The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1900-01-03
THE 5eTH CONGRESS.
From an Independent Standpoint by
Ex-senator Ingalls,

Ex-senator Ingalls,
This congress opens a brand new vol
ume in the history of the United States.
Old things have passed away. Since
Appomattox a generation has gone. All
the great civil and military leaders of
that epoch are dead. The questions
that for half a century divided parties,
inundating the nation with blood, and
CONFUSING it long afterward, are cryS-
tallized in statutes or settled by the
logic of events, or extinct. State rights.
the negro, reconstruction, the crime of
70, the theft of the presidency, green
backs, the tariff, government by in
junction, free coinage of silver, are no
more. The cocks thrill, shrill clarion or
the echoing horn may perhaps hereaf-
ter rouse them from their lowly bed,
but not before the end of McKinley's
second term.
In their place appears the gold stand
ard, monopOlies, the Nicaragua Canal,
Cpba, insular possessions, colonial de-
tendencies, the war in the Philippines,
world competition and commercial SUI
premacy This, so far as disclosed, is
the programme of the twentieth cen
fury, in which congress has the initia-
tive. It is not wanting in the stimulus
of novelty, nor in opportunity for
craftsmanship, eloquence in debate, or
atory and leadership. If there be any
mute, inglorious Websters or Patrick
Henrys in the senate or house, let them
now speak out or forever after hold
their peace. They need be mute and
ingloriouS no longer The occasion is
here. The country is impatient to hear
from them. But the toiling millions
will not be content with tireSome COM
pilatiOns from cyclopedias, nor diligent
threshings of last years straw ricks
They have had surfeit of cheap rhetoric
and stage thunder. They want the real
thing. Destiny, which punctuates his
tory with its surprises, stood with trag-
ic mask at the threshold of the SEN
ate.
The vice president was dead. At the
portals of the house it's sardonic visage
wore an inscrutable smile. Reed was
not speaker. No man ever loved power
and prominence and publicity more
than Reed. They were incense and in
toxication to him. He was surrounded
by a phalanx of choir boys swinging
incense and f1unkeyS bearing hagonS,
who disturbed his equilibrium. He for
got that politics is the science of COM
promises. For some reason, or for no
reason, possibly from conviction, per-
haps from revenge, he began to put
himself against the measures of his
party and the policies of the admins
tration. He did not measure accurate
ly the strength and momentum of the
forces with which he was contending.
He was like a Whaler caught in the ice
pack of polar seas. The slow, silent,
relentless irresistible masses close in,
and the voyage is ended. If any stud
ent of human passions believes that
Reed really prefers the dull, obscure
routine of lawyers office to the
splendid fame, opportunity and power
of the speakership. he is too green to
burn.
This session of congress will be spec
tally interesting and important because
it will formulate the issues of the COM
ing presidential campaign and lay out
the lines of battle between Republican
ism and Democracy. Both parties will
play for position, and each will try to
put the other in a hole
New times, it is said, demand new
The political history of the United
States has moved from the beginning,
and will move to the end, in a narrow
orbit defined by the conflict between
two theories of the constitution. What
ever the issues, war, peace, finance, ex-
pansion, imperialism. these are the
limits. Sometimes one will prevail,
sometimes the other, according to the
mood and temper of the people. If fat
igued or dubious. they put on the
brakes. When alert, buoyant and san
guine they open the throttle and give
her sand. One theory is that of the
doetrinaire who regards government
as a fixed problem, in which all details
and methods are to be adjudged by
strict construction of the express grants
of power in the constitution. This is
Democracy. The other theory is that
of the practical politician, who sees that
incidents of a nations daily life the
application of predetermined concep-
lions is impracticable, and that he is
Wisest who adapts himself to measures
that are nomentarily fit, leaving ques-
lions of ethics subject to considerations
of public welfare to take care of them
selves. This is Republicanism.
The Republican party has been in
power close upon 40 years. 1t has made
mistakes. It has had some tough lead
ers, some squalid bosses. 1t has occa-
sionally conceded too much to popular
errors. Now and then the people have
got Vexed and kicked the Stuffing out
of it. But the eStrangement has only
been casual and temporary. The ma
jority has been with it, is with it still,
and is likely to remain with it for an
indefinite time to come. The causes of
the prodigious vitality of the Republi-
can party are not far to seek. It has
great respect for the constitution, but
is not afraid of it. If the constitution
stands across the path of the people,
why so much the worse for the consti-
| tuition. If it wants to abolish slavery,
! or make paper money legal tender, it
/ finds the way. If there are no prece-
dents it makes them. It wastes no time
for reVerie. 1t is strictly up to date.
| and ready for all emergencies. 1t cares
nothing for consistency. 1t is not de-
| tered from taking a certain course to-
| day because it pursued another yester-
1 day. Sufficient unto tomorrow is the
/