The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1903-05-02


ton against this social tyranny by en-
abling the peasant to become the own
er of his own holding. Eviction in the
old way, with all its attendant suffer-
ing and passion and revenge, is no
longer the dread OF dream of possible
horror to the peasant homes where
purchase has freed them from land
lordism, but it's recurrence is not i'm
possible even under the new conditions
which the coming bill may create.
There are village extorti@ners, or
usurers, in Ireland, and there will be
land jobbers springing up as the num-
Der of small land proprietors increases.
Improvident money borrowing is a pc
culiar habit among the peasant pro-
prietors, and we want, if possible, to
safeguard the future domestic rights
of Irish peasant homes from this.
Hence, the instruction given on Fri
day to Redmond and his party to press
for homestead law as part 'of the
government bill.
Racial strength and the wit Of the
Celtic character were clearly exhibit
ed in the proceedings of the first ses-
sion Of the Irish national convention.
We had, in the spirit of the speeches
and the warm ST. Patrick sentiment
animating the whole assembly Of
$500 delegates, representation of the
Irishman at his best. There was ex-
huberant good nature everywhere, en-
thusiasm was rampant and controll-
able only by restraining sense Of
that duty which carries everything be-
fore it, at gatherings where the Irish
man is his own lawmaker, where he
feels instinctively that whatever fro
licsome promptings his nature may
tempt him to, he must fulfill the sini-
ster predictions of his Anglo-Saxon
enemy and become divided.
There were interrupting voices,
which are the popularity of meetings
and conferences in Ireland; the play
of native wit and keen political intel
ligence which are the qualities of our
intellectual equipment as people,
and that are not found in similar as
semblies of our English neghbors and,
better still, as T. P. O'Connor said in
brilliant speech, "the vast concourse
Of kind-hearted but earnest and anx-
ious delegates showed the greatest
possible liberation Of views which did
not accord with their own warm con-
victions."
Indeed, nothing could we'll have
been better than the whole demeanor
Of this unrecognized national assem-
bly, Of Ireland in the good sense, un-
tagging attention and orderly pro-
cedure which characterized the days
labors. In an historic sense this was
the non-of1cial parliament of Ireland
solemnly celebrating, If Celtic light
heartedness can ever be really solemn,
how best to end the agrarian war
which has practically never ceased in
Ireland during the past 800 years.
There was some weakness just
where it is always found, and some
how, where the occasion and opportun-
ity called for a stern stand for justice,
and when the convention and the Irish
parliamentary party combined could
have forced the hands Of the govern
ment and insured the concession of
most of the amendments, this stand
was not taken. The bill was blessed
in voting and cursed in phrase; it was
good bill and bad one, conces-
sion to Irish strength and stroke
of beneficent English craftsmanship.
Redmond and O'Brien in eloquent
speeches emphasized the danger of Sc
we're critism of the Wyndham scheme,
while hoping that this forbearance of
the Irish people would plead for bet
ter bill. All this was honest and well
intentioned, but the Interpretation
which the chief secretary and the Eng
fish press will put upon so contradic-
tory an attitude will be that there is
compromise and weakness on the part
Of the Irish leaders.
Fully 500 clergymen, mostly Catho-
lie priests, were present, and it was
the duty of Father Humphreys, of
Tipperary, to face the good-tempered
but hostile audience in hopeless eff
fort to have the bill rejected by the
convention. The delegates were about
equally divided upon my amendment
proposed to O'Brien's motion, which
defined the general attitude of the
Irish party toward the bill. This at
titude, as foreshadowed in a previous
dispatch, was one of conservative ac-
tion. 1t accepted the Wyndham meas
ure as plan needing amendment, but
asked that the Irish party should be
intrusted with the task Of endeavoring
to obtain such concessions from the
government in the committee stage Of
the bill as would enable the members
to present new land act to the Irish
people as the final ending of the Irish
land struggle. My amendment to this
motion was not hostile to the spirit
or purpose Of the party's plan of &C.
tion, but it took exception to the idea
that the bill, even If improved to the
extent Of O'Brien's suggestions, could
he the final settlement NJ tho lind