New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1903-11-06
MR.. CHAMBERLAIN'S FIGHT
HIS appeals to Workingmen and
Manufacturers.


ing classes. His first address in the olym-
pia was closely reasoned argument in his best
Parliamentary style, and there was little oratoTs
and no abuse OF political antagonists Two
thirds OF his auditors were hard headed mechah-
les from the Elswick works and the shippuliu-
ting yards on Tyne: and Mr. chamberlain
paid 10 Them TWO unique compliments. ohe was
an acknowledgement that they could follow MN
while be replied in detail TO objections TO mis-
views Of imperial economics, and the other was
a refusal to initiate the bad manners Of some OF
b:s antagonists and to substitute III natUred
al,se for dispassionate reasoning. he analyzeo
The arguments OF Lord Rosebery, Mr.. Asquitn'
Sir Edward Grey. Mr. Morley and Lord Goscheh'
and answered them one by one, and, by virtue
OF the lucidity OF his style and the plalnneSS o.
his speech he succeeded in commanding breath
less attention and ardent sympathy from a pop
ular audience of rough faced big listed working
men. only great debater, in touch with the
working world. could have interested an assem-
blage of this KIND in so dry a subject he ac-
complished his purpose, moreover, without de-
basing his most urbane and dignifed Parlia-
lnentary style. Sometimes at birmingham,
when he hears the cry, Give il to EN-, Joe.'
and feels in his face the hot breath OF oelig-
erent working audience. he is tempted to hit out
from the shoulder and TO knock down his party
antagonists in a frenzy OF passion. At New
lighting spirit Of British workers. There were
passages OF playful irony. but there were no
-eprisaIs for the fierce and Incorporate attacks
which Lord Spencer and Sir Henry Campbell
Bannerman had made upon him.
With the course Of his dialectics on this occa-
sion am not concerned. but rather with the
elevated spirit in which he persists in discussing
the national colonial and business questions
connected with the new Imperialism. The Mis-
sioner Of the Empire seems TO have drawn IN
spiration from what he considers the greatest
cause appealing to the sympathies OF the
English speaking race. he will not discuss re-
taliation or colonial preference as a party Ques-
tion. nor have recourse to ordinary processes Of
political defamation and sharp practice He
lifts the debate to the highest level Of national
policy and patriotic obligation and speaks with
an undertone Of personal conviction and fervid
earnestness which has been lacking for long
period in British politics. 1t is unconscious
imitation but there is touch Of the Grand
Old Mans impassoned manner, when Mr..
Chamberlain describes England and the Colonies
as joint heirs Of the noblest Empire the world
has ever known. and asks them to stand to-
Cether and be faithful to their responsibilities.
Il will not be long before ne is criticised for bad
form in being so terribly in earnest, when good
society prefers light amusement and is bored
with serious discussion. But momentarily he is
an impressive and picturesque figure and the
hero Of every working audience which he ad-
dresses. The white heat of enthusiasm with
which he forecasts the greater and more homo
geneous empire Of the future is infectious
wordnglncn are naturally prejudiced against
any scheme Of food taxation and suspicious that
the neat sums on Mr. Chamberlain's slate may
not work out according TO his deXterous cipher
ing but when they listen to his stately and dig
niied argument and are overwhelmed with the
simple eloquence OF his closing periods about the
paramount duties Of citizenship in the empire
they find themselves applauding with tumult-
nous enthusiasm. So great a force is earnest
ness IN this listless world,
Mr.. Chamberlain is a close and plausible rea-
soner when he addresses workingmen and his
message is always plain one. which can he
repeated the next day over the luncheon pals.
lie told them at the overflow meeting i'm New
castle that every one Of them was producer.
as well as q consumer, and had much to gain
and nothing to lose by the new fiscal proposals.
As consumers 1t would not matter whether they
paid taxes on meat and bread. on sugar. tea
and tobacco for the cost Of living would not be
increased by the readjustment Of burdens re-
quired for the promotion of preferential trade,
and as producers they would benefit by the as
surance Of having constant employment at fair
wages 10 the end OF their working days. He
couteuGed that there would he more work and
higher earnings II the home market were de-
Tended against unfair foreign competition and If
there were intelligent and systematic co-opera-
zion between the United Kingdom and the col
onies He had nothing TO say about the pur-
chasing power 81 wages, but much about en-
pIoymeut as the real source Of national prosper
ity- Wages. he insisted, must rise when there
was one man for two jobs, instead of two men
for ore joh, and workingnen have lost heavily
by the displacement Of labor caused by the de
cline and disappearance Of profitable industries
All these homely truths which have been taught
IN protectioniet America IN every Republican
campaign since the first election OF Lincoln. had
the charm Of novelty at Newcastle. and Mr..
Chamberlain knew how TO emphasize them by
referring 10 the decline Of British exports in iron
end steel and to the decline Of local indus
tries, such as the glass and chemical trades.
Whether Dir. Chamberlain is gaining losing
ground among the working classes. he argues
has case with great adroitness and receives not
only a patient bot even a markedly sympa-
thetic hearing. Among manufacturers he has
steadily made recruits since ne announced
tariff Of 10 per cent on all manufactured goods.
One OF the earliest trades to take organized ac-
ton is the boot and shoe industry of Leicester
and Northampton. where resolutions in favor of
has policy have been adopted 10y employers
associations which have felt the destructive
force Of American competition. and the leaders
Of other industries moving in the same d.
reCtion. The conversion of free trade England
10 rational policy Of national and imperial de-
fence cannot be rapid, when it is necessary TO
overcome the prejudices Of two generations and
the inertia Of old fashioned conservatism. but
81 is going on apace. The income taxes, with
which people Of moderate means have been over
whelmed ia time OF peace, well as Of war,
have predlsposed Them to favor Mr.. Chamber