New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1904-12-28
RUSSIAN REFORM PROPOSALS.

RUSSIAN REFORM PROPOSALS.
The most obvious and perhaps the most peril
nent comment to be made upon the Gar S re-
form ukase is to be found In the homely and
hackneyed words of Dickens's philosopher, The
bearings of this observation lays in the appHca-
"tion on It." The value of the imperial decree
will be determined by the Interpretation ana
execution of ii. It is truly said that its terms
are vague. 1t was. indeed almost inevitable
that they should be so, seeing how vast range
of topics and interests was to be covered In so
brief document. A national constitution can
not comprise a detailed municipal code. This
decree might be so interpreted as to provide
for nothing short of q radical revolution in
Russia. On the other hand, it might be made
a pretext for reaction. We do not suppose 1t
will be carried TO either extreme. But there
are, in itself and in the circumstances of its
issuance inherent indications that its author
means it to be interpreted in dscreetly pro
gressive and liberal spirit. that it will largely
meet the more pressing demands of those who
wish TO see Russia not at once thrown into the
melting pot, but gradually and judciously trans
formed into q country OF freedom and enighten-
ment.
The primal and fundamental prescription for
the maintenance OF law and order is, OF course
essential. It viii be the more commended, even
TO the minimizing, Dy inc dlEeCllOu luhl al A1Sh
shall be made equal before the law and that
the courts shall be made independent of polit-
ical or other influence. The reminder that the
zemstvos, with their increased scope and power,
are 70 conflne themselves to local interests, and
not seek to NEEDLE with imperial affairs, Is not
unexpected, nor is II unreasonable. The uncer-
tainty and the elasticity Of the decree appear
when we reach the prescriptions for revision OF
represslve laws, for the extension or indi-
vidual liberties for the enlargement or religious
freedom, for the recognition of the rights OF
foreigners and for the emancipation or the
press from censorship These things are to be
done so far as possible, or so far as is compat-
Bile with the interests of the empire But who
is to Judge how far that IS? We can easily i'm
agine the application of such prescriptions that
would have been made by the late Mr.. Plehve,
or that would now be made by the Procurator
Of the Holy Synod. In the minds and hands OF
such men the whole decree would be an instru'
ment OF reaction and repression We may also
imagine how Mr.. Witte or Prince Sviatopolk-
AIirsky would interpret and apply the decree, IL
he had a rree hand SO to do. Tho question Ia,
Which school OF influences will prevail in the
Council Of Ministers and its various commit
tees which are 10 formulate the details of the
execution OF the decree?
While not expecting too much, we must regard
the outlook with some optimism. Had the Gar
not been inclined toward reforms, or had the
reactionary element among his advisers been
dominant, this decree need not have been
Issued. The very issuing of 1t is confession
by the highest authority OF the need of re-
form. and 1t must enormously strengthen the
hands OF those who are working for reform.
Again there are those remarkable words which
the Car uses near the end of his decree-"with
"a view to series of great internal changes
impending In the early future" 1t is simply
inconceivable that his majesty would have used
such words IL he had meant simply TO keep
1.-The word of promise to our ear and break II To
"our hope" We must conclude that he really
means to effect great changes in the domestic
administration of his empire and that this de-
cree is intended TO open the way thereto. 1t is
not necessary to dwell upon the obvious fact
that IL that Is what he means, his announcement
of his purpose must itself make powerfully for
its fulflment Hitherto 1t has been for the adj
yocates of reform to prove that 1t was neces-
sary. Now the Onus is laid upon the other side.
It is for the reactionares TO prove, If they can,
that reforms are not needed and that they
should be denied even at the cost of breaking
the Emperor's pledged word
There are other mighty influences also making
for reform. One is the awful burden Of admin
iStration which is crushing the autocracy. The
weary Titan struggling under the burden of
empire is buoyant and joyous youth COM
pared with the Russian system" bowed be-
meath the weight Of care imposed upon it by a
hundred million helpless moujiks. For It's own
relief that System" must give a part Of that
care into the hands Of the people themselves
and make them less helpless and more self-help-
ful and self-masterful. Another influence is the
need the empire has of higher types Of life
among its people. In her commercial struggles
with various lands and in her military strug
gle with Japan the great empire feels moro
keenly than almost any other has ever felt
the heavy handicap of ignorance and poverty
and realizes how infinitely better off she would
be, and how much brighter would be her pros
poets of victory, If her people were more intel
Iigent more free, more prosperous and more
contented and happy. We can scarcely look
for remuneration of autocracy or for the grant
ing Of a constitution and representative gov
eminent based upon universal suffrage. The
time is not ripe for that in Russia. But we may
reasonably expect this decree of the Cars to
be so interpreted and applied as to mark the
longest and best step forward that empire has
taken since the days OF that Liberator Gar
whose memory and whose deeds the present
Emperor invokes.