The times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1897-1901, 1901-02-10

We shall have to keep strong force there
| for long time, = not indefinitely. If our
present l.;,y = to be continued.
| "A cc!cnia. icy will call for the con-
| slant increase Of cur navy. Embarked
| upon such 4 policy cur strength on the sea
| must bear some proper proportion TO the
| naval strength OF Other nations.
"a colonial policy will be liable to lead
| us into entansling alliances, against which
We have been so solemnly warned, and
| very likely to Involve us in foreign wars.
"A colonial policy will impair If not de-
J strcy. the doctrine under which We have
defended the little States of the New
| World against entertainments from the
| Old World II we insist on our right to
hold colonies in the Eastern Hemisphere
| by what right viii we demand that for
eign Powers shall not hold colonies in the
| Western Hemisphere?
| "a colonial policy viii be a radical de-
parture from the course which oursGov-
| ernment has consistently adhered to in
| its splendid career of more than hundred
years. colonial policy will be main
| tanned a the cost-greater than any sum
! of money can measuTe-of violating prin-
| ciples which VIC have cherished as the
very life of free government. A colonial
| policy will require Us to govern without
| the consent of the governed. A colonial
policy will destroy the high ideals which
| We have so fondly cherished and so
proudly followed from our beginning as
a nation. A colonial policy, once perma-
! nently established for America, would
| open our future career to consequences
which no man can foresee or measure
with any degree of accuracy in the un-
stantial realm of speculation.
Retire From the Islands.
IF we believe the Philippine Islands
| will never become fit for States of this
| Union, and if we decline to hold them as
permanent dependencies, what course is
| left to US? What can we do? There is
one policy which we can follow. 1t is
open to us. 1t will involve no retreat
from the responsibility which we have as
sumed in these islands. 1t will not be
inconsistent with what have hitherto
done there. We can take this course and
remain faithful to the trust we have taken
upon ourselves. The way will be honor
able. We can retain possession of the
islands as long as may be required to fully
establish our authority therein, and as
much longer as may be necessary 10 en-
able their inhabitants. with our assist
ance, TO form a stable government for
themselves. Then, under proper Condi-
tions. we can leave the islands to their
people, and We can say now to them that
this is what we intend to do. l believe
this is what we should do, and so believing
have introduced the following joint res
olution:
Resolved Ivy the Senate and House OF Represen-
tstiyes OF the United States of America IN
Congress assembled That it is the purpose OF
the United States, in retaining possession OF the
Philippine Islands, TO aid their inhabitants, when
they submit TO the authority of the United
States in establishing 4 capable and stable free
accomplished the United States under such reser-
yatians and conditions as may be wise and Just,
will relinquish sovereignty in those islands.
Congress has never yeJ announced to
the Filipinos what the national purpose
is with respect to them. II this body will
tell them now-tell them explicitly and
solemnly-that 1t is the fixed determine
ton of this nation to establish its author
ity in their country. and that when this
end shall be reached they shall have
chance to become in due time
| free citizens of free Government
if Congress will say this to
them and say it now, We may confidently
| expect that their rude weapons of war
| fare will fall from their hands and that
/ they will sue for peace-peace which they
| will know means more for them than any
thing ever held out TO them or to their
| fathers in any generation.
Question of Conscience.
when we come to deliberately consid-
| er our relation to the Philippine Islands,
/ and our duty to their inhabitants-when We
| come TO seriously consider our duty to
| our own people, and to the people of all
! climes and all future ages there is some
! thing besides rich soil and its crops.
something besides a thousand islands and
! their immense natural resources, some
! thing besides trade. something besides
| wealth, something besides dominion and
/ power, which must engage our deepest
! thought. That these islands add vastly
1 TO cur national domain and contribute
/ immensely to our material wealth is GER
tain. That the ownership OF these islands
ministers to our pride of possession can
! not be disputed The sun rises on our
I land earlier and shines on it longer than
( il ever did before, and We, too, may boast,
] without great eXaggeration, that our drum
! beat is heard around the world. But is
/ this the best--the best for US? Is this all
! for us? Founded as our nation was to
: regard people as worth more than land,
4 shall we now think more of land than We
! do OF people? If We hold the Philippine
Islands perpetually, as we may have good
! legal right to do, what will be the effect
/ OF our action on the people of the United
! States and their free Institutions, and on
| the people of these islands and their fu-
ture in the great problems of government
| and civilization? This is question, ever
recurring, which no thoughtful person can
| put aside. We may exult in the vast in
| crease of territory and wealth which our
| prowess in war and our skill in diplomacy
| have brought to us, and may attempt to
| persuade ourselves that this is the high
! est glory of the Republic; but there will
| be solemn voice that we will ever hear
| a still, small voice that will question Us
| and search us-asking us to say, as We
| Will finally have to answer at the bar of
| history. whether this is the true end of
our being among the nations of the
|