The daily morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven, Conn.) 1894-1907, 1902-12-03

when they are no longer needed for
protection among our own people, or
when the minimum of damage done
may be disregarded for the sake of the
maximum Of good accomplished. If it
prove impossible to ratify the pending
treaties, and If there seem TO be no
warrant for the endeavOr to execute
others, or to amend the pending
treaties so that they can ratified. then
the same end-to secure reciprocity
should be met by direct legislation.
/ Wherever the tariff conditions are
such that a needed change can not
i with advantage be made by the appli-
cation of the reciprocity idea, then it
can be made outright by lowering of
duties on given product. If possible,
such change should be made only after
the fullest consideration by practical
experts, who should approach the sub
ject from business standpoint, having
+ in view both the particular interests
affected and the commercial well-being
of the people as whole. The machin-
| cry for providing such careful investi-
! cation can readily be supplied. The
executive department has already at
! its disposal methods of collecting facts
and figures; and if the Congress de-
/ sires additional consideration to that
which will be given the subject by its
/ own committees, then a commission of
! business experts can be appointed
whose duty it should be to recommend
action by the Congress after a DELHI
crate and scientific examination of the
various schedules as they are affected
Nv l,r .E,a o1,o
tions. The unhurried and unbiased re-
port of this commission would show
what changes should be made in the
/ various schedules, and how far these
changes could go without also chang
! ing the great prosperity which this
country is now enjoying, or upsetting
| its fixed economic policy.
| The cases in which tariff can pro-
duce monopoly are so few as to con-
stitute an inconsiderable factor in the
question; but of course if in any case
| it be found that given rate of duty
! does promote mon" poly which works
! ill, no protectionist would object to
such reduction of the duty as would
equalize competition.
In my judgment, the tariff on an
| LIII lSIlC NCdI OllOuld NC lSHiOFCuB eRliN
anthracite put actually, where it now
is nominally, on the free list. This
would have no effect at all save in
crises; but in crises it might be of SER
vice to the people.
LABOR AND CAPITAL.
| How to secure fair treatment alike
| for labor and for capital, how to hold
| in check the INSCRIPTIONS man,
whether employer or emp oyee, without
weakening individual initiative, with
out hampering and cramping the in
dustrial development of the country,
| is a problem fraught with great diff
culties and one which it is of the high
est Importance to solve on lines of
sanity and far-sighted common sense
as well as of devotion to the right
| This is an era of federation and com.
bination. Exactly as business men find
they must often work through cor
pOrations and as it is constant tend
ency of these corporations to grow
I larger, so it is often necessary for la
| boring men to work in declarations, and
these have become important factors Of
| modern industrial life. Both kinds of
federation, capitalistic and labor, can
do much good, and as a necessary
corollary they can both do evil. OPP
position to each kind of organization
should take the form of opposition to
whatever is bad in the conduct of any
given corporation or uniOn-not of at
lacks upon corporations as such nor
upon unions as such; for some of the
most far-reaching beneffcent work for
our people has been accomplished
through both corporations and unions.
Each must refrain from arbitrary or
! tyrannous interference with the rights
of others. Organized capital and Or
ganized labor alike should remember
that in the long run the interest of
each must be brought into harmony
with the interest of the general public;
and the conduct of each must conform
to the fundamental rules of obedience
| to the law, of individual freedom, and
of justice and fair dealing toward all.
Each should remember that in addition
| to power it must strive after the
realization of healthy, lofty, and gener-
Gus ideals. Every employer, every
wage-worker, must be guaranteed his
| liberty and his right to do as he likes
with his property or his labor so long
as he does not infringe upon the rights
of others. 1t is of the highest import
ance that employer and employee alike
should endeavor to appreciate each the
viewpoint of the other and the sure
| disaster that will come upon both in
| the long run If either grows to take as
habitual an attitude of sour hostility
and distrust toward the other. Few
people deserve better of the country
than those representatives both of
capital and labor-and there are many
such-Who work continually to bring
about a good understanding of this
kind, based upon wisdom and upon
broad and kindly sympathy between
employers and employed. Above ALL
we need to remember that any kind of
class animosity in the political world
| Is, if possible, even more wicked, even
more destructive to national welfare,
than sectional, race, or religious ami
mostly. We can get good government
only upon condition that we keep true
to the principles upon which this Ma
ton was founded, and judge each man
not as a part of class, but upon his
| individual merits. All that we have
whatever his creed, his occupation, his
birthplace, or his residence, is that he
shall act we'll and honorably by his
neighbor and by his country. We are
naithar for the rich man as such nor