The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1904-01-04
IN THE EVENT OF WAR.

AS war between Russia and japan grows
more imminent. the question as to the at
titude OF the United States becomes inter-
estfng, especially to the probable contest
ants. Indeed. there is reason to believe
that doubt on this point has had something
TO do with shaping the diplomacy of both
powers and perhaps in delaying a clash.
Russia and Japan are both on the most
friendly terms with the United States and
would hesitate before committing them
selves to any policy at all menacing TO
American interests or against a protest
from the United States.
A few years ago there could hardly have
been a question as to the policy of the
United States in any war in the far East.
This governments traditional policy of
non-interference in the international con-
troversies Of other nations was so we'll es-
tablished and understood that its policy in
such cases was practically defined in ad-
vance. The United States has always been
prompt to protect the rights of its citizens
and the honor of it's flag. but further than
this it has never departed from a course
of strict neutrality in vars between other
powers. This policy has been formally de-
clared in many European wars, and its
faithful observance has strengthened the
United States and nhanced its standing
among nations.
1t was not until our acquisition Of the
Philippines and our participation in the mill
itary operations in China during the Boxer
war that any question arose as 10 the
possible attitude of the United States on
Eastern questions. Really, these events
were no departure from our traditional
policy. The acquisition of the Philippines
was providential and unavoidable, and our
action in China was simply for the pro-
lection of American citizens and property
and to demand reparation for injury to
both.
But these events have been misconstrued
by other powers. Because they introduced
the United States as a world power, pos
sessed OF great naval and military re-
sources which 1t could use effectively
when occasion demanded, European powers
concluded that it was about to depart from
it's traditional policy and enter on a career
Of territorial conquest and expansion. This
idea was encouraged by the self-styled
anti-imperialists and an-ti-expansionists in
this country, who seemed to find even
greater pleasure in disappearing the mo-
foreigners did. 1t was also somewhat
strengthened by the fact that the United
States took an active and leading part in
the negotiations following the Boxer war
in China and in trying to maintain the open
door policy for trade. Circumstance
States to do this, and in reality it was no
departure from our traditional policy.
These events and the recognition of the
United States as a world power doubtless
account for the fact that both Russia and
Japan are anxious to know what attitude
it will assume in a possible Russo-Japanese
war. The answer should be easy and quick
that the United States will adhere to it's
traditional policy of strict neutrality. We
have no territorial interests in the East.
no boundary lines to protect, no spheres
of influence to guard. We have only trade
interests, and trade will survive whether
Russia or Japan comes out ahead. Our in
terest in the ownership of M"anchuria and
Korea is academic and remote. 1t matters
not to the United States whether Korea
becomes Russianized or Japaned. If war
comes, both combatants will have to draw
on the United States for supplies, and when
the war is ended things will come our way.
GU policy should still be as originally de-
fined by Thomas jefferson: Peace, COM
merce and honest friendship with all ma
lions. entangling alliances with none" If
war comes between Russia and Japan, the
United States should have nothing to do
with it beyond declaring and maintaining
strict neutrality.