Vernon County censor. [volume] (Viroqua, Wis.) 1865-1955, 1902-10-08

hardships, and there have been some
abuses but T. has sstn not been ths policy Of
count OF them as TO destroy these great
properties and retard the development If
our policy to so ltglslete as to prevent and
remedy these evils, and at the same time
promote me gene,ai good.
roads in this country than ever before
More money is invested In them than ever
before. They employ more men than ever
before; and at the same time they charge
less for the services they render TO the
public than ever before.
The net aggregate result has been one of
general benefit; and as 1t Is and has been
with the railroads so too II Is, and will be-
with these great industrial combinations.
They are born Of our conditions. They
have come TO. meet imperative require
ments They have been attended. by many
more: but time, experience. sound business
judgment, and healthy public Sentiment
VII , correct Sst Of Of them There win be
little viii not be difficult.
Their managers are not criminals, 10 be
placed behind the bars" as Mr.. Bryan
recently told us, but with few exceptions
they are among the ablest, most enterprIs-
ing, and most honorable Of our business
men. The could not reach and hold their
positions II they We're not They are the
men who have taken the lead In the devel-
opment Of our resources. Without that
which they have done we could not have
any other class they helped US to stem the
tide Of Populism, restore credit, start the
mills, open the mines, ana put employ
ment within the easy reach OF ALL
Stockholders Belong to All Glasses.
And as it Is with the managers, so too
Is It with the stockholders. They are not
criminals, to be sent to jail, nor are they
confined to a few rich men, who constitute
an exclusive and privileged class, but they
are numbered by hundreds of thousands;
q ia a
they belong to all classes, the poor as well
as the rich; the merchant the farmer and
the mechanic, as well as the capitalist.
The stock Is free to all at the same price,
and no one Is so humble that he may not
invest ais savings In their shares and thus
become participator. In proportion to his
means, and on terms of equality with the
richest, in whatever Of benefits there may
be in their management. While therefore
In dealing with them we must be alert to
repress and correct whatever may be
wrong, we must also be alert to deal fairly
and do Justice to all.
In the Kansas City platform the Demo
Gratis told us how. they would deal with
them. They mentioned two remedies and
only two. One was publicity and the other
was the free list for trust made articles.
Mr.. Bryan has since added the peniten-
cratic craftsmanship. There is publicity
now and was before the Kansas City plat
form, under the laws of almost every state
In the Union, as to organization, as to
stockholders, as to capital subscribed and
capital paid, as to corporate purpose, as
to corporate officers. and as to every other
corporate fact that concerns the public
and a great many that do not.
To admit duty free all products and arti-
cles the like of which are manufactured or
produced in this country by trusts is only
another name for free trade. 1t would
probably stop the trusts but only because
1t would at the same time stop everything
else. 1t would not only be free trade, but
IL would be free trade in most aggravated
form Who would datarpntOp how
which companies were trusts and which
were not? Confusion worse confounded"
would reign. For Illustration the United
States Steel Corporation, the largest Of all
the great combinations, would doubtless be
held to be a trust, within the meaning of
such law but that company does not do
One-h8f the business Of this country Of
it's kind. The remainder Is done by numer-
GUS smaller concerns, many of which would
not be held to be trusts under such law.
If all the products in which 1t deals should
be admitted duty Free what would be the
result? All alike. great and small, would
be placed at the mercy of European trusts.
Under such competition all would suffer
and most of them fall, but the weakest in
stltutions, and therefore, the most limo.
cent, would be the first TO fall If any sur
vived 1t would be the strongest and the
guiltiest.
Disaster and Ruin.
Disaster, wreck and ruin would result.
You have only to look at the Democratic
to Democratic opinion practically every
manufactured article Of commerce is pro-
| duced by trust To put all the articles
they claim are manufactured by a trust
on the free list would not only ruin bu9l-
ness but 1t would bankrupt the government.
Nothing could more surely or more quickly
carry US back to the panic. poverty and
distress Of the last Cleveland administra-
ton. Instead of putting the so-called trust
magnates in the penitentiary, the man
ought to be favored with some kind of q
laalr Vxhn 60 IA Ia Of ytu oh aA
vice.
This does not mean that we are opposed
to any kind of change at any time in the
tariff schedules and rates On the contrary
we believe In tariff revision from time to
time, as occasion may require, but it must
always be on protection lines.
At the very foundation Of the protective
policy has always been the idea and claim
that 1t would multiply industries, improve
facilities, develop competition, and ulti-
| mately reduce the cost of Manufacture be-
low their cost abroad.
It has also always been a part OF this
policy TO reduce high rates OF duty deemed
necessary TO secure the establishment of
an Industry as rapidly as Its development
low, Repeatedly since we inaugurated this
policy we have revised the schedules; In
many cases reducing rates; in some In.
creasing them; In others abolishing them
entirely.
Rates that are necessary today may be
higher than will be needed for either reve-
| depends on what may happen IN the mean
time.
The duties fixed by the Morrill, tariff act
| of 1851 would not at all fl the situation
today; not because the principle of protec-
ton Is different now from what 1t was
| then, but because the conditions to be dealt
| with are different.
The revision Of 1888 had reference to the
requirements of that day.
The Mckinley tarif act was drawn in
1890, and II the Democrats had not come
into power and repealed 1t we would
doubtless by this time have made some
changes In it,--not to correct errors, but to
meet new conditions.
In 1897 we enacted the Dingley tariff
The rates then adpp,e ed had reference TO
| the conditions then existing. The prosper
ity that ensued and which has continued
until now without Interruption vindicates
the wisdom of that statute and the rates
of duty Il provided; but time has passed
the conditions In view of which we then
leglslsted have greatly changed. The rates
| then deemed necessary may not In all cases
be necessary now 1t would be strange II
they were. 1t may be that some should be
reduced some made higher, others alto
gether abolished.
reasons disturb a law that has brought US
such prosperity, but 1t will not hesitate,
| when there IL Just occasion for doing So
| TO make such amendments as changed con-
ditions may demand.
Some Things Which are Settled.
In the same spirit we shall make what
ever reciprocity arrangements may be en-
tered into. u existing rates on certain ar
ticles Sre higher than necessary TO meet the
purpose of revenue ana protection, and we
can bv reducing them secure compensattng
reductions for our goods going into foreign
countries, there is no reason Why We should
NOT do so; hut So long as the Republican
| party control $ IL may be accepted as set
lied that no reductions will be made on