Iron County register. [volume] (Ironton, Iron County, Mo.) 1867-1965, 1900-09-06
DAlAN ~ PUPULISTS
Democratic Candidate Receives No
tifeation at Topeka.
Andresses Immense Gathering on the
Various Issues Old and New
Strong Arraignment of Re-
pubIican Policies.

Thursday. August %, on the occasion
of his notification by the populists of
Kansas of their nomination of him for
the presidency, in responding to which
he said:
"Mr. Chairman and Members of the
Notification Committee: In accepting
the presidential nomination which you
tender on behalf of the populist party,
| desire to give emphatic recognition
20 the educational work done by your
party. The populist party as an organiza-
ton, ard the farmer alliances and the Ia
Dor organizations from which they sprung,
nave done much to arouse the people to a
study of economic and industrial questions
Believing, as l do. that truth grows, not
in seclusion but in the open field, and that
it thrives best in the sunlight of full and
Tree debate. have confidence that the dis
cussion which your party has compelled
will aid in reaching that true solution of
pending problems toward which all honest
citizens aim.
81 desire also to express my deep appre-
citation of the liberality of opinion and devo-
tioE to principle which have lead the MEM
oers of your party to enter the ranks of an
other party in the selection of a candidate.
While l am grateful for the confidence
which the populists have expressed in me-,
] am not vain enough to regard as personal
their extraordinary manifestations of good
will. The ties which bind together those
VINO believe ii the same great fundamental
principles are stronger than ties of anec-
tion-stronger even than the ties of blood;
and cooperation between the reform forces
is due to the fact that democrats, popu-
lists and silver republicans take the side OF
the people in their contest against greed,
and agree in the application of Jefferson1an
principles to the question Immediately be-
fore US.
The Currency Question.
"In 1896 the money question was of para
mount Importance and the allies in that
campaign united in the demand for the i'm
mediate restoration of silver by the indie
pendent action of this country at sixteen to
one, the ratio which has existed since 1884.
They were defeated, but that did not end
the discussion. The democrats were de-
feated in 1855, but that did not put an end
to tariff reform. The republicans were de-
feated in 1892, but that did not permanently
overthrow the protective tariff. Defeat at
the polls does not necessarily decide a great
problem. Experience and experience alone
settles questions. If an increase in the vol
ume of the currency since 1886, although I'M
promised by the republicans and ~unexpSct-
ed, has brought improvement in Industrial
conditions, this improvement, intsead of
answering the put forth in favor
of bimetallisIn, only confirms the conten-
ton of those who insisted that more money
would make better times.
The republican party, however, while
claiming credit for the increase in circula-
ton, makes no permanent provision for an
adequate supply OF standard money. 1t de-
MES the necessity for more real money,
while ii permits national banks to expand
the volume OF paper promises to pay
money.
IF the populists feel justified in opposing
the republican party when it sought to con-
ceal its gold standard tendencies under the
mask of international bimetallism, the op-
position should be more pronounced in pro-
portion as the republican party more open
~ espouses gold monometallism.
Greenbacks.
at 5000 -
republican party with intending to retire
the greenbacks. This charge, denied at
that time, has been confessed by the finan-
cial bill, which converts greenbacks, when
once redeemed, into gold certificates, and
extends new privileges to banks of issue.
If a populist opposed the republican party
when its hostilities to g~reenbacks was only
suspected, that opposition should be great
er now since no one can longer doubt the
purpose of the republican party to su5sti-
tute bank notes for greenbacks.
1T is true that the populists believe in an
irredeemabie greenback, while the demo-
Gratis believe in a greenback redeemable in
coin; but the vital question at this time, so
far as paper money is concerned, is whether
government or banks shall issue it. There
will be time enough to discuss the redeem |
ability of the g~reenback when the green
back itself is saved from the annihilationt
which now threatens it. The republican |
party is now committed to a currency sys-
tenn which necessitateS a perpetual debt, |
while the populist finds himself in agree |
ment with the democrats, who believe in
paying on the national debt as rapidly as
possible.
The Income Tax.
eff belief in an income tax justified a pop |
ulist in acting with the democratic party |
in 1896, what excuse can we find for aiding
the republican party now, wien even the
exigencfes of war have not been sufficient
to bring that party to the support of the !
income tax principle?
"Populists believe in arbitration now as |
much as they did in 1896, and are as much /
opposed to government by injunction and
the blacklist as they were then, and upon
these subjects they have as much reason
for cooperation with the democratic party |
to-day as they had four years ago.
Democrats and populists alike favor |
the principles of direct legislation. If any /
differences exist as to the extent to which
the principle should be applied, these diff |
ferences can be ~reconciled by experiment.
Democrats and populists agree that Chi
nese and other oriental labor should be ex- |
cluded from the United States.
Democrats and populists desire to so en- !
large the scope of the interztate
act as to enable the commission to protect
both persons and places from discrimina-
ton, and the public at large from excessive
railroad rates.
1.-The populists approve the demand set
forth in the democratic platform for a labor
bureau, with q cabinet officer at its head.
Such an official would keep the administra-
ton in close touch with the wage-earning !
portion of the population, and go far to-
ward securing such remedial legislation as
the toilers need.
The Trusts.
I'm 1896 the populists united with the dem |
ocrats in opposing the trusts, although the
question at that time appeared like a cloud
scarcely larger than a mans hand. To-day |
that cloud well-nigh overspreads the indus
trial sky. The farmer does not participate
IN the profits of any trust, but he sorely |
feels the burden of them all. He is depend |
ent upon the season for his income. When he |
plants his crop he knows not whether wind
will blow it down, or hail destroy it. or in |
sects devour it, and the price of his crop is |
as uncertain as the quantity. If a private |
monopoly can suspend production and fix
the price of raw material as well as the
powerleSs to protect himself when he sells, |
is plundered when he purchases. Can any
farmer hesitate to throw the influence of
his ballot upon the side of those who desire !
to protect the public at large from monopo- |
lies?
THE fact that the trusts support the re-
publican party ought to be sufficient proof
that they expect protection from it, The
republican party cannot be relied upon to
extinguish the trusts so long as it draws |
its campaign contribution from their over
lowing vaults.
The prosperity Argument.
THE prosperity argument which the re-
publicans bring forward to answer all COM
plants against the administration will not
deceive the farmer. He knows that two
factors enter into his income: First, the
size of his crop, and, second, the price |
which he receives for the same. He does !
not return thanks to the party in power for :
favorable weather and a bountiful harvest, |
and he knows that the republican party