The Marlboro democrat. [volume] (Bennettsville, S.C.) 1882-1908, 1903-09-11

ths nas sioa would ssj ia sab liofs So IS
5reeBtat t;l ish tond tions of ti ii var liz
several States nd diY Id 3pfOf o1hd apeaeei'
in enjoyinE "a eatee Eof!i Industrial prbs:
tperitNi ndrswlll stha : par tYAsk ttieitet.i
dict OF n0riEeth Sch ihieht pom this
qdeStitll, e stS
S;:atn nlans%ef to- your fifsts question, L
declare unreseryedl y against cQlg ares
st0nal action to enforce negro suffrage
iflthe, southern S States. ~ q
To your third question /. answer
that; there Is not the slightestr danger
that,fnreig %bOrns voters at the north;
will be rejudiced by the failure Of ne.
gro voting 5ats the south. Is it not
astonishing that able .atd liigh-mlnd. ),
ed men do not perceive tile absehce of
likeness between the s two 81 Gases?
Foreign born voters at the north soon
become, IL they have not already be-
come. an integral part Of the whole
white population. The white imml-i
grant soon shares the instincts and
prejudiccS OF the native whites, he
worships in the same churches; he is II
member Of the same unions, orders and
lodges: He socially minglcs with
white natives, subject only to the
limitations imposed by tastes, habits
OF life, fortune, creed business, and
the other categOries which determine
the social relations OF citizens Of pure
white American descent. The second
generation Of white European innt-
grants is generally indistinguishable
in appearance or speech from the de.
scendants Of the Maytlower pilgrims.
The third generation Is completely
part of the American race. How radi-,
cally different the relations between
whites and negroes. The two races
have lived together in South Carolina
for two centuries and a half. But they
remain today separate and distinct.
IT. is the wisdom and the aspiration OF
the noble and intelligent men OF the
black race, no less than the intense
and profund instinct Of the white race
that the two races must not, for the
safety Of both, fuse in sex or family
relations.
And now for tile second question.
II consttutional,gu Of penal
ties fail to induc"-and will not be
used by, courts and congress and
presidents to compel the dominant
white race to cnfranchise the blacks
in States where tile latter are in a
majority, or so numerous as with a
relatively small white minority to
make a majority then upon what
other guarantees and penalties can we
count to secure political rights to the
blacks? To this ! answer that we
Shall count upon the wisdom Of white
men and black men. We shall count
upon the progress Of black men in in
dustrial intelligence, thrift and
wealth. We shall count upon the in-
fluencc and stimulus Of their own high
minded leaders. Those leaders sec
with heaven directed wisdom that it
is not the ballot which gives strength
but rather strength which brings the
ballot. Negro conventions Of late are
much more full Of encouragement than
is your catechism. The carpetbag gov
ernment Of blacks, however great
their majoriteS, fell When the bayOnets
Of northern white men were with
drawn. The plain reason was that the
black men lately in slavery and hav-
ing ages or aeons Of Africa instead OF
western Europe behind their slavery,
were inferior in the skill, industry, in
tcliigence, self-reStraint which makes
the strength OF white men. Black men
are, however, acquiring thrift, intelli-
gence, we'll ordered industry, property;
and with these they will acquire
strength in their relations with ali
men, white and black. II the pro
gress must be long SO haS White pro.
gress been long. The black man can
not justly repine if to compel the
average white man to respect the
abilities and virtues Of his race, IL
shall take as long as it took to convert
tile typical ,,Angio-SaXon hand wht
titled the soil thousand years ago In
practical slavery, to become the typi.
cal American or English mechanic OF
farmer Of the Twentieth century. Nor
ought he to repine if 1T shall take
much longer. AS strength and ability
cor1c to black men, industrial success
will come to them-and in this indus.
trial republic that success will com,
mand the Difference OF white men.
The dollar of the black man will como
In time-and no long time-to have
the power of a white mans dollar
With patience and tact white meu
will, l believe, at the south as at tho
rth, come to wish that the black
lAan whom he respects for thrift OF
ability or property shall vote, and tC
take care that his voting is not OBJ.
Structcd.
So it is that VIC may count upon the
white man-upon his enlightened self
interest. And we may more safely
count upon him if we recognize the
fact that, whether we will or not, this
problem is to be solved by the domi.
nant race at the south. With it's con.
troll of the solution nothing ,-bIG civil
war can interfere and ever this we
shall not have civil war. Lately |
vcntured in AlaDama--and what !
said was most hospitality received -
to present this truth. l pointed
out the. enormous interest which
the Gulf States had, in the in
d:strial progress Of the negro. One
half or more OF their labor is negro
labor. The productivity of those
States, their progress i'm wealth, the
success OF the white man in using
their natural resources, the whites
mans fortune and powcr-all these
must in large part depend upon the
Industrial productivity or the negro.
That productivity will in the long
run, with blacks as with whites, de-
pend upon the confidence Of the labor
ing masses in the Justice OF their
ncighbors and or the law under which
they live. 1t will depend upon the