The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-07-27

hearsav evidence in ninety-nine eases out of 100? His own evidence would be hearsay in claiming to be the descend ant of soldier. have been reading the papers about the good ladies of the land desiring to join the Daughters of the American Revolution. The Atlanta Constitution and The Montgomery Ad- vertiser are full of all sorts of inquiries and answers as to who John Smith was, and Bill Jones, and whether he fought in any war or not. Then somebody else will come back and say in some history of North Carolina they say Bill Jones was in a North Caro- lima Regiment, and in some instances upon that they predicate descent from a revolutionary soldier. and maybe join the Daughters of the American Rev. olution.
 Mr. white-we are going to have Sons of the Revolution under this sec ton.
 MT. Ferguson-Sons of the American RtvolLtion, hereditary voters in a class to themselves, that other citizens will not and cannot attain. I never heard of a negro being in the war of the revolution, and when the Supreme Court of the United States, that Is lia- sble to be hostile and antagonistic, es- peciaily if the Northern heart is fired, look at it, they will put their x rays on 1t and say, this is a palpable scheme upon the face of 1t for the purpose of disfranchising citizens of the United States, because they must know his- tory as we do; they must have known, as we do. that there were no negroes of the Revolutionary War, and that there were no negroes in the war of 1872 with Jackson and Coffee and oth- CTS. They will say, though, that there were negroes in the Federal army in the war between the States, because they know it and we know it. But there is many man in the hills that you think is going to break his neck to vote for this grand-daddy clause who will say, "I will never vote to en- franchise one of those fellews, never in this world.''
 I have been struck by this class dis tinction. I was struck when we first came down here, with the disposition of men to swell up and be proud on account of certain things. We have in this Convention 100 delegates nomi- mated from the counties. We have ffty-five delegates nominated from the State at large, the Congressional dis tricts and the Senatorial districts. ] could observe a superior air about the fellow who was nominated from the State-at-farge-the House of Lords, or the Upper House of this Convention They would sort of rare back and look down upon us fellows who stood right next to the people, and were nominated by the people. Laughter.) It is SC easy to establish class distinctions gentlemen. But they soon discovered that the fellows who had the ear of the people and who were nominated by the people were in the majority and that they would not submit to subordina- tion.
 I want to say, gentlemen, that Sen ator Morgan wasn't so far wrong after all. It is true, they have introduced the record against him here, and have shown somewhat inconsistent state- ments, but there is this distinction be- tween his position to admit the white race to hold all offices and setting aside particular class of voters whose fathers did certain things.
 MT. Oates-I want to suggest to my friend that Senator Morgan is able to handle any side or any question,
 A Delegate-Or both sides.
 MT. Ferguson-Well, I think so my self.
 We'll, now, gentlemen, a few more words and I will have concluded. If We can get all these voters in under the third division. if they are of good char acter, l ask you in all common sense and reason, what is the use of weight ing down the Constitution with a pro- vision that may be declared unconsti- tutional and that may carry down with it all the other provisions on the suf- frage question?
 But the answer will be, and the argu- ment has been, that this is a tempo iary class; that 1t only lasts until Jan uary l, 1903, and that the Suprem. Court of the United States could not act upon it within that time. That hac; n hn time. a class would have been estab- lisned by the Registrars. They will have made this hereditary class of vot- CTS. But mind you, Presidential cleo tiOn comes on in 1904. another one in 1908 and every four years thereafter, and there are Congressional elections every two years. If there should come a close Presidential contest will not Congress be apt to say that by reason Of this fraudulent enactment you have made this particular class that other citizens could not aspire to. and you have destroyed the republican form of government in Alabama" and they will overthrow 1t or they will throw out the vote of Alabama in the House of Rep resentatives. Now. unless We want to yield all interest in the Presidential and in the national elections of this country. in my humble judgment. it Woulu De uHSdIe lO put tHlS pTOVASlOu All the organic law.
 I want to say that there Is no man on this floor who has more veneration. respect. love and regard for the Con- federate soldier than l have. and none who loves his descendants more.
 IA delegate-Their daughters?
 MT. Ferguson-Yes. 1 have loved their daughters and may perhaps do so again. Mir. President, I never see an old grey jacket that it does not raise emotions in my breast. I am not so old as to take retrospective view of life and to indulge in memories of the past, but I am old enough to remember when these same soldiers went forth to war in bright glittering uniforms, golden stripes and with fife and drum gaily playing and banners fluttering in the breeze, as they marched up to the train to go off to Virginia. It was a glorious sight and 1t thrilled my boyish heart with pride to see the soldiers as they were going out to do battle for their country. But gentlemen. Linden saw another sight, when four years later they came back, not banded, to- gether in companies and regiments, but singly and in little squads, dirty and bedraggled. ragged and torn by the misfortunes of war; and 1t was a sad sight, gentlemen. My every sympathy goes out to them. l love them for the deeds of valor that they did upon many