The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1902-11-08
Second Thought.

Throughout the strike il was difficult
20 discover an instance of more in
sdious newspaper fawning upon the
labor Organization whose entire energy
was devoted to preventing the operators
from mining coal than was found in the
columns of our neighbor. the Nen York
Tribune. As in the case of many other
journals attempting TO curry favor with
one side without too violently offending
the other, comment kept running in our
neighbor in condemnation Of lawless-
ness, but rarely without a veil in the
shape of criticism of the operators for
some shadowy offence like avaricious-
ness or arrogance When the ex-
traordinary figure Of the President
stepped upon the scene. the inevitable
effect Of which, if any, was to coerce the
operators in the management of their
business, at that time assailed by an ap-
palling public hysteria, our contem-
porary did not falter. Mr. ROOSEVELT
Interference was an offer worthy of a
President Mr. MIrcHEILs PROPOSE
ton of arbitrator chosen by the Pres-
dent was fair =; the refusal Of the
operators to consider ii was curt
that refusal be it remembered, being
embodied in description Of crimes
perpetrated upon tho operators en-
ployees and property that made all
sober men stand aghast.
II was this cringing spirit of COM
promise with the vicious influences
warning upon the most fundamental
principles OF our political and social
organization that enabled President
ROOSEVELT to carry his point Of bringing
heoperators TO terms with JOIN MurCH-
ELL 1t is of peculiar interest. there
fore, to note in Mr.. WMTELAw REID's
address in Carnegie Hall in Pittsburg on
Thursday the subjoined observations
This very year there could be found Cor Ave
months no power In the State OF Pennsylvania or
in the United States to stop disorder and riot in
the coal mines. and finally that imperative wor.
had to be done by voluntary effort outside the
Constitutional processes or authority OF the high
once that successfully interviewed
Not until 1865 was II even established through,
out the United States that every man black or
white has the right TO sell his own labor; and IN
1859. in your State and In mine. there were Sun
found a great many persons, Including a pufu
number OF exceptionally ignorant or emotional
clergymcn. and some people called statesmen
who considered such a right on the part OF some
white men so doubtful that they were not ashamed
10 urge. for the sake OF peace and coal. that 1t
should be submitted TO arbitration"
Before passing to the main question,
let us stop to consider the glarng error
which Mr.. REID discloses in his by no
means trihing analysis Of American
| government.
Whatever faults there be in the Fed
eral and State governments of this coun-
| Try there Is no warrant for the charge
that there was no power in Pennsylva-
MIA to stop disorder and riot The
trouble was that Governor STONE was
a traitor to his duties, and, after that,
that the President. instead of giving the
benefit of legal doubt to the side Of law
and order by making his moral influence
felt by Governor STONE, threw the I'M
equallcd weight of his authority into tho
scale holding the miners demand for
arbitration. The ugly truth is that riot
was not stopped at all in Pennsylvania;
| it was bought of.
The fact that the editor Of the Tribune
has served time as he thought best, by
advocating arbitration while the strike
was on, in no wise affects the merit Of
his present estimate Of the circumstances
out of which arbitration was dragged.
As the coal crisis fades it will become
apparent to more and more people in
this country that to uphold the opera
tors and their employees in managing
their business as they elected to manage
it was from first TO last the first duty Of
every citizen public and private. To
invade their rights to peace and indie
| pendence was to shake the cornerstones
Of industrial yiSor and political health.