The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1900-02-08

cusslng the insignificant point whether
Outlandors should be admitted to the fran
chlso In the Transvaal after five. or only
after seven years residencep Everybody
who has read the documents published by
the British Government knows that the
war was In no wise inevitable, because
| the despatch in which the Transyaal con-
tended that seven years must be made
the condition OF naturalization. unless
England would renounce tho vestige
Of snzerainty retained In the Treaty
OF 1855, offered to submit this and
every other question in dispute TO arbltra-
ton. What was Mr.. CHAMBERLAIN's reply?
lie repealed the proposal Of arbitration. He
announced that. in his own good time. no.
would define tho concessions which the
Transvaal would have to make, and that
such q statement would be an ultimatum.
Scarcely had this answer been returned
than British troops began to be despatched
to South Africa from England and from
India, and 1t was manifest that the ultima
tum would not be issued until It could DO
enforced by arms. II these facts do not
constitute a provocation, words have no
meaning. II Is not true that the wal was
unavoidable. Mr.. CHAMBERLAIN brought
1t on. Upon him and the Cabinet that up
held him the responsibility rests.
The statement made by the Under Secre.
tary for War, that England, after tho
arrival Of reGnforcements at sea, would
have upward OF 100000 men in South
Africa, was substantially confirmed by
Mr.. CHAMBERLAIN. The latter added with
an air Of citation that Tho spirit Of the
nation Is %unbroken," not perceiving that
he protested too much, and that nobody
has yet accused the British Empire OF the
desplcable weakness Of succumbing in de.
spair before the spectacle Of the brave
defence offered by a Boer population,
which, In point OF numbers, Is not half as
large as the population Of Glasgow. II the
British people decide to withdraw from the
present contest, this will not be because
Its heart is broken, but because it per-
ceives, what Is recognized by almost all
%onlookers. that it has been committed by
designing men to a wicked war, in which
triumph, in the eyes Of history, would be
more dishonorable than defeat.
Singularly enough, Mr.. CHAMBERLAIN
does not foresee the effect that will be pro-
duced on foreign observers by his admis-
sion that the colossal British Empire, in
order to beat two puny republics, must in
woke all the desperate expedients to which
1t would have recourse, were the United
Kingdom itself the victim OF an invasion.
Not only is England crying to her depend
encies for help; There is no sacrifice"
says Mr.. CHAMBERLAIN, 1--WE are UNI
willing to ask OF the Colonies" but "a
larger scheme" 1t seems, is immi-
nent than any the Government has yet
put forward" The words just quoted
can only refer to a speedy application
Of conscription In the United Kingdom
itself, which, under an existing statute, can
be brought about through the issuance Of
an order by the Privy Council. That stat
ute, however, has been long a dead letter,
because it was intended solely to meet the
case OF an invasion OF the British Islands,
occurring during a recess Of Parliament.
Never was 1t meant to be invoked for the
purposes Of foreign warfare.
Thu most significant feature OF Mr..
CHAMBERLAIN's speech was that to which
We have last adverted. His words can
signify nothing else except that, II addi-
tional grave rcverses shall be encountered
by the British in South Africa, the Conti-
mental system Of CONSUMPTION will be intro
duced in the British Islands. When that
hour comes, Members Of Parliament will
hear from their constituents In unmistak-
able accents, and a motion expressing the
popular disgust with the conduct OF the war
will have a fair chance Of being carried.