New-York tribune., 1902-01-20

How successfully an Irish parliament would
deal with land questions and commercial ques-
tions is, of course, a matter of the crudest con-
lecture. With or without home rule, the eco
nomic condition of Ireland is bound to be the
subject of most serious legislative attention in
coming days. But 1t is barely possible that the
idea of home rule may yet furnish a basis for
compromise upon the matter of Irish representa-
ton, supposng that matter to grow in impor-
tance. Ireand's geographical position is such
that she can never become a Canada or an
Australia; while at the same time any lasting
establishment of home rule in Ireland would
involve two sets of federal questons-one with
respect to her relation to the imperial govern
ment and the other with respect to her divisions
Of domestic self-rule, not to mention the broader
imperial question of British colonial federation,
now in the air.
On the other hand, if Ireland is never to pos
sess home rule and yet is to be made over into
a loyal and homogeneous portion of the British
Isles free from the chickering's of the past, some
suggest that she must be practically denational-
iZed even to much greater extent than she
has hitherto been. immigration must continue
the work that emigration has begun. The land
question and other economic questions there,
however important in themselves are so bound
up with the political attitude of the Irish race
that radical and effective imperial reform in
the former must it would seem, go hand in
hand with q intimidation of the latter. Can 1t
be believed, for example, that, other things be-
ing equal, a redistribution of land ownership
upon the most liberal and democratic basis
say, upon the precise basis desired by Irish Ma
tonalists-woud go very far toward settling
forever the Irish question?
There are friendly and acute observers who
holt +ba
seriously cOntemplates broad economic reforms
in ireland, they say, it must adapt those re-
forms to the needs and sentiments Of possible
immigrants thither. 1t must create an indus
trial opening in Ireland wide enough to attract
not only the Scotch or English farmer. but the
working classes OF Germany. OF Denmark and
Of Scandinavia. From the sentimental point Of
view this seems a harsh suggestion; but it Is
clear that firm and steady policy of this kind
would, If practicable at ALL be kinder and
sounder than the classic policy of continual CO.
ercion accompanied by continual rebellion. The
chief doubt would be whether such q scheme is
inherently practicable, in the face of the West
ern trend Of foreign immigration. Politically,
however, it might have this to recommend it:
That whatever economic regime would really
attract immigration to Ireland could not fail to
meet the true needs of Ireland's Irish to a near
degree, even II not in absolute harmony with
Irish initiative in such matters. 1t need offend
no religion, nor, directly and nationally. any race.
If successful, the reduction of a purely Irish
majority in Ireland would be Incidental and
gradual. the natural effect Of good government,
and perfectly consistent with the actual in
crease and prosperity of the Irish race. SO
long as the government of Ireland means, in
essence. the governing of the Irish race by
Great Britain the Irish question will subsist
But with a mixed population with no one race
in the majority. it is at least conceivable that
Ireland could be we'll and normally governed by
the Imperial Parliament, in which that mixed
but not alien population should be duly repre-
sented From this point OF view, as well as
that of home rule, certain propositions of Irish
Nationalism may deserve careful and farsighted
attention at the hands of the dominant parties
in England.