The times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1890-1903, 1901-03-24

1917 AAIi1LkCs lG1<lx1fl7
the British enemies of Irish nationhood
Moreover, 1t cal, serve no real trevoiu-s
tionarf purpose for men who believe only
in the argument of force as q remedy for
lretands compulsory subjugation to call
in question on public platforms The silccri-
ty and patriotic loyalty % !rishlnen " hoE
arc just earnest In theit wish for free
dom as men Of mere extreme piaws but
who resort to votes ard to moral force as
their media of working for their country's
cause where guns and other necessary
weapons OF warfare are not at present to
be found. It is in fact a service against,
and for Ireland to keep alive rival con-
tentiOnS which can only weaken by divid-
ing the general national movement among
our race.
1t is q right and proper duty to pro-
claim that Irelands final liberty must be
fought for, as all liberty has been Won
regained, by men willing to risk life
for freedom. The ultimate argument be
tween us and our English rulers must,
in all human probability, be force To
assert this belief and to act up to it,
does not require q concurrent attack
upon the advocates of Home Rule The
necessary arms for Ireland's liberation
arc not procured in that way. Neither
are men of more moderate views con-
WINGED that the task of Wrestling Irish
independence from England is made cas-
Ter by first dividing the ranks of Irish
Nationalist. Facts, no matter how stub
born, have to be taken into account in
every movement. 1t must be borne in
mind, as an undenable fact, that the
vast majority of our people are disposed
to follow their Dresnt leaders because
they believe. like them, in the Dracti-
cability of striving for a limited auton-
orny: whereas they cannot see the pos
sbiiitL of achieving complete separation
against a Power like Great Britain, I'M
less by means and chances which at
present seem hopelessy out OF reach of
those of our young men who might re-
sort TO them on a suitable occasion if
available.
a PLAN PROPOSED.
The advocates of an Irish revolutionary
movement are not fighting England by
attacking the United Irish League. They
are, on the contrary, doing exactly what
England's rulers in ireland wish TO be
done. This fact alone ought TO be CON
/ elusive as to the unwisdom of such
speeches as [ have referred to. The
League and the Irish Party are denounced
by all Ireland's avowed enemies, and to
apply terms of reproach and condemna-
Dillon is only saying exactly what every
Dublin Castle official believes and says
III the interest OF British rule in Ire
land
Arms are purchased by money and not
by speeches. Let us claim the right to
be armed as a people, and act up to our
contention that it is a right Of freedom
which we mean to assert. No one need
be afraid to make that declaration of
political faith now. 1t would mean prose-
cution and imprisonment twenty-five
years ago. and did to many of us. Times
have very much changed since then,
i thanks to the men who are thouShtless-
" censured by some unrefiecting enthu-
siasts. We>are privileged to speak more
freely in the Ireland of to-day than we
We're in that of the ISenian movement,
and my advice to the advocates of an
organization of force for Irish freedom
is this: Let the United Irish League and
the Irish Parliamentary Party do their
work in their respective spheres of ma
tional utility without opposition. 1t is
labor necessary and beneficial in the adj
vancement OF the general cause of Gel
tic nationhood.
Plea FOR WEAPONS.
Two or three hundred thousand people
believe in the political service of this
moral force movement, or ii would not
exist for long. Let it so its way. Take
q leaf out of the book of the League.
Organize a movement of equal strength
and extent.
Say to the manhood of Ireland: Every
Nationalist in the country spends five
times as much money annually on eXcis-
able articles of consumption, paying duty
to the Government of England as would
purchase a Lee Metford or MauSer rifle
One hundred and fifty thousand such rifles
and few cannon in the possession of
80 600 burghers almost upset the British
Empire in South Africa when used by
men who have fought for liberty with such
weapons, but fought unitedly, and not in
sections. Follow their example, if you are
in earnest. Don't give to the English
excise in the year 1901 in money for Wllis-
KEY, tobacco, tea and coffee, what would
enable you to become the owner of
rifle if saved for that purpose Unless
you are prepared to take this stand, and
to devote your spare money to the pur-
chase of such a weapon, rather than TO
the benefit Of the English EXchequer, do
not attack the Irish Parliamentary Party
in company with its enVenCmed EnShsh
opponents.
FOR A FREE PEOPLE.
What is needed in the present position of
the Irish question is a movement which
will combine again the combative forces
of the whole Celtic race in a strenuous and
sustained contest against the continuance
of England's disastrous rule in Ireland
Such a movement is as practicable now as
il was in the time of the Land League. 1t
can be built up again as~heretofore by the
rational policy of a parallel advance by
the two national forces, constitutional and
revolutionary, under the governing plir-
nose and aim OF all earnest Nationalist,
namely-to build up again as far as posi-
bic, a Celtic Commonwealth in Ireland,
with all the rights and powers Of an in
dependent nation
This should be the Irish political pro-
gramme for the twentieth century.
STRONGER THAN THE BOERS.
The true and sane policy for Irishmen of
advanced principles to pursue is to try
and convince the judgment OF the weak
lings and the doubters that what 600
Of a Boer population have been able to do
for freedom in South Africa. against the
Same enemy of national liberty, ought not
to be an Impossible task for 100000 OF
people in Ireland; backed as these might
he bv the greater portion of the 20,G00GC0
"a +bair CeIiic kith and kin in America