The Laurens advertiser. (Laurens, S.C.) 1885-1973, 1901-05-29


and action on the part of the people i
po itical affairs. 1t was this that mad
me " Rcformer." A white primary
where the white people of the Stat
could settle Their differences anon
themselves. Inpart it has accomplish
ed its object in spite of the efforts t
dwarf it INTO one man movement
Its leader has not been content for
to be complete, ard has attempted
more than once to dictate who shOul'
and who should not he elected to office
All revolutions Of this kind go farthe
than its origlnators design, no powe
can control them.
Men who suppose that the "move
ment" of 1890 was mere efferves
cencc to give Office to favored few
are greatly mistaken. Some of the best
and trucst have never held office, and
the time is coming when those who
betrayed and prostitutcd this great
movement into ''one-man power "
and mere scramble for the "loaves and
the fishes " will be held TO an account.
| stand to-day just where l stood in
1880, with the added experience of ten
years of study and contact with public
men aud affairs. | thank God that one
thing has been accomplished. The
people have been discnthralled and en-
ilShtened, and will never be satisfied
with the accomplishment of anything
less than the full purpose of the move
ment--tree thought, free speech fair
ballot and rule OF the people. This
must and shall be the final outcome.
NO attempt to break down the reforms
nearly accomplished can succeed. The
natural and inevitable consequence Of
that revolution must follow. Nothing
can stay them.
THE ALLIANCE"
Feilow-cltizens: Ii affords me. great
pleasure to address ou to-day. l thank
you Tor The honor and the opportunity.
l recognize the fact that l am your
public servant, and am accountable TO
The people who elected me for my
stewardship. This responsibility of
public Office Is the great conservative
ana prescrvatlvc force in our republi-
can form OF government. 1t is the
province aud duty Of Il Representative
10 study all important public questions
and l"rn a judgment as TO their effect
on the welfare Of the people. To do
this, he must at times act independents
ly ana lead public sentiment rather
than blindiy follow what is reputed to
be the majority. 1t is his duty to study
national problems and vote according
to his best lights and honest convic-
tons, leaving the inal decision as to
~" wisdom OF his course TO .he people.
AS for myself, acknowledge no master
save the sovereign people, speaking at
the ballot-boX, and l refuse to obey
the dictates of any political Boss, eitil-
er IN or outside Of South Car ina.
Ihls Is my conception Of the rights,
duties and position Of Senator. NY
course since my election has been pro-
jected along the line of discretion and
accountability. In voting on great
national issues l have considered the
best interests of the South and the
country rather than the impractical re-
suits to flow from rigid adherence to
parly ilncs. 1T Is passing strange that
some OF the men elected TO Congress
In 1892 should criticise me for doIng(
what they solemnly pledged themselves
to do. Don't you remember that an
Alliance Delegation was elected in
1892 pledged not to be bound by al
Democratic caucus, but TO vote for
measures calculated 10 benefit the
nation at large, irrespective of party?
| feel like recalling The words, ooh,
Lord God of Hosts, Lest we forget,
Lest we forget"
PRINCIPLES HIGHER THAN PARTY.
Political parties under our form of
government are necessity. They
grow out Of the political relations
established by the government itself.
There have been 81 ice the birth of the
nation and always will be two great
political parties, if there were no real
issues they would divide and fight
over the mere spoils of office. These
differences originated in the diverse
views entertained when our Constitu-
tiOn was adopted as to what conslitut-
ed the proper functions Of the govern
ment.
Party platforms have always been
supposed TO be the expOncnts of these
views. A bloody Civil war settled the
question of States rights, and for
quarter of century the waving of the
bloody-shirt" on the one side and
the "nigger in the wood-pilc" on The
other constituted the dividing lines. /
say that every man, on purely Sec
lional question, like white supremacy,
is a traitor and IA renegade who does not
stand by his own section and his own
people l say that any man, on domestic
problems, problems of internal con-
cern, should, as far as possible, bow
to the behesls of his party. If he
cannot agree with his party on ques-
tions Of this kind, he should, if posi-.
bic, find party with which he is in
accord. | assert, fellow-c citizens, that
it is almost crime for any party to
make great, broad, non-political Ameri-
can measures, involving the political
and commercial development of the
nation, the test Of party fealty. Issues
essential 10 the maintenance of the
honor and prestige of the nation are
too vital 10 be rclegated to the plane
of partisan and sectional contention
Out of changed industrial and econo
mic conditions have grown great ma
tional questions pertaining to the ma
terial interest Of the country, which
must be considered and settled by tha
silent force, the reserved patriotism 0
the people.