The farmer and mechanic. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 18??-19??, 1900-10-02

of George Washington and Abraham LIN
colin. Where is the American having 'no
honor of his country truly at heart VINO
III, not hang his head in shame and con-
rite humiliation at this deep disgrace:
THERE WAS ANOTHER ALTERNATIVE
What a transaction this was IS
farther shown in its glazing, hideous
nakedness:
WhatqDid no other alternative present
itself 10 his mind? DID IL never o'eu1
to the President of the American Repuo-
lie. sprung from the Declaration OF ihue-
pendence. that there was another after
native which should at the very start
have suggested itself to a republican
President as the most =
to let them. according TO our own prece-
dent and that Of Cuba, have an lndepeno-
emf government of their own? why shouid
il not. lust as in the case or Cuoa IAN
anybody tell?
Indeed. the spectacle of an American
President who, when he had to deal Win
q peCole striving for freedom ana HUE
nendence and had so successfully thrown
off the Spanish yoke, jumped at the CON-
clusion tina there was nothing else 70 ~
than either to return them 10 spanish
foreign rule or to subject them to Amer
lean foreign rule-foreign rule at an
eyents-but that the freedom and lnde-
pendence they had fought for coulo not at
all be thought of-and this after a war we
had with proud profession begun LOT the
liberation of the oppresssed-the spectacle
presented by such an American PRESIDENT
would only three years ago have excited
the Indignation of the whole American
IN ~
A WAR THAT IS WITHOUT GLORY.
Mckinley has much to say of mys-
ferrous Responsibilities of all sorts.
Il Will" says Mr.. SchurZ, in reply,
''only ask this simple question: Did
our victory at Manila create for us
responsibilities essentially different
from those which We're created for us
by our victory at Santiago in Cuba::'
Completing his review of the rea-
sons given by Mckinley in his letter
to Justify our betrayal of Our Filipino
allies. the speaker repeats: \ an
act Of colo blooded. cruel and dis
graceful ~treachery it has no parallel
in the history of republics"
And what a war it is, this war carried
on to subjugate or kill our Filipino allies!
A war without glory, without enthusiasm,
a war for which even those who defend it,
have nothing but regret and shamefaced
apology. And that war has caused US to
keep on foreign soil, under the most nox-
ious climatic Influences, breeding disease
and death. and under conditions in the
most repulsive degree demoralizing, an
army more than three times as large as
any we had in active field service in the
revolutionary war, in the war of 1912, in
Tho TnUinn uyor ~ - {;~--
on the Island of Cuba-in short. in any
Of our wars except our great civil con-
f1ict. That war has now lasted more than
eighteen months, and no end in sight. The
cry is still for more soldiers-100 900 of
them good military authorities say, five
times IS many as we ever had actively
employed in any of our foreign wars;
a war costing our taxpayers many scores
Of millions a year, gradually to mount
into the hundreds. besides thousands Of
American lives and the wreck Of the men
tai and physical as we'll as the moral
health of many more thousands-a war
which, the more successful it is, the more
it will be demoralizing, disgraceful and
dangerous to the American people.
THE EFFECT OF SUCH A WAR.
1t is a war not merely against the Fill
PiiOo DuN " wal Gill Jul o"u iCDuO-
Liza war against the principles, the
ideals, the beliefs and the conservative
influences which hold this democracy to-
gether, a war against ourselves as a free
people. Never was there a truer word
spoken than that of James Russell Low
ella wise man-when he said that this
republic would endure only so long as
it faithfully adhered to the principles of
those who had founded it. What he meant
was that, if our people ever ceased to re-
spect and to believe in the high ideals
of right, justice and liberty, set up by
the fathers of the republic and expressed
in the Declaration of Independence, our
democracy would lose the element Of con-
sentative pOise necessary for it's stability
and the republic, while perhaps remain
ing a republic in name, would not remain
one in essence. Without popular rever-
ence for those ideals, without popular be-
lief in those high principles to appeal to,
a democracy will inevitably be ruled by
greed and selfish ambition, and the pow
ers of the government will be more and
more grasped and used to serve the igno-
blest impulses and passions of human.
IMPERIALISM AND ENGLAND.
In answer to the argument so often
used by the imperialists, that the i'm
perlallstlc policy has long been pursu-
ed by England without producing the
evil effects prophesied for it in this
country, Mr.. Schurz says:
A monarchy or an aristocracy can do
many things and remain a strong mon
archy or aristocracy, which a democracy
cannot do and remain a true democracy:
and one of those things is to rule other
people with substantially arbitrary power.
The vital principle of a democracy is self
government Of the people. 1t cannot rule
another people without denying the very
reason of its being.
WHAT IMPERIALISM HAS DONE HERE
Mr.. Schurz expresses his regret that
ms tthe Republican, party has wan
dered from the teachings of Lincoln
and the founders of the Republic. He
asks: And what have we gained by
this a~postasy?"
Not wealth. For. all that wonderful
material development we can boast of has
not oeen achieved under the new policy.
but under the old. The tremendous growth
I OIlV owl