Evening times-Republican. [volume] (Marshalltown, Iowa) 1890-1923, 1902-01-16

Trices of the products of industry, for l
can not consider with complacency the
alternative 10 which we would be driven
Il competition were eliminated. / sin
cerely hope that we will find sufficient
protection against the efforts to monop-
olize or undr'y restrict the field of COM
petition, in the natural impulse to enter
profitable business; and If these cor
porations, however large, can be put
and maintained upon a lawful basis, !
confidently believe that industrial mo-
nopolies can not endure.
Pursuing the subject one step furtner,
am led to observe that If we accept the
proposition that competition, and that
alore, will preserve the people from un-
due eXactions, we must see to II that II
we can not artificially induce compete
ton, we can at least be certain that we
do not artincially exclude it. We have
limited competition in the past thru tar
iff duties believing, and we'll believing,
that the general interests of the people
would be better served by developing
our own resources to the fullest extent,
even tho in so doing the American price
rose higher than the foreign price: be-
lieving also that home competition
tured here upon fair American level.
To me- however. 1t seems plains that
whenever consolidation of manufac-
turers with respect to any commodity
stiles competition at home, or SO re-
stricts its operation that is force is not
fairly felt then Ii is the imperative duty
of congress to Immediately remove the
artificial restraints we have created. l
am not an advocate of q general reviS-
ion of the tariff; but / stand for compe-
tition. the competition of the republic II
possible. but of the world II necessary.
regard the consequences of a monop-
oily, or substantial monopoly, in any inn
portant product, as Infinitely more dis
astrous than the consequences of for
eign importations.
THE TARIFF AND RECIPROCITY.
Permit me also a brief considerable
of the tariff and of reciprocity. In this
presence need hardly reiterate my pro-
found conviction in the wisdom of the
policy which has levied tariff duties, not
for revenue alone, but to equaliZe the
conditions under which manufacturing
has been established and carried on in
the United States and the conditions
which have existed elsewhere. l firmly
believe that we are more deeply indebt-
ed to this doctrine for the gratifying po-
siton we hold in the affairs of the world,
than to any other one cause. Situated
as we have been the paramount object
of maintaining high protective duties
has been to enable US to profitably pro-
duce that which we have consumed,
paying for its production the superior
x,.l,i nr hn n ri bri INIT IF hn
American lxborer. The point of view.
however, has somewhat changed, and
we are now freely exporting not only
agricultural, but manufactured prod
ucts; and We must look. therefore. not
alone to the things we consume. but to
the things we export. Our tariff. there
fore. should always be adjusted SO as to
give the greatest possible amount of
work to our own people, whether the
product of their labor be intended for
home or foreign use. We have come
gradually to feel that there is little dam
ger OF an invasion Of our markets with
respect to many of the commodities we
are naturally fitted to produce; and we
must keep cur eyes steadily upon the
chief purpose OF protection, viz, the
employment, not of a part but of all
the men and women OF America This,
submit, is the spirit in which recpro-
cal treaties should be examined. II we
can make a trade that will enlarge our
markets; that IL to say, increase the
amount OF work to be done In the Unit
ed States, the trade should be made,
even tho some particular industry Is
curtailed in its production. While we
shall hold fast to cardinal principles, we
are not blind worshipers of a tariff
schedule. Protection was established
for man. not man for protection. Recip-
rocity that takes without giving is an
idle dream and contradiction in terms;
and If its scope embraces only non-com-
petitive products II is of little future
value in the economy of the nation
/ can not resist the conclusion that
some changes might well be made, not
thru the medium of reciprocal treaties.
but directly. 1 said recently in a public
address, and I repeat it, that there is
one condition which the consumers of
this country VIII not endure. They are
patriotic enough to see American goods
sold in foreign markets cheaper than
they are sold at home. II the purpose is
to establish a trade or to unload an I'M
expected surplus: but they will not toll
crate, as q permanent trade policy, the
selling of goods abroad at n less price
than they are sold at home" 1t is be-
lieved that there are lines OF Industry
In which this practice is likely to be-
come permanent, and II congress 80
finds, it ought. and doubt not will, de-
clare they no longer need the fostering
care of protective duties. In no way
can we render Justice to all our people.
LABOR AND CAPITAL.
| have already referred to one subject
which, as l view 1t, can not be success
fully dealt with until the constitution
| of the United States is so amended as to
give to congress the power to make and
enforce such regulations as will be eff
| fective thruout the whole territory of
| the United States now desire to re-
fer to another which, In my judgment.
must ultimately be treated from the
same standpoint. I mean the amending
| controversy between the employer and
the employed respecting the conditions
of work and the compensation for 1t. II
| is altogether natural that the employer
reaches conclusion different from that
of the employee. The accumulated and
aggregated wealth ordinarily represent
ed by the employer gives him palpable
advantage in the contest. and the en-
ploye long ago discovered that associat-
| ed labor was necessary to deal with as
/ ISOLATED capital, and the tendency to-
| ward organized labor Is as marked and
| will probably be as enduring as the ten
dency toward wealth. The collision be-
tween these forces In society not only
disturbs the peace of industrial pur-