The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1903-08-17

ception of what he wanted to do, sucf
/ strength of will. energy of intellect, ant
such skill in managing men, that he
had well-nigh finished his task, won hi.
race before jefferson entered the con
, test.
Ha1nlltonS great purpose was to create
d strong government, one which would
travel on it's own legs without depend
cree upon the states. Into the hands OF
the central power he wished to draw the
attributes of national sovereignty-con-
solidating the union To give 1t perma-
renee and predominance he wished TO
bottom 1t upon the support of the rich;
and to win this support he meant to
| run the government In their favor. He
had no faith in the people. was in no
sense a man of the people. England was
! his model. He believed that the British
constitution was the most perfect the
weird had ever known. AS far as pos
slple, he wished ours to resemble that
! Inc president could easily be made to
| Weld greater power than a king-tho
| aiAty -elghth number of The Federalist
~ me contrary notwithstanding. The
SENATE Jud1ciously nursed, might come to
be the American house Of lords The
house of representatives could be CON
troiled, as the British house of com
mons was, by class interest
The constitution forbade the creation
OF peerage; but. after all, a peerage
IS but a privileged class, elevated by law
or custom above the vulgar indiscrimt-
nate nerd. What had been done nv law
or custom In all the governments of the
old world could be done In the new We
might not call a citizen duke, count, lord
or marquis. but that was a small matter.
The gist Of the thing was to create the
privileged class. This having been done,
the good results would soon follow here.
as in the old world. The government hay
ing made its combination with the rich.
could rely upon the support of the rich:
and the rich would be here what they
were elsewhere In the modern worlL-the
strong.
Class rule could not be based here on
the land monopoly, as in England, or upon
monopoly of dignities and outrageous
feudal privileges as had been done In
France.
But 1t could be done, nevertheless
Give to the manufa curing class the
right to tax the community for their own
benefit; give to the spectators direct
connection with the national treasury;
create a national bank, whereby a few
capitalists should enjoy the enormous
sovereign power of controlling the cur
rency of the nation. Let these things
be done. and out of these germs would
grow a modern feudalism q financial
aristocracy. which might one day laugh
to scorn the wealth of hereditary dukes
trampe upon tho feelings Of the rights
of the unprivileged citizen with all the
contemptuous Indifference Of a marquis
81 h the fig re refine and dominate courts
va moo'4lty nave ever dared to DO -----T
Lot
people! why, the people IS a
great beast' cried Hamilton. meanins,
- course all OF the human race who had
mo- risen above the common herd. Greater |
scorn for the common herd few r,orto1a !
nave had than Alexander Hamilton
No! He could not create sucb
locracy as that of France or EngIord
oUt Yet aristocracy could be created 10
me laws discriminate between man ana
man, class and class; throw all of +ho
power of the government to the aid OF ono
lass and against the other, and the re-
'ut would be class rule. And what *
'rlstocracy but the rule of a class7
Let inc English system of class lee.isla
ion be introduced into the framewo,l-
/ the American republic, and the newt
Die result become just what England's
'as' In all essential respects. A financial
tlS'ocracy would arise out Of govern
rent privileges and DETERMINATIONS
LAYING sprung into life by reason or log
lative favoritism, the continuance of !
ass legislation would be a matter OF /
I'll representation to them. Thus they
ouId depend. on government for exist
zee. they would identify themselves v
TN the government, they would sustain W
III oruer 10 sustain their own advant-
'eS ana thus there would be In America a
l"t There was IN the Old World-a co. | ,-
ltnership between government and nriv- :
ge In this way the interest of tho L
oneyed class and the government womb {
come Identical. Revolt against the
Hlnant class would become treason to
Q government Patriotism would mean
re of class rule-for class rule and Il
would have become synonv-
'us Thus entrenched behind the safe 4
ards of law and Of love. who could ever
lch hair of its head2
IS the priesthood cannot be sssailed
-hout raising an cutlery that God ia
ng attacked, SO the rule of the priv
sed class could never be threatened
hout provoking the charge that the
rernment was endangered.
the constitutional convention Ell Il
lge Gerry. of Massachusetts. had said: Il
All the evils we experience flow =
n excess of democracy"
ashington had thought that common
iers should serve their country for ~
r Vlctuals and clothes. Only the OFF, q
should be paid He regretted that col
law did not allow him to lay 500 lashes bu
n the back of the common soldier who CT;
,in,tt nos 70. nsl.aie co 'ashes' The the
lis was the spirit OF the leading men Aee
threw aside the old confederation and
o the new constitution. IT ia all a | rt1r
axe 70 say that they meant to estab- 20,
rue u the people. On the con- Stri
Y, they meant to make 1t impossible 49,.
he people to control the government
pursuance of this idea they exhausted So'i
ingenuity to keep the election Of ma.
dents from the direct vote of the the
es. They meant that the electoral rea(
ges should choose independently OF
y ha ortsida me I'a''al .Ila' me senate thre
'''0 pe0- brir
they meant that the Judiciary do y
d be absolutely independent of the The
O. rem
l whose purpose it is to establish
cracy, q government of the people. 1ates
he people, and by the people, do not 49,,
out 1t in that way CIV
men whose determination il is to
a centralized government in which n 81
rm of democracy is preserved. whi;s
wer belongs to the privileged classes
not, under all the circumstances 4