The gold leaf. [volume] (Henderson, N.C.) 1881-1911, 1900-08-16

ence and the constitution of the United
States AMI mock us for our inconsiSt-
ency-
FOUR REPUBLICAN CONVENTIONS.
Comment on tho Principal Arguments Of
tho Party In Power.
The principal arguments, however.
advanced by those who enter upon a
defense Of Imperialism are:
First: That we must improve the
present opportunity to become Il world
power and enter into International pol
itics.
Second: That our commercial inter-
ests in the Philippine islands and in
the Orient make it necessary for US TO
hold the islands permanently.
Third: That the spread of the Chris
tian religion will be facilitated by 4
colonial policy.
Fourth: That there is no honorable
retreat from the position which the
nation has taken.
The first argument is addressed to
the nations pride and the second to the
nations pocket-boOk. The third is in-
tended for the church member and tn"
fourth for the partisan.
1t is Il sufficient answer to the first
argument to say that for more than a
century this nation has been Il world
power. For ten decades it has been
the most potent influence in the world.
Not only has it been Il world power,
but it has done more to affect the poll
tics of the human race than all the 9th
er nations of the world combined. Be
cause our Declaration OF Independence
was promulgated others have been pro-
mulgated; because the patriots OF 117G
fought for liberty others have fought
for it; because our constitution WAS
adopted other constitutions have been
adopted. The growth of the principle
Of self government, planted on Ameri
can soil, has been the over -shadowinY
political fact of the nineteenth cen
tury.
The permanent chairman Of the last
Republican national convention pre-
sented the pecuniary argument in all
its badness, when he said: I'VE make
no hypocritical pretenses Of being
account of others. While we regard the
welfare of these people as sacred
trust we regard the welfare of the
American people first. We see our duty
to ourselves as Well as to others. We
believe in trade expansion. BY every
legitimate means within the province
of government and constitution we
mean to stimulate the expansion Of
our trade and open new markets"
This is the commercial argument. 1t
is based upon the theory that war
can be rightly waged for pecuniary
advantage, and that it is profitable to
purchase trade by force and violence.
Franklin denied both Of these propO-
SitiOnS.
l place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine Of those
who would put price upon the life
Of an American soldier and justify a
war of conquest upon the ground that
it will pay. The Democratic party Is
in favor of the expansion of trade. 1t
would extend our trade by every legiti-
mate and peaceful means; but 1t Is not
willing to make merchandise Of human
blood.
But i war of conquest Is as unwise
as it is unrighteOuS. \ harbOr and
cOaling station in the Philippines
would answer every trade and mill
tary necessity and such u concession
could have been secured at any time
without difficulty.
1t is not necessary to own people in
order to trade with them. We carry
ON trade today with every part Of the
world and our commerce has expand
ed more rapidly than the commerce OF
any European empire. When
trade is secured by force. the cost OF
securing it and retaining it must be
taken out of the profits, and the profits
are never large enough to cover the eX-
pense. Such il system would never be
defended, but for the fact that the eN-
pense is borne by all the people, while
the profits are enjoyed by the few.
Imperialism would be profitable t.
the army contractors; 1t would be prof
table to the ship-owners. who would
carry live soldiers to the Philippines
and bring dead soldiers back; it would
be profitable to those who would seize
upon the franchises. and it would be
profitable to the officials whose salaries
would be fixed here and paid over
| there; but to the farmer to the labor
Ill. man, and to the vast majority OF
| those engaged i'll other occupations il
would bring expenditure without re-
turn and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboEing men have, a.
a rule. small incomes and under sys
| TENS which place the tax upon con
sum ;tion pay more than their fail
| share of the expenses Of government
| Thus the very people who receive least
| benefit from Imperialism will be in
| iured most by the military burdens
| which accompany it. 1t is
| not strange, therefore. that III" Labor
| organizations have been quick to note
| the approach Of these dangers anC
| prompt to protect against both mllitar.
ism and Imperialism.
| The pecuniary argument, though
| more effective with certain classes, is
| not likely to be used so often or pre-
| sented with so much emphasis as the
| religious argument. II what has been
termed the ''sunpowder gospel" were
| urge1 against the FilipinOs only II
| would be i sufficient answer to say
that majority of the Filipinos are
| now members Of one branch Of the
| Christian church. but the principle in
| volved is one of much wider applica
| ton and challenges serious considera
! ton.
We cannot approve Of this doctrine
| in one place unless We are willing tt
| apply it everywhere If there is poison
In the blood of the hand it will ultimate
ly reach the heart. 1t Is equally trut
that forcible Christianity, II planted
under the American flag in the far
away Orient, will sooner or later b,
transplanted upon American soil
Let it be known that our mis-
sionaries are seeking souls instead o.
sovereignty; let it be known that In
stead of being the advance guard O
conQuering armies, they are goin,
forth to help and to uplift,
and the welcome given to our mission
aries will be more cordial than th'
welcome extended to the missiOnarie
Of any other nation.
The argument, made by some, tha
| 1t was unfortunate for the nation tha
it had anything to do with he Philip
pine islands. but that the naval victor!
at Manila made the permanent acqui
Eition of those islands necessary. Is als'
unsound. We won a naval victory a
Santiago. but that did not compel u
to hold Cuba. The shedding Of Ameri