The Minneapolis journal., 1902-05-06
FOR ENEMIES
He HAS MADE
Why the Country Is Likely
to Love the President
IN 1904.
"Business interests and
"Safe Men" POLICY of
Law Enforcement.
From The journal Bureou. Room 40, Post
R,tJJ II

From, The journal Bureau. Room 40, Post
building, Washington.
Washington. May 6.-The people of the
country. regardless Of party affiliations,
will love President Roosevelt because Of
the capitalistic and trust enemies he has
made, and is making. There has been no
president like him within the memory of
any man now living. For the most part
the men who have come into the presl-
dency by succession have been men Of
ordinary abilities; few. if any of them
have left strong impress on American
history. The only noteworthy exception
to this rule is furnished by the admins
tration of Andrew Johnson after the civil
war, and while Johnson made a record. it
is not such a one as to add to his repu-
tation.
A Little History Recalled.
At the Philadelphia convention in 1900
the Wall street barons. fresh from contact
with Roosevelt as governor of New York,
opposed his nomination for the vice presi-
dency. Senator Hanna voiced their oppo
sition, and the reason for it, when he
said during the progress of the conven-
tion, while the Roosevelt tide was run
ming full. that the republican party ought
to be very careful in selecting the man
for second place on the ticket. "While
none of US expect that President Mckinley
will die in his second term, his vice
president should be named with the pos
sibility of a presidential vacancy in
irI 4 hon 1ono or n .
street and the business interests" Of
the country, said amen" Senator Fair
banks of Indiana could have had the Sec
ond place on the ticket by simply lifting
his little finger. but he had bigger things
in mind. Other members OF the senate
could have had it. but they all declined,
and SO Roosevelt became the logical
choice of the party, although strongly
protesting against accepting the place.
! 1t may as we'll be said, frankly yet
kindly, that had President Mckinley lived
there would probably have been no cru
sade against the trusts such as the coun-
try is now witnessing. While Mckinley
made no promises either in 1896 or in
1900, it is we'll understood that promises
which he afterwards felt he must to some
extent keep in mind were made for him
by Senator Hanna during his rounds OF
the money barons to collect campaign
funds. Hanna promised that Mckinley
would be safe" president, and his def
milton of the word was the Wall street
definition. A long campaign for the nom
ination, and afterwards for the election
nearly always means in this country, re-
gardless of the political party affected
that the man nominated and elected has
through his leaders, acting, it may be
without his knowledge or corsent,. but
acting, just the same, made himself ac-
ceptable to the business interests II
1896 Mckinley was the champion of SOUND
money, and these interests supported hin
to a man. In 1900 they 1ndcrsed his frs
term, ard again contrib ted literally tt
the republican campaign fund.
The "business interests are usually
satisfied with the nominees of both the
great parties; and then they contribute
! to both campaign funds This was tne
situation in the three campaigns which
Cleveland made. Capital was massee
against Bryan. however, and ne wen
down to defeat because it's apprehensive
ness was communicated to the entlrt
country
It is interesting to think OF nov
Roosevelts activities possibly mlgn
have been circumscribed had he gon
into the presidency in the regula
way, running the long gauntlet OF
nomination contest, and atterWard
facing the ordeal of the ballot box
1t is in these places, especially Il
the former, that the money interest
exert their greatest political influence
But Roosevelt came into the presidenc
without warning, absolutely Wlthou
pledge or promise, direct or implied, an
without having had any man outlln
In advance his presidential policy; II
came in free to act as he thought pes
for the country. About the first thin
he did was to cut loose from the LONG
established alliance which the WHIT
house has made with the capitol. IN
senate and the house have not known 10
months how to size him up on matters
federal appointments or of general polio!
He picks out his men for office, an
sends in their names without consu
tation with any of the so-called legls
lative leaders. Naturally, these leader
are miffed, and it is we'll known
over the country that Roosevelt is ur
popular with them. While lessening the
influence with the administration, b
has hurt their pride, and IN certal
cases, perhaps, affected their income
For years it has been the custom OF wa
street, or Of great financial or CONNER
cial interests, to approach the presluel
by way Of some prominent senator. some
times it was a prominent representatlv
unless he does it face to face. 1t is
great change from the old custom, and
is small wonder that the politicians don
like it. Back stairs politics and kltcne
cabinets are now unknown, and the gel
eral public knows what the president
doing Just as soon as the "old boys
the senate and house know.
While such a program inevitably make
the man responsible for 1t unpopular VII
the political leaders, it increases his no.
on the people. They stand for such sturd
independence and honesty. They llk
courage and dash in public servants. an
as long as Roosevelt makes no mistake
the people will love him all the more Dc
cause of the enemies he is making anon
the leaders of his party, and among tn
capitalists and trust masnates.
Policy of Law Enforcement.
Roosevelt's leading idea as public ma
seems to be the enforcement Of tn
law In this line of action he is entirel