The times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1897-1901, 1901-01-06
Circulation Statement
Our philippine ENHANCEMENT.

from SPAN. anu acquire thS iSSPSAS''''-t
ties. national and international. incident
to sovereignty over its islands and their
varied populations. semi barbarous, bar
harous. and savage. That was net the
popular idea during. OF for some time
after the Spanish war. In establishing
our power in the FAR East President
Mckinley believed, and truly believed,
that he was complying with popular
demand, and acting in accordance with
national conviction that the presence OF
our flag in the Philippines would greatly
strengthen our position in the Pacific,
and especially in connection with our
growing commerce with Asia anc would
open TO our people vista of new oppor-
tunities for pioneer enterprise and eX-
pIoitation These expectations were also
those of this journal, which earnestly
advocated the annexation of the Philip
pines for the same reasons which gov
erned the Administration, and also be-
cause these insular regions, should they
come under American rule, must do so
under the American Constitution. There
by, they must become integral parts of
the country, entitled to the constitutional
other parts. and, hence, proyidential
agency in breaking down the accursed
fiscal system Of prohibitive tariffs for the
benefit of thieving private monopolies.
Perhaps at this point a word should be
said upon branch of the subject which
has been largely ignored by both friends
and opponents OF Philippine annexation.
To an extent We can measure the ills we
have shouldered in taking the islands
What would have happened if we had re-
fused or failed TO do so. is largely a
matter of conjecture: still il is not to be
left entirely out of the consideration. If
American sovereignty had not followed
the war, some other not that of Spain
would, either AS a result of purchase or
seizure. Two commercial powers at least
were ready to pounce down and take pos
session if we did not. II we had dropped
the prize. and it had been picked UP by
either the one or the other, it is i'm
possible to say how our naval or comrlet-
cial interests might have been affeyte1.
AS the matter appeared TO MIR. Mckinley
and TO patriotic American thinkers gen.
orally, the alternative would be Inde-
sirable and not to be thought of.
We took the Philippines. Whatever ul-
innate disposition we may choose to make
of them, they are ours in international
law, and. for all present purposes. in jus
tice. The fact that Mr. Mckinley has
made grievous mistakes in placing the
Philippine military and civil administra-
ton in the hands OF incompetent persons
like Otis, DENLY, and others. and so, in
effect, has fostered an insurrection which
a genuine soldier easily could have
cleaned UP in a few weeks does not de-
tract from the propriety of his action in
trinsically considered. II was right for
iIim to insist that the aag-aRd sover-
eighty Of the United States should be re-
spected, as condition precedent to self
government or civil government of any
sort whatever. 1t is right for him now TO
insist that, regardless of what the Luzon
Tagals may think themselves entitled to
in the matter of autonomy or of liberty
or what not, and irrespective of our will
ingness to grant what they would ask, or
otherwise. none of these things is open
10 discussion while the rebellion lasts
and the flag is under fire.
After the Inhabitants OF the two or three
islands now in a state OF instruction
have submitted, it will be time enough
TO discuss our ultimate national policy
and purpose concerning the whole archi-
pelago. But then We shall find IL neces-
sary 70 adopt one OF three courses. We
may abandon the islands altogether We
may continue our present effort 10 IN
corporate them permanently and peace
fully into our body polite; or We may
give them local independence with Amer!-
can suzerainty covering their foreign re-
: lations.
The last named plan would involve risks
and entanglements not to be tolerated. 1t
would bring Us speedily and continually
into conflict with Europe or some section
OF the Old World. The first solution, while
there might be a precedent for it in our
surrender of the Porcupine district in
Alaska to Great Britain, would hardly lie
popular. The second in some form. is
what probably will be attempted. But We
do not believe that the effort viii closely
fellow the lines laid down In Senator
Hoar's proposed amendment to the Army
bill. which he offered in the Senate en-
Friday, and which reads as follows:
''Poryided, That no further military force
shall be used in the Philippine Islands
except srcl may be necessary 10
keep order in places there now actually
under the peSceable control Of the United
States and TO protect persons property to
whom. in the Judgment OF the President protec-
ton may he due from the United States until the
President shall have first proclaimed amnesty for
all political offences committed against the
Unitea States IL. ii,--- ss,i Z
-T1Irc agreed upon an armstice with
persons now in hostility to the United States;
and shall have invited such number not less than
ten ss he shall think desirable OF the leaders
CT representatives Of the persons now hostile TO
the United States there, to come 10 the United
States and state their wishes and the condition
character and wishes Of the people Of the Philip.
pine Islands to the Executive and Congress; and
shall have offered to secure to them safe conduct
20 come, abide and return; and shall have pro
vided at the public charge Tor the expenses OF
TIER transportation both ways and their stay in
this country for reasonable and sufficient tine
Tor such purposes"
When the Tagals have laid down their
arms and saiuted the Stars and Stripes
: the American people will be quite willing
ITO have them come In and ask for dis
cussion OF the terms We may be ready to
offer; but 1t is just as well that Mr. Hoar
and bis school OF snti-imperialisss should