The Savannah morning news., 1901-04-20
President A3ckinIey's Cuban Foley
BY John Kean, u. S. Senator, n. J.
Trorvriabt 1o01

President s'cKinIey's Cuban Foley.
BY John Kean, L. S. Senator N. ].
Copyright 1901
Is the administration living up to tho
pledge made to the Cuban people by the
country through Congress, to the pledge
OF the Republican party made in National
convention, ard to its own pledge as set
forth in various official papers?
This question is one Of the most inter-
esting OF the many ques tons under dis
cussion at the present time, and will con-
tinue to be so, for many months to come.
Not only that, it is of such grave import
that the controversy 10 which it has Civ
en- rise will have to be examined by the
history writer's of the present and future
and adjudicated upon in the light Of the
experience that is yet TO come.
Cuba was declared to be entitled to i'm
dependence in the Teller resolution. Are
the demands made by Congress in the
Plat resolutions a violation of the first
declaration, or, to put it in another way.
are they inconsistent with it? That is
the hub of the whole contention. The
administration holds that they are not;
the members of the Cuban Constitutional
Convention and those opposed to the adj
ministrstion hold that they are.
In considering the, question the fact
should not be lost sight of that the Teller
resolution preceded the war with Spain.
That conflict cost the United States a
vast amount of money, and considerable
loss of life, directly and indirectly. When
Spain was finally beaten there came the
treaty of peace. In that instrument the
United States assumed certain moral re-
sponsibiities. not only toward the late
subjects of Spain themselves, but toward
the nations having large vested interests
in the island. Those responsibilities cam
not be tossed aside and evaded as they
would be were the United States to say
to Cuba, now we have freed you, go
and do as you please
Such a policy on our part would be ma
tional lunacy. We are sponsors for the
future good government of Cuba before
the world. We owe il to the Cuban peo-
pie themselves to see that the govern
ment they decide upon is the best they
could devise under present conditions, and
that it viii not be in such forms that it
might be a menace to ourselves at some
time in the future, whether near or re-
mote. In enforcing the Platt conditions
the ed1ninistra ton is really taking meas
ures to conserve the independence of Gu
ba not to destroy it. One of the very
greatest of the early statesmen of the
republic declared that capability for self
government requires long training, and
speaking of the then newly emancipated
South American colonies. They were no.
he declared. fitted for seif-government,
and would not be for long course of
years. The experience of more than half
a century proves that, so far as many
of these so-cslled republics are concerned
he was clearly right. Nearly every one
OF them has been. from the date of it's
| independence to the present hour, under
| the rule of military usurpers and dicta-
tors, and not constitutionsliy elected pres
dents. Their history is one long record
of conspiracy ana revolution, confisca,- on
of property and public and private ruin.
The rights of the many have been tram
pied upon by the few, and the majority
of their people are very little advanced
in point of civilization beyond that OF
their fathers three generations ago.
Cuba must give guarantees that her
future will not be filled with the TRACE
dies that have stained the governments
OF the Southern half of the continent. She
must place the United States in the post
ton of being able to maintain her indie
pendence as against any power that may
threaten it. On more than one occasion
the country has been on the veage OF war
on account of some of our continental
sister republics. One war for Cuba is all
that we should be asked 10 undertake.
Sound policy commands that Cuba shall
be protected against herself. and that we
shall be protected against cuba.