The daily morning journal and courier., 1903-05-14
ROOSEVELT AND THE TRUSTS.

Back Of the attorney general stands
 the president, inspiring, encouraging,
 compelling. All of the resources of the
 law are to be exhausted. The Sun
 says: "A regiment of Bryans could not
 compete with MT Roosevelt in harry
 ing the trusts, in bringing wealth to it's
 knees and in converting into the palpa-
 ble actualities of action the widest
 dreams of Byron's campaign orators.
 He has outdone them all" What Bly,
 ron would have accomplished as cru sader against the trusts, had he been
 sent to the White House, will never be
 known. He might have scored as many
 successes as Roosevelt has to his cred it-or debit-but he certainly could
 have hit the trusts no! harder. There
 will be the customary call for cam
 paign funds next year and the custona-
 ry percentage of appeals will be ad-
 dressed to the customary percentage of the commercial magnates. Perhaps they will respond. Perhaps not. They
 may make Il house-top proclamations
 of hostility, but failure to vociferate
 will not prevent them from remember ing. They are other than splenetic, yet they have in them something unforgiv- ing. A kiss for blow will not be forthcoming. That the Roosevelt cam paigners must look elsewhere for the
 sinews of war is not far-fetched SUD-
 position.
 Meanwhile, the president is not with
 out consolation. The man who delibe- ra 4I1y lfinlye oyuaxy o,,a r,,r,,or+ hofora bio foot is firmly planted on another has
 suicidal tendencies. It is anything but
 clear that the Roosevelt case is one in point. He extended the Inequalities of | the White House to John Mitchell. The operators said that never, never would
 they consent to anything short of a | fight to the bitter end, but they were compelled to revise that grim deterrni- ! nation. Compulsion came from the \ president. It squared with what may | be called his general attitude with ref
 erence to the trusts, which is not all, l It enabled organized labor to "save it's | face" No record of the union labor case can be complete without the state | ment that the president of the United | States huryied to its rescue in the hour | of it's extremity. It would not be rele- want to the present discussion to debate | the right or wrong of what the presi- dent did, the pertinent fact being that he forced the operators virtually to | their knees, to that extent breaking 1 what might otherwise have been a fatal fall for the miners. Bryan himself ! could have done no more. Indeed, it is doubtful whether the peerless leader could have done as much. Those who | cannot see the logic thereof should call
 in an oculist. In any war between la- bor and capital, labor would know | where to look for an influential friend. l All that has been said can easily be summarized. Until Mckinley was shot, vested interests relied upon the repub-
 lican party and it's president The bull 1 let of the assassin has wrought an al- ! most stupefying change. One result | has been the alienation of those most l conspicuously identified with the great commercial enterprises of the time. They can now rely upon the administra- ! tion for nothing. They can count upon | unfritndliness not passive but aggres- sive, and it will be no mistake to count
 upon them for a return in kind. An- other result is the deposit in the Roose- | welt bank of much of the political cap- ital Bryan has for years regarded as
 subject to his order. It is strange situation. Until the tragedy at Buffalo
 no prophet could have predicted such an incongruity without danger of commit | tai to a lunatic asylum. Nor are it's possibilities yet exhausted. A fourth
 nomination may yet fall into the lap of Grover Cleveland and that would cap
 the climax Think of it: Roosevelt the radical at the head of the party of con servatisnl, and Cleveland the conserva- tive at the head of the party in the
 name of which radicalism ran riot at l Kansas City and Chicago! Wonders will never cease.-Brooklyn Eagle.