The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1903-01-03

that squadron not been built, had con
gress listened to the parsimonious adj
vice Of the late COLLECTOR" Holman
and others, England and Germany
would now be paramount in Venezuc-
Ia, and we would occupy the undesir-
able position of chcckmatcd and des-
pissed republic.
Congress should not hesitate to
make our feet the equal OF England
and Germany combined, because those
powers will be allies while the House
OF Hanover and Hohenzollcrn reign,
whether the English and German peo-
pie desire the alliance or not. I'M
perial interests" as we'll as family
bonds, will compel the situation in the
future, just as it does today. Rus
sian interests are adverse to those of
England and Germany. Consequently,
Russia is more likely to be our ally,
il we should need one, than theirs.
France is republic, and her interests
do not clash with those of Russia or
our own. Consequently, while she re-
mains republic, it is scarcely pos.
sible that she can be our opponent.
Notwithstanding the treachery of Ma
poleon III. in the invasion of Mexico,
the traditions Of France are with us,
and her affections also. 1t must he
admitted, too, that we acted badly to
France Immediately after she aided us
to throw off the English yoke, and our
government has, ut nearly all times,
since the retirement Of Andrew jack
son from the presidency, leaned more
to our former oppressor than to our
gallant and generous ally of the Revo-
luton.
Still, we must not leave anything to
chance. We must not place absolute
dependence in an insufficient fleet, no
matter how excellent it's quality, and
we must not tlatter ourselves that
either France or Russia will be ut our
back to call in the event of another
international emergency. They will
think Of France and Russian interests
first.
We need, in addition to our armour
ed and protected cruiser fleet, ut least
five and thirty battleships of the first
class, and a proportionate number of
second class vessels, together with II
much better coast defense armament
on land and water. before we can call
ourselves Il great power capable of
coping with not possible, hut proba-
bic, enemies, who are openly strength
ening their own navies, not for anluse-
ment, but for serious business. Ameri-
ca may have to build even larger
sea- force than that which we have
Indicated before her interests are made
entirely safe. 1t will not he neces-
sary to keep all the ships III commits
sion during times Of peace. Skeleton
crews can keep those not in active
service in good order for an cmergen-
cy. 1t is much easier to get men to
man our warships when the guns be-
gin to shoot" than at any other time,
and Annapolis can be depended on
to turn out good supply of officers
from year to year. Many of the men
designated as petty officers" could. in
of {.,
vessels as we'll as some OF those who
wear sloulder-straps. We have seen
the experiment succeed in the army.
where some Of the ablest of our gem
erals did not graduate from West
Point, while 1.-The Fathers of the
American navy, Commodore Barry and
Paul Jones. never had the advantage
Of naval academic training.
MI Americans feel proud of the fleet
assembled under Dewey in West IN
dian watrrs--tllc most formidable
mustered under amy American admiral
i'll this generation and, no doubt. it,
presence had very softening intiu-
rnce on the sentiments Of BalfOur and
the German emperor. There IS moth
ing like being well l,rclrd'' when
dealing with lullicS and .lla%purS. We
hope congress will heed the lesson an
do it's duty. This particularly applies
to the ncwly-cirrtr,l body which will
have it within lis power to originate
the necessary legislation and make
the appropriation required to carry out
! it's resolves.