The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1903-05-06
RIGHTS OF COLORED MEN.
An Earnest Protest Against Nullihca'
ton of the Constitution.

throughout his public life, he so sturdy
contended. For his doctrine was not seces-
sion but notification. He never advocated
secession, but regarded it outside of the
Constitution. 1t was otherwise as to nulli1-
cation. His opinion was that each State or
the Union had the power to decide for itself
in respect to the constitutionality Of any fed
eral law, and to resist its enforcement with
in the State if the people regarded it as un-
constitutional He wanted the Union, but
he would have slavery, too. For, he said.
Ito destroy the existing relations between
master and slave would be to destroy the
prosperity of the Southern States. and to
place the two races in a state of conflict
which must end in the expulsion or extirpa-
ton of one the other" Well, the war, in
its destruction of slavery, destroyed ''ex-
listing relations and the doctrine of seces-
sion; but the South, through its rehabilita-
ton of the doctrine of notification, extended
to include the provisions of the Constitution
of the United States as we'll as federal
laws" is rapidly establishing relations
between the races down there which, If not
Identical with that of master and slave. are
mer master race. And, as the Supreme
Court, in its decision against Mr.. Giles,
seems to have committed itself to the rule
tHdl HO AiutIiCdu ClllZtH has any poHtiCdi
right which any State is bound to respect,
whether in law or in equity. why. the Union
appears at last to be pretty firmly estab-
liShed about on Mr.. Calhoun's plan.
But. for all that, the late decision Of the
court seems to a nonlegal mind to somewhat
brighten the bred Scott decision, and to be
fuller of possibilities of mischief than any
other decision ever rendered by reputable
court. For the logical conclusion from it is
that the action of certain States has already
made certain constitutional provisions of no
force
pealed or In any manner further considered.
And, as the Journal the other day suggest
ed, If one State may do this way with one
provision of the Constitution another State
may do so with another, and so on and so
on. and 1T is only question of time when
chaos shall become again in very deed.
1t has, therefore, become, or has become
obvious that 1t is, as always 1t was, more
a white mans than Negroes question. A
| large number OF us thought when, twenty
five years and more ago, the negro ward Of
the Nation was turned over to the cruel
mercy of the South that the action was one
of downright cowardice; and so IL was, cow
ardly and vicious to the last degree. For,
as far as the South can determine it, the
negro is doomed TO state of poverty, SER
Witty, ignorance, vice and degradation
worse than that of the old slave days They
do not want to get rid of him. for they want
the fruits of his labor. They do not want
him instructed. for then he will push him.
self still further above the level of their
| lower class of whites who are after all,
| the most pitiable product of the social sys-
tenn of the old slavery days. They do not
want any amelioration whatever of the
| hard lines of life for the negro. but blind
with the blindness of their tawdry individ-
ualism. would push him down below the
| level of their lowest class of whites, and
| so, by degrading him, demonstrate the SUI
| periority of the other. These are hard
things to .; say y, assuredy but it Is coming
| have been too long tolerated in the role Of
a naughty boy who has been overpunshed.
and, therefore, should be humored in some
/ f.
mentl The things they have done and said
| and the rising tide Of their utterances MAX
the negro show, when considered In connec-
/ ton with the multiplying echoes of approval
/ of their purposes which are coming from all
over the North, that danger is again devel-
! the Nation could force it to take cog
| nizaHce unit of the cry of Gods poor
in its ear before the war that set the negro
free, and therefore, it was dashed into doing
| the right that it did not purpose to do. Does
any one doubt that clean purpose, at that
time above the apprehension of any man.
awaits him if he be esteemed worth saving
Can any one doubt that justice will again
@ peope rhen Re IS
shall in the fullness of time go the way
| OF the fool-as shall we all, even to the
striking us of Of the roll of the nations, If
we follow after him-or all the past of the
| earth is a. lie.
And 1t is with us yet in a measure
maybe in an ample measure-to see to it
| that just and equal rights and privileges
are established for every citizen of our land
1t is asserted that slavery died out In the
Northern states of the Union. as at first
| established, because slave labor was not
| profitable there, while 1t Is notorious that
| II rooted deeper and deeper in the Southern
! States. and through their Jealous advocacy
of it's maintenance and extension became
| so dangerous and aggressive an element in
national politics because it was profit
able form of labor in them. 1t was ques-
| finni in, nh nj nat In, oth 80
| dollars and cents. and not of morals or prin-
| cipleS humanity And, that being the
case. 1t must be obvious that a course of
action promising pecuniary material adj
| vantages was hopeful one to adopt In
dealing with the difficulties Of the negro
question as they now appear The course
which. of all imaginable courses, is most
available for us, which lies wide open before
| us and imperatively demands of us that we
follow it. lies ready to our hand, and will
| In due time. set out inducements Of a mater
| ial sort to right action. in the penalty clause
of the fourteenth amendment to the Consti-
tuition.
If only it is given a chance. And we are
not only privileged and in a position to give
| II a chance, but are imperatively command
ed to do so whenever 1t is incurred. That
some half dozen or more Of our States are
now subject to ii is notorious, and IL the
| high standard of ethics and generous senti-
ment which some Of them claim were really
| theirs they would themselves move for its
application. 1t may, however. be doubted
| whether they are constitutionally wrong in
| their action making them subject to the
| prescribed penalty, since it's attachment to
! such action conveys, at least by implica-
| ton, a right to so act, which view makes
| the more heinous the dereliction Of those
| upon whom this duty rests; and they are
| our Republican party and our Republican
| Congress and executive. That they have
| not moved or seriously contemplated NOV
ing in this matter is strange beyond any
power of expression when carefully consid-
cred. as they and not the offending States.
thereby become the de facto nullifiers of a
clause of the Constitution.
We are not at our best a peculiarly law
abiding people. We had but a day or two
ago, at a center of culture here in our own
State, an example Of the disposition of our
people to be a law unto themselves The
disregard by the Congress and executive of
this command of the Constitution tends d.
rectly 10 foster and encourage this lawless
disposition in the people. Ii also makes us
partakers, through inaction, in the crime
against humanity which the South has per-
petuated, and insures us a position in the
travail of righting IL after Gods plan If we
will not right IL after own.
| And, speaking of God, here is a message
| from him for the South and for the North
as well. through one OF His prophets: You
have heeped up wealth In these last days
you will find that you have heaped I'D a fire
| / tell you. the wages of the laborers who
| moved your fields which you have beer
| fraudulently keeping back, are crying tc
heaven. and the protests of your reapers
have reached the ears of the Lord of Hosts
1t will be better for US II we heed tina,
rightly. ". W.. SEARS.