The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1902-02-01
TIE IRISH AT WESTMINSTER.

Since the opening of the British
parliament OH Jan. 16 no business of
any interest has been transacted, save
the moving of amendments to King
Edwards address from the throne.
None Of the Irish members have
yet been named" for suspension.
Colonel Arthur Lynch has not
taken his seat for Galway. A
warrant for his arrest on the
charge of high treason has been issued,
and as he knows the kind of trial
likely to be had in England he con-
siders discretion the better part of
valor" and remains at a safe distance
in France.
The only thing relating to Ireland
that comes up during the present SEES.
sion is bin to facilitate the sale and
purchase Of land in that country. Se,'-
rotary Wyndham has recommended it's
passage for tho benefit of the land,
lords, and John E. Redmond says the
tenants can derive but little. if any.
| advantage from it. Next year. how
ever, when the United Irish League
shall have attained formidable strength
the government will be compelled to
pass a bill that will be satisfactory to
the Irish race at home and abroad.
Regarding the question of Home
Rule for Ireland, the Nationalist mem
bers do not anticipate anything in
that direction from the present minis
try. Until landlordism is abolished
i'll Ireland Home Rule would not be
Of much account. The Gladstone bill
would not be satisfactory to the Irish
people of to-day. In his great Glas-
gov speech, Michael Davitt declared as
much when he said:
"Some Of us have come to the con-
clusion, that we are justified in amend
ing Ireland's National demand, and
in defining the issue between the &C.
cupation of our country more clearly
and more consistently than heretofore.
For my part and speaking of course
solely for myself, am strongly con-
WINGED that our answer to Lord Rose.
berry should be this, that henceforth on
the question of Irish national self-gov-
eminent our demand shall be that of
Australian home rule as a minimum
demand, and that the home rule bills
of 1886 and 1893 must be expunged
forever from the Irish national pro-
gram as being no longer an acceptable
basis for any lasting peace between
Ireland and England. Personally, I
don't see why we should not as peo-
pie openly demand, in Parliament and
out, the fullest national right to which,
as distinct and separate nationality
among civilized people, we are in every
sense and on every rational ground
enulled. Why SHOULD Ireland mot be
a state in the freest and fullest sense
in which Holland, Denmark, Belgium,
Switzerland and Greece are nations?
On the grounds of abstract justice, or
Of historic claim, or racial right, our
demand could not be disputed. Eng
land has failed to win our assent
to her dominion; she has shown her
glarlng incapacity to govern Ireland
either for it's contentment or prosper
ity or for her own peace. The present
condition of the country, after centur-
les of lordship over us and after
hundred years of direct rule, Is alone
a full condemnation of the power
which has reduced it to the level of the
poorest country in Europe, and made it
the only civilized land on earth in
which a hardy and prolific race has
steadily diminished i'm numbers"
At the present time Ireland is be-
ing governed by Dublin Castle in the
most despotic style, under obsolete
coercion laws, despite the fact that thu.