New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1902-04-18

man m treat them with greater considerauoh'
they must correspondingly show greater o'
sideration for public opinion in khsi@iiu az
Scotland. His policy from beginning 20 W
was as he said in 1884, to secure 10 II
every right and every privilege "hIch So
ton has secured or may secure lol -,
men and scotsmen." But never-it is essen,lai
IN remember this-was there single MN '-11'
he favored. or would ever in any degree laNoi'
s,,ct = measure of separation was conreh-
,+as in c1adstone's scheme of Home RuIe
The next stem in Mr.. Chamberlain's Poil'IC"i
,.,o,, ca,,,e in 1886 in the schlsnl ol 'ie
7 liberal marty over Irish separauoh' VI
PILE" Down to that time he had peeh "oi
ing in harmony with Gladstone On Oe'eii''
H. 1855 he said:
~, Gladstone he has again
and again said that the nrst GUY ~ If the
statesmen is to maintain tle IN crovtn SUB
er,7r7ira and the supremacy OF the cIoM Lest
iact to that he is prepared to give lhe !" 49,
noesible measure of local governnlTil' nc 10
could he conceived or proposed We'll eno
49,, aoree with those principles ana hdNe
so much faith in the experience ana pa H. ;f
of Mr. Gladstone that l cannot ooupo e any,
he should ever see his way TO PtpP o-ni
noba,,1n of rrangenent. / shall be able cohsci-
entiously to give it my humble suppoi -, 81
it is due TO the Irish party 10 say ina az ,1Icb
tions of the Liberal party-Radlcals as - IT.
DC Iybios-are determined that the lntesIilS
of the empire shall be a reality ano MOI Oh
empty phrase.
This faith in Gladstone was presently us
turhed by more less authentic lnliillali'ii>
that the latter was putting into the hol"7
Rule" plan which he was formulating SUM
,,ro,.isio,s contrary to Mr. Chamberlans sine
ana non. So when. at the end OF January
1885, Gladstone invited Mr.. Chamberlain 10 ac-
- ,,aoa IN his Cabinet the latter wrote
~, ton1xIx, that he could not do so unless Ne
,,,+ b.va unlimited liberty of judgment anu
,oo+,or. concerning forthcoming irish leslS-
1.+;on since IT had been intimated tha' "lau-
e+onA was framing proposals TO Whlch lie '4'h''
Chamberlain could not agree t'idus'oiie
s,1red him that he might have such liberty IA
the fullest degree and upon thdt uiiuei ~
Mr. Chamberlain entered the CablheI "i
s-one then completed the draft OF his FAMOUS
..t5or7oe Rule" bill without taking into ms CON
aso,,oa sinele member of the Cabinet save
Mr. John Morley, and sprung 1t upon 'e
cabinet in finished form. Mr. Chamberlain
tare,ro,, nointed out to Gladstone that the
hill in his opinion tended to impair the IN
+e,ri+v or the empire and the supremacy OF the
crown and that therefore. in accordance WIN
hts declaration of December Il, already quoted
be could not support the measure; ana ne re-
signed his place in the Cabinet Ihat Is III
brief the story of Mr.. Chamberlain departure
from the GIadstonian Cabinet The whole pro
cedure was consistent and straightforward ana
the epithet Of Judas which was hurled at
Mr. Chamberlain for it was as undeserVeo as "a
was silly.
The change wrought in him by that incident
was ryvofold One part of it the making OF
him the leader of independent party IN
stead of the follower of Gladstone The other
.rs e,hiectiyelv more important part was the
turning of his attention from insular TO I'M
r,erfal affairs Just as he had expanded from
a narochial into national statesman. he now
EXPANDED from an insular into an Imperial
statesman That fact showed Itself "1th
steadily increased clearness all through MS
wears of non-dnsterial leadership Of the Lib
eral Unionists When at last he returned 10
the Cabinet under the primacy of Lord Sails
bury he appropriately took the Secretaryship
of State for the Coonies-the pre-eminently i'm
perial portfolio In that place he forthwith
aggressvely began to undertake for the whole
empire the beneficent works he had performed
for Birmingham and had striven to perform
for the United Kingdom His plan of cult
waiting the neglected estates of the empire" IN
dicated this and he set himself about its execu-
ton with characteristic earnestness. In doing
so he clashed with more than one and incurred
some Of the hatreds from which he has never
shrunk He met with many difficulties. chief
among which must be reckoned that in South
Africa At an early date he the salient
feature OF it. Speaking in January, 1896, just
after the wretched Jameson raid, for which he
was blamed but for which he not in the
slightest degree responsible he said: In the
Transvaal Republic the majority Of the popu-
lation pay nine-tenths Of the taxation and have
no share whatever in governing the country.
This is an anomaly which does not exist in any
other civilized community. l believe it can be
removed without danger to the independence
of the republic" That was the gist of the whole
dispute. But Mr. KRUGER would not realize it.
or would not act upon it. and so the dispute de-
veloped into a tedious and ruinous war For
this war Mr. Chamberlain is blamed by his
enemies and critics We have not the space in
this article TO consider in detail the degree of
or minus. but only to point that his
duct in respect to South Africa has been ex-
actly in line with the policy which he enunci-
ated in 1885 in respect to Ireland-to maintain
the integrity of the empire and the supremacy
Of the crown.
For the rest. his Colonial policy is tersely
described by his biographer including SYM
pathy instead of apathy in colonial affairs, de-
velopment OF intra-imperial trade. fulfilrnent of
imperial obligations. and-imperial federation
The creation of the Commonwealth of Aus
tralia and the preparations for laying an all
British transpacifc cable are to be credited to
him. So in large measure is the success of the
recent sugar conference, in providing for the
abolition OF the bounty system. In brief. he is
applying to the worldwide tasks of the Colonial
Office the same general principles of adapta bill
ty, energy and enterprise which he maintained
in the screw factory and in the office Of Mayor
of Birmingham His career has been con-