New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1903-08-06
MIR. CARNEGIE ON BRITISH TARIFFS.

MR. CARNEGIE ON BRITISH TARIFFS.
Mr. Andrew Carnegie's recent letter to 1.-THE
London Times" in opposition to Mr.. Chamber
.lain's tariff proposals is undoubtedly the prod
uct of thought, and will in turn be productive
of thought The gist of his argument is that
British protective tariff discriminating in favor
Of the British colonies would be directed chiefly
against the United States, and would be re-
scented by the latter in a retalatory tariff war
which would be disastrous to the United King
dom and would soon compel it TO repeal the
obnoxious law, but which would leave behind
it bitterness of feeling between the two coun-
tries which it would take years to efface. We
agree with Mr.. Carnegie in thinking that such
conflict and enlargement would be deplorable.
1t would be one of the most calamitouS things
that could befalI these two countries and the
entire human race. But we cannot regard the
danger of it, in case of the adoption OF Mr..
Chamberlain's proposal, as so imminent as Mr..
Carnegie thinks. Rather does it seem to us so
remote as to be beyond the bounds of practical
consideration
The American nation is we believe, manly
enough to take its own medicine without max
ing wry faces 1t has long been levying tariffs
upon British goods, as upon those of all other
eliminating against them in favor of it's own in
sular possessions. 1t will not be so childshly
unreasonable as to get angry if Great Britain
does the same. Moreover, it will be a compare
lively small dose of medicine that America will
be called upon to take; for Great Britain must
have American goods. Not even a protective
tariff will enable her, or her colonies, to supply
all her wants So, since she must have our
goods, she will have to take them at our price,
and thus pay the tariff out of her own pocket
the very point raised by Mr.. Chamberains OPP
pOnents when they say his scheme will mean
dear bread and dear cotton for British consum-
ers. If Great Britain keeps on buying Ameri-
can wheat, and the British people pay the tariff
in an increased price for the loaf as the Cob
denites insist will be the case, what will Amer
lea have to complain Of? Again, as we have
hitherto shown, American exports to Great Brit
ain are decreasing in proportion to those to
other countries. While, therefore, we should re-
greet to see anything happen to impair our trade
with Great Britain even in the least degree, we
are not persuaded that the tariff system pro-
posed by Mr.. Chamberlain would materially i'm
pair it. If it did, we have no doubt the loss
would promptly be recouped elsewhere In any
case we cannot see that there would be suffi-
Gent prov0cation for tariff war or even for the
slightest i'll feeling.
But, says Mr.. Carnegie, it is the discrimina-
ton in favor of Canada and other British colo
MES that would offend Americans and provoke
retaliation. We are not SO sure of that, either.
As we have already recalled, this country is dis
eliminating in favor Of its colonies against
Great Britain. Moreover, for a number of
years Canada has been discriminating in favor
of Great Britain and against the United States
and the rest of the world. Germany has at
tpmDtpd To rptaIiatp hut hos 5ono CO o, iDe,,+Ii
Gent grounds and seems to be getting by far
the worse of it. We have heard of no retala-
ton or talk of any by the United States On
the contrary this country has gone right on
selling to Canada and buying from her Just as
before, and under that system of adverse dis
elimination has been increasing its exports to
Canada considerably more, we believe, than
Great Britain has done. If Great Britain were
10 discriminate against the United States alone
doubtless there would be trouble, as there
should be. But so long as she gives us the
treatment given to the most favored ma ton
outside of her own realm we cannot at present
perceive that we shall have any ground for
complaint. To say that America has a right TO
object to the fiscal federation of the British
Empire seems to US quite beyond bounds of rea-
son. Mr.. Carnegie mentions a hint that the
United States would at once rescind the bond
ing privilege, and thus prevent Canada from
using our ports. Possibly; though, as we now
let Canada use our ports for the importation of
British goods under a discriminating dutv we
do not see why should not also let her use
them for the expectation of goods to Great Brit
ain under a similar British duty ANYWAY. if
is not so sure that abrogation Of the bonding
system would hurt Canada. What concerns MS
a great deal more than Canada's trade through
our ports is the rapidly increasing proportion
OF our own export trade that is now being di-
verted to Canadian ports
AS for the alternative proposal urged by Mr.
Carnegie we must regard it, for our dav and
generation as altogether visionary It is mag
nlhcent but II is not practicable. He proposes
that Great Britain shall, If she adopts a protec
i've tariff, make an exception in our favor and
include America with her own colonies I'm grant
ing preferential rates That would mean free
trade with America and protection against all
the rest OF the world. That would be very kind
OF Great Britain and highly acceptable to Amer
lea, but it would certainly provoke a tariff MIR
of the bitterest kind between Great Britain and
all the rest OF the world, and would inevitably
cause Great Britain to expect in return CORE
spending concessions from America which this
country could not grant. It is possible of
course, that there viii some day be commercial
union between Great Britain and America. bnt
that time is so remote that speculation upon If
now would he utonian and 1tnpro6+aI1o