The Superior times. [volume] (Superior, Wis.) 1870-1912, 1902-11-01

| contrary t4tF bS'Nf 80
Sgt, In the civilized world.
| This progress has not been without some
| bardshIrs aud there have been some
| abuses, but II has not been the policy OF
| the Republican party 10 50 iesisiate on nc.
| count Of them a. to destroy these great
| nronerr!es and retard the development of
| our great country, but Instead II mas been
our policy TO so egislate as to prevent and
| remedy these evils, and at tue same tune
| promote the general good.
| As a result there are today more ran
| roads in this country than ever before.
| More money is invested In them than ever
| before. They employ more men than ever
| before; they pay higher wages than ever
before and at the same time they charge
| less for the services they render to the
| public than ever before.
The net aggregate result has been one OF
| general benefit; and as 1t Is and mas been
| with the railroads so too 1t Is, and VIII be,
with these great Industrial combinations:
They are born Of our conditions. They
have come TO meet imperative require
abuses. There viii doubtless be many
more; but time, experience, sound business
Judgment, and healthy pub!LIe sentiment nth ut
| but little left for the law to do, and that
| little will not be difficult.
Their managers are not criminals, TO be
| placed "behind the bars as Mr.. Bryan
! recently told u.s. but with few exceptions.
| they are among the ablest, most enterpris-
| Ing and most honorable OF our business
men. They could not reach and hold their
! men who have taken the lead In the devel-
| opment OF our resources. without that
which they have done we could not nave
! been what we are Probably more than
| any other class they helped us to stem she
| tide OF Popullsm. restore credit, start the
mills, open the mines and put, employ
| ment within the easy reach OF all,
Stockholders Belong to All Glasses.
And as It Is with the managers, so too
| Is it with the stockholders. They are not
criminals. to be sent to Jail, nor are they
| confined to a few rich men, who constitute
| an exclusive and privileged class but they
| are numbered by hundreds OF thousands
| they are scattered all over the country
| they belong to all classes the poor as Wen
| as the rich; the merchant, the FARMER ana
| the mechanic, as well as the capitalist
| The stock Is free TO all at the same price,
and no one Is SO humble that he may not
| Invest his savings In their shares and thus
| become partlclpator, In proportion TO ms
| means, and on terms of equality with the
| richest, in whatever OF benefits there may
| be in their management. While therefore
| In dealing with them We must be alert 70
| repress and correct whatever may be
| wrong, we must also be alert to deal fairly
and do justice TO all.
In the Kansas City platform the Demo
| Gratis told us how they would deal with
| them. They mentioned two remedies and
| only two. One was publicity and the other
| was the free list for trust made articles
| Mr.. Bryan has since added the peniten'
| tiary. These are fair examples Of Demo
| cratic Craftsmanship. There IS publicity
now and was before the Kansas City plat
| form, under the laws Of almost every state
| IN the Union, as to organization, as 10
| stockholders. as 10 capital subscribed and
| capital paid, as TO corporate purpose, as
| to corporate officers, and as to every other
| corporate fact that concerns the public,
| and great many that do not
To admit duty free all products and artl-
cles the like Of which are manufactured or
produced In this country by trusts is only
| another name for free trade 1t would
prphn bly the hut pnlV hpPau.p
! II would at the same time stop everything
| else. 1t would not only be free trade, but
| Il would be free trade In most aggravated
| form Who would determine, and how,
| which companies were trusts and which
| were notf Confusion worse contounded"
| would reign. For Illustration, the United
| States Steel Corporation, the largest OF all
| the great combinations. would doubtless be
| held TO be trust, within the meaning Of
such law, but that company does not do
one.half the business OF this country OF
| its kind. The remainder Is done by numer
| Gus smaller concerns, many of which would
| not be held to he trusts under such a law.
| II all the products In which it deals should
| be admitted duty free what would be the
result? All alike, great and small, would
| be placed at the mercy OF European trusts,
| Under such competition all would suffer
and most of them fall; but the weakest In
| stltutlons. and therefore, the most limo.
| cent would be the first TO fall. If any sur
| vivcd II would be the strongest and the
| gulltiest
Disaster and Ruin.
Disaster. wreck and ruin would result.
You have only to look at the Democratic
| campaign text book to see that according
| to Democratic opinion practically every
| manufactured article OF commerce is pro
duCed by trust. To put all the articles
| they claim are manufactured by Il trust
| on the free list would not only ruin bust
| ness but It would bankrupt the government.
Nothing could more surely or more quickly
! carry us back TO the panic, poverty and
| distress OF the last Cleveland admlnistra.
| ton. Instead OF putting the so.called trust
magnates in the pententary, the man
ought to be favored with some kind of a
| lookup who is capable OF giving such ad-
| vice.
This does not mean that we are opposed
| 10 any kind Of change at any time In the
! tariff schedules and rates, On The contrary
| we believe In tOrif revision from time to
! time, as occasion may require, but il must
| always be on protection lines.
At the very foundation Of the protective
| policy has always been the Idea and claim
| that II would multiply industries improve
! facilities, develop competition and uti-
mately reduce the cost Of manufacture be-
! low their cost abroad,
II has also always been n part of this
| policy to reduce high rates OF duty deemed
| necessary 10 secure the establishment OF
| an Industry as rapidly as Its development
| and the cheapenlng or Its product might al
| low. Repeatedly since we tnaugurated this
| policy we have revised the schedules; In
| many cases reducing rates; In some in.
creasIng them; in others abolIshIng them
| entirely.
Rates that are necessary today may be
| higher than will be needed FOR either reve-
| nue. or protection ten years from now That
| depends on what may happen In the mean.
| time.
The duties fixed by the Morrill, tariff net
| OF 1861 would not NJ all III the situation
| today; not because the principle of protec
| ton Is different now from what f was
| with are different.
The revision Of 1889 had reference TO the
| requirements of that day.
| The Mckinley tariN act was drawn in
| into power and repealed Il We would
| doubtless by this time have made some
| changes In lt,-nOt to correct errors, but to
| meet new conditions
In 1897 we enacted the Dingley tariff
! The rates then adopted had reference to
| the conditions then existing The prosper
! lty that ensued and which has continued
! until now without interruption vlndicatea
| the wisdom Of that statute and the rates
| of duty IL provided but ms time has passed
! the condi lions tn view ~ which We then
! l"gislatel have greatly changed The rates
| then deemed necessary may not In all cases
| he necessary now. Il would be strange IL
| they were II may be that some should be
reduced, some made higher, others alto.
| gpthcr abolished.
The Republican party will not for hight
| reasons disturb law that has brought us
| such prosperity but X Will not hesitate.
| when there Is iust occasion for doing So.
| TO make such amendments as changed COZ.
| dlions may demand.
Some Things Which are Settled.
| In the same spirit we saall make what
| ever reciprocity arrangements may be en-
| tered Into. II existing rates on certain mr.
| trleS are higher than necessary 70 meet the