Daily inter mountain. [volume] (Butte, Mont.) 1881-1901, 1900-08-23
!, protect the public at large from mono

Inc Iact tnat the trusts support the re-
publican party ought to be suficnent
proof that they expect protection from Il.
The republican party cannot be relied
upon to extinguish the trusts as long as
it draws It's campaign contributions from
their overlooking vaults.
The prosperity argument which the re-
pubHcanS bring forward to answer all
complaints against the administration
will not deceive the farmer. He knows
tina two factors enter into his ncome:
First, the size of his crop, and. second
the price he receives for the same. He
does not return thanks to the party in
power for favorable weather and a boun-
tiful harvest, and he knows thai the re-
publican party has no policy which insures
a permanent increase in agricultural
prices. Since he sells his surplus in a
foreign market he is not a beneficiary of
the tariff and since he produces merchan-
disc and not money, he does not profit by
the appreciation of the dollar. He knows
I that the m~uch-vaunted prosperity, of
which he has never had his share, is IN
the wanei in spite of the unusual and UNI
natural stimulation which it has receiv-
ed during the last three years. He knows
that each month of 1900 shows a larger
number of failures than the correspond
ing month of 1899, and that there is al
ready a marked tendency toward a de-
creased output of the factories. He knows
also that discoveries of gold, fanines
abroad and war IN three continents have
not been able to raise the price of farm
products as rapidly as trusts and COM
binations have raised the price of the
things which the farmer buys.
Our opponents have tried to make 1t
appear that we are Inconsistent when we
desire a general rise i'll prices and yet
oppose an arbitrary rise in protected
. manufactures or trust-made goods. There
is no conflict whatever, between these
two propositions. If a general rise in
prices occurs because of a permanent in
crease in the volume of money all things
adjust themselves to the new level, and
if the volume of money then Increases in
proportion to the demand for money, the
price level remains the same and business
can be done with fairness to all. II, how
ever, the rise is arbitrary. and only af-
fects a part of the products of labor, those
whose products do not participate in the
rise suffer because the purchasing power
of their income is decreased. If a bad
monetary system drags down the price OF
what he buys. he burns the candle at both
ends and must expect to suffer in mpa
son with those who belong to the classes
more favored by legislation.
J 1t is sometimes urged by partisan
populists that our years more of re-
. publican misrule would so aggravate
economic conditions as to make reforms
easier. No one can afford to aid in
making matters worse in the hope of be-
ing able to make them better afterward,
for in so doing he assumes responsible
tiles which he may not be able to REM
edy. No populist, however sanguine,
believes it possible to elect a populist
president at this time, but the popullst
party may be able to determine whether
a democrat or n republican will be elect
ed. Mr.. Chairman, the populist con-
%vention, which your committee repre-
sents, thought it better to share with
the democrats in the honor of securing
some of the reforms desired by your
party, than to bear the odium OF re-
manning neutral in this great crisis,
or of giving open or secret aid to the
republican party. which opposes all the
reforms for which the %populists con-
tend. 4
Those who labor to improve the con-
ditions which surround their fellow men
are apt to. become impatient, but they
must remember thai it takes time to
work out great reforms. Let me illus
trate by calling your attention to the
slow growth of public opinion in up
port of a proposition to which there
has been practically no public opposl-
ton. President Johnson, in 1868, rec
commended a constitutional amendment
providing for the election of United
States senators by direct vote of the
people, but his recommendation met
with no response. About twelve years
later General Weaver, then a member
of congress, tried to secure the passage
of a resolution submitting such an
amendment, but his efforts were futile.
In 1892 the resolution recommended by
President Johnson and urged by Con-
gresham Weaver finally passed the
house of representatives, but it has not
yet reached a vote in the senate, and
now, after eight years more of public
discussion. the proposition for the first
time received the endorsement of the
national convention of one of the great
parties.
If the fusion forces within win a vic
tory this fall, we shall see this reform
accomplished before the next presiden-
tial election, and with it's accomplish
ment the people will find it easier to Sc
cure any remedial legislation they may
desire. But how hating has been the
progress.
Holland has said:
Heaven is not gained by a single
bound.
We build the ladder by which we rise
From the loWly earth tc the vaulted
And we mount to its summit round by
round
And so it is with great social and
political movements. Great problems
are solved slowly, but struggling hu~
mainly marches on, step by step, con-
tent if at each nightfall it can pitch
it's tents IN a little higher ground.
I have called attention to the issues
which brought the democrats and pop
ulists together and j~ustifies the Coop
GRAFTON during the last four years. Let
rhe now invite your attention to new
questions which would justify cooper
alton at this time. although we differed
on all economic questions. It is not our
fault that these new questions have
been thrust into the arena of politics
it is not our fault that the people haye
been called upon to consider questions
of ever-increasing magnitude. In 1890
the tariff question was the prlneipal
subject Of discussion. and the demo-