The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-08-01

plaks Whzt sensible objection can
 there to letting these youths
 have the advantages which we extend
 10 others now among us or who shall
 become of age before Jan. l, 1903? Pre-
 c1sely. or nearly. the same reasons ob-
 tain in the one case as in the other.
 Tn either case 1t Is wise that we let
 them vote; for they cannot make the
 preparations demanded; they cannot
 acquire either the property or the edu-
 cattonal qualification the law deman nds
 in the time fixed. I would gladly see
 1t so arranged that these amendments
 would apply all the time, but that can.
 not be done here; and have made the
 time short in the hope that I may s<.
 cure the adoption of one of the amend.
 ments. l insist that such of our young
 men as shall come of age between this and January. 1905. without owning the
 property or having the education pro-
 vfdea for. but who are either descend
 ants of the soldiers mentioned, or have
 good characters and understand the
 duties of citizenship under our form
 of government ought to be permitted
 to register and vote. I insist, Mir.
 President. that this amendment solves
 the vexed question of taking care of
 the youths soon to become of age. I
 believe it Is every mans desire to pro- tect them If it can be safely and law fully done. and that ali are willing and
 prefer that they have some time to get ready.
 It is new thing with us in Alabama
 to have to vote under a property or educational qualification. It is rad-
 ical departure from our time honored customs: and when 1t is introduced in- to the rural districts it will not find hearty welcome. In those sections n to going much to school or to provid- ing for the education of their children. The desire for an education has not en. tered into the hearts and lives and characters of the citizens thsre. They do not understand as they should, per- haps, the necessity for becoming edu- cated. Great and radical changes tlsii- not be made in their habits and lives in a season. Their condition of igrfo- lures. It Is one of life's ordinary, and as they think. normal conditions. It is part of their civilization, which they think is good and right and just. They do not experience any inconvenience on account of it, because they have not known any other conditions. They look upon the educated world outside as some distant object not directly af- fecting them. They cannot be made to face about in the time allowed by the provision. They must have some given by us they will take it at their own expenses. And who of us. Mir. President. feels sensation of pride when we contemplate the boy who has had a boorish father and has been kept between the plow-handles till the very day he Is twenty-one years old. and been then turned loose in the world with. say five or ten dollars, without education and without prop erty. and forced then to acquire these for himself. but in the meantime cut off from the right to vote by a law which we have deliberately made? Be- fore these people will catch up the in- spiration and betake themselves to the acquisition of an education as class we will have to send teach ITS there to labor and toll with them, and speak, CTS to arouse them. They will have to be led up to it by degrees. They can- not and will not take 1t up at once of their own motion. They will not lnow until our Constitution Is ratified ard becomes a law and is promul ga ed, whether or not they are going 70 have to live under it; and when that is done there will remain practically no time. before the period for preparing i3 out. Why, MT. President. in some of the ru@ ral districts of which know three out of five of the boys to come of age will probably not be able to vote under the provision. They will not have the property or the education required. And. for two reasons: First. because they will not have understood the ne- cessity for 1t: and. secondly. because their fathers have controlled their time, and they have had no ,opportun- ity. Shall we place upon these youths such a handicap as that? Shall we d. rectly violate the pledges we made to them? Shall we violate the pledges we have made to the people of Ala bama that we would not ddsfranchise any white man? Shall we go from this Convention with the recollection of such a betrayal of trust upon us? the youth of the land who are just budding into young manhood. these young men who are already so nearly men of maturity that if the call to arms were made they would be among the first to shoulder their nluskets and march to the front to fight for our common country? Shall we not rather execute than betray the trustf Some here attempt to avoid the force and effect of our pledges as to the boys by saying we pledged ourselves only as to those who vote now, and that the pledge does not bind us as to future generations. Grant 1t. Are these boys to become of age before 1905. fu- ture generations? Does not the charge cover them too. Are they not among the cestui qui trust for whom .we are directed to provide? Are they not within the terms of the trust? It is too narrow a construction to place up- on the charge. It violates it's spirit and plain meaning.
 can understand how those of us who supported the minority report of the Committee on the temporary plan may consistently object to the descen- dants parts of the substitute; but can see no valid reason why any Of us should object to the character and un- amendment. The nninors ity mentioned think the descendants clause unconstitutional, and cannot support 1t anywhere: but no one has questioned the constitu- tionalfty of the character and under standing clause. And if the other can. not be carried then let's adopt at least that amendment. It will be great relief. Many who otherwise could not vote may do so if even that amend- ment Is adopted. And 1t cannot DO reasonably objected to upon any ground which, in my judgment, ought to control our actions here. Fnose who oppose 1t cannot say that IL fs unjust, or unconstitutional. It violates no law of right or morals or Of poE- tical economy. nor does it the Federal