The times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1890-1903, 1900-08-09


aTT-oovarnrnent. planted on American SOU
80. baen the oversnaiowing poiltical iAt'
- -ha nineteenth century. Ii has nit'e
th-s milton conspicuous among tee na-
tions AMI given il place III history So
as no other nation has ever enjoSeo' W
thing has been able 70 cheek tae on" a.,
march of this, ;dea l am not willing that
tri. nation shall cast aside the omnipotehS
va9non of truth to seize again the weapon
of nhvsical warfare. would not eN-
change the glory of this republic for the
glory of all the empires that have risen
and fallen since time began
Commercial Argument.
The permanent chairman Of the last Ike
publ can National Convention pseSs1.eu
the pecuniary argument in al us pa'''''0S'
when he said: oe
We make no hypocriticai preteiiseS ~ y.
tei,,r interested in the Philippines soieiy
~, account OF others. While we resa'u
the welfare of those people as a sacred
trust we regard the welfare OF the Anie'i-
can peoole first We see our duty 70 our
selves as well as TO others. we oehete
in trade expansion. By every lesltiIlis.te
means within the province OF ooNeian' t1,e
and Constitution. We mean 10 s''fauta'e t,.u
expansion OF our trade and open he"
markets. ::
rtis is the commercial argument Il Is
h4se1 11pon the theory that war can De
rightly waged for pecuniary advantage ana
that it is profitable to purchase trade oS
force ana olence. Franklin denied ooth
of those propositions. When Lord Howe
asserted that the acts of Parliament,
which brought OIL the revolution. were
necessary to prevent American trade from
pass!ng into foreign channels, Franklin
replied:
TO me it seems that neither the OBJ
tanning nor retaining OF any trade, now
obi sa.r ~
men may Justly spill each others blood;
that thc true and sure means of extending
and securing commerce are the goodness
and cheapness of commodities, and that
the profits of no trade can ever be equal
to the expense of compelling 1t and hold
ing it by fleets and armies. consider
This war AGAINST us, therefore, as both I'M
lust and unwise-
/ place the philosophy Of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those who
would put price upon the honor of an
American soldier and Justify a war OF
conquest upon the ground that 1t VIII
pay The Democratic party is in favor OF
the expansion of trade. 1t would extend
our trade by every legitimate and peaceful
means. but it is not willing to make mer-
chandise of human blood.
But a war of conquest is as unwise as
it is unrghteous. A harbor ana coalinS
| station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity. and
| such concession could have been secured
at any time without difficulty.
| 1t is not necessary to own people in order
| to trade with them. We carry on trade to-
| day with every part of the world, and our
commerce has expanded more rapidly
| than the commerce of any European en-
| pire. We do not own Japan or CANA, but
| we trade with their people. We nave not
| absorbed the republics of Central and
1,ltt de wi
| 1t has not been necessary to have any
| political connections with Canada or the
nations of Europe in order to trade with
| them Trade cannot be permanently
| profitable unless it is voluntary. When
| trade is secured by force, the cost OF secur-
! ing it and retaining it must be taken out
| of the profits, and the profits are never
| large enough to cover the expense. Such
| a system would never be defended, but for
the fact that the expense is borne by all
! the people while the profits are enjoyed by
| the few.
| Imperialism would be profitable to the
| army contractors; it would be profitable to
| the ship-ownerS, who would carry live
| soldiers TO the Philippines and bring dead
| soldiers back: !. would be profitable to
| those who would seize upon the franchises,
| and it would be profitable to the officials
whose salaries would be fixed here and
| paid over there; but to the farmer, TO the
! laboring man, and to the vast majority
| of those engaged in other occupations, II
| would bring expenditure WITHOUT return
! and risk without reward
Farmers and laboring men have, as
! rule, small incomes and, under systems
| which place the tax upon consumption,
| nav more than their fair share of the ex-
| penses of Government Thus the very
| people who receive least benefit from I'M
! pertaiism will be injured most by the
military burdens which accompany it.
In addition TO the evils which he and the
farmer share in common. the laborlng
man will be the first to suffer if orenta!
subjects seek work in the United States;
the first to suffer II American capital
leaves our shores to employ oriental labor
in the Philippines to supply the trade of
China ard Japan: the first to suffer from
the violence which the military spirit
arouses, and the first to suffer when the
methods of imperialism are applied TO our
own Government.
It is moi strange, therefore, that the labor
organizations have been quick to note the
approach OF these dangers and prompt 10
2rotes. against both mitarism and impe-
rialism.
TIL. pecuniary argument though more
effective with certain classes, is not likely
to be used so often or presented with SO
much emphasis as the religious argument.
II what has been termed the gun powder
gospal'' were urged against the t1ipinos
only. il would be sufficient answer 20 say
that {. majority OF the Fitipinos are now