The daily morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven, Conn.) 1894-1907, 1902-11-11
DIR. HILLS VISITED MINES
AFTER INVESTIGATION HE
PLEADS


For the Nomination Man-Says Union
Men Force Legislation IutmicaI 10
the Workers Outside of Their Or
snnIzation-COaI strike and the
Commandments-Fo to Nom
Union Men-ID the Anthracite Re-
gion.
THE INSCRIPTIONS capitalist and the
unscrupulGus laborer have met at last
on common ground, in the belief that
gold is the only thing worth having,
that society is to be plundered, and
each has FASTENED to lay violent hands
on the common loot and SPOIL" said
the Rev DR.. Newell Dwight Hills in
his sermon in Plymouth church Sunday
morning. He referred to stock jobbing
schemes and the recent coal strike in
q sermon on the labor problem. He de-
clared that union men control the poll
ticians of the country and force legis-
lation adverse to non-union men. For
the latter DR.. Hills made a strong
plea. His words on the recent coal
strike were drawn from personal OBJ
Eervation, as he announced, what was
news to most of the members of the
congregation, that twice in the last
two months he had quietly gone into
the coal regions.
DIR. Hills subject was National
r. NJ
Outlook Upon Labor's Hatred of La
Dor; the War of Union Men Upon
Non-Union Men, and Plea for the
Poor and the Weak" He said in part:
Hitherto we have associated bread
riots with years of extreme industrial
depression. when wages were low and
work little: but this year society has
been overtaken by strike at an hour
when wages were never so high, when
work was never so plentiful, and when
both parties to the controversy were
enjoying unexampled prosperity.
Doubtless, the losses in wages for the
one side, and the losses Of production
and the injury to the plant for the
other side have been heavy. But the
disquieting feature of the situation is
the suspicion, the distrust and the bit
ter hatred that produced the strike and
that now Hes smou!dering like quiescent
fires, needing time only to produce an
other industrial war. Time can recov-
er the industrial losses, but the feuls In
the coal region, the bitterness between
union and non-union men, the uncom-
promising hatred. have inflicted
wounds that only death can heal.
During the past year we have made
history rapidly. From combinations of
wealth that have lessened the cost of
production we have gone swiftly to
combination for plumber that repre-
sent stock, watered indefinitely, and
foisted upon the public by greedy and
INSCRIPTIONS stock jugglers. From
labor unions, also, that offer life insur-
nnce, unity of purpose, cooperation
we have passed to labor unions that
have represented brutality, the hatred
and murder of non-union men.
Hitherto the coal strike has never
been referred to In this pulpit, nor will
it be now discussed, save from the
point of the Ten Commandments and
the Sermon on the Mount. The reasons
IOT LnlS SlIGlCc are Wei o1litpACs AACA =
not referred to the economic aspect,
for that is a question of wages, to be
determined by business experts. l do
not refer to the legal aspect; that is
question of law, to be settled by courts.
7 do not refer to the political aspect;
that Is a question for politicians who
use all strikes to elect their candidate
and defeat their opponent, and only
governors and senators have right to
confer long and often with criminals
in August, because these criminals
vote in November. The settlement of
strikes is thing for commissions, who
have time and authority to investigate
both sides and sift testimony. The pull
pit has no right to speak. save on the
moral aspects of industrial problems.
in their relation to righteousness and
character. The Ten Commandments
are fundamental. Our theme this
morning is the everlasting Yea and the
everlasting Nay-the everlasting Nay
that forbids murder either of life or lib
erty, or the right to work for whatso-
ever employer. for whatsoever wage, in
whatsoever place a. man will, and the
everlasting Yea addressed to every
union man and capitalist alike, as they
look toward their non-union brother,
Glove your enemies. All We are
brethren"
Now. in this discussion of the laws of
God and the country, we are not con-
cerned either with organized capitals
struggle for larger dividends or Or
ganized labor's struggle for large
wage. These are the two giants, and
need no sympathy or justification.
Every sensible man believes in capital
and it's honest combination, and every
sensible man believes in not simply
the right of labor to organize, but its
duty In the interest Of self-defence
against oppressive employers. And
the history of trades unionism. it's gain
in wages, the lessening Of the hours Of
labor, its gains in intelligence, and the
character of many Of its leaders, have
justified and vindicated the labor
movement; nor will yield to any one
in my enthusiasm for the union, when
r.ghteously conducted. Neither capital
nor the labor union, therefore. asks for
sympathy. The capitalist is all but
omnipotent, having money for COM