The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-07-25


 throw out these suggestions and pass on. because. as said, do not propose long speech. But there are other objections to this amendment. For myself. believe that 1t violates one Of the great Fundamental doctrines of Re- publican Government, I believe that It Is in contravention to the spirit that has animated the people of this coun- try from the Declaration of Independ- encc down to this time, and in sup port of that I ask the indulgence of the Convention for a few moments while refer to the report of the Com mittee on Preamble and Declaration of Rights. If you have that before you, l would be very glad if you would turn to Section of that report and read it In connection with the report of the Committee on Suffrage. We have just adopted this Section: Section 30. That no title of nobility or hereditary dis tinction, privileges honor or emolument shall evet be granted or conferred in this State, and that no office shall be created the appointment to which shall be fo: a longer time than during good behavic.." Ther, was no dissent in tho adoption of that Section In this Convention. That IS as much as I want to read, because that is all that has any appli- cation. Now I ask the gentlemen of this Convention, does not this section under consideration grant an heredity right or privilege to the sons of those who were soldiers in the wars referred to. If that is not its meaning, I must confess that I do not understand the force and effect of the English Ian- SuaSe. Isn't 1t hereditary distinction to say that because man was a sol ha lA1 ter and vote without any regard to his qualifications whatever. know 1t can be said that while we lay down these general rules that a particular lexcep- ton in the Constitution would be in- valid. l ask the grave and intelligent gentlemen who compose this Conven- ton If it would be a creditable thing to do, to make a broad statement of a general proposition, and then turn right around and violate 1t in spirit. in principle and in letter If you are going to adopt this clause of the re- port on suffrage. it seems to me that you should go back and reconsider and change Article xxx of the Bill of Rights. And further. if you will turn 10 the old Constitution, to the last clause Of the Bill of Rights. that reads as follows: That these enumerations
 
 deny others retained by the people"
 That was the clause in the Bill of Rights. the last clause as contained in the Constitution of 1875. The commit tee to whom that part of the Consti- tuition was referred not only reported that clause as placed in the Constitu- ton of 1875, but they have added an- other in order to make the great dec- laration which Is contained in this Pre- amble and Bill of Lights more emphat- ic. l beg your attention while I read 1t. That this enumeration of certain rights shall not impair or deny others retained by the people," that was the way 1t yas in the old Constitution. Now observe what has been added: And to guard against any encroach- ment on the rights herein retained, We declare that everything in this Dec laration of Rights Is excepted out of the general powers of government and shall forever remain inviolate."
 ask any gentleman if there is har- mony between those sections of the Bill of Rights which I have read and the report of the Committee on Suf- frage which is under discussion. If you adopt this clause. 1t does seem to me that in justice to this Convention. in justice to it's attainments and knowl- edge, that we ought not to send out to the people of the State of Alabama such antagonistic provisions in the same Constitution. For these reasons. MT. Chairman. 1 advocate the striking out of that clause of the report of the Committee on Suffrage, and that is all l wish to say now. I desire. MT. Cnalrman, to reserve whatever time I may not have consumed, if I can do so. within the rules
 The President-The Chair would be very glad to place time to the credit of the gentleman, but he will have to place 1t to the credit of the people. = MT. Dent-Well. I just wanted to know if that could be done
 MT. ONeal dauderdaIe)-Mr. Presi- dent. the problem which the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the Fed eral Constitution forced on the States of the South was the most momentous ever submitted to a free people. In the language of one of her greatest sons, It IS a problem in solving which the south must stand alone, in dealing With which she must come closer than ambition or despair have driven her, and on the outcome of which her very existence depends. This problem is to carry within her body polite two sep arate and distinct races. and nearly equal III nuInDer. Sne must carry these races in peace, for discord means ruin. She must carry them separately, for assimilation means debastment. She must carry them in equal justice. for to do this she is pledged in honor and gratitude. She must carry them to the end, for in all human probability she will never be quit of either"
 To solve this problem, to remedy the existing evils of an unrestricted and debauched suffrage. and to secure for ourselves and posterity the benefits of enlightened government and of pure and lasting freedom, was the para mount object of this Convention. That was the chief inducement by which the peoples consent to our being here was obtained. and that was the charge and duty with which we were invested ant which We would be recreant to our sol cmn tru~t did we not perform faith fully and efficiently. MT. President realizing these facts. and recognizing their weight, the Committee on Suf- frage approached it's task of ballot re- folm, with all it's immens and grave with it's certain conse- duences for good or ill plainly before them, knowing that the very life of the State depended on the wise and per- manent solution Of this problem. MT. President we cannot afford to fail; we must accomplish the redemption of our elections from the incompetency of the electors; from fraud in their manage nent, and make permanent and secure honest and efficient government in Ala bama.
 No committee ever labored more