Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1904-11-03
IMPERIALISM | HIS TEXT
Parker Talked to German
Americans Last Night
IN COOPER UNION HALL
INVEIGHED AGAINST LARGE
ARMIES AND BIG NAvIEs.
Maintained There Was Great Peril in
Presidents Power to Declare
War-Answered Taft.

Judge Parker addressed the German
Americans last night in Cooper Union Hall
in New York. The presence of Carl
Schurz and the conjuring use of the name
Of Grover Cleveland, who was originally
slated to speak at this meeting of the Ger
man-American Parker Union, contributed to
the enthusiasm, and for Judge Parker him
self there was a welcoming cheer that last
ed eight minutes. His views on imperial
ism, militarism and the like were frequent
ly applauded.
In Judge Parker's written speech appear
ed this sentence: Nobody needs to ask
whether you and yours shrink back from
the faintest shadows. however distant,
which may reveal the fatal presence of the
Man on Horseback
When Judge Parker came to this sem
tence he passed it up. He had just pic
tured the low-browed recruiting sergeant
watching the young life develop until 1t
was old enough to carry gun and then
capturing 1t. His hearers were aroused
and enthusiastic and, one might think
ripe for the fatal presence, but the judge
suddenly decided not to hand it out.
The band played THE Star Spangled
Banner" everyone stood up, and three
cheers apiece were given for Schurz and
Parker.
Herman Ridder asked the audience to
De very quiet during SCHuIL SpCCSi
as the veterans voice was not at It's pest
The injunction was obeyed after three
more cheers.
Mr. Schurz talked about political cor
1t to the fight against the "slave barons'
forty-four years ago. He referred to Mr..
Roosevelt as "a President who is the en-
bodiment of brutal force"
Judge ParkerS appearance was the sig
nal for tumultuouS applause. When quet
had been restored he spoke In part as tol-
lows:
When we speak of the growth of an i'm
perialistic tendency In this country we don't
mean that we have, or care to have, a ruler
with the title of emperor at the head or the
government, or political constitution
abolishing the republic and esta blishing for
it a monarchy. With us the tendency to-
ward Imperialism in our government took
tangible shape when this republic assumed
the power to rule over distant ana amen
countries and populations, not only without
their consent, but distinctly against their
will, and when, correspondingly the prin-
ciples and ideals we had inherited from the
founders of the republic gave way to ideas
as to the powers of the government which
differed widely from Abraham Lincolns
conception of a democracy-that 1t was
government of the people, for the people
and by the people.
The Philippines Question.
When we annexed the Philippine Islands
it was done not only with complete disre-
gard of the rights and wishes of the people
thereof, disregard as absolute as ever
characterized any of the conquests Of the
Roman empire or of the French empire
under Napoleon-but also with hardly less
disregard of the spirit of our political in
stitutions The annexation of the islands
and the subsection by force of the FilipinOs
fighting for their independence were as diff
ferent from the intention of the fathers as
government by superior artillery is from
government by the consent Of the governed.
When we contemplate the moral effect of
the policy of conquest and subjugation, as
it has been carried on and is now defended
by the republican party, we cannot but feel
serious anxiety as to the permanency of
democratic institutions among us.
You cannot fail to notice that whenever
you quote the principles proclaimed in the
Declaration of Independence in connection
with the case Of the Fiipinos you are
fiercely assailed as unpatriotic citizens who
are stirring up our subjects to revolt.
And now are told that we should not
freely discuss question of such stupen-
dous Importance as that whether the United
States shall remain simple democratic re-
public or become a colonial empire: that
the principles of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, the fundamental principles of our
republic, should not be mentioned in con-
nection with the matter, lest our colonial
subjects hear of it, and that, as the admin
istration knew this business best the people
should leave 1t to the administration to de-
termine the course to be taken concern
ing 1t.
This is only an initial tentative attemnt
to dominate public opinion in behalf of the
government But there will be more of it
II the imperialistfc spirit is permitted to
prevail. In this respect We must not fail to
keep in view the great power welded by
the President in the conduct of our foreign
relations. The Constitution provides that
only Congress shall have power to declare
war But it is within the power of the
President, If he desires war; to create by his
conduct of our foreign relations situations
which make war inevitable. 1t may happen
o enae on 81 sucn an occasion Congress being
opposed to war, would not consent to it If
consulted beforehand; but it NAV be con-
fronted by things already done nv accom-
plished facts which make the escape from
war exceedingly difficult if not impossible
Dangerous Power With President,
This power of the executive is evidently
a very dangerous one-dangerous in the
peace of the country well as to the in
tegrity of our institutions-unless the Pres
dent cherishes a conscientious respect for
the constitutional limitations of his power
and, overruling desire religiousIy TO observe
the spirit and intent as well as the letter
or the Constitution, as we'll as an innate
love of peace and fair dealing. You NAV
judge for yourselves how dangerous is such
a power under the influence of the INNER
ialistic tendency, with it's lust of CONQUEST
and dominion. its love of adventure and
military achievement, and its proneness to
lmpuislve action ana dramatic display
The imperialistic tendency armed with
that power will be all the more dangerous
when 1t is at the same time armed with an
ample supply of fighting material ready for
action. Until very recent period we en-
Joyed the priceless blessing of living in per
feet peace and security without bearing the
burden of a large army and navy. costing
untold millions year-a unique privilege of
which other nations, sgroaning under heavy
military and navalfexpenditures envied us
most heartily. Our imperiaIists now tell us
that this must ceaseito be So According to
them we must have afmuch larger army in
proportion than before, and our Secretary
OF the Navy assures ius that we must have
the biggest navy I'M the world whatever the
cost. "
Have you ever seem anybody able to give