The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1903-02-15

To the Editor: Senator Godwin's utter
ance in the Senate Committee on Propo-
sitions and Grievances last week was
significant. A week before he had re-
quested the consideration of the London
Bill be deferred as he had not had time
to examine it. The week having passed.
he arose and declared, Il have examined
the London Bill, and | am ready to vote
for 1t as it stands"
There are other gentlemen who will be
more favorable to the London Bill when
they have examined it, They have
prejudiced it. Because it is so ardently
urged by the temperance forces, they
have concluded that the bill is extreme
This comes up to the mark If the cranks
in times past. The London Bill is not
extreme. 1t is reasonable, a nd it is
adapted to the people-meeting at once
the demands OF good morals and sound
public policy.
Suppose the General Assembly should
declare that the States policy is to as
sumo that the people desire prohibition,
and declare also that prohibition is de-
srable; but should add that. if any city
or town preferred saloons or dispensaries
either might be established by popular
vote or petition?
Is there anything drastic or extreme or
unreasonable about that? Does it not
fully meet the demand for local self
government and popular rights? Is it in
the least less right or reasonable to de-
clare that saloons should not exist save
upon the expressed will of the majority
than it is to declare that prohibition or
dfspensaries shall not be established
save upon the expressed will Of the ma
jority?
And yet this is the block upon which
many gentlemen are stumbling. This is
in effect the fifth section-the much op-
posed fifth section-of the London bill
1t is this that they have permitted to
overshadow the entire bill.
In view of the fact that this matter of
temperance legislation is in the nature
not OF popular legislation, but of police
regulation; that is, in view of the fact
that the Assembly is dealing with q
recognized evil in the endeavor to find
a remedy for it: and in view of the fact
that there is such a trend in the AS
sembly for leaving it to the people," il
seems to me that this feature of the
London bill is, after all, the most timely
and accepted part of it.
1t merely gives the people opportunity
to vote their towns wet il they want
them so. Can the saloon men ask more?
Do they wish to be maintained by the
Assembly-and not by an expressed pop
ular vote? Does the Assembly wish to
stand before the Sthate as so maintain
ing them?
Now I must add that the fifth section
as it stands would call for a vote every
two years. This would be we'll for two
or three elections, as the States policy
should be to lead the people into some
thing better than the saloon system of
handling the great drink evil. This fea
ture is decidedly constructive in it's char
acter
So the fifth section is not such a terror.
but merely a we'll conceived and timely
piece of constructive legislation looking
TO the cure of the great drink evil.
IT LEAVES THE MATTER WITH THE
PEOPLE.
This reminds me that the Smith bill
which has gained so much ground while
the gentlemen were running away from
the London bills fifth section-is after
all the application of this very fifth sec
ton to the whole State! But gentlemen
who have rejected the London bill on ac-
count fthe fifth section have readily
embraced the Smith bill. The Smith
bill presumes that prohibition is coed
and is desired, but permits the people
who do not think so to test the question.
Instead of establishing prohibition only
by popular vote. it provides that saloons
and dispensaries may be established only
uron popular vote
IL seems to me that the advocates OF ,
saloons who are crying, Leave it to the
people. are really pleading for the fifth
section of the London BILL
l am willing to leave the question of
establishing saloons 70 the people. The
fifth section of the London bill distinct
ly calls for just this. But | fear the
gentlemen mean by their cry of Leave
it to the people"-''Leave il aione,"
Sc much for the fifth section. | iudee
thst the other features of the London
bill are pretty we'll understood and large
ly conceded.
I calls for an anti-jug law. That SIM
ply makes prohibition laws just and eff :
fective in prohibited territory. Any man
who seriously desires prohibition or dis
pensary laws will desire to make them
effective. Senator Simmons has declared
In favor of national anti-jug law II
is not equity to forbid people in terri