The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1901-09-23

defining the Presidents policy on certain
questions. In that speech Mr.. Roosevelt
said:
as 90 where our legislation shall stop in In
terfering between man and man: between
interest ana interest All that can De said
IS that II Is highly desirable on the one
hand not 20 weaken individual initiative.
and. on the other hand. that in a constants
~ increasing number OF cases we shall find
il necessary i'm the future TO shackle cUn-
ming as IN the past we have shackled force
1T Is not only highly desirable, but nee
essary. that there should be legislation
which shall carefully shield the interests Of
wage workers and which shall discriminate
in favor OF the honest and humane en-
ployer by removing the disadvantage under
winch he STANDS when compared with IN
scrppulOus competitors who have no con-
science and Will do right only under Tear
OF punishment. Nor can legislation stop
with what are termed labor questions The
vast individual and corporate fortunes, the
vast combina lions OF capital which have
marked the development OF our industrial
system, create new conditions and make
necessary a change from the old attitude OF
the State and nation toward property.
There is only the scantiest Juslncauon
Tor most OF the Outcry against men o.
wealth as such; and IL ought TO be un-
necessary 10 state that any appeal when
finally entails the possibility OF lawleSsness
and -iolence Is an attack upon the fundd-
mental properties OF American citizenship.
Our interests are. at bottom, common. In
the long run we go up or go down together.
Yet more and more il Is evident that the
HAdlCs anu. Il necessary the n1AAoIs a
got 10 possess the right OF supervision ana
control as regards the great corporations.
which are its creatures: particularly as re-
CARDS the great business combinations
which derives "A portion OF their Importance
from the existence OF some monopolstic
tendency.
AS TO our relation to foreign powers.
our Nation. while first OF all seeing 10 Its
own domestic well-being, must not shrink
from playing its part among the great
nations without.
future. as itThas taken many forms in the
past. Nor is IL possible 10 lay down a hard
and fast rule for all cases We must ever
face the fact Of our shifting national needs
and the always changing opportunities that
present themselves. But we may be certain
OF one thing, whether we wish IL or not:
We cannot avoid hereafter having duties
TO do in the face of other nations. All that
we can do is;to settle whether we shall per
form these duties well or III.
Let us make IL evident that we intend 20
do justice. Then let US make IL equally
evident that We will not tolerate Injustice
being done 70 us in return. Let US further
which we are not prepared to back up with
deeds, and that while our speech is always
moderate, We are ready and willing TO
make good. Such an attitude will be the
surest possible guarantee of that self-re-
specting pegce the attainment Of which 10
and must ever be the prime aim Of a self
governing people.
CARDS the Monroe doctrine. We do not by
this doctrine intend to sanction any policy
of aggression by one American common
wealth at the expense of another. nor any
policy OF commercial discrimination against
any foreign power whatsoever. CONNER
cially, as far as this doctrine is concerned.
all we wish IS a fair field and no FAVOR. But
il we are wise We shall ~strenuously Insist
that under no pretext whatever shall there
be any territorial ACKNOWLEDGMENT on Amer
| lean soil by any European power, and this
no matter what form the territorial ag-
grandizemeHt may take"