The morning Astorian. [volume] (Astoria, Oregon) 1899-1930, 1903-03-07
LET Us APPEAL TO REASON.

thracite coal commission. That ne
port win be the most important utter-
ance ever made anent the labor-capital
question.
To some extent, at least, the bitter
ness that characterized the strike per-
iod has suhsided. Passion has given
place to thought, and it is possible now
10 make an appeal to reason that may
be needed by both parties to the con-
troversy.
Probably. no sensible person will de-
ny the truth of the assertion that both
parties were right and wrong. There
were elements OF weakness in the po-
sition Of the iaborer as also in the
contention of the employers. Our ma
turai sympathies were with the lahorer
We all believed his wages were insult
ficient for the proper sustenance of
life and the providing of the reasonable
comforts that American citizens are
entitled to. We conceded that the
powerful coal companies and coal car
rying roads had oppressed their men in
shameful manner. It was apparent
those companies had violated their
charters which inhibited any coal road
from engaging in the business OF min
ing coal. and that a degree of hard
heartadness had been manifested by
the coal magnates was obvious and in
diisputahla. Sdch men as Baer were
properly exeoriated by the American
nation with so few exceptions that
those who upheld him were as lone
some as a devils imp would be in
heaven.
While admitting these deplorable |
facts. and cheering John Fitehell on
his way as he battled as no man before
him has ever battled for the rights Of
labor. we must couple with the admis-
sion the further concession that per-
haps there were some phases of the
situation that did not reflect credit
upon the laborer's side of the contro-
versy. Men such as John Mitchell oc-
cupied absolutely blameless positions,
and it is not possible within the bounds
Of reason to find flaws in the high
contention ne maintained. 1t was not
the John MitcheIls who were wrong.
1t was not rlie noble unselfish leaders
Of that stripe who weakened the labor
er's cause before the people.
1t was the violent mining element
who, disregarding the wishes of their
president, lndulged in excesses and
betrayed their lack of lawabiding char
acter
1t is competent to GO still farther in
the relations between cap
ital and labor, as revealed by the coal
strike, and assert that in some man
ner and very soon, too, there must be
determining Of the degree of liberty
that is hereafter to be enjoyed by both
of them. To what extent shall the
laborer compel his employer to submit
to the dictation Of the union as to
terms of working hours. wages and the
reception and discharge Of men? To
what extent shall the employer go in
using his power to force down wages
to the very existence point, merely be-
!
cause he is able to take advantage Of
the law of supply and demand?
Probably, these two queries eptom-
Ize the whole problem that is now be-
fore the American people and that viii
be Illuminated or otherwise according
to the nature of the report to be SUBJ
nitted by the anthracite commission.
II there be an appeal to reason, the
people will perhaps heed it Ii
reed It in the realization that we must
loon have settlement Of the labor-cap- {
tai troubles that sometimes cause
men to blanche with fear I
or the consequences.
The nation is prepared to view the
natter soberly and bravely and hon
stly The post-strike period in which
We now are is the time for an approx
nation OF the final answer. We as a
'eople are anxious that justice be done
he worlSingman. Indeed, we will con-
ent TO no program that does not in {
olive recognition Of the laborer's !
Ights But, also. we viii demand pro- I
sction for the employing classes. we .
in see 10 1t that the latter receive
heir Just dues.