The daily morning journal and courier., 1900-01-25

pendent financial basis.
 If the banking bill becomes law and an ordinary mar wants to buy 6
 bond he can do so and lay it away and
 get 2 per cent. interest, but under that I law a National bank can take $100,00(
 worth and get back $100, 900 in bank bill: and then draw 1 1-2 per cent. with Inc 1 investment. The young man wants 6
 chance equal to that of the bankers. l To-day the republican party is mak- l ing it's laws in the interest of aggre-
 gated wealth and with no regard for the 1 people, When Mark Hanna came back
 from Europe not long ago I read an h.
 terview in the Chicago Tribune ir
 which he said that the English had a
 great system of government, as good as
 our own and perhaps better. Oh, re- publicans, there was time when you would not have at your head man who said that. want to warn you to- | day that this republican party to-day | is not the republican party of which you | have been reading. I want to draw its | history from Abraham Lincoln to Mark | Hanna so that you can see the tobog- gan slide. To change one of Soloman's 5 l sayings little, the wise man gets the idea in the head and the foolish man
 gets it in the neck.
 We to-day simply have little
 greater progress towards the culmina- tion of the trust principle and when that continuation is reached, the young
 man instead of aspiring to independ-
 ence, will aspire to a clerkship under a trust. There will be concentration op zp ;nA rf
 while the great mass of the people will
 struggle on without hope. It means
 that the motive power which has made
 America the greatest power of history
 is weakening. It is a question which
 comes home to every man, woman and
 child in this country. In 1896 of course
 you did not feel the influence of cor porations here Qaughter) but in some
 places they did. What will it be when
 these great institutions are, gathered
 together under one head, directing men
 how to vote? I say that when this
 monopoly reaches its head, government
 by the people and for the people will
 be dead. The republican party says in
 it's platform that it is opposed to trusts
 and it has had time to do something.
 Why hasn't it? Do you think that the
 republican party would destroy trusts
 Why Hanna said in his speeches in Ohio that there were no trusts, that trusts were necessary, and that people should. not be afraid of their so-called dangers because if there were any he and his crowd would take care of them. He was guilty of plagiarism in his third defence. He got that from the fable in which it is related that the fox told the farmer not to build a chicken house, not to feel afraid of the foxes, Is 1t possible that the people will be de- ceived by such juggling? I believe that a monopoly is bad, indefensible and in- tolerable, and anything that is bad don't have to be endured in the United States. I believe that the American people can help it and suggest a rem edy which believe would be effective My plan is to shut a trust up in one state. Congress has power to regulate Interstate commerce and has the power to place on corporations dealing in in- terstate commerce regulations. It can say that before a corporation can ge: power to do business outside of it's own state 1t must comply with conditions | that congress imposes. The first con- 1ition that would suggest is to squeeze the water out of the stock | second, the corporation must show that | | is not trying or has not tried 10 ! any branch of busin sss | Don't be deluded with the idea that | here are good trusts and bad ones. My | belief is that they all come from below | md none from above.
 In 1896 there were 25,000 soldiers In | ,ur standing army. In December, 1898, he president asked for 100000. The ex- use for the increase was a new foreign ,olicy. The difference between repub- ic and an empire is thls-25, GOO soldiers Ire enough for republic with 7O,0O0,000 | four times as many for an mpire with 10,000,000 more people gov- rned without their consent. If we are ,oing to hold these people without theirA onsent 1t will take a large army U nake them swallow benevolence witk- ut assimilation. No one expects that ve are to take in the Filipinos to share n the destiny of the nation. We are oing to govern ourselves and them, too mot give them our kind of govern lent but one to suit us. That is what mpire is. Compare our constitution ,ith any government yet proposed for hose people. A military government ia ropoeed and military governor with upreme power, a carpet-bagger ap- ointed from this country and paid by he people there. Are we giving them
 blessing of liberty? Oh, no. We are ot conferring on them the liberty that 'e enjoy, but the liberty that we think hey ought to enjoy. Three arguments advanced in favor Of nperialism are: That there is money f 1t; that God is in it, and that we are it and can't get out. They say that cd Is in it and then they say that there
 money in it. If there is any republi- Tn here who believes that we ought to ike the islands and hold them because
 will pay, let him compare that with le views of Lincoln
 When we enter upon career of con- lest we must have all the time and ( ,rce to excite fear. When they put it l a money basis they say that we will { et back in trade all the value of the yes lost there. I would not put one i citizen on the auction block f Id sell him for all the trade of the uni- , srse What mother is going to be { 'oud to raise sons to exchange for so ( uch a head for Oriental trade? Sup ose you can show that we will get ore out than we put in; can you tell ho gets what goes in and who will