Willmar tribune., 1900-09-12
WILL NOT DISCUSS IT.

lhe truth OF the matter is that we
cannot enlist our opponents in an ear
nest discussion of this question, at least
not upon the moral side of the con-
troversy. They will not listen to it. If
we appeal to the constitution, they say
we have outlived it. If we refer to the
Declaration of Independence, they say
that that document is collection OF
glittering generalities, good enough in
their day. but not applicable now. If
we cite them to the maxims of Wash
ington, Jefferson and Lincoln, they say
that these men are dead Our only re-
course, therefore, is to demonstrate to
the people the {alsity Of the claim that
imperialism will pay. A colonial en-
pire may prove profitable to the trusts
and to the army and navy contractors,
and to the favored individuals, but it
never can and never will profit the
country or the people as whole.
The only way in which the American
people could secure gain from the pos
session of the Philinnines would be by
the expansion OF our trade with them.
The profit of such trade, in the nature
of things, could not be greater than the
value of the commodities that would
pass in exchange. The total value of
the exports and imports Of the Philip
pine Islands have in no year exceeded
$50 1000, ,ooo The profit on such trade
cannot be many millions, and suppos-
ing it were doubled, trebled or quadru-
pied, the profit would not be large
enough to bear the expense of the in
creased military establishment for one
month. But whether the profits were
great or small, one thing is certain:
Those profits would not return into the
pockets of the same people who have to
hear the burden of maintaining the ar
| my and navy necessary for and incident
to colonial empire. But the whole ar
gument is fallacious. AS was we'll said
by Mr.. Bryan, you need not own a peo-
pie to trade with them. A friend is a
better customer than an enemy. If we
want the trade Of the Philippines, let US
secure it as we secure other trade, by
the superiority and cheapness of our
| products, by fair treatment and by the
establishment of mutual confidence and
relations of good will. These are the
| conditions that bring trade-not con-
| quest, not war nor oppression. But in
considering the question OF the profits
Of imperialism you t11ust not lose sight
of the expense of it's companion evil
| the large standing army.
THE LARGE ARMY.
| When I was a member of congress,
when we were building and providing
| for the navy which fought and won the
victories OF the Spanish war, when we
had the same regular army establish
mcnt that we had at the commence
ment Of that war, the total appropria-
tion for the army and navy in no year
during my term of service exceeded
$50; o;ooo,ooo This amount was not ex-
ceeded in any year prior to the Spanish
war, except 1897, when it reached
$82, 2,ooo, 900. That the standing army
| that we then had was ample and sufh-
cient for the protection of our country
and institutions is matter of history.
When the war with Spain broke out
and the President made call upon the
states for additional forces, that call was
responded to almost before it was
made, And it is no exaggeration to
say that if the exigencies had demand
ed, ten men could have been had for
every one that was required. A large
standing army may be necessary for the
( purpose of imperialism, but it is not
necessary for the protection Of repub-
! lican institutions, and its necessity had
never been urged until imperialism
made its appearance. A popular gov,
ernment, while it should have small
number Of trained and efficient regular
troops and a sufficient number Of off.