The Minneapolis journal. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1888-1939, 1902-05-14

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unless the Emperor of Austria should give
up freely his claims to the German lands
that belong to his empire, and surely this
sounds highly improbable. But, should
even such an ever unhea rd-of solution
prove possible, the great European powers
would not allow it. The annexation Of
the German speaking parts of Austria TO
Germany would not only make it much
larger than it is to-day, but would adj
vance its southern border so far that the
annexation of Trieste would follow imme-
diately. Now Trieste, On the Adriatic
Sea, is the door that gives way to the
east, where commercial competitions are
so active already Its possession would
strengthen and enrich Germany more
than many victories. Russia France and
Italy are sure to oppose the annexation
of Trieste, and therefore the foundation
of Greater Germany; and thus their first
step must be the preservation of the pres
ent Austrian equilibrium. The question,
then, remains how 10 preserve such an un-
certain and shaking equilibrium, and
whether it is possible to force the nine
millions Of unwilling Germans under the
yoke of fifteen thousand Slavs when, near
at hand, stands a great German state OF
over 10000, 900 of people, with powerful
army and plenty of wealth.
1t must be war. Would it be war, then,
with Germany on one side and the three
great continental powers on the other?
The Balkan states are divided. Suppose
Turkey Romania and Greece should de-
eide in favor of Germany, Servia and Bull
garia follow the Russian flag, Spain and
Sweden being lCokers-on. England would
become the fate-maker of Europe. In
such case, interest is sure to have its
| way. If one carefully inquiries where lies
British interest, no hesitation is allowed.
| The much spoken of commercial rivalry
between England and Germany is of little
moment, compared with the result of a
| Franco Russian victory. 1t. must be ad-
mitted that British trade would suffer
| from such a victory more than from any
other change in the present European
equilibrium, and therefore, no British
| cabinet should allow this great struggle
| to pass away without interfering. Inter-
ference, it may be fair to add, would be
easy and dangeTless for England because
her navy and her Indian troops would be
able to injure the French colonies and to
weaken Russian influence in<Asie without
running the risk of continental fighting,
and finally, of all the belligerents, the
English would turn out as having made
the larger profit with the less expense.
Whilst public opinion catches yet but a
glimpse of this bloody future, the Euro
pean governments are already On the
watch, and preliminary preparations have
| begun. France and Italy, whose friend
ship had vanished in 1870, shook hands
again at Toulon; the crown prince of Aus
tria, who acts as the most determined
of Slavophils. is visiting the Emperor of
Russia, and has inaugurated a new era
of good feeling between Petersburg and
| Vienna; the kings. of Greece and Rou-
mania have made arrangements of an
unknown character, and, above all, the
Emperor William IL, notwithstanding the
pro- oer tendencies of his people, has
stuck to his British policy with the most
extra ordinary obstinacy. That he does
so through mere Anglophilism. nobody
! will admit. The truth is that the triple
alliance system has no longer any
strength, that Austria and Italy arc being
led by their own interests toward the
Franco Russian union, and thus Germany,
remaining alone and bound to face the
terrible problem of central Europe and
undertake to create greater Germany, re-
lies upon British help.
The people Of the United States should
thank God that they are free to remain
quietly outside of the threatening
struggle. 80.