The progressive farmer. [volume] (Winston, N.C.) 1886-1904, 1901-10-01

Ii Is minimizing 90 uuu S0ud6OA
from a sister State and some news
paper editors in our own State-men
who should be leading the people TO
better things-defending lynching.
The chief argument of these advo-
Gates of lynching lawlessness is,
"We must protect our women" And
so we must. But these men make a
false use of this feeling. Why do
they not state the truth-that it is
not a question of protection for the
States womanhood, but a question
of methods of protection, whether
by our laws and our courts which
alone in all civilized countries have
the right to punish criminals and re-
dress wrongs, or by an irresponsible,
unauthorized and lawless mob.
Which is the surer method of adj
ministering justice, the courts act
ing in an orderly manner and coolly
determined to examine the facts,
ferret out the transgressor, and let
no guilty man escape, or a mob act
ing on impulse, often without full
investigation, and responsible to no
one for it's acts?
Nor ban the advocates of lynch
law throw it in our teeth that their
method decreases the number of
crimes. The facts are solidly against
this contention. On the contrary,
we assert without fear of contradio-
ton that in States and sections
where there have been most lynch
ings, there have followed a larger
number of crimes than in other dis
tricts where the people have shown
greater regard for law, allowing the
courts with their solemn precision
and certainty to seize and punish the
guilty.
1t is an encouraging sign that our
judges are beginning to warn citi-
zens against the evils of mob law.
Recently Judge Shaw, of our own
O6dGOJ SdAu ~ q DhALdW OONu6J
grand jury;
"Many give excuses for lynchings
and say that the law is weak or that
the courts are slow. If this is 80
then change the law. 1t is within
your power. When a man commits
or attempts to commit a criminal
assault upon a woman, he is very
often lynched, those engaging in it
saying that it is not right to have
the woman come before a gaping
crowd and relate the details of the
horrible crime. Then change your
laws in this respect, even if we have
TO change the entire State Constitu-
ton. If the courts are slow then
call the courts to account. Every
man who takes part in q lynching is,
in the eyes of the law, a murderer.
Is it not better that you. turn one
guilty man loose than to make 100
or 200 of your citizens murderers?
If this thing is permitted to go on
then 100 or 200 bad men can get to-
gether and lynch a good man just as
good men can lynch a bad man.
Where is the limit? Who has said,
thus far shalt thou go and no far
ther?' When a good man joins a
mob he in this way charges that
there is corruption somewhere. This
is a bad state of affairs"
But we fear that such doctrine is
not now so popular as it should be.
In fact, it is said that Governor Ay-
cook has lost prestige because of his
fearless denunciation of lynching.
We are loath to believe, however,
that the people of North Carolina
r less disposed to honor a man be-
cause of his defence of law and order.
At any rate, we know of no higher
service an official can now render his
State, and we think that our Cover
MOI deserves credit for saying, as he
did a short time ago:
"~Lynching tends to increase rather
thar to suppress crime. The lower
! class who commit awful crimes for