The Lexington intelligencer. [volume] (Lexington, Mo.) 1901-1949, 1903-03-28
LEGISLATIVE CONSTITUTIONS.


with the legislature Just adjourned is
that no serious effort was made to
improve our revenue laws. Two years
ago a state tax commission was ap-
pointed consisting OF three experts in
the matter Of revenue legislation.
They made a study Of the revenue
systems OF the other states Of the
union aud reported to the legislature
the remedies which might be applied
without change Of the state cOnstitu-
ton and further desirable remedies
which might be applied only by
amending the constitution. THE
labors OF this commission cost the
state s15, 600 and would have repaid
the state many times over in a single
year II the principal suggestions Of
these experts had been needed. The
legislature did nothing Of the kind.
1t devoted two or three times as much
attention to the Jin Grow bill aud
other foolish measures as to the several
recommendations Of the commission.
The prime result of this failure Of
the legislature to consider needed and
possible revenue reforms will be to
strengthen the sentiment for a con-
stitutional convention. Under ex-
isting circumstances the INTELLI-
eENoER is opposed to a constitutional
convention. The people seem to have
a fundamentally erroneous idea of the
function Of a constitution, and SO
long as such is the case there can be
no permanent advantage in exchang-
ing an old constitution for a new one.
The consti, uJions of the several
states are themselves legislative rather
than defnitive. They aim at prescrib-
ing very narrowly lines within which
legislatures must act. They seem to
be constructed upon the theory that
while constitutional conventions are
very wise and very patriotic bodies,
legislatures are very foolish and very
reckless bodies. The constitution Of
the United states occupies eight
octave pages; the constitution of Mis-.
souri, sixty octave pages. A constitu-
tion limiting the legislative function
to the farthest particular of it's
exercise must necessarily be outgrown
in a few years, and changed condi-
lions must needs render it a him
drance rather than a help. This
notion prevalent in the states that
they must get, about every fifteen
years, a new, all comprehending,
legislative constitution so that they
may indulge themselves 10 the luxury
of foolish, incompetent, i'll paid
legislatures is a redical error. Our
legislatures are two large, In many
states consisting Of several hundred
representatives, In New Hampshire
there are 1893 representatives, The
pay Of a legislator is not greater than
that of a good bricklayer. Occa-
sionally a good man whose business is
such as to afford him some leisure
may be found to accept a seat 10 the
legislature, but the rule is that the
people who amount to enough to have
anything to do, feel that they cannot
afford the time from their business or
profession TO attend to the duties of
this important office, With the par.
tial exceptian Of the great cities, the
people would select good Competent
men rather than bad Incompetent
men, il they had a chance. The
tempting error that they sometimes
make is to prefer bad competent men
to good incompetent ones. We have
no trouble in getting good men for
our circuit judgships. There is no
reason why We should have in the
case Of the legislature. Reduce the
number, pay them reasonably for
their services and the right sort Of
men will stand for these offices and
the people will elect them. Even as
it is the country districts send some
good men to the legislature. But the
cities, where politics are the worst
and the sense of civic responsibility |;
the feeblest, furnish herds Of the
vileSt and most venal. IL takel
stronger inducements to bring out
uecenJ candidates 10 the cities tnaI
in the country. If we can eve
persuade ourselves to perfect a system
by which we may have a chance t,
have the right sort Of representation
in the legislature, we can draft
brief dehnitive constitution whicl
will last hundreds of years.