The Vermont watchman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1883-1911, 1900-04-11

| nllDuster Tor slavery. Fierce ls TO TINS
day called "Poor PIERCE" alike for
pity aud estimate. Mr.. Hayes was
hampered by bad title and by an
intra-party war. Garfield was shot,
but not before he was charged with
bankruptcy on promises. Nor has the
murder of him saved him from seaUh-
ing ceneure. The militant "dark
horses" the first Harrison aud Taylor,
we're done to death by the harassments
of an office for which they had not even
vestige of suspected competency.
The argument against putting into the
presidency men untitled for and I'M
familiar with 1t is pretty well made out.
Not what kind Of candidate, but what
sort of q President Admiral Dewey
might make, is an inquiry that raises
cruelty to him and calamity to the
country TO the mind, at least as pos
sibilities, when the dilemma or des-
peration of those who are for him is
taken into philosophical account. He
might make fine President. That is
a chance. He might make a very
weak or ineffective one. This is not
contradicted by the career of the first
Harrison and Of Taylor. The Office
might kill him as it did them. That is
a question for him, for mis- family and
for the nation. His doctors should be
able to shed light on it.
There remain other facts. He is
not wanted for President for presiden-
tial reasons. He is not wanted for rea-
son of abilities, but of availabilitles.
He is not wanted by those who like
him, but by those who dislike other
folk. He is not wanted for political
reasons of high sort, but Tor political
and personal reasons of a vindiCtive
sort. He represents, so far "a his
shouters are concerned, speculation
in antipathies. On the contrary, while
support both of Mckinley aud Bryan is
inspired by interest, it is also inspired
in many others by affection and admit
ration. 1t thus has a moral advantage
over the movement to run amuck with
Admiral Dewey as cry or a leader.
When the motives OF movements are
taken into account movements are seen
in their real quality.
When the higher position than the
presidency which the admiral occupies
is regarded, when his uncontested
primary in respect and good wishes is
recalled, the recourse to him for presi-
dental purposes more commepds itself
to seldshness then to sagacity, aud his
permission of such recourse would
seem to wear the same character. This
should, of course, be qualified by the
possibility that his nomination might
break down party lines, by an epileptic
seizure of the people with q spasm of
hero-worship. Fits have been thrown
before to the injury of fitness. But the
America of 1900 is both more intelli-
gent and more discriminating than the
ruder America of 1S40-44 or 1854 or of
1876. Whether leaders are greater or
are smaller, the people are very much
greater and better than then. They
would see through the why of the re-
course to Dewey and they would weigh
every word and act with reference to
the historical loss which res ulted from
the throwing of fits before.
. We state these things, in all kind
, ness, to make and TO keep politics in
{ teligible and consistent. Mckinley
ism and Organism are intelligible.
Deweyism would be q conundrum in
politics. The man literally never voted
, in his life. His folks are all bitter Re-
publicaus. He has never dissembled
{ that he is gold standard man and an
+ ardent expansionist. That is all he
knows of "politics." His receipt of
monthly pay abroad taught him that
gold is better than silver. 1t is the
, money of the world. His magnificent
{ addition of the Philippines to our re-
sources makes the retention, the wise
. and firm rule and the industrial aud
, moral development of them point of
honor to him. But of tariff, OF bank
ing, of our political history and of pol
tiles he is as admirably innocent as a
l child. He could become neither n
| Democrat nor Republican, and he
would be neither, if nominated. The
goods would be described by neither
label. The uneXampled consideration
= shown to him would be sorrly re-
warded, il his name were made a slo-
= gan for half his conntrymen and a
: target for the other half. Democracy
| or Republicanism could invest in him
t only as a speculation. We hope that
D sort OF speculative politics will not be
| presented.
3 Still, we hear that sundry "mana-
, gers" claim that they have the assur-
, ance of himself or OF influences around
him that he will "run" if she can be
, properly put forward" Can he? That
l is question for Democrats, since Re-
Y publlcars are not thinking of it. We
ahall not believe this claim to be true
till better evidence is given. He has
repeatedly, in print and in talk, denied
= that he wished or would take any nomi-
= nation. We rejoice 10 say, that, op-
posed as we are known to be both TO
Bryan and to Organism, neither the
: man nor the ism is chargeable with
5 tickleness or changeableness in aspira-
: ton. Both represent what can be un-
derstood and respected, even when op-
posed. Any Democrat opposing the IN
could be supported to make the fight
; against them in the party with better
v faith and better consistency than would
D be shown by the perversion of a ma
8 tional hero TO partisan speculation,
when partisanship, which is the life of
: parties, Just as parties are the salt that