The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1902-10-26

Ours is supposed to be u government of
public opinion, and whether it really is
such a government or not, periodically it
goes through the motion of it, when APP
peals are made to the people in a general
election. The will of the House of Com
mons is the British constitution is the
proud boast of the Englishman, and he
might add that the House of Commons
reflects British public opinion. Not so
with us in anything like the same degree.
Our national House of Representatives
may. or it may not-and frequently it
does not-reflect public opinion Exam
pies are numerous. In 1874 the Demo
cratic party swept the country at the gen.
rral election The issuse was the policy
of General Grants administration. The
verdict of the people was a stern rebuke
of the Republican party and its conduct
of public affairs. Was there any change
of that policy by the administrator? Not
a bit The administration continued the
course it had marked out. In 1882 the
administration of President Arthur was
rebuked just as emphatically, but it
treated the verdict of the people with
conduct or the part Of a British admins
tration would bring crisis, and perhaps
revolution.
Our great forefathers loved liberty, but
they abhorred license and feared it al
most as much as they hated and feared
taxes. When they came to make a gov
ernment they provided that public opin-
ion should not operate on its conduct of
fo; nd haf
Congress does not begin its regular work
of legislation until more than a twelve
month after it is chosen. In the old day
it was fear of public opinion that occa-
stoned this procrastination. In our day
fear has given place to contempt.
The American people will choose a Con-
gress this good year 1902 that will enter
upon its regular legislative duties in De-
cember. 1908, and the two great political
parties are struggling for the mastery,
and each is striving to receive majority
in the Fifty eighth Congress. There is
an erroneous impression that the party
that is victor in the elections of the inter
Presidential years invariably succeeds in
the Presidential years. Our history con-
tradicts that in numerous instances. In
but in 1900 the party of jefferson triumph
cd. In the middle of Van Buren's term
a Democratic Congress was chosen, but
the Wings swept the country in 1910. The
Congress that was elected in 1854 made
Nathaniel P. Banks, Republican, speak
err, but Buchanan, a Democrat, was elect
ed President in 1856. Lincoln was elected
President in 1860 but the Republicans did
to-, ,s,-f.- \,
Congress The Forty-eighth Congress
was Democratic: Mr. Randall was the
Speaker; but Garfield was elected Presi-
dent in 1880. The Fiftieth Congress was
Democratic Mr. Carlisle was Speaker,
but Benjamin Harrison was elected Presi-
dent in 1888. OF course it would be bad
manners to cite for the benefit of good
Democrats the fact that the Forty fourth
Congress was overwhelmingly Democratic,
though r. B. Hayes got the office of Presi-
dent in 1877.
Though it is no guarantee that victory
in 1902 will beget victory in 1904, both
parties covet the moral effect of such a
victory; yet there has been some strange
political generalship suggested to the eff
feet that the way to gain the battle OF
1904 is to lose the battle OF 1902
Matthew S. Quay and Marcus A. Hanna
have played the part of Warwick in our
generation. Each made a President. In
1888. after Senator Plat had made the
nomination, Mr.. Quay elected Harrison
President of the United States. Perhaps
Daniel Manning did for Grover Cleveland
in 1884 what Plat and Quay did for Har-
rison four years subsequently. Quay is a
consummate political general. It was
very simple plan and very Napoleonic. He
had the genius to see that the election of
1888 would be decided by the voters resd-
ing within radius of five miles from the
New York city hall He saw Brooklyn
carelcssly garrsoned by the Democrats.
He made a gum shoe march, deployed
the veterans of the distillery, the brewery
and the saloon, equipped them with John
Wanamakers money while Warner Miller
prepared to fall outside the breastworks
In the closing hours of the campaign a
grand change was made and Brooklyn
and the Union were Quays. 1t was all
over but the shouting. Mark Hanna made
even more brilliant campaign in 1896
and gained much more signal victory.
Our Presidential elections are much like ]
War-too much like war A party with I
out funds is a party without organization, |
and party without organization might /
as well surrender in advance. Veteran
soldiery fight better than undsciplined |
militia. and veteran politicians generally |
get the majority over the unorganized en- !
thusiasts. The total vote of the country
is more than 16.000.000 These people must |
be rcachcd-rallied to meetings and en-
rolled in clubs, especially in the doubtful |
and the pivotal States. To carry on an
effective campaign requires a large sum.
and there is perfectly legitimate use for [
it. A political party can no more live on
enthusiasm than an army can make a |
campaign on patriotism. The stomachs /
of the soldiers must be provided with /
what Dugald Dalgetty called prevent"
and the minds of the voters must be fed |
with arguments. 1t takes money. Print /
ing bills. postage railroad transportation,
and telegraph tolls entail enormous ex-
pensc.
There is another item-your orator /
your statesman with lungs. He must be !