The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, 1901-10-10

1t is not question whether associa-
ton ought to come. It has already
come and is already in possession. The
corporation is in the saddle and it is
not going to get out. All workers will
become or remain, for most of us are
there already-all workers will become
either part owners in great corporate
enterprises, or they will be left, not only
without common ownership in the things
of common use, but they will also be
entirely unable to establish any sufficient
ownership even in the articles of their
daily need for their individual private
use. individuals come and go, but the
great properties destined for the COM
mon use go on forever. The corporation
outlives the individual, and with the
corporation possession is perpetual. The
corporation is device whereby the
ownership of properties devote to asso-
ciated use may continue to render serv-
ice regardless of the fate of any single
member of the corporate body. The
corporation composed of a small portion
of us all is the master in every field.
The corporate body will stand, though
every other body falls. 1t is associated
effort And association is the law of
our life. There is no use in making
war on the corporation. 1t has grown
into the worldwide trust in the most
natural manner and it is invincible. It
needs conversion, enlargement and per-
fection. For each one of US, under the
natural law of our life, is becoming its
helpless servant, as it is. AS it ought
to be, we may be the members and the
masters of the great final corporate body
in which all the race shall share alike
in its benefits, if we will. We must
possess it or be possessed by it. Private
property, in field where it does not
belong, must be succeeded by public,
common, mutual ownership, there, in
order that private property may exist
at all in the field where it does belong.
We have contended for our right to own
everything until we are able to own
nothing. We have asserted our right
to buy everything until we are able to
buy nothing at ALL If we would claim
the right to own less in the things of
public use. we would soon be able to
own more in the things of private neces-
sity.
The coal, oil, sugar, gas, lumber, -four,
transportation, money-are all controlled
by associated owners. l make no COM
plant at the association. simply ask
for a place for myself and all my fel-
lows on the ground floor" l must
have part ownership in the great prop
critics of common use in order that
may secure my right, given with my life,
to private properties for my private use.
If it be said by the corporator who
wants to stay in himself and keep the
rest of us out, that we propose to con-
6scate his property, the answer is that
his property would be worthless with
out the public's business If the public
will take the business which belongs to
the public he will have no use for his
property.
We are the defenders, not the foes,
of private property. The multitudes are
propertyless. There is no reason why
any one of them should individually own
a railroad. There is every reason why
every one of them should own his din
ner. l am not contending that he
should have his dinner at the expense of
any other. I am contending that he
has right to life, and that the right
to life means right to an opportunity
to earn a livelihood.
Whoever destroys life is a murderer
Whatsoever law, institution, document,
contract or usage involves the destruc-
ton of life bears on itself the blood
spots of a murderer. But there are
other ways to murder apart from
strangling or knifng the victim. The
infamy of Weyler's rule in Cuba was
not so much in the men directly killed
by him in war as the forcible separa
ton of planters from the soil and the
consequent starvation of men, women
and children which followed that atroci
Gus act. 1t was a great agricultural
lockout enforced by the strength of the
Spanish army, and the multitudes no
longer permitted access to the soil were
left to starve.
But the current commercial and in
dustrial system as pitilessly separates the
toilers from the opportunity to provide
their livelihood in our country and in
every other, as the rule of Weyler ac-
complished the same thing in Cuba.
Current industrial life is the policy of
Weyler applied to shops, factories and
stores, not enforced by Spanish army,
but enforced through the operation of