The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1902-02-22
VASHINGqON'O FAREWELL ADDRESS.
Some Extracts That Make Good
Reading at the Present Time.
UNITED STATES. September II. 1896.

UNITED STATES, September II, 1896.
Friends and FslzoD- Citizens:
The period for new election of citizen to
administer the Executive Government of the
United States being not far distant, and the
time actually arrived when your thoughts must
be employed in designating the person who is
to be clothed with that important trust, it APP
pears to me proper, especially as it may con-
duce 20 a more distinct expression of the pub
lie voice. that | should now apprise you Of the
resolution have formed to decline being con-
sidered among the number of those out Of
whom a choice is to be made.
1t is important, likewise, that the habits of
thinking in free country should inspire eau
ton in those intrusted with its administration
TO confine themselves within their respective
constitutional spheres. avoiding in the exercise
of the powers of one department to encroach
upon another. The spirit of encroachment
tends to consolidate the powers of all depart
ments in one, and thus to create, whatever the
form of governments real despotism. A just
estimate of that love of power and proneness
TO abuse it which predominates in the human
heart is sufficient to satisfy ms of the truth of
this position The necessity of reciprocal
checks in the exercise of political power, by
dividing and distributing it into different de-
positories, and constituting each the guardian
of the public veal against invasions by the
others, has been evinced by experiments
ancient and modern. some of them in our
country and under our own eyes. To preserve
them must be as necessary as to institute them.
If in the opinion of the people the distribution
or modification of the constitutional powers
be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected
by an amendment IN the way which the Con-
stitution designates. But let there be no
change by usurpation; for though this in one
instance may be the instrument of good, it is
the customary weapon by which free govern
ments are destroyed. The precedent must
always greatly overbalance in permanent evil
any partial or transient benefit which the use
can at any time yield.
As very important source of strength and
security, cherish public credit. One method
of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as
possible, avoiding occasions of expense by
cultivating peace, but remembering also that
timely disbursements to prepare for danger
frequently prevent much greater disbursements
to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation
of debt, not only by stunning occasions of ex-
pense, but by vigorous exertions in time of
peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable
wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throw
ing upon posterity the burthen which we our
selves ought TO bear. The execution of these
maxims belong to your representatives; but
it is necessary that public opinion should CO.
operate. To facilitate to them the perform
ance of their duty it is essential that you should
practically bear in mind that toward the pay
nlent of debts there must be revenue; that to
have revenue there must be taxes; that no
taxes can be devised which are not more or
less announcement and unpleasant; that the in
trinsc embarrassment inseparable from the
selection of the proper objects (which is al
ways choice Of diHiculties), ought to be
decisive motive for candid construction of
the conduct of the Government in making it,
and for spirit of acquiescence in the meas
ures for obtaining revenue which the public
exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice toward all
nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with
all. Religion and morality enjoin this con-
duct. And can it be that good policy does
not equally enjoin it? 1t will be worthy of
free, enlightened, and at no distant period a
great nation to give to mankind the magnani-
nous and too novel example of a people al
ways guided by an exalted justice and benev-
olence. Who can doubt that in the course of
time and things the fruits of such plan would
richly repay any temporary advantages which
might be lost by steady adherence to it?
Can it be that Providence has not connected
the permanent felicity of nation with its vir-
tue2 The experiment, at least, is recommend
ed by every sentiment which ennobles human
nature. Alasl is it rendered impossible by its
vices?
The great rule of conduct for us in regard
to foreign nations is, in extending our COM
mercal relations to have with them as little
political connection as possible So far as we
have already formed engagements let them be
fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us
stop.
Europe has set of primary interests which
to us have none or a very remote relation.
Hence she must be engaged in frequent con-
troversies, the causes of which are essentially
foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it
must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by
artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her
politics or the ordinary combinations and col
lisions Of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites
and enables US to pursue different course.
1T we remain one people, under an efficient
government, the period is not far off when we
may defy material injury from external annoy
ance; when we may take such an attitude as
will cause the neutrality we may at any time
resolve upon to be scrupulously respected;
when belligerent nations, under the impossi
bility of making acquisitions upon us, will not
lightly hazard the giving US provocation; when
we may choose peace or war, as our interest,
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar
situation? Why quit our own to stand upon
foreign ground? Why, by Intervening our
destiny with that of any part of Europe, en-
taugle our peace and prosperity in the tolls of
European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor,
or caprice?
1t is our true policy to steer clear of perma-
nent alliances with any portion of the foreign
world, so far, | mean, as we are now at liber-
ty to do it; for let me not be understood as
capable of patronizing in6delity to existing
engagements. | hold the maxim no less APP
plicable to public than to private affairs that
honesty is always the best policy. l repeat,
therefore, let those engagements be observed
in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it
is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend
them.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all ma
tons are recommended by policy, humanity,
and interest. But even our commercial policy
should hold an equal and impartial hand,
neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors
or preferences; consulting the natural course
of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle
means the streams of commerce, bat forcing
nothing; establishing with powers so disposed,
in order to give trade stable course, to define
the rights of our merchants, and to enable the
Government to support them, conventional
cumstances and mutual opinion will permit,
but temporary and liable to be from time to
time abandoned or varied as experience and
circumstances shall dictate; constantly keep
ing In view that it is folly in one nation to
look for disinterested favors from another;
that it must pay with a portion of its indepen
dence for whatever it may accept under that
character; that by such acceptance it may
place itself in the condition of having given
equivalents for nominal fayors, and yet of be-
ing reproached with ingratitude for not giving
more. There can be no greater error than to
expect or calculate upon real favors from ma
ton to nation. 1t is an illusion which expe
rience must cure, which just pride ought to
discard.
The fertility of Egyptian soil is illus
trated by the fact that every one of 10, 500
square miles can support 929 persons,
whereas even in densely populated Belgium
there are only $50 to the square mile.