The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1901-11-03
Signed Article i'm Berlin Paper by His
Personal Friend, Prof. Munster
berg, of Harvard.
C0MMENDS HIM TO FAVOR
WRITER PREDICTS CHANGE IN
RELATIONS WITH ENGLAND.
Thinks Hay VIII Retire and Lodge
Come In, Which Will Tend to
Favor German Interests.
Correspondence of the Indianapolis Journal.

Correspondence of the Indianapolis Journal.
NEW YORK, Nov. 1.-The following arti-
Gle is from the Berlin Weekly, a publica-
Kaiser and court. 1t was written on the
day of President McKinleys death. The
distinguished author is one of Roosevelt s
closest friends and in constant correspond
ence with him. He is also in continuous
! correspondence with the Kaiser whose per
sonal acquaintance he made when the lat
ter studied under him at the University OF
Bonn The article, then, written at so sig
nifcant moment may be regarded as
Munsterbergs report to the Emperor OF
what he had to expect from Roosevelt;
Two ways open to President Roosevelt
For the rest of the presidential term he will
be either simply the executor of the will
and intentions of his predecessor, suppress
ing his own personality. or launch forth on
new and independent lines. And whatever
road he may travel, his friends see dangers
| ahead.
May be that Mr.. Roosevelts ultra con-
scientious nature strongly tinged with re-
| ligious sentiment, will induce him to follow
in Mr. McKinley's footsteps. In that case,
his will be a weak policy. distinguished only
! by exterior show-the warm pulsation of
individual sentiments and intentions lack
| ing-it cannot be otherwise.
Mr.. Mckinley regarded things with the
eyes of a statesman who rose in the service
of his party. Mr.. Roosevelt is, above all,
! knower of history who, since his early
youth, embalmed his ripest thoughts in
books. Mr.. Mckinley chiefly interested
| in the economical questions of the day;
politics is Mr. Roosevelt's strong point; his
! soul is full of plans social politics and
reforms; he has also most decided views on
national politics in conjunction with foreign
affairs. To him free trade and protection
are but means TO a purpose; the social SIDE
of the labor question is uppermost In his
mind when he approaches industrial mat
tiers AS to every true historian, indiVldu-
alism, personalities appeal more to him
than dead issues.
Roosevelt being a modern man, a deep
| man, an intellectual force in the hlSnest
sense Of the word, it seems unthinKaole
that he can fulfill his historic mission by
merely continuing some one else's polcy'
Besides, Mr.. McKinley's last act on earth
was to advocate reform of the high pro-
tective tariff. That programme Mr.. NC
| Kinley could have executed; his past rec
ord as a national economist gave him au-
| thority to mediate between the parties,
while. if in making the attempt Mr. Roose-
Welt should be surprised by the indus
trial crisis that will come and must come.
such might cost him the nomination, or his
second term. 1t should not be forgotten
that the Democrats finally got rid OF free
silver.
The ether alternative would be mat
Roosevelt follow in the late Mr. Mckin-
] ley's lines only far as courtesy or In
/ dividual convictions demand while nursing
I a policy of his own in all other respects.
If he does this there will certainly be
no lack of brilliant impulses and proud
ideas, but also dangers to the President
/ himself To be successful the man at ne
/ head OF the American government must
! either be in complete harmony with TIE ma
| jority in Congress and with the machine
or must have courage enough and power
| enough to make war on the politicians and
to hold Congress in check by mis- veto, as
| Cleveland did.
Roosevelt's whole nature is not unlike
Clevelands, and it will be remembered that
| Cleveland undid several hundred congress
| sonal acts during his term of office. Like
| Cleveland, Roosevelt is distinguished for
moral courage, but-here is the rub-Cleve-
lands reservoir of moral force is not at
Mr.. Roosevelt's disposal, for President
who makes his own politics can master
| Congress only as the elect of the whole
people, as the chosen representative of the
entire Union, who Is above local issues
If Roosevelt had been elected President, in
stead of Vice President, he might throw
down the gauntlet to Congress and win,
but he was the second the ticket-when
named for the vice presidency; no one
dreamt that Mckinley would not serve his
term.
While In the different States of the
Union the Lieutenant Governor is fire.
quently elected as his chiefs successor no
Vice President was ever sent to the White
House by the peoples choice. And that is
no accident. Since the foundation of the
United States four men elected for the
vice presidency became chief magistrates
of the Nation; besides Mr.. Mckinley three
other Presidents died soon after entering
upon office, their successors ruling almost
an entire term.
NOT ELECTED TO OFFICE.
When Tyler took the place of Harrison.
in 1S4l, most undignifed conflicts with the
Wings ensued almost Immediately after
wards and when Johnson. in 1865. took up
the reigns that had fallen from the dying
hand of Lincoln. the Republican party was
Johnson on the ticket. Arthur made a
good President. but when he moved into
the White House. in 1851. the country ex-
perienced a panic at first-a professional
politician taking the place of Garfield, the
hope of his party.
In accepting the vice presidency Roose-
welt sacrificed his own ambition; he al
lowed his name to go the ticket because
the Republican managers were convinced
that the Mckinley Roosevelt combination.
backed by warlike glory. would insure the
triumph of the party. His political enemies.
too. had something 20 do with the matter
They wanted to. get rid OF him as Governor
OF New York. because his strenuous per-
sonal rule in direct opposition TO the
interests OF professional politicians and
their heelers. They We're anxious. besides.
10 spoil ROosevelts aspirations for 1904
and TO that end sought 10 deprive him Of
the opportunity OF keeping the public eve,
for no man is less in the public gaze than