The San Francisco call., 1904-03-27

book seated as Assistant Secretary of
the Navy Riis has an opportunity to
deal with the Oft-raised criticism that
Roosevelt was with the iingoes who
urged war with Spain for wars sake.
THE war was q moral issue with
him. writes Riis, ''as indeed it was
with all of US who understood It was
with such facts as these (stories of re-
concentrates sufferings)-and there
was no lack of them-in mind and
heart that he responded hotly to SEN
ator Hanna pleading for peace for the
sake Of the country's commerce and
prosperity. that much as he appre-
ciated those blessings, the honor of the
country was of more account than tenn
porary business prosperity. 1t has
slipped my mind what was the partic-
u1ar occasion-some club gathering
but 1 have not forgotten the profound
impression the Naval Secretary's words
made as he insisted that our country
could better afford to lose a thousand of
the bankers that have added toits wealth
than one Farragut: that it were better
for 1t never to have had all the rail-
road magnates that have built il up,
great as is their deserving, than to
have lost Grant and Sherman; better
that it had never known commercial
greatness than that it should miss
from its history one Lincoln. Unless
the moral overbalance the material, we
are indeed riding for a fall in all our,
pride
Riis adds nothing to the account of
Roosevelts part in the hostilities in
Cuba that has not already been writ
ten. II is with him in the Governor )
chair of New York that the author finds
the place to define Roosevelt's theories
concerning the party and the machine.
Il am loyal party man, but believe
very firmly that l can best render aiG
to my party by doing all that in me
lies to make that party responsive to
the needs of the State, responsive to
the needs Of the people" With these
words Roosevelt himself has defined his
allegiance to the organization he rep
resents. Riis shows that the Governor
Of New York had associated himself
with the party machine just so far as
by it he might be enabled to effect good
ends. But "he had built up no machine
Of his own. He had used that which
he found to the uttermost of its bent
and Of his ability-not always with the
good Will Of the managers, but he had
used It for the things he had in mind,
telling the bosses that for all other
legitimate purposes, for organization,
for power, they might have it; he
should not hinder them"
Roosevelt's policy in the White
House, his handling of the many mo-
mentous questions which have come UP
to him for solution, is beyond the scope
Of Riis' work; that is material for edi-
toffal and historical review rather than
for q work upon the man himself. Sat-
isfying himself with the analysis Of
Roosevelt's characteristics of thought
and action as shown in his incumbency
in other offices, Riis does not permit
his book TO assume the character of
campaign material by commenting on
Presidential policies.
The great store of anecdote concern
ing Roosevelt's home life and his at
tributes as head OF a family, sportsman
and writer. which, perforce, have been
omitted from this review on account
OF the political significance of the book.
all serve to show the many-sidedness
OF the man and are indicative of
his remarkable personality. To Roose-
welt as a friend Riis offers this whole
hearted testimony:
think neysf knew a man who so
utterly trusts a friend, once he has
taken him to his heart That he does
not do easily or offhand; but once he
has done 1T there is no reservation or
secret drawback to his friendship. 1t
is a splendid testimony to the real
worth OF human nature that his trust
has rarely indeed been betrayed. Once
his friend, you are his friend forever.
To the infallible test he rings true:
those who love him best are those who
know him best. The men who hate
him are the scalawags and the self
seekers, and they only distrust him
who do not know him. He never lost
a friend once made.'
CIne outlook Publishing Company,
New York Illustrated. Price $2.)