The times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1890-1903, 1901-01-16
A Grand Military Procession Through
Principal Streets.
REVIEW FROM HOTEL BALCONY.
The Governors Address Regarded as
Strong Presentation OF State AT
fairs-Additional Educational
Facilities aud u New Elecs
ton Law the Salient
Points-Rcception.
(snecial Dispatch to The Times.)

Especial Dispatch to The Times)
RALEIGH, n. c.. January 15.-lu
it the general verdict that a Governor
of North Carolina. was never inducted TO
office amid such a brilliant pageant, civic
and military, as attended the Inaugural
ton of Charles Brantley Aycock today.
The Governor and party We're brought TO
Raleigh from Goldsboro by the special
legislative committee and a military es-
cort of two Goldsboro companies on
special train.
From the station the party proceeded
with the reception committee TO the Man
sion House, thence to the place Of inausu-
ration an improvised pla tform on the east
side of the Capitol, under the shadow Of
the massive bronze statue of Vance,
North Cardinals greatest statesman and
patriot.
GRAND PAGEANT.
A grand military procession formed on
Fayetteville Street, more tln1n a thouSand'
State guard and Naval Reserves being IN
line. and marched around the Capitol
Square front to the inauguration platform.
The inaugural ceremony was under the
direction of Hon. F. D. Winston As.so-
ciate Justice Walter Clark, the only Dem
ocratc member Of the supreme Court, adj
nlinistered the oath Of office to each state
officer in line, Governor Aycock last, ana
as soon as the inaugural address was de-
hvered the Governor and party proceeded
to the balcony of the Marlborough House
and reviewed the brilliant dress-Farade OF
State guard under command Of Col Henry
Perry, of Henderson.
Gov. Aycock'S address was universally
commended as dealing with State affairs
in a mastery and comprehensive way,
and presenting the Democratic attitude
toward the race problem. education, and
the exercise of the voting franchise in an
exceptionally strong manner.
AYCOCK'S ADDRESS.
His address was devoted chiefly 10 the
suffrage question, the education OF the
masses and an election law that meets
the demand of the hour, one that inSureS
q free intelligent ballot, and that inte!ll-
gent ballot cast, counted. At length he
touchingly referred to the causes leaulnS
I'D to the enactment by the people at the
August election of a suffrage amendment
to the Constitution. He recalled in words
of pathos how, as q people, we nave
slriyen to convince the negro that his
interest was likewise our interest; how we
had provided schools for their lilterate
and spent money for them as we had Tor
our own tllildren: how we provided Tor
the care of their insane and opened
schools for the education Of their afIllct-
ed. and for the care and tuition of those
who were left fatherleSs and motherlesS;
how these efforts were continued IN the
face of repeated evidence OF their nos
tility. But blinded by prejudice and urged
on by our opponents, they antaSonlzed
our every INTEREST and under their domln-
ion, and rule lawlessness walked the
state like a pestileu. Death stalked abroad
at noonday. Sleep lay down armed. The
sound Of the pistol was more frequent
than the song of the nlocl1ins bird. The
screams Of women fleeing from pursuing
brutes closed the gates OF our hearts with
a shock.
A SPLENDID VICTORY.
Thus North Carolinlans were thaliensed
to combat, and in the great .attle Of '9S
a splendid victory for good government
was won Patience ceased To be a virtue,
and the people arose in their might and
enacted the amendment DISTINGUISHING the
ignorant negro.
The speaker said: 1T does nc injuslce
to the negro. 1t really benefits Alm 1t
does recognlze the necessity for having
some test of capacity, a;.d il prescrbes
two rules of evidence by ,7sich this capa-
city may be ascertained. and declares
that any man capable of nesting either
test shall vote If a white man can read
and write he can vote; If negro can
read and write he can vote. II white
man cannot read and write, but IS &c
scended from CLe who could vote on JaIlu-
ary lst 1867 or at any time prior there
to- or if he could himself vote before
that time. he can vote. If a negro cannot
read and write, but is descended from a
nerson VITO could vote on January lSt,
1867, or at any time prior thereto. or II
he could himself vote before that time,
he can vote. There is, therefore, IN our
amendment no taint Of that inequality
provided against in the 18th amendment.
to the Constitution of the United States;
and in order that the question might not
even be suggested. and realizing the inn
portance of educating the white and black
alike our amendment requires every boy,
of whatever color, now thirteen years Of
age, to learn to read and write, under the
penalty of losing his vote.
AYCOCK'S PLEDGES.
ION a hundred platforms, to half the
voters of the State, in the late campaign,
pledged the State-its strength, Its
heart, its wealth-to universal education
Here followed an eloquent plea in behalf
of education, an urgent appeal to live
up to our promises Said he:
"Gentlemen of the General Assembly,
Won will not have aught to fear when
YOU make ample provision for the educa-
ton Of the whole people. Rich and poor
alike are bound by promise and necessity
TO approve your utmost efforts in this
direction. If more taxes are required
to carry out this promise to the people,
more taxes must be levied. I would Grip
ple no industry; would retard the
growth of no enterprise; but I would.
by lust and equal laws. require from
every owner of property his just contri-
button, to the end that all the children
NAV secure the right to select their SER
wants. I pledge you, gentlemen of the
Legislature. suck power as the Constitu-
ton vests in the Governor and all the
energy of my soul and heart to the ednca-
ton of the people, and rely, with entire
confidence. upon you and the promises