The times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1897-1901, 1900-02-10

, 70
and have since seen no reason to chang
the views then expressed.
1 come now to consider the duty OF In
women citizens of the United States in re
gard to the administration of the affair
of the Philippines by Congress.
The people of the United States are th'
sovereign power of the United States, anC
women. being people. ought to be repre-
scented in Congress. which is the only ma
tionai body claiming to represent the
whole people: but as they are not so repre-
scented their only mode OF getting Congress
! TO listen to their views is by petition
hence | would recommend that this con
| vention present to Congress a petition
| somewhat after this form:
| To the senate and House of Representatives O
1 the United States:
] Nc citizens of The taited States. bein.
| deeply impressed with the great idea vt the Con
! stifution III the United states as well as witt
that OF the Declaration Of Independence. that III,
consent OF the governed lics at the foundation
| Of all lust governments do now urge upon Cou
| gress the duty Of assisting tho people OF tho
| Philippines TO form sch government. Ard {,
that end We ask that the people OF all the island.
be invited through such representatives as they
nisN, IN some satisfactory manner. appoint. Il
open negotiations with the United states for III,
purpose OF organizing and establishing an indie
pendent government under the supervision and
protection of the United States, this Governm, nj
maintaining its military control. until such g0s
eminent i firmly established and thereafter re-
tanning it only for its protection.
Reviewing the situation since the ,ear
1898. when Congress gave the Queen Re
gent of Spain few days only to con-
slider and reply to its ultimstum. il would
seem that this was a mistaken policy that
led 10 much more serious complications
than were anticipated by that body. Had
Congress given Spain six months to rectify
abuses. and then. following the advise Of
the senior Senator from Connecticut. pro-
ceeded to build wsrships for the defence
of our coast war might probably have been
avoided. and we should have gained pres
tige with every European power.
The Value of Navy.
1T is not too late perhaps. to ask Con-
gress TO multiply these ships of war in
stead of enlsrging our army for with our
coast line absolutely secure we should
need only a small standing army acting
as a police force 10 quell local disorders.
And il times OF peace large part of this
navy could well be used in scientific ex-
ploration. in protecting our commerce in
distant seas. and in those international
ScHAtSSftS WHICH bo 81 idi III
friendly relations And as it is well un-
derstood that military discipline is much
mere easily maintained on the ocean than
on the land. a trained naval militia for
the protection of the weak against the
strong in any quarter of the globe might
easily be maintained. Under some such
system as this our beloved country might
in time become the Mother Of Peoples
everywhere struggling for liberty-the
protector OF genuine republics
I'm an address by Lord Rosebery on the
unwilling OF the statue Of Oliver Crom-
well. the great protector of English liberty.
in front of Westminster Hall. London, last
November, / find the following words:
90 Great and oculent and powerful as
we are. so far from banishing his memory
we could find employment for a few Crom-
wells now. The Cromwell of the nine
teenth. or the Cromwell of the twentieth.
would not be the Cromwell of the
seventeenth century. for great men are
rolored by the age in which they live. He
would, at any rate, not be Cromwell in
his eXiernals. lie would not decapitate:
he would not rise in rebellion: he would
not speak the Puritan language But he
would retain his essential qualities as
general. as a rule.. as a statesman. He
would be strenuous he would be sincere. 1
nVuii nOA
His faith would be in God and in freedom.
and in the influence of Great Britain as
promoting as asserting both. In that faith /
he lived. by those lines he governed, i'm
no doubt as mortals must be
imperfect. but honestly. In that faith /
1y those principles. he lived and governed /
ind died. Sir. hope that we. too. as a ma
ion, are animated in our patriotism by
20 lower an ideal
The Hopeful signs.
Here is a great thought We. even
more than Great Britain. may hope to live
~ faith in God and freedom. and thus
o become a power over the whole earth
oward that righteousness which exalteth
nation. And this whole address of Lord
sosebery which | find in the Critic for
snuarv. 1900. is one OF the cheering signs
{ the times in spite of Englands present
orrowful departure from these high prin-
iples of government. | would that you,
ny sisters, should every one read this
ddress. and then in the seclusion of your
ONES should study the great questions of
ationai rights and duties as embodied in
he Constitution of ne United States and
he Declaration OF Independence.
I'm the report of the decision of the
fhich | have referred. you will find an
rray of arguments on constitutional ques-
ions that might be most helpful in present
iscussions This, together with the
peeches of Daniel Webster on constitu-
onal questions. might well be reprinted
y Congress in pamphlet form. and. il
were dictator with supreme power. no
iember of either House should be allowed
, vote on the Philippine question until
e had read this pamphlet
And as 10 our duty as acknowledged
itizens of the United States flor this We
re declared to be by the Supreme Court
selfD, have we me- a precedent in the
arly action of the anti-slavery women,
no went up and down the land carrying
editions by the thousand that slavery
light be abolished wherever the power
T Congress could reach it.
Let us emulate their example at what :
yer cost Let us say to our sovereign
Ilers in Congress for they alone are
,unted as sovereigns, we only as sub
cts), wars must cease. God and freedom
ust reign. at least on this side of the