The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1903-04-26

Church.
sideration. Carried away by the insistent
and specious pleas of the labor agitators,
they lose sight OF the grave issues at stake.
Our duty Is to arouse the great middle
class to a realization OF what trades union
ism in its FULL unrestricted and unopposed
development means. We must organize,
not for the purpose of checking the possible
beneficent work of unionism, but to be able
to meet and reason with organized labor
on its own powerful plane, and to be able
IL need be to oppose force with force. In
dividual employers are almost powerless to
cope with the labor combinations. and fire.
quently they opposed to one another
in what they consider their interests. With
the industrial experts that organized capt.
tai will develop II will be much easier to
avoid discussions among the employers and
the employed. and it will also be easier to
come to agreement with labor leaders on
points Of common interest. Not oppression,
but amicable agreement is our plan. Peace
is our watchword. And to accomplish this
to the fullest the third interested party to
these industrial disputes, the great middle
class public, must be brought to see both
sides of the case clearly
FOR INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY
The association opposes the distinction
that unionism makes between the union
employee and the nonunion employee, the
latter constituting about IS per cent. of all
laborers; 1t opposes the limiting of mans
ambition and capacity by denying the in
dividual right to determine for himself
the length of time he shall work and how
much he shall produce In given time, and
also the rules limiting or forbidding ap-
prentices; 1t opposes the usurpation Of
rights by the union, which says to the
manufacturer that he shall deal with the
Union, and that while he shall pay the
men individually they shall be indebted
more to the union than to himself for their
positions; that he cannot employ or dis
charge men without the consent of the
wage without regard to individual worth or
the ability Of the employer to pay the fixed
wage; it opposes all restrictions on the free
operation of the natural laws Of industry.
1t is strenuously opposed to the socialistic
principle Of the labor union, which AFRO
gates itself as an organization. the rights
which belong to the individual worker, and
which interferes with the property rights of
tribute his earnings. AS one evidence that
the Association of Manufacturers is con-
siderate Of the interests Of labor, so far
as it has gone into the subject of convict
labor, 1t is the feeling of the officers of
the association that convicts should be
employed in road-making, so as not to in
-terfere and compete with free laborers.
The association regards the questions
between capital and labor as business ques-
lions to be solved by the wisest heads of
the two classes. These questions are above
all things not political questions. If cap
ital and labor cannot agree. and If the bal
ancing power Of the mind Of the great mid
die class. properly educated on both sides
of the controversy, fails to influence an
agreement, then it will be time enough for
the government to take a hand in the So
luton of the problems. Only when a dis
agreement reaches the point of violating
the obligations of capital and labor to So
ciety at large should government interfer-
ence be thought of. Special and class legis-
lation should be discouraged. The impera-
tive and present need is for capital to or
ganize, then the problems will be half
solved.
In England, as well in America, the
need of organized capital has been felt.
The Employers Parliamentary Council,
representing many million pounds has been
organized to take action with respect to
any bills, introduced into either house of
Parliament. affecting the interests of
trade, OF free contract and of labor, or with
respect to the action of imperial or local
authorities affecting in any way the said
interests" In 1902 the council opposed the
passage Of twenty bills, and was success
full where 1t was persistent in opposition.
1t Is doing what 1t can to oppose what is
known as the ''ca' canny'' (do as little as
pessible-only so much work to do policy.
| In British trades unionism this is an I'M
derstood, though not expressed, policy to
restrict the output. there being an idea
that there is a fixed amount of work to
| be done and that IL should be so distributed
as to go round among all laborers. This
economic deluson. and others. has. Of
course. done much to injure British trade,
| and united and intelligent opposition on
| the part Of capital is the result. Germany,
also. has new organization similar to the
| National Association or Manufacturers.
PLANS OF ASSOCIATION.
The plans OF the Manufacturers Asso-
citation include the promotion OF employers
associations in every State in the Union.
each association being part OF the intend
ed Employers Council of the'United States.
This will take OF the hands OF the Manu-
facturers' Association. as such. much OF the
burden OF handling the problems of capital
and labor. But. just as Mitchell is more
| important TO labor than Gompers, so the
| leaders OF the Manufacturers Association
Will be, for time. at least. more important
! than the leaders OF the council. since the