The Montgomery advertiser., 1903-08-22
soME NonrHERN oPTNroNs.

SOME NORTHERN OPINIONS.
 A writer in The Chicago Chronicle, who is evidently a Northern man. looks fos- ward with palpable dread to what he considers the inevitable trend of eventsf < which win bring that section face to face with. the negro problem. The foi- lowing portions of his letter will be read with interest:
 I repeat that not more than one white man in 100 will now maintain that the fifteenth amendment was anything save political parties of this country have pa-
 triotism enough to join forces in this
 one matter-repeal the amendment, re- store I G the negro to his position :.,.s as ward M thus avert a contingency which cannot
 be contemplated without horror7
 am earnest in this matter because l South stands in greatest jeopardy from the black peril The people of the South, by the experience of generations. have learned to keep the negro in control. The people of the North. as shown in recent ghastly episodes, know no other way of dealing with them than 10 kill them. menace is strongest. 1t is from the peo- l pie of the North that the demand should come for the repeal of the constitutional amendment. The politician who has the l courage to initiate the movement will
 soon ind that he has the people behind l him.
 That the North has really more to fear
 in the future than the South has. we 1 believe to be true. At least the South
 has less to fear if left to deal with the subject without outside interference.
 That is the disturbing factor, the fly in | the ointment and real source of most of the trouble we of the South have expe-
 rienced since the slaves were freed As l the writer says, our people understand | negroes. and understand how to deal with them. If we do not always treat them with exact justice 1t is partly because
 we are not yet far enough removed from l the time when they were chattels, and. partly because our best efforts are often opposed or rendered valueless by inter-
 ference from those who kn9V little of the negro and less of the conditions existing | down here. The whites and blacks of the South would live in fairly perfect peace and harmony but for outside infiu- ences.
 It is certainly different in most conn
 munities up North True, some of them are learning by experience what large
 negro population means, but as gen.
 eral thing they have much to learn, and 4 the learning is not a pleasant task To
 coddle the negro socially and politically
 and turn the back of the hand to him industrially is not the way to deal with
 them. Doubtless it gratifies the negro's pride to sit at table with the white peo- pie, and it exaits his sense of ambition and self importance to find himself an
 important factor in political scramble,
 but none of these attentions will feed or
 clothe his family. And when, after all
 these evidences of appreciation. as he
 takes 1t, he undertakes to work in com
 petition with the white man. he finds
 himself ostracised and driven out. and
 if he resents the opposition shown him
 war Is declared on him and his race.
 That is the difference between the North
 and the South. and that is the reason
 why the former will find it much harder
 to deal with the problem than we do.
 But the most significant portion of the
 writer's letter is found in what he says i. about the fifteenth amendment. He writes like a man who knows what he } Is talking about. and if his information and assertions are correct we must ac. knowledge our surprise. We know that of late there has been great deal said , both North and South, about the consti' } tutional amendments. We know, fur , ther, that some of the most influential . newspapers, and some of the most prom l inent statesmen of the North have re. gently expressed themselves plainly that : the fifteenth amendment was blundel i almost criminal. S9f not really so. Fur ther, they declare that this amendment s is and ought to be a dead letter and that l it ought to be repealed.
 ] This, as we have said, all indicates { n decided change of sentiment and feelini = in the North, much of which has beer
 caused by a more intimate acquaintance
 with our colored fellow-citizens at clos'
 range, and some of it, we will do thu a Northerners the justice to say, come ]. from a better acquaintance with South {, ern people, and also from a more toler e ant feeling towards this section. ! Now, to give the other side of thu sl question we copy something from a pa - per by Andrew B. Humphrey and print s ed in The Statesman, of New York. H e has an elaborate article on "The Rac' F Problem, Suffrage and the Federal Con d stitution," in the course of which ht e thus indicates what Congress can do: First, The Supreme Court has practical l. ly said that there is no adequate legis | lation to make the Fifteenth Amend - ment effective. Congress can make sucl Il legislation at any time in conformit.
 l with it's powers and sworn duty.
 Second, Congress can enforce the man :, datory provision in the second section 0 the Fourteenth Amendment and Feduc f the number of representatives in State 8 where suffrage is denied or abridged. W But this is open to the question whethe - such action would not be quasi" re n Third, Congress can enact Fedora :, | election law and take absolute charg of Federal elections in all the States @ necessary. And it will be necessary fl o States like Georgia, where disfranchise ment has been effected without changin
 either the Constitution or laws.
 Fourth Congress can organize itsel - into court of inquiry to determine wha
 States are entitled to representation, a T least in the House of Representative s and exclude all Representatives froI
 States having constitutions and laws re pugnant to the National Constitution. an a Congress can continue to exclude sue h Representatives until their respectiv
 State Constitutions are brought int harmony with the Federal instrument
 | I'M Aa lad Sfia HYtf tc