The Lexington intelligencer. [volume] (Lexington, Mo.) 1901-1949, 1901-09-28
nn,r REpnRIICAN REFORM.

While ffSSlueut MONihiNs'
the sting Of the party lash, turned a
complete summerSault on the money
question. no one ever dreamed that
his voice would ever be raised in favor
of a modification Of our infamous
tariff laws. Be that as it may, how
ever. we have no faith in republican
promises to abate this gigantic steal
from the American people and predict
that President RooSevelt's sugar
coated talk about reciprocity will die
abornin' when a subsidized majority
in congress receives orders from It's
master, the bloated tariff baron, that
his scheme of legalized robbery must
not be interfered with.
Mr., Mckinley, says the indianapolis
Qnd.) Sentinel, when he entered
national politics, was mounted on a
hobby and rode it skillfully and per-
sistently until it landed him in the
white house. He entered congress as
the representative of a district con-
tanning important manufacturing in
duStrieS, the owners OF which con-
trolled the politics of the district. 1t
was these influences which seated him
in congress and kept him there. Mr..
Mckinley shaped his political course
on the simple and practical rule Of
doing everything that his hackers
wanted him to do and nothing that
they objected to. The tariff was with
them a business matter rather than a
political principle. All that they
asked of Mr.. Mckinley was to see to
it that they got everything they
wanted in the tariff bills, and they
took are of it that he remained
where he could do them the most
good. 1t was a successful and
effective combination. Mr.. Mckinley
busted himself in congress with tariff
matters. He stood for high duties on
the products in which his friends and
partiSanS were interested, and in
order to secure them he stood for high
duties on everything else. This soon
made him known as the most active
and extreme protectionist in congress.
The protected interests secured con-
troll of the republican party and
through it of the government. Mr..
Mckinley was made, early in his con-
greSSional career, a member OF the
ways and means committee In order
better to serve his protected allies.
They tried to make him speaker Of the
house, but he wa defeated by Mr..
Reed, an event which proved fortunate
for him, for Mr.. Reed, conforming to
custom, named him chairman Of ways
and means. In this capacity he lent
his name to the EXTREMIST tariff
measure that had up to that time
been enacted in this country or any
other. A popular reaction followed
the passage Of the Mckinley bill
which swept Mr.. Mckinley into
private life. While tho Mckinley
law was still in force a tremendous
panic occurred, but Mr.. Mckinley and
the protected interests managed to
make the country believe that it was
due to other causes. He quickly re-
appeared in public life as governor Of
Ohio. The protected interests or
gained under the conSummate gen.
eralShip of Mark Hanna and with al
NEST inexhaustible financial resources,
managed to nominate and elect Mr..
Mckinley president. Their success
was complete. Organization and
money carried the day.
The republican party today is as
securely fastened in the grasp of the
money power as it has ever been in
its history. Trusts, the peStilential
offspring Of the tariff, have this politi.
cal organization by the throat and
that the hold will not be relinquished
no one doubts. The republican party
is the abject slave Of organized
wealth. Its successes at national
elections is ever due to money spent
with profligate hand by eastern CAPT.
talistS who see in its continuation ir
power their only hope for legalizet
looting. No matter how earnest Mr.
Roosevelt may be in his desire to re-
model the tariff and bring about thai
reciprocity of which there is now Sc
much talk, members of congress, wher
the command of the monied oversee
is given, will not only crlnge anc
falter but will rise in open revolt
against the policies Of the nation'
chief executive. 1t is safe to say tina,
Mr.. Roosevelt is aware of this fact