The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1904-10-23

VI pobpStlOu ENon Vic CulCOT W ho WIN
plets works, the present Senator from
Massachusetts, does. 30, Being q report
on manufactures only, II does not. justify
protective duties on wool, coal, lumber,
iron ore. borax and other products Of the
soil, mines and fisheries, in which our pres
ent tariff abounds. and without which II
could not last Take out of.the tariff every
thing that Hamilton did not include In his
report, and the alliances Of special inter
ests which the tariff represents would be
shattered in fragments.
WHAT HAMILTON SAID.
q, Hamilton said that his object was to pro-
mote SUCH manufactures 'as will tend to
render the United States independent. Of
foreign nations for military and other
essential supplies Does anybody say
that we have not reached that condition.
States Is still dependent on foreign nations
for military and other essential supplies1
Have we not frequently heard the note
tof alarm in Europe at the American in
yasion Of the worlds markets by our manu-
and steeip Whether Hamilton's conoep-
tions as to the best way to establish manu-
featuring Industries were right or not, the
OBJ ject which he sought was long since
gained. but the protective tariff is now
vastly higher than any that he recon-
tnended or probably conceived Of.
In this report Hamilton enumerated a
number Of manufacturing industries as
already established in the United States
IN his time. Among these were leather,
pottery, wood. paper, hats. carriages of all
kinds and most articles of personal clothing
and household use. These, he says, shave
grown Up and fiourished With rapidity
which surprises, affording an encouraging
assurances OF success meaning success in
other branches OF manufactures. If these
branches had grown up and fourished
with surprising rapidity llS years ago,
what just claim on extravagant Govern
ment bounties can they advance now?
EARLY TARIFF LEGISLATION.
. Although Hamilton is usually cited as
the founder of the system, 1t really began
before him. The first tariff bill was passed
ig l7se. AS originally reported, it was a
tariff for revenue only. Mr.. Madison, who |
reported 1t to the house, was opposed to
some particulars to the advocates of that
doctrine, 80 that his bill became a tariff for
revenue with some slight incidental pro-
lection. the average rate OF duty being |
81 per cent. ad valorem. AN Of our tariffs |
until 1915 were Of this sort, and the argu-
protective features was substantially the |
same as that OF Hamilton already men, |
toned. 1t was coupled also with the argu-
ment, on which Hamilton had laid great |
stress, that the competition Of domestic |
manufactures would reduce the prices Of |
He did not foresee the combinations OF the |
present day, organized to do away with
compefitio t'.
The War OF 1912 and the embargo acts
which, accompanied it stopped importa-
ton for the time being, having the effect
81 a prohibitory tariff. When the war
came to an end, and the protected classes
Which a Sey had Ssfore s met
they demanded more protection and they |
got it,. The tariff was advanced PAX per
cent. average, and then by leaps and bounds
till 1928, when 1t reached 43 per cent. The
latter has passed into history as the 1tariH
OF denominations
CLAY's COMPROMISE TARIFF.
1t was followed by Clays compromise
tariff of 1888. which reduced duties by
sliding scale, extending over number
of years, to 20 per cent. Mr.. Clay was
life, the standard bearer Of the American
system Of tariff protection, and 1 wish
to recall some words that he used In de-
bate in the Senate in 1888, justifying his
course IN advocating this tariH reduction.
He said:
No one. Mr.. President. in, the commence
ment Of the protective policy, ever sup:
posed that IL was to be perpetual We hoped
e%ded to our infant Would
bring them up and enabDe them to withstand
with those Of Europe. If the
is4a it would have existed twenty six years
from 1915, or eighteen from 1924, quite as
supposed might be necessary.
Mr.. Clay here voiced the prevailing opin-
ion Of the country that the protected trades
were no longer In state OF infancy. In
fact. the infant industry argument was
ment It was now commended for the first
time that the tariff should be used to COM
pensate the American producer for the
higher wages be had to pay as compared
with his foreign competitor. i;
THE PAUPER LABOR ARGUMENT.
As this argu ment has at times done great
service. although now quite threadbare,
as the law puts the tariff benefits exclusively
in the hands Of the capitalist, and provides
no means for giving the wage worker his
share, the system virtually says: Let the
Government take care Of the rich. and the
short step then to say Let the Govern
ment take care of everybody doctrine
abhorred Of all sound-t thinking men. But
it Is not true that greatly enlarged profits
are on that account divided among the
advance in wages Is not duA as rule to a
desire on the part Of the employer to share
profits with his workmen, but rather to the
of the workmen.
ever, in 1912. On the contrary, It was
augmented in that year from 20 per cent.
20 So per cent. average. The next tariff,
enacted in lS46, was a reduction to 20 per
sent the Walker tariff, There was
further reduction In 1857, in which the pro-
;ected classes themselves concurred-2O
Der cent. average.
PROTECTION POLICY DIES AND IS REVIVED.
At this point In our history the tariff
question ceased temporarily to be an issue
n American politics. 1t disappeared 30
completely that when the Republican party
vas formed nobody thought of reviving It,
md there Is good reason for believing that
{ never would have been revived but for
he civil war, which necessitated the raising
II large revenue to meet the extraordi-
,ary demands upon the Treasury. Certain
,lasses awaited themselves Of this oppor-
unity to reintroduce the protective system
or their own advantage, and they were
Iuccessful. The result was the Morrill,
ariff, or rather four successive installments
u the Morrill, tariff, Of which Senator Sher-
man, in debate on the tariff bill OF 1872,
poke as follows:
II must be remembered that the present
duties. taken together. are far In excess |
II what they were before the war, and that
hey have been three times large increased
since the passage Of the Morrill, tariff act of
1881. II the present rates OF duty were high
enough during and since the war, when |
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