Gilpin observer., 1903-02-19
nR. 0SGU0D GIVES HIssREAsONs !.
!. FOR OPPOSING EIGHT HOUR LAW

subterfuge merely. to meet the require
ments of the constitutional amend
ment AS a matter of fact, coal min
ers do mot work over eight hours a
day These men work good deal on
their own time, and are not pushed,
except IN the winter seaeon. If the
miners are held down to eight hours a
day, that is, eight hours in the mine,
the drivers and others on the surface
cannot work any longer. There is no
complaint that their occupation is un-
healthy.
ut is a gross injustice to the min
ers themselves to put all on the same
level. Some are more rapid workers
and can do much faster work than 9TH
ers. | know of many miners who are
educating their sons to take better sta
tions in life than their fathers enjoyed.
These men are willing to work over
time If necessary to secure money for
this purpose. The law makes no ac-
count of possible illness that may keep
a man away from work, but it would
interfere with his trying to make up
lost wages by working overtime. Snow
Dlockades are now compelling the
closing down of mines, and there are
other incidents that would deprive
men of work at certain times. These
laws would give them no opportunity
to make up lost days.
IF these laws should become effect
i've, it would probably reduce the ca
pacity of the mines twenty-five per
cent. Then to keep up the output we
would have to have twenty-five per
cent. more men. These men are not
available in Colorado. Then, in the
summer time, when work is slack,
there will be twenty-five per cent
more men to divide up the work
among. The inevitable result of an
eight-hour law in coal mines will be
either reduction in the wages of min
ers or an increase in the cost Of coal
to the consumer
In the last ten years more than half
OF my company, represented by the
common stock, has received less than
one per cent. profit year. 1t is not a
good record for me, but have reached
place where l think l am about to
better 1t. We did not reduce the wages
of our men when the panic came. We
paid the same wages through the panic
that we had paid before. We are try
ing to build up business here, and
we have had many serious questions
to solve. Then you bring this to us,
and l consider it the most serious
question we have had. The labor lead
ers do not always come at us justly.
They are not infallible, and are as
likely to err as we are. If we dispute
one of their claims or wish to argue
with them, we are put down at once as
enemies of labor. This is not fair My
record is not that of an enemy to labor
and l object to being SO considered.
If we disagree and ask a meeting to
discuss the matters in controversy it
is not fair or just to condemn us at
once. If the law regarding blast fur
naces goes into effect. cutting the
hours from twelve to eight, we will be
compelled to pay fifty per cent. more
wages than our competitors in the
East. Many of the men working about
blast furnaces are not near the places
where the charged poisonous effects
are. yet this bill would treat all alike.
Il will not make any threats of what
will be done if this law is put into eff
feet We are in business here to build
up, and will not close down any of our
industries if we can help it, but fear
the effects of these laws. We may be
unable to continue against the COM
petition we shall have"