The Fairmont West Virginian. (Fairmont, W. Va.) 1904-1914, 1904-08-16

ecy'' may be impsTil1ed is a trayestyt
on Anglo-Saxon chivalry. With ev-
cry executive, Judicial and legislative
office of the State in the hands CT
white people and with suffrage quail
:fcations that have practically elm
mated the negro from political affairs,
the old slogan is the en- tiest cant.
This is no question for small pol
iticians, but for broad, patriotic
statesmen. 1t is not for nonresident
theorists, but for practical publicists;
not for academic sentimenta1ists, but
for clear-visioned humanitarians. On
subject of such vital concern to
state and Nation, passionate declama-
ton and partisan denunciation are to
be deplored. Oh, that some patriot
may arise, with the prescience of 4
statesman and the vision of a proph-
ct and the soul CT an apostle, who will
point out the path OF National ruty
point out the path of National duty
heaven-approved solution of this
mighty problem.
But for some OF the acute phrases
of this question the South can be ac-
quilted OF blame. The once beautiful
and pathetic attachments of the old
er people of both races We're rudely
severed, not alone by the shock Of
war, but by the fanatical unwisdom of
certain boosted benefactors.
Mistakes that have become trag-
edy We're made by some misguided
persons who came South after the
war to be the political teachers and
leaders of the negroes. Representing
themselves as the only friends of
the recently emancipated race, they
made denunciation of former slave
owners an apology for their pres
ence, and part of the negro's educa
ton. That policy only complicated
the difficult problem. 1t poisoned the
spirit Of one race and aroused the
fierce antagonism OF the other. Hate
was planted in hearts where the
seeds of love should have been sown,
and races that ought to dwell to-
sether in unity We're separated by
bitter hostility. The times CT such
folly are gone, but their tragic re-
suits are our mournfuI heritage.
In the study of this momentous
question some things may be consid-
First.-In the South there will new
er be any social mingling of the
races. Whether it be prejudice or
pride of race. there is a middle wall of
partition which will not be broken
down.
Second.-They will worship in sep
arate churches and be educated in
separate schools. This is desired
alike by both races. and is for the
good of each.
Third.-The political power of this
section will remain in present hands.
Here, as elsewhere, intelligence and
wealth will and, should control the
administration of governmental at
fairs.
Fourth.-The great body of the ne
groes are here to stay. Their coerced
colonization would be crime. and
their deportation a physical imposs:-
bility.. And the white people are less
anxious for them to go than the ne
groes are to leave. They are ma
tives and not intruders
Now let us consider some of the
duties we owe these people, commit
ted TO us as a trust.
First.-They must be guaranteed
the equal protection of the law To
do less would forfeit plighted faith
and disrupt the very foundations Of
social order. All the resources f. Of
government should be exhausted in
protecting innocence and furnishing
guilt. There should be no aristoc-
racy in crime, white fend is as
much to be feared as a BLACK brute"
The racial line has no place in courts
OF Justice Offenders against the
peace and dignity of the State should
have the same fair trial and the same
just punishment whatever their
crime or color of skin.
And the majesty of law must be
enthroned and sustained. When its
sanctions are disregarded and its
mandates are not respected. the very
foundations of government become
insecure. Ii confidence is destroyed
in the decisions of courts there is no
protection for life and property. We
have reason for real alarm at the phe.
nomenal growth OF the spirit of law
lessneSs. And it is not confined to
any one section of our great coun-