The Scranton tribune. [volume] (Scranton, Pa.) 1891-1910, 1902-01-04

to be wise and liberal at once and ami
hilate all cause OF difference between
that nation and his own.
On Aug. Q, 1890, the secretary of state,
instructed by the cabinet, wrote to
Carmichael, at Madrid: with this in
| formation, written and oral, you will
be enabled to meet the minister in con-
versations on the subject of the navi-
cation of the Mississippi, to which we
wish you to lead his attention immedi-
ately. Impress him thoroughly with
the necessity of an early and even an
| immediate settlement of this matter of
| a return to the field of negotiation for
| this purpose: and though 1t must be
| done delicately, yet he must be made
to understand unequivocally, that a re-
sumption of the negotiation is not de-
| sired on our part, unless he can deter
| mine, in the first opening of 1t, to yield
the immediate and full enjoyment OF
that navigation. 1t Is impos-
sible to answer for the forbearance of
our western citizens. We endeavor to
quiet them with the expectation of an
attainment of their rights by peaceable
means. But should they, in moment
of impatence, hazard others, there is
no saying how far we may be led for
neither themselves nor their rights will
ever be abandoned by u.s."
This peremptory language was to be
used in case the threatened war be-
tween Great Britain and Spain as
sumed a grave aspect. A milder tone
was to be employed If it was averted
and Spain still remained in a position
to successfully resist our demands by
force. GtrOnU
expressions to induce Spain to submit
to us, but so long as the expectation
existed that the Family Compact
would make an ally of France against
England, the latters influence was not
Lord Dorchester's request came for
the privilege to transfer British troops
over our territory to attack the Span
iards in Louisiana, in the event Of war,
Washington was disposed to grant the
request. On this subject Hamilton re-
ported Sept. 10, 1880: 1.-The conduct of
Spain towards us presents a picture
far less favorable. The direct aid we
received from her during the war was
inconsderable in itself, and still more
inconsderable compared with her fac
ultyN of aiding us. She refrained from
acknowledging our independence; has
never acceded to the treaty of COM
merce made with France, though
right of doing so was reserved to her,
nor made any other treaty with us:
she has maintained possessions within
our acknowledged limits without our
consent: she perseverngly obstructs
our sharing in the navigation of the
Mississippi, though it is a privilege es-
sental to us, and to which we consider
ourselves as having an indisputable
title. # An increase of the
means OF annoying us in the same
hands is a certain i'll consequence of
the acquisition of the Floridas and
Louisiana by the British This will
result not only from contiguity to a
greater part of our territory, but from
the increased facility of acquiring an
undivided influence over all the indian
tribes inhabiting within the borders of
the United States. Additional danger
of the dismemberment of the western
country is another ill consequence to
be apprehended from that acquisition.
An explicit recognition of our
right to navigate the Mississippi to and
from the ocean, with the possession of
New Orleans, would greatly mitigate
the causes of apprehension from the
conquest of the Floridas by the British.
The western posts on one side
and the navigation of the Mississippi
on the other, call for a vigilant atten-
tion to what is going on They are
both of Importance. The securing of
the latter may be regarded in its con-
sequences as essential to the unity of
the empire. We ought not to
leave in the possession of any foreign
power the territories at the mouth of
the Mississippi, which are to be re-
garded as the key to it,"
William CaEmicbael wrote from Ma
drd Jan. "a, 1871: This government
is weak; the ministry is in a ticklish
the queen governs and gov
erns with caprice; the people begin to
dispute their sovereigns; and although
they have no chiefs to look up to, the
is general" Count de
expressed the enlightened
opinion that it is the interest of his
country to form liberal and lasting
with the United States"
Our affairs with England during the
first term of Washington We're as little
as We're our unsettled dis
putes with Spain. Hammond, the first
accredited British minister, had appar-
entity been sent over to wrangle, spy
and palaver and thus delay the in !
evitable day for the evacuation of the /
British posts. He and Jefferson re-
hearsed for about the seventh time
each, how the country OF the other had
been guilty of the first infractons of
the peace treaty and the examinations ,
ms inn lu
the diplomatic dignity of both men.
The fact that Virginians owed England
about ten millions of ante-belum war
debts was a sore point with the secre-
tary of state, and to innct return ,
blow he bluntly charged that the Brit |
ish We're indirectly responsible for all |
the Indian raids and massacres that |
had happened during and since the |
revolutionary war. The dignihed and |
scholarly Thomas Pinckney showed a |
better temper in London, although his |
mission was at first barren of results |
But four years later this ablest of the |
four historic Pinckneys cleverly nego-
tiated our first and most important |
treaty with Spain, hardly excepting |
the treaty of Paris under the lamented |
During the whole of Washington's
first four years he was harrassed by |
the fierce hostilities of the Indians. |
Wabash tribes and their allies in the |
northwest at this time numbered about |
10000 They defeated Brlgadier Gener- |
al Harmar and Major General Arthur
st. Clair with serious loss to the |
Americans. Two officers who We're not
cautious and wary encoun- |
tered superior forces of more experi- |