The united opinion. [volume] (Bradford, Vt.) 1881-1970, 1902-12-05
RNENlS MESSAGE.
T. IA, he Senate qad House of Representa-

ANhnM ~ ~ W A3s
t. he Senate ana House of Representa-
We still conanue in a period's-5sa r- ,arl-
bounded pFospsrity. This prosperity is
not the creature of law, but undoubtedly
the laws under which we work have been
Instrumental IN creating the conditions
Ealcn maQe u possible, and by unwise Leg
station itwould be easy enough to destroy
mere will undoubtedly be periods of
depressl9n. The wave will recede, but the
ude VIII advance. This nation is seated
on continent flanked by two great
oceans. IL is composed of men the de-
Sendants OF pioneers or in a sense, pio-
nes"s thenselves-of men winnowed out
rom among the nations of the old world
by me energy, boldness and love of adj
venture found in their own eager hearts.
such nation so placed will surely wrest
success from fortune
AS people we have played large part
u the world, and we are bent upon maxi
ING our future even larger than the past.
IN particular the events of the last four
ears nave definitely decided that for woe
q Ior veal our place must be great among
me nations. We may either fail greatly
or succeed greatly, but we cannot avoid
me endeavor from which either great
failure or great success must come. Even
II we would we cannot play a small part.
If We should try all that would follow
would be that we should play a large part
ignobly and shamefully.
But our people, the sons of the men Of
the civil war, the sons of the men who
had iron in their blood, rejoice in the
present and face the future high OF heart
and resolute of will Ours is not the
creed Of the Weaknng ana tne co%a t,.
ours is the gospel of hope and OF trl-
1IrnDhant endeayor We do not shrink
from the struggle before us. mere are
many problems for us to race at tne out-
sci of the twentieth century-graVe prop
lens abroad and still graver at home-put
we know that we can solve them, ana
solve them well, provided only that We
bring to the solution the qualltles o. nea a',
and heart which were shown by the men
who in the days of Washington founded
this government and in the days OF LIN
coin preserved 1t.
No country has ever occupied higher
plane of material well being than ours at
the present moment. This well being IS
due to no sudden or accidental causes, put
to the play of the economic forces IN TINS
country for over a century; TO our laws.
our sustained and continuous policies;
above all, to the high individual average
of our citizenship. Great fortunes have
been won by those who have taken the
lead in this phenomenal Industrial devel-
opment and most of these fortunes nave
been won not by doing evil but as an in
cident to action which has benefited the
community as a whole. Never before has
material well being been so widely diff
fused among our people. Great fortunes
have been accumulated, and yet in the
aggregate these fortunes are small in
deed when compared to the wealth OF the
people as a whole. The plain people are
better off than they have ever been be-
fore. The insurance companies, which
are practically mutual benefit societies.
especially helpful to men of moderate
means-represent accumulations of capt.
tai which are among the largest in this
country There are more deposits in the
more well paid wageworkers in this coun-
try now than ever before in our history.
OF course when the conditions have IA
vored the growth of SO much that was
good they have also favored somewhat
the growth of what was evil. 1t is emil
nently necessary that we should endeayor
sense of proportion; let us not in fixing
our gaze upon the lesser evil forget the
greater good. The evils are real, and
some of them are menacing, but they are
the outgrowth not of misery or decadence,
but of prosperity, of the progress of our
gigantic industrial development. This in
but side by side with it should go such
progressive regulation as will diminish
the evils. We should fail in our duty II
we did not try to remedy the evils, but we
shall succeed only if we proceed PATIENT
ly, with practical common sense as well
as resolution, separating the good from
the bad and holding on to the former
while endeavoring to get rid of the latter.
In my message to the present congress
at its first session / discussed at length
the question of the regulation of those
terstate business, often with some tenden-
cy to monopoly, which are popularity
known as trusts, The experience of the
past year has emphasized, in my opinion,
the desirability of the steps / then pro-
posed. A fundamental requisite of social
efficiency is high standard of individual
energy and excellence but this is in no
wise inconsistent with power to act in
combination for aims which cannot SO
well be achieved by the individual acting
alone A fundamental base of civilization
is the inviolability of property; but this is
in nowise inconsistent with the right of
society to regulate the exercise OF the
artificial powers which 1T conferS upon the
owners of property under the name of cor
porate franchises in such a way as to
prevent the misuse of these powers Cor
pora tions and especially combinations of
should be managed under
public regulation. Experience has shown
that under our system of government the
necessary supervision cannot be obtained
oy state action. 1t must therefore be
achieved by national action. Our aim is
OF to do away with corporations. On the
contrary, these big aggregations are an
n evitable development of modern indus
rialism and the effort to destroy them
would be futile unless accomplished in
ways that would work the utmost mis-
,hief to the entire body polite. We can
10 nothing of good in the way of regulat-
ng and supervising these corporations
until we fix clearly in our minds that we
ire not attacking the corporations, but
to do away with any evil in
lem We are not hostile to them. We
e merely determined that they shall be
D handled as to subserve the public good.
We draw the line against misconduct, not
gainst wealth. The capitalist who, alone
,r in conjunction with his fellows, per-
Jrms some great Industrial feat by which
3 wins money is a welldoer, not a wrong
ioer provided only he works in proper
I'd legitimate lines. We wish TO favor
uch man when he does well we wish
o supervise and control his actions only Z
o prevent him from doing i'll Publicity |
al do no harm to the honest corporation,
md we need not be overtender about /
paring the dishonest corporation
In curbing and regulating the combina-
ions of capital which are or may become (
INJURIOUS to the public we must be care
ul not to stop the great enterprises which /
lave legitimately reduced the cost of pro- /
Iuction, not to abandon the place which /
ur country has won in the leadership of .
he international industrial world, not to (
trke down wealth with the result OF /
losing factories and mines. of turning .
he wageworker idle in the streets and (
eaving the farmer without market for .
What he grows. Insistence upon the i'm
possible means delay in achieving the pos
ible exactly as. on the other hand, the
tubborn defense alike OF what is good
nd what Is bad in the existing system.
he resolute effort to obstruct any at
empt at betterment, betrays blindness to
he historic truth that wise evolution is
he sure safeguard against revolution
No more important subject can come
'efore the congress than this of the regu-
alton of interstate business This country
annot afford to sit supine on the plea
hat under our peculiar system of govern
nent we are helpless in the presence of
he new conditions and unable to grapple
With them or to cut out whatev of evil
las arisen in connection with them The
lower of the congress to regulate inter-
tate commerce is an absolute and I'M
ualified grant and without limitations
ther than those prescribed by the consti-
ution. The congress has constitutional
roper for executing this power and am
atisfed that this power has not been ex-
austed by any legislation nov. on the
tatute, books II Is evident. therefore,
hal errils rnsfricfive of commercial free !