The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1902-10-03

| presided.
The reception given Mr.. Rosing by
| the First warders left no room for
doubt of the claim that he will carry
| that Republican stronghold. His ap-
| pearance at the entrance of the big
tent was the signal for a tumult Of en-
| thuslasm. Cheer after cheer went up,
| and only ceased after Mr.. Rosing had
| elbowed his way through the crowd,
with scores Of enthusiastic men grasp
| ing his hands, and repeatedly bowed
| his Acknowledgements from the plat
| form. When he arose to speak the en-
| thus1aSm again broke out, and the
! cheers continued until the crowd was
| hoarse.
| Mr.. Rosing said:
THE political campaign which is now
| begun is one in which the cool and de-
| liberate thought of the citizen should
| be exercised in the fullest degree. The
| questions calling for our consideration
| and decision this fall are of a purely
| business nature, and affect incomes
| and pocketbooks directly. Undoubted-
| ly the question that is uppermost in
every mans mind today is the so-called
| trust question and the tariff as re-
| lated thereto.
Tariff Has Made Trusts.
"Since the passage Of the Dingley
| tariff bill, July %, 1897, there has been
an enormous increase in the number
| of trusts and large corporations, whose
| aim it is to monopolize the whole trade
| In the respective commodities which
| they manufacture or produce. Recent
| ~ the leaders of the Republican party
| in their speeches and arguments have
/ admitted that these combinations in
restraint of trade are an appalling evil,
but they assert that the tariff is not
| their cause or their shelter.
n 10 acifs 10
| been that high protective tariffs are
| breeders of these combines, and we
| have taken the position in this cam
pa1gn that all articles made, manu-
factured or produced by these monop-
| olistic concerns should be placed upon
| the free list, thus removing from them
| the special governmental privileges
| which they enjoy. The new Republic
| an doctrine, as emphasized by the
| president in his Cincinnati speech, is:
| That it is extremely dangerous to
| remove any of these protective duties,
| even though trusts profit thereby, as
| long as any small concern still has an
independent existence and needs the
! continued nursing of the American
| people,
If this doctrine is to hold good then,
| indeed, there is no hope of ever having
! nigh protective duties repealed, be-
| cause the trusts can always keep some
small and apparently Independent con-
| Germs running for the purpose of Sc
curing tariff benefits.
Laborer Does Not Reap Benefits.
Another favorite argument used in
support of the perpetuation of pro-
tective duties is that we must have
tariff enough to equaliZe the difference
| in the cost of labor in this country
as compared with the cost abroad. To
meet that argument let us select one
OF the products protected the least,
possibly, of any-sugar The differ
entail between raw and refined sugar
is Is cent per pound.
That is the theoretical difference In
| the bill; but because of the impuri-
ties in sugar and the adjustment of
duties the protection is really double
that or about "A cent per pound; but
the prices indicate that the differential,
as it works out in practice, is still
greater, as the difference in the cost
in 1901 between raw sugar, 90
difference of over 1 cent
per pound. The cost Of refining, which
never exceeds Y cent per pound, leaves
net ref1ners' profit of 503 cents per
pound which, on the consumption Of
2,S72.316 tons of 2,24O pounds each,
gives net surplus profit of $685.
359 for last years business.
taking the theoretical protection that
sugar enjoys of Is cent per pound, the
protection amounts to $6,642,494, while
the total number of wage earners en-
ployed by the refners is 1892 and re-
ceive in total wages $6,945, 811; so that
the differential on the theoretical basis
nearly pays all the wages and not
only the difference in wages between
this country and Europe. Applying
the practical differential of 1s cent
gives the trusts a net protection Of
$13,2S4.965, or nearly double the amount
of wages paid. These figures in regard
to wages are taken from the United
States census. If Is cent per pound
! protects sugar to such a degree, what
do you think is the effect on products
which receive 25 per cent to $50 per
cent protection?
No Longer Infant Industries.
1.-THE toal amount paid to iron and
steel workers in the United States last
year was $120,000,000 1t is admitted
that on the protected United States
Steel company alone the difference be-
tween the European price list and the
price list Of the United States amounts
to $4O,O0O0O0, or one-third of the to-
tai wages paid by the trust and the
non-trust iron and steel industries.
Do you believe that this steel corpora
ton, which owns and controls nearly
all Of the mines in the iron range in
this state and which has been capital
lied to the enormous sum Of ST. 400 ,000,-
900; whose net earnings the first wear
in existence were 115,O0O,OO0, and it's
estimated earnings for 1902 are $780,
100000, needs this paternal care Of the
American people?
"a few years ago the expense of
mining was much higher than it is
today, because then the labor was
nearly all done by hand, while now
steam shovels fill the ore cars at the
rate of fifteen tons minute, thus re-
ducing the cost enormously; and yet
in spite of these facts Bessemer pig
iron, which then sold for $3.50 to
$15.75 is now worth Spills to $3.50.
Let me ask you, is labor getting the
benefit Of this enormous rise in the
cost of iron?
1.-THE ingenuity of the trainers Of the
Diugley tariff, in concealing protection
where none was suspected, is certainly
of high order-when the bill was so
framed that even the president Of the
United States was deceived into be-
lieving that coal was on the free list.
Coal Trust Trickery.
''This was done by simply providing
that coal that did not contain 50 per
cent carbon should be protected by a
67-cent duty; and, bear in mind, that
coal containing 80 per cent carbon is
not mined outside of the United States.
And that brings us to the subject of
the great coal trust which is today
holding the whole American people by
the throat. These gentlemen, who,
through the manipulation of railroad
rates and coal lands. have secured a
monopoly of the anthracite coal fields
of the United States arrogantly say
not only to the miners. but to the
people of the United States:
"'We will not arbitrate this differ
ence that exists between our employees