The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1901-11-25

oAfAE ftIStN0 Sl6tEsS
A cablegram says that the most important
position in the London Spectator Of Sat
Urday was occupied by discussion Of a pro-
posal that Great Britain should give its
formal adherence to the Monroe doc
trine as a first step towards its recognition
ty other European powers. This is a new
view Of an old question. The Spectator is a
leading exponent of British opinion. and
while not a government organ in the strict
sense 1t reflects more less of current senti-
ment. 1t is worth while, therefore. to note
the reason for its suggestion. 1t says:
If America will define the Monroe doc
tr1ne why should we not pledge ourselves
not TO infringe upon it? When We had
acknowledged this doctrine America might
propose II to the rest Of the powers for
Endorsement. If she did the powers could
hardly refuse. If they adhered their adj
herence would be of great use, not TO Amer
lea, but 10 the cause OF peace, for it would
eliminate a great many Of the notable
causes OF war. If the Monroe doctrine be-
came part OF the public law of the civil
lZed world the risk OF a war breaking out
with regard TO European interference in
Brazil or Spanish America, now always a
possibility, would then pass away.
AS this seems to be candidly and honest
ly put, it should be discussed in the same
spirit. To begin with, the suggestion that
the United States should define the Monroe
doctrine" is s~uperfuous. The doctrine has
been defined with more or less directness
time and again. and is well understood by
all European powers. Briefly. it pledges the
United States to oppose and prevent the ac-
QUESTION Of new possessions in this hem-
isphere as dangerous to our peace and
safety. The original declaration said: with
the existing colonies or dependencies of any
European power, We have not interfered
and shall not interfere" The only excep-
ton TO this declaration has been in the
case Of Spain, and this was made neces-
sary by conditions in Cuba. But England
and France still retain colonies in this
hemisphere with which the United States
has no thought of interfering and never
has had. The Monroe doctrine simply pre-
vents the extension of these possessions
or the acquisition of new territory in this
hemisphere by any other European power.
The doctrine is simple and easily under
stood. 1t has been asserted in one form or
another many times. and its enforcement
in the case of the Macmillan invasion of
Mexico is too recent not to be remembered
by all European powers. The doctrine does
not need any new definition.
The suggestion by a leading British paper
that the doctrine should be acknowledged
first by Great Britain and then by the other
powers is striking proos of changed condi-
tons and relations since the doctrine was
first promulgated some three quarters of a
century ago. Until within a few years the
claim Of the United States in this regard
was treated by European powers with little
respect. Even as late as the Venezuelan
controversy, in 1895, Lord Salisbury in dis
GUESSING that question said:
In the remarks which 1 have made I
have argued OH the theory that the Mon
roe doctrine in itself is sound. / must not.
however, be understood as expressing any
acceptance of it on the part of her Maj
esty's government. . International
law is founded on the general consent of
nations; and no statesman. however emf
nent. and no nation. however powerful, are
competent TO insert into the code of in
ternational law a novel principle which was
never recognized before, and which has not
since been accepted by the government of
any other country.
Notwithstanding this declaration the
Venezuelan controversy ended IN a practical
recognition of the American contention.
The London Spectator is not the British
government, but its suggestion that the
Monroe doctrine be acknowledged is a long
advance on any view heretofore expressed
in England. There can De no doubt that
such an acknowledgment by all European
powers would be conducive TO better I'M
Outstanding among the nations and would
remove a chronic cause Of suspicion and
friction. The European powers might as
well make a virtue of necessity and do
gracefully and voluntarily what they will
have 10 do in all future time whether they
wish to or not, namely. recognize the fact
that the United States will not permit any
extension of European possessions on this
hemisphere nor allow any European power
to forcibly deprive any American state OF
the right and power of self-government
1t Will oe interesting to note whether the
suggestion of the Spectator meets with any
response, either official or popular.