Freeland tribune. (Freeland, Pa.) 1888-1921, 1902-01-29

return for their refusal to strike and
their abstaining from giving comfort
to others who do strike.
But even if the labor leaders We're i'll
sympathy with and disposed to adopt
the Arthur plan, | think circumstances
are such as to make its successful car
rying out impossible. Arthur could
succeed because he commanded COM
paratively small number of very high
ly skilled and peculiarly trusted men
who banded themselves together in Il
union that should have no communica-
ton with or sympathy for any other
union or body of workmen. The Broth
erhood of Locomotive Engineers says
in substance, I'VE stand for ourselves
alone" Other labor unions are of ne
cessity numerous have an intimate i'll
accommodation and warm bond of
sympathy, and they proceed on the
principle of the knights of Labor mot
to-namey, that the injury of one is
the concern of all Indeed, the idea
of the solidarity of labor is not re-
stricted to skilled workmen, but ap-
plies as well to the even greater num-
Der of unskilled workmen. Any labor
trust or even approximation to bu-
reaucracy to be in the least degree
successful would have to have the ac-
tive or passive approval or support OF
this enormous army of organized and
unorganZed workmen, Il thing not sup
possible in this stirring, changing age.
| admit that We're the spirit of inqui-
ry not abroad, We're the monopolies
and their sponsors not under serious
suspicion and were the popular mind
in II state of passivity and quietude
then perhaps sCme share or the prom
Use of share of the advantages of mo-
nopoly might serve to draw and hold
some part Of the labor unions under
the control of some kind of managing
organization. But too many men have
conceived the idea that there is some
thing fundamentally out of keeping
with equal rights in monopolies, and
the desire for investigation is too ram
pant for labor trust to be formed.
Or to put the same thing in another
form: Senator Hanna speaks of the
Organization of capitaf' coming to
stay. Does he include monopoly in the
word "capital?' 1t is not as capital
list that Mr.. Schwab, for instance, is
most notable in this matter, for the
word capital in the sense of political
economy means some form of wealth
used by labor to produce more wealth,
and the word wealth" means the
produce of labor from land-that is,
from the materials of nature. Capital
therefore comes from labor, and a fac
tory or Il steel rail or Il locomotive
when used in production is capital, but
an ore bed or a coaltield or railroad
right of way cannot be. That is
privilege. Now, $300,000000 approx
mately represents the value of the ac-
tual capital of Mr. Schwab's steel
trust using the word capital in its
true, economic sense. and 81, 100000
600 represents the value of privilege in
a so called capitalization of 1,400,-
100000
SO therefore it is fan more as mo-
nopolst than as Il capitalist that Mr..
Schwab becomes a member of the
committee of thirty-siX. If the body of
the people do not see this in sharpness
of outline, IL sufficiently large and
widely scattered number do see it to
point it out and to give direction to
that anmus against privilege which is
now beginning to change from thought
to action.
But" it will be asked, "if the trusts
are endeavoring to draw the trades
unions into kind of league and cove
nant that shall be useful to privilege
what is labor to get out of this commit
tee of arbitration. as it is called? Why
did the labor leaders go into it?'
My Judgment is that, while the cap
tains of monopoly seek by this means
to raise defense works between their
domains of privilege and the approach
ing popular equal rights army, the
trades unions are getting advance
ground All that the unions need to be
successful in most of their lights, when
their cause is just, is popular hear
ing. The greatest strike in recent
years 49, the Pennsylvania anthracite
strike of 1900-was won because John
Mitchell. the strike leader, was able to
get his case through the newspapers
before the people. That made a public
opinion that awakened the politicians
to activity and they were able to use
the threat of exposure against the rail-
roads, which We're the real opponents
of the mine workers. The railroads
feared attack on their transportation
or coal mining privileges or any reve-
lation Of the latter's great value. This
brought the extraordinary exhibition of
the powerful combination of railroads
yielding to II labor organization which
when it entered the fight had no mon-
ey and not more than sixteenth part
of all the mine workers in that terri
tory in its membership-yieldi abso-
lutely and granting 10 per cent in
crease in wages and other demands.
The formation of the committee of
thirty-siX, or court of arbitration, for
this reason means a remarkable ad-
vance for trades unionism upon ground
hitherto held by the greatest of its old