The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1902-03-14
Gen. BENJAMIN HARRISON
FROM a CHARACTER STUDY BY MIR
WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE.
A welI-Bred Gentleman Who Acted
the Part i'm Private Life and
i'm the Highest Office.
Cosmopolitan Magazine for March.

idency of the United States Harrison began
10 1--we the part. He had personal ideas
about the presidential office which were ex-
asperating TO the Republican politicians
familiar with the chummy air of Arthur,
with the always inoffensive attitude of
Hayes and with the blunt, frank. cordially
nonchalant demeanor of Grant. Harrison
decided TO be President to his finger tips.
He declined to farm out the job by sub
letting acres of patronage and by discuss
ing national politics with the various
grooms of the back stairs. He recognized
all Of the time-honored rights of senators
and representatives, of committeeman and
citizens in carriages to recommend persons
for places under the administration, but as
President of the United States he held the
absolute right to appoint. Recommends
tions didn't go" except recommendations
of good men entirely satisfactory to Benja-
min Harrison. There were no exceptions
to this rule. If a senator recommended for
any place, however trivial, man against
whom there was a sustained charge of in
competency or dishonesty, no matter how
earnestly the senator urged. the candidate
was rejected. Now, when a senator or a
representative has grown up in the notion
that a public office is private snap that
the patronage Of his State is his in fee
simple, 10 have and to hold, such notions
as the Harrison notion of patronage are
disconcerting to an alarming degree. When
a senator had promised" a place ii was
always embarrassing and often humiliating
TO have to break a promise to a bad man
and make an alliance with a good man for
the sake, merely, of the CROCHET of a Pres
ident with hoity-toity notions of duty.
Another thing that made the pathway of
the place brokers a hard road to travel was
this: President Harrison refused TO
nounce his appointments until they were
publicly read to the Senate or to those who,
as government officials, should know them
In the routine of duty. OFTEN senators
wasted valuable time haranguing President
Harrison about the appointment of candi-
dates whose nominating papers were made
out and on the desk. But never a word of
his intention escaped the Presidents lips.
Now Harrison seems TO have had two rea-
for this course, each characteristics:
First although he probably did not put it
first in his self-analysis. was the fear that
he might wish TO change his mind, and
the desire to be uncommitted and free to
change. This was the craft in him coming
to the top. Second. the instructive feeling
that the functions of the presidential office
were, even in small matters. too important,
too confidential, to be subjects of gossip.
He knew how he was reviled for his course.
He knew that he was laying up treasures
of hatred and storing away interest-bearing
bonds OF vengeance. But he did not COM
promise Harrison seems to have held old
fashioned notions about his duty TO his
God and his conscience and his country,
and he let the traditional liaison between
the legislative and executive branches of
the government for the division of polt-
icsl booty go hang. So he was assassinated
by an adjective-he was called cold"
THE SIN OF GOODNESS"
Frigidity is the high crime of American
politics A man may be charged with theft
and prove an alibi. He may be deemed
treacherous and offer in extenuation the
pressure of ambition He may be indicted
as demagogue. plead guilty and go I'M
scathed. He may be convicted of every
other crime known to politics and yet find
salvatiOn but let it be even insnuated by
the most vague and remote circumlocution
that he is cold" and the portals of polit-
zeal damnatiOn inexorably click at his back
Harrison's public utterances reflected his
gentle breeding. lie was a maker of cpl
grams. His messages were short, his ad-
dresses brief generally not over a thou
sand words, but they were thoughtful. and
a gentle charm of simple. direct phrase
ology. inherent in all his delverances, won
the listener and the reader even against
his will. Yet Harrison was not what the
politicians call a spellbinder He displayed
no emotion whatever in his speeches. He
reused no passions But his words mirrored
n. Wel-aDDOlnted
spiritual area wherein grew wholesome,
vigorous thoughts. indigenous to the Eng
| disappearing races. There was nothing
Gallo in his cast of thought, nothing Latin.
His verbs demolished fences of circumlocu-
ton and his adjectives kept him off stills
and close to earth. So he did not pirouette
in elaborate figures nor strut with highfal-
utin bombaSt around Robin Hoods barn.
Here is example of the way Harrison
reached his most effective climaxes:
II was on the occasion of the dedication
of the soldiers and sailors monument at
Indianapolis, August, 1889. After finishing
his Introductory remarks, President Har-
rison said The suggestion that monu-
ment should be builded to commemorate
the valor and heroism of those soldiers of
Indiana has attracted my interest from the
/ beginning. Five years ago, when the people
assembled TO unveil the statue which has
been worthily set up 10 our great war Gov
ernor, | ventured TO express the hope that
near by ii, as twin expression of one
great sentiment. there might be builded a
noble shaft. not to any man, not to bear
on any of its majestic faces the name of "A
man, but monument about which the sons
OF veterans, the mothers of our dead, the
widows that are with us yet, might gather,
and. pointing to the stately shaft say:
There is his monument. The hope ex-
pressed that day is realized now.
This is q monument by Indiana to In
diana soldiers. But l beg you to remem-
Der that they were only soldiers of Indiana
| until the enlistment oath was taken From
| that hour until they came back to the gem
/
| soldiers of the Union. So that it seemed to
| me not inappropriate that l should bring
! TO you to-day the sympathy and cheer OF
/ the loyal people of all the States. No
! American citizen need avoid this monu-
/ ment or pass it with unsymDathetic eyes.
| IT does not commemorate a war of sUbjuga-
| ton There is not i'm the United States a
man to-day who. if he realizes what has
occurred since the and has opened his
/ soul 10 the sight Of that which is to come,
will not feel that 1t is good for all our
people that victory crowns the cause which
] this monument commentaries.
"Our spirits have been borne up to-day
| TO meet those of the dead and glorified;
/ from this place we shall so 10 our homes
\ more resolutely set in our purpose as citi-
\ zens TO conserve the peace and welfare OF
our neighborhOods, to hold up the dignity
/ see that no harm shall come to our country
whether from internal discussions or from
| the aggressons Of a foreign foe"
HIS POLITICAL METHODS.
The plain force OF the language that re-
vealed his unpretentious nature was re-
peated in his public acts. They also were
simple and direct. The little craft the mar
used in lieu of animal strength was used
10 accomplish legitimate ends. While he
was President he confined himself to the
legal metes and bounds of the office He
tics He did not use the patronage of his
Office 10 extend his sphere OF influence He
was content 10 exercise the simple old
| fashioned constitutional functions of his
| office After Harrison reached the presi.
dency he developed a fine philosophy. HI
| had reached an intellectual stage where
! this philosophic outlook on life showed
g