The Hawaiian star. [volume] (Honolulu [Oahu]) 1893-1912, 1901-08-14
METHODS Of legislation
DISCUSSION OF THE PRESENT
METHODS.
A Surprising Volume by Naval Off
to Remedy Them.

1t is not from out naval commanders
that we UruinaIIly look Tor DISCUSSIONS
relating to the Cover nmental system OF
the country; ana hence a pampnlet es-
say by Captain r.. h. Chadwick, COM
manulng the cruiser New YORK in the
Spanlsn-American war, on the evil OF
cUngl esslOnal legislation by numerous
bi-paGtls committees, at once arrests
attention. Captain Chadwick was for
some years our naval attache at Lon
don, and he has also been on duty at
Washington, and the opportunity OF OBJ
serving the comparative merits of the
English and American legislative pro-
Cedule has been improved by him.
The result is not favorable to the
existing home methods. The great evil
of present congressional procedure is
the almost entire lack of legislative res
possibility which has developed. All
bills brought into either branch of
Congress are given over to numerous
committees, acting at cross purposes,
and made up of members of all parties.
The committees deliberate in secret,
and the Congress possesses little COM
mand over them, while the speaker Of
the House exercises practically an alb
solute command and becomes the
whole government in it's legislative as
pect, without being known or recogniz-
ed as such-and hence, as Captain
government without any corresponding
responsibility.
This evil has been recognized by pub
licists and statesmen, but it has no.
where in the opinion of Chief Justice
Mott of the United States court of
claims, been better comprehended and
stated than in Miss NJ. p. Folletts book
THE Speaker of the House of Repre-
sentatives," wherein it is said:
Thus legislation rests with the COM
mittee; they may initiate what they
please; they may stife any measures
which have not their approval; the rule
that no bill shall be discussed without
being reported by a committee might
almost as we'll read, Without being APP
proved by committe." Tire are three
practices, moreover, which greatly in
crease the power of the committees
the privacy of their proceedings, the abb
sence of any definite responsibility, and
the lack of united responsible oppos1-
ton. These bodies discuss with closed
doors; ordinarily. the country knows
little or nothing of their declaration; in
strict parliamentary practice, no men,
Der is permitted to allude in the House
to anything that has taken place IN
committee. The House finds that it
must follow the committees or do moth
ing. Logrolling, lobbying and a general
laxity are thus made possible by the
committees.
Moreover, related matters are hand
led by different committee. The COM
mittee on ways and means attends to
revenue bills, and other committee to
expenditures bills; while in England the
ministry, practically a committee nam
ed by the House of Commons, deals
with both revenue and expenditure in
the annual budget, and accordingly
deals with the finances intelligently and
as n CLOSELY related whole
Captain Chadwicks remedy is a sim
pie one, and lying wholly within the
power of the House or the speaker to
adopt. 1t is not without support among
writer's on American constitution and
government:
Firstly, to form all committees which
may be regarded as political commit
tees from the majority only. BY the
term political committees is meant
those which shape administration, as
the committees on appropriations, ways
and means; the milltaly, naval and IN
terstate and foreign commerce commit
tees; those on reform in the civil SER
vice, rivers and harbors, rules and ter
ritories. The effect of this would GER
talnly be to give a real party RESPONSE
blllty to the party in power, cause an
opposition to organize, and thus pro-
duce a return to open debate and public
discussion. This can be done without
any constitutional amendment or even
change of rules; it rests with the speak
er alone.
And the speakers office might there
by be reduced more nearly ~ it's pro-
per functions-those of an impartial
presiding officer or moderator. Captain
Chadwick further says:
If the committees on appropriations,
and on ways and means were united
and made up wholly of the prevailing
VIII 49,,
money and with the general control
which it should have of bills for ex-
penditure drafted by other committees
as those of rivers and harbors, public
building and grounds, etc, be able to
control the national expenditures. The
party in power would thus become
wholly responsible for the means of
raising money and for the money it
spends; for the things il does and the
things 1t falls to do. And il to this
committee were added the committee
on rules the new committee would be-
come great steering committee, taxi
ing also the place of the party caucus,
and we should have in this a body of
men unable at least to shift RESPONSE
bility either in Congress or before the
country; and this responsibility would
finally attach to the party to which it
belonged with a weight. now almost al
together wanting.
An alternative plan is suggcs-Cl re-
curing constitutional amen lment, by
which the president would be enabled
and required to appoint tn. searetarieS
and assistant secretaries Of the exeCu-
tive departments from members of
Congress, who would retain their seats
In Congress and thus bring Congress
directly into touch with the whole busI-
ness of the government an It's needs.
This is equivalent to the Oft-suggasted
plan of giving cabiuat ministers seats
and voice in Coag"=ls.
The idea of a grand gene, al com
mittee, composed wholly of members of
the majority party, and having all mat
ters of revenue and expenditure under
its charge, whose budget .ep)rts woui.l
fall under the review of an opposition
more compact and eff ,ttye from not
being mixed up in the preliminary de-
liberations or formative work of CON.
mittee, Is attractive and worthy Of pub
lie attention. 1t contains the possibili-
ties of effecting a decided improvement
In the way of coherency and RESPONSE
bility I'm federal legislation. -Springfield