The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-09-15

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 Argument of Opposition.
 , l recapituiate 1t briefly. It took final %iss,a IoTm in U the resistance offered to the ad; years after the date of the treaty. Il was then contended by Josiah Quipcy .most memorable of orators), that the ment were in usurpation of power wher they combined to admit new States, not otJnifed ne oTsignai s,sts territory that the tern treaty with Great Britain, when the Con. stitution was adopted, and that the area could not be indefinitely enlarged and al ted to the administration of new and strange clements, within the delegated powers of the Constitution; that if it be essential that new territory be acquired ny war. or by treaty, still 1t must be true that this acquisition could not enter the union on terms of equality with the original states until the creators of the their Legislatures, should first consider ana determine upon the specific question of enlargement of the Union.
 opposition with elaboration of the State rights doctrine. The State rights prinai- pie. II preserved. would protect the lib- enlargement of the confederacy. "'
 Tn the midst of his campaign against MT, Adams. he had elaborated his views of the powers of the Government, and he . written in the time of that decisive cam paign, to Gideon Grander [Works of Jef- ferson' Vol oI,,cs;ll III P .sSl he said so ,soo = believe we shall obtain a ma lority in the Legislature of the United sS states. attached to the preservation of the Federal Constitution according to its obvious principles, and those on which u was known to be received; attached equally to the preservation to the States oI those unquestionably remaining with freedom of the press. trial by jury and to economical government: opposed to standing armies. paper systems, war. and any foreign nation in short, a majority nrm in, all those principles, which we have espoused and the Federalists have ment is too large to have all It's affairs directed by a single government. Public servants at such a distance, and from under the eye of their constituents. must, from the circumstance of distance, be unable to administer and overlook all the details necessary for the good govern ment of the citizens and the same cir- possible to their constituents, will invite the public agents to corruption, plunder ana waste; And l do verify believe that ne prIa1eiPiei were n fot to preysa1 of states (which principle possesses the Gen. eral Government of all the powers of the state governments, and reduces us to
 
 be the most corrupt government on earth"
 Political Questions.
 The history of Mir. Jefferson's connec- tiq1n,o tions with ta the the Louisiana Purchase Is ney, Minister to Spain, in 1902. to nego- tiate for the purchase of 'the Island of New Orleans and the two F1oridas'' from by the treaty of Ildefenso, eighteen months ante-dating his own movement He repeated the instructions for negotia- tion tn Tor purchase, of the same territory; he sent Monroe specially to assist Liv- ingston. Nevtrtheless. the President pro- ceeded as the Chief Executive of a con stitutional govrnment. This Is. his inn mortal chaplet of fame. He had already applied to Congress, not to one branch, s put to both; separately: for authority to chase. When he. did present, finally the fruits of his diplomacy to Congress, he apologtzed for the negotiation for all .Louisiana, saying in the exigency of thority vested in him to buy the smaller area tantamount to authority to buy the whole, subject to the will of Congress in
 Did the President know his own act? He wrote various contemporary personal letters as the treaty awaited perfection. lie wrote positively and temperately, as was his won't on great occasions. The busting of all Europe from Louisiana" was plain necessity to the safety of the American idea in our Government but he disavowed belief in the arbitrary ex- tension of the Government at Washing ton over Louisiana" The New England school contended that the purchase was perilous to the American idea of confed- erated States, because the constitutional compromises necessary to be perpetuated as between the acknowledged and defined sections must become imperative with the addition of new States from new sec tons. To this interference, the Presi- dent responded with his own argument. He contended that while he did not de- ernment at Washington over Louisiana" yet his faith was that the constitutional theory of State sovereignty was equal to States from the enCroachment of the Federal Government enlarged indefinitely by the admission of new Statss Eight years after the new States of Louisiana, as we now have 1t, was admitted on Mr. Jefferson's theory and advice, came the
 Missouri compromise act of Congress, defining the sectional line of 3530 as a dividing line of sections and States with in sections. MT. Jefferson then wrote to John Adams:
 Monticello. December 10, 'Sl.9
 '' The banks, bankrupt law, man ufactures (protective tarlff) spanish treaty, are nothing. These are occur rences which. like the waves in a storm. souri question Is a breaker, on which we lose the Missouri country by a revolt and what more, God only knows. From Bunker's Hill to the treaty of Paris we never had so ominous question. It even dumps the joy with which 1 hear of your good health, and comes to me the conse- quenceS of my want of it. I thank God that l shau not live to witness Its issue"
 To William Short he soon wrote sini- lar sentiments of grief and despair To on this same topic, of "the useless sacr1- flee of themselves, by the generation of lI6, to acquire self-government and hap pinesS to their country"
 The two conflicting theories of govern ment,. which have divided the minds Of strength upon the question of providing a government for the Louisiana Purchase. MT. Jefferson. the prime mover in the expansion seems to have been anxious only that the American idea [See Artice III of the treaty. should prevail; freedom press, well-regulated militia in lieu of q national army. freedom of the people in | their houses against arbitrary govern | ment search, indictment by grand jury, trial by. petit jury. habeas corpus, the | reservation in the people of all power | This was constitutional government, in | contradistinction of government by the | 
 In reply to Mir. Webster's historic speech of March 7th. 1850. in the Senate, r support of the theory of constitutional | Senator William H. Seward of New York said, on the thrtieth day of the same month; There Is higher law than the constitution to regulate our control of the domain and which dedicates 1t to the same noble purposes" In less than ten nt-Jenersonian proposition of govern ment every State of the North had em-