Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1903-09-09

| every man and woman of this great
pubic give some thought to the proper
ethics of the problem and qualify
themselves to form an intelligent and
healthy opinion, so they will not be
stanpeded by the cries of alarm
/ when may emanate either from the
enemy who is without and who would
| Keep labor down to the lowest point,
| simply that his gains might be larger,
or from the enemy within, who, though
| perhaps sincere, is mistaken in his
views and who will, if followed, lead
| into trouble which could be avoided IL
wiser and more capable guide led the
way.
The combinations of capital. but yes
| terday, We're the only cause the pub
lie had to fear would interfere unlaw-
fully with industrial relations. Today
a new force has entered the field.
Combinations of workmen called
Labor Unions.
The old medieval guilds were Or
/ CARNATIONS of persons representing all
| the factors of production. Employers
| and employed, united in one body,
regulated production, but the control
| rested chiefly with the masters. Modern
! labor organizations, on the contrary,
embrace, as a rule, only one of the fac
| tors, the employees, and their purpose
IS to promote the interests of this one
| factor whenever these interests clash
with those of the employers.
The trades-union are primarily or
| ganiza tons of skilled artisans. Ac-
| cording to the old trades-union idea,
each craft should be organized by it,
self. The trades-unons have united in
larger federal organizations, first in the
Central Labor Unions of our cities,
and later in the national body, the
American Federation of Labor. This
national body has also made provision
for the organization of unskiled work.
ing'nen, and for local unions of work.
lngmen of different trades where those
engaged in each trade are too few for
separate organizations. Labor organi-
cations are not forced products They
have grown up almost spontaneously.
They have arisen naturally out Of mod
ern industrial conditions. Wherever
capital is a separate factor in produce
ton, and is organized on q large scale,
labor inevitably organizes sooner, or .
later IN order that it may stand on an
eqGal footing and make labor con.
tracts advantageously. Let us osup-fr
pose that one capitalist employs a
thousand men If these men are not
| organized, each man. individually
treats with all the capital In the -estab- T.
lishment. All the capital is repre-,
serted by one man. but one wage
GARNER represents but one-thousandth
parton the labor force, and he is not in III
Il opposition of equality. The laborers :
therefore unite their labor, and speak"
ing through one representative. place
all the labor against all the capital Tn a
other words, collective bargaining" Isl
substituted for the former individual d,
bargaining with employers. This Is
something which so naturally suggests
itself that we find labor organizations e.
in all modern lands. ...-.. e}tlss u
Labor organizations met at first with,
violent opposition, and it cannot be
said that in their earlier stages or even
in their later growth this opposition
has by any means been groundless.
However. whatever bad traits naturally
characterize labor organizations are
aggravated so long as those organiZa-
tons are obliged to struggle for exist
ence. Whenever the fact of their right
to exist is frankly acknowledged, and
employers. ceasing to prosecute them
or their officials, recognize the man whe
treats in a representative capacity for
the sale of labor as courteously as they
would an agent for the sale of corn or
wheat; finally whenever courts cease
TO harrass them with legal chicanery,
as courts long did in England, they
tend to become strong and con-
servative. The fact is undoubted that
most serious abuses and outrages have
attended the progress of labor Or
CARNATIONS, but, after all, the unions
have simply exhibited weaknesses of
sinful human nature, weaknesses
which have been observed in more
frightful manifestations on those other
organizations, nevertheless excellent,
which we call Church and State. The
true course is to recognize the benef-
cerce of the principle of organization
and to contend only against abuses. 1t
can scarcely be too much to say that
this is the opinion of nearly all compe-
tent observers in England, Germany
and the United States.
Viewed philosophically, it Is in
evitable that a riot of inexperience and
inefficiency should characterize the
early stages of labor's organization.
No state of society is ever inaugurated
with people already perfected for its
coming. Republican institutions were
not deferred on earth until people
were found entirely capable of running
perfect republics. Democracy did mot
await the advent of a population al
ready fully trained in the art Of self
government All these things come,
md the people most concerned have to
develop up to them. Such is the lesson
Of history. Labor unionism came also,
and, in the same way, its adherents
nave had to discipline themselves by
experience in the best methods Of or
sanization and conservative manage
nent. On the whole, taking into con-
'ideration the enormous increase of
lnionism, it is no more than fair to say
hat it is constantly gaining in
equilibrium and sanity. Relapses here
md there are to be expected; bad years
ire inevitable. But the leadership far
md wide is the more touched with the
hrewd sense and moderation Of the
pest class of sober minded Waee-earn-