The Plymouth tribune. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1901-1911, 1901-12-19
lNDIANA'S LEGISLATURE
BY ONE WHO WAS THERE.

| the lobbyists for special interests.
among the known or suspected cor
ruptionists in the legislature, and
among the shady classes generally
that are avoided by the respectable
members, it may be set down as a case
of "birds of a feather" If he is a
man who cannot afford to pay for leg
islative honor-the legal pay is not
equal to the ordinary expense involved
but who seeks it eagerly and per-
sistently, with all the wiles of the po-
litical trickster, he may be suspected
of harboring hopes of profting by the
honor. If he succeeds i'm being elected
and upon his return from the assembly
hall gives evidences of unwonted pros
perity, such as by the sudden acquisi-
tion of real estate that he was not
able to possess before, it may be ac-
copied as true that his hopes were re-
allied. If such man under such
circumstances betrays great and I'M
accustomed SenSitiveneSS concerning
his personal honesty, hastily assumes
that general statements are directed
against him, makes unnecessary ex-
plantations OF the source Of his hither-
to unsupported means, and conducts
himself generally as a man conscious
of guilt and fearful of its discovery
then it becomes certainty that he
has profited unduly by his position.
1t is impossible in the great major
ity of cases to prove actual bribery
Evidence that would be sufficient I'M
der the rules of law is seldom forth
coming for the very obvious reason
that both sides to the affair are equal
ly interested In leaving no evidence.
From the first approach of the briber
to the contamination of the deal and
payment of the price every step is
guarded and no track is left. 1t fol-
lows that even in fragrant cases where
bribery is known to exist the newspa-
pers do not dare to charge it openly,
because of the impossibility of defend
ing in possible suits for libel. Thus
one great weapon against the evil,
that OF publicity, is spiked and the
criminal courts are powerless. The
laws against bribery go as far as is
safe in free government, but they
are usually ineffective for want Of
proof. 1t would be exceedingly dam
gerous to liberty for the law to at
tempt to supply proof where none
exists.
At the same time the character Of a
legislator, if bad, becomes a matter of
suspicion and then Of common notorie-
ty, and no dishonest member can
long remain in good repute among
honest men. His evil associates know
the facts and are not at all careful
of their speech: his colleagues know
the facts, for they see the unmistak-
able signs: the legislative employees
know it and make it part of their
daily gossip: the newspaper reporters
know all about it and search keenly
for such facts as will enable them to
brave libel suits by publishing specific
statements in place of vague hints.
The poor fool is beguiled into a sense
of security by imagining his secret to
be lodged within his own breast.
while his constituents are not nearly
so ignorant as he thinks. for the Cos
sip of the capital filters at last into
the remOteSt corners of the state. 1t
is only when he presumptuously arises
for denomination that he discovers
how thoroughly ne is despised.