The Minneapolis journal. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1888-1939, 1902-05-03
OUR SEA POWER

President Roosevelt, in his speech yes
terday before the graduating class at the
Annapolis naval academy, emphasized the
duty of increasing our sea power so that
there can be no doubt about our complete
preparation for war, if it comes szl
If the navy fails u.s. he said, then
we are doomed to defeat no matter what
may be our material wealth or the high
average of our citizenship I'VE all of
us earnestly hope that the occasion, for
war may never come, but, if it does come,
then this nation must win
This is no alarmist utterance 1t is not
notice to Europe of hostile intentions.
1t is not, as your petuIant, ghost ridden,
anti-imperialist may be inspired to say,
but another step in the alleged Caesarian
program of Theodore Roosevelt 1t is a
Gus and most patriotic American, whose
opinion is shared by the vast majority of
the people of this nation. The president
does not disparage the ability or patriot
ism or valor of our army. Our wars be-
tween the revolution and the late war
by the army. But the war of 1812-A was
chiefly naval war. The navy was the
determining factor. The Spanish war was
decided in the Bay of Manila and at sea
off the Bay of Santiago.
The mature thought of our best and
wisest statesmen touching our navy
has. always been akin to the utterances
of President Roosevelt. Admiral Dahlgren
long. ago declared that, il the United
States would maintain past reputation and
existing rights, it would not dare to
organize our scanty navy on any but the
surest foundation.
Since Washington, under authorization
Of the first congress, borrowed two schoon-
ers from the colony of Massachusetts as
the nucleus of the national navy, there
have been irregular periods of public in
terest in the Strengthening of our sea
power, the interest eliminating during the
civil war, when we had to improvise a
big navy to protect our sea coast cities
from the depredations Of confederate cruis-
ers, maintain the blockade of the south
ern ports and chase the enemy's ships.
American inventive genius brought forth
the new and dangerous type OF warship
which set all Europe to naval recon
struction, while we did not really act on
our own initiative until congress enacted
the bill for the rehabilitation of the navy
in 1881 and the work began and our naval
weakness began to disappear. Yet, with
all the progress we had made, there was
undisguised alarm in 1898 lest the Span
ish navy might suddenly appear OFF ou1
coast and open fire upon our unprotected
cities. We are not by any means in the
secure naval condition in which it is oul
! duty to be. The naval bill presented this
| week shows that our dependence for eff.
cient work is upon eighteen battleships
| twenty cruisers and some gunboats ant
| torpedo craft.
A navy, as the president says canno,
be improvised to do effective work. Mer
| have to be sedulously trained to handle
ships and guns. The old methods have
| passed away. It is the preparation ant
training for war which gives advantage
It is untiring target practice which makes
deadly and effective shooting in action
When we began the building of our ney
navy we had only thirty-eight ships o
| inferior ratings in active service, which
! was less than we had in 1860 Just before
| the war for the union broke out. Whei
1 the Virginius affair took place, we hat
1 not single warship which could go t.
sea against the fighting ships OF Spain. Il
1898 we annihilated the Spanish navy. S,
much for our progress in naval efficiency
There are comparatively few American
/ who regret the expenditure Of the $235,
900, 900 which has brought about the bet
terment OF our naval strength. Prepared
ness for war is the condition Of nationa
security, say what the peace societie
may. National greatness besets jeal
J oustes and hosti1ities on the part Of tn