The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1901-09-08
SOME ASPECTS OF THE CRIME.

they heard of the attempted assassination
OF President Mckinley was a hope that the
assassin might prove TO be clearly insane
The crime was so shocking and the nation
al disgrace SO great that one could not but
nope they might be mitigated by the dis
covery that the intending assassin was ir-
responsible. Unfortunately, this hope is not
fulfilled except in so far as total Geprav-
ity and unrestrained malice may consi-
tute a form of insanity. Otherwise the cir
cumstances all indicate that the crime was
J planned and executed with every mark OF
mental sanity and moral responsibility.
There was more reason 10 believe Guiteau,
the assassin of President Garfield, insane,
and his lawyers made a pretty strong de-
Tense Of him on that ground, but he was
convicted and executed. Guiteau's motive
was personal and political. He sought re-
venge for not having got an office, and
wanted a change Of Presidents. On being
arrested he said: "An right; 1 did it, and
will go to Jail for it. am a Stalwart, and
Arthur will be President" The fact that he
expected in some way personally to profit
by Garfelds death was in itself, pre-
sumptive proof OF insanity Czolgosz, IL
that is the present assassin's name, seems
to be an out-and-out Anarchist and to have
been actuated by no motive except that Of
numbering the head of a government, even
IL the government was the freest and mild
est on earth and its head one of the great
est OF men. His delusion as to the possible
results Of his act are shown by his state
ment that the present form of government
in this country was all wrong, and he
thought the best way to end it was by
killing the President. The man must be
ignorant. indeed, who thinks that the kill
ing of President can end or change the
form OF government in this country. No
other government in the world is more
firmly established both in a political sense
and in the affections OF the people, or is
less liable 10 be changed or shaken by the
assassination Of its head. Nothing but the
dense ignorance of a foreign-born mis-
creant who had no knowledge OF American
institutions or Of the Constitution and laws
Of the country could have led Czolgosz to
imagine that the killing of the President
could affect the form of government. The
motive was an abominable one, but so
visionary as to be almost absurd.
1t is almost to be regretted that the
would-be assassin in this case was not
killed on the spot or left TO be torn to
pieces by the crowd, as he probably would
have been. His crime deserved a quick and
ignominious punishment, whereas now he
will get great deal of the kind Of noto-
riety which such creatures desire, will be
Iauded as a hero by some OF his own class,
and will pose as the central figure in a long
trial as Guiteau did. Some crank of
lawyer, equally DESTROYS of notoriety, will
De found to defend him, and the disgusting
formalities of the Guiteau case will prob
ably be repeated If the President RECEIVERS,
as now seems probable, the fellow can only
be convicted of a minor offense and his
punishment will not be at all common
surate with the crime. For it must be re-
membered that under our laws the killing
or attempt to kill the President of the
United States does not differ in any re-
spect from a similar attack the hum
blest citizen, and there can be no different
mode of trial or punishment. The principle
Of '1ese majesty does not prevail In this
country, and the attempted murder of
President does not come under the defni-
| ton of treason. If an officer of the army or
navy or a private soldier or sailor should
| kill the President, who IS commander-in-
| chief of the army and navy, he could be
tried and convicted under military law,
but with a civilian the case is different If
| Czolgos1 had been shot on the spot by one
of the secret-service men near the Presi-
dent the country would have rejoiced, but
now that he is under arrest the public will
have to await the slow course of legal pro-
| ceedings. The London Daily Mail, in COM
menting on the event, expresses the opin-
ion that the motive underlying such crimes
| is notoriety, and that if such criminals
could be dealt with on the spot one great
inducement to the commission Of such at
| tempts would be removed. The Mail sug-
| gests that all rulers should be accompanied
by armed men instructed to shoot assassins
on the spot. The suggestion is not a bad
one, and the knowledge of its adoption
might tend to intimidate assassins.
A good deal has been said about the i'm
prudence of our Presidents exposing them
selves so freely and the Importance of hav-
| ing a bodyguard, especially when travel
| ing There is something to be said on both
! sides Of that question. A conspicuous body
/ guard would be opposed to American ideas
/ and might suggest or excite the very thing
it was intended to prevent. 1t is to be hoped
we have not yet reached the point when we
must adopt European ideas and methods
! for the protection of the head of the gov
eminent, thereby virtually admitting the
| presence Of a constant danger. Besides,
/ such methods are not always effective. as
! the experience of foreign governments
| shows. The American way OF having the
| President accompanied by a few trained
/ and trusty detectives or secret-service
men in citizens clothes is probably quite
as effective and is certainly less conspicu-
/ Gus. After all, his main reliance must al
ways be in the friendliness OF the people
who have elected him and whose servant
| he is Whatever risk there may be is TO the
| President personally and not TO the gov
eminent. and a brave man who trusts the
people would rather take the risk than
adopt methods indicative OF personal fear