The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1900-08-24
A REPUBLIC
OR AN EMPIRE
Continued from First Page.)

der the mask of international bi-metal-
ism, the opposition should be more pro-
nounced in proportion as the Republican
party more openly espouses gold mono
mentallism.
I'm 1896 the reform forces charged the
Republican party with intending to re-
tire the greenbacks. This charge de-
MED at the time, has been confessed by
the financial bill, which converts green
backs, when once redeemed, into gold
certificates, and extends new privileges
to banks OF issues. If Populist oppos-
ed the Republican party when its hostil-
lty to greeIbacks' was only suspected,
that opposition should be greater now
since nc one can longer doubt the pur-
pose of the Republican party to substi-
tute bank notes for greenbacks
1T is true that the Populists believe in
an irredeemable greenback, while the
democrats believe in a greenback re-
deemable in coin, but the vital question
at this time, so far as paper money is
concerned is whether the Government or
banks shall issue it, There will be time
enough to discuss the redeemability of
the greenbacks. when the greenback it
self is saved from the humiliation which
now threatens it, The Republican party is
now committed to currency system which
necessitates perpetual debt, while the
Populist finds himself in agreement with
the Democrats who believe in paying off
che national debt as rapidly as possible.
INCOME TAX, LABOR BUREAU, ETC.
If belief in an income tax justified
Populist in acting with the Democratic
party IN 1896 what excuse can he find
n inn 10 ID
even the exigencies of war have not been
sufncient to bring that party to the sup
porr OF the income tax principle?
Populists believe in arbitration now
as much as they did in 1896 and are as
much opposed to Government by injunc-
ton and the blacklist as they were then.
and upon these subjects they have as
much reason for cooperation with the
Democratic party today as they had four
years ago.
Democrats and Populists alike favor
the principle of direct legislation. If any
differences exist as to the extent to which
the principle should be applied these diff
ferences can be reconciled by expert
ment
Democrats and Populists agree that
Chinese and other oriental labor should
be excluded from the United States.
Democrats and Populists desire to so
enlarge the scope of the Interstate COM
merce act as to enable the commission
to protect both persons and places from
discrimination and the public at large
from excessive railroad rates.
The Populists approve the demand set
forth in the Democratic platform for a
labor bureau, with Cabinet officer at
its head. Such an official would keep the
Administration in close touch with the
wage-earning portion of the population
and go far toward securing such remedial
legislation as the toilers need.
OPPOSITION TO TRUSTS.
I'm 1896 the Populists united with the
Democrats in opposing the trusts, al
though the question at that time appear
ed like cloud scarcely larger than a
mans hand. Today that cloud well nigh
overspreads the industrial sky. The far
mer does not participate in the profits of
any trust, but he sorely feels the bur-
den of them all. He is dependent upon
the seasons for his income. When he
plants his crop he knows not whether it
will be blessed with rain or blighted with
drought; he knows not whether wind will
blow it down, or hail destroy it, or in
crops are as uncertain as the quantity. If
a private monopoly can suspend produc-
tion and fix the price of raw material
as well as the price of the finished pro-
duct the farmer, powerless to protect
himself. when he sells, is plundered
when he purchases. Can any farmer
hesitate to throw the influence of his
ballot upon the side of those who desire
to protect the public at large from mo-
nopolies?
THE fact that the trusts support the
Republican party ought to be sufficient
proof that they expect protection from
it. The Republican party cannot be relied
upon to eXtinguish the trusts so long as it
draws his campaign contributions from
their overlooking vaults.
THE M'KINLEY PROSPERITY.
'The prosperity argument which the
Republicans bring forward to answer all
complaints against the Administration
will not deceive the farmer. He knows
that two factors come into his income,
first the size of his crop, and second, the
price which he receives for the same.
He does not return thanks to the party
in power for favorable weather and
bountiful harvest, and he knows that
the Republican party has no policy
which insures a permanent increase in
agricultural prices. Since he sells his
surplus in a. foreign market he is not a
beneficiary of the tariff and since he
produces merchandise and not money,
he does not profit by the appreciation of
the dollar. He knows that the much
vaunted prosperity of which he has never
had his share, is on the wane in spite
of the unusual and unnatural stimula
ton which it has received during the
last three years. He knows that each
month of 1900 shows larger number OF
failures than the corresponding month of
1899. and that there is also marked
tendency toward decrease in the out
put of the factories. He knows also that
discoveries of gold, famine abroad and
war on three continents have not been
able to raise the price of farm pro-
ducts as rapidly as trusts and combina-
lions have raised the price OF the things
which the farmer buys
Our opponents have tried to make it
appear that we are inconsistent when
we desire a general rise in prices and
yet oppose an arbitrary rise in protected
manufactures or trust-made goods. There
is no conflict whatever between these two
propositions. If a general rise in prices