Washington standard. [volume] (Olympia, Wash. Territory) 1860-1921, 1900-08-17

true. 1t goes on and on, and no one
can set a limit to its ever widening in
tluence. But if it were possible to OBJ.
literate every word written or spoken
in defense of the principles set forth
in the Declaration of Independence, a
war of conquest would still leave its
legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was
God himsels who placed in every hui
man heart the love of liberty. He
never made race of people so low in
the scale of civilization or intelligence
that it would welcome a foreign mas
ter.
Lincoln said that the safety of tiais
nation was not in its fleets, its armies
or its forts, but in the spirit which
prizes liberty and the heritage of all
men. in all lands, everywhere; and he
warned his countrymen that they
could not destroy this spirit without
planting the seeds of despotism at
their own doors.
THE CAREER OF EMPIRE.
Those who would have this nation
enter upon career Of empire must
consider not only the effect of imper-
ialism on the Filipinos, but they must
also calculate its effect upon our own
nation. We cannot repudiate the
principle of self-government in the
Philippines without weakening that
principle here.
Even now We are beginning to see
the paralyzing influence of imperial
ism. Heretofore this nation has been
prompt to express its sympathy with
those who were fighting for civil lib
erty. While our sphere of activity has
been limited to the western hemi-
sphere, our sympathies have not been
bounded by the seas. We have felt it
due to ourselves and to the world, as
well as to those who were struggling
for the right to govern themselves, to
proclaim the interest which our peo.
pie have, from the date of their own
independence, felt in every contest
between human rights and arbitrary
power. Three quarters of a century
ago, when our nation was small, the
struggles of Greece aroused our people,
and Webster and Clay gave eloquent
expression to the universal desire for
Grecian independence. In 1896, all
parties manifested a lively interest in
the success of the Cubans, but now
when war is in progress in South
Africa, which must result in the ex-
tension of the monarchial idea or in
the triumph OF republic, the advo-
Gates of Imperialism in this country
dare not say word in behalf of the
Beers. Sympathy for the Beers does
not arise from any unfriendliness TO-
ward England; the American people
are not unfriendly toward the people
OF any nation. This sympathy is due
to the fact that, as stated in our plat
form, we believe in the principle of
self-government and reject, as did our
forefathers, the claims of monarchy.
II this nation surrenders its belief in
the universal application of the prin-
ciples set forth in the Declaration OF
Independence, it will lose the prestige
and influence which il has enjoyed
among the nations as an exponent of
popular government.
IMPERIALISM VS.. EXPANSION.
Our opponents, conscious of the
weakness of the other cause, seek to
confuse imperialism with expansion,
and have even dared to claim Jefferson
as a supporter OF their policy. JEFF
lerson spoke so freely and used lang
uage with such precision that no one
can be ignorant of his views. On one
occasion he declared:
"If there be one principle more
deeply rooted than any other in the
mind of every American it is that we
should have nothing to do with
coquests." And again he said:
Conquest is not in our principles
it is inconsistent with our govern
ment."
The forcible annexation of territory
to be governed by arbitrary power, diff
fers as much from the acquisition of
territory to be built up into States as
a monarchy differs from democracy
The Democratic party does not oppose
expansion, when expansion enlarges
the area of the republic and incorpor.
ates land which can be settled by
American citizens, or admits to our
population people who are willing to
become citizens and are capable of
discharging their duties as such. The
acquisition of the Louisiana territory,
Florida, Texas and other tracts which
have been secured from time to time,
enlarging the republic, and the con-
stitution followed the flag into the
new territory. 1t is proposed to seize
upon distant territory already more
densely populated than our own
country, and to force upon the people
a government, for which there is no
warrant in our constitution or our
laws. Even the argument that this
earth belongs to those who desire to
cultivate it and have the physical
power to acquire it cannot be invoked
to justify the appropriation of the
by the United States. If the Philip
pine Islands were uninhabited Anne.
rican citizens would not be willing
to 90 there and till the soil. The
white race will not live so near the
equator. Other nations have tried to
colonize in the same latitude. The
Netherlands have controlled Java fol-
300 years, and yet to-day there are
less than 10000 people of European
birth scattered among 25,0OO,OOO ma
tives. After a century and half OF
English domination in India, less
than one twentieth of one per cent. ol
the people of India are Of. English
birth, and it requires an army of TO-
600 British soldiers to take care OF the
tax collectors. Spain has asserted
title to the Philippine Islands for
three centuries and yet, when oui
fleet entered Manila bay. there were
less than 10000 Spaniards residing in
the Philippines.
WHAT A COLONIAL POLICY MEANS.
A colonial policy means that We
shall send to the Philippines a ie"
traders, few taskmasters and a few
officeholders, and an army large
enough to support the authority OF
small fraction of the people while they
rule the natives.
If we have an imperial policy We