The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1903-10-11

tariff Of isAe. to substitute its own policy
and secure It's ascendancy, 80 long As the
political power OF its peculiar instit,,-
ton Of slavery existed.
". ,
II was MIR. Smith Of Maryland who termed
the tariff OF 1898 q bill OF abominations.
a name that stuck to IL. Our author aces
under which this measure was passed
are set forth accurately in the speech de-
livered by Daniel Webster in the Senate
while the bill was pending. Some pas
sages Of the speech illust rating the political
history Of the time are here reproduced.
The interesting circumst ance is not ed
that, in explaining his purpose to vote for
the bill, Webster did not, as yet, profess
to have changed his own opinion. He had
in 1924 expressed himself strongly as ainst
the policy Of protection. In 1928 he said
did not profess to announce his personal
opinion, but virtually assumed to speak
a. an advocate for New England, which.
up to 1924, had opposed protection, but
which, upon becoming satisfied that a
protective system had been deliberately
and finally adopted as national policy.
had resolved to take advantage oft. Hav-
ing been induced by the promise OF con-
tinued encouragement to embark it, capital
largely in manufacturing enterprises, New
f lgland, he maintained. was justified In
that the promise be fulfilled.
He referred to the accusation which had
been made previous to 1924. that New
England, having herself established manu-
features, selfishly opposed measures that
would enable other parts Of the country
to establish them. and thus become her
rivals; and he also replied to the acc'isa-
tons made In 1928. that the measure then
pending was exclusively for the benefit
OF New England, brought forward by her
agency, and designed to crafty the Gu
pidity of her wealthy establishments
He pronounced both charges Equally
without the slightest foundation" and had
no difficulty in proving them to he 90, or
in explaining the reasons for the change
in the policy Of the Nav England people.
After giving hist DRY Of the events which
had led up to the existing situation In the
woollen industry. Mr. Webster proceeded
to cor sider the relation Of the provision
of the bill respecting that manufacture
to other clauses, includir & those denour ed
by Mr.. Smith az denominations. Our
author discaims any partisan motive for
adopting az accurate Mr.. Webster's allega-
tions regarding the spirit ard purpose Of
those who impaired it's peculiar character
to the bill. We are reminded that some
of those who helped to make the bill OBJ
jectionable avowed afterward that 70
render it offensive had been their deliberate
and that every writer, no matter
upon which side of the question enlisted.
has perceived, stated and condemned their
dsr genuous course. Under the circum-
stan ces, Mr.. Stanwood thinks that Webster's
words may be regarded as fully corrobo-
rated. "The wool manufacturers think
said Mr.. Webtser -that they have made
our case for the interposition OF Congress.
They happen to live priv cipally at the
North and East; and. in q hi professing o
found which are supposed and support ed
because they ara supposed TO be such as
will press with peculiar hardship on that
quarter OF he country. Not y are
clauses found and continued in the bill
which Cypress particular interests. but
taxes are laid also which will be severely
felt by the whole Union; and this. too.
with the same design, and for the same
end before mentioned, of causing the smart
of the bill 10 be felt" He instanced Sthe
molasses duty as of this class, -needlessly
81 m ha uhn ii
benefitirg nobody on earth but the Treas
ury Ye, here it ia. here it is kept, ur der
an idea, conceived in ignorance ard cher
ished for short lived triumph, that New
En- gaud will be deferred by this tax from
protecting her exter slve WOO len manufac-
lures or. if not, that the authors Of this
policy may at least have the pleasure the
high pleasure. of perceivrg that she feels
the effect Of this bill. Gentlemen who hold
it TO be wholly unconstitutional to lay any
tax whatever for the protective purposes
by this BILL vet cordially vote
for this tax An hor orabe gentleman
from Maryland [Mr. SMITH calls the whole
bill bill OF nominations This tax,
he agrees, is one Of its denominations yet
he votes for it. Both the gentle
men from North Carolina ha We signifed their
with the bill, yet they have
both voted to double the tax on molasses.
y And yet, sir, North Carolina.
whatever she may think OF it, is fully a.
much interest ed in this tax as Massachusetts,.
In view OF the evidence brought forward
in this work. it seems indisputable that the
genuine protectionists cannot be held re-
sponsible for the denominations" in the
tariff act OF 1928 To this assertion it may
be objected that, since Pennsylvania
and New York had been the home of
protection, the members from those
States, rather than the recent converts
from New England. should be regarded
as the genuine protectionists" and that.
inasmuch as they impaired to the bill it's
character, the assertion Just made Ia not
true This objection is dismissed by our
author as a bubble. He points out that
the conversion Of the New Englanders
was thorough. whereas the attitude OF
by political motives. and most of them
ceased even to pretend to favor protection
before the enactment OF the tariff OF 1892.
Mr.. Stanwood adds: III any doubt exists
as to the sentiments Of genuine protec-
tionists, it is only necessary to observe
how carefully and completely Mr.. Niles
[Hezekiah Niles, editor OF the Reoister
a stalwart protectionist organ. established
Mt Baltimore In 1911 washed his hands OF
the whole business. In fact. every ono
was ashamed OF the law when 1t was passed