The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1903-09-16

burdens and enjoying only half the
advantages which should attach to the
empire. He devotes considerable
space to the effect of protection upon
combinations in countries in which
protection exists. This, the premier
points out, is to the disadvantage of
the British manufacturer, who is I'M
able to compete with the manufacturer
who is able to sell abroad at a lower
price than he charges for the same ar
ticle at home. He gives an instance
of German steel in this particular,
saying that it is selling cheaper in
England than the English manufac-
turer can possibly produce it.
Mr.. Balfour declares that the opti-
mists who advocate a continuance of
the free trade policy in place of the
injury worked by protection on Great
Britains interests are foolish and their
arguments little short of recklessness.
The only possible hope of a mitigation
of the evil is through negotiation.
which can only appeal to self-interest
in foreign protected countries and In
the case of the colonies, to self-inter-
est coupled with sentiment. Mr. Bal
four concludes:
Were 1 proved to be wrong, my
opinion on the fundamental question
would remain unchanged. Where we
right for country with free trade
ideals to enter into competition with
protectionist rivals, self-deprived of
the only instrument whereby their
policy can conceivably be modified.
The most essential object of our ma
tional effort should be to get rid of the
bonds in which we have gratuitously
entangled ourselves. The precise
manner in which we should use our
regained liberty is important, yet, after
all. only secondary ISSUE"
Of Great Significance.
The publication of the pamphlet i'm
mediately after the momentous cabinet
council held yesterday and today in
dicates that it embodieS a statement
Of policy accepted or rather acquiesced
in by the majority of the cabinet. If
this assumption is correct, it means
the abandonment of the idea of pref
erential tariff with the colonies and
the taxation of food in favor of sys-
tenn of retahatory duties. Even this,
however, is tentative. Mr.. Balfour in
his speech Oct. 1 is expected to elab-
crate and explain his case, and then
the cabinet will closely watch it's re-
ceptfon by the Conservative delegates.
In short, the great question of free
trade VerVus protection, SO far as the
cabinet is concerned, is still undecided.
What will be Colonial Secretary
Chamberlain's attitude is the burning
question of the moment. The most
striking feature of Mr.. Balfour's
pamphlet is that from the beginning
to the end 1t does not refer to Mr..
Chamberlain's proposals. There is not
a word about the threatened breaking
up of the empire or preferential tariffs,
and the colonies are scarcely mention
ed. On the contrary, the whole line Of
Mr.. Balfour's reasoning is opposed to
tariffs for purely protectionist pur-
poses. Hence, Mr.. Chamberlain is
faced with the alternative of either
abandoning. preferential tariffs or
prosecuting his campaign unsupported
by Mr.. Balfour.-S
On the zollverein question, Mr.. Bal
four says: 60
'The most momentous, perhaps the
most permanent victory for free trade
was won when, rather on national than
an economic grounds, interstate tariffs
were forbidden in the United States
Doesn't Perceive Ruin.
Neither does Mr.. Balfour admit that
Great Britain's 5trade is on the verge
of ruin. He says Judged by all avail
able tests, both the total wealth and
the diffused we'll being of the country
are greater than they have ever been.
We are not only rich and prosperous
in appearance, but also, I believe, in
reality. / can find no evidence that we
are living on our capital"
The premier thinks that this is be-
| cause protectionist tariffs are less bad
than they look and protectionist coun-
tries and the British colonies ''are still
our most important customers" He
contends, however, that in the future,
as the disadvantages that Great Brit
ain suffers must increase with the