The San Francisco call., 1901-12-06
RECIPROCITY WITH CUBA.

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1 that strong efforts being made to procure
- from Congress an act granting many of the
products of Cuba free access to the markets of the
United States. The movement is supported par
TALLY by arguments of economic nature, but
mainly by appeals to sentiment 1t is urged that
since we have done So much for Cuba we should do
something more; that having given her people free
dom we should now make sacrifice of ourselves in
order to make them rich.
1t has long been known in the world that business
and sentiment do not mix well. The combination is
always hurtful some extent and not infrequently
it is disastrous to borh sentiment and business The
peculiar plea made for Cuba is therefore in its very
nature open to objection and subject to suspicion
1t may be fairly asked if the proposed freedom of
trade with Cuba will be beneficial to American in
dustrieS why talk about the alleged moral obliga-
ton to grant it? If it will not be beneficial to
interests why confne the plea strictly to appeals
to sentiment and leave business of the question
altogether?
The business argument is invalid Reciprocity with
Cuba would expose to the competition of the cheap
labor of the island many of the largest of indus
tries and even they not large the objection
would be just as strong, for the protective system
would be unfair and unjust if it did protect all
home industries without respect to their magnitude
The study of the reciprocity treaties negotiated by
Commissioner Kasson has given the American peo-
pie wider understanding of the policy of reciprocity
than they had before, and the difficulties of applying
the system In practice are now generally recognized
The consequence has been the development of pub
lie sentiment in opposition to the scheme whole
Reciprocity with Cuba as a business proposition
would not be essentially different from reciprocity
with any other nation. 1t will have to be studied
with respect to its effect on American industries and
when studied is found to be Objectionable from
every point of view.
The sentimental plea is well nigh as weak the
business argument 1t is familiar experience that if
you help once you will have to help him again.
The you help him the more he relies upon you,
and by and by you will either have to support him
altogether or quit helping him at all We have helped
Cuba and because have done so it is now argued
must continue help her 1t is therefore peril
nent to ask how far the help is to go and how long
it is to continue To what extent are the CubanS to
have moral right 10 ask our assistance in promot-
ing their business because gave them assistance in
establishing their independence? Are the Cubans to
become, like the Indians, perpetual wards of the
ton" with increasing expectation of favorS to
come year after year?
If it be insisted that we are bound to help the
Cubans get rich, then the question arises how that
help shall be given. To expose few of our indus
tries to unrestricted Cuban competition while eav-
ing other industries fully protected would be to throw
the whole burden OF helping Cuba upon the exposed
industries alone. That would be fair If we are
morally bound to help Cuba the obligation rests upon
the whole people and not upon few industries The
help, therefore should be given in the form of sub
sdy and not in the fcrm of free trade for her prin-
cipal products.
The people of the United States have freed the Gu
ba,c C,,bo Iof4
their salvation. The plea made in their behalf
is invalid, whether made as business proposition or
a sentimental appeal. Whatever duty we owe to
Cuba Our first duty is to people, and one of
the cardinal features of the home duty that of pro-
tecting the industries upon which workngmen
depend fer livelihood. AS the President himself
has said that is the prime consideration of our
entire economic legislation"