Kansas agitator. [volume] (Garnett, Kan.) 1890-1905, 1900-08-17

nave maze the least resistance TO our
domination. III We are to govern them
without their consent and give them no
voice in determining the taxes which
they must pay, We dare not educate
them, lest they learn to read the Declare
ton OF Independence and the constitu-
ton of the United States and mock us for
our inconsistency
The principal arguments. however, adj
vanced by those who enter upon de-
Tense of Imperialism, are:
First-That we must improve the pres
ent opportunity to become a world power
and enter into international politics.
Second-That our commercial interests
In the Philippine Islands and In the
Orient. make 1t necessary for us to hold
the ISLANDS permanently.
Third-That the spread of the Christian
religion will be facilitated by a colonial
policy.
Fourth-That there is no honrable re-
treat from the position which the nation
has taken.
The first argument is addressed to the
nations prize. and the second to the
nations pocketbook. The third is in
fenced for the church member and the
fourth for the partisan.
1t is sufficient answer to the first
argument to say that for more than 4
century this nation has been world
power. For ten decades II has been the
most potent influence in the world. Not
only has 1t been world power, but II
has done more to affect the politics OF
the human race than all the other ma.
tions of the world combined. Because
our Declaration of Independence was pro-
mulgated, others have been promulgated
Because the patriots of llI6 fought Tor
liberty others have fought for it; be-
other constitutions have been adopted
The growth of the principle of self-gov-
eminent, planted on American soil has
been the over-shadowing political fact OF
the nineteenth century. 1t has made this
nation conspicuous among the nations
and given 1t a place in history such as
no other nation has ever enjoyed Moth,
ing has been able to check the onward
march of this idea. / am not willing
that this nation shall cast aside the ON
nipotent weapon Of truth to seize again
the weapon of physical warfare. l would
not exchange the glory of this republic
for the glory of all the empires that
have risen and fallen since time began
The permanent chairman of the last
republican national convention presented
the pecuniary argument in all its bald
ness, when he said:
I'VE make no hypocritical pretenses of
being interested in the Philippines so!sly
the welfare OF those people as a sacred
trust. we regard the welfare of the
AM. rican people first We see our duly
to ourselves as well as to others. Ne
legitimate means within the province
of government and constitution, we mean
to stimulate the expansion of our trade
and open new markets"
This is the commercial argument. 1t Is
based upon the ,,ieory that war can be
rightly waged for pecuniary advantage,
and that 1t is profitable to purchase trade
by force and violence. Franklin denied
both of these propositions. When Lord
Howe asserted that the acts of parlia-
ment, which brought on the revolution.
were necessary to prevent American
trade from passing into foreign channels
Franklin replied:
ITO me 1t seems that neither the OBJ
tanning nor retaining of any trade. how
l... l. L. 10 Tbi Aat for la tab
men may justly spill each others blood
that the true and sure means of extend
ing and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheapness of commodities, and
that the profits of no trade can ever be
equal to the expense of compelling 1t and
holding it by fleets and armies. I con-
slider this war against us. therefore. as
both unjust and unwise."
/ place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those who
would put price upon the head of an
American soldier and justify war of
conquest upon the ground that 1t will
pay. The democratic party is in favor of
the extension of trade. 1t would extend
our trade by every legitimate and peace
full means; but 1t is not willing to make
merchandise of human blood.
But a war of conquest Is as unwise as
it is dangerous. A harbor and coaling
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity and
such concession could have been Sc
cured at any time without difficulty.
1t is not necessary to own people In
order to trade with them. We carry on
and our commerce has expanded more
rapidly than the commerce of any Eu-
ropean empire. We do not own Japan
or China. but we trade with their people
Central and South America, but We
trade with them. 1t has not been neces
sary to have any political connections
with Canada or the nations of Europe
In order TO trade W than Trade
cannot be permanently profitable unless
1t Is voluntary. When trade is secured
by force, the cost of securing 1t and re-
profits. and the profits are never large
enough to cover the expense. Such
system would never be defended but for
the fact that the expense is borne by
all the people. while the profits are en-
joyed by a few
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors; 1t would be profitable
soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead
soldiers back; 1t woIld be profitable to
those who would seize upon the fran
chises. and 1t would be profitable to the
here and paid over there: but to the
farmer. to the laboring man and to the
vast majority of those engaged in other
occupations, 1t would bring expenditure
without return and risk without reward
Farmers and laboring men have as
rule, small incomes and, under systems
which place the tax upon consumption.
pay more than their share of the eX-
penses of government Thus the very peo-
pie who receive least benefit from i'm
perialism Will be injured most bv the
military burdens which accompany it,
In addition to the evils which he and
the farmer share in common the labor
ing man will be the first to suffer II
oriental subjects seek work in the United
States; the first to suffer IL American
capital leaves our shores to employ
Oriental labor in the Philippines: the first
to suffer from the violence which the
military spirit arouses, and the first to
suffer when the methods of imperialism
are applied to our own government.
1t is not strange. therefore, that the
labor organizations have been quick to
note the approach of these dangers and
prompt to protest against both militar-
ism and Imperialism.
The pecuniary argument though more
effective with certain classes, is not
likely to be used so often or presented
with so much emphasis as the religious
argument. If what has been termed the
''gunpowder gospel were urged against
the Filipinos only. 1t would he suff-
cient answer to say that a majority of
the Filipinos are now members of one
branch of the Christian church: but the
principle involved is one of much wider
application and challenges serious con-
sideration.
The religious argument varies in posi-
tiveness from a passive belief that provi-
dence delivered the Filipinos into our
hands for their good and our glory. to
the eXultation of the minister who said