The daily morning journal and courier., 1903-04-18
METHODS IN THE ROUSE.
TOLD BY CONGRESSMAN THAY-
 FIR
In an Informing TuIk at a Grange
 Meeting fn Holden.

The lower house of congress consists pf three hundred and eighty-six mem bers, each member representing about Dne hundred and ninety-six thousand people, although the size of the dis tricts in population carries in some in- stances from fifteen to twenty thou sand. Upon the first day of each new congress, a speaker, or presiding off Ter, is chosen by a viva yoce vote, who retains his office for that congress. 4 majority vote only is required to choose the speaker. The speaker re- Eeives eight thousand dollars salary and other members five thousand dol lars. The members have their seats selected for them in the house in this way: A clerk is blindfolded and picks out small ivory balls, which are num- bered, from box containing as many as there are members and the number on the ball corresponds to a number opposite the name. The speaker ap- points members to the various commit tees, more than sixty in number, be- sides the various special committees. These committees consist of from thir- teen to nineteen members each, and a strong majority of each committee is of the dominant party in power.
 The house is now organized and ready for business, but only ready for such business as the majority sees fit to transact. The minority is as power less to offset any legislation whatever as the babes in the woods" It is of ten said by those who do not under stand the situation, Why do not the minority put the majority on record on some of the great questions of the timer" T answer. 'They do not be- cause they cannot"
 Those of us who have had some lit tie experience in the Massachusetts legislature, where, on most questions, politics are not considered, and in the language of the street "cut no figure" whatever, where measures are consid- cred on their merit, and where reports are made upon most matters introduced either favoring or rejecting the propo- sition, and any member can discuss the report, substitute bill for the report or otherwise deal with questions so as x to force a vote, we naturally look to the affairs of congress as being conducted in a similar manner.
 Here again we are lamentably mista- ken. A member of the minority offers 3 bill, which he hopes to have consid- cred, and, if possible, passed. He pre- sents the bill to the clerk of the house without saying word. It is placed in a basket-a common receptacle for all matters when first presented-and is referred to the proper committee. That eon1mittee will, knowing the bill en1a- mates from the minority, never call the matter up for hearing even, and never report for or against the bill, and it dies at the close of congress, to be re- neWed at a future congress to meet again the same fate. But if the bill contains provisions which the public demand and the majority party sees that some Legislation must be had along the lines of the bill, they will see to it that some member of the majori- ty party introduces a measure contain ing the essential features of the first bill, and this second bill may be con- sidered and passed ito the credit of the majority party.
 But" says one, "why doesn't the
 
 bills which the majority report favora- bly, upon?" O answer, Because in most instances they are not given an opportunity" The majority, if they have bill that they fear the effect of amendments will be disastrous to the interests of the majority. bring in through the committee on rules a spec iaI rule. in effect, that vote shall be taken on twhe bill about to be consid- cred at 8 certain hour, perhaps allow ing two to four hours debate, without amendment, substitute or any change whatever. The result, you see, is to force a vote on the bill without any amendment or change The minority is reduced to the alternative of simply voting for or against the bill or refus- ing to vote at all.
 An, says one, but you have an op- portunity to discuss the bill, and show wherein it is faulty and could be amended. Again you are mistaken Suppose the committee on rules decides to give two hours on a side for a dis cussinn, and in very many cases not more time than this is allowed, espec- ially if the minority could easily de- nonstrate it's irnperfections. The mem bers of the committee have the first right to be heard, and as there are al ways from five to seven members of Hhe minority party on the committee, only few of these even can have time to be heard. They can consume all the time, and do not have sufficient time even to outline their ideas, as you will readily see when five or six must speak within an hour, and if you, not on the committee, rise to address the speak CT, seeking recognition to speak on a bill or question when a debate is not limited in time, the speaker does not see or hear you, however vociferous you may be in your attempt to be re- cognized, or if he sees fit to recognize you, it is to ask you for what purpose does the gentleman rise. If you an- sWer, to speak upon the pending bill, he can, if he Wishes-and he often wishes-say that he cannot recognize you for that purpose, and gives the floor to some favored member who is to speak as the speaker wishes.
 Speaker Reed introduced a rule which was at that time an innovation to the long established custom of the house, and that was, in brief. a method to enforce a quorum. It is known as rsI1lp No 15 and DrOyi5ne that at tbe