The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-07-26

Has race. color or previous condltion anything to do with the formation or the groups if 1t has in such sort as 70 discriminate against the negro as sucn then 1t is invalid under the fifteehtn amendment. The group, composed or persons having good character ana un- derstanding the duties and responsi- biiities of citizenship. will be composed of both races. The other group IS form ed of soldiers who served or the de- scendants of soldiers who served in certain wars. Now 1 understand per fectly well and see the force or the criticism made by some or the gentle men on the other side when they ask the question, If the descendant clause is wrong. how can you sustain ana up hold the soldier clause? There is great force in that query, but l thlnk that can be answered. Who constituted the group in the soldier clause? The sol diers of 1872 have passed away ana joined the ranks on the other sloe. The soldiers in the Indian wars nave gone. The soldiers of the war With Mexico constitute an insignlticant class. There are probably not one hundSed of them in Alabama. The soldiers who served in the Confederate army have mainly crossed over the AiFCh. T hC 0NNAo6S o6N VI ~~-~ in the Confederate army when he en- listed was 35 or 36 years. They en- tered from 16 to 60. Add to his then age the thirty-six years that have passed since the war closed and you have 71. So the man of average age who entered in the Confederate army has passed beyond his three score years and ten. There are only very few of them left. The number of them alive is so small compared with the whole number of voters that it could have but little effect and their admis- sion to the electorate could hardly be called discrimination as against those not so admitted. Moreover these men made>sacrifices for their country; they showed their patriotism on the held or battle. they acquired that knowledge and discipline that follow army life and are better equipped fer the duties of suffrage. or the duties which sui frage impose. than men who never en- gagged in fit. That classification or grouping is not an arbitrary one. There is reason, there is justice in 1t. We will take the other class, the de- scendants of soldiers. who compose 1t. First. the descendants of those Who fought in the revolutionary war; ev- cry one of whom are white men; the next are the descendants of those who fought in the war of 1912. Every one of those are white men; the next are descendants of soldiers who fought in the Indian wars. they are all white men.
 MT. Jackson (CalhouD-I move that the time of the gentleman te extended thirty minutes.
 The President-The time of tAe gen. tleman has not expired.
 Mir. Jackson-I thought 1t had about expired.
 Mr. White-Is the motion Is to be put. would rather it be put now, that l may not be interrupted again.
 Upon a vote being taken, the motion was carried. and the time of the gen tleman was extended.
 Mir. Robinson--I desire to know if you favor all the balance except the grandfather clause?
 Mr. White--I will answer that di- rectly. The descendants of those who fought in the war with Mexico are all white men: the descendants of those who fought in the Indian wars are all white men; the descendants of Con- federate soldiers and of Alabama sol diers are all white men. Ninety per cent of the descendants of soldiers of the Union army in the war between the States. who live in Alabama, are white men. There are only the de- scendants of few negroes who en- listed in the Union army in Alabama, just after the close of the civil war. who are black men. The negroes who enlisted in the Union army from Ala bama did not have an organization in the Federal army. These are the only ones of that race. except such others as may have drifted to Alabama since the war that would be included in this group. The records of the War De- pertinent at Washington disclose the fact that Alabama furnished to the Union army only 2,57s men in the war between the States and we know that there were at least two regiments of those who were white men. l say to you and the statement is conserva- tive. that 95 per cent Gf this group which you have formed of the descen- dants of soldiers are white men and only per cent are black men. It Is useless to ask whether we want it, be- cause it embraces many more white men than black men. It is not ques- tion Of what we want. It Is a question of what we can do under the Federal Cons. s.etution. Can we discriminate? We know we cannot. Have we not discriminated by this arrangement when 95 per cent of the class we con- stitute are composed of one race, and per cent composed of the other? And that was done by drawing an arbi- trary line without reference to the qualifications for suffrage by those embraced within it. Yes. line in con- flict with the spirit and genius of our government. l maintain that while you do not disfranchise the negro in terms. you do it in effect. Gentlemen, ask if you have not done so in ef- feet? Remember that this provision muct pass under the scrutiny of a gaze not so friendly as ours. I can draw a line no more arbitrary than this that every man in this Convention who Is a lawyer will admit is a dis crimination against the negro. Sup- pose by & provision we should carve out the counties of Greene, Sumter, Marengo. Dallas. Hale, Perry and Lowndes and draw a line around them and say that those encompassed there in should not have the right to vote. There are white men in those counties. but there are five to ten black men where there Is one white man. Would any man pretend to say that would not be a discrimination on account of race? Suppose, on the other hand, we should adopt a provision that none except those with straight hair like most of us have. should vote. That does not discriminate in terms, but does it not discriminate in effect? There are some black men who have straight hair. and there are some white men who have curly hair. there fore some of both classes would be on either side. but l ask you as thought