The Montgomery advertiser., 1901-07-25
LETTERS 10
 I'hE EDITOR.
- "os ~ee v ~s
 Ane GranoIarner CIauSe.

| Ane uranorarner CIause. ; Editor The Advertiser:
 certain newspapers and some public men have had so much to sa , about the so-called "Grandfather Cause" | that many Of them nave a@iudiiy lti- suaded themselves o be''eve that 1t | involves violation rot oiiy of the Fifteenth Amendment but of the cor
 dinal principles of free government.
 In view of so much mis- conception of
 this much-abused idea, let us see what it really is. what first inspired it. and
 what is its true relation to the scheme | Of suffrage reform as reported by the | Committee.
 The idea was first presented at the | Louisiana Convention in 1897 by Hon.
 Thomas J. Semmes, a son of the fa-
 nous Admiral Semmes of the Alabama,
 and one of the most distinguished
 lawyers in the United States. The
 reason for it was that the Democracy
 of Louisiana, following the lead of Mis-
 sissippi and South Carolina, had found It necessary in their platform specih- cally to make the declaration since made in North Carolina and Virginia, and three times repeated in Alabama, l that no white man should be disfran- chised except for crime.
 They were then confronted with the 1 question how to disfranchise any con- siderable number of negroes, not dis franchise any white man, and not vio- late the Constitution of the United states. A more solemn and serious re- sponsibility never fell upon any body of men. The only precedent to guide them was the Mississippi plan adopted | m modiefd form in South Carolina. Ihat plan provided that all could reg ister who could read and write, or who could understand a section of the Ms slss1ppi Constitution or give a reason able interpretation thereto when read. Considerable objection to and prejudice existed against the plan. The vice of 1t | was when the register came to an it. iiterate person, white or black. he could ask them a hard question and | another an easy one. The discretion or the registrar was uncontrolled, even by an appeal to higher court. And IL was claimed that in some instances even white men were discriminated against In its administration. Certain IL IS that uncontrolled power and dis
 cretion was vested in Registrars whic, many thought was out of place, in our system of government.
 Ine Louisiana Convention felt if oouia not adopt this plan. So the sug- sestlon was made by Mir. Semmes tha nest eminent lawyer of the Conven~ ton. to give the right to vote to all Who possessed 1t in 1867 and their de- scehdants. The alternative property ana educational clauses were also ad.
 1eo' Onoer these, some negroes of course. could vote, but very few could vote In 1867, and therefore a large majority of them were disfranchised Ch the other hand. every white man in th state state who couldn't qualify lsnder !i .ne educational or property uua1ifica- .ioh could qualify as voter in 1867 or as dascsr7a t"ter such voter. A great outcry was raised m Louisiana against the descendants clause. Both Senators. nearly ali tba newspapers, several congressman and iiiany other public men, including del esates to the Convention. bitterly da. nounced 1t, but the more it was die. cussed the more 1t grew in favor hoth III ana out of the Convention. and if was nnally adopted. The intrinsic merit merit or It was that the registrar was , oIHested or all authority by it. All he titInS uu Was 10 register the men en- .,Ieo thereto The white men saw tnat under 1t they could vote and tba piT,torm pledges were redeemed. The same plan virtually was adontoa ih Worth Carolina. There. too if was oenounced by both senators n,any newspapers and public men botb ,y
 ana out of the Democratic party. hut saIe more It was discussed the more if srew m favor with the people and if neau,! !i"aIiy adopted by a majority of vote. oi popular
 such plan could not have ohtainod two such signal victories under smcb ShcunStances unless it had In it tLa germ of intrinsic merit u 'he
 i Aiaoana. the principle is essen- suasy S,asy the same, though there is sor,a Ilnerence in the details. Some doubt tIa uas aiways rested upon the constitnt tnohai.y or the Louisiana plan. thoush tho auiest lawyers of the South contend 'nat IL Is constitutional
 10 oDViate any doubts on that soou the following plan was adontad core Committee opteu py our write, or No can read and .,' Second' All who own three b,ndrod ooIIars worth of real or personal nroT er1y' or forty acres of land or
 ,,, all who were soldiers or saiIors i n tne war Of 1872, in the Mexican war sn the Clvil War or in the war with
 Fourth, the descendants of tboso r,
 were soldiers or sailors in eithau ee "no wars named, or oA lhe
 Fifth. those of good character ond W1o understand the duties of citizen1 shp in a Republican form of govern ment. VI so'erh-
 The constitutionality of the four.h cause IS the only one questioned hn+ Tn truth there Is no more reason whv son of soldier cannot constitution, ally vote than why a soldier himseIf cannot vote. The principle is precise | iy the same. Neither is a discrimins- ton on account of race, color or pre- Vlous condition of servitude.
 The merit of the Alabama plan. | then' Is this: A white man offers to | registrar. He is first asked. can won | read and write? Eighty-seyen her | cent. according to the Federal Census. | answers yes. These are immediatelv | registered. The remaining thirteen | per cent. present themselves. They | are asked. Do you pay taxes on $500 | worth Of real or personal property, or l on forty acres of land. or does your Wife do so? l have no exact figures at hand, but a safe estimate is that three | per cent. of the whole number will answer in the affirmative. We have then ninety per cent of whites regis tered. The other ten per cent come op1 m