The Hope pioneer. [volume] (Hope, N.D.) 1882-1964, 1900-09-20

thednsurgent leader, and that in this inter.
view Admiral Dewey made no promises
whatever. He adds:
ment WAS going to recognize his govern.
ment. l answered that / was there simply
In a military capacity; that l could not ac-
knowledge his government, because I had NO
authority to do So"
Easy to Find Fault.
Would not our adversarIes have sent
Dewey's fleet to Manila to capture and de-
stroy the Spanish sea power there, or. dis
drawn 1t after the destruction Of the Span
ish fleet; and II the latter, whittier would
they have directed to sail? Where could
1t have gone? What port In the Orient was
Do our adversaries condemn the expedi-
tion under the command Of General Merritt
to- strengthen Dewey in the distant ocean
and assist in our triumph over Spain, with
our highest duty to strike Spain at every
vulnerable point, that the war might be
successfully concluded at the earliest prac-
ticable moment?,
Asks for Honest Opinion.
And WAS 1t not our duty to, protect the
our control by the fortunes Of war? Could
we have come away at any time between
May I, 1898, and the conclusion Of peace
without a stain upon our good name? Could
we have come away without dishonor at any
by the Senate of the United States?
There has been no time since the destruc-
tlon of the enemy's fleet when we could or
should have left the Philippine archipelago.
After the treaty Of peace was ratified no
power but Congress could surrender our
sovereignty or ALLEVIATE n foot of the terri
tory thus acquired. The Congress has not
seen fit to do the one or the other, and the
President had no authority to do either. If
he had been SO inclined, which he was not.
So long as the sovereignty remains in us 1t
Is the duty of the executive, whoever he
may be, to uphold that sovereignty, and If II
be attacked to suppress Its assailants. Would
our political adversaries do less?
Begun by Insurgents.
It has been asserted that there would have
been no fighting in the Philippines IL Con.
gress had declared Its purpose to give indie.
.pendence to the Tagal insurgents. The in.
surgents did not wait for the action of Con.
gress. They assumed the offensive, they
opened fire on our army.
Those who assert our responsibility for
the beginning of. the conflict have forgotten
that before the treaty was ratified In the
Senate, and while it was being debated in
that body, and while the Bacon resolution
was under discussion, on Feb. 4, 1899, the
insurgents attacked the American army,
after being previously advised that the
nre upon them except In defense. The pa.
pers found In the recently captured archives
or the insurgents demonstrate that this at.
tack had been carefully planned for weeks
before 1t occurred.
Only One Course Open.
Their unprovoked assault upon our sol.
diers at a time when the Senate was DELHI.
Grating upon the treaty shows that no &C.
ton on our part except surrender and nbnn.
would have prevented the fighting,
and leaves no doubt In any fair mind where
the responsibility rests for the shedding OF
American blood.
With all the exaggerated phrasemakine
OF this electoral contest, we arc in danger OF
being diverted from the real contention. We
are in agreement with all of those who sup
ported the war with Spain, and also with
those who counseled the ratification Of the
treaty of peace. Upon these two great es
sentlal steps there can be no issue, and out
Of these came all of our responsibilities. II
others would shirk the obligations Imposed
by the war and the treaty, we must decline
to act further with them, and here the issue
was made.
1t Is our purpose to establish in the Philip.
pines a government suitable to the wants
and conditions of the inhabitants, and to
prepare them for self-government, and to
ready for 1t, and as rapidly as they are
ready for 1t. That I am aiming to do under
my constitutional authority, and will con.
tinue to do until Congress shall determine
archipelago.
Plea for Consistency.
Are our opponents against the treaty? II
so, they must be reminded that 1t could not
been ratified in the Senate but for their
assistance. The Senate which ratified the
treaty and the Congress which added It's
sanction by a large appropriation comprised
Senators and Representatives of the people
of all parties.
surgents, abandon our sovereignty or cede 1t
to them? If that be not their purpose, then
1t should be promptly disclaimed, for only
evil can result from the hopes raised by our
opponents in the minds of the Filiplnos. that
with their success ut the polls In November
there will be a withdra wal of our army and
of American sovereignty over the archipela.
the complete independence of the Taga.
log people recognized and the powers of
government over all the other peoples of the
archipelago conferred upon the Tagalog
leaders.
Pro1onRs the Rebellion.
The effect of a belief In the minds of the
that this will be done has al
ready prolonged the rebellion and increases
army. 1t Is now delaying full peace In the
and the establishment of civil
and has Influenced many of
the insurgents against accepting the liberal
under my direction. But for these false
hopes a considerable reduction could have
ben had In our military establishment In the
and the realization of a stable
tWouIu " ulICduN 1T Ii I
The American people are asked by our op-
ponents to yield the sovereignty of the
United States in the Philippines to a small
Of the population, a single tribe out
Of eighty or more inhablting the archipelago,
n faction which wantonly attacked the
American troops in Manila while in right
full possession under the protocol with
Spain, awaiting the ratification of the treaty
been in active, open rebellion against the
United States. We are asked to transfer
our sovereignty to a small minority In the
Islands without consulting the majority and
l%ation. which has been loyal to US, to the
Of the guerrilla insurgeht bands.
Demands Cannot BE Met.
More than this, we are asked to protect
this minority In establishing a government,
and to this end repress all opposition Of the
BILE government In the interest Of those who
have assaIled our sovereignty and fired upon
our soldiers, and then maintain 1t at any
cost or sacrifice against Its enemies within
and against those having ambitious designs
from without.
This would require an army and navy far
than Is now maintained in the Philip
pines and still more In excess OF what will
be necessary with the full recognition Of our
sovereignty. A military support of author
Ity not our own, as thus proposed, Is the very
essence of militarism, which our. opponents
In their platform oppose, but which by their
policy would Of necessity be established In
its most offensive form.
No Premium On Murder.
The American people will not make the
of our soldiers the agents of the
to convey the blessings Of liberty
order to the Philippines. They will not
make them the builders of the new common
Such a course would be q betrayal
# our sacred obligations to the peaceful Fill
pinos, and would place at the mercy Of dan.
serous adventures the lives and property Of
he natives and foreigners. 1t would make
possible and easy the commission Of such
as were secretly planned, to be
executed on the 22d of February, 1899, In
he City of Manila, when only the vigilance
our army prevented the attempt to assas-
our soldiers and all foreigners and
,lliage and destroy the city and Its surround
ngs.
In short, the proposition of those opposed
to US to continue all the obligations In the
Philippines which now rest upon the govern
nent, only changing the relation from prin-
.lpal. which now exists, to that of surety.
Dur responsibility Is to remain, but our pow
,r Is to be diminished. Our obligation Is to
De no less, but our title Is to be surrendered