The San Francisco call., 1903-09-26
EMPIRE AND SACRIFICE.

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ton OF protective duty upon foreign goods
at British ports as a matter of economics and have
opposed supported it according as they deemed
it expedent or inexpedient from a monetary point
of view, considerable class of British patriots have
defended the proposed policy as matter OF patriot
ism even while concedng that it might demand OF
the people heavy sacrifice
One of that class of thinkers Professor Cramb has
recently contributed to the London Mail an eabor
ate argument in favor OF undertaking the sacrifice as
part OF the necessary cost of empire. H says Mr.
Chamberlains policy is but phase in movement
which definitely announced itself not merely in ndi-
vidual politicians but in the English race toward the
close of the eighteenth century The movement was
an outgrcwth OF protest against the folly which had
led to the loss OF the American. colonies and con-
sisted in steady progression toward the establish
ment OF the vast empire which now exists Cham
berlan's programme simply continues the imperial
movement, but the movement has passed from an
unconscious to a conscious stage of existence or as
the professor puts it. From the state of self
consciousness nation Britain is passing into
stage OF self-consciousness as an empire He adds
that Chamberlans proposition is "his way OF answer
ing the problem whether the twentieth century will
in its course knit closely the ties of sentiment
which bind England and her colonies by adding to
those bonds the bonds OF mutual interest and mu-
tual fears
After declaring that the future of the world is to
the empires of the world, and that the surrender at
Yorktown is the greatest disaster in British history
and rightly understood, the greatest disaster in
Americas history, he goes to show that empire
can be obtained only by sacrifice. He says: "The
same power which three years ago made Pretoria
within easy striking distance of London will in the
immediate future place Wellington and Sydney
within easy striking distance OF Berlin or ST Peters
burg, Washington or Toxic But for two >or three
generations to it means suffering it means self
sacrifice it darng-such seli-sacrfce as in the
time OF Frederick Prussia underwent in order to es-
tablsh her claim to be naton-it means sacrifice
and it daring, unless the empire is to sink to
the rank of such protected if interesting nationali
ties Belgium Servia, and, sundering accept in
its isolated fragments freedom dole from another
which in the game OF empire has better known how
to dare 1t is useless to appeal to the gallant lit
tie England which scattered Philips few numbering
ships to appeal to the England of Eadwine The
empire which ceases to advance has begun to decline;
the empire which recedes is dead already"
Looking at it from the standpoint of philosophy
OF history Professor Cramb maintains that the issue
OF protection free trade in Britain at this juncture
involves the larger historic issue Of the continuance
of the empire. He sees no reason to be sanguine
that the outcome will be in accord with the desires
of patriots, for he notes. the British people when
confronted during the Boer war with the clearest
evidence OF the ineficiency of their army, refused
even to listen to proposition put it on an effec-
tive basis by resorting conscription He closes by
saying: TO the nation stern and high destiny then
presented draft headed 'Conscrpton' The nation
refused to indorse it; but undecided by our phantom
army corps, the same stern and high messenger re-
turning, presents the same BILL but headed now
Bread Tax -Four years ago we answered in effect:
Let us have not conscrpton, but quasi-conscrip-
ton. If we answer now, Tax anything but not
bread; if we hugger-mugger once more and say
Not protection, but quasi-protection in what shape
do we imagine the messenger of fate will next re-
turn?"
The argument may have no effect upon the Cob
denite who can see nothing in politics but the vr-
tues OF free trade and who would willingly sur
render everything rather than his muchprized theory
OF trade and industry; but there can be no question
of its essential soundness If Britain is to maintain
her empire she must base it on something more than
sentimental loyalty She must provide mutual
interest throughout all parts of the empire and that
can be done only by the adoption of some such policy
as that which has been propounded by Chamberlain.