The Plymouth tribune. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1901-1911, 1902-12-04
PRESIDENT 5 MESSAGE.
TO the Senate and House of Representa-

tives:
We still continue in a period OF un-
bounded prosperity. This prosperity 10
not the creature of law but undoubtedly
the laws under which We work have been
Instrumental In creating the conditions
which made 1t possible. and by unwise leg
tslation II would be easy enough to destroy
II. There will undoubtedly be periods of
depression. The wave will recede, but the
tide will advance This nation II seated
on continent fianked by two great
oceans. 1t Is composed of men the de-
scendants of pioneers OF. in a sense. pio-
neers themselves-of men winnowed out
from among the nations Of the old world
by the energy. boldness and love OF ad-
venture found in their own eager hearts.
Such a nation SO placed will surely wrest
success from fortune.
As people we have played a large part
In the world. and we are bent upon max
ing our future even larger than the past.
In particular the events Of the last four
years have definitely decided tnat for woe
the nations. We may either fail greatly
or succeed greatly. but we cannot avoid
the enGeavor from which either great
failure or great success must come. Even
II We would We cannot play a small part.
II we should try, all that would follow
would be that we should play large part
ignobly and shamefuiiy.
But our people. the sons Of the men OF
the civil war. the sons Of the men VINO
had iron in their blood. rejoice in the
present and face the future high OF heart
creed OF the weakling and the coward;
ours Is the gospel OF hope and OF tri-
umphant endeavor we DO n0t shflhS
from the struggle before us. There are
many problems for to face at the out
set of the twentieth century-grave PROB
lens abroad and still graver at nome-ous
we know that We can solve them, anu
solve them we'll. provided only that we
bring to the solution the qualities OF head
and heart which were shown by the men
who in the days of Washington founded
this government and in the days OF LIN
coin preserved it.
No country has ever occupied a higher
plane of material well being than ours at
the present moment. This we'll being Is
due TO no sudden or accidental causes. but
to the play of the economic forces m this
country for over a century: TO our laws,
our sustained and continuous policies;
above all. TO the high individual average
of our citizenship. Great fortunes have
been won by those who have, taken the
lead in this phenomenal Industrial devel-
opment, and most OF these fortunes have
been won not by doing evil. but as an In
cident to action which has benefited the
community as s-whote., Never before mas
fused among our people Great fortunes
have been accumulated. and yet in the
aggregate these fortunes are small in
deed when compared TO the wealth OF the
people as a whole. The plain people are
better off than they have ever been be-
fore. The insurance companies. which
especially helpful TO men OF moderate
meanS-represent accumulatfons OF capi-
tai which ar are among the largest largest IN TINS ms
savings banks. more owners OF farms.
more well paid wageworkers In this coun-
try now than ever before In our history.
OF course when the conditions have IA
vored the growth of so much that was
good they have also favored somewhat
the growth Of what was evil. 1t Is emil
fxy haf WA Qh
to cut out this evil. but let US keep due
sense Of proportion: let US not in fixing
our gaze upon the LESSER ;s exii fosses nd tna
some Of them are menacing. but they are
the outgYowth not Of misery or decadence.
saDi sSs Of g.
but side by side with. It should 90 snch
fse Evils we should fai in % our duty Il
we did not try to remedy the evils. but we
shall succeed only II we proceed patient,
as resolution. separating the good from
the bad and holding on to the former
while endeavoring to get rid OF the latter.
In my message to the present congress
at its first session ! discussed at length
the question OF the regulation Of those
big corporations commonly doing an in
terstate business. often with some tenden-
ey to monopoly. which are popuiary M
past year has emphasized. in my opinion.
the desirability of the steps l then pro-
posed A fundamental requisite OF social
efficiency Is high standard Of individual
energy and excellence. but this Is In no
wise Inconsistent with power TO act in
combination for aims which cannot 30
well be achieved by the individual acting
alone. A fundamental base Of civilization
Is the inviolability of property; but this Is
in powise inconsistent with the right OF
society to regulate the exercise OF the
artificial powers which 1t confers upon the
owners OF property under the name OF cor
porate franchises in such way as to
| prevent the misuse of these powers Cor
porations, and especially combinations OF
corporations. should be managed under
public regulation Experience has shown
that under our system OF government the
necessary supervision cannot be obtained
| by state action 1t must therefore be
achieved by national action. Our aim Is
not to do away with corporations. On the
contrary. these big aggregations are an
inevitable development Of modern indus
| trialism. and the effort to destroy them
| would be futile unless accomplished in
| ways that would work the utmost mis-
| chief to the entire body polite We can
do nothing Of good In the way Of regulat-
ing and supervising these corporations
until we fix clearly In our minds that we
are not attacking the corporations. but
| endeavoring to do away with any evil in
them. We are not hostile to them We
| are merely determined that they shall be
Il
We draw the line against misconduct. not
against wealth The capitalist who. alone
| or In conjunction with his fellows. per-
forms some great Industrial feat by which
he wins money Il a welldoer. not q wrong
| doer. provided only he works In proper
and legitimate lines We wish TO favor
sucn q man when he does well. We wish
! to supervise and control his actions only
| to prevent him from doing Ill. Publicity
i can do no harm to the honest corporation.
Il a nd ho vorfo hnY
| sparing the dishonest corporation:
In curbing and regulating the combina-
| tions of capital which are or may become
injurious to the public we must be care
full not to step the great enterprises which
have legitimately reduced the cost Of pro-
| duction. not to abandon the place which
our country has won In the leadership Of
the international Industrial world. not to
strike down wealth with the result of
closing factories and mines. Of turning
the wageworker idle in the streets and
leaving the farmer without a market for
what he grows. Insistence upon the i'm
possible means delay. In achieving the pos
| sible exactly as. on the other hand. the
| stubborn defense alike of what is good
and what Is bad in the existing system.
the resolute effort to obstruct any at
| tempt at betterment, betrays blindness to
| the historic truth that wise evolution Is
the sure safeguard against revolution
No more important subject can come
| before the congress than this Of the regu-
lation Of interstate business This country
| cannot afford to SIT supine on the plea
| that under our peculiar system Of govern
! ment we are helpless in the presence Of
the new conditions and unabl to grapple
| with them or to cut out wha tever Of evil
/ has arisen II connection with them The
| power Of the congress to regulate inter-
state commerce Is an absolute and un-
| qualified grant and without limitations
| other than those prescribed by the consti-
/ tuition. The congress has constitutional
authority to make all laws necessary and
proper for executing this power. and am
| satisfied that this power has not been ex-
haurted by any legislation now on the
| that esiIs restrictive Of commercial free
| dom and entailing restraint upon national
/ commerce fall within the regulative pow