The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-07-25

swer. he ,s not able to do 50. then a colored ballot Is to be given to him ana he is to be allowed the privilege of securing any marker that he wished. He is not to be confined to the man agers of the election--but may call in any man in whom he has confidence, to mark his ballot, and after the ballot is marked and handed to the managers of the election. 1t Is to De counted as one-fourth of a ballot.
 MT. Weatherly-That was my recol- lection of it.
 MT. Banks-A man coming to the election managers who can mark his own ballot would be given white bal lot. and after he had marked 1t with out assistance and turned 1t over to the managers of the election, 1t is to be counted as a full ballot. This sys- tenn was to be in operation for five or six years, and after the expiration of that time. then every man coming into the State and every man arriving at his majority, should go before an ex- amining board, to be provided for by the Legislature. and certain questions would be propounded to him. One of those questions is what are the boun- daries of your State; another question, now many COuhttCb oaa "hCtC otS shOy situated? Another question. how many departments are there in your State Government? Another question, what are the functions of the officers who are to fill these departments! When these questions were all answered sat- isfactorily, then the man was to be given a certificate as an elector, which would entitle him to vote, and regis tration list would be provided showing all persons who had compiled with these requirements, and in this way Alabama was eventually to come into a better political condition.
 MT. Heflin (Randolph)-Mr. Presi- dent and gentlemen of the Convention, we are today face to face with prob lem that has agitated the minds of the people of the State of Alabama Tor many years and we should march out like men fearlessly in the discharge of our duty and solve that problem. It is not my purpose to consume much of the time of the Convention. | do not propose to discuss this question from a constitutional standpoint. but l will address my few remarks to the Dem- ocratic platform and the section known as the grandfather clause. We are here today as servants of the people to discharge a solemn obligation. We are here to regulate the suffrage in Alabama and we are to deal with facts and pass on things as we find them. We are here for one purpose. But for the cause of suffrage and the regulation of the franchise. you nor I nor any of us would be in this Con vention hall today.
 MT. President, believe, sir, that the white men should control the affairs of government in Alabama and in ev- cry State of the Union. I believe. sir, that in the discharge of our duty we should go forth and do our whole duty after having considered it carefully rega rdless of consequences. am willing to treat the colored man, the negro race fairly. honestly and all right, and give him his rights. but am one of those that believe he is in- capable of self-government. l believe. sir. that the white man should rule. believe that there are racial distinc- tions and prejudices implanted by God himself that cannot be wiped out by any human law. I believe. gentlemen of the Convention. that we should go further and discharge this duty as the servants of the people,
 This is our country by virtue of in- hcritance. and 1t is right that we should rule 1t. We will rule 1t. Then, if we are to rule it. how shall we rule it? We should purify the ballot. We should so regulate the franchise and suffrage that the white man will be in control. He is better capacitated to govern than the negro. as you all know.
 Now. sir, there has been great deal said about the report of the Commit tee. l believe the majority report oi ha G..Ffra0a fe snf the best documents it has ever. been my pleasure to read. and among aG " good sections in that document, the grandfather clause is the best. (Ap- plause.) 1t says that "all who have honorably served in the land or naval forces of the United States in the war of 1872, or in the war with Mexico. or in any war with the Indians. or in the civil war between the States. or in the war with Spain. or who honorabiy served in the land or naval forces oi the Confederate States. or of the State of Alabama in the war between the States; or the lawful descendants of persons who honorably served in the land or naval forces of the United States in the war of the American revolution. or in the war of 1872, or in the war with Mexico. or In any war with the Indians. or in the civil wal between the States, or in the land or naval forces of the Confederate States or of the State of Alabama in the wal between the States shall be entitled to vote.
 Now, you heard the argument this morning that the grandfather clause was an unjust discrimination against the negro. l deny the allegation and demand the proof. It does not shut out the negro. but 1t Is the saving clause and brings in every white man, and that is what we were sent here to do We are tired of frauds: we are tired of ballot box stuffing: we are tired oi buying negro votes, but the fraud will never cease until this vote is elimi- mated. Now, sir I for one. when the ballot Is purified. when the suffrs SC is so regulated that 1t is In the hands of white men only. would he in favor of putting in the penitentlary any man who would stuff a ballot box or buy or sell a vote.
 Mir. President, the negro is here among us and I want him to have hia civil rights, but I do not believe he is entitled to political rights. He Is of an inferior race. He is not capacitat- ed to govern and rule the white man and I want to say to you now that the white man has ruled this country iron, the beginning of the world. and that we are going to continue to do it until we are all dead. Loud laughter J They say that the fourteenth and fif- teenth amendment conflict, do not believe it. You have heagd the able argument of the gentlemen from Mad ison. He has investigated this ques-