The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1902-03-22
THREE BILLS PASS
CONGRESS ADOPTS MEASURES OF
NATIONAL IMPORTANCE.
senate Finally RepeaIs War Revenue
Taxes and Provides for Pro-
lection of the President.
LOWER HOUSE VOTES $50, ,6SS, ,267
MAKES NO CHANGE IN THE RIVER
AND HARBOR MEASURE.
ForcefuI Speech by Senator Fairbanks
ON the Bill Providing PrOtec-
tion for the President.
WISE, JUDICIoUs MEASURE
WITHOUT HARSH PROVISIONS, THE
INDIANIAN ASSERTED.
Strong Reply to Democratic Argu-
ments that the Bill SavOrs Too
Much of Imperialism.
Special 10 the Indianapolis Journal.
ForcefuI Speech by Senator Fairbanks 8
ON the Bill Providing Protec-
tion for the President.
WISE, JUDICIoUs MEASURE
WITHOUT HARSH PROVISIONS, THE
INDIANIAN ASSERTED.
Strong Reply to Democratic Argu-
ments that the Bill savOrs Too
Much of Imperialism.
Social % The Indiananolis Journal.

Special to the Indianapolis Journal.
WASHINGTON March H-Congress
passed three measures of Importance to-
day The Senate adopted the bill to re-
peal the war revenue taxes and the bill
for protection Of the President, and the
House passed the river and harbor appro-
priation, carrying s6O,6 267.
In the debate on the bill to protect the
President this afternoon Senator Fairbanks
took part Among other things he said:
''It seems to me, Mr. President, when this
bill was reported that it would pass the
Senate substantially without debate. The
purpose was so manifest, its provisions so
clear and comprehensive that it seemed
10 me that no one could challenge either
the power to enact il or the policy of its
enactment. 1 have been amazed by the ap-
parent party division and by the fact that
with a very few notable exceptions the
two sides OF this chamber are now distinct
" arrayed for and against the general pro-
visions of the measure. This is most sur
prising. as in it's simple and clear purpose
II seeks the advancement of the good of all
THE suggestion has been made frequent
" that crimes such as are contemplated
In this measure should be cognizable only
by the criminal courts of the various
States. or OF the State in which the par
ticuIar crime described may be committed
II has seemed to me that the crimes de-
nominated in this measure essentially
crimes for the cognizance of the federal
Jurisdiction.
"A question has been raised to the
constitutional warrant for this measure. |
have no sympathy with that aspect of the
debate. IL seems to me that the power of
fpha in hn ma
Ional sovereignty. When the fathers of
this Republic adopted the Constitution of
the United States they did not intend TO
put any limitation the power OF the
Congress TO enact whatever measure it
should deem essential for the preservation
os the life and integrity of the government
itself The President of the United States
is the representative of the sovereign power
of the government. and any blow struck
at him is a blow against the integrity OF
the government itself.
REPLY TO DEMOCRATS.
'1t has been suggested by the senior SEN
ator from Georgia that this bill is repug
nant to our democratic theory of govern
ment: that it il unequal in it's operation;
that il IS discriminating between citizens
who should stand before the law upon a
plane OF absolute equality. The distin-
guished senator said that Congress should
not take cognizance of crimes committed
against the President as an Individual but
should only take notice of those that
might be committed against him as the
official representative OF the United
States"
Mr. CGlberson interrupted with this
query: II should like TO ask the senator
81 ne believes that Congress has any con-
stitutional power to punish the offense of
the murder of private individual within
any State in the Union?
Mr. Fairbanks replied: 'Mr. President I
cannot dissociate the individual President
or the individual citizen who is clothed
with all the powers and functions of the
chief executive of the Nation from the of
fetal himself. / do not believe there is
duality I'm the chief executive office From
the beginning of his term to the close he
is the President This bill is not for the
benefit of the mere individual; it is a bill
i'm the interest of the government of the
United States. We seek here by law TO put
about the executive office for the benefit of
the people of the United States all the pro-
lection which in our wisdom may seem es-
sential. Whether waking or sleeping the
incumbent of the great office of the pres
idency Is the representative of the govern
ment of the United States.
NO IMPERIALISM.
'One of the distinguished senators in
opposition said yesterday that the bill sug-
gested Imperialism. How frequently we
have heard that word i'm the last few years.
In season and out Of season it has been
invoked. 1t never occurred To me. Mr.
President. that in the contemplation of
this penal measure the word imperialism
could possibly enter into the debate But
here il is. In what does the imperialism
consist and where. IN this measure. draft
ed by the able and distinguished senator
from Massachusetts mir. HoarI. is there
lurking any suggestion OF Imperialism? II
is in the seventh section. Mr. President
and what is that? Is il a strange. tural
and unreasonable provision? Let US see
find nothing occult about it, find moth
ing strange about it. In the language of
that section. The secretary of war is au-
thorized and directed TO select and detail
from the regular army a sufficient number
OF officers and men 10 guard and protect
the person OF the President OF the United
States
Would there have been the same criti-
cism about Il II there should have been
detail Of detectives from the secret serv-
ice? Would there have been any suRges-
tion or Imperialism had the distinguished
senator from Massachusetts authorized the
secretary OF wsr or any other Cabinet Of
acer 10 designate mere civil officers for
the protection OF the person OF the Presi-
dent2 No. The fact that the detail is TO
De made from the army OF the United
States f. made the basis OF the charge of
imperialism here.
"Ar. President have not that fear OF