The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-08-02


 deny those employees the right 10 res- ister. or withhold that right until they returned to work7 Virtue and manhood do not depend on the amount of property a man owns, nor should the qualification of voter be wealth alone. But, if we are to abandon manhood suffrage and make the sole qualification one of property, we ought to be fair in our treatment of wealth If $500 would qualify rer- son to vote, then person who owns $6O0 should be given two votes, and so on in proportion. Under the plan here set out a person might possibly be the owner of e29e and yet not De able to qualify under the property clause. For, he must own $500 of per- sonal property, or $500 of real prop erty. MT. President, Am opposed to special privileges. I believe that each man should be equal under :hs law. But, if any one Is to be given ST eciai privileges, it should be the poor man and not the rich one. Follow the plan of permitting man to vote because l he owns 6 certain amount os propth ty, | to irs ultimate and legitimate conclu- | sen, and you would have Ro.k sssiler | for President and a Mark Hanna for Governor.
 We hear 1t argued here that we have put in the grandfather clause. because l we have to submit our work back to the people and so we must be careful to leave room for all to qualify. But in case this grandfather clause is de- clared unconstitutional, and the life electorate falls to the ground, as ad- | mitted, then will the Legislature be permitted to disfranchise any or all | white men if it pleases, and not have 10 refer their work back? It seems 10 me that here we will be doing indirectly l that which our consciences will not permit us to do directly.
 We come to the registration plan. I am as much opposed to 1t as the other. MT. Smith-I will ask the gentleman if he is not opposed to this Convention and to everything the Convention has done?
 | MT. Reynolds--No, you have done some good things, and have voted for them. will state, in answer to the question, that said in the outset that I was opposed to the calling of the Convention, but, Mir. President, that
 does not carry with it that I am op-
 posed to reformation, and Say now, If this new Constitution would hold up, to my mind, better than the old one; if it puts Alabama upon high plane, moral plane. such as you wanted before the Convention, will say am ready to help him ratify 1t, and will do all in my part of the state to ratify it, but If, on the other hard, do not believe this Convention will do what we claim it will do, and if 1t is not better than the old one, will say will go back and advocate the adoption of the old Con- stituti0n and stand by the old ruts. In case the registrars unjustly deny a citizen the privilege and right to reg istrar. we are told that he will have the opportunity of appealing to the courts. I dare say that there are some worthy citizens who could i'll afford the expense. If the registrars should be bad and dishonorable men and reg ister those not qualified nor worthy of the high privilege of suffrage, what remedy is provided? The lists are not subject to expurgation. An appeal might be made to the Supreme Court that that august tribunal will not in- terfere. There is not the slightest doubt that thousands of white men will be disfranclised by the plan of regis tration here suggested. We all ref1eni- Der the registration plan under the Sayre election law as first passed. By 1t each voter was given a month ifi which to register, but that time, was in the month of May. when no election l the busiest with their work. and the necessary result was the disfrafchise- ment of many white men, though no qualifications, other than that of age,
 we're required. had the honor of be- ing a member of the Legislature when that law, as regard registration, was repealed, and the argument there ad-
 vanced for It's repeal was that it work ed a great hardship upon the voters. But here we have board possessed with almost unlimited power, with the l right to inquire of every applicant l where he has been for the last five years what he has been doing and yet these registrars are not required to be in any one beat more than one day This law tells the registrars that they shall do so and so. but if you violate it that is with you, yotir conscience and your God. It is in the common ex-
 perience of ali that those laws. to which no penalty Is attached, are not only openly violated, but actually dis regarded 4 rake. for example, the anti pass provision of our present Consti- tuition.
 dentler1en of the Convention. beg of you to go slow and be sure that no worthy man be disqualified, and that you leave not flis/priviieges and rights under the control of a partisan <politi- cal board History teaches us that rights once taken away are seldom. if ever, restored.
 | And I take this opportunity to warn you that there must be some provision adopted whereby the people will Under stand and know that the electorate will be fairly and impartialiy made up. and that there must be further rTo- vision that will insure the people that their will shall be fairly and freely ex- pressed at the ballot box and their votes counted as cast; and, by the eter- nal gods, the white men of this country will vote. though it be at the point of the bayonet or the muzzle Of shot gun.
 Mir Hefin (Chambers)-Are you in favor of disfranchising any negro? | Mir. Reynolds (Chilton)-Yes, sir; l am in favor of disfranchising every negro in Alabama who would sell his vote or barter his vote. I am as broad as you are, to get applause from the gallery. l am not in favor Of dis franchising Booker Washington, and your plan won't do that.
 Mir. EIefiin-Didn't you say few mo- ments ago in your speech that a plan that would take away from any man the right to vote Is wrong?
 MT. Reynolds-No, sir. If said that
 I did not mean to so state. l say
 that I am in favor of disfranchising
 every negro in Alabama that Is vicious,
 that will sell his vote or barter his vote in an election.
 MT. Hefiin (Chambers)-I just wanted