Audubon Republican. [volume] (Audubon, Iowa) 1894-1925, 1903-10-01

our senses. a large proportion Of me
| democratic party also believes In the
| policy Of protection. When, however,
| we undertake the task of appIging
| this policy to the commerce of the ma
| ton, differences of opinion at once APP
| pear. There always have been these
| differences, and there always WIN be.
| Under the law of 1897, which bears the
name ora pure patriot andgreat states
! man, substantially one-half of the Inn
ports into the United States are ad-
| mitted free. Some Of these imports
are things we do not and cannot pro-
| duce. Others are in the nature OF :
| raw material, the admission of which,
| free of duty, Is intended to enable the
| resulting commodities to be profitabfy
| produced in this country. In its LIT,
| eral sense, no such thing as a raw ma
| terial ever came into port Of the
| United States, nor was pure raw ma
terial ever offered for sale in any mar.
| ket, for the manifest reason that be-
| fore anything can become Of any value.
| either labor or capital must have been
| employed In its creation. In com-
| mercial sense, however, raw material
| represents minimum of labor. Ii
| follows that whenever any particular
article is proposed as raw material,
| men differ respecting it and respecting
| the propriety of admitting 1t free Of
duty. Recurring to something already
| said. | reiterate that when it is pro
posed to levy protective duty upon
| anything that may be imported. the
| question at once arises: What dutV
| shall be laid upon it? Abstractly, ain
4 Aafs ;.4e 41,r nriS
| rion. 1t should be such duty as WIFI
| enable the home producers of the arti-
| Gle to make and sell IL in the domestic
| markets at a fair profit. Here again.
| men of the most mature intelligence
| and of the sincerest convictions d.
| vide, and the differences must be COM
posed as all other differences are IL
| is impossible to write tariff schedules
into platform, and therefore all that
| the party can do in it's conventions In
| to declare a general principle to which
| it pledges itself in the enactment OF
| laws. Every sane man must recos.
nize the truth that the cost of producI
| ton Is not constant, has not been I'M
| the past, md will not be inthefuture.
Every sane man knows, and every cam
did man will admit, that the develop
| ments of the last few years have been
| so mighty, and conditions have been
| so revolutionized, that 1t is worth our
| while to examine and determine Ia the
| light of existing conditions, whether
| the tariff duties Of 1897 answer the test
| which we agree must be applied to
| protective duties. Recognizing these
| things, the republican party Of Iowa.
| without a dissenting voice, In It's con.
| vention declared, as I have already
| read, but which for emphasis / read
| again:
| Tariff rates enacted to carry this
| policy into effect should be just, fair,
land impartial, equally opposed to for.
"eign control and domestic monopolyt
sectional discrimination and indiyid!
"ual favoritism. and must from time
Ito time be changed to meet the vary
ling conditions incident to the pros
"ress OF our industries and their
! Changing relations to our foreign and
| domestic commerce. Duties that are
"too low should be increased and du-
"ties that are too high should be re-
"duced."
| Personally, I have no hesitation IN
avowing that there are duties which
should be lowered to bring them to the
point Of protection, and the little that
| can do to influence legislation in THAI
| direction, will be done. There are
others, undoubtedly, who believe THAI
| the duties as a whole are as fairly adj
! justed as they can be, and I assume
that they will act on that belief. IL Is
not to be expected that direct msdin-
cation Will be made during the next
session of congress. A work that re-
| Quires the utmost forbearance, the
most unprejudiced consideration, and
the most temperate discussion, win
not be we'll done in the fierce partisan
ship which attends presidential con-
test.
We may differ, we do differ, respect
ing the details of application. but
when the policy itself is threatened, ~
becomes every man who approves u
whether he be republican or demo,
crat, whether he Is for revision on
against revision, to lift his voice In itS
defense and cast his vote Tor IL
safety.
Workinernen and Farmers.
must refer with more particularly
to two phases ofthe opening speech or
the democratic candidate for governor.
upon which he expended intense en-
ergy. He seems to concede that
| ill CldSScS VI <ALuCAASoh uuSAASe~
life, save two, are benefited by
the protective system. These are the
laboring men and the farmers; and he
appeals to them in the most impas-
stoned terms to overthrow a system
which has reduced them to poverty
and slavery. They are the men upon
whom protection has committed fts
crimes and who have been the victims
of grand larceny at the hands OF all
others for more than an hundred
years This Is so remarkable a re-
vival of an ancient delusion that must
give it more than passing notice. It
may be assumed that when the cham
pfon of free trade speaks Of working
men, he means the wageworkers Of
the United States. First, It Is one OF
the aceptei facts In the ststistfcs OF
the world that the wageworkers OF the
United States receive for their labor
at least fifty per cent more than their
fellows in England. A week ago !
happened to read in one Of the well
known newspapers Of Chicago. syn
opsis of the report and examination
made by the government of Great
Britain, looking to some changes In It's
tariff policy. quote from It In order
| that 7 NAV he relieved OF any charge