The Plymouth tribune. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1901-1911, 1904-12-08


peoples who were slothful or timd or short
sighted, who had been eneryated by ease
or by luxury, or misled by fafse teachings,
have shrunk In unmanly fashion from do
Ing duty that was stern and that needed
self-sacrifce and have sought to hide from
their own minds their shortcomings, their
fgnoble motives, by calling them love Of
peace. The peace Of tyrannous terror, the
peace of craven weakness. the peace of in
justice, all these should be Stunned as we
snun unrighteous war. The goal TO set be-
fore us as nation, the goal which should
be set before all mankind is the attain
ment OF the peace of justice, OF the peace
winch comes when each nation Is not mere
y safeguarded in its own rights, but scrup-
uIousIy recognizes and performs its duty
toward others. Generally peace tells for
righteousness; but If there is conflict be-
tween the two, then our fealty Is due first
10 the cause of righteousness. Jnrighteous
wars are common, and unrighteous peace is
rare; but both should be Stunned In is our
duty to remember that nation has no more
right to do injustice to another nation,
strong or weak, than an individual has 10
do injustice to another individual that the
same moral law applies in case as in
the other. But we must also remember
that Ii is as much the duty of the Nation
to guard Its own rights and its own inter-
ests as It Is the duty of the Individual so
TO DO. Within the Nation the individual
has now delegated this right to the State,
that is, to the representative of all the in
dlvidualS, and ii is a maxim of the law
that for every wrong there is a remedy
But In international law we have not adj
vanced by any means as far as we have
advanced In municipal law. There is as
yet no judicial way Of enforcing a right
in international law. When one nation
wrongs another or wrongs many others,
there is no tribunal before which the wrong
doer can be brought. Either it Is neces-
sary supinely to acquiesce in the wrong,
and thus put premium upon brutality
and aggression, or else ii is necessary for
the aggrieved nation valiantly to stand up
for its rights. Until some method is de-
vised by which there shall be degree of
international control over offending nations.
IL would be a wicked thing for the most
civilized powers for those with most sense
Of international obligations and with keen
est and most generous appreciation of the
difference between right and wrong, to dis
arm. If the great civilized nations OF the
present day should completely disarm, the
result would mean an Immediately recrud-
escence of barbarlsm in one form or an
other. Under any circumstances sufficient
armament would have to be kept I'D TO
serve the purposes of international police
and until International cohesion and the
sense of international duties and rights are
far more advanced than at present, a ma
ton DESTROYS both of securing respect for
itself and of doing good to others must
have a force adequate for the work which
it feels is allotted to it as its part of the
owes Ii to Itself and to all mankind not 10
sink into helplessness before the powers of
evil
Second Hague Conference.
We are In every way endeavoring to help
on, with cordial good will, every movement
which will tend to bring us into more
friendly relations with the rest OF man
kind. In pursuance Of this policy l shall
shortly lay before the Senate treaties of
arbitration with all powers which are will
ing to enter into these treaties with US.
Furthermore. at the request of the Inter
parliamentary Union, an eminent body com
posed of practical statesmen from all coun-
tries, l have asked the Powers TO join with
this government in a second Hague con-
ference, at which 1t is hoped that the work
already so happily begun at The Hague may
be carried some steps further toward COM
pletion.
Policy Toward Other Nations of West
ern Hemisphere.
1t Is not true that the United States feels
any land hunger or enIertains any projects
as regards The other nations OF the West
ern hemisphere save such as are Tor thelI
welfare. All that this country desires is to
see the neighboring countries Stable, or
derby, and prosperous. If nation shows
that Ii knows how TO act with reasonable
efficiency aud decency In social and political
matters, IL IL keeps order and pays It's OBJ
legations, it need fear no interference from
| the United States. Chronic wrong-doing
or an Impotence which results in a general
loosening Of the ties OF civilized society
may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately
require Intervention by some civilized ma
ton, and in the Western hemisphere the
adherence of the United States TO the
Monroe doctrine may force the United
States, however reluctantly, In fragrant
cases Of such wrOngdoing or impotence, ts
the exercise Of an international police
power.
ing such steps as We have taken In regard
| to Cuba, Venezuela and Panama, and In
endeavoring to circumscribe the theater OF
war in the Far East, and to secure the
dDn - m
own interest as we'll in the interest OF
humanity at large. There are, however
cases in which, while our own interests are
not greatly involved. streng appeal |:
very much wiser and more useful for Us
| to concern ourselves with striving for oul
| own moral and material betterment here
| at home than to concern ourselves with
| trying to better the condition of things il
| other nations. We have plenty of sins oil
| our own to war against, and under ordi
| nary circumstances we can do more for the
general uplifting Of humanity by striving
| with heart and soul to put a stop to civic
| corruption, to brutal lawlessness and VIC
lent race prejudices here at home than by
passing resolutions about wrongdoing else
| where. Nevertheless there are occasional
| crimes committed on so vast a scale and
/ Of such peculiar horror as to make US
| doubt whether 1t Is not our manifest duty
to endeavor st least to show our disap
prevail Of the deed and our sympathy witt
| those who have suffered by It, The cases
must be extreme In which such course Is
| justifable. The cases in which we could
to put a stop to intolerable conditions in
| Cuba are necessarily very few. 1t is in
| evitable that a people like ours, which in
| spite of certain very obvious shortcomings
nevertheless as a whole shows by its con
| sistent practice its belief in the principle:
/ of civil and religious liberty and of orderly
| freedom, should desire eagerly to give ex
preston to its horror on an occasion like
- - h. Of fhn Iorv in he
| nef, or when 1t witnesses such systemati,
and long-extended cruelty and oppression
as the cruelty and oppression of which tn,
Which have won for them the Indignant an
pity Of the civilized world.
The Navy.
The strong arm Of the government IL
enforcing respect for Its just rights In In
ternational matters is the Navy of thu
mend that there be no halt In the work o.
upbuilding the American Navy. We hav,
undertaken to build the Isthmian Canal
We have. undertaken to secure for our
selves our just share in the trade Of TIT
Orient. We have undertaken to protec
our citizens from improper treatment IL
foreign lands We continue steadily to in
sist on the application of the Monroe doc
trine to the Western hemisphere. Unless
our attitude In these and all similar mat
tiers Is to be a mere boastful sham we can
not afford to abandon our naval program
Our voice Is now potent for peace, and II
so potent because we are not afraid o.
| war.
The war which now unfortunately RACES
In the far East has emphasized In strikin.
fashion the new possibilities Of naval war
| fare. The lessons taught are both STRATEGIC
| and tactical, and are political as well a
| military. The experiences Of the war bav'
shown in conclusive fashion that whil
sea-going and sea-keeping torpedo destroy
ers are indispensable, and fast lightly arm
| ed and armored cruisers very useful, We
that the main reliance, the main standby