The Montgomery advertiser., 1903-03-26
into the interpretation of the judges whose decisions could not be questioned.
 Skeleton at the Feast.

Skeleton at the Feast.
 The only skeleton at this political love feast was Michael Davitt. who from the public gallery. aloof from his former comrades. listened to proposals which opposed all his economic ideals.
 Several Conservative members ex- pressed to the Associated Press corre- spondent their anxiety at the Govern ments going more deeply Into debt. but the general opinion was that the end justified the means. Sir John Laurence said:
 Many among us think that the Gov ernment has hard enough a financial job on it's hands already. but In the face or 'the demand from both Irish parties we can scarcely help trying to settle problem which has been such serious thorn for so long a time. I think you will find that the Government will have solid majority when the bill is voted.
 Mir. Wyntham spoke for one hour and half, giving the outlines of the com plicated measure, skillfully threading his way through a maze of figures ;and when not arguing the points of the bill, he brought out the plan in such man ner as to earn general commendation from both parties and all sections of the House The Dill was read at first time with litt,e delay and without a division The discussion following M. Wyndham exposition of the provisions of the bill brought forth little unfriendly criticism On the contrary John Redmond. T. Healy. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman and T. W. Russell and others termed 1t strong and probably effective bill. It is already conceded as absolutely certain that the bill will pass, though 1t may be modified in it's minor details. There is & strong disinclination on the part or the Irish and Liberal members to dis cuss the bill until 1t Is thoroughly di- gested, except in the most general terms.
 Michael Davitt and T. P. OConnor, however, gave the Associated Press cor respondent the following signed state ments:
 Mir. Davitt wrote:
 McDavitt's Statement.
 "No fair or final judgment can be pass ed on the governments Irish land bill un- til the full text of the measure can be read carefully and studied. The impres- sion left in my mind by the speech Of the Chief Secretary for Ireland Is that the bill he outlined offers unreasonable com pensation to the landlords and therefore does not offer sufficient inducements to buy their holdings on these terms-terms which appear to me to be fully ten years nurchase above the market value of the Irish landlords property. However, It Is possible that there may be some provis- ions in the bill, when we can see It Tn print. which will offer some minor ad- vantages to the tenants and the country that to some extent will redeem the oo- jecttonable terms provided for the land- lords.
 The one consoling feature of this lat est attempt of the British Parliament 10 settle the Irish land question is the proo1 1t offers that the Celtic people of Ireland have compelled an English landlord gov ernment to provide money with which to buy out the British landlord garrison or Ireland.
 q, of course, take an extreme or com bative view of the land question and think that 1t is the tenants of Ireland and not the landlords who ought to re- ceive the bonus which the bill provides for the Irish supporters of his majesty government.
 "The economic conditions of the Irish agricultural industry. face to face with the food competition of America. Cana da, Australia and Argentina. where no rents are paid to a landlord class, make 1t possible for Irish food producers to pay the burden which this bill will place on their industry for the next sixty years. How ever. as have already said, we must see the text of the bill before any final judgment can be passed upon 1t. AS a whole I think that our friends in the United States, who have done so much to help us bring this fight for Irish land to the present somewhat hope full outlook, will follow the example of our leaders and reserve their opinion on the merits of the measure. The fight has been long and harder than many fights In the open. Men have been killed, hearts have been broken and many lives ruined before even the partial victory of today has been won. I cannot see my way to agree to the bill as it Is. but when I re- member that in 1879 I served my first term of Imprisonment for proposing al- most exactly what e conservative Irish Secretary proposed today, realize how times change.
 "This partial triumph Is merely fore runner of home rule. It is an inevitable in the way of anything that may help even slightly to bring that about"
 T. P. O'Connor writes:
 What O'Connor Says.
 T believe that the bill will go into committee. That iS to say, there Is suf1i- clent good in 1t to make it difficult if not impossible for the nationalists to reject 1t. One hundred million pounds of English credit and something like 100000 pounds in bonus are given to substitute peasant ownership for landlordism. It is true that Ireland will subscribe her share of the I5 100000 pounds bonus; true that purely Irish fund will have to pay DOT tion of the bonus; true that the financial grievance on undue Irish taxation re- mains. but Ireland is not mistress of her revenues. Her appeals for financial re- dress have been in vain, and probably this Is the one way in which relief of her financial grievance can be got. The main energies of Irishmen should now be devoted toward amending many of the defects in the bill. Many Irtshmen think that the great wealthy landlords especial ly the AngIo-Irish may not find induce ment enough to sell; also that the terms for the tenants in many cases may be too high.
 Mir. wyndham indicated his willing ness to consider amendments to the bill I believe that 8 united movement towards Ruch amendment may enormously i'm prove the measure. which is big and bold. though in parts defective attempt to abolish landlordism."
 The Irish bill from the outline given by MT Wyndham this afternon may be summarized as follows;
 wyndham's Summary.
 A new department of the Irish land commission is established. called the Els tates Commissioners. who are under the control of the Lord Lieutenant of Ire land. They will decide what constitute estates and they may refuse their sane ton to the sale of poor and non n-economic