The morning Astorian. [volume] (Astoria, Oregon) 1899-1930, 1900-08-09

" NNA NNAANN ANNlNFe NHlNNHAA~
ate their property and kin their people.
but Il cannot repeal the moral law or
escape the punishment decreed Tor the
violation OF human rights.
Would we tread In the paths Of ty-
ranny.
Nor reckon the tyrants costg
Who taketh anothers liberty
His freedom Is also lost
Would we win as the strong have ever
won,
Make ready TO pay the debt,
Fer the God who relgned over Baby
lon
Is the God who Is relgning yet
Some argue that American rule In
the Philippine islands win result In
the better education OF the FillpinOs
BE not deceived. II We expect TO main
tain colonial policy we shall not
fiLd it to our advantage 90 educate the
people. The educated FiliplnOs are now
in revolt against us and the most ignor-
ant ones have made the least resist
ance to our domination II we are 10
govern them without their consent and
give them no voice In determining the
taxes which they must pay. we dare
not educate them. lest they learn 70
read the Declaration OF Independence
and the constitution OF the United
States and mock us for our inconsist-
ency.
THE principal arguments. however,
advanced by those who enter upon
defense OF Imperialism are;
'First-That We must improve the
present opportunity TO become a world
power and enter into international polt-
| tics.
,.e....a-r,A.s "a .,,.. .>,,,,,, ,,.,tot t,,..,
| ests In the Philippine Islands and In
the Orient make Il necessary for US
| to hold the islands permanently.
"Third-That the spread Of the
| Christian religion will be facilitated by
colonial policy.
"Fourth-That there Is no honorable
retreat from the position which the
/ Nation has taken.
The first argument is addressed TO
the Nations pride and the second 10
I the Nations pocket book. The third
/ is intended for the church member and
! the fourth for the partisan.
1T Is a sufficient answer to the first
argument to say that for more than
a century this Nation has been a world
power. that Il has done more to affect
the policies OF the human race than all
the other nations OF the world COM
bined. Because our declaration of In
dependence was promulgated. others
have been promulgated: because the
patriots Of l716 fought for liberty. 9TH
ers have fought for Il: because our con-
! stitutiOn was adopted. other constitu-
uons have been adopted The growth
Of the people. OF the self-govsrnment.
planted on American soil. has been the
overshadowing political fact Of the
nineteenth century. II has made this
Nation conspicuous among the nations
and given II a place in history such
as no other nation has ever enjoyed.
Nothing has been able to check the
onward march Of this idea. I am not
willing that this Nation shall cast
aside the omnlpo.ent weapon Of truth 10
seize again the weapon OF physical war
fare. l would not exchange the glory
Of this republic for the glory Of all
the empires that have risen and fallen
since time began.
''The permanent chairman OF the last
Republican national convention present.
ed the pecuniary argument in all its
badness when he said. We make no
hypOcritical pretenses OF being inter-
ested in the Philippines solely on ac-
count OF others. While We regard the
welfare Of those people as sacred
trust, we regard the welfare OF the
American people first. We see our duty
to ourselves as well as 10 others. We
believe In trade expansion. BY every
| legitimate means within the province Of
government and our constitution. we
mean to stimulate the expansion Of
our trade and open new markets.
This is the commercial argument.
I II Is based upon the theory that war
can be rightly waged for pecunlary
advantage and that II is profitable to
purchase trade by force and violence.
! Franklin denied both OF these PROPOSE
/ tions. When Lord Howe asserted that
the acts OF parliament, which brought
on the revolution, were necessary to
prevent American trade from passing
into foreign channels Franklin said;
To me II seems that neither the
obtaining nor retaining Of any trade.
/ however valuable. Is an object for
which men may justly spill each others
| blood: that the true and sure means
Of extending and securing commerce
are the goodness and cheapness OF COM
modites. and that the profits OF no
trade can never be equal to the expense
Of compelling It and holding It by
fleets and armies. I consider this war
against US. therefore, as both unjust
and unwise.'
Il place the philosophy Of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine Of those who
would put a price upon the head Of
an American soldier and justify war
Of conquest upon the ground that II
/ will pay. The Democratic party Is in
/ favor of the expansion Of trade It
would extend our trade by every legi-
J sfv NO hNfF To-
not willing to make merchandise Of
| human blood But a war Of conquest
| Is as unwise as 1t is unrlghteous. A
| harbor and coaling station in the Phil
! ippines would answer every trade and
military necessity and such a conces-
] sion could have been secured at any
time without difficulty.
1T Is not necessary to own people
| in order to trade with them. We car
~ on trade today with every part Of
| the world and our commerce has eX-
banded mere rapidly than the COM
merce Of any European empire. We do
not own Japan or China, but we trade
! With their people. We have not abb
sOrbed the republics OF Central and
South America, but we trade with them.
1t has not been necessary to have any
political connections with Canada or
! the nations Of Europe In order TO trade
with them. Trade cannot be perma-
nently profitable unless It Is voluntary.
When trade is secured by force, the cost
Of securing it and retaining 1t must be
taken out of the profits. and the profits
are never large enough to cover the
expense. Such a system would never
be defended but for the fact that the
expense is borne by all the people, while
the profits are enjoyed by the few.
imperialism would be profitable TO
the army contractors; 1t would be
profitable to the ship-owners who car
ry live soldiers to the Philippines. and
bring dead soldiers back; 1t would be
profitable to those who would seize up
on the franchises, and it would be prof
table to the officials whose salaries
would be fixed here and paid over
there. But to the farmer. to the labor
ing man and to the vast majority Of
those engaged in other occupations, II