The Minneapolis journal. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1888-1939, 1902-02-07
DEFYING PUBLIC OPINION

DEFY1NG PUBLIC OPINION
The situation Just now at washington
is not distinctly reassuring that congress
will respect the national honor and
pledges and act favorably on the presi-
dents suggestion that substantial reduc-
ton be made in the tariff duties on Cuban
tobacco and sugar. The house has de-
cided that the rule giving the majority
power to allow brief debate on measure,
without amendment. will be effectuated,
and that the war reduction bill must go
through without reference to Cuban
needs. The ways and means committee
have been dominated by the pleadings and
threats of the beet sugar men to an ex-
traordinary degree. They crowded the
committee room and made open threats
that, if their dlctation of policy was not
obeyed, they would not only avengeS them
selves by working for tariff reductions on
products of other manufactures, but do all
they could to defeat republican candidates
for congress at the next biennial election.
In other words, they threaten to injure
the party which conferred upon them
tariff benefits to promote their infant
industry, showing that they are actuated
by as sordid selfshness as ever entered
the heart of man. .r......
There seems to be. no regard, for the
good Of the nation and no Difference to the
duty of maintaining the national honor. &#
A good many people are getting tired,
very tired of this dictation and domina-
ton of INTERESTS The late President
Mckinley was tired of it and, in his last
speech, proclaimed his aversion to ''sor-
did and narrow policy" and distinctly adj
vocated policies benefting "all the peo-
ple'' and every part of the. country" and
which will not permit Of either neglect
or of undue selfishness." IS
. The senate is now more of a delibera-
tive body than the house. 1t has no rule
Of cloture and debate may be prolonged
over any measure. While this delibera-
ton at times becomes nuisance, it has
it's uses, and that body is more likely to
give rational and patriotic attention to
Cuba's needs than the house, where Gros-
venor, Dalzell and others would hold on
fish policy condemned by the late Presi-
dent Mckinley. .23 ,T
These gentlemen would do we'll to re-
member that there is a large public SEN
timent, distinctly favorable to tariff re-
duction on the products of Cuba, and
to tariff revision on strictly scientific
principles, viz, making the measure of
the duty to be laid on an article of for
eign production equal to the difference in
cost of producing the American article
and the cost of producing the foreign ar
ticle. The country looks on with some
thing like disgust at the struggle of spe-
cial interests to secure legislation favor
able to themselves without a particle Of
regard for the interests of the public.
The republican party drew triumphant
strength during the last two presidential
campaigns from the entire element fearful
Of the triumph of the pernicous silver
heresy. s. The financial question, the
money standard question, was the domi-
nant issue. It is not the issue now and is
not likely to be in 1904 or in the congress
sional elections of 1902. Failure of the
republican majority in congress to do the
fair and proper thing for Cuba may bring
upon 1t one of those political cataclysms
which were seen in 1874, when the repub-
1ican majority in the house was
transformed into an immense demo-
cratic majority who attributed the crisis
of 1873 to republican acknowledgement, and
again in 1882, when the republican ma
jorfty was wiped out and again in 1890,
the democrats. two years later, capturing
the presidency. g.. ss a2 =. 1923.
These vicissitudes of the great republi
can party, which is oftener right than it
is wrong, are suggestive of the propriety
of the leaders doing the right thing now
when there is special public aversion to
manifestations of heavily protected inter-
ests attempting to bulldoze congressional
committees, in defiance of what the public
believes to be demand for steadfast adj
herence to national honor.