The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1902-07-20

l armed resistance, 10 Inc ha'ion"i eAu
thority on the part of the insurgents,
as the only indispensable condition TO
end the war on the part oil the govern
ment. I retract nothing heretofore said
as to slavery. l repeat the declaration
made a year ago, that while remain
| in my present position l shall not at
tempt to retract or modify the emahcl-
PATTON proclamation. nor shai re-
turn to slavery any person VINO IS 1ree
by the terms of that proclamation OF by
any act of Congress"
| "If the people should, by Whatever
mode or means, make 1T an executive
duty to re-enslave such personsI >anoth-
err. and not j, must be their instrument
to perform It,
I Mr.. Davis, then, makes some very
pungent comments upon the result or
the conference, and Mr.. Lincon's report,
| showing very clearly that in his emancl-
patton proclamation he violated the pam
| letter of the Constitution as ne hlmself
declared in his inaugural address that
under the Constitution she had no right
| to interfere with slavery in the States =
and thereby. violated the oath he had
| taken to obey and enforce the Constl-
| tutio1f. | advise all who desire clear
statement of the origin Of the Hampton
| Roads conference it's spirit, and its re-
suits, and a clear setting forth or the
| fact that the Confederate government
always desired peace, and was ready TO
enter upon any negotiations to effect
| this end but was always met by the
Federal government with stern demand
| for the unconditional surrender OF the
| rebels" to read the whole of this chapter
| in President Davis superb book-"The
Rise and Fall of the Confederate Gov
| eminent"
| But it is time for me to give what
was the real purpose of this communi-
| cation:
THE LETTER OF PRESIDENT DAVIS.
| Beauvoir, Miss, September /, 1885.
Rev. J. William Jones:
| NV Dear Sir--In the "Rise and Fall
of the Confederate Government" l be-
lieve / have stated almost all for which
L had any official authority in regard
| to the Hampton Roads conference. Be
yond that l might say that the commits
| sioners orally gave me a long account
of what transpired at their meeting,
but of which they declined to make
an official report, because they had
agreed with Messrs. Lincoln and Sc
ward that their conversation should be
| considered confidential I then pointed
! out to them, that they had probably
fallen into a trap, and that their con-
| versation on the Monroe doctrine as
connected with the war then progressing
between France and Mexico would be so
represented by Mr.. Seward through the
American minister at Paris as to
interfere with whatever good feeling the
Emperor of the French had for us. That
| this was done and probably with
| what effect may be learned from the
| published dispatches of Mr.. Seward to
| Mr. Dayton and the consequent conduct
| of Louis Napoleon toward the Confed-
eracy. So far from Mr.. Lincoln having
exceeded his authority by promising
| compensation for slaves, he referred to
| that subject as closed by the act of
| Congress and his own views set forth
| in his message. Mr.. Hunter made an
argument against taking the negro men
| for soldiers; that it would leave the
| women and children destitute; to which
| Mr.. Lincoln replied by telling an anec-
dote of man in Illinois who had plant
| cd a large crop of potatoes, which, he
said he would have the hogs to gather;
but when asked what they would do when
the ground was frozen. replied it would
! be, Root little pig, or die"
Nothing could be more absurd than
| the story which has OF late been cir
culated that Mr.. Lincoln offered COM
pensation for the slaves. He showed
no disposition to make, such promise,
| and it would have been idle if he had
made it, because he had no power to
| fulfill it. Unconditional submission,
| with a general assurance of executive
clemency, was all he offered, and, more
| than this, he said he could not give
without recognizing the Confederate
| government 1t will be remembered that
Mr.. Lincoln had through Mr. Blair, in
vited the sending of commissioners TO
confer with him at Washington; for some
reason the purpose was changed, the
| commissioners We're not allowed to pro-
/ ceed beyond Hampton Roads, and 1t
was after some delay and correspondence
! that they were allowed to proceed so far.
| Had Mr.. Lincoln proposed to come to the
| neutral border between the Federal and
| Confederate armies, should have chosen
| to meet him in person, instead of send
| ing commissioners, who, my letter then
shows, I expected to go to Washington,
| whittier, of course, it was not proper
for me to go, however protected by a
safe conduct. When the commissioners
returned from Hampton Roads, neither
the people nor the Congress were pre-
| pared for unconditional surrender, and
il they had been, could no longer have
| represented them.
There was a powerful cabal in Con-
! gress, and they held secret conversation
With Mr.. Blair when he came to Richmond
| how low their spirit had sunk / do
rot know, but remember that it excited
! feeling among some of the troops, and
has been the subject of denunciatlons
by many true soldiers since the war
| ended.
/ have hopefully looked forward to
your long deferred visit, and II my
health and circumstances had permit
ted it, would have gone to Richmond
| to confer with, and, if possible, engage
YOU in some further work / had con-
| templated for our cause-to me sa-
cred memory and dear as early love.
With kindest regards to Mrs. Jones,
and best wishes for you and yours, in
| all of which my wife unites, l am