tariff which Roosevelt, under the pressure of party necessity, now sustains. What becomes of the firmness and independence of which he boasts. and of which his supporters have so much to say? It is relegated to the rear while he binds to himself all the tariff robbers and the trusts without whose help he has no hope of election.