The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1903-04-06

however, the desire Of Iriahuasn 10 man.
age their own afairs In local legislature
at Dublin. Indisputsbly, b would limit
the functions OF such Legislature, 20
that IL could never be used to deal
deadly blow at England In an hour when
the latter country might Be involved In
struggle for existence. From his pub
lished declarations, however, we can
draw no other inference than that he
would be a hearty advocate OF legisla-
tive council such as the Balfour Govern
ment Is now said to be contemplating.
Now, let us mark the reasons for cred
iting the report which, according to the
Dublin Chronicle. has been confirmed
in an authoritative quarter. We have
no reason to doubt that legislative
council, whether made up Of delegates
from the County Councils or elected di-
rectly by the Irish people, would meet
with cordial approval on the part OF MIR.
CHAMBERLAIN, provided the functions
of that body were to DO exclusively local,
and in no sense imperial. We scarcely
need recall the fact that his principal
objection to Mr.. GLADsToNE's first
Home Rule bill was that It did not pro-
vide for the retention OF Irish members
at Westminster. That objection MIR.
GLADSTONE profcssed to meet in his
second Home Rule project, but Mr..
CHAMBERLAIN opposed that measure
on the ground that under 1t the f,inc-
tions Of the Imperial Parliament and OF
the Dublin legislature were not distin-
guished with sufficient precision. There
has never been any ground for doubt
ing that he would regard with favor
a legislative council for Ireland, pro-
vided its powers were limited to mat
tiers SO essentially local as railways. gas
and waterworks, and the control OF the
Irish constabulary.
The second reason for crediting the
alleged purpose to establish q legisla-
tive council Is an economic one. Mr..
WYNDHAM, in introducing his Land
Purchase bill, computed that the cost
OF the interest and sinking fund incident
to the bonus OF 800, 900 900 which is to
be given from the Imperial Treasury to
the Irish landlords would amount to
81 ,95o, 900 annually. He expressed, how
ever, the opinion that this outlay could
be to a large extent made good by the
saving that might be effected in the ex-
pense of maintaining tranquility and
order in Ireland. That is to say, he
looked forward to a material reduction
in the cost of the Irish constabulary.
We need not say that the prospect OF
effecting such a reduction would be i'm
mensely improved IL the constabulary
! were under the control Of an elective
council. instead OF at the arbitrary dis
posal Of the Castle government.
From the viewpoint Of political tactics,
also, the Balfour Government might do
wisely TO announce a determination to
give the Irish people a considerable in
stallment Of Home Rule. II it be true
| that Premier BALFoUR intends in the
coming autumn to dissolve Parliament
and appeal to the electors, it behooves
him to counterbalance. If he can, in many
close constituency the inevitable OPP
position Of the Nonconformists. There
| is absolutely no quarter from which
such an Offset is procurable except
the Irish vote in British constituencies.
That vote, under Mr.. PARNELLs in
functions, went to the Conservative can
didates in December, 1885, and but for
that fact Lord SALISBURY would have
been much more badly beaten.
As things are now, should the Land
Purchase bill, either in its original form
or as amended, satisfy the United Irish
League, and should it be followed by a
promise to establish an Irish legislative
council, we deem it by no means i'm
probable that Mr.. REDMOND, Mr.. Dill
LON, Mr.. O'BRIEN and Mr.. HEALY would
urge Irish voters in Great Britain to
support Mr.. BALFoUR's adhercnts.