Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1903-10-19
ATTRACTING INTEREST
Contest in the Federation of
o
Laborat Boston.
EFFORT OF RADICALS
81 q
WANT TO DEFRAr eoMpERs AND
CONSERVATISM.
Possible Effects on Politics, Business
and Labor Organizations Of the
Annual Convention.

| The meeting of the American Federation
| of Labor in annual convention in Boston,
| November 8. is being looked forward to by
| all classes of people who are in any way
affected by the attitude of organized labor.
| with the greatest interest The feature Of
this convention that is calling forth 50 great
| attention is the expected struggle between
| the conservatives and the radicals for con-
troll of the federation through the election
| of officers.
Old Struggle Resumed.
| This contest will only be a continuation
| of the fight that was made at New Orleans,
at the meeting of the federation last year,
when the radicals made the election of the
| conservative officers a matter of a very
small majority Since then the many veto
| ries of trade unionism all over the country
have caused a strenthening Of the radical
| forces, which it has been very hard for the
| conservative elements to control. President
| Gompers. in his capacity as the leader of
the organization. is regarded one of the
| most conservative, if not the most conserv
alive among the officers holding prominent
| positions.
Mr.. Gompers has taken the view that or
| ganiZed labor can afford to go slowly, and
| he believes that strikes should be avoided
| as far as possible. 1t is sa that if he had
| his way at all times the federation would
| be conducted along very much the same
| lines that controlled the late Chief Arthur
| OF the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engi-
| neers. He would accomplish by a continued
pressure for better conditions. using means
| OF persua sion, arbitration and conc .liation
| constantly, and resOrting to strikes as sell
| dom as possible, what the more radical ele-
ment believe can only be attained by de-
mands accompanied by threats of immedi-
ate retaliation by means of strikes, both
| direct and sympathetic.
| This attitude of Mr.. Gompers toward labor
| problems is regarded by the radical ele-
| ment as an evidence of weakness. They do
| not appreciate the power of diplomacy in
| obtaining a desirable end. when it is con
! trasted with the more exciting power Of
| war. concession gained the result of
! a peremptory demand backed up by an i'm
! mediate strike with threats of a sympa-
| thetic strike in allied trades, is looked upon
| by this class of trade unonss as a greater
; victory than would be the accomplishment
| of the same results by months of negotia-
| ton, during which small concessions would
be gained from tine to tine until the entire
wishes of the4traGe had been obtained
| Then, too President Mitchell, of the Mine
| Workers Ungn who is generally regarded
| as the head of the, radical element, has in
| the past been looked upon a believer in
| socialism. This-term is used in general
| way, the exact nature of the socialstic
| tendencies of Mrs. Mitchell never having
been clearly outlined by him in any public
| way Mr.. Gompers asks for nothing more
! than a free hand TO obtain the things that
labor wants blythe power of labor to get
! them. He carried this view so far when the
| Industrial commission in session in
| this city TO declare that he had but lit
| tie interest in legislation, congressional or
otherwise. He was one Of the first to dis
approve of the propaganda in favor of COM
| pulSory. arbitration at a time when the idea
Of that method of settling labor disputes
was very strong among many OF the labor
| leaders. The most radical element in the
| convention will be made up of men who are
not prominent as leaders. To some of these
Mr. rla1l h y,,ca &c
The Two Parties.
When the convention is assembled in Bos-
ton next month the two parties will he
lined up as the Gompers and the Mitchell
men. The interest that attaches to the
contest lies in the fact that President Com
pers is regarded as a contending force for
conservative action rather than that he is
able to secure conservative action at all
times. On the other hand the party that
lc oks to Mr.. Mitchell its leader is re-
So rded IS inclined to pursue more agrees
sive policy in making demands for trade
urionism. What such leadership would
result in is regarded by labor leaders as
prOblematical.
This contest within the Federation of
Labor for supremacy of leadership is call
ing forth the interest of politicians bust
ness men and labor leaders wherever the
Importance of the result is appreciated.
Politicians wonder what will be the effect
of radical leadership within the fedora ton
upon the political situation two years
| hence. Any radical course on the part of
trade unionism is looked upon as likely to
show it's full effect in time to become an
element in the condition of the country by
the time the national campaign is begun.
business men view with alarm an eXtensi IN
of some of the methods of trade unionls.n
such as have been followed in Chicago and
New York. They declare that the power
of the truckmen in conjunction with The
| owners of trucks in Chicago to successfully
| demand that natural gas appliances for
| heating and power purposes be removed
| from buildings, as a condition on which
| they would be willing to haul coal for firms
| or individuals making use of natural gas,
| is alarming and sure to lead to disaster.
| They look upon the sentiment faVoring a
| restriction of output on the part of labor
| r,en as jeopardizng the general prosperity
| OF the country and taking from the Amer
| lean Workmen that superiority in produce
| ton which they regard as a considerable
| element in the capture of foreign markets
as against Great Britain. where the restric-
| ton of the output has been developed a
| So lient feature of trade uninnism. The
| labor leaders themselves wonder whether a
! change of policy would cause a setback in
| the steady progress that has been made IN
| recent years by trade unionism in this
| country.
! Power of Labor Leaders
The nature of the organization of the
| Federation of Labor is such that the
| tional officers are not so influential in
controlling the course of unions as many
| people believe. Still, very great power
| for conservative or radical action is ex-
| ercised by these, national officers. They
can neither order nor prevent strike in
| pny mandatory way. They can, however,
| refuse financial aid to any union enter
| ing upon d strike without the sanction of
| the national body, and that would leave
| the strikers without means to carry on
| their contest except as they might secure
money within their own ranks Then,
| too the federation can suggest, or order
| subject to the approval of the trades af-
| fected, that strikes OF sympathy be en-
| tered upon. These are very important
powers to be exercised by an organiza-
| ton claiming membership of 100000
OF men and women, with an influence
tending very far beyond its own mem
bership.
1t is quite generally believed here that
at the meeting of the Federation of La
Dor in Boston next month Mr.. Gompers
and conservatism will prvail and that
the present officers of the organization
will be reelected. Still, labor leaders ad-
nit that there is fighting ground for the
radical element that proved to be SO
strong at New Orleans a year ago.
Injured at Twining City.