The independent. [volume] (Lincoln, Neb.) 1902-1907, 1903-08-06

annually. But it Is probable that his
assessment was nearer $1,000,000, and
his taxes about $4,000, or s per cent
of the public benefit he received
The United States Steel corporation
is capitalized at 81 400 600 DOC, of
which $7O0.O00,000 represents its iron
ore lands, 100,000,000 it's coal lands,
and about 100000, 900 it's other lands,
including railroad rights-of-way, leav-
ing s300,000,000 as the value of it's
actual capital-labor products. The
trusts net profits run $40, 100000 an
nually, or 10 per cent on its capitali-
cation. Thirty million dollars of this
represents interest on capital in
vested, while the remaining $4,000,
900 is benefit received from the pub
lie through it's private taxing privil-
eyes. But does the steel trust pay
Sic, G00, 600 taxes? Does 1t pay si0,-
100000? ~
The only just tax is the single tax
on land values. The steel trust would
turn loose all its unused iron and
coal lands. The government should
own the railroads, but not operate
them. Then, with the tariff abolished
and with the foreign and domestic
competition which would spring up,
the trusts profits would dwindle to
$1o,000,000, and the public would save
the $125 100000 which now goes to
enrich Rockefeller, Rothschild, Car
negie, Morgan, ct al
A. FREELAND.
Mt. Pleasant, Tenn.
o. Report of this corporation for
year ended December 81, 1902, shows
1891 ,465 paid in taxes.-De France.
SINGLE TAX AND THE FARMER.
It has often been said that the sin
gle tax can never secure general
adoption in this country because the
farmers, who constitute so large a
proportion of the voters, will forever
stand as unit against it. 1t is no
doubt true that great majority of
farmers now believe that, however
much the single tax would benefit the
mechanic or day laborer, it's adoption
would injure them-that their burden
VI e1AotioA WOulu NC luCl cdScQ. "A
thorough investigation of the question,
however, will, | think, convince any
Intelligent farmer that under the sin
gle tax he would not only be relieved
of the terrible weight of indirect tax
alton that now bears so heavily upon
him, but that his direct tax would be
less than it is now.
We will first consider the farmers
taxes under the present system. In
addition to the direct tax on his real
estate and personality, the farmer
pays his share of the tariff and in
ternal revenue taxes that go to sup
port the general government-an
amount impossible to determine, as
it is paid in higher prices; his share
of what the various trusts, syndicates
and monopolies, which are fostered
by the tariff, are enabled to fitch from
the consumers-an amount also i'm
possible to determine, but at least
twice as much as the tariff itself
takes, and probably much more; also
the taxes imposed on the capital en-
ployed in producing, transporting, and
handling every thing that he buys.
He also has to contribute to the i'm
nense sums that are collected as row.
allies by the owners of the various
lumber forests, gold, iron, coal, and
other mines; and in addition to all
this he has to pay rent in a higher
prize on every thing that he buys,
and in a lessened price on every thing
that lie sells.
1t is an axiom of political economy
that rent cannot be added to price.
but this is true only of purely eco
nomlc rent. The man who pays the
highest rent cannot of course, demand
more for an article than the man at
the margin of cultivation who paws
no rent. But monopoly and specula-
tive rent do add to price, and this by
lowering the margin of cultivation or
no-rent line. If all land values were
taken by the community, speculative
rent and monopoly rent would be
eliminated, and the margin of cult
walton, or no-rent line, would be at
the outskirts of each community. But
now to find free land one must go a