The Lexington dispatch. [volume] (Lexington, South Carolina) 1870-1917, 1902-05-14
The Lexington Dispatch.
Wednesday, May r., 1902.
M'LAURIN OUT.
Tells Why Ee Will Not Run
in the Primary.

Issues An Address to the People in
Which He Says the Primary Has
Been Prostituted Into "a Political
Machine to Suit TilIman.
The following has been issued to
the peoplc of South Carolina by Sen
stor John L. McLsurin:
My Fellow Citizens of South Caro-
lima:
The great doctrine of representa-
tive responsibility is the foundation
stone upon which our republic rests
and no one more keenly than I recog-
nizes his accountability to the people
of South Carolina for all official acts.
At the same time, no people who in
sist that their representatives adhere
to political policies and traditions long
since dead and declare them vital is
sues can ever become truly great.
Every advancement in the history OF
our race has been the direct result OF
independence of thought and action.
In most of the States of this Union
this is secured by the presence Of
two political parties and the resultant
discussion of every public question
before the people, who are thus en-
abled to form an intelligent opinion
and give verdict at the ballot box.
Unfortunately in South Carolina for
nearly forty years we have been un-
able to have two parties for fear of
negro dominion, and for ten 10 years,
after the Hampton revolution in 1875.
our people took no interest in public
affairs beyond maintaining a ''white
mans government" About the year
1900, however, began what was known
as the FARMERS movement" which
was nothing more than an instructive
effort on the part of the people to
preserve the principle of self gov
ernment. With Shell, Irby, Norris,
Tillman, Donaldson and others, I
contributed what I could towards its
success simply because I felt that
agitation was better than stagnatioD,
and it is passing strange, in that con-
nection, that the leader of that move
ment, B. r. Tillman, was then de-
nounced, as I am now denounced, for
attempting to Mahonize the State.
The freedom Of thought and action,
however, which followed the "farmers'
movement" opened the doors for
every white man and every negro
who voted for Hampton in 1876, and
they could advocate whatever views
they cared to express, provided only
that they took an oath to support the
nominees of the primary election.
Men who voted the National Rspub-
lican ticket were allowed to vote in
the primary for State and county
officers, and I have heard from the
same platform men claiming to-
be Democrats advocating Cleveland
and the gold, standard and others
Weaver and free silver. And since
then no attempt has been made to
exclude those who bolted with the
independent Haskell movement, the
Populist Bowden movement or the
Republican Pope movement.
I was elected to Congress in 1892
after heated canvass against able
opponents and yet on every stump in
the district, Iproclaimed my indepen-
dence and announced that upon ma
tional questions I would follow my
own judgment and rot be bound by
the caucus of any party. Although
my Democracy was assailed at that
time, I was elected four times upon
the same declaration of principles.
Carrying out my pledges to the peo-
pie, began Systematic study Of the
day with the result that I changed
my views upon many of them. The
first marked difference with my party
associates arose over the tariff ques-
tion while I was in the House and a
,,ornher of its WAYS and means COM