The Kinsley graphic. [volume] (Kinsley, Kan.) 1890-1940, 1900-09-14

| TIC lie. since the nOuTS occupied IN eatlnf
| and travel cannot be encroached upon
| every hour added to the days labor mus
| be taken from the time devoted to the in
| tellectual development, recreation and the
| family
1.-The labor organization has been a con
sistent and persistent advocate of the doc
| trine of arbitration, although it is difficul,
| to see why the burden Of this reform should
be thrown upon the laboring man. Surely
the employer. If he would take compre-
hensive view of his own interests, would
be as much benefited by arbitration as the
employe, and because every prolonged con-
test between labor and capital brings in
terruptfon to business and pecuniary loss
to those who are in no way responsible
Tor the disagreement, society in general Is
even more interested than employers or
employees. The desire for justice is so uni
versal that the public can be depended
upon to support the finding of an impartial
board OF arbitration as certainly as it can
to support the successful contestant in a
law suit. The court of arbitration is one
of the certainties of the future, and when
1t is secured and perfected, we shall won
der why its coming was delayed so long.
THE blacklist, by means Of which en-
plOyers combine to deprive the discharged
workmen unemployment is one of the more
recent menaces to the laboring man. The
independence of the wage Garner decreases
as the difficulty of obtaining employment
increases, and the skilled workman, whose
in a certain trade or occupation, becomes
practically the chattel of the employer
II every opportunity to make use of his
experience is closed by agreement between
employers
1.-The laboring man is also interested in
legislation prohibiting oriental immigra
ton. 1t is unfair to the American work.
man. who Is the foundation of the nations
wealth in time Of peace and its defense In
time of war. to subject him to the danger
of having his occupation given to an
oriental labOrer, often brought. in by. con-
tract, who has no permanent interest in
our government. If the Asiatics come
here, work for few years, live on lower
scale, and then carry home the net pro-
ceeds of their toll. the drain upon our
money supply will be similar to that caused
by landlordism in other countries. The
political objections to oriental labor are
scarcely less weighty than the economic
ones. Race prejudice cannot be disregard
ed, and we have seen how, in every indus
trial depression, race animosities result in
riot and bloodshed. We cannot afford to
bring into this country those who cannot
amalgamate with our people.
THE attempt to use the injunction of a
court to deprive the laboring man of trial
by jury should alarm all our people, for
while the wage Garner is the first to feel
its effects, the principle which underlies
government by injunction is so far-reach-
Ing that no one can hope to escape ultt-
mately. The thing forbidden by an injunc-
ton would without the injunction be either
legal or illegal. If 1t would be legal, the
judge usurps the function of the legislature
when he forbids it. If it would be illegal
the injunction of the court is unnecessary,
for anyone who violates the law can, upon
be made to suffer the penalties
prescribed for such violation. The mean
est thief and the most brutal murderer are
entitled to trial by jury; why should this
right be denied the laboring man? Those
who oppose government by injunction are
not In favor of lawlessness; they are, on
the contrary, the best friends of law and
order. They deny the right Of any man
to violate the law in an effort to advance
his own interests, but they insist that 1t
is inconsistent with our ideas of govern
ment and dangerous to all classes to invest
any judge with the three-fold power, first,
to make the laws; second, to bring accusa-
ton against those charged with the VIOLA
ton of the laws, and, third, to sit in judg-
ment upon the case. Government by in
junction is SO indefensible that the anti
bill, Endorsed by the Chicago
platform, passed the senate without yea
and nay vote being demanded, and since
that time no party platform has specthcal-
ly Endorsed government by injunction and
no prominent member of any party has
entered upon a defense of the system; and
yet corporate influence is so strong that
it has thus far been impossible to secure
any remedial legislation.
1.-THE fact that United States senators are
elected by legislatures, rather than by the
people directly, lessons the laboring mans
influence in securing favorable federal leg
Islation., When the action of a political
convention must be submitted to the voters
for ratification at the polls. the convention
Is constrained to nominate a candidate
acceptable to the people; but when a sem
ator is chosen by legislature the tndtvid-
ual voter is far less considered. Even when
direct bribery is not employed. the indirect
which corporations can exert Is
resorted to, and more frequently still
money Is secretly used to aid legislative
candidates in close districts. Such obliga-
tons are usually repaid in the caucus. and.
as a. rule, the majority In the caucus con-
.rols the party which has the selection OF
the senator. If this question were sub
mitted to the voters the majority in favor
Of the election of senators by direct vote
Of the people would be overwhelming, and
yet partisanship has delayed the adoption
Of this amendment. The people submit
to policies which they do not like rather
than secure improvement by change In
party Affiliations.
: 1.-The laboring man favors direct legisla-
ton wherever practicable for the same
reason that he favors the election of sem
ators by popular vote. Direct legislation
There is more virtue to the people than
ever finds expression through their repre-
,entatives. To hold that a representative
can act for the people better than they can
act for themselves, is to assert that he Is
as much interested in the people as they
are themselves, and that his wisdom is
uroa for than the combined wisdom of the