The farmer and mechanic. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 18??-19??, 1903-09-15

useful to their hold upon negro delegates
from the South or negro voters at the
North. Doubtless, in some Of the North
ern States whose political divisions are
nearly even, the negro voter Is important
to the Republican party. But even there,
l venture to point out that, with rare ex-
ceptions, negro delegates are as effectively
excluded from Republican conventions
and from the tickets proposed by the
Republicans at the polls. as they are from
the franchise in any Southern State. The
Republican administration bolsterously
upholds the refusal OF political rights to
dark-skinned men IN Aslatlc islands who
would, If they enjoyed such rights. rule
themselves to a result OF solid though
slow progress to their own higher civilza-
ton, and, while so ruling themselves.
would not rule White men TO the prostra-
ton of Caucasian civilization Is t not an
audacious inconsistency with which tins
very administration breaches a contrary
doctrine for southern States, and only for
these from which they 20 not hope for a
single electoral vote? Nor do / believe
that the Republican party will responsibly
and sincerely propose a single practical
remedy for the Southern difficulty. The
more practical such a remedy the more
1OEClDIp II NOuld nave ~ Ot- dlo- IHt more
forcible it should be the more its proposal
would receive at the North and the South
the condemnation of patriotic men. The
Republican party well knows that the
nation would reject any effort to establish
conditions of civil war in several States
now in profound peace, enjoying a career
of industrial prosperity; nor will that
party ask the verdict Of Northern senti-
ment upon this question.
In answer to your first question, I de
clare unreservedly against congressional
action to enforce negro suffrage in the
Southern States.
To your third question I answer that
there is not the slightest danger that for
eign-born voters at the North will be
prejudiced by the failure of negro voting
al the South. Is it not astonishing that
able and high-minded men do not perceive
the absence of likeness between the two
cases? Fo%reign-born voters at the North
soon become, if they have not already
become, an integral part of the whole
whit population. The white immigrant
soon shares the Instincts and p%rejudices
of the native white: he worships in the
same churches; he is a member of the
same unions, and orders, and lodges. He
OIldt1y IL Will UhibS SUI
ject only to the limitations imposed by
tastes, habits of life, fortune, creed, bust
ness and the other categories which de
termine the social relations of citizens of
pure white American descent. The second
is generally indistinguishable in appear
ance or speech from the descendants of the
Mayfower pilgrims. The third generation
ic cpnn1etp1u mart of tho American race
How radically different the relations be
tween whites and negroes. The two races
have lived together in South Carolina for
two centuries and a half. But they re
main today separate and distinct. 1t is
the wisdom and aspiration of the noble
ard intelligent men of the black race, no
less than the intense and profound in
stinct of the white race, that the two
races must not, for the safety of both, fuse
in sex or family relations.
And now for the second question:: If
constitutional guarantees or penalties fail
to induce-and will not be used by courts
and congresses and presidents to compel
the dominant white race to enfranchise
the blacks in States where the latter are
in a majority, or so numerous as with a
relatively small white minority to make a
majority-then upon what other guarantees
and penalties can we count to secure po-I
litical rights to the blacks? To this I an
swer that we shall count upon the wis
dom of white men and black men. We
shall count upon the progress of black
men in industrial intelligence, thrift and
wealth. We shall count upon the inf1u-
ence and stimulus of their own high-mind-
ed leaders. These leaders see with heaven
directed wisdom that it is not the ballot
which gives strength, but rather strength
which brings the ballot. Negro conven-
tons of late are much more full of encour-
agement than is your catchism. The car
petbag government of blacks, however
great their majorities, fell when the bayo-
nets of Northern white men were with
drawn. The plain reason was that the
black men lately in slavery and having
ages of aeons of Africa instead of Western
Europe behind their slavery, were in
ferior in the skill, industry, intelligence,
self-restralnt, which makes the strength
of white men. Black men are, however,
acquiring thrift, intelligence, well ordered
industry, property; and with these they
will acquire strength IN their relations
With all men, white and black. If the
progress must be long-so has white
progress been long. The black man can
not justly repine if to compel the aver
age white man to respect the abilities
and virtues OF his race, it shall take as
long as 1T took to convert the typical
Anglo-SaXon hand who titled the soil a
thousand years ago IN practical slavery,
to become the typical American or English
mechanic or farmer OF the Twentieth cen
fury. Nor ought he to repine if it shall
take much longer. AS strength and abili-
ty come to black men, industrial success
Will come to them-and in this industrial
republic that success will the
Difference OF WLlte men. The dollar of
the black man Will come in time-and no
long time-to nave the power of a white
mans dollar. With patience and tact
white men will, l believe, at the South as
at the North, come to wish that the black
man whom he respects for thrift or ability
or property shall vote. and to take care
that his voting is not Obstructed.
So it IS that we may count upon the
white man-upo his enlightened self-in-
terest. And we may more safely count