The Montgomery advertiser., 1903-08-29

the same faculties under a white. .slin. believe 1t to be wise for Southern white men, and to their true interest, to caeer- fully accord the baliot Q tie negroes who achieve industrial success and are intel ligent and are men of high character.
 None the less, I should regard 1t as calaminous to the American nation and above all. calamitous to the American negro. if the North were to undertake, through the federal government, to en- force upon the South the right of the negro to vote, or to make political issue of that right. The undertaking means the use of physical force. Can anything be palmer than this?
 No power less or other than an army from the North can make headway with such an undertaking. Only under mili- tary law could 1t attain even a nominal success. if even that be attainable. Our generation remembers that Northern army did establish and maintain in the South carpet bag governments. with their infamies and lapses towards bar barism. If another Northern army were to renew the undertaking we should have the same result.
 "As between violation of American doctrine and law and surrender of civili- sation, the Southern States with large negro populations have seized the horn of
 
 every Northern State would in like situa- tion seize. The Southern whites stand for civilization as against political theory Of legal right, and so they will stand. Nor do l believe that the North will eff fectiyely md fault, for the only effective fault finding would be the enactment and execution of force law. Nor will Pres ident Roosevelt or his party go further in fault finding than they deem useful tO their hnlA ,rx, lnlm N-<- the South or negro voters at the North
 Tn answer to your first question, I declare unreservediy against Congression- al action to enforce negro suffrage in the Southern States.
 ITO your third question I answer that there is not the slightest danger that foreign born, voters at the North will be prejudiced by the failure of negro vot- ing at the South. It Is not astonishinR that able and high-minded men do not perceive the absence of likeness between the two cases. And now for the second question:
 ITO this I answer that we shall count upon the wisdom of white men and black men. We shall count upon the progress of this black men in industrial inteiii- gence, thrift and wealth. We shall count upon the influence and stimulus of their own high-minded leaders.
 If the progress must be long--so has white progress been long. We may count upon the white man-upon his enlight- ened self-interest and we may more safe- ly count upon him if we recognize the fact that, whether We will or not, this problem is to be solved by the dominant race at the South. With its control of the solution nothing but civil war can interfere, and over this we shall not have civil war.
 T venture to ignore the plan to re- duce Southern representation. It would not enfranchise single black man; it would practically extinguish the hopes of the blacks; 1t would be futile to any good end; 1t would be dangerous source of sectional irritation and jealousy.
 Tt would separate black interests from white--a separation ealamitous to both while they live together, but far more calamitous to the weaker race; a separa. tion fatal, indeed to the benefcient and hopeful future now opening to the Amer iean negro"