The times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1897-1901, 1900-03-10

policy that can be reasonably adopted when
we come to legisiate concerning the future
destiny Of the Philippine Islands aud their
people.
I'VE are told that the Constitution OF
the United States follows the flag. and that
no country to which title may be acquired.
whether by treaty or conquest can De neia
and governed otherwise than as an integral
portion of the United States, and that the
moment the allegiance Of the inhabitants
of a foreign country attaches they become
clothed with all the attributes of American
citizenship. II that be correct, the right TO
acquire territory by way of indemnity Tor
expenses incurred in just war may and
in many cases will turn out TO be the bar
rem right TO assume obligations the per-
Torrance of which will prove inimical TO
American institutions rather than of ma
tional advantage, financially or terri
torially.
Principles of the Constitution.
The misapplication OF the principles of
the Constitution is as unwarranted as dis
obedience 10 its mandates. The limitations
of that instrument restraining the powers
of the General Government in respect 20
the States and their people have no appli-
cation. and were intended to have no APP
plication to foreign countries or to the in
habitants of foreign countries.
The Constitution was ordained to sub
serve the interests, to ensure the safety,
and TO promote the welfare of the Ameri
can States and their people and it is not
a violation of its provisions, FOR is it
against the genius Of our institutions, to
prefer the interests and welfare of the
American people to those of the stranger
when we come to determine the civil and
political status of the inhabitants of the
foreign countries we may from time to
time acquire by cession or by conquest.
at was to avoid the claim that by the
acceptance of the cession from Spain We
placed ourselves under obligations TO tfe
people of the coded territory TO clothe them
with American citizenship, however mex
pedient or prepOsterous or even dangerous
il might be TO do so, that the stipuations
Of the old French. Spanish, and Mexican
treaties we're omitted and materially dif-
ferent stipulation inserted in the Treaty
of Paris"
Mr.. Lindsay discussed the bearing Of
the Constitution upon the early acquisi-
lions of territory by the United States,
and in summing up his position with refer
ence TO the difference between the Treaty
of Paris and the previous treaties by which
territory has been acquired, he said:
The Treaty OF Paris does not provide,
as have other treaties that the innabi
tants of the territories ceded by Spain
shall at any time. or in any contingency,
be made citizens of the United States, or
that their civil rights are TO be measured
by the Federal Constitution. Those rights
are committed to the determination of
Congress. The Asiatic countries ceded by
Spain cannot be incorporated into our
Union. Their people cannot be admitted
to the rights of citizenship. We have,
therefore, the alternatives, either to refuse
the performance of the duty which, in the
estimation of the civilized world, we as
sumed by the acceptance OF the cession.
or else courageously to set about the task
of giving to these people the best govern
ment they are capable OF administering.
/ do not favor, and / do not believe the
American people favor, the permanent
holding of the Filipinos in a state Of
vassalage, but we do not hasten the day
Of their national REIMBURSEMENT by de-
handing for them rights which their con-
ditions make it impossible for them to
enjoy, or by charging them with duties
they are palpably unable to perform
Broad and just Legislation.
Satisfied that the Supreme Court will
be slow to enter on the work of impair
ing the discretion intended to be secured
to Congress by the Treaty OF Paris. and
that there is no reasonable ground for
fearing that it will decide. either that
the citizenship Of the Filipinos must be
recognized on the one hand, or the exer-
else of Federal jurisdiction over them and
the countries they inhabit abandoned on
the other, | insist that we may legislate
for Porto Rico and its people in the broad
est spirit of justice and generosity without
endangering our authority to solve the
Act 10 ,r-;.E
the best interests of the United States
and of the Philippines. on principles that
will secure to the people of those islands
national autonomy whenever they may
demonstrate their capacity and disposition
to preserve domestic order and to perform
the international obligations that must be
assumed should they become an independ-
ent state.
I'VE cannot forget that. with the ces-
sion Of Porto Rico, she lost the principal
markets she had long enjoyed that our
tariff laws have been Systematically APP
piled to her products, and that the mar
kets of Spain and Cuba, which were once
open to her, can only be reached now by
the payment of Spanish and Cuban du-
ties. She has lost free intercourse with
Spain and Cuba, and ii is now PROPOSED to
deny her free intercourse with the people
of the United States. We cannot afford to
do this unjust thing; and the industrial
interests that are today standing in the
way Of the open door TO Porto Rico are
cawittingly provoking a movement that
may not lose its impetus till all the doors
that now stand in the way Of free inter
course between the United States and
other nations shall have been subjected.
in greater or lesser degree, to the open
ing process.
In conclusion, Mr. Lindsay said: Il shall
provide for absolute free trade with the
panpIo Of D,r+n Dfno