The times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1897-1901, 1900-05-13


J a day, they are visionary ideas which are
to be dlsregarded altogether. One of the
most striking declarations of such laws is
| the statement that all men are born free
| and equal" Practically this is true only
| in a very limited sense, but nobody can
| deny that the community in which such a
| condition exists even approximately is like
/ ly to be the happiest, because there will be
| few of the vices of aristocracy on the one
/ hand and Of abject poverty on the other.
! 1t is not necessary to increase the present
| inequality of classes on the plea that it
cannot be helped, nor should it be ignored
altogether.
! The author then goes on to discuss the
nature and functions of the Stale, and the
| rights of individuals as against those of
! the community. He says on this point:
| The State is the realized order Of Right. As
| the organic manifestation of personality OF a
! people, II may properly be called an organism
OF person.
| The author takes the radical ground that
| there is no right without its duty. and that
| great wealth entails duties which, If not
fulfilled. endanger the very existence of
| private property.
So far he is on good safe, tenable ground,
and much that he says is worthy of seri-
Gus consideration by the American as well
as the English public. But in many of the
| later chapters he goes off on tangents
| which invite some severe criticism. One
| of these is that in which he Eliminates
| against modern ideas regarding the fami-
| ly and the Sanctity OF marriage, and sneerS
| somewhat bitterly at what he terms ad-
| vanced thought. whose disciples advocate
certain changes in the marriage laws of
| Great Britain. Like some other political
and social economists, he misunderstands
fItra NJ Of biphe
| There are many who use advanced
| thought" as cloak for all sorts of freak
ishness, but its true representatives are IN
| deadly earnest and are by no means &C.
| centric or immoral people. The movement
| toward relaxation of the stringency Of
| marriage laws originates In a respect for
| truth and honesty in the relations of men
| and women, which demands that mar
| riage which is merely form shall not
/ take place, or continue to exist; that peu-
| pie shall not pretend love for each other
| which they do not feel, and that things
! shall be called by their right names. It
| in no way destroys the sanctity of mar
| riage which is worthy the name when
| two persons who have ceased to love eacn
| other make their separation open instead
| of tacit: and ii is hard to see how the pu-
rty of the home is preserved by the con-
| tinued contact of a man and woman who
are simply living together Ito keep up ap-
pearances." This Is phase of the mat
| ter which conservatives like Mr. Lilly
| overlook entirely. However, the readers
| of the book will form their opinions on
this subject for themselves. according to
| their individual experience and predilec-
| tons.
another chapter which will be particu-
larly interesting to readers in this coun-
try is that which deals with government By
the people. Mr.. Lilly does not believe in
this. He asks why. when the opinion OF
the average man on any question OF ad-
ministraton is worth nothing the vote of
large community OF average men should
be worth any more. An opponent might
reply that the average man will know
something about such questions, IL he has
an opportunity to learn, and to use his
knowledge. and that under representa-
tive form OF government he is likely 10
know more and more in course CT time.
In finding fault with the results OF popular
government in the United States. he seems
TO fall into the same snare against which
he has warned his readers earlier in the
book: he fails to appreciate the fact that
1t takes time, tact, and skill to put politi-
cal principles into good working order in
the world. These principles are not by any
means SO abstruse that the average man
cannot understand them if he has tbs m
properly presented to him, even by dem
agogue. In fact, ii is the constant fear Of
the ruling classes in some parts of the
world that he will understand them.
One OF the laws which Mr. Lilly eluci-
dates In this very work is that private own
ership of land and other properties entails
certain duties; and the masses appreciate
that fact so keenly that when those duties
are not properly performed they are liable
to arise and upset the whole scheme of So
ciety. That is why the next Presidential
election in these United States, where as |
Mr.. Lilly thinks the average man Is so in |
capable of understanding what is best for
him, is likely to turn upon the question Of |
the limitation of the power of the trusts. |
This economist cannot very well claim |
that the masses, by some God given in |
stinct, should know how to straighten |
out the trust problem in order to prove |
themselves fit to govern, for he. n trained |
political thinker confesses that he does |
not quite know how that is to be done. He |
sees the evil of huge combinations OF cap |
ital which abuse their privileges, but he |
does not see how the thing can be stopped |
without interfering with the principle of |
private ownership, any more than Mr.. Bill |
Smith. the bricklayer, will be able to see |
II next November. All the same, MIR. Bill |
Smith will vote in .a'ge numbers against
the party which allows the trust element
Mr. Lilly himself with all his superior en-
lightment, could do, were he Cabinet
Minister.
In one OF these fulminations against |
what he calls false democracy the author
expresses his amazement that twenty-five
thousand business men of New York
should hold parade in honor OF James G.
Blaine during the campaign of 1884. He
describes their march through the rain and
mud and quotes this song which they sung:
We don't care bit for the rain,
Blaine, Blaine, James c. Blaine,
o-o-O-o-hi-o!
He further remarks:
The spectacle OF $4,000 business men engaged
in such psalmody to honor a gentleman of the
calibre Of Mr.. James c. Blaine is probably one
of the most singular which this planet has ever
exhibited.
And then Mr.. Lilly dismisses the sub
ject with the statement that all he knows
about Mr.. Blaine is that he was a polti
clan. The solemn establishment q this
learned Briton at such an incident, and
his use of 1t as an argument against pop
ular government, will cause a good many
American readers to smile. 1t Is one Of
those pieces of unconscious humor which
Englishmen occasionally perpetrate. 1t
would probably be Of no use to explain to
Mr.. Lilly that that parade represented
American politics about as truly as Bar
NUNS circus represents the condition Of
the stage in America, or Buffalo Bits Wild
West show the state of civilization in
Omaha and San Francisco. He has evil
IDENTIFY pounced upon it as one OF the things
which are distinctly American" (New
York: G. p. Putnams Sons.)