The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1903-09-21
A Few Plain Facts.

| II it were possible to reduce the So
| called negro problem to exact fac
| tors it would be easier to argue them
| to their several effects and so reach
| toward a practical if not mathematical
solution of the whole question.
1t is incumbent upon those who as
sert the problem to point out the por-
tentous facts and establish the theorem
OF menace for which they prefer their
/ volunteer and radical preyentitives.
Suppose some one tells us that TWO
such understandable races as the whites
and the blacks cannot safely and help
| fully occupy the same territory at the
same time under a policy of equal nat
ural rights? To accept that as true
would demand reversal of all the
! justiflcations of the south when con-
/ tending against the ideas of the orig
! mai abolitionists of the north, and OF
| the south who first champiOned the
rights OF the negroes to the bare item
! of personal freedom. Slavery was de-
/ tended throughout the south and with
tremendous ability in congress, as
humane, ciyiIizing and practically pa
| ternaI system for the best behoof of
i
| philanthropy prior to the ''reconstruc-
! ton" madness, never once demanded
the universal education, suffrage and
political equality of the negroes. And
! nowhere in the south or in the north,
was the mere physical presence Of the
negro race among the whites regarded
as any more homogeneous, or menaclng
to peace. than was the presence OF PEG
pies of any other than Caucasian
blood.
Is it the political power of the negro
that constitutes any part OF the prob
lem? What is the menace in it when
not member of the race holds q seat
from the south in congress or a state
office of any consequence anywhere!
And do not those who inveigh against
that fact from northern platforms
stand hesitant before the door Of the
United States supreme court afraid
to invite it's decision upon their conten-
tons?
Or. is it the labor power of the
negro that requires his removal from
the south? Our race discussions and
riots do not occur in the agricultural
regions where the negroes abound.
The negroes are not acquiring land at
q rate that threatens white control OF
the soil and products OF our section.
The black man, bound iii and drawn
by the cords OF his appetites and ex-
travagances, viii continue indefinitely
a debtor TO the lender and the seller.
He is the cheapest. most tractaDie and
easiest controlled labOrer this or any
other people ever had. To drive him
from the south would be to set our
people upon a wild and troublesome
hunt for a neutrality-suspicious. only to
catch a race of Tartars beside which
the negro would be esteemed an elect
man.
The notion that the negro may be-
come a dominant competitor in trades.
arts ana professions with white men
is silly and self-depreciating in any
white man who proclaims it. The
south affords ample fields OF employ
meut for all such negroes without the
possibility of their crowding any white
man out of a necessary job that he
can occupy.
What. then, of the. social menace OF
the negro's presence? Is there any?
Social separation between the races
has never been more complete ana flglu
than today. The negro never under
stood and never can understand, better
than he now does that there is an I'M
passablo gulf between his race ana
the white race in the matters OF social
equality. The southern white man
who expresses dread OF social anal
gamation between the races III the
south is a fit subject for pity ana
straight jackets
There is verdict in this country
that thunders above the sheet-iron
shallings of pulpits, platforms ana
presses. 1t regards no mans 1antaS-
ties and no mans fears II is the yer
dict OF the national common sense ana
that verdict has already been uttered.
The utterance is in harmony with the
principles of Justice as derived from
the eternal and the philosophy OF clVl-
lization as developed by experience.
1t saws that the negro is here under
conditions that fOrbiu his expulsion
without violating the fundamental
principles of the American system
and destroying the Identical guafan-
tees of liberty that we claim for our
own protection. He must remain the
white mans burden" in America until
sane and humane Americanism can
show him. drill him and inspire MN
TO shoulder himself as his own bur
den and go Of his own motion to what
soeyer land and conditions he deems
best for himself and his posterity.