The gold leaf. [volume] (Henderson, N.C.) 1881-1911, 1901-02-14

chose the latter; 'the cause OF Boston
had become, in a new and fearful
sense, the cause of ALL
To reciting the auseswhich brought
about the Revolution, the Declaration
Of Independence and the adoption OF
the articles of confederation, Mr..
Grady shows the relations existing
between the different Colonies before
they assumed the prerogatives Of
sovereign States, and brings out the
fact that the struggle with the mother
country was begun mainly for the re-
lief Of New England, and especially OF
Massachusetts,, from oppressive Brit
ish legislation. This fact is contrast
ed with the persistent effort of New
England States to take advantage of
their Federal relations, secured by
the adoption of the Constitution Of
the United States, to enhance their
wealth at the expense of other States.
This policy seems to have acquired a
secular vitality. Begun in the eigh-
teenth century, it has been maintain
ed almost uninterruptedly to the clos
ing year of the nineteenth, and moth
ing is more certain than it's continued
enforcement through at least the
opening years of the twentieth.
Mr.. Grady remarks that having
brought the record Of events up to
the formation Of the new Govern
ment, 1--WE need to be somewhat
familiar with the different interests
of the different sections of the Union,
which could be benefited or injured
by congressional Legislation. We
begin with New England's shipping
interests, because they were among
the first to ask for special favors, and
to SOW the seeds Of that sectional con-
flict which produced the war between
the Northern and Southern States"
Shipbuilding had, at an early date,
become the leading industry Of the
seaboard towns of New England, and
the numerous vessels belonging to
Massachusetts placed her, in relation
to commerce, at the head of the Col
onies. For about century and a
half New England enjoyed almost a
monopoly Of the carrying trade OF the
Colonies. This business was disturb
ed by the Revolution; but, after the
war was over, commerce resumed it's
Importance, and, stimulated by pref
erences accorded to them because OF
bitter memories of British aggres-
sions, New England's shipping inter-
ests enjoyed, it would not be far from
the truth, to declare, almost as many
monopolistic privileges as were after
wards conferred upon them by acts
of Congress. But however that may
be, the builders and owners Of ships
in New England were unwilling to
trust entirely to sentimental pro-
lection. They desired that their
privileges should have the sanction
of Federal law, and their desire was
gratified. Upon the application of
their representatives, IAN absolute
monopoly of the coastwise trade was
conferred on ships built in the United
States, with the privilege of adjust
ing freight and passenger rates to
suit the owners; a discriminating
tonnage tax was imposed upon all
foreign ships engaged in carrying
goods to or from these States; dis
eliminating tariff tax was imposed
on all articles imported into these
States in foreign ships; shipbuilders
in the United States were granted an
absolute monopoly of the home market
for ships; and New England's cod
fishermen were quartered on the tax
payers of all the States.'n
At the time of the adoption of the
Constitution, and for several decades
afterwards, agriculture was the en-
ployment of the great majority of the
people of this country, and diversiti-
cation of industry was confined al
most exclusively to the North. In
the Northern States the surplus crops
Of the farmers were consumed by
those engaged in other occupations,
while Southern farmers had to seek a
market in foreign lands. Mr.. Grady,
therefore, contends that under these
circumstances the South was sub
jected to two wrongs by the opera
ton of Federal laws: First, foreign
prices had to be accepted for her
crops whether sold abroad or in the
United States, and tariff laws COM
PEELED her to purchase her supplies Of
manufactured articles at prices con-
siderably above those charged in for
eign markets; and. second, every act
of Congress designed to counteract
hostile commercial legislation by any
foreign government most of the
tariff acts included-led to further re-
strictions on exports from the United
States, Of which the South furnished
from 80 to 80 per cent"
In successive chapters Mr.. Grady
undertakes to show how the Northern
States secured special and undue adj
vantages from fishing bounties, the
assumption by the general govern
ment OF the war debts of the several
States, the establishment of the Bank
OF the United States, the dispropor
tionate distribution of pensions for
services in the Revolution, and the
unjust and unconstitutional disposal
Of the public lands; but these separ-
ate charges, all embraced in the
statement Of the case against the
North, must be dismissed with a bare
mention in this brief review.
Certainly it cannot be maintained
that any section of the country should
be made to pay a disproportionate
part o. the cost Of supporting the
general government. But this is the
gravament OF the charge in The
Case of the South Against the North, "
The other questions that have divided
the sections have in reality become
grave political issues. mainly because
OF their incidental relation to this
one. The system of territorial ex-
pansion, beginning with the Louisi-
ana purchase, the extension of slavery
beyond the limits of the original
slave States, the right of notification
and the right of secession, each in
turn excited opposition at the North
because in one way or another, it
seemed to menance the continuance
OF the undue profits derived by that
section from the operation of the tax
inp power of the Fedaral rovarn