Wheeling register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1878-1935, 1901-10-02
lie officials, makes these sensible,
timely and patriotic observations,
which we reproduce at length:

lie officials, makes these sensible,
| timely and patriotic observations,
which we reproduce at length:
Such freedom is regarded as one OF the
| fundamental principles of the nation. and
| it is believed that any form Of state cen-
sorship over speech and the press would
result In more serious evils than those
now suffered from the censorial abuse Of
freedom. This belief Is 50 widely and 80
deeply rooted In the minds of the nation.
that there is little prospect of its ever
being eradcated, or of there ever being
enacted any abridgement OF a citizens
rights to speak and 10 print what he Wills.
under the common rule of responsibility
after utterance.
1T may be well and may conduce to
clearer and more just appreciation Of the
use and abuse OF freedom of speech. 10
compare freedom of speech with freedom
Of action. # this is land OF free speech
it is also certainly a land of free action.
Theoretically, a man may commit any
act he Wills. subject to accountability for
it's effects In fact, however, large classes
of acts are prohibited by law for good
cause man is forbidden, and properly,
to do any act which will injure his neigh
Dor. He must not break into that neigh
bor's house nor steal his goods, nor lay
violent hands upon him. He must not
beat his own horse cruelty, nor drive it
faster than at a certain rate on the public
street and he must turn to the right
when he meets another. These and in
Vulnerable other restrictions are placed
upon liberty of action. They arc placed
In
the act to be performed and its evil re-
suits to be manifested. Yet no one but an
anarchist thinks that this is therefore not
a land of freedom
obviously. It would be most difficult.
and perhaps impossible. to apply 10 speech
the restraIts or the admonitory penalties
which are conceded in the case Of action
to be just and proper and congruous with
ordered freedom. That is chiefly because
the effects of words are not as readily
and as certainly to be proved as are the
effects of deeds. But obviously. too. the
moral responsibility and the moral obliga-
tion are as great in the one case as in the !
other. The man who abuses liberty of
speech and enjoys immunity because of
the impossibility Of proving his evil influ-
cnce IS morally at par with him who com
mits criminal acts and escapes punish |
ment through some trick or teehnicality !
1t may never be practicable. or even de- |
sirlble to enact laws more strictly reg
ulating in advance the exercise of speech |
1t will be proper and desirable to enforce
with memorable strictness full account
ability for all abuses of utterance. And 1t
is above all supremacy desirable that all
men should appreciate the power of
speech for evil well as for good. and
shall accordingly refrain from violent
speech as scrupulously as from violent ae-
ton and shall no more think of living
about a man-even about the President of
the United States-than of stealing from
him. or of uttering insults against him
than of committing physical assault
unon him"
We commend this utteranee from a
leading but decent Republican parti-
san to the prayerful consideration of
the Republican Yellows, who would
grease rotten political machine with
a nations and a widows tears.