The Washington times., 1901-12-17
R0SEBERY In SADDLE AGAIN.
CONTINUED from first ragc)
A Model TO he Avoided.


Itself isolated. This advice could hav'
been better put by better authority that
himself. namely. Theodore Roosevelt, tn,
head of the greatest democratic cOmmu
nifty in the world. Continuing. he said:
We hope to keep going on by steps. no
bounds We must keep our eyes on tht
stars, but also remember that our feet ar,
on the ground
Lord Rosebery declared that he knew
there were many idealists and honest IA
natics, far in advance Of the Liberal party
and their times, who would repudiate thi.
advice, but if they blew their trumpet.
until they cracked their checks the walls
OF Jericho would not fall.
The Sentiment OF Empire.
His last piece Of advice was that the
| party ought not to dissociate itself. even
indirectly, unconsciously. or by careless
words, from the new sentiment OF empire
| which occupied the nation. To many the
word empire" was suspect. indicating
aggression, greed, and violence, but the
sentiment now represented by the word in
| Great Britain had nothing Of that in il.
1t was the sentiment CT affection in
volying a family feeling of pride, and he
statesman who dissociated himself from
it must not be surprised If the nation dis
sociated itself from him. If asked to state
the policy TO which the axioms he had
laid down should be applied. he might find
difficulty in complying except by imagin-
ing himself responsible minister. which,
he added facetiously. would be an incon-
ceivably wild fight of the imagination:
but his watchword if in Office would be
efficiency"
Need of Efficiency.
II the nation had not learned from the
war that it was greatly behind in eff
cheney it had learned nothing and its
treasure and lives had been thrown away.
The people had first 10 examine the eff
cheney of the Parliamentary machine.
II had been said that Parliament was
on trial. He was not sure that the trial
was ended and that the Jury was consider
ing its verdict. He could not show more
absolutely the ridiculous impotence to
which Parliament had been reduced than
by stating the fact that &c per cent OF the
money votes in the House OF Commons
last session had been closured.
To Reform War Omce.
Next. it was imperative TO examine aud
overhaul the administration OF the War
Office. the complaints against which he
believed to be Just. Again, it was most
desirable to explore with exceeding vigil
lance the efficiency Of the navy. particu
larly the location OF the various squad
rons.
This did nc; imply doubt Of the navy's
efficiency, lut it was a matter concern
ing whicn watchfulness could not be re-
laxed for 4 single moment. Then an en-
ergetic onar.ry should be made concern
ing CONNER and industry. He admitted
that in connection with this subject he
did not entertain the optimistic views ex-
pressed by Ar. Balfour in q recent speech.
He Lord RosebsTyJ was alarmed con-
cerning the future. but most important
OF ALL because underlying the efficiency
OF the nation was the question of eduea-
tion. In which Great Britain was sadly
tagging. It was the weapon with which
the nation has peacefully TO fight other
nations. At present. constituted or net
weapon. There WIS nothing like a ma
tional system Of education. all was
chaos
The housing u the people and temper
ace were other matters demanding eff
cient treatment.
At Great Crisis.
Lord Rosebery recalled that when he
accepted the Chesterfield invitation he
had said that the nation was at the great
est crisis of its history. There were
three elements in the crisis, viz, in for
eign relations, in the Ministry. and in the
war.
When the King meets Parliament he
might be able TO announce that his rela-
tions with foreign Governments were sat
isfactory. but how about foreign peoples?
He yentured TO say that in the whole his
tory OF England there was no parallel to
the hatred and i'll VIII with which she
was regarded almost unanimously By the
people OF Eurore.
When the Government went into Of1ce
In 1885 II found peace with honor and as
much good will as could reasonably be ex-
pected II had now incurred the II! viii
OF almost every nation Of the globe This
was mcst dangerous state OF affairs.
The Government to large extent was
responsible.
FnIsc Ideas Conveyed.
The peoples Of Europe had received the
Impression, falsely communicated to them
through impure but gllded channels, that
the war IN South Africa was the war OF
a powerful Empire, animated By greed
and lust for gold. against two feeble Re
publics. He would not say that the idea
could have been altogether dspelled. but
the Government had not taken all possi-
Bile steps to counteract II.
The Government had also been tactless
in all its dealings. He instanced the is
suing Of General Kitchener's description
of one weeks operations as "a total bag
This was calculated to produce the most
detestablc impression. as was also the
Colonial Secretary's oratOry.
AuacI. on Chamberlain.
Mr.. Chamberlain forgot what often was
good for home consumption did not an
swer abroad. He wished Mr.. Chamberlain
would keep his power OF invective for his
opponents at home. His indulgence in this
style Of talk was becoming an inconven-
ience, II not a danger. abroad.
He condemned the Government when it
became aware O: Mr.. Kruger's great war
like preparations for not demanding the
cause Of them. and demanding that they
cease. II II had done so, the war would
have been OF far smaller dimensions.
The Government excused itself by say
ing its hands were tied by the jameson
raid. but this was not wholly true. The
Government ought to have probcd that
raid and justly compensated the Trans
vaai Government
Inrd Rnsehery atl.cknd thn cnnducL OF