The daily morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven, Conn.) 1894-1907, 1900-07-05

it's brain. Though this conception tends
to magnify the state and to minify the
individual, 1t yet tends also to concili
ate him as part of mighty machine
By 1T society and government appear in
the light of friendly accessions to min.
lister to his needs 1t deals chiefly in af
tirma tions-"Th shalt" 1t is the the
DRY of natural origin, spontaneous eve
luton.
Second the Social-compact theory
1t assumes that man is by nature an
Ishmael. Nearly two thousand years
ago Cicero suggested that the primitive
condition of men Is one OF mutual en-
nifty. George Buchanan in 1879 more
than limited that the people consciously
combine to originate kingly power.
Three centuries ago Richard Hooker, in
his Ecclesiastical polity, outlined the
theory of compact as the origin of gov
eminent. Hugo Grotius in 1880 as
sumed an implied if not expressed COM
pact between rules and ruled John
Milton, two hundred and fifty years ago
asserted with emphasis that "the power
of kings and magistrates is nothing else
but what is derivative, transferred and
committed to them in trust from the
people" Thomas Hobbies, in his Levi
athian, in 1861, with great explicitness
argued that a state Of nature Is state
of war, a struggle for existence, every
man against every other man; that "a
parley was made compact was en-
tered into" and that government is a
result Of this agreement to keep the
peace" Algernon Sidney, executed in
| 1879 Stn1It1J ms int inc Lat
ments are founded on contract The
English parliament six years later voted
that James H. had broken the original
contract between King and people"
In 1890 John Locke affirmed that "the
consent of the people is the only title of
lawful government Jean jacques
Rousseau, styled by Lowell "the father
of modern democracy" taught one hun
dred and thirty eight years ago In the
Social Contract that the banding force
of government is derived from the com
| bined wills of individuals. Sir William
| Blackstone in his celebrated Common
| taries C1765-1769) declared that every
man entering society gives UP portion
of his natural rights in order to obtain
| advantages that more than compensate
| for the loss OtherWriters have urged
that the rights of government are an
aggregate of the rights so surrendered.
Jefferson and our revolutionary fathers
Incorporated in the Declaration of
American Independence these words.
IAN men are endowed by the Creator
with certain inalienable rights: among
these are life liberty and the pursuit of
happiness to secure these rights gov
|
irving their just powers from the con-
sent of the governed" Alexander Ham
ilton in the Federalst wrote THE fab
ric of American empire ought to rest
upon the solid basis of the consent of
the people. The streams of national
power ought to flow Immediately from
that pure original fountain of all legi-
innate authority" The Massachusetts
Bill of Rights reads, "The body polite
is social compact, in which the whole
community covenants with each citizen
and each citizen with the whole COM
munity." The Connecticut Bill Of
Rights says substantially the same.
In the doctrine shat the state exists
for man, and in the right of entire re-
ligious liberty the germ of another fun
damental principle shoot up into view,
the natural equality Of all. Politicians
high in office now tell us that men are
not created eoual that they are born
into social distinctions, the child sub
ject to the parent, woman to her hus-
band the servant to his master, the
peasant to his lord, the poverty strick-
en- to the millionaire They tell us the
slaves were the most numerous class in
every ancient city. Wherein, then we
are asked, are men created equal? Mr..
Calhoun said 1t was "a self evident lie"
We may answer In the right of every
man as an immortal soul to the best
possible opportunity of development
without harming any other being. The
great teacher forbade His disciples to
be called masters. He identified him
self with the hunblest. The conven-
tional differences between highest and
lowest vanished. "Inasmuch as we
have done 1t unto one of the least of
these, My brethren, We have done 1t
unto Me" Some of the lesser ecclesias-
teal organizations acted upon this theo-
ny, but except the judicial dcision of
Somersets case, the Idea of essential
equality seems to have found no legal
in the old world. It's first |
tive adoption as a basic princi-
pie by any considerable political body |
app airs to have been in the great Dec |
laration at Philadelphia one hundred |
and twentyfour years ago this day, by |
the representatives of the United States |
of America in general congress assem-
bled
And this we may lay down as the |!
third great distinctive foundation prin- |
cfple of American liberty: The equality |
of all men in their right to mental and |
moral development, the right to equal |
protection by the government and |
equal participation In it; in a word,
equality before the law.
Accepting these seven basic principles
that the state exists for man, not man
for the state; that government must
never fnterpose between man and his
Maker; that all men must be equal be-
fore the law that by representation
many millions, many communities, and
many states, may sit together as one in
that each state is merged, but
not lost, distinct and autonomous in one
sovereign nation; that legislative, exec
ltive and judicial powers shall be sep
'rated, coordinate, Independent of each
,ther, and that human law is binding
upon the cOnsctence-on this sevenfo1d
o,1,,5 10 +io,, tlo,y 1,1,iIt 4l,o oLIo,+ ..,,,.