The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1903-04-14


principles that are in direct conflict
with the natural laws of economics.
It's first great principle is that an ar
bltrary division of the production would
be better than the division regulated
BY natural law, provided, however, that
II can dictate what this division shall
be. 1t says to capital and to mental
and unorganized labor:
We shall take this proposition of the
products Of human industry and you
may have the balance. IF you do not
agree to this arrangement you are 'un-
fair you are enemies of the poor work.
ingman, you the .oppreSsors:' and If
you do not peacefully submit to our
terms we will compel you to do so by
force
The hxing of arbitrary wage scales
by force would result in no benefit to
any class of labor if all classes adopted
the idea. Suppose that clerks. book
keepers, lawyers, doctors, managers.
business men, and in fact, all workers
outside of pure manual labor, should
organize and should say that they must
have Sucn and such wages or so much
profit, or they would go home and stay
there It is within the range of posi-
bility that their demands might be ae-
coded to- Increased wages and profits
would thus be accorded to every one,
according to the theory of organized
I labor, and poverty would be unknown
on the earth. What an absurd PROPOSE
4 ton. Arbitrary enactnents and all the
resoluting and demogogy in the world
4 can never create an atom of wealth.
+ Wealth is created by labor, capital and
4 ability working together, and there is
no other way Of creating it. There be-
ing a limit to the possible amount of
wealth that can be created and the
needs and desires of men being prac-
ticaliy unlimited, there follows a natural
conflict as to the relative proportion of
Z this wealth going to each factor in pro-
duction. When one class of men get
I bigger share than they formerly re-
ceived then there is less for the remain
ing classes of men. 1t is ridiculous to
assert, then. that a universal appllca-
4 ton of the arbitrary wage scale scheme
would bring about anything but an adj
vance in nominal wages. or, in other
words, a decrease in the purchasing
power of the dollar. Real wages would
remain practically the same.
Who can say that any man-made
plan for the division of production Will
I be less unjust than the natural law2 Tho
artificial division of consumable wealth
means despotism, tyranny and slavery.
It means the death kneI of progress; ii
means ruin to civilization. The natural
division of consumable wealth so long
recognized in this country, means free
DOM means justice, means progress.
We owe everything to the freedom that
has characterized our industrial sys-
tenn. Thrown upon his own resource
the Individual has been spurred on to
high effort, and the result has been
progress in all directions. The higher
the progress we have achieved the
greater the benefits that have come to
all classes.
organized labor. with characteristic
/ obtuseness, assumes that productive
4 capital has been seized in some piratical
4 manner by those who possess it, and
that therefore, it is legitimate spoils
for those who can seize it. 1t is appar-
emily oblivious to the fact that progress
is dependent upon the amount of pro-
ductive capital in use. for it is capital
that multiplieS the productive capacity
of men, and the more wealth produced
the more there is for distribution.
Organized labor is particularly de-
mandatory of trusts, but what greater
trust is there than itself? 1t IS the
grand trust of the times. It is the mus
Gle trust the trust of men who make
their living by manual labor. 1t IS 10
be hoped that, in accordance with the
+ Nelson amendment to the department
of commerce bill. the government IN
turning the searchHght of publicity on
the trusts. will not forget organized Ia
Dor II any institution needs to be eX-
posed to the hmelight, it IS certainly
trade unionism. But it is not only
trust itself: it is a creator of other
fr11sts.-of capitalistic trusts, as dis
tinguished from labor trusts. one OF
the leading causes for the formation OF
a number of the industrial combina-
lions has been the necessity that mas
confronted employers to unite, that the
exactions of labor might be more Ell
fectiveiy dealt with.
sOrga nized labor and the socialist
marty differ in one essential respect
The former seeks to bring about So
+ eia1ism BY fOrcible methods and tns
latter seeks the same end through the
ballot box. The attempts OF organizeu
labor to compel the shortening OF tne
hours Of labor without regard TO ms
effect on industrial welfare, its dictatior
Lac
indOlent and inapt on the same footing
with energy and capability, and the ab-
solute power it arrogates to itself over
the individual on the theory that the IN
dividual has no rights which the many
need respect, are all cardinal principles
of socialism. Socialism IS denial OF IN
dividual and property rights, and SO;
also. is trades unionism. when reduced
to it's last analysis"
Mr.. Parry then took up the anthracite
strike and the municipal condition OF
Chicago. He pointed out that by the
system of joint agreement in force be-
tween the coal operators and the United
Mine Workers, that the public is not
consulted when advances in wage scales
are granted, and that if the price of coal
is to continue to go up that it means the
Industrial destruction of the United
States" for the high price of coal en-
tering into the cost of manufactured
products, will shut us out from the COM
petition with the rest of the world As
to Chicago Mr. Parry said
Chicago, second city of the United
States, is the stronghold of unionism in
this country. 1t is in that city that the
tyranny Of organized labor has reach
ed its greatest oppression: it is there
that political chicanery and organized
labor have Joined hands for the mulct-
ing of the business interests of the city.
From the restless elements of Chicago
emanates that great stream of social
istic virus, which, If allowed to flow
unrestricted VIII poison the entire ma
ton. It is there that trades unionism
has run mad-where agitators who do
no work are lauded as great and use
full citizens. Chicago cries for redemp-
ton. VIII there ever be sufficient crys-
Utilization Of the majority and decent
public sentiment in that city 10 remove
the bonds which shackle its industrial