The evening times. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1895-1902, 1900-11-03
TO VOTERS.

Philippine Islands is as weak as IT is IN
true Louisiana was part Of our country
geographically considered. 1t was popu-
lated by q homogeneous people. and there
was no difficulty in their assimilation with
our citizens. Jefferson knew that il was
an absolute necessity to secure the outlet
of the Mississippi, ard he sent Mr.. Monroe
as our Ambassador to France, TO which
country Spain had ceded the territory, TO
acquire it from Napoleon. who was in
financial straits. and it was purchased for
SIS 900. coo.
THE treaty under which this magnifi-
| cent territory was obtained was ratified by
the Senate by a vote of "a TO I, and Swas
hailed With universal approval by the peo-
pie Of the United States From this initial
point spTang the well recognized Monroe
Doctrine.
There is no similarity between the then
inhabitants of Louisiana and the FiIipinos.
They are OF a different race from us, yet
they have seen the noble strides of
country as a libeTty-loving people growing
TO nation OF seyeDty-siX million souls,
and they have sighed for our form of gov
eminent fer their own land. and, like our
ancestors, the early colonists they have
! fought for years to make themselves free
LAS Webster also said in his famous ad-
dress at Bunker Hill in 1925: y call for
| the representative system wherever il is
gence enough TO estimate its value is per-
severingIy made. When they may speak
out they demand it; when the bayonet is
at their Threats they pray for it,
We are told that the Filipinos are net
capable for self government. So was the
world told by British statesmen that our
colonists were not fit for that form of
government based upon the consent of the
governed.
And then, little dreaming that the day
would come when a Massachusetts Sena-
tor would be compelled to protest against
the outrage upon a people struggling for
/ liberty, there burst from the great man
of Massachusetts, in thunder tones, this
anatheIna against such righteousness ::
Let US thank God that we live in IN age
when something has influence besides the
| bayonet and when the sternest authority
| does not venture to encounter the scorch-
ing power of public reproach. Any at
tempt of the kind I have mentioned should
be met by one universal burst OF indig-
nation. TIE air of the civilized world
ought to be made too warm to be COM
fortably breathed by any who would haZ-
ard it,
The inconsistency of a republic hold
ing other states in bondage is a very OBJ
vious truth No nation ever attempted it
with success. Any free commonwealth
WHICH entered upon SuSH al luCuuSlSleAl
| course ended in empire.
''Unhappily for the Roman Republic, a
| growing love Of war and conquest which
/ added vast territories to R5..an rule,
I brought to the front a class of men who,
/ by the acquisition OF wealth and military
power, sowed the seed which eliminated
| in the downfall of the Republic. These
men, sent into the provinces ike the car
| petbaggers of whom we know something,
made fabulous sums by their expressions
! and extortions, and @hie they sent some
| of their ill-gotten gains to Rome they put
most of it in their own pockets. Many no
! BILE leaders in vain opposed the most
| shameful OF the money monopolies, but
/ bribery and corruption were sc rampant at
! the time that even the Roman Senate was
! purchasable in the market places. What
else could have been the outcome of this
state of things but that the Roman Re
public should fall by the weight of its own
vicesi
THE love of power and dominion is
strong in the human breast, and every
| city or state that has been able to do so
| has kept some other city or people out OF
the enjoyment of freedom which it claims
and cherishes for itself.
at cannot be doubted that the DISPOSE
| ton to try to reconcile the two incompat-
ible things-to enjoy at once imperium Ell
lfbersas'-fs paradox of the human
| mind