Evening star., 1901-10-14

would prefer to securefss demands other
wise. That strikes arsIa necessary part
of trade union procedafe, however. is an
article of the faith df every union man.
THE whole tendencyl lof the union rules,
as they develop With The increasing
check upon rash and hafty strikes. Many
of the national unions 5aaye made no at
tempt to remove the Question in any de-
Even where this Is the, oase, or where ma
tional organizations ddlnot exist, the local
constitutions usually require proper delib-
GRAFTON. and vote of q majority. often a
two-thirds or three-fourths majority, be-
fore strike may begin.@
''The more highly organized national bod
les have rules Of the Following general
character: Before any action Is taken
looking toward a strike sehe officers Of the
local union or committee chosen for the
purpose must approach the employers and
try to reach a settlement of the existing
difference by negotiation. Some unions d.
rect that an effort be made for arbitration,
If necessary, with the aid OF nm umpire.
II these primary negotiations are unsuc-
cessful, the local union votes on the cues
tion of sustaining the claim of its MEM
bers and resorting, IL necessary, to a
strike. A very large proportion of the Ea-
tional unions which have any elaborate
strike shall not be ordered except by a
vote of two-thirds or thras-fourths of the
members present at the meetings
"It is often required that every member
unions 1t is specially provided that the vote
be taken by secret ballot The purpose Of
this is to leave every member tree to vote
against strike If his Judgment is against
it. If the vote were open men might be
ashamed to seem to shrink from standing
by their comrades. In some unions no one
can vote on the question of declaring
strike until he has been p member Of the
union three. or four, or six months. In
few a local cannot go on strike until 1t
has been affiliated with the national organi-
cation for six months, and In one case this
period Is extended to year.
''If the local votes for striking, its action
must be reported to the national headquar-
ters. 1t is often required that the report
not only state in full the reasons for the
action of the local, but also give in detail
the number of members, the number who
would be affected by the proposed strike,
the number of non-union men in the place,
the state of the finances Of the local, and
other detailed Information. On receipt Of
this report 1t is in many unions the duty
of the national president to go to the place
where the trouble exists, or send personal
representative there. and joining with the
local officers in renewing negotiations with
the employers and trying once more to ef-
feet a peaceful settlement. Only after this
renewed effort has failed is 1t permitted ted
the national executive board approve by
vote the action of the local. In some half
dozen unions this power does not rest with
the executive board but with the members
proved only by referendum vote.
The Right to Boycott.
There Is probably no union man, how
ever, who doubts the legitimacy of the boy
colt as a weapon Of labor, or the necessity
of using it. The broadest-minded and most
conservative of the union leaders defend the
right to use it. without hesitation or quail
fication, and regard the tendency of the
courts to condemn it as one of the marks
of injustice with which they believe the
working people to be treated by our rulers
The right to deal, or to refrain from deal
ing, with whomsoever he pleases, and for
any reason which may appeal to him, Is,
they say. one of the most elementary rights
Of a free citizen. But if one man may Sc
lect the persons he Will deal with, two or
a million may do So The boycott is simply
a common refusal on The, part of number
ton is believed to be antagonistic to their
interest.
Until very recently the American Fed
Grafton of Labor. which may pretend with
a better right than any off1er authority, to
labor in American, has unquestionably
stood for trade autonomy But the last
to 81 its Of
sanctioned the claims of thf brewery work
men to control their; fffdustry. and so
seemed to indicate its general approval of
the principle of organization by Industries
rather than by trades. 'tIt ~ maintained by
some that the sconvenyaoh did not mean to
set up this principle BUT 6hIy' TO recognize
an existing statusi and TO maintain the
policy of non-interfefence in disputes be-
tween constituent unions;' but this view
seems hardly consistent with the terms of
the resolution which was passed, or with
the report Of the committee which framed
the resolution. -
Even If this were the intention of the
convention, 1t may be that the practical
result would not be very different strong
organization controlling the great majority
Of the employees Of an establishment, can
control the small minority If 1t sees fit
The International Typographical Union has
forced the linotype-tending machinists into
Its own ranks. The United Mine Workers
have shown that the mine f1remen can ac-
complish nothing without their counte-
nance. In the absence OF strong outside
support. such as could hardly be looked for
from any other source than the Federation
of Labor, the principle of strict trade au-
tonomy cannot be maintained, on behalf
of scattered members Of trade in the
face of an established industry-union which
wishes to set 1t at naught. It is not to be
expected that unions based on the indus
try will supersede those. founded on the
idea Of the trade; but 1t seems likely, at
the present moment that they will acquire