The evening times., 1901-07-05
Mr- Chonte,s Loadon address.

Mr. Chonte's London Address.
It Is probable that in addressing the
/ AngIo-American company which ceIe-
brated :he Fourth Of July in London,
/ Ambassador Choate spoke eIoquentIy
/ and entertainingIy. He nearly always
T does. Il Is to be regretted, though. that
( his speech was not a little more distinct
/ Iy American, rather than Of a mixed
/ type Mr. Choate has aimed to make
himself popular in British society, and
he appears to have succeeded. This is
perfectly proper save to the extent that
his popularity has been won by any
thing like an abandonment of purely
American ideals.
The American Minister began his
speech by congratuIating the com
pany or the unexampled prosper
ity Of the United States, which
he ascribed to Providence, to the
wise fathers who devised our sys-
/ TEN of government, and, in brief, TO the
I hard work Of the people. This is alto
: gether true, but it hardly squares with
I the partisan claim that il Is all owing
/ to the Dingley tariff. It would not
/ have done in that assembIase for Mr.
/ Choate to have laid our prosperity at
! the door Of a measure which the Brit
ish contingent regards as the height Of
( political unwisdom, and which. in fact
Is 10 them, as a red flag faunted into
the face Of a bull That stock RepubIi-
+ can argument was discreetIy and prop
/ erly omitted.
Mr. CEOate's reference to rich men
devoting their superlIuous wealth to
libraries, universities, and hospitals,
was very well 50 far as it went; but
ne left it in such shape that the reader
might be led TO suppose that rich men
generally were doing that identical
thing, when in truth none Of them are
+ devoting anywhere near all Of their
/ surplus IN that way, and very many
/ are giving nothing at all for the pur-
+ poses Indicated. Nor did Mr. Choate
/ touch upon the evils OF a system by
/ which a single individual, of no extra
/ ordinary genius. can amass two or
/ three hundred millions Of dollars. main
/ y through the operation Of unjust and
( unequal laws. But then it was the glo-
I rious Fourth, and of course it was not
necessary for him TO say unpleasant
+ things.
The really Objectionable part Of his
discourse was that IN which he ex-
pressed a desire for the creation of a
! class Of young uen who would not need
70 work for livelihood, but who would
devote themselves to the public ser
l vice without hope of reward except
such good as they would do their fellow
men This is distinctly English idea
and it is suggestive of the building I'D
OF an American aristocracy. OF course
he couples It with the far-fetched cuaIi-
fcatinn that they should be disinter-
ested and bent wholly upon doing good
There is nothing observable in the pres
ent character Of rich young men gen
orally in this country TO justify the
hope that they could ever be induced
TO 90 into the governing business in a
thoroughly disinterested spirit They
may be less ambitious and less ener-
getic than their poorer fellow-citizens.
but they have yet to furnish evidence
Of their Observation-Disclosures.
The lack Of superior fitness in Aneri-
70 . ssAAAEU gDAll4 - dISy IdlIllu uiI[ man
fest, and If M Choate is desirous of
setting up a governing class of rich
young men ne should be prepared 90
devise some system Of early education
and discipline that would give a guar
antee Of both capacity and character.
Rich young men are sometimes Of very
feeble intellect, and if the government
Of the country is TO be turned over to
the wealthy there should be comDeti-
tive examinations Of the most rigid
st
But the whole idea is un-Amerfcan.
1t would virtually exclude ninety-nine
one-hundredths Of pur young men from
any potential voice in the Government
and, IN nearly the same proportion. re-
duce the chances of the best intellect
reaching the highest and most fnpor-
tant stations We may be sure that
this great thought, uttered for the edi-
hcatiJn Of an Anglo-American assem-
blage in London, VIII not very soon he
accepted by the people of the Republic
which Mr. Choate represents.