The Stark County Democrat. [volume] (Canton, Ohio) 1833-1912, 1900-08-10
FOUR REPUBLICAN CONVENTIONS.

FOUR REPUBLICAN CONVENTIONS.
Comment on the Principal Arguments of
the Party I'm Power.
The principal arguments, however.
advanced by those who enter upon a
defense of Imperialism are:
First: That we must improve the
present opportunity to become a world
power and enter iuto international pol.
itics.
Second: That our commercial inter-
ests in the Philippine islands and in
the Orient make it necessary for US to
hold the islands permanently.
Third: That the spread of the Chris
tian religion will be facilitated by a
colonial policy.
Fourth: That there Is no honorable
retreat from the position which the
ma ton has taken.
The first argument Is addressed to
the nations pride and the second to the
nations pOcket-book. The third Is in
tended for the church member and the
fourth for the partisan.
1t is a sufficient answer to the first
argument to say that for more than a
century this nation has been world
power. For ten decades it has been
the most potent influence in the world.
Not only has 1t been a world power,
but it has done more to affect the poll
tics Of the human race than all the 9th
er nations of the world combined. Be-
cause our Declaration of Independence
was promulgated others have been pro-
mulgated; because the patriots of 1I76
pt
| for it; because our constitution was
adopted other constitutions have been
adopted. The growth of the principle
of elf-government, planted on Ameri-
can soil, has been the over-shadowing
political fact Of the nineteenth cen
tury.
The permanent chairman of the last
Republican national convention pre-
sented the pecuniary argument in all
its badness, when he said: I'VE make
no hypocritical pretenses of being
interested in the Philippines solely on
account of others. While we regard the
welfare of these people as sacred
| trust we regard the welfare of the
American people first. We see our duty
to ourselves as well as to others. We
believe in trade expansion BY every
| legitimate means within the province
OF government and constitution we
| meah to stimulate the expansion Of
| our trade and open new markets"
This Is the commercial argument. 1t
| Is based upon the theory that war
| can be rightly waged for pecuniary
advantage, and tlat it Is profitable to
purchase trade by force and violence.
Franklin denied both of these propo-
| sitlons.
place the philosophy Of Franklin
| against the sordid doctrine of those
| who would put price upon the life
of an American soldier and Justify Il
war of conquest upon the ground that
| 1t will pay. The Democratic party Is
in favor Of the expansion of trade. 1t
would extend our trade by every legiti-
mate and peaceful means; but it Is not
willing to make merchandise of human
blood.
But a war of conquest Is as unwise
as it Is unrighteous. A harbor and
cOaling station in the Philippines
| would answer every trade and mill
| tary necessity and such concession
could have been secured at any time
without difficulty.
1t is not necessary to own people in
| order to trade with them. We carry
| ON trade today with every part of the
| world, and our commerce has expand
ed more rapidly than the commerce Of
any European empire. When
trade Is secured by force, the cost Of
securing 1t and retaining 1t muN be
taken out of the profits, and the profits
are never large enough to cover the ex-
pense. Such system would never be
defended. but for the fact that the ex-
pense Is borne by all the people, while
| the profits are enjoyed by the few.
Imperialism would be profitable to
the army contractors; it would be prof
table to the ship-owners, who would
carry live soldiers to the Philippines
and bring dead soldiers back; 1t would
| he profitable to those who would seize
upon the franchises, and 1t would be
profitable to the officials whose salaries
would be fixed here and paid over
there; but to the farmer, to the labor
| ing man, and to the vast majority of
those engaged in other occupations, it
would bring expenditure without re-
| turn and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboring men have, as
| rule, small incomes and under sys-
tens which place the tax upon con-
sumption pay more than their fair
share of the expenses of government.
Thus the very people who receive least
benefit from Imperialism will be in
jured most by the military burdens
which accompany 1t. 1t Is
not strange. therefore. that the labor
organizations have been quick to note
the approach Of these dangers and