Gloucester County Democrat. (Woodbury, N.J.) 1878-1932, 1902-12-04
PRESIDENT 5 MESSAGE.

10 tHe senate ana House or RepreSenta-
tives:
We still continue in period of un-
bounded prosperity. This prosperity Is
not the creature of law, but Undoubtedly
the laws under which we work have been
instrumental in creating the conditions
which made it possible, and by unwiSe Leg
islation it would be easy enough to destroy
It, There will undoubtedly be periods of
depression. The wave will recede but the
tide will advance. This nation is seated
on a continent fianked by two great
oceans. 1t is composed of men the de-
ScendantS OF pioneers or, in sense, pio-
neers themSelveS-of men winnoWed out
from among the nations of the old world
by the energy, boldness and love of ad-
venture found in their own eager hearts.
Such a nation so placed will surely wrest
success from fortune.
AS people we have played large part
in the world, and we are bent upon max
ing our future even larger than the past
In particular the events of the last four
years have definitely decided that for woe
or for veal our place must be great among
the nations. We may either fail greatly
or succeed greatly, but we cannot avoid
the endeavor from which either great
failure or great success must come. Even
if we would we cannot play a small part
If we should try, all that would follow
would be that we should play a large part
ignobly and shamefully.
But our people, the sons OF the men OF
the civil war, the sons of the men who
had iron in their blood, rejoice in the
present and face the future high OF heart
and resolute of will Ours is not the
creed of the weakling and the coward;
ours is the gospel of hope and OF trl-
from the struggle before us. There are
MANY problems for us to face at the out
set Of the twentieth century-grave prop
lens abroad and still graver at nome-DuC
Atxyn a Tld
solve them WELL provided only that We
bring to the solution the qualities OF head
and heart which were shown by the men
who in the days of Washington founded
this government and IN the Gays OF Lin
coin preserved it.
No country has ever occupied higher
plane of material well being than ours at
the present moment. This well being is
to the play of the economic forces in this
country for over a century; to our laws,
our sustained and continuous policies;
above all, to the high Individual average
of our citizenship. Great fortunes have
been won by those who have taken the
lead in this phenomenal industrial devei-
opment, and most of these fortunes have
been won not by doing evil. but as an in
cident to action which has benefited the
community as whole. Never before has
material well being been SO widely diff
fused among our people. Great fortunes
have been accumulated, and yet in the
aggregate these fortunes are small in
deed when compared to the wealth Of the
people as a whole. The plain people are
fore The insurance companies, which
are practically mutual benefit societies
especially helpful to men of moderate
accumulations of capi-
tai which are among the largest in this
country. There are more deposits In the
savings banks. more owners OF farms,
more well paid wageWorkerS In this coun-
try now than ever before in our history.
Of course when the conditions have fa-
vored the growth of so much that was
good they, have also favored somewhat @
nently necessary that we should endeavor
to cut out this evil, but let us keep due
sense of proportion: let us not in fixing
greater good. The evils are real. and
some of them are menacing, but they are
the outgrowth not of misery or decadence.
gigantic industrial development This in
dustrial development must not be checked,
but side by side with it should go such
progressive regulation as VIII diminish
we did not try to remedy the evils, but we
shall succeed only If we proceed patient
ly, with practical common sense as well
as resolution. separating the good from
the bad and holding on to the former
while endeavoring to get rid of the latter.
In my message to the present congress
at Its first session l discussed at length
the question of the regulation Of those
big corporations commonly doing an in
terstate business often with some tenden-
cy to monopoly, which are popularity
known as trusts. The experience of the
past year has emphasized, in my opinion.
the desirability OF the steps then pro-
posed. A fundamental requisite of social
efficiency Is high standard of individual
energy and excellence, but this Is In no.
wise inconsistent with power to act In
combination for aims which cannot SO
well be achieved by the individual acting
.4z1 1s,e.r .<lf 4irr tIsrv1f ftrNva
Is the inviolability of property; but this Is
in nowise inconsistent with the right OF
society to regulate the exercise of the
artificial powers which it confers upon the
owners of property under the name or cor
porate franchises in such a way as to
prevent the misuse Of these powers. Cor
porations, and especially combinations OF
should be managed under
public regulation. Experience has shown
that under our system of government the
necessary supervision cannot be obtained
by state action. 1t must therefore be
achieved by national action. Our aim is
not to do away with corporations. On the
contrary, these big aggregations are an
inevitable development of modern indus
trialism, and the effort to destroy them
would be futile unless accomplished In
ways that would work the utmost mis-
chief to the entire body polite We can
do nothing of good in the way Of regulat-
Ing and supervising these corporations
until we fix clearly in our minds that we
are not attacking the corporations, but
to do away with any evil In
them. We are not hostile to them. We
are merely determined that they shall be
SO handled as to subServe the public good
We draw the line against misconduct, not
against wealth. The capitalist who alone
or in conjunction with his fellows, per-
forms some great industrial feat by which
he wins money Is welldoer, not a wrong
doer provided only he works in proper
and legitimate lines. We wish to favor
such man when he does well. We wish
to supervise and control his actions only
to prevent him from doing i'll. Publicity
can do no harm to the honest corporation,
and we need not be overtender about
sparing the dishonest corporation.
In curbing and regulating the combina-
tions of capital which are or may become
Injurious to the public we must be care
full not to stop the great enterprises which
have legitimately reduced the cost of pro-
duction. not to abandon the place which
our country has won in the leadership of
the international industrial world, not to
strike down wealth with the result OF
the wageworker idle in the streets and
leaving the farmer without market for
what he grows. lnSiStence upon the i'm
possible means delay In achieving the pos
sible exactly as, on the other hand, the
stubborn defense alike of what is good
and what is bad In the existing system,
the resolute effort to obstruct any at
tempt at betterment, betrays blindness to
the historic truth that wise evolution Is
the sure safeguard against revolution
No more important subject can come
before the congress than this of the regu-
lation of interstate business. This country
cannot afford to sit supine on the plea
that under our peculiar system of govern
ment we are helpless in the presence of
the new conditions and unable to grappie
with them or to cut out whatever of evil
has arisen in connection with them. The
power of the congress to regulate inter-
state commerce is an absolute and un-
qualified grant and without nmitatlonis
other than those prescribed by the consti-
tuition. The congress has constitutional
to make all laws necessary and
propts for executing this power, and am
hausted By any legislation now on the
statute books. 1t is evident. therefore,
that evils restrictive of commercial free
dom and entailing restraint upon national
commerce fall within the regulative pow
er of the congress and that wise and
law would be necessary and
proper exercise of congressional authority
to the end that such evils should be Grad
I believe that monopolies. unjust dis
which prevent or cripple
fraudulent overcapitalizat1on
md other evils in trust organizations and
practices which injuriously affect inter-
state trade can be prevented under the
power of the congress to regulate COM
wIh s9aas nations and
and requirements operating directly upon
such commerce, the instrumentalities
thereof and those engaged therein.
earnestly recommend this subject to the
of the congress with a view
to the passage of law reasonable In its
provisions and effective in its operations,
upon which the questions can be finally
adjudicated that now raise doubts as to
the necessity of constitutional amend
ment. If it prove impossible to accom-