The Manning times. [volume] (Manning, Clarendon County, S.C.) 1884-current, 1902-07-30
SOME PLAIN TALK
Against Child Labor by the Rev.
Hudson Stuck.
THE SOUTHERN PRIVILEGE"
the South VIII DenOuncc
and Forbid When
Aroused.

! Llle lOllOWlQp leGIeE on Glle QuSSClOu vi
child labor in the Dallas, Texas, News.
1t will be of interest to our readers
just at this time:
l am sorry to see that The News, in
its leading editorial Of Tuesday, seems
disposed to put a damper upon the
attempS that are being made to pro-
cure such legislation in Texas as shall
prevent the employment of children in
factories. I had thought that if the
world had arrived at one definite con-
clusion in the whole wide realm OF
economies, it was that such labor is
detrimental to the well-heing Of the
community. and is a proper object of
legislative prohibition.
1t is not q theory that we are deal
ing with. We are not to be led from
the plain purpose before Us by vague
considerations of the whole subject
of the condition of children
in homes and on farms through
out the State. 1t is one plain.
notorious. indefensible abuse that we
are seeking to abolish. Some senti-
mental reformerS," says your article of
Tuesday, taking little note of prog
ress that has been made, and OF the
natural difficulties that must always
remain in the way, would make the
old-time crusade to free the little meek
slaves Of London" whatever that may
mean) "a new-time fad, and would
run oil into lines that are not practi-
cal, and that turn in the wrong direc-
tion." Now that either means some
thing or it means nothing. 1t has
either some application to Texas or it
has none. The only movement on foot
today in Texas, of which l know any
thing, is a movement to secure the
passage and enforcement Of a law to
prohibit entirely the employment Of
children under y years Of age in fac
tories, and to regulate the hours and
conditions of employment of young
persons up to 16 years of age.
Is this a neW-time fad? Is that
running Lff in lines that are not prac-
tical, and that turn in the wrong di-
rection? To call it a new-time fad is
absurd. 1t is the the old struggle that
was foughtout out in England many
decader ago, that was fought out in
New England soon after. that has
been fought and won in every Euro
pean country, and that men had sup
posed would never have to be fought
again. But if it be necessary to prove
that two and two makes four in the
South as we'll as in New England land
Of such manifest simplicity 1 bold the
economic problem in question to be)
why we must open the matter again,
must re-addresS ourselves to the old
task.
The conditions existing in Dallas to-
day are conditions that the British
Parliament forbade in England exact
ly 100 years ago, in 1902: that were
forbidden by law in Massachusetts,
sixty-six years ago, in 1886.
In one mill in this city there are be-
tween sixty and seventy children from
5 or years old to II, working twelve
hours day. And this not all. Two
or three times a week, whenever 1T
suits the convenience Of the mill, they
work fifteen hours day. That is
what the first English factory act for
babe, in 1902. Utterly ignoraat, not
knowing their letters very often, even
up to good sized youth, these children
are compelled to forego the night
school to which they drag their weary
feet, whenever it suits their employers
to demand overtime.
At any rate" says yours leading
article, IF the child labor movement
is to be kept along let the good work
begin at once where it is most need
ed." That is precisely the view OF
those who are beginning the agitation
fer factory laws in Texas. We know
no better place where the movement
may be kept along" as you express it,
than right here in our midst where
such outragcs on childhood are per-
mitted.
The Encyclopedia britannica, in
summing up its article on factory
laws, says by these various enact
ments the State has emphatically
taken under it's protection the whole
class OF children and young persons
employed in manufacturing industries.
1t has done this In the name OF the
moral and physical health of the com
munity." One would hardly accuse
the Britannica of being sentiment
al reformer.;
Says DR.. Hadley, the president OF
Yale, in his recent book Economics"
u900.) Prohibition of child labor is
unqucstionably justified on public
grounds, because if children so to
work in the factory at too early an
age they are deprived Of the chance
of health and education which would
enable them to make the most OF
themselves" That is the case in a
nutshell. All observation: all expert
ence, show that children put to work
early in factories are ceprived of these
two things-perhaps the two most
valuable things that human being
can possess chance OF health and
the chance of education.
Charles b. Spahr. in his late book
entitled Americas Working People, "
says: when 7 went through the
mills at New Bedford, l saw only two
children who looked to me less than
49," and he was assured that they held
certificates that they were above that
age in Massachusetts, today, ne
adds, Il heard no manufacturer even
hint at desire for the Southern PRIV
ilege Of employing little children" "
The Southern privilege" Does IT
not make the blood Of honest men and
women boil to hear Of this Southern
privilege? .
We are about to celebrate with every
circumstance of honor and dignity,
our undying memory Of those who
shod their blood in the Civil War.