The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1900-02-14
THE GOEBEL LAW IN NATIONAL
FUECTInyS

ELECTIONS.
Among the orations and addresses de-
livered on the anniversary of Abraham
Lincoln's birthday none was more appro-
pirate and impressive than that of Senator
Chauncey NJ. Depew. in which he applied
the lesson of Lincoln's political record and
principles to the present situation in Ken
lucky. That situation. as everybody now
knows. is the result of the Goebel law, and
nothing could be more instructive by con-
trast than a comparison between the po-
litical principles and methods of Mr.. Lin
coin and those of the author of that in
famous law. Senator Depew made the
contrast very striking by first recalling
the ruling trait in Lincoln's character.
The whole spirit and philosophy of Lin
coins politics." he said. was the power of
the people No statesman ever so thor
oughly believed that the voice of the peo-
pie As the voice of God. His appeal was al
ways to the judgment and conscience of
his fellow-citizens and he bowed with rev.
erence to the decision of the majority when
that decision was clearly rendered" Then.
with a few masterful touches. he por-
trayed the scope and operation of the Goe-
bel law and showed how utterly destruc-
tive 1t is of the principles OF popular gov
eminent which Lincoln advocated and rep
resented. The controlling principle of Lin
coins whole political life was confidence
In the people; that of the Goebel law is
confidence in partisan election boards.
Lincoln, as much as any soldier of the
Northern armies. died that government of
pie might not perish from the earth. Goe-
bel died trying to overthrow a popular
election by means of a law enacted for the
express purpose, or, as Senator Depew
put it. trying Ito prevent the people from
having their way. to corrupt the suffrage.
to nullify the ballot and to cruelty every
principle of representative government"
Senator Depew limited at one phase of the
Goebel law that has not attracted atten-
ton. After portraying its operation in a
state election. he said: such a crime in
a presidential election would produce con-
sequences from which the imagination
shrinks." The Goebel law makes possible
the very crime and the very consequence
here limited at, for it applies to an cleo
ton for President and Vice President as
well as to state elections. Under it the
Legislature every four years elects a State
BOARD of Election Commissioners; the state
board appoints three election commissions
ers in each county, and the county board
appoints election officers in each voting
precinct of the county. The law provides
for the manipulation of election returns,
reports and certificates by these various
boards and officers, and Section 10 says:
said State Board of Commissioners shall
be a board for examining and ~canvassing
the returns of election for representatives
in the Congress or electors of President
and Vice President" This places the ma
chinery of a presidential election as COM
pletely in the hands of the Goebelites as is
the machinery of a state election. BY
this machinery a Republican majority in
a precinct, a township, a county or a
dozen counties can be thrown out in a
! presidential election as easily and with as
little redress as they recently were in a
state election. In 1896 Mckinley carried
Kentucky by less than three hundred plur-
atty, receiving twelve out of thirteen cleo
toral votes. one Bryan elector being
chosen. The Goebel law was passed in 1898.
Had 1t been I'm force in 1896 Mckinley
would not have stood the ghost of a chance
of receiving the electoral vote of the State.
Nor will he or any other Republican candi-
date stand any chance of carrying the
| State next fall with the Goebel law in
force. Everything is possible in politics,
| and the next presidential election might be
so close as to make Kentucky the de-
termining State. Then. if the Democrats
should attempt to count the Republicans
out under the Goebel law. there would be a
| national instead Of a state crisis.