The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1903-04-19


not when Tammany managed city con-
tracts. Through the connivance of the city
officials the contractor was enabled TO cart
the diggings from one city job. thereby
saving the payment OF the fee for
dumping which he would otherwise
have TO pay, and sell them TO the
dock department for filling-in purposes
at the rate paid for sand per load. Being
under water no one could tell the difference.
Politicians graft while in and out Of office.
Tax commissioners, both Tammany and re-
form, upon the expirations of their terms
have used the intimate knowledge gained
by them while in the service to the great
financial detriment of the city by advising
clients how to dodge taxes Timely adj
vance information from officials about the
secret business of the city has enabled
trusted lieutenants TO obtain options on
property which the city was about to con-
denim for public purposes. -Four or five
well-known Tammany leaders and lawyers
made vast fortunes IN this way. They Sc
cured wholesale. options on the land on
which Riverside Drive and Riverside Park
were laid out and sold at an enormous
profit The city was bled to the extent of
several millions Of dollars by having TO
pay the price of city lots for acre prop
erty. After ST. Nicholas Park. ST. Mary's
Park the Speedway and numerous other
public Improvements planned it was
learned that men close to Croker held the
options on the property taken for the pur-
poses mentioned. A method TO get the
city's cash and that of others was to COM
pei individuals and corporations who want
ed 10 do business with the city to take the
boss or some one representing him into
partnership. BY the testimony before the
Lexow legislative and investigating COM
mittee 1T was revealed that a son of Rich
ard Croker was a shareholder in fire.
proofng construction company whose ma
terial the builders were ordered to use or
have their plans rejected.
THE ICE TRUST SCHEME.
The ice trust was manipulated in like
manner. 1t secured landing privileges for
it's ice in return for stock, to the exclusion
of all rivals, which were either driven out
of business or absorbed by the trust. All
of the prominent men at the head Of Tam
many Hall figured in the scheme TO advance
the price of ice trust stock, with which
they were found to be loaded up by lending
the influence of the city to advance the in
terests of the trust. Mayor Van Wyck adj
mitted that he held 100000 worth Of stock
and that he got 1t at ground-fioor figures
on the easy-payment plan.
Compared with the income that graft
from such sources yields the profits prom
ised by the "get-rich-quick' schemes are
trifing. The politicians are represented in
nearly every great enterprise that has the
remotest connection with the municipality.
1t is we'll known that the construction of
the Rapid Transit road now building,
backed by the citys credit with s36,50O, 900,
was held up for years until the Tammany
boss secured certain concessions. Andrew
Freedman, his man of business is one of
the directors in the Subway Construction
Company, which has the contract for build
ing and operating the Rapid Transit road.
Associated with him are capitalists like
August Belmont, Charles T. Barney, Wal
ter G. Oakman and Cornelius Vanderbilt.
Freedman had no previous standing In
financial circles and could never have be-
come the partner of such men IL 1t had
not been for the system. Freedman Is also
the head and front here of a surety COM
pany, which obtained a foothold in this
State when the Tammany boss controlled
the Legislature. After that city employees
were bonded by certain company. 1t
cost more, too, but it paid better in the
end. In this field the Democratic boss has
rival; the son of the Republican boss
also being interested in surety company.
The Democratic boss was a power in the
city and the Republican boss controlled
the State, but they did not quarrel over
the spols. They divided the field. The
ho1 70 CO IN a.
mans company and the state en-
ployes to the Republican company.
1t is almost inconceivable how
many things are made tributary to the
pocket of grafters. Competition between
them is keen and they are constantly de-
| vising new ways to live off the public.
Some of them hold no office and keep con-
stantly telling the public that they do not
| want Office They are rich and yet have no
known business and no visible means Of
support. They seemingly are in politics
for pastime. Two well-known politicians of
| this description are considered philanthro-
pists by their constituency. They appear to
| devote all their time to getting places for
others and asking nothing for themselves
These crafty fellows have a graft that is
novel; Nearly every one for whom they
i get eIlpiOyIucHl dt the tApcnSt VI TIC pun
| lie Is q tenant of theirs. 1t is true the
| constituents have to pay higher rents than
| they would elsewhere for the same apart
| ments. but 1t is necessary to continue In
| the favor and to have the protection of the
| powerful men who can deprive them of
| the means to earn their daily bread. 1t be-
hooves them not to complain and the rest
| of the community is none the wiser. The
reputation of such truly unselfish, self
| sacrificing politicians do not suffer and
| they continue to build more houses to Sc
cure more jobs and more tenants to con-
| tribute to their graft.
| Banks and trust companies are also in the
graft. Rivalry between them to become
| repositories is great. The city handles an
nually about 500. 0000 900, and the banks can
well afford to pay 2 per cent. on deposits
| for which some of them get per cent. or
more on Wall street. Large corporations
are constantly seeking favors. privileges
and franchises, and they find IT to their
interest to employ influential politicians as
business observation-disclosures they
would be called by others. The corpora
tons usually get what they want in spite
of protests. They do things differently
in New York. They do not hire safe de-
posit boxes or trust stockholders, not since
the famous Broadway railroad Doodle case