The Portland daily press., 1900-08-09

House of Representatives complied with
the request after the Spanish treaty had
been signed and no country was at war
with the United States. If such an army
is demanded when an imperial policy is
contemplated, but not orenly avOWed,
what may be expected if the people en-
courage the Republican party by endOrs
Ing it's policy at the pOIls2 A large
standing army is not only peculiar bur-
den to the people and, il accompanied
by compulsory service, constant source
of Irritation, but it is ever a menace to
republican form OF government, The
army is the persOnihcatiOn of force, and
militarism will inevitably change the
ideals Of the people and turn the thoughts
Of our young men from the arts of peace
to the science Of war. The government
which relies for it's defence upon its citl-
zens, is more likely to be just than one
which has at call a large body OF profess
siOnaI soldiers. A small standing army
and we'll equipped and we'll disc1pline1
state militia are sufficient in ordinary
times, and in an emergency the nation
should in the future as In the past place
It's dependence upon the volunteers who
come from all occupations at their cOun
try's call and return to productive labor
when their services are no longer required
men who light when the country needs
lighters and work when the country needs
! workers.
The Republican platform assumes that
| the Philippine Islands will be retained
under American sovereignty, and we
have right to demand OF the Republ-
can leaders a discussion OF the future
status of the Filipino. Is he TO be oltl-
zen or a subject? Are we to bring into
the body polite eight OF ten million
| Asiatics so different from us in race and
history that amalganatiOn is 1mpOsslbleY
Are they to share with us in making the
/ laws and shaping the destiny OF this
nationP No Republican of prominence
has been bold enough to advocate such a
| proposition. The McEnery resolution,
adopted by the Senate Immediately after
! the ratification OF the treaty, expressly
negatives this idea The Democratic
| platform describes the situation when it
| says that the FllipinOs cannot be citizens
! without endangering our civilization.
! Who will dispute it? And what is the
alternative? ii the Filipino is not to be
a citizen, shall we make him subject?
! On that question the Democratic plat
/ Orm speaks with emphasis 1t declares
that the Filipino cannot be a subject
without endangerlng our form OF govern
fment A republic can have no subjects.
| A subject is pOssibls only in a govern
ment resting on force, he is unknown
in government deriving it's just powers
from the consent of the governed. The
/ Republican platform says that The
| largest measure OF sell government con-
/ sIstent with their welfare and our duties
/ Sn61l D5 6CCUICU W bLClI kb1lO Il Al D4lO6j
/ by law This is a strange doctrine for
a government which owes its very exls-
tence to the men who offered their lives
as q protest against government without
/ consent and taxation without represen-
| tatiOn
2 Ifit is said that we have assumed before
! the world obligations which make it nee
essary for US to permanently maintain a
! government in the Philippine Islands,
l reply, first, that the highest obligation
| of this nation is to be true to itself. No
obligation to any particular nation or
! to all nations combined, can require the
abandonment of cur theory Of govern
ment and the substitution Of doctrines
against which our whole national life has
been q protest. And, second, that our
obligations to the FilipinOs, who inhabit
/ the islands, are greater than any Obliga-
tiOn which we can owe to foreigners who
have temporary residence IN the Philip
! pines or desire to trade there.
1t is argued by some that the F1lipinOs
are incapable of government and that
therefore we owe it to the world to take
control Of them Admiral Dewey, in an
official report to the navy department., de-
clared the FilipinOs more capable OF self
| government Than the Cubans, and said
| that he based his opinion upon knOwl-
edge of both races. But I will not rest
the case upon the relative advancement
of the FilipinOs. Henry Clay, in defend
ing the rights of the people of South
| America to self government, said;
cit is the doctrine Of thrones that man
1 is too ignorant to govern himself. Their
Dartisans assert his incapacity in refer
ence to all nations; if they cannot COM
mand universal assent to the proposition,
/ it is then relnanded to particular nations;
| and our pride and our presumption too
often make converts of US. L contend that
it is to arraign the disposition OF PrOvi-
| dence Himself, to suppose that He has
| opaofnH hof7aorc inanna hfa Nf ,ig,rr
| themselves, and to be trampled on by
| kings. Sslf-gOVernment is the natura
| government of man, " ann not willin
to believe that an all-Wise and an all-lOv-
ing God created the Filipnos, and then
! left them thousands Of years HELPLESS
until the islands attracted the attention
of European nations.
/ Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors; it would be profitable
! TO the ship-O Vners, who would carry live
soldiers to the Philippines and bring
! back dead soldiers; it would be profitable
TO those who would seize upon the fran
chises, and it would be profitable to the
| officials whose salaries would be fixed
here and paid over there; but to the
farmer to the labOring man, and to the
vast majority of those engaged in other
| occupations, it would bring expenditure
! without return ana risk without reward.
Farmers and lahOring men have, as q
rule small incomes, and, under systems
/ which place the TAX upon consumption,
pay more than their fair share OF the ex-
/ Denses OF governments. Thus the very
/ people who receive least benefit from i'm
! perialism viii be injured most by the
/ military burdens which accompany it.
In addition to the evils which he and
the farmer share in common, the laboring
man win be the first to suffer if oriental
subjects seek work in the United States
the first to suffer ii American capital
| leaves our shores to employ oriental labor
in the Philippines to supply the trade
of China and Japan; the first to suffer
from the violence which the military
spirit arOuses and the first to suffer when
the methous OF imperialism are applied
to our own government.
/ 1t is not strange, therefore, that the
| labor organizations have been quick to
note the approach of these dangers and
prompt to protect against both militarism
and Imperialism
Mhe pecuniary argument, though more
| effective with certain classes is not likely
| ~ no r1cpd offnn y,7,ocov,tc1