Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1902-08-25
ase that thew shall do good and not

harm Exactly as labor organizations,
when managed intelligently and in
shirt of Justice and fair play, are of
very great service not only to the wage
workers but to the whole community,
nc the history of many labor organiza-
tions has conclusively shown, so
veaIth not merely individual but cor
rora4a when used Alright is not merely
a benefit to the community as a whole,
II is indispensable to the upbuilding of
the country, under the conditions,
which at present the country has
.-rown not only to accept but to de-
mand as normal. This is so obvious
I that il seems trite even to state it, and
yet, if we are to judge from some of
the arguments advanced against and
attacks made upon wealth as such, 1t
is a fact worth keeping in mind.
A great fortune if not used Alright,
makes it's possessor in a peculiar sense
a menace to the community as n whole,
lust as a great intellect does if it is
unaccompanied by developed con-
science, by character But obviously
this no more affords grounds for con-
demning wealth than it does for con-
demning intellect.
Every man of power by the very fact
of that power is capable. of doing dam
age to his neighbors, but we cannot af-
ford to discourage the development of
such men merely because 1t is possible
they may use their power to wrong
ends.
If we did so we should leave our his
| tory a blank for we should have no
great statesmen, soldiers or merchants.
| 1e nrte of Lott NJ nf
| science.
| Doubtless on the average the most
useful man to his ow-citiZens is apt
| to be he to whom has been given what
the psalmst prayed for, neither pow
erty nor riches, but the great captain
| of industry, the man of wealth, VINO
| alone or in combination with his fell
| lows, drives through our great busl-
| ness enterprises, is a factor without
| which this country could not possibly
| maintain it's present industrial position
| in the world.
| Good. not harm, normally comes
! from the riling up of wealth through
| business enterprises. Probably the
| most serious harm resulting to us, the
people OF moderate means, is when we
| harm ourselves by letting the dark and
| evil vices of envy and hatred toward
| cur fellows eat into our natures.
| Still there is other harm, of q more
| evident kind and such harm it is our
| clear duty to try to eradicate if pes
| sible. and in any event to minimize.
| The corporations and, therefore. those
| great corporations containing some
| tendency to monopoly which we have
grown to speak of rather too severely
| as trusts, are the creatures of the state,
and the state not only has the right to
control theih bat is in duty bound to
control them wherever the need for
| such control is shown.
There is clearly need of supervision
| need to exercise the power of regula ton
on the part of the representatives of
| the public, wherever, in our own coun-
| try at the present time, business cor
porationS becomes so very strong both
for beneficicnt work and for work that
| is not Away beneticient. 1t is idle to
| say that there is no need for such su-
pervision. a sufficient warrant for it is
to be found over and over again in any
| of the various evils resulting from the
| present system, or rather lack of sys-
! tern.
| There is in our country n peculiar
difficulty in the way of exercising such
| supervision and control because of the
peculiar division of governmental
| power.
When the Industrial conditions were
| simple. very little control was needed,
and no trouble was caused by the doubt
| as to where power was lodged under
| the constitution. Now the conditions
are complicated, and we FIND it difficult
to frame national legislation which shall
be adequate. while as matter of prac-
teal experience state action has proved
| entirely insufficient, and in all human
probability cannot Or will not be made
sufficient to meet the needs of the case
Some of our states have excellent
| lawS-laws which it would be well in
deed to have enacted by the national
| legislature. But the wide differences
IN these laws, even between adjacent
states and the uncertainty of the
power of enforcement result practically
| in altogether insufficient control
| | believe that the nation must as
sumo this power of control by legisla-
| ton. and if it becomes evident that the
constitution viii not permit needed
| legislation, then by constitutional
amendments
The immediate need in dealing with
trusts is to place them under the real.
not nominal control of some sovereign
to which, as its creature. the trusts
shall owe allegiance, and in whose
courts the sovereigns orders may with
certainty be enforced. This is not the
case with the ordinary so-calleI
trust today. for the trust is a large
state corporation, generally doing BUSH
ness in other states also. and often
with tendency to monopoly.
Such trust is an artificial creature
| not wholly responsible to or control
| liable by any Legislature, nor wholly
subject to the Jurisdiction of any one
court. Some governmental sovereign
must be given full power over these
artificial and very powerful corporate
beings.
In my judgment this sovereign must
be. the national government When it
has been given full power, then. this
| full power can be used to control any
| evil influence, exactly as the govern
ment is now using the power conferred
| upon it under the Sherman antitrust
| law.
| Even when the full power has been