The Houston daily post. [volume] (Houston, Tex.) 1886-1903, 1900-08-09

cod. He can stamp failure upon ms ne
aud make his very existence curse ~ h's
fellow men. and he can brinB mas latlet
and mother In sorrow to the graVe' puI
he can not annul the sentence. nc Was.a
OF sin Is death" And so with this Na'ior'
| II IS OF age. and it can do what 1t pleases,
il can spurn the traditions OF the past !.
can employ force instead OF reason u
eau substitute might for right; ~ can
conquer weaker people: 1t can eNplot
their lands, appropriate their properly anu
Kill their people: but it can not repeai tus
moral law or escape the punishment 10
creed for the violation Of human rights
would we tread in the paths OF tyranny
Nor RECKON the tyrants costY
Who taketh another's liberty
His freedom is also lost
Would we win as the strong have ever
won,
Make ready to pay the debt.
For the God who reigned over baoyioh
| Is phe God who Is relgning yet
some argue that American rule IN inc
| Philippine Glands will result IN the oet-
! ter educar.5n of the Filiplnos Be MOI ae
ceived. II we expect to MAINTAIN ooIon'Ii
policy we shall not ind 1t to our az
vantage 10 educate the people. the eau
Gated Filipinos are now IN revolt against
the least resistance to our domination II
we are to govern them without their CON
Gen. and give them no voice IN determln-
ing the taxes which they must pay, We
dare not educate them. lest they learn 10
read the Declaration OF Independence ana
he constitution Of the Unf.ed states anu
mock us for our inconsistency.
The principal arguments, however. ad-
yauced by those who enter upon DEFENSE
Of imDerialigm are:
I, That we mus. improve the present op.
uortunity TO become world power ana
enter in international politics.
2. That our commercial interests In the
Philippine islands and in the Orient make
1t necessary for US to hold the ISLANDS per-
manently.
3. That the spread OF the Christian re-
lgion will be facilitated by colonial
4 THAI there is no honorable retreat
from the position which the Nation mas
taken.
The first argument is addressed to the
Nations pride and the second to the Ma
tons pocketbook The third is intended
for the church member and the fourth for
the partisan.
Ii is sufficient answer to the first 10
say that for more than century this
Nation has been a wo.ld power Fot
ten decades it has been the most potent
influence in the world. Not only has u
been a world power. but 1t has done more
to effect the politics of the human race
than all the other nations of the word
combined. Because our Declaration OF IN
dependence was promulgated, others nave
been promulgated; because the patIo1s
OF 1916 fought for liberty, others have
fought for it; because our constitution was
adopted, other constitutions have been
adopted. The growth of the principle OF
,elf-government planted on American
soil has been the over shadowing politi-
cal fact of the Nineteenth century. It mas
made this Nation conspicuous among t
nations and given 1t place in history
such as no other nation has ever enjoyed.
Nothing has been able to check the on
ward march of this idea. ] am not willing
that this Nation shall cast aside the
omnipotent weapon OF truth to seize again
the weapon of physical warfare l would
not exchange the glory of this Republic
: for the glory Of all the empires that have
. risen and fallen since time began.
The permanent chairman Of the last re-
publican National convention presented
the pecuniary argument in ell its bald
! ness. when he said:
I'VE make no hypocritical pretenses of
being interested in the Philippines solely
, on account of others. While we regag
the welfare of those people as a sacred
trust, we regard the welfare OF the Amer
lean people first. We see our duty to
!, ourselves as we'll as 10 others. We believe
+, in trade expansion. BY every legitimate
means within the province OF government
and constitution, we mean TO stimulate
the expansion of our trade and open new
markets"
This is the commercial argument. It is
, based upon the theory that war can be
| rightly waged for pecunary advantage
, and that it is profitable to purchase trade
/ by force and violence Franklin denied
both Of these propositions. When Lord
Howe asserted that the acts of parliament
which brought on the revolution, were
l necessary to prevent American trade from
passing into foreign channels, Franklin
replied: ITO me 1t seems that neither
the obtaining nor retaining Of any trade
4 how valuable soever, is an object fol
which men may justly spill each others
blood; that the true and sure means o.
extending and securing commerce are the
: goodness and cheapness OF commodities
and that the profits OF no trade can eveI
y be equal to the expense OF compelling il
and holding 1t by fleets and armies.
consider this war against us, therefore. a,
both unjust and unwise."
a place the philosophy OF FranIsli,
: AGAINST THE soRDID DOCTRINE
3 of those who would put n price upoI
the life of an American soldier ant
Z Justify n war of conquest upon Tho
, ground that ii will pay.
q The democratic party is in Savol
of the expansion of trade. IL woul,
d extend our trade by every Iegitimat,
= ana peaceful means, but it Ia no
y willing TO make merchandise o
y human blood,
= But war OF conquest is as unwise a,
! II Is unrighteous. A harbor and coalin,
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity anC
;, such concession could have been secure,
a at any time without difficulty.
4 u - not necessary to own people 4,
2 order to trade with them. We carry OF
r trade today with every part of the world
II ana our commerce has expanded NOR
d rapidly than the commerce of any Euro
e pean empire. We do not own Japan o
: Shlna, but We trade with their people. w
r nave not absorbed the republics of Cen
o tral and South America, but we trade viii
" them' II has not been necessary 10 hay,
10 any political connections with Canada n