The farmer and mechanic. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 18??-19??, 1903-09-15

To- recently written by President Roo>e-
welt 10 Governor Durbin on thu subject
of lynching. Forgetting for the present
the failure OF the President 10 enforce
the law against the trust magnates ana
Governor Durbin's refusal TO deliver 70
kentucky authorities a Republican eNGoF-
er,or charged with murder. let ~ con-
steer the subject Of mob law - IL i re-
lated TO the race question. The IIesl-
dent is right In protesting against mob
law-it cannot be defended. II = a re-
fection on the government II lAe people
have reason to dIstrust Its ablllty to en-
force the law. All viii agree with the
President that punishment should not
only be sure, but should be "a swift as
a due regard to the rights OF the ac-
eli sed will permit. Whatever ~pumshmente
are sanctioned by pubic OPINION should
be embodied in the law and IN the
case of crimes against women the law
should be such-even though a constr
~tutional amendment We're necessary TO
secure it-that the victim OF the outrage
Will he protected from the humiliation oil
having TO give testimony before 2 crowd
Of curious, but disinterested, persons.
The President Is also to be con mended
Ter 0dNInS COupIcu Il AclIuIlCldNi'i VI i1lt
with a condemnation OF lynching. Too
many cry out against the laWless pun
isrment without saying anything against
the horrible crime which arouses the an
ger of the people. If some Of the en-
thusiasm that is spent IN passing reso-
buttons d~enouncing mob law was employed
in condemning the u~nspeakable beastlallty
tha: proyokes punishment there
would be fewer instances Of mob law.
The fact that the President did not
specifically mention Southern lynchlngs
shows that the lynchings and burnlngs
In Northern States have convinced hlm
that race prejudice IS as strong IN Il
hEois, Indiana, Delaware and Kansas -
in Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama or
Texas.
1t may be we'll in this connection to
consider race prejudice Tor n moment
in connection with mob law. That
there's such a thing must be admitted.
1t is written on every page Of history
and is not likely to disappear soon. 1t
must be remembered. too. that the negro
has as much prejudice against the white
man as the white man has against the
negro. and if the negro was in a position
to rule the white man there IS no rea-
son to doubt that the white man would
IdNe ltdSOH u tCIiIpl"+hs mo = 81
parent in the carpet-bag days and IS ap-
parent today wherever it can find express
sion.
A sense Of Justice, however, restraints
this prejudice and it is not often that
either the white man or the negro says
ANYTHING in the presence OF the other
that is calculated to offend. Color IS
not a matter of choice, neither can 1t
be changed by Will or by law. 1t IS,
therefore,, as unkind to taunt a man
with being black as it is unreasonable
for a black man to be angered by such
a aunt.
A man is to be praised or blamed ac-
cording to the use he makes of his tai
ents or opportunities, not by his IN
herited advantages. The fact that a negro
is lynched by a mob because of an out
rage upon a woman ought not to increase
the race prejudice that exists. White men
are lynched for the same crime. Neither
must the white mans feeling towards the
negro be judged by his conduct when I'm
der great excitement. Man mac is an en-
tirely different creature from man de-
liberate. Men in anger have killed faith
ers, wives, brothers, sons and friends
they nave broken every tie of love and
friendship.
Suffrage qualifications cannot be at
tributed to race prejudice, for suffrage
qualifications are to be found in nearly
all countries and have been employed in
many of our own States. They have been
employed by white men against members
of the white race and by people of every
color against people of their own color.
Woman suffragists complain that women
are disfranchised and such d~isfranchise-
ment cannot be explained on the ground
of race prejudice either, for husband and
wife, mother and son, are not only of the
same race. but are linked together by
the strongest bonds known.
The suffrage amendments in the South.
so much complained of by Republican
politicians, are not nearly so severe as
the Republican colonial policy in the
Philippines.
First-In every Southern State some Of
the negroes can vote now, and all others
can qualify themselves for suffrage; in
the Philippines the inhabitants are per
manently disqualified.
Second-The negroes in the South, even
when they cannot vote, have the protection
of Federal and State constitutions; the
Filipino has no constitutional protection
whatever.
InlfO-1he negroes IN the South live
under the laws that the white man makes
for himself; the Filipino lives under laws
that we make for him and would not live
under ourselves.
While the brown man of the Orient is
faring worse than the black man in the
South, the Republican leaders are stirring
up race antagonism in this country in or
der to keep the colored vote solid for the
Republican party. Even the president
has contributed more than his share to the
agitation. When he has appointed a col
ored mar to office he has done it with a
flourish of trumpets and a brass band ac-
compartment that the world might know
that the door" was wide open. When
Il colored postmistress was objected to he
refused to allow her to resign and closed
the ofice-and did it allay race prejudice
No: it did more to excite race prejudice
than any 10 colored appointments that
President Mckinley made.
The Booker T. Washington dinner at