The age-herald., 1901-04-07

There is provision made for the gradua- ton of women in all the schools of the University of Alabama The condition precedent Is that woman shall remain voiceless in the government of the in- stitution. She Is not of the first rank of benehciaries there; to go there at all is not her prerogative-she goes there under license of special privilege. She is not educated at the University for purposes of qualification for citizenship. but rather for the ends of her passive influence over the State. We call sex discrimination constitutional; we founder in the paradox of race equality as we prepare to make constitution.
 State constitution Is a settled hmita- ton of natural right in man; it Is pre- scribed allotment of power, share by share. according to the merit In things to be done by various divisions of the body polite.
 So 1t comes about that we in Alabama must revise our constitution. In the sphere of the electoral franchise the right will remain with the prefix male Mys- tification and trepidation, nevertheless, seem to environ our cogitations upon the moot inquiry of so amending this time honored prefix of the electoral franchise that 1t may hereafter read white male.
 Negro education and negro suffrage have passed beyond the experimental stage Negro suffrage Is universally known as an abortion, irreconcilable with free institutions in Alabama. There has been never time when negro education did not prevail in Alabama with best re- suits. when the method Is logical and honest. For an entire generation In the present time our laws have speculated upon the influence of letters in negro edu- cation We know that letters alone will not make a soldier or a sailor, so we send our youths intended for purposes of war by land or sea to West Point or Annapo- lis for training other than in books. We know that letters will not suffice to edu- cate a boy or a girl in certain practical walks of life, so we send them to Auburn or Montevallo to be taught. When we come to negro education and how to do it, bravo! the thing to do is to stun the passive negro pupil with textbooks, in the narratives of which he can find no trace of his race genealogy, no sign of negro alphabet, no history of negro ann bitfon, no suspicion that there Is place for the negro in society except as the prolonged victim of that race which writes and prints and sells the school books. builds the schoolhouses and pays the school teachers. We dodge behind the Fourteenth Amendment in our treatment of the problem of negro education. We fear to attempt a system of negro educa- tion recommended by Councill and Wash ington, illustrious exemplars of its wis., dom. We are resolved to hold negro schools upon the same plane with white schools, even while we dare not deny the plane sinks to meet the degradation of the negro race as the impossible alternative of negro elevation to the normal altitude of the plane.
 Does the Fourteenth Amendment dictate an equal per capita division of the school taxes of Alabama between whites and blacks? The contention Is mere myth The constitution of 1875 expressly ordains an indivisible negro school tax and an in divisible white school tax to be applied specifically to the schools of the race that pays the tax. In Dallas County the poll tax goes, as to say, four-fifths of the vol tune of it, to negro schools exclusively, because negroes pay about four-fifths of the poll tax in that county. In Cullman County the poll tax goes exclusively to white schools because there are no poll tax paying negroes there.
 The only theory upon which the Four ,teenth Amendment can get into court is the theory of it's demand for non-discrim-