The Telegraph-courier. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1888-1946, 1900-08-23
Democracy and Trusts.


FtTrusts." It consumes thousand or
so words, while the same plank IN the
Republican platform is expressed in
one short paragraph. The only es-
sentia1 difference in the two planks is
in the fact that the greater part of the
Democratic plank is devoted to the
abuse of the Republican party. One
paragraph of that remarkable plank
reads as follows: "The dishonest pal
tering With the trust evil by the Re
publican party in state and national
platforms is conclusive proof of the
truth of the charge that trusts are the
legitimate product of Republican poll
cies, that they are fostered by Eepub-
hCan laws, and that they are protected
by the Republican administration in
return for campaign subscriptions and
political support Farther on the
following paragraph appears: 1.-THE
failure of the present Republican adj
ministration, with an absolute control
over all the branches of the national
government, to enact any legislation
designed to prevent or even curtail the
absorbing power of trusts and illegal
combina lions, or to enforce the anti
trust laws already on the statute books
prove the insincerity of the high
sounding phrases of the Republican
platform.
Still another paragraph says: Eve
pledge the Democratic party to an in
creasing warfare in nation, state and
city," etc. It required nerve such as
exists nowhere but in the ranks of the
Democratic party to make those
charges against the Republican party,
and such pledge on the part of the
Democratic party, IN the face OF facts
with which all leaders and nearly all
citizens are acquainted. What has
been the history of the two parties
relative to the trusts? In the present
administration every attempt at anti
trust legislation has been defeated by
the Democrats The anti trust amend
1nent of the constitution was defeated
by the same men who in the Demo-
cratic platform make such an outcry
against the ''paltering of the Repub
1ican party" All but five of thu Dem
ocrats Of the House voted against the
measure. That has always been the
policy Of the Democratic party in the
national legislature. In the Mckinley
law OF 1890 was embodied section
that would have killed the trusts, but
it was destroyed by the Democratic
1nodi fcation in the Wilson law OF
1894. Those who look for the foster
ing influence that saved the trust need
search no further than the Wilson law,
which gave free range to trusts unless
engaged in the importing trade. The
preceding Republicans tariff law pro
hibited trusts under penalty of heavy
fine and imprisonment. The clause
would be in force today if Democrat
ic Congress had not demolished it in
framing that hideous failure, the Will
son law. Moreover, there, are many
Democrats in the House today who
voted to sidetrack the Sherman anti
trust law of 1891.
In state legislation the record of the
Democratic party in the matter OF
trusts has been no better. The state
of Missouri affords one startling ex-
anlple of the manner in which Demo-
Gratis have .'pa 1tered', with the trust
evil and, if the avowed logic of the
Democratic platform is good, gives in
disputable evidence that the policies of
the Democratic party are favorable to
trusts. monopo1ies and big corpora
fions. In the first section of the Re-
vised. Statutes of Missouri, dated 1899,
it is set forth that ''any two corpora
tons now existing under general or
special laws, or which may hereafter
be created, whose objects and business
are in general of the same nature, may
analgamate, unite and consolidate
said corporations and make one
consolidated corporation holding
and enjoying all the rights,
privileges, power, franchises and
property belonging to each and under
such corporate name as they may
adopt or agree upon" When two
corporations unite they are authorized
to absorb a third, and so on ad infini-
tum. The Legislators of Missouri
have provided by law that a conso1i-
dated company may issue stock up to
100000. But the consolidation OF
the street railways of St. Louis in
vo1ved a transaction on muchs1arger
scale so the Missouri legislature passed
a bill, which Gov. Stephens signed,
authorizing street railways in Missouri
to capitalize and bond to any extent
their stockholders wish, and to sell,
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