The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-08-27
1Ae ADVERTISERS
 V HOME STUDY CIRCLE

rible genius and knew not how to con- fine it again. The division over the question was on party lines. The con. troversy over slavery cut right across the old parties, and cut to the mar row. Neither party for many years af- ter this had the courage to array itself positively either for or against the ex- tension of the institution. The divis- ion was rather by States. Members of slave States voted against the proposi- tion. while those from the free States supported it. But the slave States pre-. vailed and the amendment was lost. | But this did not end the matter. Mis- sourt was not yet a State, and the bat tie must be fought over again.. Up to this time the question had not given serious difficulty. Slavery had been abolished in those States north of Ma son and Dixon's line, the boundary be- tween Maryland and Pennsylvania This line ran to the Ohio River and from the point of junction that water way formed the dividing boundary be- | tween the slaves and free territory, | But when the tide of settlement flowed beyond the Mississippi, the Ohio would no longer serve. A new barrier must be found, or slavery would sweep over | that vast western territory like a surg ing sea.
 | When the question came up again at the next session. not the two parties.
 but he two sections stood facing each | other in angry lines of battle. Maine, also, applied for admissio The House | was in the control of the free States.
 while a majority in the Senate faYored slavery There was no objection to admitting Maine and the bill provid-
 ing such admission was passed by the | House. as was also that admitting Missouri without slavery. But the Senate contained some good politicians. They united the two questions in one measure. providing for the admission of Maine as free and Missouri with slavery. thus uniting the fortunes of the two measures, in the hope of fore
 ing the lower House to accept slavery
 in one State for the sake of having
 freedom in the other The House refus- ed acquiescence and the fight went en-
 Never before in our history had the
 were threats of war of blood, of ,ces- sion. The very foundations of the government seemed shaking under foot and threatening to dissolve.
 At this Juncture was introduced the famous measure known in history as
 the Missouri compromise" By this
 bill Missouri was to be admitted with
 slavery; thus the South would be pleased. It also provided that in new
 territory thereafter organized slavery should not be permitted north of the parallel of 36 degrees 30 minutes rcl tn latitude; so the North would be com forted
 Clay was net the author of this meas ure. but he supported it with all h:s
 heart. He feared for the Union If the agitation should continue, md he
 hoped by the adoption of the compro-
 mise to put an end. to discussion. so that in years to come new States might be admitted without throwing the coun- try into convulsions. It Is probable that had it not been for his powerful and eloquent support, the. measure
 would have failed. He secured its passage, and the turbulent waves set tied into tranquility. To him more than to any other man the country owed nearly a generation of comparative freedom from acrimonious discussion of this subject in Congress.
 In 1928 Congress passed a high pro- tective tariff law. This law pressed very heavily upon the Southern States | Against the law the legislatures of South Carolina and Georgia protested. Protest proving of no avail. they went | might declare null and void any act of Congress which that State might think unconstitutional. This was the doctrine | of "nullifica tion," which had its teprible consUynmation in secession in 1861. In response to the strong opposition new bill was passed in 1882 greatly reduc- ing the duties. As the principle of pro- lection was retained. however. this halfway measure failed to appease the South. Perceving that New England was determined to make protection the settled policy of the country, South Car olina, through convention, declared the tariffs of 1928 and 1892 to be null, void and no law, nor binding upon South Carolina" and issued~a warning that any attempt to use force would be followed by the withdrawal of the State from the Union. But Andrew Jackson was In the Presidents chair. and he gave South Carolina to under stand that the law would be enforced. The fiery little State knew that Andrew Jackson was not a safe man to fool with" and 1t did not secede.
 But something must be done. The policy of protection. which has always been a prolific source of trouble, must make some concession. or it might dis member the Union. So Clay intro
  He proposed in 1923 that there should be a gradual reduction of the tariff until 1S42, when there should be a uni form rate of 20 per cent. This was the '"compromise tariff of 1883. and through his influence 1t became a law.
 Again in 1850 Clay showed his genius as "the great paoificator. While the compromise of 1920 had done much to diminish discussion of the slavery question in Congress it bod not alto gether abolished such discussion. In the meantime California had been added to our territory and now wished to become State. The old question was sprung-slave or free? Like Banquo's ghost, 1t would not down. The Missouri compromise had scotched the snake. not killed 1t, and now under new conditions it revived with moro than its former virulence and venom. Clay was now an old man of 73. He had been Member of Con- gress. Speaker, Senator Secretary of State. foreign representative, candidate for President. He loved the country which he had served so long and so il- lustriously and he could not cOntem- plate with equanimity the dismember- | ment of that country into separate, | perhaps belligerent States. To avoid | such calamity he introduced a bill to | reconcile the warning interests. This was the so-alled "omn bus bill" or of lS50." The particulars of this measure must be left for an-