The leader. [volume] (Brookhaven, Miss.) 1895-1905, 1902-12-03
HIS ANNUAL MESSAGE
President Roosevelt's communica.
tion to Congress.
He Gives the Greatest Attention to
the Subjects OF the Trusts and the
Tariff-NIany Recomme ndattOns
Along Various Lines.

9reSident RooSeVeItS second annual
message to the Fifty-seventh congress Is
unusually brief for an annual presidential
message. The trusts and the tariff are the
two subjects to which the greatest atten-
ton Is given. OF the trusts the president
says in part:
in my message to the present congress
at its first session ] discussed at length
the question Of the regulation of those
big corporations commonly doing an in
terstate business, often with some ten
dency to monopoly, which are popularity
known as trusts. The experience of the
past year has emphasized, in my opin-
Ion, the desirability of the steps ! then
proposed fundamental requisite Of
social efficiency is a high standard Of
Individual energy and excellence; but
this Is in no wise inconsistent with pow
er to act in combination for aims which
cannot SO well be achieved by the indi-
Vloual acting alone. A fundamental base
OF civilization is the inviolability of prop
erty; but this Is In no wise inconsistent
with the right Of society to regulate the
exercise Of the artificial powers which 1t
confers upon the owners of property un-
DER the name Of corporate franchises, in
such a way as to prevent the misuse
OF the powers. Corporations, and espe-
cially combinations Of corporations,
should be managed under public regula-
ton. Experience has shown that under our
supervision cannot be obtained by state
action. 1t must therefore be achieved by
national action. Our aim Is not to do
away with corporations; on the contrary,
these big aggregations are an inevitable
development of modern industrialisfn, and
the effort to destroy them would be futile
unless accomplished in ways that would
work the utmost mischief to the entire
body polite We can do nothing of good
IN the way of regulating and supervising
these corporations until we fix clearly in
our mines that we are not attacking the
corporations, but endeavoring to do away
with any evil in them. We are not hostile
to them; we are merely determined that
they shall be so handled as to subserve
the public good. We draw the line
against misconduct, not against wealth
The capitalist who, alone or In conjunc-
ton with his fellows, performs some
great Industrial feat by which he wins
money is wellGoer, not a wrongdoer,
provided only he works in proper ard
legitimate lines. We wish to favor such
men when he does well. We wish to
supervise and control his actions only to
prevent him from doing ILL., Publicity
can do no harm to the honest corpora
taon; and we need not be overtender
about sparing the dishonest corporation
believe that monopoles, unjust
determinations, which prevent or cripple
competition, fraudulent capitalization,
and other evils in trust organizations and
practices which injuriously affect inter
state trade can be prevented under the pow
er of the congress to regulate commerce
with foreign nations and among the sew
efal states through regulations and re-
quirements operating directly upon such
commerce, the lhstrumentalities thereof,
and those engaged therein.
Il earnestly recommend this subject to
the consideration of the congress with
n ooFo Iox1 hi 10 In
Its provisions and effective in its opera
tons, upon which the questions can be
nnally adjudicated that now raise doubts
as to the necessity of constitutional amend
ment If it prove impossible to accomplish
the purposes above set forth by such law,
then, assuredly, we should not shrink from
Amending the constitution so as to secure
beyond peraGventure the power sought"
On the subject of the tariff the president
says 1t has been advocated that the pre-
vailing duties he reduced as a means of
reaching the evils of the trust problem, but
of this he says:
go Not merely would this be wholly
fneffective, but the diversion of our efforts
in such a direction would mean the aban-
Comment of all intelligent attempt to do
away with these evils. Many of the largest
corporations, many of those which should
certainly be included in any proper scheme
of regulation, would not be affected in the
save as such change interfered with the
general prosperity of the country The
only relation of the tariff to big corpora
tons as whole is that the tariff makes
manufactures profitable, and the tariff
remedy proposed would be in effect simply
to make manufactures improbable. To
remove the tariff as a punitive measure
directed against trusts would inevitably re-
suit in ruin to the weaker competitors who
are struggling against them. Our aim
should be not by unwise tariff changes to
give foreign products the advantage over
domestic products. but by proper regula-
ton to give domestic competition fair
chance; and this end cannot be reached by
any tariff changes which would affect un-
favorably all domestic competitors, good
and bad alike. The question of regulation
of the trusts stands apart from the ques-
ton of tariff revision
On the subject of changing the present
schedules in our tariff system the presi-
dent says:
Stability of economic policy must al
ways be the prime economic need of this
country This stability should not be fos-
silization. The country has acquiesce6 in
the wisdom of the protective-tarif princi-
pie. 1t is exceedingly undesirable that this
system should be destroyed or that there
should be violent and radical changes
therein. Our past experience shows that
great prosperity in this country has always
come under a protective tariff; and that
the country cannot prosper under fitful tar
lift changes at short intervals. Moreover,
If the tariff laws as whole work well, and
If business has prospered under them and
is prospecting, 1t Is better to endure for
time slight inconvenience and inequalities
in some schedules then to upset business by
too quick and too radical changes. It is
most earnestly to be wished that we could
treat the tariff from the standpoint solely
M o1IF hitc Jpa Cd lc to arI,o
much to hope that partisanship may be en-
tirely excluded from consideration of the
subject, but at least it can be made second
airy to the business interests of the country
that is, to the interests of our people as
whole. Unquestionably these business in
terests will best be served if together with
fxity of principle as regards the tariff we
combine system which will permit us
from time to time to make the necessary
reapplication of the principle to the shift
ing national needs. We must take scru-
pulous care that the reapplication shall be
made in such way that it will not amount
to dislocation of our system, the mere
threat of which mot to speak of the per-
formance) would produce paralysis in the
business energies of the community. The
first consideration in making these changes
would, of course, be to preserve the prin-
ciple which underies our whole tariff sys-
tem-that is, the principle of putting Amer
lean business interests at least on full
equality with interests abroad, and of al
ways allowing sufficient rate of duty to
more than cover the difference between the
labor cost here and abroad. The well-De-
ing of the wage-worker, like the well-be-
ing of the tiller of the soil, should be treat
ed as an essential in shaping our whole
economic policy. There must never be any
change which will jeopardize the standard
of comfort. the standard of wages of the
American wage-Worker.
Zone way in which the readjustment
sought can be reached is by reciprocity
treaties. 1t is greatly to be desired that
such treaties may be adopted They can
be used to widen our markets and to
give greater field for the activities of
our producers on the one hand, and on
the other to secure in practical shape the
lowering of duties when they are no
longer needed for protection among our
own people, or when the minimum of
damage done may be disregarded for the
sake of the maximum of good accom-
plished. If it prove impossible to ratify
the pending treaties, and IL there seem
to be no warrant for the en6eavor TO