New-York tribune., 1902-10-20


heer increased 10 $50, a gain Of twentv-nine
Either marty in order 10 control must elect at
least lo4 members. The advantages are anna
rently all on the side of the Republicans as they
might lose all Of the new districts and still
have a ma ajority if they could count safely on
holding all that they now have. This advantage
is more apparent than real. however. for the
reason that in 1886 1SgS and 1900 the RepuhIi
cans carried many Congress districts that are
normally Democratic. but which went Re
publican on account Of the revolt against Bry-
anisn. In some places where States have heen
redistricted under the new apportionment large
Republican majorties in certain districts have
been reduced by taking from those districts ter
ritorv containing a large percentage of Repub-
ljcan votes The Democrats hope 10 win some
Of these districts and the Republicans do not
expect 10 hold them all. The Republicans do
eXpect however. 10 hold most of the old dis
tricts and 70 carry majority Of the new ones
They also hope 10 carry some districts now rem
resented by Democrats and TO have a good
working majority in the House of Representa-
tives in the LYIIIth Congress,
ELECTION OF STATE OFFICERS.
State officers are 10 he elected in each of the
following States: California. Colorado. Connec-
ticut Delaware Idaho, Illinois, Indiana. Iowa.
Kansas. Michigan. Minnesota. Missouri. Mon
tana Nebraska Nevada New Hampshire New
York, North Carolina. Ohio PENNSYLVANIA. Rhode
Island. South Carolina. South Dakota Tennes-
see Texas. Utah Vermont. Washington and
Wyoming II cannot be said that there is any
clear cut dominating issue which divides the
two great political parties through the entire
country such as was the case when the Denoc-
racy stood for free silver was the avowed
champion OF free trade The reason for this is
found in the inability of the Democrats 70 unite
on any one issue. The Republican party entered
the campaign standing its record and on its
unequivocal well established policy for the
future. and il in the power Of the Demo
Gratis TO make a we'll defined issue ny attacking
that policy at any point they regarded vul-
nerabe. but the Democrats have not been able
to unite anything except "A desire for the
Offices
DEMOCRATS UNABLE TO AGREE.
At the beginning Of the campaign Senator
CarmaCk, of Tennessee and 4 few others tried
TO make the conduct Of the army in the Phil
ppines the leading issue. They soon found
however. that the people Of the country. with
out regard to party stood by the army. and that
10 continue that line Of attack would ne suicidal
Before the party leaders fully realized this how
ever. the Democratic campaign textbook had
been compiled. and more than half Of IL had
been devoted TO attacking the Philippine policy
OF the administration II proved a sheer waste
or paper. The little group Of campaign man
ayers at the Democratic Congress committee
headquarters attempted to manufacture another
issue in their textbook They tried 10 commit
the party TO free trade. without any qualifca-
tion. There was nothing about Tariff for Rev
enue Only or "Tarif for Revenue with Incl
dental Protection" in the textbook. II stood
for absolute and unqualified free trade This
has not found universal acceptance with the
rank and file Of the party. however For in
stance. early in the campaign the price Of meat
was high and the free trade advocates thought
it was good time TO talk about taking the
tariff of cattle and meat products Immedi-
ately they heard from Texas They were told
that there were two Congress districts along
the Rio Grande which would be in danger of
going Republican il there was any talk Of ad-
mitting Mexican cattle free Of duty into the
United States. They heard similar reports from
other parts OF the country when the free adnlis-
sion OF other articles was suggested.
The Republican party. according to the dec
larations OF its campaign managers stands as
II has always stood. for the principle Of protec-
tion. There are differences in some localities
as 10 the exact rate Of duty that should be i'm
posed on specific articles but there is no differ
enoe as 10 the policy OF so arranging the tariff
schedules 70 yield ample revenue for the
needs OF the government and SO as 10 afford 10
American industries that measure OF protection
necessary to enable American capital and
American labor 10 compete with the world while
maintaining the wages Of the American work
at the level necessary TO enable him 10 live
up 10 the American standard Of comfortable
living. There Republicans in many parts
Of the country who believe that the tariff can
we'll be reduced on long list Of articles with
out endangering the prosperity Of American n
capitalists and American workingmen and
they are advocating such reduction. but they
are advocating il as an issue within the Repub-
lcan party rather than as an issue between Re
pubicans and Democrats They want the tariff
reformed, but their recollection Of the Wilson
Tariff law and of the closed factories and the
depleted national treasury is too vivid 20 per
NIT them 10 lend assistance to tariff reduction
by Democratic free traders With a RepubM-
can victory, the party in the next Congress will
fix upon a Republican policy for such tariff re-
vision as may he advisable
NO EMPTY COAL HOD" NOW.
If President Roosevelt had not settled the
coal strike. The Empty Coal Hod" would have
been the leading last hour issue in the cam
paign. and the Democrats were preparing 10
blame the Republican party for the conditions
brought about by the inability OF the mine
operators and the mine workers TO get together
With the coal hod filled. the favorite topic of
partisan discussion is the trust question; but
again there is a lack of the elements necessary
10 make it clearly defined issue between the
two paItie The Democrats present no remedy
for the evils of the trust question but free
trade They would correct all evils that they