Daily inter mountain. [volume] (Butte, Mont.) 1881-1901, 1900-08-23

1884. They were defeated, but tina did
not end the discussion. The democrats
We're defeated in 1883, but tina did not
put an end to tariff reform. The repub-
leans were defeated in 1892. but that did
not permanently overthrow the protec-
tive tariff. Defeat at the polls does not
necessarily decide a problem. Experi-
ence. and experience alone. settles ques-
lions. If an increase in the volume of
the currency since 1896. although I'M
promised by the republicans. and unex-
pected. has brought Improvement in in
dustrial conditions, this Improvement in
stead of answering the arguments put
forth in favor of bimetallism. only con-
firms the contention of those who insisted
that more money would make better
times.
The republican party. however, while
claiming credit for the increase in cir
culatlon, makes no permanent provision
for an adequate supply of standard
money. 1t denies the necessity for more
real money. While it permits national
banks to expand the volume of paper
promises to pay money.
If the %populists felt justified in oppos-
ing the republican party when it sought
to conceal it's gold standard tendencies
under the mask of International bimetal-
ism, the opposition should be more pro-
nounced in proportion as the republican
party more openly espouses gold bimet-
allism.
In 1896, the reform forces charged the
republican party with intending to retire
the ~greenbacks. This charge, denied at
the time, has been confessed by the
financial bill. which converts green
backs, when once redeemed, into gold
certificates. and extends new privileges
to banks of issue. If a populist opposed
the republican party when its hostility
to ~greenbacks was only suspected. that
opposition should be greater now since
no one can longer doubt the purpose of
the republican party to substitute bank
notes for g~reenbacks.
1t is true that the populists believe in
an irredeemable ~sreenhack. while the
democrats believe in a greenback redeem
able in coin, but the vital question at this
time, so far as paper money is concerned.
Is whether the government or banks
shall issue it.. There will be time enough
to discuss the redeemability of the green
backs when the ~greenback itself is saved
from the humiliation which now threat
ems 1t. The republican party Is now
committed to a currency system which
neeessitates a perpetual debt, while the
ropulist finds himself in agreement with
the democrats who believe in paying off
the national debt as soon as possible.
III belief in an income tax justified a
populist in acting with thu democratic
party in 1896. What excuse can he find
for aiding the republican partv now.
" ANt VI wal IldSt
not been sufficient to bring hat party
to the support of the income tax prin-
ciples?
Populists believe in arbitration now rs
much as they did in 1896. and are as much
opposed to government by Injunction and
the blacklist as they were then, and
upon these subjects they have as much
reason for cooperation with the demo-
cratic party to-day as they had four
years ago.
How, nv, r., - ~l -n,l:
principle of direct legislation. If any
differences exist as to the extent to which
the principle should be applied. these diff
can be reconciled by experiment..
Democrats and populists agree that Chi
nese and other oriental labor should be
excluded from the United States.
Democrats and populists desire to so
enlarge the scope of the interstate COM
merce act as to- enable the commission to
protect both persons and places rom dis
and the public at large from
railroad rates.
The popJ>ts approve the demand SET
forth in the democratic platform for a
labor bureau With a cabinet officer at it's
head. Such an official would keep the nd
ministration in close touch with the wage
earning portion of the population n go
far toward securing such remedial legis-
lation as the toilers need.
In 1895 the populists united with the
III opposing the trusts, al
though the question at hat time appear
ed like a loud scarcely larger than a
hand.
Today that cloud wel-nigh overspreads
the industrial sky. The farmer does not
participate in the profits of any trust, but
he sorely feels the burden of them all. He
is dependent upon the seasons for his in
come. When he plants his crop he knows
not whether it will be blessed with rain or
blighted with drouth; he knows not
whether the wind will blow it down or
hail destroy it, or insects devour it. and
the price of his crop is as uncertain as
the quantity. If a private monopoly can
suspend production and fix the price of
raw material as we'll as the price of the
finished product the farmer, powerless to
protect himself when he sells, is plum
dered when he purchases. Can any farm
er hesitate to throw the influence of his
ballot upon the side of those who desire