The times., 1901-03-31

countries. nut II most clearly manifest IN
England. where the oxford movement
| 0S33l appears as an uuuationai. if not
anti-natiOnal, uprising in behalf of some
mperrectly conceived cosmopolitan
Church-the so-called "Cathoicity" The
| date of the Movement as Newman
fixed 1t. was Keble's sermon on the
"Apostacy of the National Church" -" This
same feeling. that national existence Is
inferior in Importance to humanitarian
reforms or to the expression of religion
| in some other shape than in any particu-
| lar or national Church. has been shown
| i'm the break with the Established Church
| in Scotland, or in the difficulties expert
enCed in Germany in consolidating the
forms of Professionalism in a strong State
Church or in the aspirations after some
universal form of religion to be accom-
plished by a parliament of religions Be
meath these various schemes there is the
common principle that humanity is a
worthier object of devotion than the
State, and constitutes a higher ideal III
whose cause to labor. This conviction, it
may be added. has been strengthened
vastly by the extraordinary way ia which
during the nineteenth century the whole
world has been brought together hy the
material forces Of steam and electricity.
That there is here a great truth no one
can deny. but the point TO be noticed now
is that nationality has been at a disadvan-
tage in the competition with humanity.
Out of the necessities of the situation
there has been born the spirit of a deeper
enquiry into the place and significance of
the nation as the indispensable medium
no
cured for the world at large Thus we
have the studies in this direction of Ger
man students. HegeI and Stahi, Trende-
lenburg and Bluntschl Maurice in Eng
land. and In America Mulford in his book
THE Nation" all of them combating the
motive Of Comte and setting forth the es-
sential, even the eternal, significance of
nationality. The ancient doctrine IS still
preserved that the people exist for the
State. but It is justified on the ground
that the State also exists for the people,
for the freedom of the individual man. so
that through the State the rights of man
are better subserved and more securely
guaranteed than by an exclusive one
sided devotion to the cause of an abstract
humanity.
As the nineteenth century drew to its
close. it became increasingly apparent
that the nations had emerged from the
depression in which they were found when
the century opened America may be said
TO have attained the consciousness Of ma
tiouality in its highest form in conse-
quence OF the civil war, and to have en-
tered from that time upon new career.
In that awful conflict, whose origin dates
back to the rise Of the ant-slavery move
ment, may be discerned the issue OF the
y-humanitarianism, on the one
hand. contending for the rights OF man,
careless, If need be. for the national unity
if only a great reform could be secured;
and on the other hand the nation. slowly
realizing that slavery was a force hostile
to national unity and integrity, and on
this ground demanding It's suppression
The two attitudes in this instance appear
organically related. while yet they spring
from distinct and separate motives In
1870 Germany and Italy took their places
in the family of nations. Nor should
there be omission to mention Greece.
which. after its subsistence for hundreds
of years. again attained it's national in
dependence.
1t has become further apparent that 1t
is to the Protestant nations, including
Russia. which is also outside the pale Of
Latin Christianity, America, Russia, Eng
land, and Germany-it is to these na-
tions that the leading place must be cor
ceded. together with the determination of
the worlds fortunes Those nations re-
naming in alliance with the papacy are,
for the present at least, in an inferior
position.
Slfr
itual Significance of nationality in the
latter part of the nineteenth century has
made it further apparent that the forces
working for religion. and especially for
it's Protestant forms. were stronger than
the forces in opposition. The nation en-
ters the arena of the controversy as a
spiritual force. assuming as a first prin-
ciple the existence of God and his super
natural government of the world. Never
was this truth more impressively Illus
trated than in the experience of Lincoln,
who. when he became President of the
United States in the supreme crisis OF its
history, ceased ta be Indifferent to rell-
gion and passed into a devOut belief in !
the mysterious control of the destiny Of |
the nation by a sovereign, Omnipotent |
hand AS the indifference to nationality I
was among the causes of religious doubt |
and Of the weakness in the Churches in |
the middle of the century, so the trium- |
phant assertion of nationality has con-
tributed to turn the tide toward theistic |
belief and the Christian faith.
To give a fun exposition Of the inner |
relationship of the nation to religion and |
the Churches is not possible here, but |
some remarks may be offered which viii |
tend to illustrate their organic conuec- |
tion.
% In any large historical survey the |
nation appears as guided by religious |
leaders. Religion is seen to have flour
ished in proportion as the nation is con-
scious of its strength and destiny. When |
the Roman Empire broke down the ma
tionalities and merged them in a large |
unity. it broke down also reli- |
gious faiths and it's own religion as well, |
till skepticism was the result and a con- |
sequent immortality. All attempts to build |
up religion on the basis of empire, as
distinct from nationality, ended in fail
ure.
o. The Christian religion tended from
the first TO break up the empire and to
restore nationality. Ultimately it be-
came manifest that the cause which un-
dermlned the Roman Empire and accom-
plished it's downfall was the Christian
Church. In its eastern half the Empire
was resolved into nationalities. In the
west d Church. Latin Christendom, rose
upon its ruins, but within this Latin
Christendom the spirit of nationality be-
gau at once to work forcing its way |