New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1900-10-25

do. But will say, and think with justice that
the men who are reving and belittling America
there, allies in the same cause and both are
enemies TO the interests and credit of country.
The Secretary paid some attention to the ques-
ton Of trusts, and in this connection said that
the trouble with Mr.. Bryan's treatment of trusts
is that "he treats them not as a matter of bust
ness. but matter of politics, and he thinks
that general and indiscriminative denunciation
of these great industrial enterprises which are
employing the labor and increasing the wealth
of America is a good campaign cry" He de-
clared that Mr.. Bryan's two proposed remedies
constituted imperialism" indeed, and would
concentrate in the Government at Washington
entire and absolute control over every business
interest in the country. He said
Are our opponents sincere? Is Mr. Bryan. who
issue and talked Of nothing but money, and so
B geweG the enPfY dinner PAL really
sordid issue? Is the party which is governing and
its intention to stin govern. ten millions of
black citizens the South without their consent
whether by law fraud or force, really disturbed
about imperialism and the Declaration of indie
pendence? Was that diztinguished company which
House and ate their sl2 dinner. with Mayor Van
Wyck of the Ice Trust, as presiding officer. and
genius, and Chairman of the Democratic National
Committee Jones, of the Cotton Bale Trust, as the
itous about the evils of trusts and agonizing for
f f6s 9eiVery OF their '0'ntrS"en fr0" their e
A MOTLEY AND INCONGRUOUs CROWD
To whom is the American people expected to
commit the momentous interests which il is asked
to take away from President Mckinley but to a
motley and incongruous crowd gathered from three
parties, agreeing upon no single principle policy
except the free coinage of silver and held together
only for campaign purposes by sympathy Of
mon detraction against all the glorious achieve
ments OF american progress under both political
pedlers Of political discomfort who. with shifty
eyes for the prejudices of each community. draw
from their pack, antitrust arguments for expan-
sionists anti-expansion arguments for I'd money
men and anti-gold arguments for silvel men, and
always and everywhere seeking to stir up bitter
ness and hatred by Americans against Americans
They seek to substitute for the old and happily
ended conflict Of section against section a new
of free government, with the deusive promises
Of the denagogue, leading the poor and the I'M
fortunate to look to government rather than
intelligence and thrift TO make them rich and
strong. They strike at the life of enterprise by
challenging the right OF the successful TO the fruits
Of enterprise
The strength of free institutions in America has
rested for all these centuries past upon the fact
that there classes in America; that all
of citizenship, equal IN the dignity of manhood,
unfettered in the pursuit of lmitess opportunity;
that the poor and humble to-day, having the quail
ties of intelligence and enterprise. are the rich
and powerful tomorrow that the rich and power
full to-day lacking these qualities. the poor
and humble tomorrow; that all over the land the
change their condition looking with pride
and hope upon their boys starting out upon their
careers with advantages their fathers never had,
with open pathways to distinction and wealth.
With these conditions. which have always existed.
and which exist to-day, there is no such thing
class. No gulf divides American citizens from each
of pride and of mutual respect-the ideal and the
title Of American citizenship. All this these men
power as the governors of unhappy and dis
cordant people