The Montgomery advertiser., 1903-04-15
PLEAD THE CAUSE OF
 THE WHITE SLAVES

in our factories calls for our most ear nest consideration. But what we must 1sS11s esarpstion as of riss and the s dlssssroas industrial policy which characterizes "Organized labor knows but one law. and that is the law of physical force-the law of the Huns and vandals, the law os pIished either by actual force or by < threat of force. It does not-place it's | ance in reason and justice but in strikes, boycotts and coercion. It is. in all essen- tial features, a mob power knowing no master except it's own will and is contin- ually condemning or defying the consti- tuted authorities. The stronger 1t grows, the greater menace Tr It Decomes s 70 hic ics all the people have voice. It is, In fact. a despotism springing into being in a midst of liberty-loving people.
 "In setting itself up as power inde- pendent of the power of the State 1t does not regard itself as bound to observe the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitu- ton of the United States, which declares that no State shall attempt to abridge the property of any citizen.
 Violence and Destruction. Tt has not, hesitated to resort to violence and the destruction of property to compel the acceptance of its demands. It's history is stained with blood and rum.
  he stood upon his rights has been made to suffer outrage and even death. and many an employer has been brought face to face with financial ruin. These wrongs cry unto heaven, and yet an un- aroused public sentiment too often per mits them to go unheeded and unpunish- ed.
 'Tt now demands of the public and of
 congrsss the privilege m te = violate the ds.tr laws tion that 1t may continue to maintain Its power through terrorism. "It extends It's tactics of coercion and intimidation over alkcaasses, dictating to strangling independence of thought and American manhood.
 "It denies to those outside it's ranks the individual right to dispose of their labor as they see fit-a right that is one
 of the most sacred and fundamental of American liberty.
 Tt holds a biudgeon over the head of | the employer, laying down the terms upon which he shall be permitted to do busi- ness. It gays to him that he must deal direct with the union; that, while he shall pay the men who work in his | factory, they shall be beholden more to the union than to him for their positions; | that he cannot employ or discharge men without the endorsement and consent of i the union; and that he must pay them the wage fixed by the union, without regard | to their individual worth or the economic
 
 Tt denies to the individual the right of | being his own judge as to the length of I time he shall work. and as to how much he shall do within the time prescribed. It natural aptitude and powers of endurance I displayed by individuals and seeks to 1 place all men in each particular trade on | the same dead level. as respects his daily l output and his daily wage. Thus a | premium Is placed upon incidence and
 incompetency, and there is a restriction of human effort, reducing the aggregate | production and increasing the cost of things pgoduced This policy amounts | to not only a tax upon the consumer, the majority of whom do not belong to lorganized labor. but 1t reduces the de-
 nand of the trade at home and lessens
 the chances of successful competition by I the eight-hour law, which it demands is merely the extension to a wider field of the principles 1t enforces in trades under | its domination.
 Policy of Intimidation.
 Tt drives unwiningly men into ranks | by its policy of intimidation. Thousands | of its members are such today, not be- |. cause they sympathize with it's purposes, but because they fear the consequences
 of not yielding to it's tyranny. These men are, as a class. the more thrifty and
 capable of its members. They are men
 who secretly rebel against the system | which places them upon the level with | the incompetent and idle, and would | gladly have free conditions established
 and thus gain advancement in life. But l they dare not openly express their views, | for they feel that their employment and
 peace depend upon their submissive | union.
 | While it seks to compel men already l employed in the trades to enlist under
 Its banner. 1t at the same time seeks | tn NNxtn .ns.a fl. | trades. It foists upon employers rules limiting the number of apprentices, some
 unions going so far as to say there shall
 be no apprentices. They boys from the | farm now come to the cities and find the doors of the trades shut against them.
 While lawyers. doctors and men in other
 unorganized vacations are glad to. teach | young men their knowledge the trades
 are now forced to endow technical | schools, in the hope of obtaining that
 supply of new blood for their worshops which is essential to the prevention of
 dry rot.
 manual labor trained and untrained, of | men who do as they are told and who | depend upon the brains of others for
 guidance. That wide field of labor in
 which mental capacity is a greater or
 less requisite on the part of the workers 1 is not represented by 1t, and cannot be for the obvious Impossibility of organiz-
 ing brains. The rule that organized 1 labor seks to establish is therefore, the
 rule if the least Intelli Sfnt portion of la-
 bor. A comprehension of this fact ex- | plains why its leaders are found to be
 agftators and demagogues, men who ap- | peal to prejudice and envy, who are con l stantly instilling a hatred of wealth and | ability, and who, in incendiary speeches | attempt to stir up men to seize by physi-
 cal force that which their merit cannot | obtain for them.
 Disciples of Revolution.
 Composed as it is of men of muscle, rather than the men of intelligence, and commanded by leaders who are at heart 1 disciples of revolution, 1t is not strange
 that organized labor stands for princi-
 pies that are in direct conflict with the | natural laws of economies. Its first great | principle is that an arbitrary division of | the production would be better than the | division regulated by natural law, pro- vided. however, that 1t can dictate what
 this division shall be. It says to capital
 and to mental and unorganized labor:
 We shall take this proportion of the | products of human industry and you m80e have the balance If you do not affee to this arrangement. you are 'un- | f4H; you are enemies of the poor work l iH gman. you are oppressors:' and if you l dl not peacefully submit to our terms
 ws will compel you to do$so by force
 "The fixing of arbitrary wage scales
 by force would result in no benefit to ans
 class of labor if all classes adopted the
 idea Suppose that clerks. bookkeepers l lawyers, managers business men, and, in | fact all workers outside of pure manual labor should organize and should say
 that they must have such and such wages or so much profit, CT they would go home
 and stay there. It is within the range