New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1902-11-15
BARREN CONFERENCE
AN IMPERIAL ADVISORY COUNCIL WITH
mLITARIsM ON GUARD-PREFEREN-
mAL TREATMENT WITHOUT REcI.
PR0CITY IN KIND
PRoCITY IN KIND.

containing the Official report OF the Imperial
conference does not inspire a feeling of OBJ
tinism respecting the practicability of fedora
ton on large scale. There is a series of reso-
lutions. either academic in character or inyolv-
ing concurrence of opinion on minor questions
which are not controversial Imperial fedora
zion remains a mathematical puzzle like that OF
sauaring the circle There has been an adj
vance upon the lines of discussion at the
Imperial Conference OF the Queens Jubilee:
ways and means have been considered in a
practical spirit, whereas the previous consulta-
tlors turned upon glittering generalities: but
the insuperable difficulties of working out
schemes of imperial unity, defence and finance
have been magnifed. rather than minimized
1t was a natural comment in 1897 that an at
mosphere had been created for imperial fed
Grafton by the conference and the reveI Of
loyalty. Political institutions are not air plants
although they require free circulation of pub
lie opinion. They must be rooted in and nour-
ished by common soil; and while there is
mother land and while each group OF self-gov-
erning colonies has its own country II is diff
cult to discover common ground in an empire
worldwide in extent and diverse in interests.
without doubt progress has been made at the
second conference in the direction OF combined
action and mutual concession; but as the larger
questions have been taken up and discussed in
detail there has been depressing sense of the
magnitude and difficulty Of the work OF fed
Grating the empire and imparting unity 10 its
political. legislative and commercial interests.
Mr.. Chamberlain, it is true. declared that the
POLITICAL federation Of the empire was within
the limits Of possibility; but his tone I'M
convincing that Of the veteran arctic ex-
plorer in forecasting the ultimate success of ad-
Eenturers in reaching the North Pole. His
answer to the saying imputed TO Sir wifrid
an
councils was emphatic: I'VE do want your
aid; do require your assistance in the ad-
ministration of the vast empire, which is yours
as well as ours" When this cordial response
was followed by the recitation OF Matthew Ar
nolds fine line, The weary Titan staggers under
she too vast orb of its fate" there was pleas
ing rhetorical effect. The method Of imperial
federation suggested was the esta blishment OF
council which would be in the first instance ad-
visory, but would ultimately be endowed with
executive and perhaps also with legislative
powers. This was a cautious and timorous ap-
proach 10 imperial federation; but as as it
was made Mr.. Chamberlain brought out a slate
and proved by a series Of simple calculations that
while the mother country paying 29s. 3D.
per head OF the population for normal military
and naval expenditure, Canada was expendng
only IS. and Australia, New-Zealand, Cape Col
ony and Natal between 2s. and IS. Sd. He con-
10 an imperial council must contribute substan-
TALLY to military and naval armament; and the
Secretary Of State for War and the First Lord
OF the Admiralty supported this view. The
Colonial Premiers. being practical. businesslike
statesmen as we'll as MI. Chamberlain, had to
decide whether the game was worth the candle
It was not a question of taxation without rep
resente ton. but OF largely increased taxation as
an Indispensable condition for representation.
Sir Wilfrid Laurier was not deceived by so spe-
cious q scheme but fatty declined to drag Can
ada into what he described as the maeIstrom
OF European ornaments; and the other Colonial
Premiers, while willing 20 increase slightly
their contributions for naval defence, did not
Rcquiesce in the demands Of the three cabinet
ministers. They were content apparently with
1.-The British Empire as a geogra phieal express
sion, with the monarchy as the common link
between the colonies and the mother state; and
they were not eager 10 commit their common
wealths 70 the exhausting strain OF costly arma-
ments in order to secure representation In an
imperial council. advisory at the start. and
possibly something more in the course OF a CEN
fury. Australia and New Zealand increased
their payments to $4,000 for an improved
squadron IN the South Seas and the establish-
ment Of branches Of the naval reserve; Cape
Colony, Natal and Newfoundland were commit
ted TO aggregate payments Of SSS,O00 for naval
purposes; and Canada agreed to strengthen its
marine police force. With the exception of Cape
Colony and Natal the seIf-governing colonies
were unprepared to equip military forces for i'm
perial defence and TO place them az the disposal
of the War Office. The colonies had provided
Of their own accord strong bodies OF volunteers
for service in South Africa. and their premiers
preferred to retain the initiative respecting the
mobilization of field forces for active service.
The spectre of the spiked helmet OF militarism
frightened them as it stood on guard in front Of
the door OF Mr.. Chamberlain's advisory imperial
council.
The colonies might not be unwilling TO in
crease materially their contributions 70 milf
tery and naval defence If imperial federation
We're taken up on the business side, without
reference 10 representation In any council, adj
VsoTy or otherwise. This was Mr. Chamber
lain's policy when he addressed the Canada
Club and other bodies soon after he entered the
Colonial Office: but his zollverein proposals met
with so little sympathy from his colleagues that
he was content with free trade consultations
when he addressed the conference. sour FIRST
object" he explained. ''is free trade within the
empire" He neglected 10 add that in order
10 secure this full measure Of free trade within
the empire il might be expedient TO have a COM
mon tariff or zollverein outside-in the United
Kingdom as well as in the colonies He was
willing to allow the colonies TO retain tariffs for
revenue purposes and indirect taxation; and he
did not consider these barriers inconsistent with
free trade within the empire; but he attached
no importance to a colonial preferential tariff
which was protective enough TO exclude Eng
lish products from colonial markets and COM
planned that British trade with Canada, even
with preference OF IS ID Fer cent, had in
creased only As per cent, whereas foreign trade