The Greenville times. [volume] (Greenville, Miss.) 1868-1917, 1900-08-18

resolution had been adopted by the senat
and carried OFT by the president, eithe
at the time OF the ratification OF IN
treaty or at any time afterwards, II woul
have taken the question OF imperialism
pie free TO deal with their domestic prob
lens. But the resolution was defeated b
the vote OF the republican vice president
and from that time TO TINS republican
congress has refused to take any actioi
whatever In the matter.
Cowardly Accusations.
When hostilities broke out at Manila
republican speakers and republican edit
ors at once sought to lay the blame upoi
those who had delayed the ratincation o
the treaty, and. during the progress o
the war, the same republicans have &C
cused the opponents of Imperialism OF CIV
ing announcement to the Ftlipinos. Thii
Is cowardly evasion OF responsibility.
II 1t Is right for the United States 4
hold the Philippine islands permanently
and initiate European empires in the gov
eminent OF colonies, the republican party
ought to state its position and defend II
| but II must expect the subject races u
protest against such policy and to resisl
| to the extent of their ability The Filipinos
do not need any encouragement from Amer
| leans now living. Our whole history mas
| been an announcement, not only TO the
| Filipinos but to all who are denied voice
| In their own government. II the republic
| ans are prepared to censure all who have
| used language calculated to make the
| Fllipinos hate foreign domination. let them
condemn the speech of Patrick Henry
| When he uttered that passionate appeal
| Give me liberty or give me death, he
| expressed sentiment which stu echoes
| In the hearts of men. Let them censure
| Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history,
| none have used words so offensive to those
| who would hold their fellows in political
bondage. Let them cenSure Washing ton,
who declared that the colonists must
| choose between liberty and slavery. Or,
| II the statute OF limitations has run against
/ the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Wash
| ington, let them censure Lincoln, whose
Gettysburg speech will be quoted in de-
Tense of popular government when the
present advocates of force and conquest
are forgotten.
Some one has said that a truth once
spoken can never be recalled. 1t is true.
IL goes on and on, and no one can set a
limit to its ever widening influence. But
if 1t were possible to obliterate every word
written or spoken In defense of the prin-
ciples set forth in the declaration of in
dependence war of conquest would still
leave its legacy OF perpetual hatred, for
1t was God Himself who placed in every
human heart the love of liberty. He never
made race OF people. so low in the scale
of civilization or intelligence that it would
welcome foreign master.
Lincoln said that the safety of this nation
was not in its fleets, its armies or its forts
but in the spirit which prizes liberty and
the heritage of all men, in all lands, every
where; and he warned his countrymen that
they could not destroy this spirit without
planting the seeds of despotism at their
own doors.
Those who would have this nation en-
ter upon career of empire must consider
not only the effect of Imperialism on the
Ftlpinos. but they must also calculate its
erect upon our own nation. We cannot
repudiate the principle of self-govern-
ment. in the Philippines without weaken
ing that principle here.
ParaIyzing Imperialism.
Even now we are beginning to see the
paralyZng influence of Imperialism. Here
tofore, this nation has been prompt to ex-
press its sympathy with those who were
fighting for civil liberty. While our sphere
of activity has been limited to the west
ern hemisphere, our sympathies have not
been bounded by the seas. We have felt
it due to ourselves and to the world, as
well as to those who were struggling for
claim the interest which our people have,
from the date of their own independence,
felt in every contest between human
rights and arbitrary power. Three-quar-
tiers of century ago, when our nation
was small the struggles of Greece
aroused our people, and Webster and Clay
gave eloquent expression to the universal
desire for Grecian independence. In 1885,
all parties manifested a lively interest
in the success of the Cubans, but now
when war is in progress in South Afri-
ca, which must result in the extension Of
the monarchial idea or in the triumph of
a republic, the advocates of imperialism
in this country dare not say word in
behalf of the Beers. sympathy for the
Beers does not arise from any unfriend-
illness toward England; the American peo-
pie are not unfriendly toward the people
of any nation. This sympathy is due to
the fact that. as stated in our platform,
we believe in the principle of Self-govern-
ment and reject, as did our forefathers,
the claims of monarchy If this nation
surrenders it's belief in the universal APP
plication of the principles set forth in
he In raj NJ ind urytn
lose the prestige and influence which it
has enjoyed among the nations as an ex-
ponent of popular government.
Our opponents, conscious of the weak
ness of their cause, seek to confuse i'm
perialism with expansion, and have even
dared to claim Jefferson as a supporter
of their policy Jefferson spoke SO freely
and used language with such precision
that no one can be ignorant of his views.
On one occasion he declared: IF there
be one principle more deeply rooted than
It is that we should have nothing to do
with conquest" And again he said: Con
quest is not in our principles: 1t is in
with our government"
Right Kind of Expansion.
The forcible annexation of territory to
much from the acquisition of territory to
be built up into states as a monarchy diff
fers from democracy The democratic
expansion enlarges the area of the repub-
lie and incorporates land which can be
settled by American citizens, or adds to
our population people who are willing to
become citizens and are capable of dis
charging their duties as such. The acqui-
sition of the Louisiana territory Florida,
Texas and other tracts which have been
secured from time to time, enlarged the
and the constitution followed the
flag into the new territory. 1t Is now pro-
ready more densely populated than our own
country, and to force upon the people
government. for which there is no war
rantin our constitution or our laws. Even
the argument that this earth belongs to
those who desire to cultivate 1t and have
the physical power to acquire 1t cannot
be invoked to justify the appropriation of
the Philippine islands by the United States.
If the islands were uninhabiteo American
citizens would not be willing to go there
and till the soil. The white race will not
have tried to COLOMBO in the same latitude.
The Netherlands have controlled Java for
300 years, and yet to-day there are less
than 5000 peoPe o Of d oirs9
century and a half of English domination
in India, less than one-twentieth OF one
per cent of the people OF India are OF E lo Go
British soldiers to take care OF the tax
collectors. Spain has asserted title to the
Philippine islands for three centuries, and |
yet, when our fleet entered Manila bay,
there were less than 10000 Spaniards re-
siding in the Philippines.
A colonial policy means that we snall
send to the Philippines few traders few
and few office holders, and
an army large enough to support tie au-
thority of a small fraction Of the people
while they rule the natives.
Increase in Regular Army.
If we have an imperial policy we must
have a large standing army as its natural
and necessary complement: The spirit
which will justify the forcible annexation
of the Philippine islands will justify the
seizure of other islands and the domfna-
ton of other people, and with wars of con-
quest we can expect certain, II not rapid,
growth of our military establishment.
That a large permanent increase in our
regular army is intended by the repub-
lican leaders Is not mere matter of con-
lecture, but matter of fact. In his mes
sage of December 5, 1898. the president
asked for authority to increase the stand
&, ~ a r,,,1, TO Inn 00n Tr 1904 the army con-