New-York tribune., 1901-01-27
THE KINGS OPPORTUNITY"

Edward VII will not lack advisers. They
have already cropped up on every hand. with
all manner Of counsel as 10 what he ought to do
and of prediction TO what he will do. The
interesting and energetic programmes of these
counseors and seers include the dismissal of
Lord Salisbury aud the appointment of Lord
Rosebery as Prime Minister, the reversal Of the
Governments policy In South Africa and Ire
land and the re-establishment of personal and
autocratic rule by the sovereign, regardless Of
the wishes of Parliament and people. We need
not take serious notice Of the quaint little cotere
which in this country calls itself the Order of
the White Rose and in England poses as the
Legitimist JacObite. League, which doubtless
thinks Edward VII ought 10 abdicate the throne
in favor of the estimable German Princess
whom they fondly call Queen Mary ". But
here is Mr.. Bourke Cochran. who is always TO
be listened 10 with respect urging that Edward
VII should dictate to Parliament policy in
South Africa radically opposed to that which it
has been pursuing, and telling us that if he does
not thus improve his opportunity "he will sink
''to the role of sovereign who reigns but does
mot rule"
Such view of the case seems TO indicate
curious misapprehension of the fundamental
principles Of the British constitution: 1t seems
TO regard the King as competent to do as he
pleases in defiance of the people and their rep
resentatives. The fact is, of course that the
supreme legislative power of the Kingdom is
vested in Parliament, and practically in the
House of Commons. The King cannot make
law He can merely approve and prOmulgate
the laws which Parliament makes. He is not
even the autocratic chief executive. Nominally,
the execution of the laws is vested in the
Crown, but practically and actually it is in
trusted TO a Parliamentary committee called the
Cabinet. And that Cabinet is not chosen by the
sovereign, but by the House Of Commons-that
Is TO say, its existence is dependent upon its
power TO command majority in that House.
At present, by virtue of the popular vote of a
few months ago, Lord Salisbury commands the
support of an overwhelming majority of the
House, while Lord ROsebery could hope for the
support of no more than fraction of the pres
ent small minority. In such circumstances TO
suggest that the King should dismiss the one
and replace him with the other is simply TO sug-
gest that he should attempt a reactionary revo-
luton.
The opportunity which lies before Edward
VII is 10 continue the work of Victoria, rather
than to undertake that in which Charles / so
disastrously failed. 1t is the lasting condemna-
ton of the latter that he strove to subordinate
the will Of the people to his own and to make
his personal Will the sole constitution of the
| realm. 1t is one of the chief glories of the
| former that she swept away the last faint
traces of autocracy and perfected the establish
ment of the constitution, based upon the will of
| the people There can be no question as TO
which example the present King will follow.
In his first speech TO his Privy Council he de-
| clared il 10 be his intention to walk i'm Vic
toria's footsteps, adding: II am fully deter
| mined TO be a constitutional sovereign i'm the
| strictest sense of the word" That was not
the speech of a man contemplating a coup detat
Nor can there be discerned in it any fear of
sinking 10 the role OF sovereign who reigns
| but does not rule" That was the role of Vic
toria all through her unrivalled reign and it is
not difficult TO imagine sovereign regarding it
as by no means low an unworthy one II
is, indeed, most probable that Edward VII
J thinks the role of constitutional monarch a