The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1900-08-09

protest against such policy and to resist
TO the extent of their ability. The Filipinos
| do not need any encouragement from
| Americans now living. Our whole history
| has been an announcement, not only TO the
| Filipinos but TO all who denied a
| voice in their own government. If the Re-
| publicans are prepared to censure all who
| have used language calculated 10 make the
Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them
| condemn the speech OF Patrick Henry.
| When he uttered that passionate appeal.
| Give me liberty or give me DEATH he ex-
pressed a sentiment which still echoes in
| the hearts of men. Let them censure JEFF
| ferson; of all the statesmen of history.
| none have used words offensive to those
| who would hold their fellows in political
bondage. Let them censure Washington.
| who declared that the colonists must
| choose between liberty and slavery. Or. If
| the statute of limitations has run against
the sins OF Henry and Jefferson and Wash
| ington. let them censure Lincoln. whose
| Gettysburg speech will be quoted in de-
| Tense of popular government when the
| are forgotten.
EVILS OF CONQUEST.
Someone has said that a truth once spok-
| en- can never be recalled. 1t is true. 1t
goes on and on, and no one can set a limit
| to it's ever widening influence. But if 1t
were possible to obliterate every word writ
ten or spoken in defense of the principles
| set forth in the Declaration of Independ-
ence, a war of conquest would still leave
| it's legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was
God himself who placed in every human
heart the love of liberty. He never made
a race OF people so low in the scale of civ
ilization or intelligence that it would well
| come a foreign master. Those who
| would have this nation enter upon
| career of empire must consider not
| only the effect of Imperialism on the Fill
| pinos, but they must also calculate its eff
| feet upon our own nation. We cannot re-
| pudiate the principle of self-government
in the Philippines without weakening that
principle here. Lincoln said that the
safety of this nation was not in its
| fleets its armies its forts, but in the
spirit which prizes liberty and the heritage
of all men, in all lands everywhere; and
he warned his countrymen that they could
| not destroy this spirit without planting the
| seeds of despotism at their own doors.
| Now we are beginning to see the paralyz-
ing influence of imperialism. Heretofore,
this Nation has been prompt TO express Its
sympathy with those who were fighting
tor civil liberty. While our sphere or ac-
tivity has been limited to the western hem
isphere, our sympathies have not been
bounded by the seas. We have felt 1t due
to ourselves and to the world, as well as 20
those who were struggling for the right TO
govern themselves, to proclaim the interest
which our people have, from the date of
their own independence, felt in every con-
test between human rights and arbitrary
power. Three-quarters of century ago,
when our Nation was small, the struggles
of Greece aroused our people and Webster
l and Gay gave eloquent expression TO the
universal desire for Grecian independence.
In 1896, all parties manifested lively In
terest in the success of the Cubans, but
now when a war is in progress in South
Africa, which must result in the extension
| of the monarchical idea or in the triumph
Of a republic the advocates of Imperialism
in this country dare not say word in be-
half of the Beers Sympathy for the Beers
does not arise from any unfriendliness to-
| ward England; the American people are
not unfriendly toward the people of any
nation. This sympathy is due TO the fact
| that, as stated in our platform, we believe
| in the principle of self-government and re-
ject, as did our forefathers, the claims of
monarchy. If this Nation surrenders its
belief in the universal application OF the
| principles set forth i'm the Declaration of
| Independence, it will lose the prestige and
influence which it has enjoyed among the
nations as an exponent of popular govern
nent.
JEFFERSON'S VIEWS.
Our opponents, conscious of the weakness
of their cause, seek to confuse Imperialism
with expansion and have even dared to
claim Jefferson as a supporter of their pol
icy. Jefferson spoke so freely and used
language with such precision that no one
can be ignorant of his views. On one &C.
casion he declared: eff there be one prin-
ciple more deeply rooted than any other in
the mind of every American it is that we
!. should have nothing to do with conquest"
: And again he said: conquest is not in our
principles; it is inconsistent with our gov
| eminent
The forcible annexation of territory to be
governed by arbitrary power differs as
| much from the acquisition of territory 10
, | be built up into States as a monarchy diff
fers from democracy. The Democratic
party does not oppose expansion when ex-
pansion enlarges the area of the Republic
and incorporates land which can be settled
by American citizens, or adds to our popu-
citizens and are capable of discharging
their duties SUCH The acqui-
/ stion of the Louisiana territory
Florida, Texas and other tracts which have
; been secured from time TO time enlarged
, the Republic, and the Constitution followed
the flag into the new territory. 1t is now
, proposed to seize upon distant territory
already more densely populated than our
own country, and TO force upon the people
) a government for which there is no war
, rant in our Constitution or our laws. Even
the argument that this earth belongs to
those who desire to cultivate it and have
: the physical power to acquire it cannot be
: | invoked to justify the appropriation of the
Philippine islands by the United States. If
, the islands were uninhabited American cit
> liens would not be willing to go there and
: | till the soil. The white race will not live
, | so near the equator Other nations have
: | tried to colonize in the same latitude. The
- years. and yet to-day there are less than
| $1,000 people of European birth scattered
| among 25,0O0,oO0 natives. After century
and half of English domination in India
q less than one-twentieth of 1 per cent OF
: | the people of India of English birth
, and ii requires an army of 10000 British SOL
diers to take care Of the tax collectors
Spain has asserted title to the Philippine
islands for three centuries, and vet when
orr fleet entered Manila bay there were
less than 10000 Spaniards residing in the
Philippines.
: MEANING OF COLONIAL POLICY
, a colonial policy means that we shall
Q send to the Philippines a few traders. a
few task masters and a few officeholders
n and an army large enough to support the
n | authority of a small fraction of the people
while they rule the natives. If we have ar
!, imperial policy we must have a large stand.
: | ing army as its natural and necessary com.
e plement. The spirit which will justify the
n forcible annexation of the Philippine
u | islands will justify the seizure of other
, | islands and the domination of other people
! and with wars of conquest We can ex.
: | pect a certain If not rapid growth of oul
i | military establishment. That large
{ permanent increase in our regular army
y is intended by the Republican leaders i:
e not mere matter of conjecture but a mat
e ter of fact. In his message of Dec. D. 1895
e the President asked for authority to in
| crease the standing army to 100000. In 1885
the army contained about $1,000 men
| Within two years the President asked fol
6 House of Representatives complied with tn,
| raoract otter ha CnoOiSh frao -. bad toao,