The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1902-11-22

I ord of sheer and inhuman neglect.
amid circumstances Of the most an
ralling character. Catholic emanci-
patton, promised by Pitt before the
union, was not conceded until 1929,
almost thirty years behind time, and
| only then because civil war was the
plain alternative. Not Il steu was talk
en- during these years to deal with the
| deplornlle state of tile country. We
were in the thirties before the poor
law was enacted. before the beginning
of the national system Of education
were thought of, before the ili,uities
of the Tithc system. which had bath
cd the country in blood. were Crap
pied with. Every nttr,npt TO .l"al with
the land, then, rs now. tho supreme
issue, was secuted. IN fact, for 20
years. from 1900 to 1850, parliament
would listen TO nothing. And what
! was tho state of Ireland during these
40 years? The people had not the
vote. TO them parliament was a mere
name. The history of Ireland during
HE whole of that period was unnark-
| ed by 81 single glcam of sunshine. 1t
is one long gloomy record of hunger
and despair, of secret societies. coer-
cion and sporadic rebellion. of agra
rian crime aud outrage, of fnminc,
disaster ana emigration Lot there be
no mistake. ! am not rOmnncing. I
speak the words of truth and sober
ness. That whole period OF 40 years,
during which Great Britain, after
destroying the Irish parliament. ruled
indrlihlc disgrace for what is now
called the predominant partner.
The present government has admit
tcdly nearly run it's legitimate course.
1t came into Office charged with n
great mandate to end tho South Afri-
can war. and to establish peace under
the Southern cross. This mandate.
say, was clear, distinct and decisive.
Peace has been secured. The settle
mcnt of the country is going forward,
and. unwiscly MS I think, the govern
mcnt is now endcnvoring to deal with
great issues without any mandatc-in-
deed. in one case clearly against the
opinion Of the country. Now. assum-
ing an appeal to the people by gen.
cral election to arise. and it cannot be
far Off. what is the position in regard
to Ireland? The war is over. South
Africa is in course of settlement.
What remains? Beyond all doubt the
Irish question will once more compel
attention. take things as, they are
and I ask-Whcre do we stand? I
am free lance in politics belonging,
for the time being. to no party. But
take the Unionist policy for Ireland
to be the maintenance of the Union,
plus pottering with the land question,
talking about higher education, spend
ing little money here and there,
and unlimited coercion. The Unionist
party will maintain the Union. deal in
their own way with land. admit the
grievance as to higher education. but
do nothing, spend money. wisely and
unwisely. and coerce. wherever and
whenever they deem 1t to be neces-
sarv. Now this is a policy. But It 10
policy which means the DerDetlla tion
of disorder, Of unrest, Of the depopula-
tion Of the country, Of absolute ruin.
1t settles nothing. And it ought to be
rejected by the people of Great
Britain, as it will assuredIy be reject
ed by the people of Ireland.
Next in order comes what I may,
for convenience, call the Gladstonian
policy. I speak of it, although not
wholly III agreement, with all respect.
Mr.. Gladstone, in proposing an Irish
legislature. with an executive depend
ing upon it, went undoubtedly to the
very root Of the issue. Men like Lord
Spencer, Sir William Harcourt, Mr..
Morley. and Sir Henry Campbell Ban
herman adhere to Mr.. Gladstone's pro-
posals and insist that they offer the