People's voice. [volume] (Wellington, Sumner County, Kansas) 1890-1917, 1900-08-16

iai pOlAOy olldll HUI lluu IL W OuT du-
vantage TO educate the people The edu-
Gated Fllipinos are now in revolt against
US, and the most ignorant ones have made
the least resistance to our domination. II
We are TO govern them without their con-
sent and give them no voice in determining
the taxes which they must pay, We dare not
educate them, lest They learn TO read the
declaration Of independence and the con-
stitution OF the United States and mock
US for our inconsistency
The principal arguments, however, adj
vanced by those who enter upon a defense
Of imperialism are:
First, That We must improve the present
opportunity TO become a world power and
enter into international politics.
second. That our commercial interests in
the. Philippine islands and in the orient
make 1t necessary for us to hold the is
lands permanently.
Third, That the spread Of the Christian
religion will be facilitated by a colonial
policy.
Fourth, That there is no honorable re-
treat from the position which the nation
has taken.
The fret argument is addressed to the
nations pride and the second to the ma
tons pocketbook. The third is intended
for the church member and the fourth for
the partisan.
Growth of n Principle.
II is sufficient answer to the first argu-
ment to say that for more than a century
this nation has been a world power. For
ten decades II has been the most potent
influence in the world Not only has IL
been world power but It has done mora
TO affect the politics Of the human race
than all the other nations of the world
combined. Because our declaration of in
dependence was promulgated, others have
been promulgated. Because the patriots
OF us fought for liberty others have
fought for It. because our constitution
was adopted, other constitutions have
been adopted. The growth of the princi-
pie OF selt-government, planted on Amer
lean soil, has been the overshadowing
political fact of the nineteenth century
IL has made this nation conspicuous
among the nations and given il a place
in history such as no other nation has
ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able to
check the onward march OF this idea.
am not willins, that this nation snail cast
aside the omniDotent weapon OF truth 10
seize again the weapon OF physical war
fare. ] would not exchange the glory OF
this republic for the glory of all the en-
pires that have risen and fallen since time
began.
The permanent chairman of the last re-
publican national convention presented
the pscunisry argument in all its bold
ness, when he said:
We make no hypocritical pretenses OF
being interested in the Philippines solely
on account OF Others While we regard
the welfare Of these people as a sacred
tTust, we regard the welfare Of the Amer
sesa SssSis first. We see our duty to our
selves : we'll IN nfherc W. halfava
in trade expansion. BY every legitimate
means within the province OF government
and constitution, We mean to stimulate
the expansion Of our trade and open
new markets"
This is the commercial argument. II
Is based upon the theory that war can
be rightly waged for pecuniary advan-
tage, and that 1t is profitable to purchase
trade by force and violence. Franklin de-
MED both OF these propositions When
Lord Howe asserted that the acts OF par
lament. which brought on the revolution.
were necessary TO prevent American trade
from passing into foreign channels,
Franklin reulied:
ITO me II seems that neither the OBJ
tanning nor retaining Of any trade. how
valuable soever is an object for which
men may justly spill each others blood !;
that the true and sure means Of extend
ing and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheaDness OF commodities, and
that the profits OF no trade can ever be
equal to the expense of compelling IL and
holding II by fleets and armies. con-
slider this war agairkt US, therefore, as
both unjust and unwise."
place the philosophy OF Franklin
against the sordid doctrine OF those who
would put a price upon the life OF an
American soldier and justify a war Of
conquest upon the ground that II will pay
The democratic party is in favor Of the
expansion OF trades. 1t would extend our
trade by every legitimate and peaceful
means; but 1t Is not willing TO make mer-
chandise Of human blood.
But a war of conquest Is as unwise as
II Is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity and
sucs a concession could have been secured
at any time without difficulty.
1t is not necessary TO own people In or
der to trade with them. We carry on
trade to-day with every part Of the world.
and our commerce has expanded more
rapidly than the commerce o. any Euro
pean empire. We do not own Japan or
China. but we sade with their people We
have not absorbed the republics Of Gen.
trail and South America, but We trade
NAln lutll. IL lAd4 ilNA hNtn ntNNSHdll "
have any political connections with Can
ada or the nations Of Europe in order to
trade with them. Trade cannot be per-
manently profitable unless II Is volun-
tary. When trade Is secured by force. the
cost OF securing IL and retaining Il must
be taken out Of the profits, and the profits
are never large enough TO cover the ex-
pe-se Such a system would never be de-
feNled but for the fact that the expense
Is borne by all the people. while the prof.
its are enjoyed by the few.
Evils of imperialism.
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors; II would be profitable
TO the shipowners, who would carry live
soldiers to the Philippine: and bring dead
soldiers back; II would be profitable TO
those who would seize upon the franchises,
and Il would be profitable TO the officials
whose salaries would be fixed here and
paid over there; but 10 the farmer, TO the
laboring man and to the vast majority OF
those engaged in other occupations, IL
would bring expenditure without return
and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboring men have, as q
rule, small incomes. and, under systems
which place the tax upon all consumption,
nav more than their fair share OF the ex-
penses Of government. Thus the very peo-
lle who receive least benefit from i'm
ylrialism will be injured most by the mil
itary burdens which accompany II.
In addition to the evils which he and the
farmer share In common. the laboring man
will be the first TO suffer II oriental subjects
seek work in the United States: the first
10 suffer II American capital leaves our
shores TO employ oriental labor In the
Philippines TO supply the trade Of China
and Japan: the first to suffer from the
violence which the military spirit arouses,
and the first 10 suffer when the methods
OF Imperialism are applied TO our own
government
II is not strange. therefore, that the labor
have been quick TO note the
approach Of these dangers and prompt to
protest against both militarism and i'm
perialism.
The pecuniary argument, though more
affective with certain classes Is not likely
10 be used 50 often or presented with 50
much emphasis as the religious argument.
II what has been termed the ''gunpowder
yospel' were urged against the Fllipinos