Evening star., 1900-12-10
REPUBLICAN IMPERIALISM
A DISTANT AUTHORITY SAYS THERE
IS NO SUCH THING.
The Difference Between American and
European Ideas of This Issue-TwO
Kinds of Imperialism.

this year. One of the great issues Of the
coming contest for the presidential chair
is Imperialism. 1t is not the first time in
the worlds history that men have fought
for what does not exist. There is no such
thing as Imperialism, Europe under
stands 1t, in the United States of today.
The occupation of the Philippines and the
putting down of a disorderly rabble Of mall
contents is not Imperialism; it Is a disa-
greeable necessity. Imperialism is a some
thing beyond; it is an instinct, not ex-
pediency; an imperious impulse not a
choice. There is more of fate in it than
volition, and coute que coute those affected
or blessed with 1t must go on to their hid
den destiny.
Imperialism is of two sorts, the offensive
ly aggressive. and the defensively aggres-
sive. Types of the first are seen in the
policies of Alexander the Great, Julius Cae-
sar and Napoleon. In the present day per-
haps the only ruler who would, If he could
be extensively imperiaistic, is the Emperor
of Germany whose character is more that
of a medieval believer in the divine right
of kings than of a potentate of the twen-
tfeth century. Five hundred or thousand
years ago Wilhelm II, with his present
forces, would have been sole ruler of the
globe. and might with better reason than
Alexander have looked about for other
worlds to conquer. Great Britain is an eX
ample of the second kind the defensively
imperialistic.~ Aggression, offensive or de-
fcnsive, is, however, an integral part of all
Imperialism. No nation can be said to be
imperialistic that is not always ready to
fight for its people, it's interests. or its
honor. How do the United States answer
this test?
In 1898 the United States made war on
from humantarianism and the desire %
have her neighborhood peaceful and we'll
governed than from hope of gain. 1t was
a safe war. The only chance Of disaster
to the states came from other continental
powers than Spain, who hate the growth
Of Anglo-Saxonism in general and the
maintenance Of the Monroe doctrine in par
ticular. Doubts were thrown at the time On
the statement that the attitude of Great
Britain hindered the proposed hostile COM
bination There is no doubt now. De-
fensiveiy aggressive, British Imperialism
kept the ring clear and made the fight
duel, not melee. AS result Cuba and
Porto Rico are numbered among the pos
sessions of the stars and stripes, and the
democratic party who desire to step inlo
republican shoes at the next election are
screaming anti-imperialistic warnings and
wringing their ultra republican hands for
fear of Caesarism or some other product
of bogeydom. They need have no fear II
Mr.. Barrett, who writes In the current
North American Review, is a fair exponent
of American policy. Although he is quite
alive to the value of the commercial con-
nection his people already have with China,
and sees clearly its vast possibilities he
does not hesitate to declare that Americas
true policy Is one that lis to be based
moral influence alone. America has every.
thing to lose and nothing to gain by a di.
vided China he says, but he thinks that
even if she be divided the door will still
be open to the United States. He recog-
nized that the treachery of international
complications often renders meaningless
diplomatic notes exchanged in friendly
hour This means, of course, the recent
guarantees received by America. But If
these go for nothing. they are, Mr.. Barrett
argues, to be replaced by something more
binding so that in perpetuity' America
shall nave everywhere good opportur-
ites as the various sphere occupiers them
selves.
How is it to be managed? BY moral sua-
sion The writer thinks. I'm all reasonable
probability there is not a power that will
refuse to be party to such a treaty."
And as he believes that circumstances have
made America the logical arbiter of
China's future he lays down a line of
policy, of which we need take but one sec
tion. THE United States should oppose,
with all its moral. political and diplomatic
influence. any partition of China among
the foreign powers, or any del1mitation of
acknowledged spheres of influence" If this
stood alone, political influence" might
with little stretching be made to cover
ships of war. and shot and she'll But 1t
does not. Moral SuaSion Is the line all
through; and moral suasion alone may be
republican, but Is not imperialistic. For
her honor we know that America would
fight: apparently she ridicules the idea of
doing so for her interests, great as they
are recognized to be. In contradistinction
to this we extract from the same number
declaration of British policy which had
it been written by Lord Salisbury would
have been grateful and comforting" mo
greater mistake" says the writer could
be made than to suppose that the British
people, disgusted at the practical failure
Of their expectations in South Africa, will
~ OBJ, ,y,.x, s,,;rx
China for fear Of war with Russia. The
experience of South Africa has given them
the idea that India is invulnerable on the
land side. They have astonished them
have put in the field. They have emerged
from the war with an empire welded to-
gether. and are united In support
Of a strong policy for reasons which can
not now be stated" There is true i'm
first, but lyddte behind for the aggressive
defense Of what Is already our own.
Strangely enough ex-senator PETER,
writing in the same number, tries to prove,
and with some success, that Imperialism has
been Americas historic policy, and shows
by some pointed criticism of the Declara-
ton of Independence itself that the con
sent of the governed" has at best been
very partial and limited consent. But his
definition Of Imperialism goes no further
than American rule in American territory,
and he declares that what Mr.. Bryan and
his followers call by that name Is only
mirage in the heated air of politics-and
viii! entirely disappear when the snow flies
again.
1t Is unnecessary to go far to And the
reason for the difference between European
and American ideas of Imperialism. Till re-
Gently Europe has sent out perhaps hun
dreG emigrants to Americas one, and 1t Is
the wanderer from home that Is the found
Of Imperialism. If there were as many
million Americans abroad as there are Brit
tcb ha no rI of thn
milk -and-water policy in republican i'm
perialsm AS it is, the representatives of
the stars and stripes in China are few in
number, and their influence is nothing
against the inertia Of crystalized opinion at
home. But there is no doubt as to the
solidarity of local opinion. Both in British
and American circles it is imperalistic to
the core, not extensively aggressive by any
means, but aggressively defensive if need
be.
AMERICANS SEIZE TOWNS.