The progressive farmer. [volume] (Winston, N.C.) 1886-1904, 1901-10-29

sign that no enemy of Rome breath
ing hot threats of war had entered
the sacred precincts of the city and
when it was struck, the Senate sat
no longer. The reply to war is not
words, but swords. When you tell
me that civil war is threatened by
any party or State in this Republic.
you have given me a supreme reason
why an American Congress should
refuse, with unutterable scorn, to
listen to those who threaten, or to
do any act whatever under the coer.
cion of threats by any power on the
earth. With all my soul 1 despise
your threat of civil war, come itfrom
what quarter or what party it may.
Brave men, certainly, a brave nation,
will do nothing under such compul-
sion"
But ''the best-laid schemes o. mice
an men gang aft agley." Days were
spent in committee, in hair splitting
discussion of the political bias of
Justice Davis, who it was taken for
granted, was to be the fifth Judge on
the Commission. In the ponderous
Illinois jurist we're conferred the
hopes of Democracy, the apprehen-
sions of Republicanism. Is was the
irony of fate that Judge Davis was
not to sit on the Commission. That
was settled, not at the capital of the
nation, but at the far-of capital of
Illinois, when, in their incontinent
zeal to beat Logan, the Democratic
members of the Legislature joined
with a struggling Independent or
two, and elected David Davis to the
Senate of the United States.
Thunder out of clear sky could not
more thoroughly have startled the
Democratic leaders in Washington
The writer will never forget the
drop in the c~ountenance of the Hon.
Abram S. Hewitt, who had had
charge or Mr., Tilden's campaign,
when, meeting him in the lobby of
the Hall of Representatives,, he in
formed him of Judge Davis transfer
from the Supreme Court to the Sen
ate. 1t was plain that Mr.. Hewitt
appreciated it's full significance. No
other man in American public life
occupied quite Judge Davis's unique
position in politics. 1t is doubtful if
the use, in the formative stages of
the Electoral Commission scheme, of
any other name in connection with
service on that commission could
have united both parties in it's sup
port. The danger.point was passed
before he took himself cut of the
range of selection. 1t had gone too
far for either party to recede with
dignity or with honor. The range
of choice of "ffth judge" was now
narrowed to out-and-out Republi-
cans. 1t was Bradley instead of
Davis, and the deus er mGchinG was
Lay O5 4ACpOdO IA 444OOA
By an understanding between the
two parties, the Republicans we're to
have on the Commission three Sena-
tors and two Representatives the
Democrats, two Senators and three
Representatives,. These we're selected
by party caucuses of each body, and
elected in open house, each member
voting for the five. The Senate con
tingent was taken bodily from it's
committee of seven which helped
frame the Commission law, only
Senators Conkling and Ransom b =
ing excluded. Three of the Ho Sc
select committee-the Chairman
(Payne) and Hunton and Hoar-
we're ikew wise honored. The trainers
of the law were thus in a majority
of the tribunal charged with it's exc
,cution. The four Associate Justice-
named in the law, by their circuits,
had, by Justice Davis's elimination,
only out-and-out Republicans to
choose from for ""ffth judge" Choice
foil on Justice Bradley, of New Jer
sey, to whom, as it t~ranspired, fell
the lot of making the President
The Commission, IS a whole, w 8
thus made up: Justices Clifford,
Field, Miller, Strong, and Bradley ;
Senators Edmunds, Frelinghuysep,
Morton, Thurman and Bayard
Representatives Payne, Hunton, All
bott, Hoar, and Garfield.
Justice Bradley's casting vote
made Rutherford B. Hayes Presi-
dent but it was afterward learned