The Washington times., 1901-09-29
beninmin Harrison's Las. work.

ItAJdiilAfi btlDE his ANAEt SstE
and Writings on Subjects Of Public Inter
est since the Close Of his Administration
as President OF the United States" 1t con-
tains chapters on widely different sub
jects connected with American history
and institutions and with the special oc-
casions on which some of the speeches
were delivered The work was compiled
by Mary Lord Harrison.
The first six chapters contain six lee
lures delivered at Stanford University on
constitutional history. Like all the other
matter in .he book, they are clear-cut
and lucid in style. conservative in thought
and dignifiod and careful in treatment
1t is well known that ex-President Harri-
son was cne of the ablest constitutional
lawyers in the country, and he had the
gift of imparting his knowledge in singu-
larry well-chosen and expressive language
He was never what is called a picturesque
speaker; he was not epigrammatic ol
rhetorical; his speeches resemble a plain
solid and well-built wall, without a weak
point anywhere.
The first lecture which is entitled
"The Development of the National Con-
stitution," explains not only the aim OF
the course, but a process of education
which is very necessary not only for law
yers but for the American people as a
whole; and for this reason the book will
be valuable in public libraries and in the
homes of book-loving and intelligent peo-
pie. He says among other things:
My aim is not so much to make
lawyers as to promote a broad and
Intelligent American citizenship. Our
civil institutions are safe only when in
the keeping of a generation that loves
them; and the love of institutions
however it may be with another SORT
must be educated. We guard and keep
our treasures; that which is not val
ued We suffer others to take without
resistance.
1T viii be my purpose to show you
the beauty. strength, and adaptation Of
States and thereby to make your
love of other institutions deeper
and more intelligent. / will not ask
you to love everything that is Amer
lean. but / will ask you to shun the
example of those who love anything
for no better reason than that it is not
American.
"A study of English history and of
the English constitution will greatly
aid your understanding of our colonial
history and of the development of our
national and State institutions; but /
cannot go very far into that field. The
English constitution is not, as you
know, like ours, written in
strument, containing a formulated
system of fundamental law, of
permanent and paramount obli-
cation, apporticning the powers
of government and providing par
ticular methods by which amend
nents may be added. England has no
such written document. The word
Constitution is there used in its wider
sense, to Indicate a civil system and
order defined partly by writings, as
the Magma Charta, but chiefly by long
established usage and recognized pre-
cedents. The limitations of the pow
ers of the sovereign and the rights of
the people are, however, pretty well
definea and very i@nlousiy guarded.
though they are without codification-
We nave become so accustomed to
book-to article and secuon-that We
hare all but lost the wider and primi-
tive meaning of the word constitution
as applied TO State. 1t would ne I'M
possible, | suppose, for convention
of the publicists and statesmen OF
England to codify the English consti-
tuition to the acceptance of the crown
and of the Commons. The powers OF
the Crown, though they now give 1T
tie trouble in practical administrator,
are hardly capa BILE of an acceptable
definition. The codifiers would pc
compelled. / suppose, to write that me
Prime Minister is appointed by the
Crown If they followed the letter; but
II they recorded the fact they would
write that he is chosen by the ma,
jcrity in the House of Commons. Ana
If they should attempt to denne the
method of expressing that choice they
would find it impossible to be precise
for the party leader, who must be
Prime Minister, is not selected py
I'VE have lust now an Illustration of
what | have said. Mr.. Gladstone has
surrendered the privy seal ano ms
position as Prime Minister in the Eng
fish Cabinet. Lord Rosebery has been
al his plarp There was no
formal vote in the House OF Commons.
He was pointed out as the most con-
spicuous and acceptable leader OF that
party. after Mr.. Gladstone, and SO
would nave preferred, If she had acted
with absolute freedom in her cholce,
10 have called Lord Salisbury TO pc
Prime Minister; but the petes preeeash,s bs
would have been SO rudely violated py
such a choice that trouble would have
ensued for her Therefore. her choice,
in the selection of her Prime MINISTER
is not free. He Is chosen, as
have said. rather by the assent
though without formal expresslon-ott
Abe ma jority party in the House OF
Commons, and holds his place, as you
know. subject to be surrendered wnen-
ever a majority in the Commons rams
to sustain any measure which he has
proposed
Mr.. Harrison then gees on to describe
the difference between the problems
which confronted the makers OF the Re
public and those with which the statesmen
of England deal. Two or three paragraphs
In this part of the essays are OF especial
interest at this time, when the whole
country is struggling with the question
how TO make a homogeneous whole out OF
diversified clements.
"Homogeneity is the essential OF a
true Commonwealth. A common Ian
guage. common hopes and purposes,
and interests are its progenitors. 1
do not mean that all hopes and pur-
poses and interests, great and small.
must run in parallels II that were
the condition the State would be
small and its people few. safe and
enduring State is assured when the
large dominating hopes. purposes, and
interests of its people are common.
The struggle between the small local
interests of the colonies and the large
and enduring benefits of a union was
fierce and long and TO human thought
doubtful. Some caught the glory OF
the coming day. and its light made
them blind TO all small things: and for
the majority there was the inexorable
alternate-a union with national
powers. or the speedy resumption OF
foreign domination made more cruel
by resistance.
"Some of the influences that made
the American citizen should have our
attention. And first, / remark. that IL
free government is TO have stability
endurance-its citizens must give their
love and allegiance to institutions. to
principles. to constitutions rather than
to leaders. And herein is very largely
the explanation of the stability of the
American Union, its comparative ex-
emption from domestic Instructions,
and its absolute immunity from sue
cessful revolutions. Our Spanish
American neighbors on the south are
lovers of liberty; they are brave and
spirited: but they have not learned to
value civil institutions. They follow a
cockade rather than a constitution:
and the sad result is that revolution
succeeds revolution. and their great re-
sources lie undeveloped Not so the
Anglo-Saxon; for here, men may come
and men may go. but they cannot
break the fast hold of the citizen upon
the established civil status. He fol-
lawe man nplv yrbep 10 man OF pdS