The Montgomery advertiser., 1903-10-10

Eur@so conveyed. Tho sfr1t W&1 in our view totally inadmissible: the second be,
 yond the wants and wishes of the ume,
 bnt the government. 1t must be admitted. bowied us over by tho force of the phrase; and made it cur next duty to bowl them over by bringing the reality of the biiI into correspondence with its sreas pro- fession. This ws were able to do Nh some degree. when ws reached the committee, for some of the restrictions included in the measure were such as the double facing liberal fringe did not venture to uphold against the assAults of their own party. But the grand question Of com pound householding. which was really to determine the character of our ieRisla- tion. was one on yhich we could not reckon upon either the conscientious or the intimidated and prudential support oi our liberal fringe. The government were beyond all doubts at least for the mo. ment. masters of the situation. .. | tory off the 'mysteryman' fDisraelD. this proceeding can be surpassed. The To ries. having been brought to accept house hold suffrage on the faith of the limita- ton imposed by personal payments of the | rates. found at a moments notice thai that limitation had been thrown over.
 board. and that their leader had giver them bilI virtually far larger than any Mir. Bright had sought to impose upor them- It was certainly no business oi ours to complain, and they made tt nc business of theirs. imagine that they sttfl relied upon rectincation of the bill by the House of Lords. And the Lordz did roctify 1t largely: but these rectifca- tions were all rejected when the hlll rc- turned to us. except the minority (repre- sentation)s which Nr. Disraeli was strong enouEh to secure by means of the votes Of body of liberals who approved 1t. ana which he accepted to humor or com fort the Lordc little, while he detested 1t. and made. as Bright said. the best speech he ever delivered against it. So came about the establishment of an ef- fective housshold suffrage in the cities and borouglfs of England"
 The process effecting this wide exten- sion of political power to immense classes hitherto without it." writes Mir. Morley, was in every respect extraordinary. The great reform was carried by pariia-
 ment elected to support Lord Palmeryton, and Lord Paimerston detested reform. Tt was carried by Government In a de- ctded minority. It was carried by a min- ister and by leader of opposition. neith- CT of whom was at the time in the full confidence of his party. Finally, 1t was carried by House of Commons, that the year before had, in effect. rejected measure for the admission of only 4oo, ,ooo new voters, while the measure to which 1t now assented added almost million vot. CTS to the electorate.
 We also do best to seek rational ex- plantations in large affairs. It may be true that if there were no biunders there would be no politics. but when we have made full allowance for blunder. caprice, chance; folly. craft. still reason and the nature of things have a share. The se- cret of the strange reversal In 1881 of all that had been said. attempted, and done in ls66. would seem to be that the tide of public opinion had suddenly swelled to hood, The same timidity that made the ruling classes dread reform, hnd the compensation that very little in the way of popular demonstration was quite enough to frighten them into accepting it's
 Here are some fragments from the diary kept by the Grand Old Man, most of thcm referring to the great budget of 1860:
 July 2o-H. of c. lost my Savings Bank Monies bill: my first defeat in a measure of france in the H. of c. This ought to he very good for me; and earn estiy wish to make 1t so.'
 "Aug. e.-H. of c. Spoke 1-2 hours on the Paper duty: a favourable House. Voted in 26s-2Ss. A most kind and in- deed notable reception afterwards"
 Here Is another passage from the diary, showing the internal fighting in the Cab inek',
 April 10. 'et.-Saw Lord Palmerston and explained to him my plans. which did not meet his views A laborious and anxious day il Cabinet Explained my case 1-3 Chaos! 12-Cabinet 1-3 Very stiff We broke up in one sense and all but in another 13-Cabinet. 8 4-6 My v.Ia k-~- Palperston yielding gracefully; Stanley of Alderly almost the only kicker. The plan of one bill was accepted after fight ing. l5.-H. of C., financial statement for three hours. The figures rather made my head ache. It was the discharge of a. long pent-up excitement"
 In his introduction to the biography, Mir Morley says:
 Gladstone used to say of himself that his life was ever greatly absorbed in working the institutions of his country, We mark signal trait Not for two centuries, since the historic strife of An glican and Puritan, had our island pro- duced ruler in whom the religious mo- tive was paramount in the like degree. He was not only political force, but a moral force. He strove to use all the powers of his own genius and the powers or the State for moral purposes and re- ligious. Nevertheless his mission in all its forms was action. He had none of that detachment, often found among su- perior minds, which we honor for it's dis interestedness, even while we lament itz impotence in result. The track in which he moved, the instruments that he em. ployed. were the track and the instru- ments. the sword and the trowel. of po- Itical action; and what is called the Gladstonian era was dlstinctively a po- litical era."
 Here is an eminently characteristic pas- sage by MT. Morley about his subject: His name Is associated with a record Of arduous and fruitful legislative work and administrative improvement, equaIed by none of the great men who have grasp- ed the helm of the British state, The in- tensity of his mind. and the length of years through which he held presiding office. enabled him to impress for good in ailefhe departments of his own severe standard of public duty and personal ex. actness- He was the chief force, pro. polling, restraining. guiding his country at many decisive moments. Then how many surprises and what seeming para. dox. Devotedly attached to the church. he was the agent in the overthrow of es. establishment in one of the three king doms. and in an attempt to overthrow 1t in the principality. Entering public life with vehement aversion to the recent dis lodgment of the landed aristocracy as the handspring of parliamentary power, he lent himself to two further enormously extensive changes in the eonstitutiouaIity centre of gravity. With a lifelong be- lief in parliamentary deliberations as the grand security for judicious laws and na- tional control over executive act, he yet