The morning Astorian. [volume] (Astoria, Oregon) 1899-1930, 1900-08-24

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on that campaign united IN the demand
for the immediate restoration Of silver
by the independent action of this coun-
try at 10 10 I, the ratio which had ex-
listed since 1884. They we're defeated.
but thnt ala noe end the discussion.
The democrats were defeated In 1888 but
that did not put an end 10 tariff re-
fern. The republicans were defeated
Ia 1892. but that I'D not permanently
overthrow the protective tariff. Defeat
at the polls does not necessarily decide
n problem. Experience. and experience
alone. settles questions. II an in
crease In the volume OF the currency
since 1896. although uDpromlsed by the
republicans and unexpected, has
brought improvement. IN Industrial con-
ditions. this improvement. instead OF
answering the arguments put forth In
favor Of bimetalism, only confirms the
contention Of those who insisted that
more money would make better times.
The republican party, however. while
claiming credit for the Increase In
circulation. makes TO permanent pro-
vision for an adequate supply Of stand
ard money. II denies the necessity for
more real money, while II permits ma
tional banks TO expand the volume Of
paper promises to pay money.
III the populists FELT justified in op-
posing the republican party when It
sought to conceal It's gold standard
tendencies under the mask Of interna-
tionai blretalism, the opposition
should be more pronounced In propor-
tlon as the republican party more
openly espouses gold monometalism.
In 1896. The reform forces charged
the republican party with intending to
retire the greenbacks. This charge. de-
MED At the time. has been confessed by
the financial bill. which converts green
backs. when once redeemed. into gold
certificates. and extends new privileges
TO banks OF issue. II a popullst OPP
posed the republican party when It's
hostility to greenbacks was only sus-
pected. that opposition should be
greater now since no one can longer
doubt the purpose Of the republican
party 70 substitute bank notes for
greenbacks.
1T Is true that the populists believe
In an irredeemable greenback, while
the democrats believe IN a greenback
redeemable in coin. but the vi
tai question at this time. so far as pa
per money IL concerned, Is whether the
government or banks shall issue It,.
There will be time enough to discuss
the redeemabiiityo the greenback when
the greenback itself Is saved from the
annlhlation which now threatens It..
The republican party Is now committed
to a currency system which necessi-
tates perpetual debt, while the popu-
/ list finds himself In agreement, with
the democrats. who believe in paying
nif the national debt as soon as possi-
hle.
III belief IN an income tax justified
populist In acting with the demo-
cratic party In 1896. what excuse can
he lind for aiding the republican party
now. when even the exigencies OF war
have not been sufficient to bring that
party to the support Of the income tax
principles?
"Populsts believe in arbitration now
as much as they did in 1896, and are
as much opposed to government by in
junction and the blacklist as they were
then. and upon these subjects they
fhave as much reason for cooperation
with the democratic party today as
they had four years ago,
Democrats and popullsts. alike fav-
or the principle OF direct legislation,
II any differences exist as to the ex-
tent to which the principle should be
applied. these differences can be re-
concied by experiment. Democrats
and populists agree that Chinese and
other Oriental labor should be ex-
cluded from the United States. Demo-
crats and populists desire to so enlarge
the scope of the Interstate commerce
act as 70 enable the commission to
protcct both persons and places from
Discrimination and the public at large
frcr excessive railroad rates.
''The populists approve the demand
set forth in The democratic platform
for labor bureau with cabinet OFF,
Ger at it's head. Such an official would
keep the administration in close touch
with the wage-earnlng portion Of the
population and go far toward securing
such remedial legislation as the toll
ers need.
"In 1896 the populists united with the
democrats in opposing the trusts, al
though the question at that time ap-
peared like cloud scarcely larger than
mans hand. Today that cloud well
nigh overspreads the industrial sky.
The farmer does not participate in
the profits of any trust but he sorely
feels the burden Of them all. He is
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