The Savannah morning news., 1902-04-23

WIN the enactment of a state law
tnere would cease to be active educa-
tlonai agents, and there would be.
practically, "a restoration of the old
condition of affairs in all of the coun-
TIES III which local option has estab-
iished prohibition.
Would BE n Step Backward.
l believe that state prohibition would
be a step backward. The open saloon
might be closed, but the people would
be supplied with whiskey. You cannot
make a man stop drinking by means
or a statute. The fact that you say
ne shant have whiskey makes him all
the more determined to have it. What
is the condition of affairs in prohibition
states? In Kansas, with 600,-
600 less population than Georgia, there
are S,lO1 United States liquor licenses
issued, against 1885 in Georgia. In
Maine, where prohibition has been the
law for fifty years, with a population
only about one-fourth that of Georgia,
there are 1,502 United States liquor
licenses, against 1.486 in Georgia. In
visiting different parts OF the state I
can truly say that have found Geor-
CLANS to be sober people. There is, of
course, drinking everywhere, in prohl-
bition counties and in those that are
not, but l will venture to say that
there is less whiskey drunk, per capt.
ia, in Georgia than in the
states which have state prohibit
ton; and this is because of
the education in the direction of tenn
perance that has been effected through
local option efforts. A state
prohibition law, and that education
would cease. Therefore, state
law would result in harm rather than
good. One of the reasons urged by
the prohibitionists for a general prohi-
bition law is that Atlanta, Savannah
and Augusta now send whiskey into
the prohibition counties by means of
jugs. But a general prohibition law
would not stop the jug trade. 1t is
just as easy to get whiskey from cities
outside of Georgia as from cities in it.
In fact it would cost but little, if
any more, to get it from Baltimore
and New York than from Savannah
and Atlanta.
The only sure way to put a stop
to the liquor traffic is to educate the
people against it, and there is no bet
ter way to educate them against it
than by means of local option agita-
ton.
His Position on Education.
Now, as to education. This is
question in which every citizen is in
terested. If we are to keep pace
with civilization of the twentieth cen
fury we must educate the children
white and black, both at the same
time, if we can. If we can not, then
the white children first and after
wards the black children. The Con-
stitution of Georgia provides for the
education of the states children, and
we should see to it that it is done. l
promise you, if 1 am elected, to use
my best endeavors to have it done
In my opinion, to carry out proper
system of education without increas-
ing the state tax, the counties must
take upon themselves a part of the bur-
den. Many of the counties are now sup
plementing the school money received
from the state by local taxation, and
others will do so when the people
realize that nothing contributes so
much to their happiness and prosper
ity and the welfare of their children
as schools and churches. I'M
migration and capital seek the
counties in which there are good
schools, and in those counties the
signs of prosperity are the most num-
erous and the evidences of comfort and
contentment most apparent. l do not
intend any reflection on the state sup
erintendent of public education when
1 say there is no state system of edu-
cation in Georgia. 1t is no fault of
MS. AS lar DIS dAt liilOAAh AC 40
doing the best he can under the laws,
and with the means at his command.
The Pension Question.
I have, as you know, we'll defined
views on the pension question. 1t is
a question that is steadily increasing
in Importance. The pension charge
has become so large that the people
are wondering where the money to
meet it is to come from. And the ulti-
mate amount Of this charge is not yet
known. 1t is increasing, and promises
to reach a million dollars a wear.
believe the remedy is to pay pensions
only to needy Confederate veterans
and needy widows of veterans-those
who have no incomes and are physi-
cally unable to earn a livelihood. 1
wish it were within the ability of the
state to give a pension to every poor
Confederate veteran, and to every poor
widow of a veteran. There is not one
of them, / feel assured, who is not
deserving. These veterans responded
promptly when their services were
needed on the battlefield. They did
not hesitate to make any sacrifice,
however great, for the cause which
they supported. They followed Lee
and Johnston and Beauregard and
Hood and other Confederate leaders
as long as there was hope, and the
state was proud of them and the glori
Gus way they illustrated her. We can
not afford to see any of them suffer
for the necessaries of life in their old
age, and the people do not intend they
should suffer. But there are many
drawing pensions who do not need
them-who are not in any way de-
pendent upon them. They are either
earning incomes sufficient for their
comfort or have independent means.
It is not fair to the needy veterans
that this class should share in the
states bounty All that the state can
give should go to those who are in need
of assistance.
Would Accept National Aid.
81 am one of those Confederate Vet
Grams who would not object to pen
sions for needy Confederates from the
national government if they were Of
fered. / would not ask for them, but
l do not believe that, if we are not
able to make our needy veterans COM
Portable in their declining years, we
should let our pride stand in the way
of the national government making
them so. Indeed, l question If we
have a right to do so. The national
government is as much our govern
ment as it is that of the people of the
North. We contribute to its support
and our young men split their blood for
It in Cuba and the Philippines. There
is no good reason, therefore, why
needy Confederate veterans should not
be cared for in homes supported by the
national government or secure pen
sions from the national treasury. 1t
is their privilege to refuse assistance