Iron County register. [volume] (Ironton, Iron County, Mo.) 1867-1965, 1900-09-13
experience is closed by agreement between

man. who is the ~Oundation of the nations
wealth in time of peace and its defense in
OF having his occupation given to an
oriental laborer, often brought in by con-
tract, who has nc permanent interest in
our government. If the Asiatics come
here, work for a few years, live on a lower
scale, and then carry home the net pro-
ceeds of their toll, the drain upon OUR
money supply will be similar to that caused
by landlordism in other countries. The
political objections to oriental labor are
scarcely less weighty than the economic
ones. Race prejudice cannot be disregard
ed, and we have seen how, in every indus
trial depression, race animosities result IN
riot and bloodshed. We cannot afford to
bring into this country those who cannot
amalgamate with cur. people.
THE attempt to use the injunction or a
court to deprive the laboring mar of trial
by jury should alarm all our people, for
while the wage Garner is the first to feel
its effects, the principle which underlies
government by injunction is so far-reacn-
ing that no one can hope to escape uiti-
mately. The thing forbidden by an injunc-
ton would without the injunction be either
legal or Illegal. If it would be legal, the
judge usurps the function of the legislature
when he forbids it. If it would be illegal
the Injunction of the court is unnecessary,
for anyone VINO violates the law can, upon
conviction, be made to suffer the penalties
prescribed for such violation. The mean
est thief and the most brutal murderer are
entitled to trial by jury; why should this
right be denied the laboring man? Those
who oppose government by irjunction are
not in favor of la~wlessness; they are, on
the contrary, the best friends of law and
order. They deny the right of any man
to violate the law in an effort to advance
his own interests, but they insist that II.
is inconsistent with our ideas OF govern
Hent and dangerous to all classes to invest
any judge with the three-fold power, nrst,
to make the laws: second. to bring accusa-
ton against those charged with the viola
ton of the laws, and, third, to sit in Judg-
ment upon the case. Government by in
junction is so indefensible that the anti
Injunction bill, Endorsed by the Chicago
platform, passed the senate without a yea
and nay vote being demanded, and since
that time no party platform has specihcai-
~ Endorsed government by injunction and
no prominent member of any party has
entered upon a defense of the system; and
yet corporate influence is so strong tina
it has thus far been impossible to secure
any remedial legislation.
THE fact that United States senators are
elected by legislatures, rather than Dy the
people directly, lessons the laboring mans
influence in securing favorable federal leg
islation. When the action OF a polltlcal
convention must be submitted to the voters
for ratification at the polls, the convention
is constrained to nominate a candidate
acceptable to the people; but when a SEN
ator is chosen by a legislature the individ-
ual voter is far less considered. Even when
direct bribery is not employed, the indirect
influence which corporations can exert Is
resorted to, and more frequently still
money is secretly used to aid legislative
candidates in close districts. Such obliga-
tons are usually repaid in the caucus, and,
as a rule, the majority in the caucus con-
trolls the party which has the selection OF
the senator. If this question were SUBJ
mitted to the voters the majority in favor
of the election of senators by direct vote
of the people would be overwhelming, and
yet p~artisanship has delayed the adoption
of this amendment. The people submit
to policies which they do not like rather
than secure Improvement by a chaEge IN
party affiliations.
1.-The laboring man favors direct legfsla-
ton wherever practicable for the same
reason that he favors the election OF SEN
ators by popular vote. Direct legislation
brings the government nearer to the voter.
There is more virtue to the people thar
ever finds expression through their repre-
sentatives. To hold that a representative
can act for the people better than they can
act for themselves, is to assert that he is
as much interested in the people as they
are themselves, and that his wisdom is
greater than the combined wisdom OF the
majority of the people. Neither proposition
is sound. Most, if not all, of the evils COM
planned of in government are traceable to
the fact that the representative of the peo-
pie has personal interests at variance with
the interests of his constituency. Corrup-
ZION III MUNICIPAL, SldtS III SoF-
eminent is due to the Misrepresentation
of the people by public servants, who use
their positions for private advantage. The
people should have an opportunity to vote
on public questions when these questions
can be submitted without too great incon-
venience or expense.
But the laboring man Is even more In
terested in the proposition. to estabIlsn a
labor bureau with a cabinet of1cer at It's
head. Such a bureau would keep the ex-
ecutive in constant touch with the wage
earners of the country and open the way
to the redress of their present and future
grievances. If labor is given a place in the
presidents official household, the man Sc
lected will necessarily be a worthy and
trusted representative of the people for
whom he speaks, and his presence at cab
met meetings will give to those who toll
for their daily bread assurance that their
interests will be properly guarded.
Mr.. Gompers, the chief executive of the
Federation of Labor, has, in his corre-
spondence with the secretary of the treas
ury. so ably presented the laboring mans
reasons for opposing a gold standard and
a national bank currency, that 1t is not
necessary to discuss those questions at
this time.
1.-THE laboring man has abundant reason
to fear the trusts. Mr.. Charles r. Flint,
in a speech delivered in Boston more than
| a year ago in defense o. the trusts, frankly
asserts that one of the advantages of those
| combinations is that in case of local
| strike or fires the work goes on elsewhere,
thus preventing serious loss Is it possible
that any wage Garner can fail to see how
completely the trust places the employe
at the mercy of the employer?
9Th resolutions adopted by various Ia
Dor organizations in of mill
itarism and Imperialism justify me in max
ing a brief reference to those questions.
No class contributes more than the labor
ing class in proportion to its numbers to
| the rank and file of the army: no class con-
tributes more in proportion to its numbers
to the expense of the army, and no class is
more menaced by the existence of a large
army. Most of the countries in Europe
which maintain large military establish
ments collect an income tax which adjusts
the burden of the government to the in
| come of the citizen. Here our federal taxes
are largely collected upo consumption,
| and while they are income taxes in the
sense that they must be paid out of the in
comes of the people. yet the exactions are
not proportionate to the incomes. The
| taxesS upon consumption bear heaviest
upon the poor and lightest upon the rich
and are in fact graded income taxes, the
per cent. collected decreasing as the In
come increases.
IF this nation adheres to the doctrine
that governments derive their just powers
from the consent of the governed, and the
people have an easy and ready means OF
| correcting all abuses, the government Will
not need to be supported by a large perma-
| nent standing army, for every citizen will
| be ready to defend such a government from
| attack. The only domestic use for a large
| standing army is to suppress by force
that discomfort which should be cured by
legislation.
ITO support a permanent army Of 100000
| men requires approximately one-half as
| much money as is annually expended for
education in the United States. How much
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