The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-09-01

question Mir. President, think that
 on yesterday this Convention by vote of DO to 27 adopted one of the wisesi provisions of the Constitution that we will soon submit to the people. So far
 as the black belt of Alabama Is con-
 cerned. it has always been amply able
 to take care of itsef. It has stood like
 a mighty wall against the foes of the
 Democratic party. and 1t has fereyer waved the flag of white supremacy from that wall. It has never been in
 danger. The black belt of the state is
 satisfied with the suffrage plan we have adopted. We ask them from North Alabama to give, us this amend ment that we may carry votes there that we will otherwise lose. We ask 1t in the interest of the man who tolls
 and has one hundred and fifty dollars
 worth of land and one hundred and
 fifty dollars in personal property. II is unjust, it Is unfair, 1t is not right to say to a man who has one hundred and firty dollars in personal properts and one hundred and fifty in real es- tate that he cannot vote. It Is u,tust, Il Mir. President, to say to a man who has $299.99 of real property and $299.99. of personal property that he cannot vote.
 There is no good reason in 1t. There is Il no fairness in 1t, and I appeal to the I wisdom of this Convention today not | to turn down the man who happens not to have three hundred dollars worth of personal property. I appeal to the man who Is the friend of the l poor men, not to strike him this blow l in the wee small hours of this Con- | vention. Gentlemen of the Convention
 rise up today and say to the man avho has accumulated property and has 1t divided. that we will not strike you down, and allow the man who has only | three hundred dollars an advantage. i because forsooth. 1t Is in real estate to | vote. when you have five hundred and | ninety nine dollars and ninety-nine cents worth divided.
 | MT. Weatherly-Suppose the amend | ment of the gentleman from Lee should be adopted, so that the gus lifi- | cation would be three hundred dollars | worth of real and personal property. | how would you. answer the objection | that the person owning $29s.99 of real | and personal property could not vote. | while the person owning three hun | dred dollars could vote. How are you
 going to explain the apparent injus- tice of a person who owns $299.99 worth | of real and personal property not be- ing able to vote?
 MT. Hefiin--And the other owns three hundred dollars worth of personal property. I understand that to be the question?
 MT. Weatherly--The difference of one cent makes the difference in the right to vote.
 MT. Hehin-The difference is this, if he has three hundred dollars worth of
 personal property he can vote, and if
 it is in real estate he can ovte, but if
 he hasn't 1t in personal property alone. singly and solely. purely and wholly he cannot vote, or unless he has 1t in real estate. He has got to have it. The plan says, if he has three hun dred dollars worth of real estate he can vote, or $500 worth of personal. property he can vote. Now, we say if he happens to be fortunate enough to have it in real estate and personal property, in the right of fair ness and in the light of right, he ought to be allowed to vote. It is as unfair as if you were to say to a man, you must have five hundred dollars in gold. He cannot have 1t in gold and silver mixe1. Here is the real property standing off by itself and there is the personal property. and you say you
 
 The young man that has inherited land can vote, but this poor fellow who has been unfortunate and who possibly all his life has been unfortunate you take from him the right to vote, when he has almost six hundred dollars worth of property. because he does not meas ure up to somebody's idea that he must have it in real estate or in personal property. Mir. President, do not de. sire to detain this Convention because I want to get through. I do not be- lieve that this matter ought to be re- considered. believe that when we go out on the stump before the people of Alabama that will be one of the strong est blanks in the platform in North Alabama. Gentlemen speak here about the Black Belt, and~I appeal to them. They will take care of themselves any how. They have done 1t in the past. Give us this plan now and we will meet you at the line that divides the State l with an overwhelming majority from | North Alabama. I appeal to this Con- | Vention to let this provision stay.
 MT. Coleman (Greene)-I hardly think | it is necessary to say anything in reply | to what has been said. Time and again | upon this floor, the gentleman has ask l ed for such provision, and then come | down with overwhelming vote in favor | of the Constitution. We have heard | him time and ag9in express himself | as satisfied with the Constitution and | the report of the Committee as made. We have conceded to him propositions | in order that he might get the whole | vote in the white counties and in the | Black Belt he cared nothing at all for the qualification and demand of those | people. He speaks of the Black Belt. We have stood solid and you know very well we have stood solid and saved | the party time and again to the State of Alabama, and today the Black Belt is voting almost solid and the gentleman is lining with those who have heretofore solidly always voted against us That is enough, it seems to me, to satisfy any Democrat.
 Mir. Heflin-Wil the gentleman per- init a question? I want to ask about that lining up. Don't you think a man should do what he thinks is right?
 MT. Coleman-Yes, and that Is the reason delegates are coming to the res- cue of the Black Belt in this crisis of theirs. That is the reason, and I am sorry we have not found you where we expected you to be lined up with those of the Black Belt.
 MT. Hehin-Have I not been with you?
 MT. Coleman-Yes, you have, but now you have gone off.
 MT. Hefin-Won't you come with us ; just one time?
 MT Coleman--We have taken care of ( the white counties in the hills, of all 2 that you have asked for down to the (