New-York tribune., 1903-06-23

ilS mat tne world must continue to witness this
result of so-calied republican institutions on so
| colossal q scale
| Mexico is model for all Spanish Amer
Lcd' put IN the short period since her escape
from her colonial government. in 1921, statis-
tlcal historian has counted three hundred revo-
| lutlons, successful ;,bortive.
There is one particular South American State
| IN winch for one reason or another. and in one
| way or another. have of late greatly inter
ested ourselves l hold the ia bic of it's revolu-
Tons fofcible removals Of Chief Magistrates,
| end civil wars in my hands. with dates and
uuraJoh OF each but shall not delay you by
Ieduifl& the list From 1911, when 1t proclaimed
| its Independence, till 1903. it has had under
5I"iators. Supreme Chiefs, elf-proclamed Pres
ldents and otherwise thirty changes has
| spent over twenty-five years under three Die
| tatorships, each violently overthrown, and has
| had civil war for twenty-nine years. No doubt
| as TO this government. too, which has sustained
! It's independence and, to use the stately Ian
guage of Mr. Monroe. whose Independence on
| great consideration and on just principles We
a!,hhoWIedged :! we could not view any interposi-
| tion for the purpose of oppressIng il con-
| trolling in any manner it, destiny by any
european power except as d manifestation of
| an unfriendly disposition toward the United
states. II is directly within the sphere of our
| 1hTuence. as Cuba was. and if there should ever
arise imperative necessity for the restora-
| ton of order from the outside, the task would
be rather than that of any European ma
tlon But would that task he quite so impera-
tive or exclusive if instead of overhanging the
Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico this
Africa is?
Such turbulent and revolutionary governments
commit oHenCeS against foreigners: sometimes
lnJure foreign residents, sometimes affront or
injure foreign vessels in their waters. sometimes
run IN debt and fail to pay. What then? Is the
Monroe Doctrine or. still more the Polk Doc
trine to he construed into an international ban
ruptcy act, to be enforced by the United States
for the benefit of any American Republic
against all European creditors? Or, the other
hand, is il to degenerate into international
collection agency. maintained by the United
States for the benefit OF European powers which
may have Just claims against American Repub-
lies? In a recent conspicuous the Presi-
dent has very properly and wisely given a prac-
Ic2'I negative to Doth these questions; while ur-
der his guidance the Secretary Of State, with
consummate skill. has secured the precedent
that European powers first procure our consent
before attempting TO collect debts by force on
these continents, and then only on their prom
ise not to take territory. Perhaps it is also
useful precedent, secured the time that
under such conditions the game does not prove
worth the candle.
But what then? What alternative is left?
Shall we simply say to any European creditor
that, as to any debt of any American Republic,
the only rule is Caveat emptor? Must the
lender under any circumstances be merely told
that he should have considered the risks before
he made the loan, and that he has no
remedy? When the debtor country has no as
sets save its custon-houses and its lands, must
the United states a power aiming to stand at
the head OF the worlds civilization. say for all
time, You shall not touch the only assets CT
your debtor. because it is an American Repub-
lie? And. assuming that to be just, and our de-
termination are we ready to carry that doc
trine in case of need, as far afield as to Uru-
fight for it?
That is the vital point II the whole subject
as our First Assistant Secretary of State, Mr.
Loonis pointed cut in a recent sagacious ad-
dress. 1t is better to consider the question be-
fore case springs up and the patriotic temper
of the people is aroused Obviously we shall
either modify the present extreme extensions Of
the old doctrine, carrying it far beyond any ma
uonal interest it now serves, or some day or an
other shall have TO fight for it,-and ought
to, unless we mean to play the part Of q vulgar
raggart, and loudly assert what we are not
have concerned our interests in the case of the
Argentine troubles, which prostrated the Barings
and brought on great financial crash in Lon
don, if Great Britain had found ii necessary for
the protection Of the rights of her people TO
take steps in that remote country. twice as far
from New-York as London itself is, which
would seem to infringe upon the extreme eXten-
sions Of the Monroe Doctrine by Polk and Buch-
anan? Happily the case did not arise. But
some day and with some nation II is reasona ably
sure to. We may better now, in a time of pro-
found calm, and when there Is no threat to af-
feet our dignity disturb the serenity of
judgment, give serious consideration ourselves
TO this question: How far south do we mean
now, in the twentieth century to push the Mon
roe Doctrine and the Polk Doctrine, and hold
ourselves ready at any challenge to fight for
them?
am not seeking to prejudge the question or
even to influence the answer. am only pre-
senting the subject in a light in which it has
never yet lad from the American people at large
that serious and solemn consideration that
should always preceGe acts Of war.
IN this day, in the light Of the last hundred
Of representative government on this continent,
it is for TO say If there is any ground Of JUS
tice or right on which we rest the Monroe Doc
trine, save that of our proper predominan2e IN
our own interest. and in the interest Of repub-
liGan institutions generally, within the legtu-
mat sphere of our national influence. Unless
we stop there, we cannot stop logically short
Of a similar over republican institutions
wherever they exist on the surface OF the globe.
For in age Of fast steamers and wireless
telegraphy, the two American continents can no
longer be trea ted shut UP to themselves and
neasurably isolated from the rest Of the world
Oceans do not separate; they Unite.
Buenos Avres is actually nearer in miles to
Cadiz and Madrid than to New-York. and so is
more than half OF ali South America.
THE FUTURE OF THE DOCTRINES.
Under such considerations if no foreign inter-
ference arises suddenly to affect the National
judgment. it is at least among the posslblltieS
that we NAV ind TWO changes taking place In
the National view Of the ideas grouped under
the popular term Of the Monroe Doctrine, we
may see a considerab bic increase in the strin-
gency of their application, wnere our interest
clearly calls for them, within the natural sphere
Of our influence We may see them slowly mod
Grated as TO remote countries, which under
changed modern conditions are no longer eXclu-
stveIy within that sphere. No one denies that
the Gulf Of Mexico, the Caribbean Sea and the
waters Of both oceans about the lStufnus are
within that sphere They must be forever dom
mated by the great Republic. II cannot tolerate
a nuisance at its doors, and the races that peo-
pie those shores must keep the peace ana pre-
serve order a to US and conform to ordinary
international obligations toward the WorlQ. 10
this the moral duty of strength points ana
our material interest binds us. 1t was on thlS
ground our action toward Cuba was Justlhed
and reasons of equal strength would no doubt
be found to conduct US again to similar actloh
IN anv similar emergency throughout IhaI WLoe
region on the continent, in the islands or on the
other ocean. at least from Los Angeles to Lima.
Toward the rest of the American continents II
NAV some day prove more convenient for US 70
assume less responsibility. We shall certainly
never cease 10 manifest our friendly interest IN