Evening star., 1901-03-02

Some of the Things Monarchs Can and
Cannot Do.

PREROGATIVES AND RESTRICTIONa.
! some OF the Things Monarchs Can ana
Cannot Do.
| From the London News.
What might one not do IL one were kinsl
| kingship and it's powers are ideals to which
| many thousands have looked, for which
many aspirants have struggled. Yet thera
| Is no one so greatly a slave to precedent
and rule as a crowned monarch; and few
outside prison bars have as little real free.
dom or action. To be king Is to WELD great
power, and to be tied down by the strictest
bonds of custom; to be accorded the wild.
est publicity while perhaps yearning for
privacy; to hide the natural man behind 4
mask of state; and to be as hard worked
as galley slave. Kings and princes have
credibly been known to long for incognito.
so that they might frequent the public
places of their Kingdoms and principal.
ties without attracting the tiresome atten.
tions Of their loyal lieges; and ever since
the days (and nights Of the renowned
Haroun- Raschd Caliph of Bagdad have
delighted to assume disguise, and so meet
the subjects of their capitals for a brief
hour on equal terms.
A constitutional monarch, such as ours.
has at once an easier and a more difficult
task than that of an autocrat, whom no
parliament restraints, and who, on the other
hand, is in the last resorts of tumults and
revolutions personally responsible for mis-
government Under the unwritten consti-
tuition of the kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, the king may (by courtesyl COM
mand' many things and not be able le-
gally to enforce his will, which might, un-
der some circumS tances, be highly preiu-
dicial to the royal dignity; yet as. by that
blessed constitution. he only governs
through his parliament, he can as the
well-known axiom says, do no wrong
1t is the ministry whom on occasion, we
should impeach. Many are the odd posi-
uons IN which owing to the working of the
constitutional law, a monarch might be
Placed as Bagehot, that eminent authority
on such high affairs, has shown. He could
sell the royal navy, eff so disposed" for
old iron' or declare war upon a foreign
country. No crowned head has. however,
done the first thing; while, as the money
at any rate. would have to be voted by
parliament for the conduct of war. the
mere royal declaration, unsupported by
the nation, would be emptiness indeed,
The king can disband the army and per-
Sonally dismiss any officer from field mar
shal commander in chief down to the mer.
est subaItern. The same by the sailors.
Naval and military stores too could legal
iy be sold; but not a farthing of public
money could he expend without the per-
mission of the legislature. Similarly the
king has no power over taxation, and could
not create any public office of profit to
the holder 1t Is an odd and apparently
thing that he has the power
unable to compel him to leave these shores
This is a rue not invalidated even by war,
at which time the king could by proclama-
ton call upon every able bodied man TO
bear arms but could not compel a single
citizen to leave the country for the defense
1f colonies over seas. or for offensive war
fare.
The royal prerogative includes the exer-
Use of clemency toward evildoers and
criminals of all descriptions. The king
1as power to pardon convicted murderer;
out, strange to say, cannot relieve Sab
bath breakers from any penalties that NAV
De enforced under the obsolescent old stat
ties passed so long ago as the reign Of
Charles III, under which such petty misde-
as Sabbath BARRIERS and muffin
men and newspaper sellers are still occa-
ionally prosecuted. This particular disa-
'ility dates from the reign Of George III.
Another curious point is found in the
act, that, although the royal clemency
nay be extended to convicted prisoners the
ling has not the power of influencing the
ause Of justice before the passing of
entence. He, 1t is true, can do no wrong"
ut is subject to the laws to which he ap-
ends his signature, and cannot legally
ssue a proclamation contrary to the law
I the land So long as they obey the laws
ubjects not included in the army and
avy and auxiliary forces are absolutely
rec agents, despite commands" from
Windsor or Buckinham palace.
Among the amazing things possible to
ing of England one finds the right should
please HIM to exercise it, of concluding
peace by the sale of Cornwall which is
royal duchy. He could wage war for the
onquest of Brittany; could wholly dismiss
he civil service; create every village and
ariSh university town. and elevate every
tizen of the united kingdom to the peer
sc. These things, although legal possi-
Titles, are, 1t is scarce necessary to add
sceedingiy improbable, although 1t has on
Vo or three occasions when the house of
rds has vetoed a bill passed In the COM
IONS, been seriously proposed to take ad-
antage of the last-named prerogative and
} swamp the lords by swarm of newly
'eated peers pledged to secure the passing
the particular measure.
Perhaps one of the most unsatisfactory
monarchical limitations in these demo-
attic times is the custom by which the
,Vereign cannot directly communicate
lth his subjects other than personal
lends. or receive presents, except through
lie accredited officials. On the other hand,
lthers of books, anxious to advertise
can always secure a cheap ad-
srtisement (and often dol by presenting
copy, suitably bound, to the sovereign.
ho is practically bound to accept it. un-
IS, indeed, 1t is contra bonos raores," as
e phrase runs. Officers of the royal
usehold, discovering no breach of good
ste in the pages of volume thus pre-
nted, advise that 1t may be accepted, and
e author or enterprising publisher has
wish, and may announce In a COM
to the press that his majesty
S graclously been pleased to accept
py of "So-and-So." 1t means nothing but
hisher and author find their account in 3
e interest thus aroused in the hearts of
val public.