The daily morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven, Conn.) 1894-1907, 1900-03-24
INTEROCEANIC CANALS.
A Bit of History and a Friendly Remi

| canal is always treated by the power as
neutral, and we by reason of our posi-
| ton in Egypt are the guardians of that
neutrality. Now, during the Spanish
| American war portion of the Spanish
| fleet desired to pass through the canal
| in order to prosecute the war against
| America. They were. OF course, per-
fectly free to do that as long as they
observed the neutrality of the canal,
| But it was not to the interests of Spain
that the Spanish cruisers should observe
that neutrality. They wanted very
badly to use Port Said as a coaling sta
ton, and they, accordingly, began to
take in not merely just enough coal to
| get them to the next port, but to re-
plenish their bunkers Had they sue
| ceeded in doing this they might have
[ gained a considerable advantage. Lord
! Conner, however, acting for Great Brit
ain, at once took action, forbade this
violation of neutrality, and insisted
| that, as the Spanish cruisers had when
| they reached Port Std enough coal to
| get through the canal, every basket of
| the coal just put in must be taken out
of their bunkers. If they still wanted
coal they must retire outside the three
mile limit, i. e., on to the high seas, ana
get it sent to them there. But the
Spaniards were desperately anxious to
get their bunkers filed up, and the Con-
tinental powers being secretly friendly
to Spain and hostile to America, made
no protest against the violation of neu-
tfality, discouraged the enforcement of
neutrality. Under such circumstances II
ri a in, Ia1 rncSpsSp1 a
siderable military power in Egypt and
had not lin fact if not in theory been
in strong military possession of the ca
nal, the Spaniards would have had their
way, and the violation of neutrality
would have passed practically unchal-
lenged. Fortunately, we had the mill
tary power necessary to enforce neu-
trality and the Spaniards and the rest
of the powers knew that Lord Cromer
was a man who backed his words by
deeds. Accordingly the Spanish squad
ron was forced to respect the neutrality
of the canal. When similar circum-
stances arise, as they very easily may,
in the case of the Nicaragua. canal it
would clearly be to our advantage that
America should be able to enforce neu-
trality. But if America is only allowed
to police the canal and not to defend it,
the so-called neutrality is very likely
or rather certain, to prove farce on the
first occasion that any great power has
a really strong temptation to violate tn
neutrality.
But it may be asked, and will be
asked by Americans, if this is true, and
if British interests are really on the side
of hat hn
naturalization clauses appear in the
treaty. Americans would realize the
reason without explanation if they
would give up their inveterate habit of
talking and acting as if they were the
only power in the world except our
selves. The notion is very fattering to
us no doubt, but unfortunately it is not
true. Though we know that most of
our American readers will regard the
statement as an alteration o fBritish
it is fact that other powers
exist, and that they claim, and not less
resolutely because quietly, the right to
be consulted in such momentous ques-
tions as joining the Atlantic and Paci-
fic oceans, 1t is also a fact, though one
which Americans habitually ignore
that they are not loved by the Cont
mental powers Many Americans think
that the French and German and Rus
sian governments must be willing to do
anything that America likes because
their ambassadors at Washington are
always so friendly and in reality there
is latent political dislike of the gov
of the United States among all
the great powers which some day will
astonish America from New York to
San Francisco. Be that as it may, the
president and the state department are
not like the American public, and know
very well that, friendly or not, the Con-
tinental powers except certain consid-
GRAFTON and give-and- take in all mat
tiers of great moment. While the Anne
lean public is thinking and saying, This |
Is a matter which only concerns Eng |
land and the government at Washing |
ton is being politely reminded that the |
conditions under which the linking of |
the two oceans is to be accomplished |
are not matters to be settled in a hole !
and corner. And after all, CALLING as 1t |
may be to the Anglo-Saxon pride, it is
not altogether unreasonable that the
great powers should want to have some
say in the matter. Take France, which, |
to judge only by the official commu-
nique issued by the French foreign Of
flee. has taken a leading part in the
matter. France, after all, owns Mar
Unique and Guadeloupe in the West In
lies, besides French Guiana on the
South American continent, and has
great interests in the Pacific Islands
and in the far east. She also has, owing
o the Panama canal scheme, very
great sentimental and, in a sense finan-
,ial interest in the piercing of the 18TH
nus. 1t is, therefore, most unlikely that
he would have been content to sit with
olded hands and make no comment on
he new arrangement. Germany, again,
With far more ocean-going shipping
han the United States. and with her :
great aspirations in regard to South
America as well as the far east, would
lot be likely TO consent to America hav-
ng it all her own Way in the matter of
dining the two oceans. She no doubt
from any offensive or out
poken action, but it was doubtless well Ii
understood at Washington what Ger
many would regard with approval"
md what she would view with dismay
md even alarm as a possible source of
etc. 5
But though we see very clearly good
md sound reasons why President Nc
<inley should have been anxious to see
IN anti-fortification clause in the treaty E;
n order to prevent foreign opposition,