Freeland tribune. (Freeland, Pa.) 1888-1921, 1900-03-26
The Question Before the People.

armed interference with Spanish tyran-
ny in the island OF Cuba had been de-
termined upon was honorable, just, and
fully in harmony with the spirit OF the
American people and with their great
traditions. The resolutions adopted
by congress and signed by the president,
April 10, 1898, were:
First, that the people of the island of
Cuba are and of right ought to be free
and independent.
This was our position regarding Cuba,
concisely stated. 1t is just such re-
cogntion of the inherent political rights
of the Cnbans as the theory of our con-
stitution and our declaration under the
circumstances required us to make.
But who can explain to us why no such
declaration was made touching the
Spanish power in the Philippines?
Making this declaration in regard to
Cuba did not mean that we were obliged
instantly to hand over the affairs of the
island to the care OF its people, but it
did bind us to the acknowledgement of
their right, ultimately to be enjoyed,
OF exercising that function il they so
desired. Allintermedate care exercised
by US for them, whether military or
civil in its nature, was but the preface
to their enjoyment of the full right of
sovereignty.
The failure of the president to make
any similar declaration to the people of
the Philippines or to suggest tho same
to congress is striking discrepancy in
policy that needs to be explained. The
people of the Philippines had long
struggled against Spain. They were
encouraged by Admiral Dewey and by
E. Spencer Pratt and other representa-
tves of our government to renew that
struggle, with both the expressed and
implied assurance that they would re-
ceive the same generous treatment we
had accorded the Cubans-the gift of
political liberty. Even If we did not
think it possible to let them have the
possession OF that gift instantly, we
should have assured them of their right
to have it ultimately.
But we did not do this. On the con-
trary, we bought from their opprsssors
the alleged right to rule them at a
moment when they, encouraged by us
and after having co-operated with US,
had deprived the Spaniards of posses
sion of their territory. At this very
moment the Filipinos had their proyi-
Sional government extending peacefully
and successfully over the island OF
Luzon. Much stronger reasons existed
in the nature of their case for our ac-
acknowledgement of their rights to liberty
than in that of the Cubans. In Dewey's
celebrated despatch to Washington,
June 27, 1898, he states the fact that
Aguinaldo and his leaders are forming
civil government, and in conclusion
he says:
In my opinion these people are far
superior in their intelligence and are
more capable of self-government than
the natives Of Cuba, and | am familiar
with both races.
These two statements, taken in their
natural conjunction, show plainly what
Admiral Dewey's opinion on this point
was at that time. What is the fair
explanation OF this tremendous change
in Mr. McKinley's attitude, a change
which fair-mnded men can scarcely cred
it until close study of the facts has
| forced them to it-a change from the
fullest recognition of those inherent
political rights asserted by the Dec
claration to the most fragrant and
merciless denial of them? With the
voice of Washington and Lincoln he
speaks to Cuba, but with the voice of
DENLY to the Filipinos.
In the Philippine case the DENLY
policy is the controlling one. We will
take and keep these people II it pays us
do 80, Just as the nations of Europe do;
or if not, let them 60 to cutting their
own throats or playing what pranks
they please. So spoke Colonel DENLY.
Such is the situation But the question
is still.open for the American people.to
decide: Shall we endorse the DENLY
policy, with its brutality, its violation OF
secret obligations and OF American idea,
and favor materialism? or;shall we save
our stained honor, saying to the Philip
pines what we said to Cuba-assuring
these islands that they "are and of a
right ought to be free and independent, =