Barton County democrat. [volume] (Great Bend, Kan.) 1885-1915, 1900-08-17

can do whatever It desires to do but It
mI;s accept for wi, Tnas It d9 sh
people can amend the constitution re-
peat, the nation can do whatever it desires
legitimate results of Its own conduct The
young man upon reaching his majority
the teachings of his parents; he can tram
pie upon all that he has been taught to
of the state. the laws of society and the
laws of God. He can stamp failure upon
to his fellow fell men me ms and he can bring his
father and mother in sorrow TO the grave :
Of sn IS
nation 1t Is OF age, and it can do what 1t
ii can Tp sRan the the nrineiniss upon
which the nation rests; it can employ force
instead OF reason; it can substitute might
it can exploit their lands, appropriate their
property and kill their people: but it cannot
rights.
Would we tread in the paths of tyranny,
Nor reckon the tyrant'S cost?
Who taketh another's liberty.
His freedom is also lost
Would we win as the strong have ever won.
For the God who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who is reigning yet
Some argue that American rule in the
Philippine islands will result in the better
education of the Filipinos. Be not de-
ial policy We shall not find it to our adj
vantage to educate the people. The edu-
US. and the most ignorant ones have made
the least resistance to our domination. If
Sent and giye them no VOICE IN determ1in
the taxes which they must pay, we dare not
educate them: lest they learn to read the
stitution of the United States and mock
us for our inconsistency:
The principal arguments, however, ad-
vanced by those who enter upon q defense
of Imperialism are:
First. That we must improve the present
enter into International politics.
the Philippine islands and in the orient
make 1t necessary for us to hold the is
Third. That the spread of the Christian
religion will be facilitated by a colonial
Fourth. That there is no honorable re-
treat from the position which the nation
has as, taken ken,
tons pocketbook The third is intended
for the church member and the fourth for
the partisan.
Growth of a Principle.
1t is a sufficient answer to the first argu-
this nation has been a world power. For
ten decades it has been the most potent
been a world power. but it has done more
TO affect the politics of the human race
combined Because our declaration of in
dependence was promulgated, others have
been 17e 9nmSt ed the patriots
was ADOPTED. other constitutions have
pie of self,government. planted on Amer
lean soil, has been the overshadowing
political fact of the nineteenth century.
1t has made this nation conspicuous
a al Gis; the nations and given it place
hoC hoe hi 70
check the onward march of this idea.
am not willing that this nation snail cast
seize again the weapon of physical war
fare. 1 would not exchange the glory of
pires that have risen and fallen since time
publican national convention. presented
the pecunlary argument in all its bold
ness, when he said:
being interested in the Philippines solely
on account of others. While we regard
trust, We regard the welfare of the Amer
lean people first. We see our duty to our
in trade expansion. By every legitimate ste
means within the province of government
and constitution, we mean to stimulate
the expansion of our trade and open
new markets..
This is the commercial argument. 1t
be rightly waged for pecuniary advan-
tage, and that it is profitable to purchase
Lord Howe asserted that the acts of par
liament which brought ta on the IevolItion
from passing into foreign channels.
Franklin replied:
ITO me it seems that neither the OBJ
tanning nor retaining of any trade, how
valuable soever. is an object for which
that the true and sure means of extend,
Ing and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheapness of commodities. and
a a fo nf No 10 nxyav he
equal to the expense of compelling 1t and
holding it by fleets and armies. I con-
both unjust and unwise.'
I place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those who
American soldier and justify a war of
conquest upon the ground that it will pay.
expansion of trades. It would extend our
trade by every legitimate and peaceful
chandise of human blood.
But war of conquest is as unwise as
it is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling
every trade and military necessity and
such a concession could have been secured
at any time without difficulty.
1t is not necessary to own people in or
der to trade with them. We carry on
trade to-day with every part of the world.
and our commerce has expanded more
rapidly than the commerce of any Euro
pean empire We do not own japan or
China. but we trade with their people We
trail and South America, but we trade
with them. IT has not been necessary to
have any political connections with Can
ada or the nations of Europe in order to
trade with them Trade cannot be per-
manent1y profitable unless it is volun-
tary When trade is secured by force, the
cost of securing 1T and retaining 1T must
be taken out of the profits, and the profits
are never large enough to cover the ex-
pense Such q system would never be de-
Tended but for the fact that the expense
is borne by all the people, while the prof
its are enjoyed by the few.
Evils of Imperialism.
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors: 1t would be profitable
to the shipowners. who would carry live
soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead
soldiors back: ii would be profitah tn