The labor world. [volume] (Duluth, Minn.) 1896-current, 1903-05-09


except toIally orttlnat ely# they. do not
arise often. IN the field Hof| labor com -
plications. Tor instance two only have
occurred " during the 4 last eighteen
months. j But they Enthusiastically will
recur periodiacilly IN the future, and,
when" they come, their presence is UNI
mistakable. It. would then be for the
executive, state or national, ito take
cogpizance of what is apparent, and to
set In motion the special machinery de-
signed and held lin reserve for that
exigency.
1t is equally futile to say. that the
parties concerned, unconsenting there
to, might decline to appear before such
a Commission. IN such case the Com
mission would simply proceed with It's
inquiry in the absence of such party or
parties. With the power of summon
ing witnesses and compelling the pro-,
duction OF books, all necessary infor-
nation would be accessible to it. But
the parties could not refuse to appear.
They would not dare to refuse.
Finally, the report Of such tribunal,
addressed to its appointing power,
would be like the decision OF a high
court Of Justice on an abstract point
of constitutional law Of the first mag
nitude. Read by every one, II the deci-
sion were weak, or bore in it signs of
prejudice or interest, it would, falling
dead, fail to influence public opinion.
Equally, II handled with firm and
Intelligent grasp it would carry con-
viction. That conviction, when SO car
ried, is In this country irresistible. 1t
in the end makes opposition confessed
ly factious.
The trouble with us is that we are
always prating OF the force of public
opinion; but. when the exigency arises,
we evince no confidence whatever in it.
Like a parcel Of children, we are apt
to cry out for the master to come in
and enforce instant obedience with the
rod. I submit that permanent results
with us in America are not reached in
that way. Let us in this matter have
the courage Of our convictions.
1 have already expressed my belief
that, if such a. system as I have here
suggested could be brought into being
through a very simple act Of legisla-
ton, which. open to no constitutional
or other objection, would be in entire
accord with our industrial system, our
traditions and the American ideals, it
would settle nine matters Of controv-
ersy which arise out Of ten. I now
further submit it is highly desirable
from every point of view that the
tenth case Of controversy should not
be settled, but should be fought out
In the practical affairs of life, as we
all know, 1t is necessary now and then
that the fight should be to a finish.
Our own civil war was case in point.
No arbitration ever could have settled
that; no appeal to reason would have
produced conviction. The issue had
to be fought to the bitter end. That
it was SO fought we are now all CRATE
full, though, at the time, the demand
was loud and incessant for some COM
promise-any close to the useless, the
suicidal strife."+ This exceptional case,
however, by no means brought the
principles of arbitration and reasonable
adjustment into discredit, and conse-
quent disuse.. On the contrary, they
have grown stronger ever since, secur-
ing more and more hold on public opin-
ion. What is necessary, in my judi
ment, is to organize that public opin-
ion, and, when organized and made
effective, to rely. on it :to produce all
desirable results Iii. the average case.
But it<can onlybe organized-by bring
ing it to bear through the medium Of
capable men, thoroughly informed upon
the special matter under discussion,
and competent to express courageous
opinions clearly. The tribunal doing
this should then dissolve. It should
not continue in existence, the target
for criticism, partisan discussion and
popular odium. Should a new case
arise, another tribunal Of sinai char
acter would at the proper time be
called into being to deal with it in it's
turn.
Sound and fruitful legislation cannot,
moreover, be improvised. 1t is idle to
talk in language as empty as it is
grandiose, of "curbing,' or regulating
by any patented method, potentates and
powers Of such large, and yet vague,
character as those that labor and CAPT.
tai are now continually bringing into
the field. A governmental regulation
which shall deal satisfactorily with
them must rest upon broad and
well-considered basis Of experience. It
would be the natural outcome of
that suggested. 1t is equally futile to
which we have been engaged, and of
which we have SO long experienced the
inconvenient results, is going to be
settled in a day or an hour, or next
year, or within the next ten years. It
| will continue with us during the re-
mainder Of our lives, and with our
children after us; but we will slowly
| and tentatively approximate to salts
factory results. Under these circum-
| stances If a solution, represented by
proper legislative and administrative
machinery, is ever to be evolved, it
must be evolved from a series of wear
isome Investigations and reports there
| on, no less judicial and well consider
ed than that body of great opinions
| from which the present constitution Of
| the United States has been slowly built
| up and rounded out.
In the case Of the national Executive
some question has been raised as to
its functions and powers, in view of