The semi-weekly messenger. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1897-1908, 1901-08-13

ard it is q matter Of public concern"
that the conflicts. the industrialI
wars be settled and by social action
OF one sort and another" He argues for
and urges thai "in these particular
cases we should have ourts OF concii-l
iation and arbitration with adequate
power to settle disputes without are
course to private Industrial warfare"
The boards must be clothed with
power equal to all necessities TheyI
must have power for full investigation
ito gather together all the fact In re-
gard to disputes between employer
and employed TO make recommend
dations to the parties concerned n tol
inform and educate public opinion"
There must be two allies working in
harmony. "benevolence and justice
The idea he presents is arbitration
working for peace and righteousness
% the suppression OF organization,
but regulation OF organization u be
our watchword."
Morgan does not represent one mill.
his own private property. or owned by|
q company of which he is a memoir.
He represents countless millions and al
vast aggregation Of mills. His corpor-
alton or trust owns. controls NAM
enormous plants. They have yer 200, :
0G0 men employed. II will be a greae
mistake Cor MIN or the public to con-
clude that UGH an enormous organiza-
ton is merely personal and private.
concerning which the great public has
no Particular interest. 1t is - grave
mistake. hat capital can array Itself
against labor without hurtfll wide
spreading sequences. The Waltz
mere sun Ist& Dc Mr.. Morgan as BAG
ly guarded for his r~eneralship. It
says of him and it is on the precise line
of Professor E VS. reflections and sug-I
gcstions:
If he does rot realize his RESPONSE
biIity to the public; if he regaf,s the
strike of the steel workers as n matte
Of mere private concern. he is sadly
cut of place as the arbiter OF differ
ences between organized capI+ai and
organized labor. He should de y To his
unlIestioned ability to financial csc-a
tons and leave the management OF the
steel C~orIc-'ircn to men better able
than he to bring about harmonious re-
lations between labor and capital. re
Should make way for men OF broascr
judgment AMI greater patience men
who prefer oo~nciliatory tactics and
compromises to q fight to 8 nn:sn."
II cbor1I ,,4lI - ,oa,, Lo
their responsibility to the public and
who are willing to make sacrifices for
the common good"
One man power "a always been a
source of uneasinesS and danger to the
public veal as to individuals. Power
must consider conditions. Monopoly
grown arrogant and injurious and I'M
feeling become at last a tyrant, and
is to he dealt with as a dangerous thing
for society and the state. How a free
and enlightened people a tolerate
n man power has long been a
mystery to The Messenger. History
overrunS with examples of dangers
and bloody conflicts growing out of the
exercise of this supreme arbitrary
| power. The Atlanta Evening News
discusses wisely this dangerous power.
We close with an extract from it:
"One man power never was good for
the public In any place except a tenn
| porary one, like the command of troops
on the field of battle. For centuries
the Anglo-Saxon race commended with
one-man power In the monarchy, and
finally delivered it, bound hand and
foot, to posterity. That one-man pow
er grew out Of feudalism naturally and
inevitably. In like manner one-man
| power in industrial life is growing nat
urally and inevitably out of conditions
| analogous to feudalism. 1t is a dan
| gerous power and we have to contend
with it right manfully until we have 1t
under public control"