Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1900-07-26
WEAKNESS OF THE0PPOSITION.

iuenuoub advantage III u Irbstuentlhi
campaign by the very fact Of being in
power. The conservatism which ever
questions the wisdom OF any change,
the philosophy which would bear the
ills one has rather than fly to others
that one knows not of, the business
argument against the risks that are ap-
pretended from political revolution,
are worth hundreds of thousands of
theory of Samuel D. Tilden that two.
thirds of the people must be inclined to
favor the opposition at the opening OF
q campaign to make sure Of majority
against the dominant party at its end.
In order that this majority may be
secured, 1t IS essential that the opposi-
ton shall make powerful appeal to
the intelligence and conscience of the
nation by its ability and character. 1t
must furnish assurance that 1t has the
brains to conduct the business Of the
government with credit. 1t must in
spire confidence that the tone of its adj
ministration would be high. 1t must
quiet apprehensions of business dis
turbanoe from change by furnishing
bonds of conservatism in its action. In
short, 1t must make the country believe
that it can be trusted.
The first accession of Democratic
President after the Civil War, and still
more the extension of the party's power
over not only the executive department
of the government, but also both
branches of the legislative 10 1892, were
due to the character and ability dis
played by what was then the opposition.
At its head in each of these successful
campaigns stood Grover Olevelnnd--a
man who had secured remarkable
hold upon the popular confidence when
he first ran, and who increased il
steadily during the following eight
years. AS the leading Republican news
paper of the country remarked the other
day, there was general belief in his
moral courage - IL was this which, in
the opinion of the New York Tribune,
made his astonishing career possible. y
Nobody can now recall the campaign
of 1884 without feeling that Democratic
success would have been impossible
| except for this faith In the candidates
character.
Mr.. Cleveland was helped by the
high standing Of the older men who
were prominent in the party when he
| first ran, and Of the younger men who
became conspicuous in it between 1884
and 1892. In Senator Bayard of Della
ware, who was predestined as Secre-
tary Of State the country had states
man of the early school, who could be
trusted implicitly to conduct the for
eign relations OF the government with
dignity and credit. The Speaker of the
Democratic House was John q. CAT
Isle. of Kentucky, who had already ex-
toited hearty tribute of respect in q
Congressional debate from that earnest
Republican partisan, Representative
(now Senatorl Frye of Maine, with the
warm approval of the latter's political
associates. Allen G. Thurman of Ohio
had shared with Mr.. Bayard the Demo-
cratic leadership in the Senate, and
was as highly regarded by bis Republi-
can colleagues In that body as was Mr..
Carlisle by his political opponents in
the House. L. Q. @. Lamar was the
most distinguished Southerner in Con-
gress-a man who had demonstrated his
courage and Independence by risking
his whole political future in opposing
the silver craze when it swept over his
State of Mississippi.
Throughout the North there were
Democratic leaders who commanded
confidence. Daniel Manning of New
| OTht aibuOuBu lltLlo huoWn uutSllo VI
his State, was trusted by the business
community when Mr.. Cleveland made
him Secretary OF the Treasury in his
first administration. William @. Eni-
colt of Massachusetts, who was ap.
pointed Secretary Of War at the same
time, had been offered by Republi.
can governor judgeship In his State
while William e. Russell was just
starting on that remarkable career
which gave him three successive cleo.
tions to the governorship in a strongly
Republican State. The Cleveland
Democracy from year to year invited by
a larger measure of confidence from
the other party, Seth Low coming to
its support on the tariff issue in 1888,
and Walter @. Gresham, who bad been
candidate for the Presidency IN Re.
publican conventions, becoming Score
tary of State in an administration Of
the other party in 1892.
BY contrast with all this, the op-
position of 1900 seems simply con.
temptible. At its head stands william
j. Bryan, in whose moral courage the
nation has never been able to believe,
but who is generally considered shifty
and untrustworthy; a rhetorician auc
phrasemonger, without that solidity oil
character which is essential to the
public confidence. Behind him now,
and certain to be bis chief advisers Il
be should be- elected, are such men al
George Fred Williams of Massachu
sets, ex-Gov. Altgeld of Illinois, ex
Gov. Stone of Missouri, and Senator
Tillman of South Carolina, with al
such floating driftwood of politics as
Weaver Of Iowa and Troup OF Con
necticut, the old-time Greenbackers
and the cranks who have taken VI
Populism throughout the farther West,
and who made Bryan the PopulIst can,
didate for President long before thu
Kansas City Convention met. The
union of ability and character is no
where to be found while conservatism
has been banished from the party.
Voters who are disguised with Nc
Kinleyism turn to this alternative onl,
to be repealed with disgust. The more
thoroughly such voters consider tn,
situation, the more ardentIy do they
desire the sertatiun Of tickle
which shall appeal to the intelligenc,
and conscience of the nation through
candidates who deserve confidence
standing upon a platform which com
mands respect
Blood vessels are sometimes burst b,
I