Phillipsburg herald. [volume] (Phillipsburg, Kan.) 1882-1905, 1904-09-22

Oyster Bay, Sept 12-President
Roosevelt this morning issued his let
ter accepting the nomination for the
Presidency rendered him by the Re
publican National Convention. In
part the document is as follows:
Oyster Bay N. Y,
September -, 1904.
Hon. ]. G. Cannon, Chairman of the
Notification Committee:
My Dear Sir; / accept the nomination
| for the presidency rendered me by the
| Republican National Convention, and cor
daily approve the platform adopted by II.
The principles which we profess are
those In which we believe with heart and
soul and strength. Men may differ from
us; but they cannot accuse us OF shlftl-
ness or lnsincerlty. The policies we have
pursued are those which we earnestly
hold as essential to the national welfare
and repute. Our actions speak even
louder than our words for the faith that
is In us. We base our appeal upon what
we have done and are doing, upon our
record of administration and legislation
during the last seven years, in which we
have had complete control OF the gov
eminent, We intend In the future to
carry on the government in the same
way that we have carried 1t on in the
past.
The acts of the Administration in
connection with the war with Spain,
the Isthmian canal and the unfolding
Of the Monroe doctrine the President
defends at length, and declares the
party is prepared fully to accept the
issue ON these questions. He con.
tinues:
In addition to those acts of the admin
istration which they venture to assail
after incorporating them, there are
others which they dare not overly or Of
ertly bring forward as reason for the
overthrow OF the party. In certain great
centers and with certain great interests
our opponents make every effort to show
that the settlement of the anthracite
coal strike by the individual act OF the
president and the successful suit against
the Northern Securities Company-the
merger sult-undertaken by the depart
which the present administration should
be thrown from power. Yet they dare
not openly condemn either act. They
dare not in any authoritative or formal
manner say that in either case wrong
was done or error committed In the meth
cd of action, or In the choice OF instru-
ments for putting that action into effect.
But what they dare not manfully assert
in open day, they seek to use furtively
and through special agents. Some of our
opponents complain because under the
| antitrust and Interstate commerce laws
suits were undertaken which have been
successful; others, because suits were not
undertaken which would have been UNI
successful. The Democratic state con-
vention in New York dealt with the an
thraclte coal strike by demanding In de-
llberate and formal fashion that the ma
tional government should take possession
of the coal fields: yet champions of that
conventions cause now condemn the fact
that there was any action by the presi-
dent at although they must know that
II was only this action by the president
which prevented the movement for ma
tlonal ownership of the coal fields from
gaining what might well have been an IT.
resistible impetus. Such mutually de-
structiye criticisms furnish an adequate
measure of the chance for coherent ac-
| ton or constructive legislation II our
opponents should be given power.
So much for what our opponents open
ly or covertly advance In the way OF an
attack on the acts of the administration.
When we come to consider the policies
for which they profess to stand we are
met with the difficulty always arising
when statements Of policy are so made
that they can be interpreted In different
ways. on some of the vital questions
that have confronted the American peo-
pie in the last decade our opponents take
the position that silence Is the best pos
contend that their lukewarm attitude of
partial acqulesence In what others have
accomplished entities then TO be made
the custodians of the financial honor
and commercial interests which they have
but recently sought to ruin. Being un-
able to agree among themselves as to
whether the gold standard Is curse or
a blessing and as TO whether we ought
or ought not to have free and unlimited
coinage Of silver. they have apparently
thought Il expedient to avoid any com
initial on these subjects. and individually
each to follow his particular bent Their
nearest approach to majority judgment
seems to be that It Is now inexpedent
to assert their convictions one way or
the other. and that the establishment
of the gold standard by the Republican
party should mot be disturbed unless
quantity OF production OF silver and gold.
Men Who hold sincere convictions on VI
tai questions can respect equally sincere
men with whose views they radically diff
fer: and men may CONFESS ehange OF
faith without compromising their honor
or their self-respect. But II Is difficult
to respect an attitude OF mind such as
has been fairly described above; and
where there Is no respect there can be
no trust. A policy with so slender
basis OF principle would not stand the
strain OF single year OF business ad-
versity.
standard as fixed by the usage and YER
dict OF the business world, and in a
sound monetary system as matters OF
principle as matters not OF monetary po-
iltical expediency, but OF permanent or
ganic policy. In 1896 and again In 1900
far-sighted men. without regard to their
party fealty In the past, Joined TO work
against what they regarded as debased
monetary system. The policies which
they champloned have been steadfastly
adhered to by the administration; and
by the act OF March. H. 1900. Congress
established the single gold standard as
the measure OF our monetary value. This
act received the support OF every Repub-
lican In the house. and OF very Repub-
llcan except one In the senate. OF our
opponents. eleven supported II in the
house and two in the senate: and one
hundred and fifty opposed II In the house
and twenty-eight In the senate. The rec
ord OF the last seven years proves that
the party now In power can be trusted
to take the additional action necessary
to improve and strengthen our monetary
system. and that our opponents cannot
be so trusted. The fundamental fact Is
that in a popular government such as
ours no policy Is lrrevocably settled by
law unless the people keep In control OF
the government men who believe I'm that
policy as a matter OF deep-rooted con-
viction. Laws can always be revoked: II
is the spirit and the purpose OF those
responsible for their enactment and adj
ministration which must be fixed and
Interchangeable IL Is idle to say that the
monetary standard OF the nation is ir-
revocably fixed so long as the party
which at the last election cast approx
mately forty-slx per cent OF the total
vote. refuses TO put in Its platform any
statement that the question Is settled.
A determination to remain silent cannot
"a 81 ~ 1.rsN 60 nr4Fu