New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1902-11-21
DANIEL WEBSTER.
MIR. NrMAsrER's BIOGRAPHY OF THE
STATESMAN.


has prepared what is in many respects useful
volume The reader who wants to study the
subject in detail must still turn to the elaborate
life by George Ticlxnor Curtis. II he wishes
philosophical study Of Webster as a man and
politician he viii find it in the brief but scholar
" work Of Mr.. Henry Cabot Lodge If, how
ever. he merely wants a lively and interesting
review OF Websters life this popular sketch VIII
serve his purpose. It is vivid outline portrait
Mr. McMaster is a facile and pleasing writer
End his work abounds in skilful descriptions of
memorable scenes from the contemporary point
If view He shows Webster in his boyhood
home struggling with poverty, in Boston with
CHRISTOPHER Gore and in Portsmouth. with Jere-
niah Mason, laying the foundation for his fame
a lawyer, and taking his place in Congress
as a n opponent Of the War of 1912, while pre-
serving his loyalty to the government which is
carrying it on The story of the encounter with
Hayne is well told by the aid of liberal and
tudiciousIy chosen quotations from both de-
baters, and from the comments Of the time
The same course is pursued, with the same sue
cess. in the treatment Of the debate with Cal
houn over Notification, and of the belated at
tempt to compromise with the South in the
Seventh of March speech.
In dealing with what is objective Mr.. McMas-
ter is successful, and perhaps his aim was mere
Iy one Of portraiture. Nevertheless, it is to be
regretted that he did not go further Websters
fame has not grown since his death, and Mr.
A1cAIaster might have done important SER
vice 10 the readers of popular history by not
merely breathing vitality into their impression
of the man. but also making them feel their real
and continuing obligation to him for our ma
rtonaI existence. What enduring In Web
ster's work needs recalling TO this generation.
He seemed greater to his contemporaries than
he has TO their successors. The reputation of
John Quincy Adams has steadily appreciated in
the last half century, his far seeing states
1nanship and his work in the Cabinet, hidden
from popular observation and applause, have
come to be understood. Calhoun, as the logician
Of the State rights school and the revered
prophet Of the secessionists, has definite place,
whether Of regard or reprobation, in every ones
mind Clay's name is in measure still as
ISOLATED with the idea OF protection. Even
Jackson who could make claims to states
manship, left a party To keep alive his name
Webster's name indeed, lives; his orations have
been detained by several generations OF school
boys. Yet, while he did for union what Cal
houn did for disunion, the value of his work is
obscured by the fame Of the Northern leaders
IN the more critical period of the Civil War
This is natural Lincoln must ever be the su-
preme savior Of the Union. Moreover, Web
gter was not a radical and at the end of his
life he alienated utterly the anti-slavery ele-
snsnts Seward and Chase and Sumner come
more accurately 20 voice prevailing Northern
sentiment and Aboltionists, like Phillips and
Garrison, who had preferred disunion to slavery
we're acclaimed patriots when finally union and
freedom came to be identified, and slavery was
abolished incident TO suppressing the Re
bellion Yet Webster more than any other
man, was the messenger who prepared the way
for Lincoln. He taught the North to value
union as the chiefest of blessings, and he de-
veloped for il the theory Of nationality under
the constitution which furnished a legal basis
for forcible resistance TO separation.
Just how far nationality written into the
constitution by its makers is much disputed
question. Certainly the doctrine of a voluntary
and voidable compact widely held at the
North as we'll in the South and by FEEDER
alists as we'll as Republicans. Whether it was
there before or not, in his reply to Hayne Web
ster read into the constitution nationality, gave
the people who priced liberty and union con-
hdence that they had a government adequate TO
their aspirations. and with the most impressive
voice in the country proclaimed the principles
by belief in which the Union found strength to
save itself.
Webster's whole life was sermon on devo-
ton TO the Union at any price. He was by
nature a conformist and not a prophet OF moral
reforms. So Ii was natural for him, notwith
standing his personal convictions in favor Of
freedom, TO discountenance anti-slavery agita-
ton and finally seek to secure harmony under
The government of the constitution by what
seemed TO less compromising Northerners
apostate's surrender. The motives and the
craftsmanship prompting the Seventh OF March
speech have long been the subject OF debate.
Possibly personal ambition ohscured his judg
ment but it is difficult to believe that he was
dishonest in his opinions; for, though he had
long opposed the aggressions Of the Shareholders,
given his growing conservatism. his disapproval
of the increasingly violent agitation against
slavery even where it was protected by the con-
stitution, his primary devotion the Union,
and the more and more threatening attitude OF
the South, the conclusion that he reached
what might have been expected. The Compro-
mise Of 1850 did not settle the question. Per
haps he was blind TO think it could. But 1t
helped to consolidate Northern sentiment, II
only by showing that no compromise was posi-
BILE, and it postponed the question Of secession
TO the time when both parties were prepared
for its final settlement. For thirty years before
the war Webster's orations were ringing in
every schoolhouse of the North. and though he
failed TO appreciate the moral power of anti
slavery sentiment his teaching recruited the
Union armies when the slavery dispute cul-
minated IN secession with thousands who took
no part in the anti-savery propag anda-
Mr.. AIcMaster fairly states many of the prem
Uses for these conclusions. He notes that the
reply 10 Hayne was more than fine speech
defending -England"-was "a mine OF po-
litical wisdom which gave the constitution a
new meaning" He emphasizes Webster's
nationality and his belief IN 1850 that the
Free Soil parties were only Northern move
ments' that would come to nothing" But
when all is said his narrative is sterile. We
In