The Appeal. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. ;) 1889-19??, 1903-11-28

A Political History of Slavery. BY Will
lam; Henry Smith; With an INTRODUCTION e1ea
Net. $3.50; BY mail, $500. New York;
8. P. Putnam's Sons
"A Political History of Slavery by
VIM. Henry Smith, is an elaborated story
Of the controversy over the slavery queS-
tion from the early days Of the 18TH cen
tuly to the close of the Reconstruction
period in the United States.
There is an introduction by WhltelaW
Reid. which tells of Mr. Smiths career
and which gives quite an extended crlt!-
cism.s OF these two very instructive VOL
umeS.
is written with the fullness of knowledge
that comes from having seen many of the
events from the inside as they occurred,
from lifelong familiarity with and study,
of the entire range of the subjects: ana
from access to much unpublished infor-
nation, in the papers of President Hayes
and Governor Brough, in the records OF
the state Office held during a critical part
Of the period, and in constant persona!
communication with some of the actors.
Again LAS time goes on fuller justice
will be done, in the history Of the move
ments by which free people enlarged the
bounds of freedom, to communities ana
to leading men that relied upon typical
Anglo-Saxon means for the correction OF
wrongs and the better development OF
Anglo-saxon institutions; ITO HORACE &c
Greeley first among public educators, TO
Chase and Seward. Stanton and Welles,
first among Legislators. and cabinet min
listers, and finally to the peer, If not the
superior of them all, and certainly the
most capable politician of the list, Abra-
ham Lincoln
In Chapter I, the author says: IF there
is one thing clearly established. it is that
slavery was deprecated by the men who
formed the Constitutions who, recognize
ing that such an institution was inconsis-
tent with Christian civilization, inconsis-
tent with the great principles of civil lib
Lol l1T
and which constitute the basis of our Re-
public. refrained from inserting In that
great charter a name so repulslVe to free
dom. We must conclude that they were
percipient witnesses to the public senti-
ment of that day. There was no state
free from the faint OF slavery and the
feeling that it was injurious to society
was in no sense dependent upon sectional
ally confidently expected: emancipation
was to be the rule. This came early north
Of Maryland, and it is not unreasonable
to suppose that if there had been no inhi-
patton would have followed in Delaware,
Maryland, North Carolina, Kentucky and
Tennessee
Opposition to the institution Of slavery
sinfulness or from economic and social
policies. The resistance of those who
with Mr.. Jefferson condemned 1T because
of it's destructive influence became as
lence of political forces; while that hav-
ing it's source in religious feelings played
an important part in the creation of g
other denominations in the employment
Of moral influence for the eradication of
slavery. though there were. not wanting
outspoken utterances in the Presbyterian,
Baptist and Methodist churches at an
early day, especially in Ohio, Kentucky
and Tennessee
Some years ago one who had been
conspicuous as a leader in the anti-slav-
cry contest endeavored to show the un-
faithfulness of current history in dealing
with the genesis of modern abiitionism,
and thereupon a controversy sprang up IN
the public. prints as to whether VIM.
Lloyd Garrison. Benjamin Lundy or Chas
Osborne was entitled to be styled the first
Apostle of Emancipation. Geo. w. Julian
the writer. who challened the truth OF
history clearly established the claims OF
Osborne to be mentioned before either
Lundy or Garrison. but strangely over
looked the claims Of another whose career
was strkingly like that OF Lundy-John
Woolman3, a Friend who was born in New
count of his early life and career, exceed
inglE interesting and Of his anti-slavery
sentiments :.When about 26 years of age
he visited North Carolina. where he
sought to arouse the consciences of slave
holders and wrote an essay entitled Con
siderations OH the Keeping Of Negroes -
After his death in 1772. his journal
WHICH WAS puDISleQ, 1dO q VIDE C1rCula-
ton. 1t shows that his life was given to
the work of emancipation. He Travelled
from colony to colony. preaching remon-
strating and counseling.
The author discusses with pan!stakine
Omnibus Bill" "Repeal OF the Missouri
COMPROMISED 1.-The Nomination of Lin
coin and in their discussion exhibits a
wealth of information and breadth OF
knowledge. which could only result from
many years study and contact with the
leading- men OF those stirring times.
Vol II opens with a chapter on 'The
I'm the history Of nations weak rulers are
treated with scant respect. They become
the dupes of knaveS. the instrument of
oppression; they imperil governments and
invite disorders to enter in; they are the
real enemies to human progress. When
Mi. Buchanan was brought face to face
with men resolute in purpose to disrupt
the Union and overthrow the government,
as impotent as he was in fact as the ex-
ecutive. Imagine Andrew Jackson, the
executive head of the government in
lS60-61. Would members Of Congress en-
gagged in the work Of disunion have been
welcomed at the White House? Would
they have pulled him u,
ORGANIZED LABOR.
Organized Labor: BY John Mitchell.
Pr. 496 with As fuil-page illustrations.
$1.75 net. Philadelphia: American Book
What. particularly i1i1presses the reader
Of this book is the broad grasp which Mr.
Mitchell has shown. Mr. Mitchell, al
though l'nionist, of the zUnionist: and
ganized labor has had in this country.
still attempts to take up the problem from
the point of view Of the patriotic citizen:
His point Of view is that of the general
public. Mr.. Mitchell does not shirl the
discussion Of the weak points of labor or
CARNATIONS. and is especially. eloquent in
his Pronunciation of violence in strikes.
the arguments against Trade Unionism as
we'll as proposed plans for benefiting the
conditions of the workman. Mr.. Mitchell
takes mp in detail the question of strikes
be prevented. or at least rninimized.
There are half dozen chapters deal
ing with the coal strike of 1902. giving the
story Of the strike from the inside. Mr..
Mitchell states that at the beginning of
August the strike was about to collapse,
and that if energetic action had not been
taken at this time by the operators, the
strike would have been lost The inside
victory was snatched from defeat is told
in a graphic and eloquent manner by the
author.
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN sTRUG-
GLE FOR LIBERTY.
History of the German Struggle for
Liberty. BY Poultney Bigelow. Volume 3.
50 Is net. New York: Harper & Brothers.
While the literature Of Germany leads
the world in advanced thought concern
ing philosophy, science. and even the
ology it is absolutely barren as to biog
raphies of the men who were prominent
in the struggle for liberty which began
jmm ediately following the battle of Wa
terloo. and ended in 184S. The author
states that no mention is made
in German literature of men above ned-
OGRE ability who took part in that move
ment. and that his task has been one of
interesting delving into thousands Of
pages OF dead records Of the past to OBJ