The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1903-07-18

thought your object was to be the In.
dependence of the Philippine Islands;
why, then, when the fleet of your
common enemy was sunk deep in
Manila Bay, did you turn your guns
OH your allies and substitute your own
for Spanish rule when they were
equally opposed to both?
"Ah! Americans, these questions
cannot be answered consistently with
our national character and honor We
must not, indeed, leave them to be
asked by future generations. We
must set ourselves right while yet
there is time We who have done the
wrong must repair it. We must not
prove recreant to the trust transmitted
to us by our fathers. We must not
turn our backs upon the most inspir-
ing memories of all time. We must
not substitute for the old American
ideals the tawdry and barbaric stand
ards Of Outworn civilizations. We
must not barter the moral leadership
of mankind and the sponsorship of
human freedom for an ignoble pre-
cedencc in the ranks Of corrupt and
dcspOtic nations.
".Thc cXigcncies of the present ma
tonal programme have given rise to
much loose, false and dangerous doc
trine. 1t has been contcnded, for ex-
ample that colonial policy is per-
mssible because other nations have
practiccd it and do practice 1t; that it
is absurd that the United States cam
not do what any other government
may do; that the so-called little Amer
leans would tic the hands of the gov
crnmcnt, and more to similar effect.
In addition to the fact that this argu-
mcnt is q mere begging of the ques-
tion, let it particularly be remarked
that 1t fails to distinguish between
the people and the government. There
are capacities that it has suited the
people not to confer upon the govern
mcnt The people formed a written
Constitution of delegated and restrict
ed powers for the very reason that
they did not want the government to
he able to do what certain other gov
crnmcnts may do. The people possess
as much sovereignty as exists in any
other system, but whether or not it
shall be exercised in certain particu.
lars not provided for depends upon
whether the people shall confer it on
their consttutonally appointed agents
by suitable amendments" The tend
elcy to rcplldiate the Declaration Of
Independence by the Republican par
ty, said Mr. Towne, had spread in
many directions, SO that to-day the
Jeffersonian formula, Equal rights
for all, special privileges to none," is
in direct contradiction Of the precepts
that seem to inspire the making and
administration Of the laws.
Continuing along this line, Mr..
Towne said: .....
"We behold on every side veri-
table carnival Of special privilege. The
trusts, the criminal trusts-1 say
criminal trusts to distinguish them
from the good trusts-are given the
privilege Of writing their own tariff
schedules. The banks are given the
privilege Of controlling the money of
the country. The railroads are per.
nitted to regulate interstate COM
merce. Wealth largely escapes it's
proper proportion Of the burden of
taxation. Great trusts levy tribute on
states and country ut large in open
violation Of the laws, and their man.
ayers brazenly offend against the
criminal statutes without prosecution.
II is almost as though the government
had been put into commission with in
structions to treat it as an asset Of
confederated privilege.
"Fellow citizens, fundamentally al
these wrongs have summarized ~
of the same origin. The repeal of the
Declaration of Independence, the as
sault upon the Constitution and the
surrender of legislation and admins.
tratien into the hands Of benehciaries