Evening star., 1901-12-03

to the last degree important for US imme-
diately to begin 1t. While its beneficial eff
| fects would perhaps be most marked upon
| the Pacific Coast and the Gulf and South
| Atlantic States, it would also greatly bene-
| fl other sections. 1t is emphatically
work which 1t Is for the interest Of the en-
tire country to begin and complete as soon
as possible: it is one Of those great works
which only a great nation can undertake
| with prospects of success, and which when
| done are not only permanent assets in the
| nations material interests, but standing
/ monuments to its constructive ability.
| I glad to be able to announce to you
! that negotiations on this subject with
! Great Britain, conducted on both sides in
| spirit of friendliness and mutual good Will
| and respect, have resulted in my being able
| to lay before the Senate a treaty which II
ratified will enable US to begin preparations
| for an Isthmian canal at any time, and
| which guarantees to this Nation every right
| that it has ever asked in connection with
the canal. In this treaty, the old Clayton
| Bulwer treaty, so long recognized as made
| quate to supply the base for the cOnstruc-
| ton and maintenance of necessarily
! American ship canal, is abrogated. 1t spe-
| officially provides that the United States
| alcne shall do the work of building and
/ assume the responsibility of safeguarding
| the canal and shall regulate its neutral use
| by all nations on terms of equality without
| the guaranty or Interference Of any outside
| nation from any quarter. The signed
| treaty will at once be laid before the Sen
| ate, and if approved the Congress can then
| proceed to give effect to the advantages 1t
| secures us by providing for the building OF
/ the canal.
| The true end Of every great and free peo-
| pie should be self-respecting peace; and this
| Nation most earnestly desires sincere and
| cordial friendship with all others. Over the
| entire world, of recent years, wars between
| the great civilized powers have become less
| and less frequent. Wars with barbarous or
| semi-barbarous peoples come IN an entirety
| different category, being merely most re-
grettable but necessary international police
! duty which must be performed for the sake
of the welfare of mankind. Peace can only
| be kept with certainty where both sides
! wish to keep 1T; but more and more the
| civilized peoples are realizing the wicked
| folly of war and are attaining that condi-
| ton of Just and intelligent regard for the
| rights of others which will in the end, as
we hope and believe, make Worldwide
| peace possible. The peace conference at
! The Hague gave definite expression to this
| hope and belief and marked a stride toward
their attainment.
This same peace conference acquiesced in
our statement of the Monroe Doctrine as
compatible with the purposes and aims OF
| the conference
The Monroe Doctrine should be the car
| dinal feature of the foreign policy OF all
| the nations of the two Americas, as 1T Is
of the United States. Just seventy-eight
years have passed since President Monroe
| In his Annual Message announced that
THE American continents are henceforth
not to be considered as subjects for future
| colonization by any European power. In
| other words, the Monroe Doctrine Is
declaration that there must be no territorial
aggrandizement by any non-American
| power at the expense of any American
power on American soil. 1t Is in no wise
| intended as hostile to any nation in the
| Old World. Still less is it intended to give
| cover to any aggression by one New World
| power at the expense of any other. 1t Is
\ simply a step, and long step, toward as
| surfing the universal peace of the world
| by securing the possibility Of permanent
! peace on this hemisphere. I
| During the past century other influences
| have established the permanence and inde-
| pendence of the smaller states of Europe.
| Through the Monroe Doctrine we hope to be
| able to safeguard like independence and Sc
| cure like permanence for the lesser among
| the New World nations.
| This doctrine has nothing to do with the
| commercial relations Of any American
| power, save that It in truth allows each Of
them to form such as 1t desires. In other
| words, it is really guaranty Of the com
mercial independence Of the Americas. We
| do ,Sl- foy
elusive commercial dealings with any other
American state. We do not guarantee any
| state against punishment II 1t mfsconducts
! itself, provided that punishment does not
| take the form of the acquisition Of serrt-
| tory by any non-Amertcan power.
| Our attitude in Cuba is sufficient guar
| anty of our own good faith. We have not
| the slightest desire to secure any territory
| at the expense of any Of our neighbors.
| We wish to work with them hand in hand,
so that all Of us may be uplifted together.
and We rejoice over the good fortune Of
| any Of them, We gladly hall their material
prosperity and political stability and are
concerned and alarmed If any Of them fall
! into Industrial or political chaos. We do
not wish to see any Old World military
power grow up on this continent, or to be
compelled to become a military power our
/
! prosper best If left to work out their own
salvation In their own way.
| To Upbuild the Navy.
The work Of upbuilding the navy must
be steadily continued. No one point Of
our policy, foreign or domestic. is more
| important than this to the honor and ma
| terial welfare, and above all to the peace,
| of our nation in the future. Whether we
| desire 1t or not. we must henceforth recog-
nize that we have international duties no
less than international rights. Even If our
! flag were hauled down in the Philippines
and Porto Rico, even II we decided not to
build the Isthmian Canal, we should need
| a thoroughly trained navy of adequate size,
or else be prepared definitely and for all
| time to abandon the idea that our Nation
| is among those whose sons go down to the
| sea in ships. Unless our commerce Is al
| ways to be carried in foreign bottoms, we
| must have war craft to protect 1t.
TpoS