The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1903-06-21

Of advice. 1t Is at the same time acknowl-
edged that there wero men OF culture and
high purposes, profoundly in earnest, who
felt with Mr.. Chase that Mr.. Lincoln did
not act. or talk. or feel, like the ruler OF
great enlplre.in great crisis. In tho judy
ment Of the sagacious onooker whom we
have just quoted. the existence OF this
opinion OF Mr.. Lincoln had disastrous
effect on all departments and classes of
officials. rs well az on the public" Fourteen
months later, however, the same observer,
having had frequent intercourse with MIR.
Lincoln. expressed deeper and more
, sympathetic interest in the President.
His life. he wrote, Seems a series of wise,
sound conclusions, slowly reached, oddly
worked out on great questions, with con-
slant failures in administration OF details
and dealings with individuals.
The truth is. az Mr.. Smith has perceived,
that the cautious and moderate policy
dictated to Mr.. Lincoln by sagacity and
! provision at nlomentous crisis. had from
the beginning been obnoxious to the radical
element of the Republican party. The
support of that element was given to the
| Government from a patriotic sense OF
duty, but grudgingfy. IT. was natural
and consistent. therefore, that when, with
| the opening Of 1884, the time approached
! for holding national convention of their
| party, those Republicans who believed that
| the situation of the country demanded
| an Executive in all respects thorough,
cast about for a candidate who possessed
the qualities they most admired. Mr..
Chase, Secretary of the Treasury. possessed
their confidence to greater degree than
any other public man. He had not at any
time concealed his dissatisfaction with
Mr.. Lincon's policy and with the manage
ment Of the Army Of the Potomac. Mr..
Smith thinks that he carried this freedom
Of expression, and even of dissent, beyond
the limits OF propriety when his official
relations to the President are considered.
Yet 1t was. apparently, the customary
thing for the members of Mr.. Lincoln's
Cabinet. with the exception Of Mr.. Seward,
to allow themselves great latitude in criti-
cising each other and the general conduct
Of affairs. This tendency seems to have
been aggravated by the dominating dis
position and love Of political intrigue that
characterized Mr.. Blair. Between him
and the dignified head Of the Treasury
Department there was an instructive
antipathy.
We are reminded that Mr.. Chase's feelings
toward Mr.. Lincoln we're indicated in
letter written to the latter on Washington's
Birthday. and subsequently published.
announcing to the Chief Magistrate that
he (Chase) had yielded to the solicitations
Of committee Of Senator's and Repre-
sentatives and had consented to the Ire of
his name for the Presidency. He cher
ished for Mr.. Lincoln. he said, sincere re-
spect and esteem" and "afrecti,n." That
he did entertain such feelings Is evident
from the fact that in a letter previously
written to friend, MIR. Chase had said
that II to his ki0lliness of spirit and good
sense, Mr.. Lincoln Joined strong will
and energetic action, there would be little
left to wish for in him" There seems to
be no doubt that this opinion was generally
shared by those earnest radicals who had
been ardent anti-slavery men. and who
now wanted thorough work to be done
in dealing with the slavery question. There
were also conservatives who preferred
the nomination of Mr.. Chase in 1854 to that
of Mr.. Lincoln, believing that the former
had more executive ability than the latter.
John Sherman was u representative OF
this class. Az IL turned out. some of Mr.. |
Chase's radical supporters were so in
discreet as to disclose a feeling OF resent
ment toward the President which was cal
culated to in jure the Secretary of the Treas
ury rather than his chief Senator Pomeroy
of Kansas not only arraigned the Admins
tration in speech on the floor of the Senate,
but he issued a circular in which he de-
cared that IL Mr. Lincoln should receive
the nomination at Baltimore he would
be defeated at the ballot box.
The Presidents opponents, however.
we're outgeneralled. Mr.. Lincoln himself
had the instinct OF popularity and knew
better than any other public man of his |
time when and how to secure the public |
favor. In December. 1853, one within the !
Inner circle OF his political friends had |
said confidently: "Mr. Lincoln will surely |
keep his head above water with the radicals. |
His last proclamation has settled the issue |
as between him and Chase. You can over
turn a pyramid as easily rs you can upset |
Lincoln in popular esteem" Mr.. Lncoln's |
however, were by no means left !
to the chances Of popular favor On the
there was far-reaching organiza-
ion on his behalf, directed by Montgomery
Blair, the General. The plan
of campaign was that every State should |
declare for Mr.. Lincoln in advance Of anv
national convention. The advantage of |
this plan lay in preoccupying the field
and concentrating the public attention on a
single candidate. The Blairs persuaded
the Legislature OF Maryland to declare
for the denomination of Mr.. Lincoln. A
similar resolution was adopted by tho
Pennsylvania Legislature on the suggestion
of Simon Cameron. These politicians knew
from their experience in the Jackson
Clay contest the value Of such expressions
in setting the current in the right direction.
This was the policy adopted to settle the
issue between Mr.. Lincoln and Mr. Chase.
But how it was asked. would Gov. Broueh
and the Legislature of Mr.. Chase's State
regard such a movement? The answer was
he most significant compliment received
~ the President. In February. 1884, at
union caucus held in the House of
at Columbus. Ohio, and
addressed by the Governor. the following