The Pacific commercial advertiser. [volume] (Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands) 1885-1921, 1903-02-07
CAPITAL vs.. LIBERTY.

do with billions of capital leads
thoughtful people to wish that the re-
strictions imposed by the bill were pos
sible to reach. in framing this govern
ment the early Americans were care
full not to lodge a dangerous amount
of political power in any individual or
. bureau. They would not permit the
President to make war without the as
sent of Congress; they put approprl-
ations and expenditures in different
hands and marked out the legal boun-
daries of each; the army was given a
civilian commander in chief in the per-
son of the President; certain vital
rights were reserved for states and OF
the three coordinate branches of FED
eral administration, not one was per-
rnitted to perform it's duties without
some measure of reference to the 9th
ers. perfect system OF checks and
balances was organized. AS far as
their lights permitted them to see. the
architects of the republic made 1T inn
possible for sovereign power to be
taken from the people. But they did
not think Of the sovereignty Of cash.
National power does not, as the
founders thought, necessarily reside in
office. 1t is a prize which may be
bought by the man or men who con-
troll a sufficient sum of money. Today,
if the trusts should secretly combine,
they could elect the Senate and House
of Representatives, most of the gov
ernors and legislatures and surround
the President with such obstacles to
reform and with such plausible incen-
tives to act in behalf of the privileged
class that his power to do public serv-
ice would be unconsciously circum-
scribed. There are individuals in the
country now who are becoming bill
ionaires. They are not ambitious for
political primacy and are spending the
money they do not use in their bust |
ness upon educational and philanthrop-
ic projects. But one day may come a |
group of billionaires with the instincts
of Jay Gould and Jim Fisk and Rich
ard Croker, and then the question of
moment to those by whom the liberties
of the United States are cherished is,
To what dangerous political use will
these men put their money?
A writer on Pierpont Morgan in re-
cent magazine puts this question with a
most sensational result. Taking one
billion dollars as the capital of thor
oughly ambitious man. he marshals it
as follows;
In the controlling banks of the
country :. $500, oOO'OOo
In the controlling railroads. 200, 100000
In mines and most important
manufacturing institutions 100000, 900
For control of the leading
newspapers ...-.........- 100, 100000
For control of commercial
agencies :. ......... 100000
For control of strategic char
tiles and churches. $500. 100000
For retaining fees for leading
lawyers and orators 100000
Deposited in safety vaults in
gold and legal tender. 200, 900, 600
Undeniably, such use OF money
would lodge in the hands of one man
as much power as Napoleon Bonaparte
had over the destiny of France and of
Europe at the zenith of his career but
a power which it would be more diff
cult 20 combat and overturn, Men will
fight plain political despotism which
rests it's right to rule on bayonets; =,
but ii is another matter to fight the
who controls the sources of
popular livelihood, has a commanding J
public opinion at his back. and is able
and willing to buy up opposition. or ]
all despots. he would be most secure in t
his authority. c
Analyze the disposition Of the bill
ION dollar fund. Two hundred millions
invested in banks would create a fnan- c
,ial status which conservative banking e
men would not care to oppose. No banker
wants to fight $500, O00, 900, backed by s
300. oeO, O0O Two hundred millions more t
,sed strategically would control the
political influence of all the railroads.
4 quarter of billion in the great in
iustries would control their vote and u
heir pull with Congress and with
he courts Five millions would buy
enough newspapers to profoundly in
iuence public opinion, and draw to
heir service, through a generous salary :,
Gale, the brightest journalists. Con-
rol of the commercial agencies would
Ne a powerful weapon of offence and Y
efence in trade. Church opinion, F
which has yielded so readily to the
Jews of such men as the Rockefellers,
ould be misguided by a more lavish
uppfy of funds for charities and mis-
ion. into a conscientious support of fc
he ,.existing order" BY these means,
aillions Of votes and Of money could
e narshalled against what the billion u,
Tres would choose to call socialism" =