The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-05-12
;ENATOR MORGAN ON
 FUTURE OF CUBA

(Continued from Page a11.) ss-- were subjects of Spain were, the na- fipnal enemies of the United States, and will 50 remain, at our option, until they shall have been invested with an- other citizenship. This has not been done. except to ascertain their wishes and to eliminate those who. in accord ance with the treaty. have Indicated xheir purpose to remain Spanish sub 5ects. If they had chosen to do so all Spanish subjects in Cuba, could have remained in that allegiance, and in that case the Island would have been 'oecu4 pied almost exclusively by Spanish subjects and foreigners. The United States would have had few residents
 IT may not be too late for that con- diti0u yet to exist in Cuba; for those people owe no allegiance to the United States except that of obedience to mil 1tary authority. In trice they could declare their allegiance to Spain. It was not to these people. who were then and are, still without allegiance to any axisting or recognized government, shat we made any promise or offered any hope of national independence, If re ever made such declaration; and 1t ss not just to our declared opinions or 10 our purposes to assert that we ever |sxntanded to include national indepen-
 dence in anything we said or & dld re- Huocttng the future of Cuba. "The peo- rsIa of Cuba" in whose favor Congress made the declaration that they were and of right ought to be free and tn- dependent, if that declaration was meant to describe a political status, must bs "a people"-a body polite ca oable of being independent as State --before the declaration could nave any practical application to them. In any other sense this declaration can nave m actual or legal effect. It is only a sentiment.
 ~ IT W1nch a declaration was made in aassal or political sense as pledge of 4he limited States, and if 1t applied to nnd included the future Statehood of 4ba people of Cuba, and If it extended our obligations to pledge Of future reoognition of the independence Of the aeople of Cuba as a nation-ln either or all of these situations there IS tne nee nunary condition precedent (which ln- Seres in the pledge) that those people rns1sf first be ascertained and lawfully organized into a State that is capable ne heinz free, sovereign and independ- zz,f and of maintaining that status. TTnfil this shall be done, and until such eovereignty and independence shall be not only possible put SaIe as all lnler- na tfonal condition and acceptable to 4ne family of nations, according to the 1asage of nations, there is no duty rest fng on the United States to declare rsfhe people of Cuba" free, sovereign and Independent.
 Tf the time have not arrived when the Limited states can safely make that z recognition in maintaining the proper guardianship of our national defense, or in respect of the general welfare of our people. or without the risk of dan eerous complications with other na- lions, or if that time shall never ar rive there is no legal or moral obliga- zelnn and no technical or equitable
 451el that can bind us to endanger
 barrass our country in order to
 d such a benevolence to the peo-
 2f Cuba. Far less is it our duty #S sume such perils in order to grat- sfy@Ae passion for renown on the part < .yf #aose who however heroic or pa srf6fie they may have been in war with Spain. would have perished or been ncatkered in defeat but for our inter
 veption for their relief. at our enol