The Appeal. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. ;) 1889-19??, 1904-12-17

A POLITICAL HISTORY OF SLAVERY
A Political History Of Slavery, By VII
| liam Henry Smith. With an introduction
by Whitelaw Reid. Two volumes. Syo
| Net. $3.50, By mail, $500. New York:
G. P. Putnam's Sons.
"A Political History Of Slavery by
| VIM. Henry Smith, is an elaborated story
| Of the controversy over the slavery ques-
! ton. from the early days of the 18th cen
fury to the close Of the Reconstruction
| period in the United States
| There is an. introduction by WhitelaW
! Reid, which tells of Mr.. Smiths career
| and which gives quite an extended crit
! cism OF these two very instructive vol
| umeS.
| Mr.. Reid says: '"rhis Political History
| is written with the fullness of knowledge
| that comes from having seen many Of the
events from the inside as they occurred
| of the entire range of the Subjects and
from access to much unpublished infor-
! nation, in the papers of President Hayes
and Governor Brough, in the records OF
| of the period, and in constant personal
| communication with some Of the actors. .
! Again: LAS time goes on fuller justice
ments by which a free people enlarged the
| bounds of freedom to communities and
| to leading men that relied upon typica.
| Anglo-Saxon means for the correction OF
! wrongs and the better development OF
J Anglo-Saxon institutions; - to Horace
Greeley first among public educators to
| Chase and Seward, Stanton and Welles
| listers, and finally to the peer, if not the
superior of them all, and certainly the
most capable politician of the list, Abra-
ham Lincoln
In Chapter I, the author says IF there
is one thing clearly established, it is that
slavery Was deprecated by the men who
! formed the Constitution; who, recogniz-
| ing that such an institution was inconsis-
! tent with the great principles OF civil lib
erty for which the colonies had contended
and which constitute the basis of our Re
public. refrained from inserting in that
great charter a name so repulsiVe to free
dom. We must conclude that they Were
percipient witnesses to the public senti-
ment of that day. There was no state
free from the faint of slavery and the
was in 40 sense dependent upon sectional
lines. Its ultimate extinction was gener-
! ally confidently expected: emancipation
was to be the rule. This came early north
of Maryland, and it is not unreasonable
to suppose that if there had been no inhi
bition of the African slave trade, emanci-
patton would have followed in Delaware,
Maryland, North Carolina. Kentucky and
Tennessee
Opposition to the institution of slavery
arose from religious convictions as to its
policies: The resistance of those who
with Mr. Jefferson condemned it because
of it's destructive influence became as
impotent as his, or succumbed to the VIC
ing it's source in religious feelings played
an important part in the creation of a
! third party. The Society of Friends led all
other denominations in the employment
Lloyd Garrison. Benjamin Lundy or Chas.
Of moral influence for the eradication OF
slavery, though there were not wanting
outspoken utterances in the Presbyterian
DE-, +;et oI~r n,l,o Of
early day, especially in Ohio, Kentucky
and Tennessee
Some years ago one who had been
conspicuous as a leader in the anti-slav-
cry contest endeavOred to show the un-
faithfulness of current history in dealing
with the genesis OF modern abilitionism
| and thereupon a controversy sprang up In
Osborne was entitled to be styled the first
! the writer who challened 'the truth OF
history" clearly established the claims Of
Osborne to be mentioned before either
| Lundy or Garrison. but strangely over.
| was strikingly like that or Lundy-Johr
| Woolman, a Friend, who was born in New
Jersey about 1920 Then follows an &C.
count of his early life and career, exceed
sentiments when about 2G years of age
he visited North Carolina, where he
sought to arouse the consciences of slave
holders and wrote an essay entitled Con
! After his death in 1772, his journal
! which was published, had wide circula
ton. 1t shows that his life was given tt
| the work of emancipation He Travelled
from colony to- colony. preaching remon
! strating and counseling.
| The author discusses with panstakins
detail the p, Free Sol M7oxem 4ha eth
| coln.; and in their discussion exhibits :
wealth of information and breadth o
knowledge. which could only result from
many years study and contact with tn
| leading men of those stirring times.
Vol. II opens with a chapter on eth
| Outbreak of the War; in which he says
In the history of nations weak rulers ar
treated with scant respect. They becom
! the dupes of Knaves, the instrument o
! oppression; they imperil governments an,
| invite disorders to enter in; they are tn
Mr.. Buchanan was brought face to fac
with men resolute III purpose to disrup
the Union and overthrow the government
| he construed the fundamental law to b
ecutive. Imagine Andrew Jackson, tn
executive head Of the government il
| 1S60-61. Would members Of Congress en-
gagged in the work Of disunion have bee
they have buliied him
CIVIL WAR TIMES.
Civil War Times. BY Daniel Wal
| Howe. author of the Puritan Republic
70. PIP. 421. $3.50. Indianapolis: Dobbs
! Merrill Co.
The war of '61-5 will never cease-a
least in the present generation, to be
| perennial and never failing topic OF alb
sorhing interest. This is so, because i
those giants still survive its vicissitudes
it's 'hair breadth escapes, and the immi
nent deadly breach; its long and dread
full marches; it's Gettysburg and Chicka
| no Of
1ict profoundly influenced the civilization
of the world because it's echoes still re
vertebrate in all the various activities o
American life.
volume is interesting. 1t can be rea
with prof: by any one and many Incl
dents Of the great strife which has hith
by Mr.. Howe. .,
One of the most interesting chapter
in the volume is one dealing with the re