The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1903-06-16

special, he viii DO entitled to redress u he
| shall either overcome the presumption that
the order was legally issued or provo y IN
violation Of the President's command. Inc
turning point win be the Presidents or rae, :
How can he find the time under existing
laws to read every bill so carefully e. either
to approve or disapprove 1t. examine az
| pardon petitions, review couIt-martiiai
| cases, study diplomatic documents, inquire
into the fitness Of all appointments 70 once 70.
and take care that there Is no inndellty IN
the Post Office or in any other Department.
And yet there is demand for new de-
partments, with new duties, new bureaus
and new clerks, for the President TO direct
and oversee new department was eIe,
to carry national power into new and I'M
bounded fields, and transfer to Wasmng-
tor from the people OF the States ana from
the State governments a more complete
control of the wealth, business and laoor
OF the country.
1t cannot DO concealed by those who have
pledged a denomination to the President
that his ideas of national authority and OF
a "stronp Royernmet," as disclosed in his
books, and especially In the two on Gouver-
neur Morris and Benton, are substantially
and the older and the younger Adams, but
yet it may be that his experience as Presl-
dent when he shall have endeavored TO
really supervise, in conventional ana or.
derby manner, vast national iunctions' ailo
he shall have come to realize that the
strength of our chain is only that OF the
weakest link may sober him bit.
During the first twenty-five years OF our
Government under the Constitution, lts
policy toward France, or toward England
Then came an "era of good feeling In those
matters, and issues regarding internal
improvement by a vast system OF roads and
canals to be constructed by Congress came
to the front They were condemned ny
Monroe in an elaborate state paper as be-
yond the national authority, but were up
held by his successor, the younger Adams,
whose views OF the national projects which
Congress should undertake startled the
country. Not long after the one term OF
Adams, began the years, down to 1862, when
our politics turned on slave labor. the war
of secession, and reconstruction, inter-
spersed with general and special messages
addressed to Congress by jackson, Van
Buren,, Polk and Pierce on the constitu-
tional right of Congress to enter on vast
plans of physical, Intellectual and moral
internal improvements. which documents
can now be regarded by the faithful as $50
ting forth Democratic doctrine. During
the era when slave labor was burning
met with the response that he sought to
prevent Congress- from meddling with
slavery May there not be now listening
ears for those who condemn such per-
spective OF national functions as was
opened by John Quincy Adams in his first
annual message?
In no record that has come down to us
of the convention that framed the Consti-
tuition Is there an atom OF evidence to show
that the perfected document was intended
to take away from the States and transfer
to the United States that great mass OF
business involved in the mental and moral
cultivation Of men and women, the social
relations, the development OF local re-
sources Of wealth, the punishment OF the
great mass of crimes. the preservation OF
order, and the relief Of the unfortunate.
The powers conferred on Congress are
therein shown to have reference only to
Feneral relations, or the means OF accom-
plishing or executing them. The powers
given to the nation. or forbidden to the
States. were only those requisite for the
maintaining OF peace between the States,
or protecting their common sovereignty
against foreign aggression or home in
surrection. That is as much as any Pres-
dent can have time to execute, as President
Roosevelt may discover when he shall
begin, in his place at the seat Of Govern
ment, to give his exceptionally vigorous
energies to the execution Of the Constitu
ton at it is, and the treaties and statutes
as they are REFORM
NEW YORK, June ~.