The Republican journal. [volume] (Belfast, Me.) 1829-current, 1903-06-18
OUR PRESIDENTS.
why the Twenty Chosen Executives Have
Been Preferred.


If a little collection of trustworthy
maxims could be published under the
title, GLOW to Become President" it
would be help to those rare boys who
begin early to think of what they would
like to be, and it might set some boys to
thinking of Presidential chances who
now never give the matter a passing
thought. But the winning of the Presl-
dency is not one of those exact arts for
which the directions can be set out like
lessons in school book. Thus far we
have had but twenty chosen Presi-
dents; for five of the Presidents, So
called, have been Vice-Presidents, sue
ceeding to the powers and duties OF
Presidents who died within their terms
of office. Twenty is a small number
from which to extract rule for. the
selection of Presidents, and six of the
twenty had already been chosen under
the social distinctions prevailing down
to the time when Jackson, an idol OF
the rude and hardy settlers, who were
transferring the political supremacy
from the Atlantic coast to the Missis-
sippi valley, brought in the era OF the
''poor boy" Yet the reasons why the
twenty chosen ones became preferred
to others must throw some light on the
kinds of men and lives most likely to
lead to the Presidency.
Washington was chief OF the men
who had carried the young nation to
independence through the Revolution
ary War. and when the people decided
to have a President they had no room
in their minds or hearts for anybody
but him. He would have been Presl-
dent for life if he had not insisted upon
retiring when he felt that he could leave
the office without injury to the country.
Presidents John Adams, Jefferson,
and Madison were all illustrious states
men of the Revolutionary period, and
each was the natural and proper choice
of the party that elected him in behalf
of the nation.
Presidents Monroe and John Quincy
Adams were both statemen Of diStln-
guished character and service, with
claims upon the whole people, and
stronger claims than any of their COM
petitors upon the party to which they
belonged
President Jackson, coming up early
from the humber ranks of the people,
had gained great fame and popularity
as military and political leader at the
time of his election. He was man OF
violent passions and prejudices, but,
like the gentler Lincoln of after years,
a man of many virtues and OF rare
strength of character, and a lover OF
truth, honesty, and the interests OF his
country. Following the examples OF
Washington and Jefferson, he refused
to serve for more than two terms, and
gladly went into retirement at the
zenith of his power over the govern
ment and people.
President Van Buren, was a man OF
winning manners, and of great popular
ity: he was renowned as a manager OF
political affairs, and having been loyal
and most valuable helper to Jackson,
the latter, in return, did all he could to
make his friends succession to the Pre-
sidency easy and sure.
President William Henry Harrison
was much like Jackson in the great
hold he had upon the masses through
his military fame: but he was a we'll
bred man, and aimable to al men and
parties. He was old when the great
office came to him at last, and died only
a month after his Inauguration.
Presidents Polk, Pierce and Hayes
were men of esteemed private charac
ter and creditable standing in politics.
Their positions in public life were too
moderate to give them hopes of the
Presidency, but their party leaders
chose them as compromise candidates
when unable to agree upon statesmen
of greater fame.
President Taylor and President
Grant were military men who had be-
come popular heroes through famous
victories, for which reason they were
taken into politics, and made Presiden-
tial candidates, as being more likely to
defeat the civilian candidates of the
opposite parties.
Presidents Buchanan, Garfield, Ben
jamin Harrison and Mckinley were
public men of long and prominent ser
vice, who, without SURPRISING other
men of their own parties, perhaps,
were plainly in the front rank. They
were finally preferred in the nomina-
ting conventions because we'll and
strongly supported by their adherents,
and because their prospects of success
favorably impressed the members OF
the conventions.
Presidents Lincoln and Cleveland
were public men who each made rapid
rise to national Importance because he
seemed to be the very man to deal with
questions out of the ordinary line Of
politics, which much engrossed the
popular mind at the time.
Now let us see what our twenty ex-
amples can teach us about how to at
tain the Presidency. First, we must
put aside Washington, Taylor and
Grant as exceptional instances; for we
shall hardly again have creator-in--
chief and founder of the nation; and
only on rare occasions can some con-
queror, by force of popular fervor,
supersede the statesman and stride like
a victor to the White House. From
the seventeen examples that remain
we learn that coming President must
be in political life, whether as an illus
trious statesman, to whom the office
comes like a natural promotion with
hardly an effort, or as suddenly risen
man of fame, to whom the popular
feeling DEGREES it. If he be neither of
these, then he must be statesman dis
tinguished beyond the average, or one
of average yet real distinction, who
in either case must reach out for
the coveted place, with general feel
ing of the propriety of his having it.
If such a one, in the course OF events,
has had an opportunity to successfully
turn his hand to warfare, after the
fashion of public men in this land OF
citizen soldiery, his martial popularity
will count largely in his favor. Or an
average statesman will have a useful
lead if he possesses those personal