The Savannah morning news. (Savannah, Ga.) 1900-current, 1900-08-09


friendly republics, are each stronger and
happier than they would have been had
the former been cursed and the latter
crushed by imperialistic policy. disguis
| ed as benevolent assimilation"
Can we not govern colonies?' we are
asked. The question is not what we can
do, but what we ought to do. This nation
| can do whatever it desires to do, but it
must accept responsibility for what 1t does.
If the constitution stands in the way, the
| people can amend the constitution. ! re-
peat the nation can do whatever it de-
sires TO do. but IL cannot avoid the natural
and legitimate results of its own conduct.
| The young man upon reaching his major
ity can do what he pleases. He can dis
regard the teachings of his parents; he
| can trample upon all that he has been
! taught to consider sacred; he can disobey
the laws of the state 1.-The laws of society.
| and the laws of God. He can stamp fail
ure upon his life. bring his father and
mother in sorrow to the grave; but he can
not annul the sentence. THE wages of sin
is death" And so with this nation. II
| is of age, and il can do what it peases; it
can spurn the traditions of the past; it
can repudiate the principles upon which
the nation rests; Ii can employ force in
| stead of reason; it can substitute might
for right; il can conquer weaker people;
! 1t can exploit their lands, appropriate
their property and kill their people; but it
cannot repeal the moral law or escape the
punishment decreed for the violation of
human rights.
Would we tread in the paths Of tyranny
Nor reckon the tyrant's cost?
| Who taketh another's liberty
| His freedom is also lost,
| Would we win as the strong have ever
won,
Make ready to pay the debt.
| For the God who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who is reigning yet"
Some argue that American rule in the
| Philippine Islands will result in the bet
ter education of the F'ilipinos. Be not de-
| ceived. If we expect TO maintain colo
NAL policy, we shall not find it to our ad-
vantage to educate the people. The edu-
| Gated Filpinos are now in revolt against
us, and the most ignorant ones have made
the least resistance to our domination If
we are TO govern them without their con-
sent and give them no voice in determining
/ the taxes which they must pay we dare
not educate them, lest thy learn to read
the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution of the United States and mock
us for our inconsistency.
ImpcriaIistic Arguments.
The principal arguments. however, adj
vanced by those who enter upon a defense
of imperialism, are:
| First. That we must improve the pres
ent opportunity to become a world power
| and enter into International politics.
| Second. That our commercial interests
in the Philippine Islands and in the Orient
| make it necessary for us to hold the ISL
| ands permanently.
Third. That the spread of the Christian
| religion will be facilitated by a colonial
policy.
| Fourth That there is no honorable re-
treat from the position which the nation
| has taken
The first argument is addressed to the
| nations pride and the second to the ma
tons pocketbook. The third is intended
| for the church member and the fourth for
| the partisan
| 1t is a sufficient answer to the first ar
| gument to say that for more than a CEN
fury this nation has been world power
For ten decades it has been the most po-
| tent Influence in the world. Not only has
| II been a world power, but il has done
more to affect the policies of the human
race than all the other nations of the
world combined. Because our Declaration
of Independence was promulgated. others
have been promulgated; because the pa
triots of 1776 fought for liberty, others have
| fought for it; because our constitution was
| adopted, other constitutions have been
adopted. The growth of the principle of
self-government, planted on American soil,
has been the over-shadowing political fact
of the nineteenth century. 1t has made
| this nation conspicuous among the nations
| and given ii place in history such as no
| other nation has ever enjoyed Nothing
| has been able to check the onward march
| OF this idea. l am not willing that this
| nation shall cast aside the omnipotent
weapon of truth to seize again the weapon
of physical welfare. l would not exchange
the glory of this republic for the glory of
| all the empires that have arisen and fall
| en- since time began.
The permanent chairman of the last Re-
| publican National Convention presented
| the peduniary argument in all its bald
ness when he said:
I'VE make no hypocritical pretenses of
being interested in the Philippines solely
on account of others. While we regard
the welfare of those people as a sacred
trust, we regard the welfare of the Amer
lean people first. We see our duty to
ourselves as well as to others. We be-
lieve in trade expansion. By every legit-
| innate means within the province of gov
| eminent and constitution, we mean to
stimulate the expansion of our trade and
open new markets"
This is the commercial argument 1t is
| based upon the theory that war can be
| rightly waged for pecuniary advantage,
and that 1t is profitable TO purchase trade
by force and violence. Franklin denied
| both of these propositions. When Lord
| Howe asserted that the acts of Parliament
| which brought on the revolution, were
| necessary to prevent American trade from
passing into foreign channels, Franklin
| replied:
ITO me it seems that neither the OBJ
tanning nor retaining of any trade, how
| valuable soever, is an object for which
men may justly spill each others blood /;
| that the true and sure means of extend
ing and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheapness of commodities, and
| that the profits of no trade can ever be
| equal to the expense of compelling it and
holding it by fleets and armies. l con-
slider this war against us, therefore, as
both unjust and unwise."
| 1 place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those who
would put a price upon the life of an
| American soldier and justify a war of con-
quest upon the ground that 1t will pay
The Democratic party is in favor of the
expansion of trades 1t would extend our
| trade by every legitimate and peaceful
means; but it is not willing to make mer-
| chandise Of human blood.
War of Conquest Is Wrong.
But war of conquest is as unwise as
| 1t is unrghteous. harbor and coaling
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity, and
such a concession couid have been secured
|