The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1900-06-23

branches, delegates from county, Dor
ough, district and urban councils, dele
gates from the Land and Labor associa-
ton and from each trade and labor
council, and from each branch OF the
Irish National League of Great Britain;
delegates from towns electing mayors
and from boards OF guardians. This
surely embraces every interest and in
cludes all phases of national thought,
but for fear that any element might be
overlooked it is further provided that
"the joint committee will consider ap-
plications for representation from all
nationalist bodies in ireland having ma
tional, benevolent, literary or social OBJ
jects." Nothing more could be done
to make the convention practically an
assembly of all the people OF Ireland,
except the omission of a request to
Orange lodges to send delegates. But
as these do not believe In sef-govern-
ment for their country, it was probably
agreed that an invitation to them would
be futile and spurned.
If anything is ever to be gained for
Ireland by constitutional agitation this
convention ought surely to hasten the
result, as its members will be represen-
tative of all sections of nationalists, its
decisions, however some of them may
vary from individual convictions, ought
to command the assent of all Irish ma
tionalists. "Unity in essentials and
federation in nonessentials" has always
been a good motto, and it should be
the guide of the coming gathering.
This concurred in by all, the future of
the national movement for home rule
ought to be signalized by rapid and
triumphant progress. And it certainly
would be if sympathetic "Paddy" had
to deal with any other person except
selfish and arrogant John Bull
When he, through Lord Salisbury,
declares that not shred OF indepen-
dcnce "shall be left to the South Afri-
can republics" what promise or hope is
there for Irish agitators? That there is
none in mere agitation is the belief of
no inconsiderable portion OF the Irish
people and that element will not be rep
resented, except in an incidental man.
ner, in the convention. History has
taught them that England never granted
boon to Ireland or made concession
except through fear of physical force.
However, if the result of the convention
can rccreate national part: J Snrtlly OF
the advanced thought of the country
and able and willing to fight its battle
outside as we'll as in the imperial paria-
ment great step forward will be taken.
Anyway, the fight for independence
will not cease and for some cause that
I do not fully comprehend the hope OF
assistance from America is stronger to-
day than any time since 1867, when the
Fenians rose in vain revolt messages
now and again from the other Ireland
across the sea" says one paper, "rcnew
the conviction that the dcathless dream
of Ireland will one day be realized"
Niebulr, tile German philosopher, it
says, saw this clearly when he said that
should England not change her policy
she would surely lose ireland "and the
loss of that country is the death blow
not only of her greatness, but of her
very existence" The belief that Irish
America will take prominent part in
the liberation of this country is not al.
together peculiar to this country. MOI
is it new idea to the thinking and OBJ.
servant imperialist. 1t was an English
statesman who said, England lost
America through ireland and she will
yet lose ireland through America.
Baron Hubner, another German thinker
declared that "on given day-Goe
knows the hour-they, the American
brethren, will recross the sea to bring
liberty and independence to Ireland
They will fight and conquer" All thes.
prophesies are, of course, cherished ant
neither is the one of James Jeffrey
Roche of Boston forgotten when in hi!
poem "Andrameda" he says:
The night that has no morrow wa.
brooding DER the main,
But 10! light is breaking Of hope fol
thee again.
'Tis Perseus' sword attaining,
The dawn of day proclaiming,
Across the western main.
Oh, ireland! oh, my country! he comes
to break thy chain!