The sun., 1903-10-18


gods, whom the Romans did not know,
went on as systemat icslly under the Co.
sars as it had gone under their Macedonian
predecessors. The names of all the RoDhan
Emperors, down to Decius are found .scon-
tored into hieroglyphics. at Esneh and
at Dendera. The Alexandrians. unlike
the inhabitants OF many a Hellenic or
Helenistic city. were left without free
institution. The imperial control OF
science and letters was not relaxed. II
was from Alexandria that julius Cesar
had borrowed the great reform OF the
Calendar, still called after his name; 1t
was from Alexandria that he imported the
surveyors who were to make a scientific
inventory OF the great estate called the
Roman Empire. II was from Alexandria
that the whole financial administ ration
Of the Principate was borrowed and applied
to all the imperial domain throughout the
empire The free distribution Of grain.
which had been SO marked a feature OF
Roman policy since the times Of the
Gracchi. was probably on Alexandrian
largess Of the ptolemys copied by Roman
demagogles. There are evidences, too,
that not a few Hellenistic teachers of
etiquette gradually found their way to
Rome from the Court Of Alexandria.
While it must be conceded that the rule
Of the Ptolemys was centralized despotism,
where the interests of the Crown we're
everything, and those of the people moth
ing, it must also, in our authors Judgment,
be admitted that there never was more
intelligent despotism. or one which under
stood more clearly that the interests OF
the sovereign cannot be secured without
consulting those Of his subjects. II the
taxes levied by the Ptolemys seem enor-
nous. Prof. MahafYy adduces proof that
those exacted from Palestine by the Seleu-
cids were, apparently, as exorbitant;
this interesting negative evidence, also.
is brought forward to exculpate the Ptol-
emys. the fact, namely, that, in the score
of papyri treating Of the local administra-
ton. among the many complaints and petit
tions addressed to the Crown, there is not
to be found a single protest that the bur-
den Of taxation was intolerable, or that
the State exacted its dues with cruelty
and injustice. 1t may be urged that the
native Egyptians were. like the Syrians,
remarkably patient folk; but how does
this explanation agree with the obstinate
instructions against such Of the Ptolemys
as alienated the good will Of their subjects?
The truth is that the natives Of the Nile
land had by no means lost the spirit Of
resistance to oppression which leads to
dangerous revolutions. OF their readiness
to lay complaints before the King. where
there was cause for them, there is ample
proof. We hear, indeed, Of petty exac-
tions and individual acts Of violence on
the part OF the subordinate officials, but
OF any extended systematic oppression
or OF the misery consequent thereon, there
is no charge. nor s 1t indirectly suggested.
In a word the current conception Of the
Ptolemys should, seemingly, be imputed
to the tendency OF the later Greek, and
for that matter Roman historians, to
chronicle the vices, rather than the virtues,
Of men. II we only had Taoitus to tell us
Of the early Cesars, we should scarcely be
likely to suspect that many Of them were
wise and humane administrations. So it
may we'll be that the recorded vices OF
the Ptolemys have 30 obecured their better
qualities as to produce picture unfairly
darkened. The great achievements Of the
dynasty cannot, however, be set aside.
There Is no doubt that the Ptolemys were
the ablest and most efficient OF Alexander's
successors, and. therefore. enjoyed the
longest lease Of rule.
Some of the most interesting pages in
this volume are devoted to Cleopatra W.,
by far the most famous of the Cleopatras,
the mother OF children by Julius Cesar and
by Antony. Prof. Mahafiy does not agree
with those historians who impute the con-
duct of Cleopatra in the naval battle at
Actium. where she led the way in fleeing from
the fight, to the cowardice of a woman who
feared to look upon an armed conflict. Her
previous career seems to justify the infer
ence that she was made of sterner stuff.
Our author thinks that she had computed
with the utmost care the chances OF the
rivals, and had made up her mind that, in
spite Of Antony's personal bravery. his cause
was lost. She foresaw that. if she fought
out the battle with her contingent Of ships,
she would probably fall into Octavians
hands as prisoner, and would not have the
power of choosing between suicide and
death in d Roman prison, a death that would
follow exhibition to the, mob in Octavians
triumph. There was no chance that she
would be spared as was her sister, Arsinos,
after julius C@sar's triumph There was
still chance, on the other hand, il Antony
we're killed or taken prisoner that she might
negotiate with the victor, so long as she re-
manned Queen of Egypt, with her fleet.
army and treasures intact. Who could tell
moreover, what effect her charms. though
now full ripe, might have upon the con-
cpleror2 Two great Romano had yielded to
her. why not third, who seemed smaller
mani
This view obviously implies that at Actium
Cleopatra was already false to Antony.
and it may he asked how such a charge Ia
compatible with the affecting scenes which
followed at Alexandria. where her policy
seemed overborne by her passion and she
felt her old love too strong even for her
interruptions ambition2 Prof. Mahaffy an
swers that there ism more frequent anomaly
in the psychology Of feminine love than
strong passion existing with selfish am
bitiop, so that each takes the lead in turn
nav even the consciousness of treachery
may 80 intensity the passion as to make a
woman embrace with keener transports
the lover whom she has betrayed than
one whom she has no thought of surrender
ing Our author adds that In these trag-
eiies there are unexpected accidents which
30 affect even the hardest nature that cal
c,llations are cast aside and the old loyalty
at tnus ts.tnn IA 10