The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1902-12-13
WHO WILL GET CREDIT.

1t looks as II the united States iIlSHl Oc
the only power to get any prestige out Of
the present Venezuelan trouble. Venezuela
certainly cannot, for after exploiting her
reckless methods and impotsnt defiance
there Is no possible outcome for her but
submission to the demands OF the other
powers. And there cannot be any prestige
for two great powers in a joint victory
over a miserable weaklng like Venezuela.
In fact. they have already come near in
curing criticism by the suddenness of
their demonstration and the seemingly I'M
necessary severity of some Of their acts.
In the dispatches from London and Berlin
there is a manifest disposition to divide, If
not to shirk, the responsibility for the sink
ing Of Venezuelan ships. That affair could
not advance the settlement of the British
German claims, and neither government
can get any credit out of it.
The United States has already gained
prestige by the conduct of its minister at
Caracas, and will probably gain more.
The minister has not done more than his
duty. but he has done that in such a
prompt. vigorous and effective way as to
win warm approval from the British and
German governments and press. This APP
prevail inures TO the credit Of the United
States, which is establishing the reputa-
ton of always being on hand and equal to
emergencies. This government may gain
still further prestige out of the affair If IL
should become a mediator between the
parties and the means of settling the con-
troversy. Already some foreign papers are
suggesting that the United States should
offer its services as mediator in the inter-
ests of peace. and attention is called to the
fact that 1t is the OILY power that is in
position to do this. Our friendly relations
with all the powers and the fact that we
are now the only power that has a minister
at Caracas gives weight to the suggestion.
Suppose. for instance. that the United
States should offer to assume control of
the Venezuelan customhouses until sufi-
cient revenue were collected to pay the
foreign claims, accounting to Venezuela
for the receipts. This ought to be as salts
factory to Great Britain and Germany as
if they seized the customhouses them
selves, and it should be far more satisfac-
tory to Venezuela. Moreover. it would
cause less embarrassment to trade. Presi-
dent Castro has declared that If the two
European powers take possession of Vene-
zuela customhouses he will declare free
trade with the whole world. This would
put them in the position of levying duties
and collecting revenues on Venezuelan i'm
ports without a shadow of authority from
that government. The governments of
other countries trading with Venezuela
might protest against paying that sort Of
tribute to Great Britain and Germany.
They might, with some show of reason, say
| that as Venezuela had repealed all duties
on foreign imports Great Britain and Ger
many had no right to impose them for the
| purpose of making other nations pay their
debts. The repeal of duties by Venezuela
would be an extreme measure, but if she
did SO the invading powers would have no
right to collect them. The case would be
very different If the United States should
agree to act as arbitrator, and, with the
| consent of Venezuela, should take tenn
porary control of her customhouses, COL
Letting the duties imposed by Venezuelan
| law and accounting for them somewhat as
a receiver does for the earnings of prop
| erty. Such a settlement would afford a
fine illustration of the superior advantages
of peaceable methods and fine opportunity
| for demonstrating the American capacity
for doing things. BY such an arrangement
Great Britain and Germany would collect
their debts. Venezuela would save her
face" and the United States would get
the credit of having settled an interna-
tional quarrel