The times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1890-1903, 1901-03-17


to the country and of their descendants
These requirements, it is plain to be seer,
would all be in the line OF the elevation
of the electorate, and would greatly tend
to encourage. practices Of industry and
frugality. Taxation without representa-
ton was one of the causes of the Revolu-
ton. Representation without taxation is
reciprocally unjust and wrong. The man
who has an interest in the government
by having contributed to its support will
see to it that those who compose it are
wisely chosen. The man who has not
cf.res little who may be chosen. It will
be observed, if that were a question in
this connection, that the proposed limita-
lions do not deny or take away the right
to vote. That right still subsists, is left
with the voter to be exercised or not,
in his election. IL not exercised at one
election it may be at any subsequent one.
So he is not deprived OF it. But it is
said that with these restrictions, if sub
mitted to The people, the work OF the
convention would meet with defeat and
disaster. and to provide against. this
notice that many of our worthiest and
most distinguished men and statesmen are
advocating a submission only to those
who may be entitled to vote under the
revised Constitution. Let us see il such
a course would be right. At the Norfolk
convention, in May last. when the call of
the convention was made q party mea-
sure there was connected with that call,
as ! remember it, the proposition that
the amended Constitution should be sub
mitted to the voters for their adoption or
rejection. To what voters, may l ask?
Did it then enter into the mind OF any
one that the voters referred to We're other
than those entitled to vote under the
existing Constitution? II not then the
pledge was 10 those so entitled. With
out this pledge the strong probability is
that the call would not have been sus-
tanned, but it was sustained: the consld-
era ton was paid What now would be
the attitude of the great Democratic
party. ii after all this it should coolly
turn around and in the face of that pledge
advocate a plan not then proposed, or
even, | suppose. for one moment cOntem-
plated? But l do not believe that the
Constitution would fail of adoption, II,
as would certainly be the case, the intiu-
ence and power Of the party should pc
exerted in it's favor; but if it did ! say
let it go, if to carry it involved a plain
disregard of our soemnly-plighted falth,
in convention assembled.
There occurs to me in this connec-
ton the words of the Father of His Coun-
try in his matchless farewell ADDRESS:
Let me not be understood as capable OF
patronizing infidelity to existing engage
ments. ! hold the maxim no less aappli-
cable to public than to private AFFAIRS:
Can q constitution which is to be sub
nitted to the people for adoption be adopt
ed in any part before it is voted on! Can 1t
be adopted in advance as to the suffrage
clause only? Can a constitution which
may not be adopted at all be assumed to
be adopted in part, and that far made
operative and effective? The very state
ment of the proposition would seem to
carry its own REPUTATION. But the action
OF the convention of % 30 is invoked IN
justification OF such an eXpedient, and IT
&c u IL
such statesmen and Judges as Madison.
Monroe, John Randolph, Marshall, T. r
Barbour. Clopton etc. that is enough:
are the facts? In the case of the con-
vention Of $50, the Legislature had pre-
viously passed an act TO the effect that
by the new Constitution should be al
lowed to vote upon the question of its
adoption. and the convention simply con-
firmed the enactment. Tho fact was not
to take away anything from those then
entitled to vote, which might have given
ground of complaint and caused resist
ance to the enactment. but 1t was TO en-
large the electorate: it was an enabling
act by which those not previously entitled
to vote We're allowed or enabled to do SO
The rights of the existing electorate We're
not interfered with. They remained the
same. SO there was no one to complain.
In the case in question the very opposite
conditions would obtain The course suS-
gested would be not in the direction Of
charging. but of restraining, and hence
would give just ground for criticism and
complaint. The late Legislature passed
act for submitting the work of the
convention to the voters under the exist
ing Constitution. OF course, take it that
this action would not be binding upon
the convention, for one Legislature can
not by anything it can dO--nOt in the ma
ture of contract or something OF the
sort-bind subsequent Legislatures 70
attempt it would, in the language Of the
lawyers, be ultra wires. Much more could
the Legislature not bind the people in
sovereign convention assembled. but l
think they acted wisely in the action re-
ferred to. Let the convention, like that
Of 900, confirm their action.
wish it We're proper for me to refer
TO changes which appear to me to be &C.
Sirable in our existing system such us
changes in our judiciary, making all
judges elective by the people, as in al
most all the States they now are. reduc
ton of the number of offices and of pub
lie expenditures without impairment of
the efficiency or completeness of the pub
lie service, etc, but already | have eN-
tended these reflections far beyond my in
tention. close by expressing the earn
est hope and belief that the Wise men
who will no doubt compose our couven-
ton will youchsafe to US Constitution
under which our children and our chill
dren'S children may prosper and be hap
by, and one which. like the arch Of the
heavens, Will extend bengnly over all
while it Expresses none. y. 4. GRAY.
Palmyra, Va. March 6, IDOL