New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1903-12-30


raw y. Sc With Tables. photography and In
dex. svo. PIP. xvii. 4S6 London: p 5. King d
The advent OF the Girton GID IN political his
tory and political economy is a novel incident
We may also unhesitatingly say it is welcome
il would be welcome on the ground of tirneliness
OF topic. II on other; though. we shall see
there are other grounds. For some years the
financial relations between Great Britain and
ireland have been earnestly discussed. While
more or less densgogic politicians in both coun-
trses-and in this third country which forms so
largely the Anglo-Irish fighting held-haVs
clsmcred upon other phases OF the situation
more sensational and incendiary, men Of conser-
vative judgment have perceived that the root
Of the matter lay largely in fiscal soil. The
most distressful country has been distresstSI
because OF lack OF industries and lack OF COM
Tneroe II commerce is the life blood of a ma
ton, Ireland has for a century been anRmic
Much has been said and written, here and there,
upon the subject of fiscal relations between the
two parts OF the United Kingdom. But it was
left for oertiicated student OF Girton College
10 produce a really comprehensive and authori-
tatiVe work upon the subject AS contribution
10 the literature Of Anglo-Irish relations alone,
then. il would be OF uncommon value. But its
interest is further enhanced by the fact that
since DR.. Murray-Adiss Murray is a doctor Of
the beck. the question OF general fiscal reform
has been brought to the fore throughout the
kingdom by Mr.. Chamberlain in a campaign
which confidently premises 70 be epoch making.
AS a contribution TO the literature Of that cam
paign. also. and indeed of tariff discussions
throughout the world. her history is TO be high
u priced
The story OF ireland IS marked with some
strange contradictions, We have often had
snyrisds Of Irishmen who, coming to America
with hatred Of England in their hearts. prompt
" make themselves subservient to English in
terests by voting against the American pro-
tective tariff system Similarly it is to be re-
called that the Irish were the most devoted sup
porters OF the Stuart cause, and. indeed, still
cherish the memory OF the Stuart pretenders.
although IN fact the later Stuart kings were
the chief authors OF Ireland's woe. Before the
days Of the Merry Monarch" Ireland was
treated substantially the same as England. and
St had its own important industries and COM
Inerce The storm and stress Of Cromwellian
times reduced the island largely TO a desert
state But Cromwell did not discriminate against
Irish industries ana commerce He scourged the
island with the scorpion whips Of war, and
drove tens Of thousands Of the people into exile
and conhscated the lands OF many who re-
would have done with England in like circum-
stances After he had restored peace the pros
perity of the island began to revive. and had his
rule continued there is little reason TO doubt
that il would have been fully rehabilitated.
But soon after his death the Stuarts were re-
stored the Stuarts who had the rare faculty of
injuring and defing everything they touched.
without exception. They should have been par
tial to ireland. for there were their strongest
partisans. Instead. they invented and estab-
iished the evil policy OF discriminating against
ireland for England's sake, and thus inaugu-
rated the era Of Irelands worst distress Before
1863 there was not law in restraint OF Irish
trade. But Charles II not only re-enacted all
Of CromWells repressive laws against Irish
Catholics; he went further, and for the first
time enacted laws in repression Of Irish indus
try and commerce. These were. doubt. made
IN response TO the demands of English and Scot
fish jealousy. But the King was King OF the
whole realm, and It was an evil thing thus TO
discriminate against one part of it for the sake
of another
From that date DR.. Murray begins her his
tory. There could have been other so ap-
propriate. The Stuart Restoration marked the
beginning OF Ireland's real grievances against
Great Britain, grievances we do not hesitate
10 say. both real and deep. For since that fatal
time Ireland has been an anomaly among ma
tions She has been treated neither as an In
dependent kingdom. nor as an equal part Of the
United Kingdom nor yet as q British colony
Had she been regarded as any one OF these, her
status would have been logically defined she
would have known what to depend upon, and
she might have adjusted her affairs to pre-
vailing conditions as TO secure for herself a rea-
sonable degree OF prosperity. But such was not
the case. She was treated partly as each one
Of the three, but wholly as none Of them, and
her treatment subjected to frequent
changes, according TO the caprice or the chang
ing demands Of alien interests. In legislation
or administration concerning Ireland the ques-
ton not what was good for Ireland or
what the Irish wanted. but rather what Eng
land or Scotland wanted. Yet, at the same time.
Ireland was required TO contribute TO the reve-
nues OF the crown. 1t is charged by Irishnen
IN these days that such contribution has been
and still is much larger than It should pro-
portionately be. Whether that is so at the pres
ent time may be disputed We have seen no
convincing proof Of st. But that in former times
81 SO. and Ireland was not only fettered
but overtaxed for the benefit Of England and
Scotland. there can be little question. Dr. Muir
ray devotes much attention to this phase Of the
subject and think she makes the point en-
tirely clear.
OF chief interest at the present time. especially
10 the American reader. is the attitude OF Ire
land toward the tariff question. the part the
tariff has played in the affairs of Ireland and
her relations with Great Britain It is often re-
marked that IN the eighteenth century the Irish
demand was for free trade. and the Irish griev-
ance against England was that the latter would
not let her have free trade. That Is quite true
But we must remember what free trade at that
time meant 1t did not mean. as at present