The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1900-11-03
THE FARMER VOTE.

The Republicans admit that they
will lose heavily ON the 1896 vote in
all the cities where the labor vote is
large. Some even admit, for example,
that they will lose as many as $4,000
in Cincinnati, 5000 in Cleveland, 1000
in Toledo and proportionate losses in
other Ohio cities, and almost as large
in Chicago, indianapolis and other
cities in the Middle West. Their reply
is that they will not lose as many
votes in the cities as surface view in
dicates, but say if the losses should be
SO large they will still carry these
States because they will make larger
gains among the farmers than they
will lose among the city workers. 1t
seems safe to say that the electoral
vote of Indiana, Ohio and Illinois de-
ponds upon the farmer vote. If there
is little change in it, the Democrats
will win; if there is a big slump to
Mckinley the Republicans will win.
The Cincinnati correspondent of the
Washington Post throws this light on
the Republican hope of big gains in
the rural districts:
"Rfyerting again to the agricultural
vote of Ohio Indiana, and Illinois,
careful investigation of former cleo
tons shows that the rural counties
fuctuate very little in their party ma
jorities. This is especially true of
Ohio and Indiana. To state it more
exactly, rural voting precincts change
very little. 1t is in the cities and
towns, the labor centers, where radi-
cal changes take place and majorities
are multiplied or wiped out.
IF there are large Republican gains
in the rural precincts in these three
States, it will be the first time such
n thing has happened in many years,
but this is not saying there will not
be such changes. Hanna, Hernley,
and Dick may be right. | believe,
however, Mckinley is more apt to
make gains among the country mer-
chants and their clerks than among
the farmers. Business with. them is
satisfactory, and country merchant
is more apt to give Mckinley credit
for prosperity than an intelligent
farmer is. The average farmer in the
Middle West knows more about econ
omics than he is given credit for, and
it is as hard to believe that he will
accept the statement that Mckinley
has given him 40 cents bushel for
corn as it would be to believe that a
Texas farmer would give Mckinley
credit for 10 cent cotton. Besides, a
couple of years ago wheat reached a.
dollar bushel on the farm. The
farmers here know that if Mckinley
did il then, he could do it now, and
they would be pleased to swipe him if
they thought that he could and
wouldn't do it. The country mer-
chant, on the other hand, is depend
emit not only upon good business, but
upon liberal credits and cheap mon
ey. He might be convinced that Bry-
ans election would result in cutting
his credit and raising the price of
money. the effect of which would be
to DENY him the fruits of prosperity.
For this reason. it is believed that
Mckinley will gain more among the
small merchants than among the far
mers."
There is less change in the farmer
vote than in the vote of men of any
other occupation. The farmer takes
his politics seriously as he takes his
religion. He is about as apt to change
his church as his party affiliations
The average farmer makes up his mind
which party is most in accord with his
view of government and joins 1t as ne
Joins the church. He says: L be-
long to the X church and to the Y
party.' and he seldom moves has
membership. He knows that both
parties are apt to do wrong now and
then. but he thinks it best to stick
to his party even when he does not
approve everything that it does. The
Republican reliance, therefore, upon a
big change in the farmer vote is apt
to be disappointing. If the labor vote
in the city is cast as solid for Bryan
as it seems favorable to him he will
be the next President.
In 1896 the Democrats found out
they would lose heavily in the cities
and they made dead set for the
farmer vote. 1t was a common eX-