Twice-a-week plain dealer. (Cresco, Howard County, Iowa) 1895-1913, 1901-02-01
SHIP SUBSIDY BILL.
1T is iNDEFENsleLE FROM EVERY
POINT OF VIEW.

Even the Rrotecttonfsts Cannot De-
| fend M-The New York Prc.s Wig
Bill Designed For the Personal Gnin
Of a Few Big shipowners.
a striking feature Of the pending dis.
cussion Of the Hanna rye-Payne sub
sidy proposals is the extent to which
political and economic theories are rel
ngated to the rear. The reason for this
Is plain, however, when the bill itself
Is considered.
Politically our people are divided as
to the theory Of paternalism between
protection and free trade, and as to
each, while its opponents may not con-
cede its propriety on the one hand they
nre prompt to appreciate the weight of
certain considerations urged in its be-
half and to recognize the sincerity
with which these are pressed. and on
the other, as to matters not involved
by their opposing theories, they are
apt to agree on first principles. Here,
| for example, the general distrust of the
legislation proposed and the growing
opposition to it involve no political
theory.
From a free trade standpoint one
could defend a bill to facilitate export
of American products in ships owned
by American citizens by granting to
American capital that freedom to pur-
chase foreign ships which by our laws
!s given American shipbuilders and
owners to purchase foreign materials
and supplies, including labor, and from
protectionist standpoint one could
champion a measure which would try
TO attain the same end by distributing
government aid either to exporters In
inducing shipments abroad or to vessel
owners In such way as to prompt them
to carry export cargoes at lower rates.
The trouble with this bill, however, Is
that on inspection it has become clear
to our citizens of all political beliefs
that as an economic measure 1t is
equally indefensible from either free
trade or protection" standpoint;
that our export trade, our shipbuilding
Industries, our ocean carrying business,
as such, are each equally far from the
aims Of the concern Of the promoters
of this bill-that is, it is in no proper
, sense even protective or other public
measure at all, but simply steal, de-
Tended by hypocritical concern for in
terests which it is not intended to sub
| serve and worthy Of support only by
| those whose expected share in the pro-
ceeds shall be such as to justify the
loss, great or little, Of self respect and
repute involved in thus conniving to
deadbeat the public for personal gain.
The present issue, therefore, is not
for or against any economic theory, but
on behalf Of the ta1paying public, that
earns Its own living, against tax eating
capitalists, to whom, for example, the
most representative protection news
paper of the United States, the Repub-
lican New York Press, thus editorially
alludes in it's issue Of Dec. Is, 1900:
THE SHIP SUBSIDY JoNAHs.
The "nine gentlemen Of the American line are
engaged in an entirely legitimate business They
are carrying American mails. and they ought to
be paid SO that they can carry them In American
little, slow, old Parises and New Yorks They
should not be let off again with the building
Of St. Pauls and st. Louises but compelled to
the construction Of vessels which the postofbce
would select with the sole eye which 1t is bound
to have to celebrity Of service The increase OF the
mail subsidy Of 81 knot vessels when % knots is the
typical speed Of the fast mailboat Of the day is
farce, not to call 1t anything harsher, upon its
face. But, whatever 1t is let the government deal
with it separately upon its merits and not mud
die 1t up with measure designed to freight the
surplus products Of American "farms, mines, for
ssts and factories which these vessels-having no
cargo space for grain, coal, lumber and locomo.
| dves-never carry
With this separation the bill would be without
logical opposition in congress or the country,
and we fail to see why it should lose the votes Of
| the many senators and representatives whom the
American line has been carrying to Europe and
back every for the last ten years in antici
patton OF this particular roll call. 1t may be
| true OF our government, as Hamilton said of the
| English, that it cannot be worked without brib.
cry, but there Is no reason why the measures and
men which require bribery should be mixed up
with those which do not.
Just before the late Christmas vaca-
ton it was announced that arrange.
ments had been made to take in" all
recalcitrant shipping interests, and II
may therefore be expected that with
great flourish Of trumpets there will
coon be announced amendments which
1t will be claimed, will SO broaden the
scope Of the bill as to make 1t truly
popular. In view, however, of three
years experience with amendments tc
this very bill, announced in just this
way, we may be entirely confident
that so far as concerns the lions share
Of the subsidy provided for, it will moi
be diverted from the pockets of those
who devise this bill
1t may well be, indeed, that Dives
has quieted Lazarus with few colo
yictuals and the lIstle dogs with a dis
tribution Of bones, but that he has &C
tually reformed and has either give1
his goods to the poor or stopped steal
ing their earnings for himself is too
much to believe. The Hanna Griscon
coterie is most decidedly mot made
that way" 1t will be easy at any mo
ment by watching Its attitude to know
the character of the bill in whatever
shape it may be amended. If it il
really made such as mainly to benefit
the interests 1t processes to favor, Il
will be practically without supporters
except new ones. If the Hanna Girls
com interests are still clamorous in be.
half Of any amended bill, it will mean
that they who know best Just what will
be its effect are still convinced that 1t 1:
in the main for their personal benefit.
1t Goes Too Far.
Some Of the best friends of the pro
tective system are afraid of the reac
ton likely to be induced by the sub