The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-07-26

4 |<S srt raakiue apparent upon the facs
 f tkx inafrunent what has been so
 1<n Snid hereto allow every white
 VI n fo vote and not allow any negroes io vote. Now, believe. fellow dele
 n<e4 that we can comply with the : I1o1nocratic platform and yet support 1ko Vederai Constitution. believe that <HIo committee has presented you q p1&n, if you win strike out the clause &~6er consideration that VIII practical, IF eIIow every white man to vote ana { z1r1il permit every negro to vote who ou<hf to vote, those who are compc- 3e1f and capable of voting. and 1t 1Seme to me that that is as far as we hhou1d 10. The delegate from Lauder <1nle hae shown us a plan that VIII actompiish this. 1 say to my friend from Lauderdale, strike out your xrnudfather clause, and you have 0ian that will accomplish It. do not believe that there is a lawyer on that committee who has studied 1t but VIII say without tl.is clause 1t will be prac- fically just what 1t is without 1t. But ft is said for the purpose of gaining popularity. to gain certain votes, we win put it in. appeal to you. gentle r,cr. not 10 do it. If We are to make Consultation let us make one that will stand the test of the courts. and not only of the courts, but will stand the fest of legislation on the part of Con Kress. Give heed If you will, to the sentiment expressed by Senator Nor ran who win have to stand with his colleague in the United States Senate ma undertake to defend our action doubtIeee within a very few years. be- fore the American Congress. Let us xive them a Constitution which they can stand by and sustain. When came here as delegate to thls Con- Sention. came thinking that the best we could do would be to adopt some rlnnple plan, some plan like that sug- rested in Virginia. the plan of poll m and excluding certain classes of cfiminalss and I believe, so far as my section of fhe State is concerned, that tt is all that is necessary or desired by it. After a long conference and as- sOciation with gentlemen from diff ferent sections of the State on this committee. was induced to believe that 1t would not be sufficient for the needs of every section of the State. l feel the necessity of an elastic plan as the conditions are different. in vari- ous parts of the State. To carry out the desires and wishes of the people in purifying the ballot and striking from the list of voters the criminals and those who are unfit by character or otherwise from engaging in the suf- frage. l am willing to concede even my own better judgment and take any thing that the majority of my asso- ciates see proper, provided l do not re- gard 1t as unconstitutional. or sub versive of the very principles of our Rovernent. That this clause Is subver- sive of these principles I do believe. I think my friend and colleague, the gentleman from Barbour, has shown to you this in his remarks on yesterday that by reference to our own Bill of Rights which has been in the Alaba- ma Constitution since 1879. and which this Conytnt on its If has adopted with out any dissenting voice. will never. so far as my vote and my voice is con- cerned, consent to change that prin- cipie of Americanism for which our forefathers fought when they estab- lished this country, when they left the British government and fought for our Independence, because opposed to any thing Hereditary in the shape of honor. emoiun1ent or privileges. You have se- lected 6 patriotic and popular clay upon which to engraft this dangerous prin- ciple. It appeals to the soldiers. 1t ap- peals to country. But you lay dewn
 
 hereditary privilege, where will you stop? You engraft 1t into the funda- mental law of the land. Is it right that man shall have certain privilege because he Is the son of a certain father? Is it right? Do these sons want 1t? Especially the sons of confede- rates. When you take them to register under this plan, let us SC how it will work. He is asked by the Board of Registrars three questions. three auel- tficatibns are prescribed. Firet-though 1t appears here last--all persons of good charactar and who understand the du- ties and obligation of citizenship under republican form of government. Sec-l ond. all soldiers--and there is a reason against the clause under considera- tion, which does not apply to the sol- dier clause. This Includes the war with Spain and that includes some of the other race, a large number of them, but not their descendants. Now take khe son of soldier before the Regis trars. sand propouni the question s'Were you a soldier?" No. Are you a man of good character and do you un- derstand the duties and obligations of citizenship under a republican form of government? No. If he answers. yes, he can come in without the
 
 come up to that qualification. Are you going to allow a man to vote who is not of good character. who does not understand the duties of citizenship nor the principles of a republican form of government. simply because he is the son of a soldier? Do you think the registrars would allow any negro who did not have that qualification to vote? Then is 1t not violating the Federal Constitution? Is the son of a soldier. though a white man but not of good character, and who does not understand the duties and obligations of citizenship, under our form of gov ernment but simply because he hap pens to be the son of a soldier to be permitted a vote? Would not that be Violating the fifteenth amendment? and would it not be apparent on its 1ace2 Is it right? I do not believe that you will find the worthy sons of any Confederate soldiers who would accept it that way. I do not believe there is an old Confederate living who would ask his son. not being of good character. or not understanding the form of our government, should be ad- mitted to a privilege simply because he was the son of a soldier. I am warned by some one that I have only five minutes left. I don't care, fel= How delegates to consume your time.
 MT. deGraffenreid-Wil the gentle man allow me to interrupt him for the purpose of making a motion to extend fha time.
 \ Mir. Harrison--I will try to get