Willmar tribune. [volume] (Willmar, Minn.) 1895-1931, 1902-12-06
THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.

THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.
The presidents message to congress
will be praised by republicans as a
masterpiece among state papers, and
condemned by democrats as an evil
dence of complete surrender to the
trusts. AS usual the truth will be
found betwee en- these two extremes.
In most instances it is characteristic
OF the president in its open and
straightforwar ard manner of presenting
a subject. But the first part, the one
devoted to the trust question, is dis
appointing to tn ose who had expected
the president to take q decided stand
and present some definite proposition
for solving the problem. The most
careful perusal will still leave the
reader in the dark as to what Roose-
welt thinks can be and ought to be
done. There is good deal of talk
about regulating and controlling, but
not q single definite idea as to- the
scope of that control. One incidental
reference to "publicity'' is the only
key to anything the president had in
mind.
1t is painfully evident that Roose.
welt is entirely at sea as to what
should be done. He is anxious that
something should be done, but still
more anxious that nothing shall be
done that will interfere with corpora
lions in general. He begins the sub
]ect with thirty.seven lines of praise
for the general conditions now pre-.
va1ling and for the corporations that,
in his opinion, have aided materially
In the development of the wealth and
prosperity of the country. Then come
four lines about the evils that have
grown out of the corporation system,
and then an anxious appeal to con:
gress not to do too much in trying to
restrain trusts. AS this is the same
congress that in the long session total
~ ignored Roosevelt's recommends a.
tions for regulating the trusts, he
ought to have known that what was
needed was not the bit and rein to-
keep 1t from going too far, but the
goad and spur to make it go at all. !
But perhaps Roosevelt was not talk
ing to congress but to the voters, and |
recognizing the probability that con
gress would do rothing he wanted to
prepare an excuse for it by showing
the dangers of doing too much and |
minimizing the evils that ought to be |
eliminated. So ~ 8 ~. i
Having thus stirred around in the
trust matter until everything was |
more muddled up than ever, the pres.
ident turns to the tariff question.
Here he feels that he is on frmer
ground. His party is on record as
favoring protection and has won
many q campaign on that stand
Hence he can speak right out here and
administer rebuke to the few west
ern members who have lately shown q
desire to get at the trusts by remov-
ing the duties on trust-made articles.
Roosevelt will have none of this, He
acknowledges that there are some in
equalities in the present schedules,
but thinks it is better to bear with
them than to disarrange the business
OF the country. He suggests the pos
sibility Of some gradual, changes to-
meet new conditions some time ia the
hazy future, but for the present he
suggests no reducti ons except such as
may come from reciprocity treaties,
and reductions even in that way must.
be made only on such manuf actures
as no longer need protectio (which
class Of goods cannot Be found and
never will be found. 81
It IL TO be regretted that the prcsi..
dent has taken this emphatic position.
on the tariff question. The majority,
zof the American people believe that
the protective tariff shields some of
ths most powerful trusts, and they
want red uction. me demo cratic party
{ IS prop ring Is hid ack 81 other Is
] sues and make the fight on this issue
alone Had the republ icanE party
shown my dispo sition TO amend the