New-York tribune., 1900-09-08
MODERN FRANCE.
THE EVOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.

FRANCE SINCE 1914. By Baron Pierre de Couber-
tin limo. pp. X, S1. The Macmillan Company
Baron Pierre de Coubertin has performed a
useful task in writing this book. He has under
taken to lay bare the details OF contemporary
French history in such manner as to explain
the political and social phenomena that present
themselves in France to-day. At the time,
HIS book is not so much history Of the period
10 covers as it is a commentary upon IT. He has
taken a good deal for granted. yet has restated
much in new way that makes clear the opera
ton Of cause and effect, and that produces. so
TO speak, a working theory of the course of
events. Baron de Coubertin has some very
positive views of his own. and he has inter
preted history in the light of them: but the re-
suit is none the less valuable.
He has undertaken, first Of all. TO trace the
underlying metaphysical thread which he insists
unites the several periods into which French
history since the death of Napoleon I seems to
have been split. The fact that explains this his
tory, he believes. is the effort TO build UP a
permanent structure on a foundation still
shaken by the catacysms Of the preceding cent
ury. Most of the work done in 1924, 1916 and
1856 was compromised by what followed in
1880. 1S4S and 1867. and it was done by small
fractions Of the people at large. There have
been three distinct French nations among which
tained-the Jacobins the 'Emigres' and the rest
Of the people. 1t is this last body which, &C
cording to Baron de Coubertin, has been mis-
understood for century, and its dearest wishes
set at naught. It desired stability. and, having
had the Hundred Days and the revolutions Of
1880 and 1S4S forced upon It, 1t threw itself into
the arms Of Louis Napoleon to gain tranquility,
and the same forces are now upholding the
Third Republic. with the same end in view.
Louis XVIII saw in this France the indispensa-
bic support of the Throne and aimed to secure
IL There was real enthusiasm for Napoleon
en- his return from Elba, according to Baron de
Coubertin. though not every one will accept his
treatment Of the subject as a legend to be ex-
pIoded
He is as eager in protest against the assump-
ton that Louis Philippe was the elected SOW
ereign Of the people. He talks Of 1.-The great
juggling of $780, by which few Deputies re-
vised the charter and offered it TO the Duke of
Orleans. who, all impatience TO swear fidelity to
It, was thereupon proclaimed King of the French
people as Louis Philippe This is characterized
by the author IAN amazing feat of legerde-
main which begun by the audacity of a
little French journalist" Theirs, and which the
French happen without in the least under
standing it. So in 1S4S, according to Baron de
Coubertin Louis Philippe was upset by a hand
full Of Parisians. 1t a revolution Of panic
fear, the republic was established by chance"
and, TO add TO the comic features. the final or
der to the members Of the royal family remain
ing after Louis Philippe's flight, to form pro-
Visional government, came from the office of a
newspaper that could not reckon on three thou
sand subscribers Then came Louis Napoleon,
who was elected Prince President four months
later, and whose reign-beginning then, and not
in 1852, as Baron de Coubertin insists-marked
the real end Of the republic. The contrary view,
he declares. is o9 those fctions he has set
out to demolish. Likewise is the proposition
that Napoleon III was not the elected sovereign
Of the people. The coup d'etat was, indeed, alb
solutely Illegal and hence is to be judged Sc
verely; but history, as Baron de Coubertin in
terprets II, will give Louis Napoleon the benefit
Of certain extenuating circumstances; such, for
instance, as that the majority of the people
urged him on along the path of illegality.
The book contains some vivacious characteri-
cations relating to this period, and they are
worth more than passing notice. Such for in
stance. are the references to Theirs, the "tur-
bulent little man. who had from the first the
fixed desire to be Minister, and who arranged
his political views that end, with his fac
titious but extremely seductive personality" the
instrument of his egoistic vanity and boundless
ambition In Guizot, studied at a little dis
tance, Baron de Coubertin finds, with all his in
leBElly ana conscience a certain want Of in
telligence; he had TO divination either of men
or events; his Memories are full of cries of
inca culpa':
All his work is great only so far as we see in
II the reflection Of beautiful soul, and not
through the luminous transparency Of the
thought With all his learning he created moth
ing, neither a doctrine nor a system nor a
method nor even a new measure.
Coming 10 the present conditions in France.
the author finds the danger to be Socialism,
greater and nearer in France than elsewhere.
On account Of the greater administrative CEN
traHzation there. The country. he thinks IS
confronted with two alternatives-either to
abandon itself to the perilous chances Of State
Socialism, or 10 destroy an administrative sys-
TEN that must inevitably lead it there. THAT
means that the true historical tradition of old
France will have been restored, and thus she
VIII have broken once and forever with Bona
partisan" The trouble is that the virus Of revo
luton has got into the blood, and can only be
very slowly eliminated. But il will be eIirnina
ted. The author has full faith in the ultimate
soundness Of his countrymen.
If only the French people would cease 10 he |
ieve In radical expedents; if only tbev worId
conscentiously set TO work to finish what the,,
have so well begun. This is Baron de Couber |
tns final wish, and in it he implies much Of tbe
philosophy he has been expoundinR in his road |
ing Of French history.
ONE KTnJn on TTHr~r