The Minneapolis journal. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1888-1939, 1902-10-17

and hours Of labor, but as to the very
important question of recognition OF the
union. This latter question:, as l have
already pointed out, is to come sQuarely
have bound themselves to accept the YER
dict as to this, as well as to all other
issues involved.
Confidence In Mitchell.
In Mondays convention the one great
figure will be President Mitchell. He will
dominate the gathering. The confidence
which the men have in him amounts al
most to idolatry. They trust in his skill
and his fidelity implicitly. They realize
that he has waged winning battle Tor
them, and they are ready to follow wher-
ever he leads.
The convention will be composed Of
700 or 800 delegates, and Of these, prob
ably a great majority will have no other
instructions from their local unions than
to do whatever Mr.. Mitchell recommends
President Mitchell has opposed any eff
fort to attach conditions to the action of
the convention. He wants the arb1tra- |
ton accepted outright, and his will is
pretty sure to prevail.
Word has come to Mr.. Mitchell that
since the composition Of the commission
was announced the railroad presidents
are so much dissatisfied that they would
| improve any opportunity given them by
their opponents to call the deal off. Mr..
Mitchell does not propose to give them
the opportunity. The railroad presidents
are said to be exceedingly sorry they did
not carry out their first intention of maxi
ing direct concessions of a small increase
Of wages by posting notices at the mines,
thus avoiding the question of recognition
Of the union. AS the case stands, they
know they may lose on this question as
we'll as on the others, and the prospects
are to them anything but pleasing.
g,
hitch in the settlement. The companies
now have at work In and about their
mines several thousand men. Naturally
the companies don't intend to turn these
men, adrift in order to make places for
the strikers when they return to work.
The miners don't demand that they be
discharged. They are quite willing that
the "scabs'' be permitted to remain at
work, and the strikers don't object to
working alongside them. But they do
demand that all Of the strikers be given
their old jobs, and that where a. :'scab''
? is now employed In the old job of a,
striker, the latter be given his place again
and the former be moved into some other
= job. .>
, In this the union men are unanimous,
officers as well as privates in the ranks.
IF any Of us go to work, all will go, to
work." they say. IF we can't all go to
work, none Of us will
81 This feeling Is SO strong that it would
be dangerous for the companies to at
Y tempt to deny any of the strikers their
= old Jobs. There would surely be another
o strike or refusal to return to work. The
4 mon feel that they have won the victory.
Q and they are determined that in the hour
= Of their triumph none Of those who have
a stood shoulder to shoulder with them
= shall be sacrificed.
= The managers of the companies will be
o warned as to this danger, and itais hoped
8 the matter may be adjusted in suoh g
/, way as to avert trouble. It would be
d easy for the mine bosses to give Other
jobs to all the men they have now. al
Y work, as probably 10000 men Of all classes
n have left the hard-coal fields and will not
d return in time to claim their old Jobs
a The union does not demand that the
places be held open indefinitely, but only
for short time.
Barring the danger Of complication!
IS from this source, the strike may be re-
It garded as at an end. When work is re-
rs surned next week. coal will come out o.
t. the collieries with rush. Two-third
r of the collieries, including most Of those
g of large capacity, are In good shape To-
~ working. The coal famine will be quickl!
r. relieved. 49,; ~.~: -. " e