Virginian-pilot. (Norfolk, Va.) 1898-1911, 1900-08-09

XIII their people: out tt cannot repeal
the moral law or escape the punish
ment decreed for the violation OF
human rights.
Would we tread In the paths of ty-
ranny,
Who taketh another's liberty
His freedom is also lost.
Would we win as the strong have ever
won,
Make ready to pay the debt,
For the God who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who is reigninS yet.
Some argue that American rule In
the Philippine Islands will result in the
better education of the Filipinos. Be
not deceived. If we expect to main
tain colonial policy. we shall not find
It TO our advantage to educate the peo-
pie. The educated Fiiipinos are now in
revolt against us, and the most ig-
norant ones have made the least re-
Slstance to our domination. If we are
TO govern them without their consent
and give them no voice in determining
the taxes which they must pay. we
dare not educate them, lest they learn
to read the Declaration of Indepcnd-
ence and the Constitution of the
United States and mock us for our in
consistency.
ARGUMENTS OF IMPERIALISTS.
The principal arguments. however.
advanced by those Who enter UPON
defense OF Imperialism are:
First: That we must improve the
present opportunity TO become world
power and enter into International pol
tiles.
Second: That our commercial inter-
ests in the Philippine Islands and in
the Orient make 1t necessary for us
TO hold the Islands permanently.
Third: That the spread of the Chris
tian religion Will be facilitated by Il
colonial policy.
Fourth That there is no honorable
retreat from the position which the
nation has taken.
The first argument Is addressed to
the nations pride and the second to
the nations pocket-book. The third is
intended for the church member and
the fourth for the partisan.
1t is q sufficient answer to the first
argument to say that for more than n
century this nation has been world
power. For ten decades II has been
the most potent influence In the world.
Not only has II been world power,
but It has done moro TO affect the poll
tics of the human race than all. the
other nations of the world combined.
Because our Declaration of 1ndepen-
dence was promulgated, others have
of l776 fought for liberty, others have
OF lII6 fought for liberty others have
fought for It; because our Constitution
was adopted. other constitutions have
been adopted. The growth OF the prin-
clple of self government. planted on
American soil. has been the over
shadowing political fact Of the nine
teenth century. 1t has made this ma
ton conspicuous among the nations,
and given II n place in history such as
no other nation has ever enjoyed.
Nothing has been able TO check the on
ward march OF this idea. am not
I "a
| the omnipotcnt weapon o? truth ia
seize again the weapon Of physical
warfare. | would not exchange the
glory OF this republic for the glory OF
all the empires that have risen and
fallen since time beadn.
The permanent chairman of the last
Republican National Convention pre-
scented the pecuniary argument in ali
its badness. when he said:
I'VE make no hypocritical pretcnscs
of being Interested in the Philippines
solely on account of others. While W,
regard the welfare of those people as Il
sacred trust we regard the welfare oil
the American people first. We see our
duty to ourselves as we'll as to others
| We believe in trade expansion. by
every legitimate means within the pro-
vince OF government and constitution
we mean to stimulate the expansion OF
our trade and open new markets"
THE COMMERCIAL ARGUMENT.
/ This is the commercial argument. Ii
/ is based upon the theory that war car
be rightly waged for pecuniary al
/ vantage, and that 1t Is profitable Il
purchase trade by force and violence
! Franklin denied both of these PROPOSE.
! tions. When Lord Lowe asserted thai
| the acts of Parliament which brought
on the Revolution. were necessary t.
prevent American trade from passing
into foreign channels. Franklin replied
| TO me II seems that neither the OBJ
tanning nor retaining of any trade. how
valuable soevcr. is an object for which
men may justly spill each others blood
| that the true and sure means of cx.
tending and securing commerce ar,
the goodness and chcapncss OF com.
! moditics. and that the profits of II,
trade can ever he equal to the cXpens,
of compelling it and holding it by fleet.
and armies. | consider this wal
against us. therefore. as both unjus
and unWise."
place the philosophy OF Franklir
against the sordid doctrine OF thos,
who would put a price upon the life o
an American soldier and justify n wa
of conquest upon the ground that i
will pay. The Democratic party is il
favor of the expansion Of trade I
would extend our trade by every legiti
mate and peaceful means: but il Is no
willing to make merchandise of huma,
| blood.
But war of conquest is as unwisc n:
ii is unrighteous. a harbor and coal
ing station in the Philippines woul,
answer every trade and military ne
ccssity. and such concession coulC
have been secured at any time withou
difficulty.
NOT NECESSARY TO TRADE.
1t is not necessary to own people il
order TO trade with them. We carry Oh
trade to-day with every part of In,
world. and our commerce has expande,
more rapidly than the commerce of an,
European empire. We do not ow,
Inr LII