The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-07-25

| fore the courts of the country? Does
 1t not point to him and to his as iegit-
 mate prey for every plunderer? But how is this to affect the white
 race-this Angio-Saxon race Of whose achievements we are justly proud and whose future promises so much to civ ilization? Is this race beyond the
 reach of temptation? Can nothing
 corrupt it and nothing impede its
 march onward and upward? The his
 tory of other races furnishes not only an answer but points with warning finger to the dangers that threaten
 this great race. If you give men the power to oppress. the temptation to use that power to advance sordid ann
 bition or to gratify passion or preju-
 dice appeals with irresistible foRce to human nature whether that human na- ture is in the form of Indian. African,
 Mongolian, Latin or Anglo Saxon. In making it possible for white men to
 degrade the negro by oppression you provide the methods by which white
 men will become brutalized. Do you not read in the signs of the times the prophecy of this danger? The more degraded the inferior race becomes the more inevitable is the brutality Of the superior race. This race question Is one of the great world questions that
 must be settled. What are the domi- nant races to do with the inferior.
 races? is one of the many problems that stAam and electricity have pro-
 pounded to the philosophers and statesmen of the twentieth century. Alabama is intensely interested in its solution. She is one of the centers of this great world storm that is rapidly over-casting the whole political sky. Will she rise to the dignity and i'm portance of this question? Will she lay aside all passion. all prejudice and | Tn the steady. clear light of reason and justice, settle righteously and there- l fore permanently. this great question? Every State in the United States Is | She Is represented by 155 white men
 who are supported by the public sen timent. Louisiana. Mississippi, South Carolina and North Carolina | in depriving the negro of the right of franchise by methods whose legality and fairness. to say the best for them, are questionable. The States have | temporized with this question. The history of the past would indicate that it will assume some other and perhaps more malignant form &R the future. Will Alabama settle 1t? Let Us hope | so.
 The white race of the State is great ly at advantage by erecting high stand ards. It insures white supremacy. and
 we cannot computeethe gains to both races in the vast improvement of the
 economic, the political and moral con- ditions of the State. It places this | icisnl of that class of acrimonious South haters who never leave an op- portunity to malign us. It does more
 1t gives us the moral support and en-
 dorsement of right thinking men every where
 It accords with the principles and traditions of the Democratic party equal and exact justice to all, special privileges to no one, Is one of the max
 inns of the party. 1t agrees with the spirit and genius of our free institu- tions that the right of government Is | based upon the consent of the gov erned. It applies that grea. principle | that has made the Democratic party great in the past-an adherance to the
 plain teachings of the Constitution. Let me say in conclusion. that 1t is
 not absolutely necessary to have the work of this Convention ratified by the people. We can go along under the
 old law, but 1t is necessary that every
 section, every Article and every line of
 the new Constitution shall be just to
  | terest of the State.
 MT. Waath .rly-Wir the gentleman
 allow an interruption?
 The President-Does the gentleman yield1
 1 Mir. Banks-Yes, sir.
 | Mir Weatherly-The gentleman has
 propoun1ed the statement that there should be a method for placing the
 voting privilege of the citizens upon a l in way indicated simply that 1t should
 be a high standard. Will the gentle
 man now specifically state what that | standard should be, and whether or not it should go into effect at oncey | Mr. Banks--I recognize, Mir. Presi- dent and Gentlemen of the Convention,
 that there are some difficulties in an- swering the question that has been propounded to me. In the first place, | in answer to the question, l would
 say that I would not erect high standard that was to go into effect al
 once, but l would have a temporary plan, but not such one as provided | in this grandfather clause.
 | MT. Weatherly-Wil the gentleman
 state specifically the temporary plan he
 would suggest? | MT. Banks-Yes, will. with a great deal of pleasure. l offered an ordi- | nance to tnlb NOHNeHIIOu oil tiO ouh - | frage question, and it occurs to me It
 provided the temporary plan that would
 meet all the exigencies of the case. It
 provided for a graduated suffrage plan.
 It did not disfranchise a single man in Alabama who had any sort of right 10 the exercise of the franchise. but 1t did this: 1t did not give to the man who did not know how to read and how 10
 write, and who had not the means Of informing himself as to the great dues-
 tions as issue in this State, the same
 power to exercise the ballot as was con- ferred Apon the man who knows what he Is doing
 MT. Weatherly-I beg your pardon for the Interruption. l have some rec
 ollection of you plan, but l do not
 know that am able to state 1t exactly. Was that the one which gave the man | who could nOt--
 l The President-The time of the gen tleman from Russell has expired. l MT. Weatherly-I rise to a point of
 order. The chair recognized me to ask a question, and I was on the floor. The President-The chair had rec
 ognized the gentleman from Jefferson
 to ask two questions, but not three
 He was on the third question. and the
 time of the gentleman has expired.
 MT. Weatherly-I wanted to avail
 myself of the privilege. and l desire to
 ask an extension of the gentlemans
 time which my questions to some ex-
 tent curtailed
 The President-The time of the gen.