The Wahpeton times., 1900-08-16


in revolt against us. and the most ig-
norant ones have made the least re.
sistance to our domination. If we are
to govern them without their consent
and give them no voice in determining
the taxes which they must pay, we
dare not educate them, lest they learn
to read the Declaration Of Independ-
ence and the constitution of the United
States and mock us for our incOnsist:
ency.
FOUR REPUBLICAN CONVENTIONS.
Comment on the Principal Arguments Of
the Party in Power.
The principal arguments, however,
advanced by those who enter upon q
defense Of imperialism are: ~.
First: That we must improve the
present opportunity to become world
power and enter into international pol.
itics.
Second: That our commercial inter-
ests in the Philippine islands and in
the Orient make it necessary for us to
hold the islands permanently.
Third: That the spread of the Chris
tian religion will be facilitated by
colonial policy.
Fourth: That there Is no honorable
retreat from the position which the
nation has taken.
The first argument is addressed to
the nations pride and the second to the
nations p0cket-book. The third is in.
tended for the church member and the
fourth for the partisan.
If ia a sufficient anSvUor fO tho fret
argument to say that for more than q
century this nation has been a world
power. For ten decades it has been
the most potent influence in the world.
Not only has 1t been world power,
but it has done mere to affect the poll
tics Of the human race than all the 9TH
er nations of the world combined. Be.
cause our Declaration of Independence
was promulgated others have been pro-
mulgated; because the patriots of 1916
fought for liberty others have fought
for 1t; because our constitution was
adopted other constitutions have been
adopted. The growth of the principle
Of self government, planted on Ameri-
can soil, has been the over-shadowing
political fact of the nineteenth CEN
tury.
The permanent chairman of the last
Republican national convention pre-
sented the pecuniary argument in all
its badness, when he said: I'VE make
no hypocritical pretenses of being
interested in the Philippines solely on
account Of others. While we regard the
welfare Of these people as a sacred
trust we regard the welfare of the
American people first. We see our duty
Tn ourselves q q ynyn10 tn o%1,
believe In trade expansion. By every
legitimate means within the province
| of government and constitution we
mean to stimulate the expansion of
our trade and open new markets."
This is the commercial argument. It
is based upon the theory that war
can be rightly waged for pecuniary
advantage, and that it is profitable to
purchase trade by force and violence.
Franklin denied both of these prOpo-
sitiOns,
place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those
who would put price upon the life
Of an American soldier and justify a
war of conquest upon the ground that
it will pay. The Democratic party is
in favor Of the expansion of trade. It
would extend our trade by every legiti-
mate and peaceful means; but it is not
willing to make merchandise Of human
blood.
But a war Of conquest is as unwise
as 1t Is unrighteOus. A harbor and
coaling station in the Philippines
would answer every trade and mill
tary necessity and such a concession
could have been secured at any time
without difficulty.
1t is not necessary to own people in
order to trade with them. We carry
on trade today with every part of the
world, and our commerce has expand
ed more rapidly than the commerce of
any European empire. When
trade is secured by force, the cost of
securing it and retaining it must be
taken out of the profits, and the profits
are never large enough to cover the ex-
pense. Such a system would never be
defended, but for the fact that the ex-
pense is borne by all the people. while
the profits are enjoyed by the few.
Imperialism would be profitable to
the army contractors; it would be prof
table to the ship-owners. who would
carry live soldiers to the Philippines
and bring dead soldiers back: it would
upon the franchises, and it would be
profitable to the officials whose salaries
would be fixed here and paid over
there; but to the farmer, to the labor
ing man, and to the vast majority of
those engaged in other occupations, it
would bring expenditure without re-
turn and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboring men have, as
rule, small incomes and under sys-
tens which place the tax upon con-
sumption pay more than their fair
share Of the expenses of government.
Thus the very people who receive least
benefit from Imperialism will be in
jured most by the military burdens
which accompany it. = 1t is
not strange, therefore, that the labor
organizations have been quick to note
the approach of these dangers and