The Batesburg advocate. [volume] (Batesburg, S.C.) 1901-1911, 1901-05-29

M'LAURIN SPEAKS
To A Large Crowd in the G ty OF
Oreenvii Q.
DEFENDS HIS POSITION,
Which He Claims Is True
Democracy, and Not Re-
publicanism as Many
Claim 1t Ia.
DEFENDS HIS POSITION,

formation OF 1890 had for its main OBJ
ject the independence Of thought and
action on the part Of the people in po-
litical affairs. 1t was this that made
mo "Rsformer." A white primary,
where the white people of the STATE
could settle their differences among
themselves. In part it has accom-
plished its obi G! in spite Of tho efforts
to dwarf 1t into one man movement
Its lesder has moi been content for it to
be complete, and has attempted more
than once to dictate who should and
who should not be elected to eff 80. Ali
revolutions of this kin d go farther than
its originators design, no POWER can
control them.
Men who suppoGe that the move
ment" OF 1890 was a mere effarvcscence
to give office to favored few arc great
ly mistaken. Some Of the best and
truest have never held flee, and the
time is coming when those who betrayed
and prostituted this great movement
into lone man power" and mere
scramble for the 'loaves and the fishes"
will be held to an account. ] stand TO
day just where | stood in 1890, with
the added experience of ten srs Of
study and contact with u6iic men nd
affairs. L thsuk Gld that ono thing
has been accomplished The people
have been disenthralled and enlightened
and will never be satisfied with the &C
complishment Of aoything less than the
full purpose of tho movcmeDt-free
thought, free speech, fair ballot and
rule of the people This must and shall
be the final outcome. No attempt to
break down the reforms nearly accom-
plished can succeed. The natural and
inevitable cousequ ,noes of that revolu
ton must follow. Nothing can stay
them.
THE ALLIANCE"
Fellow w-citizers: 1t affords me great
pleasure TO address you today. ] thank
you for the honor and the opportunity.
| recognize the fact that l am you pub.
lilo servant, and am accountable to the
people who elected me for my steward
ship. This responsibility of public
office Is the great conservative auS pro
soryativs force In our republican form
of government. 1t is the province and
duty OF Representative to study all
important public questions and form 8
judgment as to their effect on the vel.
fare of the people. To do this, he must
at times act Independently and lead
public sentiment rather than blindly
follow what is rep1ted to be the mai ,ri-
ty. 1t Is his duty to study national
problems and vote according to his
best lights and honest convictions, leav-
ing the final decision as to the wisdom
of his course to the people. AS for
myself, l acknowledge no MASTER save
the sovereign people, speaking at the
ballot box, and | refuse to obey the die
tates of any political Boss, either in or
outside of South Carolina. This is my
conception of tho rights, duties and
position of Senator. My course
since my election has been projected
along the line of discretion and accoun-
liability. In voting on great national
issues | have con lid ered the best inter
ests Of the South and the country rather
than the i'm practical results to flow from
rigid adherence to party lines. 1t is
passing strange that some of the men
elected to Congress in 1892 should
criticize me for doing what they
solemnly pledged themselves to do
Don't you RENE nber that an Alliance
Delegation was elected in 1892 pledged
not to be bound by D,mocrsti, eau
Gus, but to vote for measures ca culste d
to benefit the ma ion at large, irrespec-
tive of party? feel like recalling tho
words, "Oh, Lord God of Hosts, Lest
we forget, Lest we forget"
PRINCIPLES HIGHER THAN PARTY.
Politic.l parties under our form of
government are necessity. They
grow cut of the political relations
established by the government itself.
There have been since the birth Of the
nation and always will be two great
political parties, if there were no rea
issues they would divide and fight over
the mere spoils of Office These differ
ences originated in the diverse yiows
entertained when our Constitution was
adopted as to what constituted the pro-
per functions of the government.
Party platforms have always been
supposed to be the exponcnts Of these
views A bloody Civil war settled the
question Of States rights, and for a
quarter Of century the waving Of the
blood shirt" on the one side and the
"nigger in the wood pile" on the other
constituted the dividing lines. | say
that every man, on a purely sectional
question, like white supremacy, is a
traitor and renegade who does not
stand by his own section and MS owu
people. | say that any man, on do
mesjc prOblems, problems OF internal
concern, should, IS far a. possible,
bow to the behests of his party. If he
cannot agree with his party on ques
tiOns Of this kind, he should, If posi-
BILE, find Psrty with which ne is il
sccord. assert, fellow citizens, thal
1t rs almost q crime for any party tC
make great, broad, political Amcri
can measures, Involving the politios
and commercial development Of tn,
nation, the test Of party fealty. Is
sues essential TO the maintenance oI
the honor and prestige of the nstior
are too vital to be relegated to the plane
Of partisan and sectional contention
Out OF changed industrial aud econo
mic conditions have grown crest ma
tional questions pertaining to the ma
terial interest of the country, which
must be considered and settled by tha
silent force, the reserved patriotism O
the people.
DEMOCRACY BROADER THAN SECTION
ALISM.
Fellow. citizens: There is no create
menace to the stability OF our govern
! ment than large minority in th