The Irish standard., 1901-12-28

I with 1yblown Phylactcrcs bound
around their obsolete policy. who did
not remember that while they were
mumhling their incnntations the world
was marching and revolving and If
they hoped to lead they must march
and move with it. But when the party
reWrotc on its clean slate it must
write policy adopted in 1907 or 1902,
not in 1856 or 1892 Moreover it must
not promise more than it could per-
form. In this respect he spoke as n
pcnltent, for on rcnSpccting the
Queens speech of 1893, which was
prepared by Il government OF which he
was member. he found ii promised
new statutory parliament for Ire
land, the discstabliShmcnt of two state
churches. and other matters. That
speech was Il model to be avoided.
Tic advised the party not to move
much faster than the mass of the M
lioh was prepared to move; otherwise
it would find itself isolated. This ad.
vice could have been better put by a
better authority than himself namely.
Theodore Roosevelt, the head OF the
greatest democratic community in the
world.
His last piece of advice was TINT
the party ought not to dissociate it.
SELF even indirectly, unconscously or
by careless words, from the new senti.
mcnt OF empire which occupied the
nation. TO many the word empire
was suspicious, indicating aggression,
greed and violence, but the sentiment
now represented by the word Great
Britain had nothing of that in it. 1t
was the sentiment of affection inyoly-
ing Il family feeling OF pride, and the
statesman who dissociatcd himself
from it must not be surprised il the
nation dissociatcd itself from him.
Ii asked to state the policy to which
the aXioms die had laid down should
be applied, lie might find difficulty in
complying, except by imagining him
self Il responsible minister, which, lie
added facctously, would be an incon-
ceivably wild flight of the imasina.
tion, but his watchword il in ofrense
would be efficiency. If the nation had
not learned from the war that it was
greatly behind in efficiency, it had
learned nothing, and it's treasure and
lives had been thrown away. The
people iIad first to examine the cfii-
cheney of the parliamentary machine.
1T had been said that parliament was
on trial. He was not sure that the
trial was ended and that the jury was
considering its verdict. He could not
show more absolutely the ridiculous
impotence to which parliament had
been reduced than by stating the fact
that ~ per cent. Of the money votes
in the House of Commons last session
had been closured.
Next, it was imperative to examine
and overhaul the administration of
the War Office, the complaints against
which he believed to be just Again,
it was most desirable to explore with
exceeding vigilance the efficiency Of
the navy, particularly the location of
the various squadrons. This did not
imply doubt Of the navy's efficiency,
but it was a matter concerning which
watchfulness could not be relaxed for
q single moment. Then an energetic
inquiry should be made concerning
commerce and industry. He admitted
that in connection with these subjects
he did not entertain the optimistic
views expressed by Mr.. Balfour, in
n recent speech. He Nord Rosebery)
was alarmed concerning the future,
but most important Of all because un-
derlying the efficiency of the nation
was the question of education, in
which Great Britain was sadly lag
ging. 1t was the weapon with which
| the nation had to peacefully fight 9TH
er nations. AS present constituted or
not constituted, it was bow and ar
row-like weapon. There was nothing
like a national system Of education.
! All was chaos.