The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1900-08-09

the past: II can repudlate the principles upon
iTsisnd 'o of r 1sSSn L Tss can e SUBSTITUTE fsa a%,p Nigh. for
right: IL can. conquer weaker people: II can ea-
plolt their lands, appropriate their property
for the Violation o. human riahis'
Would we gesa IN the paths q tyranny
Who tsketh snothers liberty
His freedom Is also lost
Would we win As the strong have ever won.
Make ready 70 pay the debt
f2s Is u, ne COD COO Who Who + 1.IsSi Ss'y y. se'''0o
Some argue that American rule In the Phil
ippine Island. viii result in the better eduoa-
ton Of the Flipinos. Be not deceived. II We
expect to maintain q colonial policy, We shall
p pS5 i.d The + TO e dur sdvf FNpInos 20 arc STuG now 'h N
revolt against us. and the most ignorant ones
have made the least resistance TO our domino
consent and give them no voice In determining
the taxes which they must pay. we dare no<
educate srs,Ine , q, pna. lest shsy ,es sna e ;be REQ con All RsSa
OF the United States and mock US for our M
consistency.
THE REPUBLICAN
The principal arguments. however. ad:
vanoed BY those who enter upon a defence OF
FTss"That we must improye. the present
enter into International politics,
me Philippine Islands and In the Orient make
ii necessary for US to hold the Islands peg
Third That the spread Of the Christian 70
Fourth-That there Is no honorable retreat
fr2 TRe 'f FIR! RO srsSsms wsif Is saS n@asp to aHi the en nse
tons pride. and the second TO the %natio9's
pocketbook.. The third is Intended for, the
It Is a sufficient answer to the Arst Argument
10 say that for more than a century this nation
has been a world power. For ten decades
Vt No 4%i been Sai t aSiy m %ss Rs0iss ssn la a % v n PoT sss
but il has done moro TO affect the politics Of
q, The h human cd r3Gs ,hrn 81 the O ohs p .s1iG"s Of
been promulgated. because the patriots q
f 81 i L; b sSssst f Sar c t!Ss.,Y; SiSsr. r have sd tSasG.
growth. Of The principle, Of eli-sovernment:
s I%hlsGdtsat On A polisieal fact sS,i' o of t been n me sxSl,
century. It has made this nation conspicuous
among the nations and given ii n place In his
Nothing has been able to check the onward
march Of this idea. ! am not willing that this
nation shall cast aside the omnipotent yeaPo1,
warfare. I would not exchange the glory
Of this Republic for the. glory Of all the empires
th A. sf pelm Tisrn Sn eh as|lsn sIH oi t f,%s fss Sef Rsrub-
lazy HSan arsu%ent iSa ali rs bal GrsssS' SSe nj h e: ssId'
,nte %s %a9 N p he nT FRIiinpins. p solsis' ss a. acS count
Of others. While we regard the welfare Of those
PEOPLE 2, a sacred trust; We regard the welfare
In trade eI pansion. ny every legitimate means
within The province Of goyefnment and copst-
trade and op"n new markets"
This I. The comTercial argument; i Is based
upon the theory that var Enp be rightly SaSSd
TO purchaso trade BY force and violence. Frank
lin denied both Of those ,propositi3ns.r When
which brought on the Revolution were necessary
to prevent American trade from passing into
foreign channels, Franklin, ropliNd
TO me II seems that neither the obtaining nor
retaining Of any trade, how valuable soever,, san
object ior which men men NAV justly spill each
extending and securing commerce are the good
ness and chrapnass Of commodities, end
that the profits OF no trade can eyer b. equal to
fleets and armies. ! consider this war against
us, therefore as bo tn unjust and unwisc."
WAR OF CONQUEST rs UNRIoHTEors.
place tho philosophy of Franklin against the
sordld doctrine OF those who would put a price
upon the head n an American soldier and lust
viii pay. The Democratic party. is In favor Of
the q expansion Of trade. II would extend our
trade S BY every Iefi,im "a n ard T %srcbaDs Mssn IS,
human blood.
But q war Of conquest is as unxise as \ IS
and military Necessity, and such q concession
could have been secured at any time without
II is not necessary 20 own people In order
TO trade with them. We carry on trade to-day
w with every 5s part 81 the more %Srl Gsp rhd 9 9Ssn 00 I'M
commerce OF any European empire. We do
not own Japan or China. but we trade with their
Of Central and South America, but we trade
with them. II has not been necessary TO have
any political connections with Canada or the
nations OF Europe In order 10 trade with them.
Trade cannot be permanently profitable unless
Il Is voluntary. When trade Is secured by
force, the cost OF securing II and retaining L
must be taken out of the profits. and the profits
Such q system would never be defended but for
the fact tina, the expense Is borne by all the peo-
pr Iim Mnrf } 'Sm pr wonId af I've e n}ostSb 1s sieS army
contractors; II would be profitable to the ship
owners, who would carry live soldiers TO the
Philippines and bring dead soldiers back, II
upon the franchises. and II would be profitable
TO the officials whose salaries would be- fixed
the lahoring man and to the vast majoritv
OF those engaged in other occupations, 1t would
bring expenditure without return and risk
Farmers and laborins men have. as a rule.
small Incomes. and. under systems which place
the tax upon consumption. pay more than
Thus the very people who receive least benefit
from IMPERIALISM win be injured most by the
military burdens which ACCOMPANY T.
farmer share in common the laboring man
will be the first 10 suffer II Oriental subjects
seek work in the United States; the 'lrst -
suffer II American capital leaves our shores -
employ Oriental labor IN me Philippines, 10
supply the trade of China and Japan. the first
s 10 rF' sro frSm s mi ", yiS'f frss y, wh .nr. The w Tin'r rhs
methods OF imperialism are applied to our own
II is not strange, therefore. tina, thc. labor
0PRanigQtiDnQ hava hean nuick In nOtA ~ mn