The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1903-10-11
GOVERNOR AYCOCK ON
NEGRO SUFFRAGE
Statesmanke Statement That Will Convince Fair
minded Northern Men of the Wisdom of
the Soutfl's Action.

the support of measures which their
judgments and consciences disapproved.
Now only the most intelligent negroes
can vote. AS their numbers increase they
will develop leaders among themselves,
holding different views on public ques-
tons, and will undoubtedly at the polls
more nearly reflect these views than
they have ever done in the past.
In the mean time no negro is denied any
civil right in this State. The white peo-
pie realizing the necessity for restricting
the suffrage have felt it incumbent upon
them to safeguard more carefully than
ever the right of the negro in every other
respect. In assuming the office of Gov
ernor of the State i used the following
language:
1.-The white people owe a high duty to
the negro. 1t was necessary to the safety
of the State to base suffrage on capacity
to exercise it wisely. This results in ex-
Guiding a great number of negroes from
the ballot, but their right to life, liberty,
property and justice must be even more
carefully safeguarded than ever 1t is
true that a superior race can not submit
to the rule of weaker race without in
jury; it is also true in the long years of
God that the strong can not Cypress the
weak without destruction. 1 said on April
IL, 1900, and / now repeat it as a deep
conviction, that universal justice is the
perpetual decree of Almighty God, and
we are entrusted with power not for our
good alone, but for the negro as we'll
We hold our title to power by tenure of
service to God, and if we fail to admin
is ter equal and exact justice to the negro
whom we deprive of suffrage, we shall
in the fullness of time lost power our
selves, for we must know that the God
who is love trusts no people with au-
thority for the purpose of enabling them
to do injustice to the weak
This language expresses the views of
the white people of this State. When
we come to examine the legislation of the
State we shall find this statement within
the facts. The negroes pay but little of
the taxes for the conduct of the public
school, and yet our laws provide and
carry into effect the public school system
which secures equal facilities for the ne
groes with those provided for the whites.
At the last session of the legislature
bill was introduced to change this provi-
sion and to divide the school fund among
the races in proportion to the amount
paid by each race. A sense of fairness
on the part of the whites prevented this
bill from ever reaching a single hearing
in the legislative body in which it was
introduced. Speaking for the dominant
party and for the white people 1 said in
10 ~ 1o4, e
No reason can be given for dividing the
school fund according to the proportion
paid by each race which would not equal
ly apply to a division of the taxes paid
by each race on every other subject.
Education is a governmental function.
The right to collect taxes for the purpose
is based on the duty of the State to edu-
cate its citizens. The care of the insane
is no more the duty of the State than
education, and if we divide the school
fund according to the races we should also
divide the fund for the maintenance of
the hospitals for the insane in the same
fashion The amendments pro-
posed is unjust, unwise and unconstitu-
tional 1t would wrong both races, would
bring our State into the condemnation of
just public opinion elsewhere, and would
mark us as a people who have turned
backward. The State of North Carolina
has heretofore enjoyed the distinction Of
being first in those things which look to
larger liberty and consequent higher
development of her people. Let us not
seek to be the first State in the Union
to make the weak man helpless. This
would be leadership which could bring
us no honor but much shame
In view of the fact that the legislature
took the view which was presented in
my message, and continued to provide
school facilities for the education of the
negro equal to those of the white, it may
be safely assumed by those in other
States who take such deep interest in
our affairs that no injustice will be done
fhe negro. Indeed, we are more than fair
to him. We have provided for the insane
of the negro race a hospital capable of
! caring for every insane negro in the State,
while there are few hundred insane of
the white race for whom provision has
not been made. In our courts of Justice
a practice of more than twenty years at
the bar enables me to declare with en-
phass that the negro can and does Sc
cure a fair trial / have appeared for
hundreds of them in criminal indictments
and in civil suits, and have yet to find
a ground for complaint against our courts
| 70 rfallure to act fairly toward the negro.
| Indeed, in civil suits between whites and
negroes the juries incline to favor the
negro. If the case presents the slightest
element of oppression on the part of the
white man toward the negro, the verdict
is almost certain to be in favor of the
| negro. There is a sense of fairness among
our white people which causes them to
look with contempt upon the white man
who seeks to overreach the negro in a
| business matter.
The problem of securing peace between
two races living side by side with equal
civil rights pursuing their separate ends
under one government is fraught with diff
| ficulty. 1t is one which requires much
wisdom long time and abiding to solve a
right. The white men of this State have
set themselves to the task of solving it,
and they have gone about it in the right