The daily morning journal and courier., 1903-01-15

any principle or IaNs IlLeEEg pf FlSHt business conduct has been sacrificed. The questions which, as l have been pointing out. the average emp oye: and manufacturer has tc meet. H hen 'Fec- ognition of the Uni T" may b demand ed of him, are to Dc clea.Iy and resO- Iuttly faced on the large. area. where the public welfare is more Vitally in volved as in the relations of Op rttOrs and workmen in cur semi-publjc cor pOrations and more primary industries
 such as gas companies, railroads and the coal business. But the sam" pTin- cipIes which may be cl ar-y dis ove:ed, and which should be firmly held in OUT I*ss-r and private industries. may serve as the right way-marks for th Sc great CT and public interests.
 What We are all saying is true cnough these are confused industrial times: there are OminCus signs in pre sent con- ditiUns. We should take care, there fore, to speak berly and adyisedly
 But confused and ominOus times are not the times when the CroakArs are wanted to blow their economic fog horns; neither are they pastoral days when it is enough to pipe with the aCa- deInic flute, or to strike the humanita- rian Tyre, or to play on the sociological harp; confused times are the stirring days which demand leaders who at the right moment can give the sterner word of command, Let the buglers blow. The men charged with the re- responsibilities of our industrial prosper ity have a task now laid upon them which requires, indeed, fairness and conciliation, and humane thoughtful ness for the conditions and living rights Of the weak, and also clcarness of vis- ion and rcsOluteness of will in singling out the main issues and holding fast the essential principles which cannot be surrendered, whatever else may be granted for the sake of industrial neace
 C0nclnatlon to prevent a strike is bet ter than any arbitration to repair the damage of strike. Consolidation before a threatened industrial war is a much more hopeful method of permanent peace than any industrial truce pro claimed by arbitrators afterwards. But lndecision where a principle of law or lpefty IS involved, or surrender of prlnclple for the sake of the st0ckhOld- CTS or the public, does not mean con- rnued prosperity, or peace that shall come to stay. For instance--T wish to deaI in possibilities not tco remote from actuallties-suppose a union of work men in gas company should demand the discharge of other workmen whom they could not persuade to join their unlon, and threaten a strike which might plunge whole city in darkness. 1T their tyranny of labor over labor Should not be granted. The manage ment might deserve the gratitude of the pupllc if by any conciliation not involv- ing surrender of principle they could avert the peril which would be inf1ict- ca by the cruelty of so wanton a de- mana. They might even go so far for the sake of giving the public light as to ada their persuasion to the legitimate eHorts of the union. But it would he better Tor city to return to the candle lght of our fathers than for it to sur render the first principles of their Dec laration of Independence.
 We are threatened now with an ad- ditlonai strike in the hituminous r. zion, as though the present coal famine were not price enough which syrnpathcttc public is paying for last summ, IFS i'd e. ness in the anthracite coal regions. An organization of labor which should con- trol labor in all the coal fields, both bltumnous and anthracite, would cer- tainly he one of the most gigantic and dangerous of trusts. But in the face even of famine let us not lose sight of principle, There must be one law for att the people. Let every cl2ss be sa- cured in it's own rights; let no organi- zatlon, high or low, deny the rights of other men. The puhliA as consumers , do not come into court with clean hands if the public as onl00kers have heeh alders and abettors in any v'oIl- tons of the law of industrial liberty or any acts of political intimidation The public can maintain it's rights as be- tween operators and labor unions only as it maintains with firm hand one law of responsible liberty for both, The . puoitc' urging it's own vital interest may justly require any possible concil- iatlon on the part of operators; but the public, even for the sake of coal, can not ask of the coal companies any rec ognition of the Miners Union which , should mean denial of free labor. The I operators must accept the present ar bitration of claims of wages and griev. ances; they have from the first refus. ed to arbitrate the question of recogni, ton Of the Miners Union. That needs F definition. Its right to exist and to use F all lawful means for it's own benefit is , sufficiently guaranteed in our laws; but Tor the opcraturs to deal with it in any way which would violate the freedom + ot labor would he for them to commit q colossal crime against liberty. As this 3 issue shall become clear, the American E people can be trusted fO" it's right de. f cis1on. l believe that we can confident
 iy trust the final judgment of the grea body of American working men, The spectre of the unknown labor vote max :, haunt our politics.; but the hard com. mon sense 10th of employers and work , men will not be always fooled by thu politicians ghosts. It may require s0mt
 time, indeed, before app al can b. mad, < from Philip drunk to Philip sober La f bor Cnionism seems just now to b. in.
 toXicated with success, mOnopulizins
 the whole sidewalk, making impossible t demands and being often provoking ir t its manners. But the SOberer moOt l will follow. Some trades unions hay, } learned that labOr's best weapons ar I reasonableness, cOnciliation and tolera Il tion of others rights in the assertion