The sun., 1903-04-14

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who Of al people In The country have for
him ths hindliess and most tolerant gym
pathy, We who have been brought up with
him always before our eyes, have little
faith In his ever being elevated TO . state
where he can Be trusted With the ballot In
his hands.
4 am aware that people at . distance
who know the negro only In theory. who
out Of the pages of fiction and out OF their
own sentimental imaginings have created
the negro ss they choose to see him. think
differently. only speak from the humble
standpoint OF contact and observation.
from the unanimous verdict of those who
through generations have had the best
opportunity Of seeing him as he Is and Of
understanding his weaknesses and his limi-
tations. 1t is from that point Of view that
I, In common with all other white people
OF the South. hold the opinion that the
negro has not that within him which will
ever make II safe to intrust him with power
which he may exercise for the veal or woe
Of the community In which he lives.
But that is matter which need not now
be discussed II the negro in this country
Is to develop capacities he has never shown
in any other community where he has had
power, the fact remains to be demon
strated in the fulness Of time. He has been
tried here. and the result was a ghostly
failure. He has been disenfranchised in sew
eral Southern States. and disenfranchised
by what we believe TO be constitutional
means. What we know is that he will not
be permitted to vote.
THE events Of the past few months have
demonstrated that there is in the North
widespread sentiment that is heartily in
sympathy with US In our position In this
respect. 1t is not 80 far from the North to
the South as it was In the 70s and SOS.
Railroads have brought New York and New
England within q few hours of US. There
Is constant going and coming. Northern
men and Northern capital are scattered
all through the Southern States, 1t is no
longer q case Of judging things from afar
The visible fact is before mems eyes. The
property peril is not the property peril OF
a mere locality any more. As a conse-
quence OF this, the unfitness OF the masses
of the Southern negroes to vote and the
danger to vested interests Of giving them
the ballot are comprehended north OF the
Potomac River as'well as south Of it. Fur
thermore, the vested interests that would
be threatened by unlimited negro franchise
are In many cases. and to the extent OF
many millions, the vested interests Of
Northern men. As time progresses these
conditions are destined to become more and
more accentuated, What to US has been
for years q demonstrated fact, is every day
becoming q matter OF conviction to q wider
and wider circle of American people in parts
Of the country remote from US.
That the observation-disclosures Of the
negro in the South was the first sane step
toward the solution Of the negro problem
has already become a matter Of fixed be-
lief with men who fifteen, even ten years
ago would have exclaimed in horror against
such q proposition. Furthermore, these
same men now agree with US that every
thing that tends to stir up the Southern
negroes to discomfort, that tends TO create
irritation and friction between them and
the whites, by just 80 much retards progress
and by so much postpones the time when
the so-called negro question will find q
way out to its own solution.
We believed that we were making rapid
progress to a practical. satisfactory and
| permanent settlement Of this question.
| The attitude and speeches OF Mr.. Mckinley
| during the last year OF his life persuaded
us that the coun try, as . whole. had ac-
oepted our New Of the natter; that 1t was
prepared to acknowledge reconstruction
q failure; that the negro question could not
be settled on the lines laid down by Congress
In 1858, and that the white people Of the
South would be asked to try their hands
at the problem from the standpoint OF
better knowledge OF and greater expert
ence with the negro.
The plan Of settlement we have under
taken is well known. for 1t has been fire.
ouently proclaimed. 1t includes the dis
franchisement Of the great mass Of the
negroes; a system OF education that in time
will have some effect on a race left by
| slavery, war and reconstruction In a state
| OF the blackest illiterary and the densest
| Ignorance; the encouragement Of the negro
| to work and to save and accumulate prop
| erty. instruction In morals, sanitation and
| self control, and the segregation Of the
whites and negroes. as far as possible. 30
a. TO prevent, at the same time, the friction
which formerly existed and which led fire.
| ouently to what are called in some papers
| race wars' and what we call social equality
that Il, the social intercourse Of the races
which has peopled the West Indies with
mulattocs and checked their development
prosperity and civilization.
We thought We were making great
progress in this direction. In two year,
We had cut down the number Of outrages
lynchinGs and race wars.' nearly one
half; had taught q hundred thousand
negroes to read and write, and had enabled
the race a. . whole to improve It's con.
dition. Not since 1880 had the situation
been more peaceable, or the outlook more
promising. We realize and have always
realized that there are many theorists in
the North, who. while admitting the failure
of reconstruction, insist that the faith
Of the country was pledged TO carry out
| the negro policy Incorporated In the Four
teenth and Fifteenth Amendments, ano
who demand that this policy be enforced
whatever the consequence These theorists
however, have not stood in the way oi
| success.
1T was when Mr.. Roosevelt interferec
and BY his actions or his declarations
whether rightly or wrongly interpreted
| I will not say was understood to favol
a return to the idea and doctrines OF re-
construction days, then 1t was that ths
negro question came up for new discus
| don The effect OF his policy has been baC