The Manning times. [volume] (Manning, Clarendon County, S.C.) 1884-current, 1901-05-29

God save me from such infamy.
THE GENTLEMAN FROM MEXICO
There is one thing that I have not
hesrd much Of kick about, the loan
OF the government exhibit at Buffalo
to Charleston. I believe, however,
somebody else claims the credit. That
is all right with me, it matters not who
gets the credit, Just SO the city Of
Charleston gets the friendly hand Of
this government in great enterprise in
which the whole State is interested.
Irrespective Of personal and poll ieal
differences, I am willing to join hands
with my colleague in the Senate and
the members in the House in securing
an appropriation to reimburse Char
lesion for all expenses incurred. If
We lay aside little differences and every
body 6, to work as oue man, it can be
done. l aart to say here, in justice
to Senator Tllluan and myself, We are
both capable Of rising high enough not
to premit anything to interfere with a
mstter Of such general interest to the
State. J. will even go one better and
agree, if Charleston gets the sppropria-
tion, to give all Of the oridit TO the
Gentleman flon Mexico"
WILL NOT BE DRIVEN.
I have just one or two more things
to say on the first question l sm discus.
ing. Ny intimate friends know that
it has been my desire to retire from
public life. / had determined never
again to undetake the CANVASS Of this
State, and were it not that I felt that I
owed it to the people Of South Caro-
lima to discuss these issues and enable
them to act intelligently by placing
themselves in touch With the bess
he thought Of the age, I would not
here to day. The people Of this State
gave me the grandest chance that any
young man has had since the war and |,
fully realize the opportunity and duty.
I never doubled for one moment but if
allowed to present my case fairly to the
peoIle, I would bere-elected to the Sen
ate. I have not made vote that can
be succ :ssfully assailed, save upon mar
row partisan grounds. I had, however,
determined not to run on account Of my
health. The campsign Of 1897 left me
in physiesl and mental wreck. My
physician has repeatedly said that 1
could not stand either mentally or
physically the strain Of such another
campaign. Within the ten months past
however, my health has been wonder
fully improved and I am ready for the
fray. Idesire here and now to tell the
Bosses (in and out Of the State) who
have decresd my political death, that I
defy them. The only way they can de-
feat me is to rule me out Of the primary
and thus prevent the people from ex
pressing themselves. Let thsm, if they
dare, prevent white men from passing
judgment at the ballot box upon these
great national issues. One thing more
on the question:, Am 7 honest? Those
who know me and are my friends will
never believe anything else. To those
who are fair and unprejudiced, I say,
give me an impartial hearing, and if you
are not convinced vote against me, then
ne will still respect each other. For
my enemies, those who would condemn
me unheard, the growlsrs and winners,
I care not red cent what they think,
SO long that l know that I an honest.
I desire now to take up some OF my
votes and speeches, and address myself
to the question, Am I mistaken? When
I was placed on the Ways AID Means
Committee Of the House, l began a sys
tematio course Of reading on the tsr. f
question with reference toits effect upon
the people Of the South. In March,
1897, I made a speech in which l en-
bodied my views I had offered an
amendment for duty Of two and one
half cents per pound on cotton imports,
and had made f ght in the Com nittee
for a proper schedule on rice, pine lum-
Der, turpentine, cotton seed oil, oil cake,
jute- bagging, cotton ties and the coarse
grade Of goods made in our Southern
mills. This is neither the time nor the
place to go into discussion Of the tariff.
l can sum it up in the statement that l
did not discuss the question from a theo-
retic or philsnthropic stand point, but
merely claimed full share for the South
of all the benefits to accrue from legis-
lation. I recognized the fact that our
revenues we're to come from the imposi-
tion Of import duties, and asserted that
this being true, it was but fair to give
each section and industry share sthe
benefits, as the burden must be borre
by all. I attacked the doctrine Of free
"a material as a clandestine and un-
just form Of protection. I traced its
history and showed that it was dsv.scd
and offered to the manufacturers of the
Esst by Mr.. Cleveland in his first race,
as form of protection. IN other words,
Roger Q. Mills, the Chairman Ct the
Ways and Means Committee Of the
House, was sent up into the New Eng
land States to cfsr them this left.
handed protection, while free trade was
talked in the South and West. It was a
mere party ezpedient to catch votes. I
think that no political party will ever
attempt again such monstrous injus'
tice. It means that the farmers in this
country shall be forcsd to buy in a re-
stricted market and then sell al Of their
products in competition with the pauper
labor of the world. made this fight
for Southern industries while a member
of the House, when l lad no idea in the
world OF going into the Senate. You all
remember what universal chorus Of ap-
proyal there was. Senators Tillman,
Bacon, Clay and others took up the
same line in the Senate. The News and
Courier, the Columbia Sists and nine
ty rcr cent. Of the papers Of the South
commended my course. I hazard little
in saying had I never been candidate
for the Senate, the wisdom Of my course
would never have been questioned. I
v.s et-ooo1u uroad to run for the Senate