The Bolivar bulletin. (Bolivar, Tenn.) 1888-1946, 1900-08-17

legitimate results Of its own conduct. The
young man upon reaching his majority
| can do what he pleases. He can disregard
| the teachings of his parents; he can tram
pie upon ali that he has been taught to
Of the state, the laws VS. of society and the
| laws Of God. He can stamp failure upon
his life and make his very existence a curse
to his fellow men,. and he can bring his
| father and mother in sorrow to the grave;
but he cannot annul the sentence; The
/ nation. 1t is of age, and it can do what 1t
| pleaseS; 1t can Spurn the traditions OF the
past; 1t can repudiate the principles upon
/ instead Of reason; it can substitute might
/ for right. 1t can conquer weaker people; /;
| it can exploit their lands, appropriate their
| property and kill their people; but 1t cannot
| repeal the moral law or escape the punish
ment decreed for the violation Of human
| rights.
Would we tread in the paths OF tyranny
/ Nor reckon the tyrant's cost?
Who taketh another's liberty,
| His freedom is also lost.
| Would we win as the strong have ever won,
| Make ready to pay the debt,
| For the God who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who is reigning yet
| Some argue that American rule in the
| Philippine islands will result in the better
education of the Filipinos; Be not de-
| ceiVed. If we expect to maintain a colon
| ial policy we shall not find it to our ad-
vantage to educate the people. The edu-
Gated Filipinos are now in revolt against
| US, and the most ignorant ones have made
| the least resistance to our domination. If
| we are to govern them without their con-
I the taxes which they must pay, we dare not
educate them. lest they learn to read the
declaration of independence and the con-
| stitution of the United States and mock
| US for our inconsistency.
The principal arguments, however, ad-
of Imperialism are:
First That we must improve the present
opportunity to become a world power and
nTt int n n fnr rYl0 a nY71 mol
3 Second, That our commercial interests in
the Philippine islands and in the orient
make 1t necessary for US to hold the is
Third, That the spread of the Christian
religion will be facilitated by a colonial
Fourth, That there is no honorable re-
treat from the position which the nation
The first argument is addressed to the
nations pride and the second to the ma
tions pocketbook. The third is intended
for the church member and the fourth for
the partisan.
Growth of a Principle.
1t is sufficient answer to the first argu-
ment to say that for more than century
this nation has been world power. For
ten decades it has been the most potent
been a world power, but it has done more
to affect the politics of the human race
than all the other nations of the world
combined. Because our declaration of in
dependence was promulgated, others have
been promulgated. Because the patriots
Of 1776 fought for liberty others have
fought for it; because our constitution
was adopted, other constitutions have
been adopted. The growth of the princi-
lean soil, has been the overshadowing
political fact of the nineteenth century.
1t has made this nation conspicuous
among the nations and given it a place
in history such as no other nation has
ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able to
check the onward march of this idea /
this nation ~ &
aside the omnipotent weapon of truth to
seize again the weapon of physical war
fare l would not exchange the glory of
this republic for the glory of all the en-
pires that have risen and fallen since time
began.
The permanent chairman of the last re-
publican national convention presented
the pecuniary argument in all its bold
ness, when he said:
1--WE make no hypocritical pretenses of
being interested in the Philippines solely
on account of others. While we regard
trust, we regard the welfare of the Amer
lean people first. We see our duty to our
selves as well as to others. We believe
means within the province of government
and constitution, we mean to stimulate
the expansion of our trade and open
new markets.
This is the commercial argument 1t
is based upon the theory that war can
tage, and that it is profitable to purchase
trade by force and violence. Franklin de-
lied led both OF these propositions }S When
lament, which brought on the revolution,
were necessary to prevent American trade
from, passing into foreign channels,
Franklin REPLIED
ITO me it seems that neither the OBJ
tanning nor retaining of any trade, how
men may justly spill each others blood;
that the true and sure means of extend
ness and cheapness of commodities, and
that the profits of no trade can ever be
equal to the expense of compelling 1t and
holding it by fleets and armies. I con-
slider this war against US, therefore. as
both unjust and unwise-'
I place the philosophy of Franklin
against the Sordid doctrine of those who
would put a price upon the life Of an
American soldier and justify war of
The democratic party is in favor of the
expansion of trades: 1t would extend our
trade by every legitimate and peaceful
means; but it is not willing to make mer-
chandise of human blood.
But war of conquest is as unwise as
IT Is FL fbe ond ana
every trade and military necessity and
such a concession could have been secured
at any time without difficulty.
der to trade with them. We carry on
trade to-day with every part of the world,
rapidly than the commerce of any Euro
pean empire. We do not own japan or
China but we trade with their people. We
trail and South America, but we trade
with them. It has not been necessary to
ada or the nations of Europe in order to
trade with them. Trade cannot be per-
manently profitable unless it is volun-
tary. When trade is secured by force, the
cost of securing it and retaining 1t must
be taken out of the profits, and the profits
are never large enough to cover the ex-
pense Such a system would never be de-
Tended but for the fact that the expense
is borne by all the people, while the prof
its are enjoyed by the few.
Evils of Imperialism.
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors; it would be profitable
soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead
soldiers back; it would be profitable to
those who would seize upon the franchises,
and it would be profitable to the officials |
whose salaries would be fixed here and
paid over there; but to the farmer, to the
those engaged in other occupations, it
would bring expenditure without return |
and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboring men have, as |
rule, small incomes, and, under systems |
which place the tax upon all consumption, |
penses of government. Thus the very peo- |
Die who receive least benefit from i'm |
perialism will be injured most by the mil |
itnry burdens which accompany it.
In addition to the evils which he and the |
farmer share in common, the laboring man /
will be the first to suffer If oriental subjects |
to suffer if American capital leaves our /
shores to employ oriental labor in the |
and Japan; the first to suffer~from the |
which the military spirit arouses, |
and the first to suffer when the methods |
of imperialism are applied to our own |
1t is not strange, therefore, that the labor
tions have been quick to note the
of these dangers and prompt to
protest against both militarism and i'm |
perialism.
The pecuniary argument, though more |
effective with certain classes, is not likely
to be used SO often or presented with so