The Washington times., 1902-02-23

hamper the movements of the com
mandos, and when large numbers Of farm,
houses were destroyed under the circum-
stances already mentioned, it became ov-
ident that it was the duty of the British
as civilized people to form camps OF
refuge for the women and children where
! out of reach, as we hoped, of all harm.
they could await the return of peace.
| There were three courses open. The first
was to send the Boer women and children
into the BOer lnes-a course which be-
came impossible when the Boer army
! broke into scattered bands and had no
! longer any definite lines; the second was
/ to leave them where they We're the third
was to gather them together and care for
! them as best we could.
ut is curious to observe that the very
| people who are most critical of the line of
| policy actually adopted were also most
/ severe when it appeared that the altcrna-
tive might be chosen. The British nation
would indeed have remained under an
ineffaceable stain had they left woren
and children without shelter on the veldt
in presence OF large KafIir population.
Even Mr.. Stead could hardly have ruined
such a case by eXaggeration.'
The statements OF Miss Hobhouse, which
stirred up a considerable dust in Eng
land, DR.. Doyle declares to be somewhat
discredited by the facts that her political
prejudices were known to be against the
Government and that she could speak no
Dutch and knew no Beers.
One of the strongest chapters in the
book is that which deals with the ac-
cusations levied against the British Gov
eminent for engaging in the war at all.
DR.. Doyle takes up these charges one by
one, and treats them in such manner
that when he is through with them they
look a good deal like lot of pricked
balloons. Some of his arguments in re-
buttal are as follows:
The theory that Mr.. Chamberlain was
personally concerned in the raid, and that
out of revenge for that failure, or be-
cause he was in the power of Mr.. Rhodes,
he forced on the war. That he
knew that an instruction might prob
ably result from the despair of the Tit
landers is very probable. 1t was his
business TO know what was going on so
far as he could, and there is no reason
why his private sympathies. like those of
every other Englishman, should not be
with his own ill-used people. But that
he contemplated an invasion OF the Trans
vaal by a handful of policemen is absurd.
If he did, why should he instantly take
the strongest steps to render the invasion
abortive? What could he p--sioly do to
make things miscarry which he did not
do? And if he were conscious of being
in the power of Mr.. Rhodes. how would
he dare to oppose with such vigor that
gentleman's pet scheme?"
Again, he says:
That it is a capitalists war, en-
eineercd by company promoters and
Jews. The complaisance of the
British public toward capitalists goes no
further than giving them their strict le-
gal rights-and certainly does not extend
20 pouring out money and blood like wa
ter for their support. Such a supposition
is absurd, nor can any reason be given
why body of high minded and honorable
British gentlemen like the Cabinet should
sacrifice their country for the sake OF =
number of cosmopolitan fnanciers, most
Of whom are German Jews. The tax which
will eventually be placed upon the
Transvaal mining industry in order to
help pay for the war will in Itself prove
that the capitalists have no great voice
in the councils of the nation. We know
now that the leading capitalists in Johan-
nesburg were the very men who most