The times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1897-1901, 1900-07-13
MIR. Mck,nle,,s Acceptance.


Republican nomination to the Presidency,
was expected of him. and nothing that was
not. If so smooth and amiahle an Grafton
is open to CRITICISM, it is because it was
trifie weak and altogether evasire of things
Tor which the President has been held re-
sponsible by the American people.
As might have been expected. Mr. Nc
Kinley pointed with pride to the record OF
his Administration. in connection with gold
standard legislation. He reverted with a
glow of satisfaction to his speech of &C
ceptance four years ago. in which he in
dulged in many comforting platitrdes re-
garding the sacred duty OF making one
dollar as good as another dollar. and paying
the butcher. the baker, and the candlestick
maker in the same money that the Govern
ment creditor was paid. On the later &C.
casion, he did not emphasize the fact that.
in 1896. his sole chance for election rested
upon his reputation as a bimetallist and
lifelong and active opponent Of the god
standard. which, up to that time. he had
denounced as unjust, un-American, and in
famous. He did not mention the other fact
that the St Louis platform pledged him. or
that his Inauguration address pledged him
to promote bimetaliism by international
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS which he has openly
and fagrantiy violated.
1t is not for US TO blame the President
for ignoring in his speech of acceptance his
broken premises in the matter of the Civil
Service law In his inaugural address
March 4. 1897. he said: "As member OF
Congress / voted and spoke in favor ot the
present law, and l shall attempt its en-
forcenent in the spirit in which it was en-
acted" 1t would have been both superlu-
Gus and embarrassing in the presence of
the Committee of Notification for him to
say that on the demand of Marcus A. Han
ma he had. bludgeoned civil service reform,
and issued an edict compelling a return to
. the old and corrupt spoils system. He
knows, the committee knew. end the whole
country knows that he did SO.
The tariff President naturally would
speak OF the tariff, "the mother Of trusts"
as Mr. Haremeyer truly calls it. He re-
ferred 20 it feelingly and with Pecksniffian
propriety: "a tariff which protects amer
been written in public law" At the polls
IN November the people viii tell Mr. Nc
Kinley whether or not they believe that
Dingleyism protects American labor
d. That it protects the trusts and enables
them to cvertax American consumers that
they may successfully compete abroad. and
SO take foreign markets with the blood
money they extort from the people at
home. goes without saying. But that
American labor. thereby. secures its legiti
mate share of profits which have made Re-
publican magnates like Rockefeller. Have
meyer. Carnegie. Cramp. Duke, and Hanna
the multi-millionaires they are is a propo-
siticn too foolish TO talk about.
Mr. Mckinley is proud of the achieve
ments of his Administration in interna-
tional affairs. His speech declares that II
has redeemed the promise of 1896 in an
nexing the Hawaiian Islands. and that it
demonstrated Its devotion to the Monroe
Doctrine at The Hague conference We
have nothing to object to the Hawaiian af-
fair. but good deal to the Presidents
rather venturesome assertion that he he.
tried to maintain the Monroe Doctrine
which 1t has been his constant and con-
sistent endeavor fer year past to aban-
don and destroy. We will admit the
academic expressions of his representatives
at The Hague: but they are worthless when
contrasted with his aggressive attempt to
force the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty upon the
country. with its surrender 10 Europe Of
American control over any inter-oceanic
81 I,s,
roe Doctrine.
Mr. McKinley's remarks on our colonial
policy, We are sorry to say, are interest
ing only as illustrative CT the insincerity
of his party's position in the connection |
He says:
eve Teassert the early principle of the Re |
publican party. sustained by unbroken Judicial |
precedent. that the representatives of the people
III Congress assembled have full legislative power
over territory belonging 10 tine United states, \
subject the fundamental safeguards Of liberty |
justice. and personal rights and are vested with
ample authority to act FOR the highest interests
of our nation and people entrusted to its care. "
Bold assertion is not proof. even when |
1t is re-enforced by third or fourth |
Magoon opinion made to order. The Re
publican party as such never asserted. be
fore the advent Of Hanna and the trusts |
in 1897 that the Executive or the Legis-
lature IVES OF authority superior to that .
of the Constitution. As for ''unbroken ju- |
dicial presidents" they are emphatic upon |
the point that Congress and the Executive
deriving their powers, and all OF them, |
strictly from the Constitution, cannot le- |
gally do or assume to do anything not spe-
cifically allowed to then by the Constitu- |
lion. What are the fundamental safe |
guards Of liberty. justice, and personal |
rights'' which, according 10 Mr.. McKin- |
leg. Congress and the Administration |
must respect and msintain. although |
neither OF them is bound to do SO under |
the Constitution? Whence is the obliga-
ton derived? Is II from the consciences
OF men like Hanna. Of Columbus renown.
or OF ". S. Taylor. the Kentucky fugitive
from justice. or Of Alger. Foraker, Payne.
Sampson, Eagan. and Abnerg
Any ancient piatitude seems TO be good
enough for 2 speech of acceptance, but
the American people In November will cast
their votes more with regard to the Grim
f.al record OF an Administration which has
projected corruption and corruptionists
from the start, has sheltered fleeing GRIM