The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1901-12-12
a NATIONAL DUTY.

Of Kossuth and his brave Hungarian fol-
lowers and the present. when it refuses TO
lift a finger or say a word in favor of the
Beers" The same sentiment has found ex-
preston i'm other forms, the inference being
that the attitude and policy of the United
States towards foreign wars, revolutions
or rebellions was very different fifty years
ago from what it is to-day. This is not
true. Whatever may have been the senti-
ment of the people, the traditional policy of
the government has always been nOninter-
ference in the domestic wars or revolutions
of other countries, excepting in the case of
Cuba. where the conditions at our very
door became so abhorrent as to make inter-
vention a duty.
There has been good deal of misleading
talk about what this government is alleged
to have said or done in the case of Kos
suth. As a matter of fact, it neither said
nor did anything even remotely suggesting
The main difference between
the present situation and that of Kossuths
time is that popular sympathy was far
more unanimous and strongly with the
Hungarian revolutionists than it is
with the Beers. People have a right to feel
as they please and to express their senti-
ments, but governments must be careful.
While the Hungarian revolution in
progress President Taylor authorized an
agent of the government then in Europe
TO investigate the situation and report upon
the prospects of Hungary gaining it's indie
pendence. In his message of 1919 the Pres
ident said he had done this lin order to be
prepared, upon the contingency of the es-
adjustment by her of a permanent govern
ment. to be the first TO welcome independ-
ent Hungary into the family of nations"
He added: THE United States did not at
any time interfere in the contest, but the
feelings of the Nation were strongly en-
listed in the cause and by the sufferings of
a brave people who had made a gallant
though unsuccessful effort to be free"
This, of course. related TO popular sympa-
thy. After the revolution had failed and
Kossuth was a fugitive and prisoner in
Turkey. with prospect of being surren-
dered to the Austrian authorities, the
United States Joined with England in ask
ing for his release, and subsequently, in ac
cordance with a resolution of Congress, it
sent a warship to bring him to the United
States as the Nations guest. He arrived
here in December, 1851, and was everywhere
treated with the greatest distinction by the
people. but he received no recognition from
the government. His visit was the occasion
of vast amount of spread-eagle oratory
denunciation of foreign tyrants, etc. and he
himself delivered many wonderfully elo-
quent speeches, but the government de-
clined 10 give him any aid or encoura ge-
ment. He visited Washington and was re-
ceived by President Fillmore but he was
notified in advance that in any remarks he
might make he should say nothing OF aid or
Intervention on the part of this govern
ment. He disregarded this suggestion to
an extent that called from the President an
explicit disavowal of any purpose on the
part of the government to give either ma
terial or moral aid TO a new Hungarian re-
volt. No doubt IL was this incident and
Kossuth's resentment at his failure to re-
that led President Fillmore in his annual
message of 1852 to say:
II has been the uniform policy of this
government. from its foundation TO the
present day, TO abstain from all interfer-
ence I'm the domestic affairs OF other ma
tions. But IL is now said by some
that this policy must be changed. Europe
is no longer separated from us by a voyage
of months. but steam navigation has
brought her within a few days sail of our
shores. We see more of her movements
and take a deeper interest i'm her contro-
versies. 1t is said that ought TO inter
fere between cOntending sOvereigns and
their subjects for the purpose of over
throwing the monarchies OF Europe and es-
tabllshlng In their place republican inStitu-
tions. Ii is said that we have heretofore
pursued a different course from sense OF
| our weakness, but that now our conscious
strength dictates change of policy and
/ that IL is consequently our duty to ming.e
/ in these contests and aid those who are
/ struggling for liberty.
The President characterized this as "a
most seductive but dangerous appeal TO the
generous sympathies of freemen," and pro.
| ceeded 10 combat ii at considerable length
/ He said it was IAN imperative duty of the
United States not to interfere in the gov.
eminent or internal policy of other ma
TONS and he drew very distinctly the lin,
between popular sympathy and government
/ interference or meddling.
These events are instructive because the,
throw light on the traditional policy of tn,
United States not to interfere in the domes
tic affairs of other nations We would no
tolerate 1t i'm our own case and should no
do it in any other. either by word or deed
1t follows, of course. that the action of ;
recent pro-Boer meeting i'm Chicago, urgin;
/ the government TO change its attitude O
I strict neutrality and nonintervention in tn
British-Boer war, and the action of al
similar meetings, should be ignored by tn
government. We have problems enough o
our own TO solve without meddling witt
those of other nations. One of the first O
national duties il 20 mind our own business
A GENERAL MIsAPPREHENsION.
In a communication published in Tues
1 DAYS issue regarding beet sugar the write