Courier Democrat., 1904-11-10

ton advocated by Hamilton and Clay,
but to the protective policy Of Mr..
Mckinley and Mr.. Dingley. This is
what Mr.. Roosevelt says has become
part of the character Of the nation,
while their laws are Foundations Of
the economic policy Of our govern
ment."
A protective tariff does not embody
an economic policy. 1t is not economic
at all. 1t is purely political expedi-
ent. Mr.. Roosevelt is far astray when
he speaks Of protection as he does.
A protective tariff may be adopted
because it is politically expedient that
for time the government should build
up certain industry or several indus
tries by taxing the people for them. It
may be argued that in the end the fos-
tering of such industries will turn out
to the advantage Of all who in the be-
ginning must pay the taxes.
This advantage, however, will new
er be realized until the protected inter-
ests are firmly established and taxa
ton in their behalf has ceased. This
was, in fact, Hamilton's theory. The
modern Republican theory is that tax
alton must not cease after the indus
tries are established, but must con-
tinue indefinitely.
The assertion that protective tariff
policy like that of the Dingley act Is
economic is therefore untrue, while to
make the statement that it is part of
our national character is to mistake an
expedient for fundamental princi-
ple. s*
The policy Of protection is an expe-
dient, Just as is the policy of contrib
uting money to secure a butcher shop
for community which does not pos
sess that luxury. If it were really part
Of our national character it would
stand on a footing with our ideas Of
civil liberty, Of self government, Of the
virtues of democracy. Mr.. Aldrich, the
party's leader on this subject, is glad
that the president thinks this way, but
It is doubtful if he is glad that he
speaks thus openly the thought that is
in the minds of the protectionists.
1t is the intent of these protection
leaders that the country shall continue
to tax itself at Dingley rates as long as
they can compel it to do so. They hold
out vague hope that some day the
benefciaries of these tariff taxes will
voluntarily surrender some Of their
benefits for the popular good. In the
meantime they intend to continue the
employment Of large part of the
gains arising from this customs taxa
ton for the purpose Of carrying the
elections.
The methods for the accomplishment
Of this end have been forcibly and
convincingly pointed out in the Worlds
third open letter. In effect we see
these benefciaries Of the Republican
party purchasing the taxing power of
the government in order to maintain
in all its impurity what Mr.. Roosevelt
calls a part of our national character.
Mr.. Roosevelt lends himself to their
purpose by making Mr.. Cortelyou the
chief campaign contributor. His friends
say that his motives are pure and that
he is honest. This being conceded, it
follows that he either lacks the intel
ugence or the delicacy requisite in a
president.
II he does not know that Mr.. Cortel-
you's present employment is scandal.
or If he does not intuitively feel It to
be. he ought not to be elected. Mr..
Roosevelt has made the tariff issue a
question Of morality. The issue ought
to be accepted with thanks. In his
opinion the Dingley law, imposing
heavy burdens upon our people for the
profit of certain benefited favorites and
controllers Of the Republican party, is
q moral institution which wickedness
alone can seek to disturb. and that it is
our moral duty to sustain the powers
Of private individuals and corporations
over our tax laws-a power that is pur-
chased by money first taken from the
taxpayers. This is the Republican side
Of the moral issue. Naturally the Dem
ocratic side is that when political ex-
pedient like protective tariG law is
created by its supporters into an idol,
and when It Il sought to maintain that
IDOL for all time BY means Of the cor
sIuption Of our politics, It is high time
that there should be change. Other
w1ss Republican institutions in this
5ss1nlz5 ulils ssass 70 b moro than .
1ams.
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