The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1903-04-03
To Maintain the Monroe
Doctrine.
Continued from First Page)

agreeing that the matters which they
could not settle among themselves should
be referred to The Hague Tribunal lor
settlement. The United States had lhoS1
fortunately already been able TO set an
example to other nations by utilizing 'h'
great possibilities for good contained IN
The Hague Tribunal, a question at lsSue
between ourselves and the Republic OF
Mexico being the first submitted to TINS
international court of arbitration.
The terms which we have secured as
those under which the Isthmian canal Is
to be built and the course OF events III
the Venezuela matter, have shown not
merely the ever growing influence OF the
limited States in the Western Hem's-
pbere. but also, / think | may sately say,
have exemplified the firm purpose OF
the United States that its growth ana
influence and power shall rebound not 10
the harm but to the benefit of our slsteE
renublics whose strength is less. Our
growth. therefore, is beneficial to human
kind in general We do not intend TO
assume any position which can give Just
offensc to our neighbors. Our adherence
to the rule of human right is not merely
profession The history of our dealings
with Cuba shows that we reduce 1t TO
performance.
The Monroe Doctrine is not interna
tional law, and though l think one day it
may become such, this is not necessary
as long as it remains a cardinal feature
of our foreign policy and as long as we
possess both the will and the strength to
make it effective This last point, my
fellow citizens, is ell important, and is
one which as people we can never
afford to forget. l believe in the Monroe
Doctrine with all my heart and sOul;l
am convinced that the immense majority
of our fellow -countrymen so believe in it;
but | would infinitely prefer to see us
abandon it than to see us put it forward
and buster about it, and yet fail to build
up the efficient fighting strength which in
the last resort can alone make it respect
ed by any strong foreign power whose
interest it may ever happen to be to
violate it.
Boosting and clustering are as objec-
tionable among nations as among indi-
vduals and the public men of great
nation owe it to their sense of national
self-respect to speak courteously of for
eign powers, just as brave and self
respecting man treats all around him
courteously. But though to boast is bad,
and causelessly to insult another, worse
yet worse than all is it to be guilty of
Boosting even without insult, and when
called to the proof to be unable to make
such boasting good. There is homcly
old adage which runs: Speak softly and
carry big stick; you will go far" If
the American Nation will speak softly,
and yet build and keep at pitch of the
highest training, a thoroughly efficient
Navy, the Monroe Doctrine will go far.
I ask you to think over this. II you do,
you will come to the conclusion that it
is mere plain common sense, so obviously
sound that only the blind can fail to
see its truth and only the weakest and
most irresolute can fail to desire to put
il into force.
Well, in the last two years / am happy
to say we have taken long strides in
advance as regards our Navy. The last
Congress. in addition to smaller vessels,
provided nine of those formidable fight
ing ships upon which the real efficiency
of any Navy in war ultimately depends.
It provided, moreover, for the necessary
addition of officers and enlisted men to
make the ships worth having. Mean
while the Navy Department has seen to
it that our ships have been constantly
exercised at sea, with the great guns,
and in maneuvers, so that their efficiency
as fighting units, both individually and
when acting together, has been steadily
improved. Remember that all of this is
necessary. war ship is huge bit of
mechanism, well-nigh as delicate and
complicated as it is formidable. 1t takes
yao To hti faly n
the officers and men how to handle it
to good advantage. 1t is an absolute i'm
possibility to improvise a navy at the
outset of war No recent war between
any two nations has lasted as long as it
takes to build battle ship; and it is
just as impossible to improvise the of
ficers or the crews as to improvise the
navy.
To lay up a battle ship and only send
1t afioat at the outset of war, with
raw crew and untried officers, would be
not merely a folly but a crime, for it
would invite both disaster and disgrace.
The Navy which so quickly decided In
our favor the war in 1898 had been built
and made efficient during the preceding
fifteen years. The ships that triumphed
off Manila and Santiago had been built
under previous Administrations with
money appropriated by previous Con-
crosses. The officers and the men did
| their duty so well because they had al
ready been trained to it by long sea
service. All honor to the gallant officers
and gallant men who actually did the
| fighting; but remember, too to honor the
| public men, the shipwrights, and steel
| workers, the owners of the shipyards and
armor plants to whose united foresight
| and eXertion we owe it that in 1898 we
had craft so good, guns so excellent, and
| American seamen of so high a type in
| the coming towers, in the gun turrets
| and in the engine rooms 1t is too late
| to prepare for war when war has come +,
| and if we only prepare sufficiently ne
war will ever come We wish a powerful
| and efficient Navy, not for purposes OF
| war, but as the surest guaranty of peace.
| If we have such a Navy-if we keep on
| building it up-we may rest assured that
| tdcre is but the smallest chance that
| trouble will ever come TO this Nation
| and We may likewise rest assured that
| no foreign power will ever quarrel with
| us about the Monroe Doctrine
hn Of Cd