The times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1897-1901, 1900-09-26

tion. 1t was righteous war. instituted
only TO serve worthy ends, and l might say
right here that Democratic statesmen. In
and out Of Congress. were foremost in de-
manding that a reluctant Administration
should assume the offensive In behalf of
Cuban independence, and although at the
brilliant close of the war cur opponents
endeavored to mOnopolize all the glories
incident to the contest, the people do not
forget the conspicuous and honorable part
which Democratic soldiers bore throughout
that memorable struggle
war In the Philippines.
when Admiral Dewey with his feet
sailed into Manila Harbor. he was there to
fight the Spanish, and not the Filipinos.
the latter having for some time been en-
gagged in fighting the Spanish. and it. was
because of that very status that induced
our Government 70 begin offensive opera
tions in that country.
When victory finally came and Spain
was whipped in Cuba, what then became
the duty of this Government?
I'VE had already declared what should
eminent and control of the island to its
people, and the same course should have
been pursued with the PHILIPPINES Islands
and their people, subject to such tempor-
airy provisions for their protection as
might be found TO be necessary owing 10
their peculiar situation.
But instead of that course the Admin
istration determined to annex the Philip
pines to the United States, claiming to do
n bv oh of mn
partly by purchase
This false step has been the cause OF
all this difficulties which have since arisen.
The people cannot have forgotten tha;
President Mckinley himsei. said shortly
before the declaration Of wef that Under
the American code of morals a war for an
nexation would be criminal aggression II
the taking of the Philippines was not
criminal aggression. under the remarka-
bio circumstances under which they were
acquired, it is difficult TO understand what
that term signifies. As against the native
inhabitants. We took the islands by force
and have since held them by force They
were not parties to any treaty with US.
Tho spectacle is thus presented before
the world Of millions of people deprived Of
their independence by the greatest OF Re-
pub!ics and annexed to that Republic
against their will in violation of all our
well settled theories of government
Justice Brewer of the United States
Supreme Court, in an admirable address
delivered before the Liberal Club of Buff
falo, as early as February 16 1899, appro-
priately said: We stand consecrated to
the single political idea of government by
the consent of the governed. To intro
duce into the life of the nation the other
thought of government by force is. at the
very outset, to precipitate a conflict,
which, sooner or later, must inevitably
result in disaster
No Colonial system.
THE question arises as to the status
of these newly acquired possessions which
are said TO belong 20 the Government and
yet are not to be treated as a part of it.
What disposition is to be made of them
ultimately?
The Republican National platform. up
on this point is vague, uncertain and un-
satisfactory. 1t is no answer to the Fill
pinos' demand for independence that we
say that the largest measure of self
government consistent with their welfare
and our duties shall be secured to them
by law
Does this declaration mean indepen-
dence or does it not?
Does it not exclude the idea of an in
that whatever rights the FiliDinos shall
be permitted to enjoy are to be secured
by law-presumably law Of the United
States?
Are we to continue to Iegislate for
them for all time?
Besides, Republican orators are every
where contending that the Philippines
have already been annexed 10 the United
States. and that there is no power now to
surrender them.
1T may, therefore. safely be affirmed
that the programme Of the national Ad-
ministration is that these new pcsses-
sions are not to be formed into States nor
admitted into the Union, because their
people are not adapted for statehood. but
these possessions are to lie held as Ameri-
can colonies and governed by Congress
according to its sole discretion and out
side Of the provisions Of the Constitution.
l declare that this determination is sub
versiye of the nature of our Government
as our forefathers intended it.
The people should understand the full
effect Of what Is contemplated. colonial
system viii prove costly and dangerous.
II means an immense standing army for
years to come; it means higher taxes and
increased national debt; it means arbi-
trary and oppressive rule; ii means the
degradation of American citizenship; il
means q fearful annual loss of human life;
in short, it means imperialism in its
most offensive sense.
There is no place for a colonial system
under our Constitution This Government
cannot remain part republic and part en-
pire. There viii be an irrepressible con-
1ict between two inconsistent and ir-
reconcilable political systems, and both
cannot survive.
An Honorable Solution.
ITO those who ask what can be done
at this late day to remedy our national
mistake, 1 answer that the most excellent
speech of acceptance OF our candidate for
the Presidency points out the true way.
He says: There is an easy, honest. and
honorable solution of the Philippine aues-
tion. 1t is set forth in the Democratic
platform, and il is submitted with conf
dence to the American people. This plan
! unreservedly endorse. If elected | win
convene Congress in extraordinary ses-
sion as soon as inaugurated and recon-
mend an immediate declaration of the
nations purpose, first, TO establish a sta
BILE form OF government in the Philippine
Islands, just as we are now establishing
a stable form of government in Cuba
second, TO give independence to the Fill
pinos, just as we have promised TO give
independence to the Cubans: third, to pro-
tect the Filipinos from outside interfer-
ence while they work out their destiny,
Just as we have protected the Republics
of Central and South America, and are
by the Monroe Doctrine pledged to pro-
tect Cuba
These are words of soberness and wis
dom which | commend to the earnest con-
Ei of all