The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1903-10-15

These things are confessedly common.
Every intelligent man knows they have
grown from small beginnings until they
have reached frightfui proportions of
by the thousands and hundreds of thou
sands have looked on with perfect calmness.
and with hypocritical cant have declared
that they are not politicians or with silly
pretentions of faith in our strength and
luck, have languidly claimed that the coun-
try was prosperous, equal to any emer-
gency, and proof against all dangers.
A GROWING MENACE.
Resulting from these conditions in a
manner not difficult to trace, wholesome
national sentiment is threatened with utter
perversion. All sorts of misconceptions
pervade the public thought, and jealousies
rapidly taking on the form of class hatred
are found in every corner of the land. A
new meaning has been given to national
prosperity. With hardihood that savors
OF insolence, an old pretext, which has
preceded the doom of ancient experiments
in popular rule, is daily and hourly dinned
in our ears. We are told that the national
splendor we have built upon the snowy ven-
lures of speculative wealth, is badge of
our success. Unsharing contentment is en-
joined upon the masses of our people; and
they are invited, in the bare subsistence of
their scanty homes, to patriotically rejoice
In their country's prosperity. This is too
unsubStantial an enjoyment of benefits to
satisfy those who have been taught Ameri-
can equality: and thus has arisen, by a
perfectly natural process, a dissatisfied
insistence on the better distribution of the
results of our vaunted prosperity. We now
SEQ its worst manifestation in the apparent
ly fncorrigible dislocation of the proper re-
lations between labor and capital. This,
of itself. is sufficiently distressing. but
thoughtful men not without dread of
sadder developments yet TO come. There
has also grown up among our people a
disregard for the restraints of law, and a
disposition TO evade its .limitations-while
querulous structures concerning the action
of our courts tend to undermine popular
means least, complaints of imaginary or ex-
aggerated shortcomings In our financial
policies. furnish an excuse for the fiippant
exploitation of all sorts of monetary nos
trums
81 hasten to give assurance that I have
not spoken in a spirit of gloomy pessmism.
I shall be the last of all our people to be-
heve that~the saving grace of patriotism
among my countrymen Is dead or will al
ways Sleep / know that its timely revival
and activity mean the realization OF the
faith that the awakening IL forthcoming
and on this faith L build a cheerful hope
| for the healing of all the wounds inflicted
in slumber and neglect. Nor do I forget
my surroundings as L speak. If the city
of Chicago has had experiences that sup
| port my recital of peris do not fail to re-
| member that il has also been here demon
strated in what manner good citizenship can
| protest against them. AS in the municipali-
| ty. so in our Nation. our veal or woe is
| made dependent upon the dsinterested
participation or the neglect of good men in
public affairs. 1t is time that there should
| be an end of self-satisfied qualification or
pretense of virtue in the phrase Il am not
| a politician and it is time to forbid the
prostitution of the word to a sinister use.
Every citizen should be politician enough TO
bring himself within the true meaning of
no n
/ the regulation or government of a nation
| or state for the preservation of its safety,
peace and prosperity. This Is politics. in its
| best sense, and that is good citizenship.
MUST FIGHT LIKE CRUSADERS.
| IF good men are to interfere to make
political action what is should be, they
must not suppose they will come upon an
| open field unoccupied by an opposing force
On the ground they have neglected they will
| find host of those who engage in politics
| for personal ends and selfish purposes and
| this ground cannot be taken without a
| hand to-hand conflict The attack must be
| made under the banner of dsinterested good
| citizenship. by soldiers drilled in lessons
| OF patriotism. They must be enlisted fol
| life and constantly on duty As the Cru.
saders fought centuries ago for the recovery
| of the holy land from infidel possession. Sc
| with the same stubborn zeal must to-day
| crusaders in the cause of good government
hight to recover their holy land from the
| infdelS who would degrade and defile IL.
Their creed should bind together il
| generous cooperation all who are willing
/ to make our government what the fathers
intended II To be-a depository of benefits
| which. In equal current and volume. should
/ flow out to all the people. This creed
should teach the wickedness of attempting
| TO make free opportunity the occasion fol
Selling especial advantages and should
warn against the danger of ruthless rapaci
/ ty. IL should deprecate ostentation and ex.
travagance in the life of our people, ant
demand in the management of public affairs
| simplicity and strict economy. Ii should
| teach liberation i'm all things, save dis
honesty and infdeity to public trusts II
should uphold the interests or labor ant
advocate its fair treatment but shoule
| sternly forbid its interference with those
confented with their toll. and its attempt
violent disturbance Of peace aud good order