The Savannah morning news., 1902-06-22

general attention to the position of a
constitutional monarch in the modern
state. 1t is a subject upon which so
many misconceptions prevail not only
in the United States. but in the United
Kingdom. that it may be worth while
to explain as simply as possible what
the King can do and what he cannot
Many Americans appear to imagine
that, as George III had power to wreck
his empire by forcing his ministers to
adopt a policy of antagonism to the
legitimate aspirations of the American
colonists, so King Edward VII is a pos
sible factor for mischief in the re-
lations between the two countries. On
the other hand, there are many who
believe that the King is a mere ernb-
lematic figure in an empty pageant.
Neither of these opposing views is JUS
titled by the actual facts.
The part which the British Monarch
plays in the constitution of the British
empire depends almost entirely upon
the personal equa ton of the character
of the British monarch. OF power in
the old sense, meaning thereby direct
authority to exercise executive func
rions, to dictate policies, and to act as
the man on horseback in the state,
there is no trace left. The King has
none of those prerogatives of power
which are usually associated with the
idea of monarchy. There is much less
of the one-man power in the British
constitution than there is in that of the
United States of America The Ameri-
can President has far more direct per-
sonal authority and influence in the
governance and guidance of his realm
than the British sovereign. 1t is the
uncrowned man, and not the man with
the crown, who Yields real power In
the English-speaking world.
But while this may be admitted to
the full, it is an enormous mistake to
think that the King because he is be-
reft of power to rule, has no influence
in the affairs of the realm over which
he reigns.
The King reigns, but does not rule"
is a good constitutional maxim; but the
mere fact that he reigns gives him
more influence over those who do the
ruling than is generally appreciated
even by his own subjects. If we had
to condense into a sentence descrlp-
ton of the position of a constitutional
monarch in the modern state, should
saw that it is one which gives the
monarch nI0ltlGSS OPpOI Va ~
fuence, while denying him even the ap-
peararce of power.
King Edward VII cannot say sic
volo. sic iubeo" He can do nothing
wrong, because he can do nothing with
out the consent of his ministers; ana
as these ministers must in every case
bear the responsibility for everything
he does, they take very good care tnat
he does not do anything excepting with
I'D Ministers are
supposed to be the servants of the
crown. In reality they are its masters
Cabinet ministers in the United States
cannot control the President as CABINET
ministers in the British Empire control
the sovereign whom they have sworn
Loyalty to obey.
When the sovereign is weak or incon-
slant, or Indifferent to the analrs OF
state, he becomes an absolute
cipher. The machine of govern
ment operates quite automatically
without his Intervention. 1t is
necessary. no doubt, that the King
must give his assent to various Things.
A bill may be passed through the
House of Commons and the House OF
Lords with unanimous assent, but IL
is mere waste paper until the King or
his representative pronounces the exact
phrase LIE Roi lie veult," the old Nor
man-French formula by which the
King indicated his will to his leges.
But for two hundred years no King mas
ever been allowed to refuse his assent
No matter how much he may detest
the Bill which is committed 10 MIN LOT
his approval, he must adopt IT ana &C.
clare publicly that the measure repre-
sents his royal will The power exer-
cised nv the Governors of American
states or by the President Of the Unit
ed States of vetoing measures passed
through representative chambers is
never exercised in England. Hence IL
is that in all matters of legislation the
British Empire is quite as repuhnclh
as the United States, inasmucA as the
will of the people, expressed by thelr
elected representa- tives cannot be set
on one side by the will of the Nom
arch Upon that point the usage OF the
British constitution is absolutely clear.
Not even the most headstrong SoFer-
eign would dare to refuse the royal as
sent to any measure passed through
both Houses of Parliament. II any at
tempt were made to withhold the roy
al approval, 1t would probably provoke
measure declaring that the royal APP
prevail should be taken for granted,
and assumed as-what it is in rAahty
the invariable corollary of the pass
age of the measure through DOM
Houses of Parliament.
Il think" said Mr.. Rhodes on one
occasion, when discussing with me the
question of monarchy versus republic,
Il think a constitutional monarch Is
the best crown of a real republic.
A similar idea is embodied in Tenny-
sons familiar line, when he speaks OF
Our crowned Republics GROWING
common-sense." This deprivation OF
authority. which is absolute and mai
IN relation TO the acts of legislation
has not been carried to the same length
In relation to the decisions of minis
ters of the cabinet The cabinet has
no recognized existence in the British
constitution: but IL Is the center OF the
whole Imperial system.
Every cabinet minister Is member
Of His Maiesty's Privy Council; but
the members Of the Privy Council are
very heterogeneous multitude Of per
sons who are only distinguished from
lheir fellows by being entitled 70 cali
themselves Right Honorable The PfiFy
Council as a whole has never met Al
lhouRh an the members OF u are sum
f1oued al the beginning Of new reign
ana they will probably al athena me
cremation. The Prime Minister can
make any person he pieases member
q" his Cabinet. and when he becpfnsn
member 81 his cabinet he pe,9nie1
i the same time member or me
FnFy Council ~ the king.
Ife Cabinet ie preeided over ~
Mlnister H 10 must possess ana retain
tle eonngsnoe ~ Che malofffy ~ 30