The times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1897-1901, 1900-09-29
THE MENACE TO EMPIRE.
CONTINUED from First Pagc.)

| Republic since the world stands a single
act SURPRISING in treacherous villainy this
| thing done in the name of the great Repub-
lie sprung from the Declaration of Inde-
pendence-the Republic of George Wash
ington and Abraham Lincoln. Where is
| the American having the honor of his coun-
| try truly at heart who will not hang his
/ head in shame and contrite humiliation at
this deep disgrace?
Let us now review what Imperialism
has so far really made of us. 1t has per-
verted the solemnly proclaimed war of liO-
| Grafton and humanity into a war of land
| grabbing conquest criminal aggression, and
subjugation, thus destroying the belief of
mankind in the sincerity of our ylrtuous
| profession. branding us a nation of greed.
! and destroying our national credit with
the world. 1t has seduced us to commit
| the meanest misdeed nation can COM
mit-the crafty betrayal of an ally and
the wanton slaughter of innocent people.
Our Principles RidicuIcd.
1t has put into contempt and ridicule
the fundamental principles Of cur demoo
racy and is undermining the popular be-
lief in our old IDEALS OF right. justice, and
liberty, which alone furnish the c lis rva
tive element indispensable TO a demccra
cy working through unity, with Universal
suffrage. Ii has taught our people that
might makes right, and other like les
sons. which, until sternly rebuked VIII
utterly demoralize public sentim- mt and
transform the political life OF our de-
mocracy into wild. unscrupulcus, ard
eventually anarchistic struggles Of pas
sions and greedy interests.
These who have got the Republic into
this frightful situation ask with a tr.-
umphant smile: Well, how will you now
get out of it?' Common sense suggests
the answer. First, let US turn out of
power those who got us into it and put
into power men who wish to get us out
of it. But is 1t really possible to get out
of it, Yes, a Thousand times yGsi To
get out of it will be far more honorable
but also far easier and far less costly
than to stay in it. Let the American
people declare that the slaughter of those
demanding freedom and independence
uInphant smile; Well, how will you now
must cease: that we will have no vassal
provinces or subject populations; that
our Government shall in coed faith aid
them in setting up an independent gov
ernment of their own, and meantime as
sure them of our help against foreign az
gression-in one word, that they shall be
treated simply as we have promised to
treat the people of Cuba Let this be de-
IL
Will try. Where there is will there is
way. Let not the will be wanting.
Not to Elevate Aguinnido.
ut is said that we cannot honorabiy
put Aguinaldo in unrestrained power and
turn over to his tender mercies those who
have befriended the Americans, and this
point, too. Mr.. Mckinley argues with NOV
ing eloquence. But who is there proposing
that we should put Aguinaldo and his
Tagalogs in unrestrained power when aid
ing the islanders in setting up on inde-
PENDENT government? Nobody. Do we put
Gomez or Cisneros in unrestrained power
When We aid the Cubans to construct their
independent government? We are endeaY-
oring TO put the people of Cuba in power.
not any particular person. And is there
anybody proposing TO do anything else in
the case of the Philippines? Why does
Mr.. Mckinley find it necessary to coniure
up such scare crows for the purpose of
frightening the unwary.
Il have addressed this appeal to you,
hoping that you viii give it candid consid-
GRAFTON. Throughout my whole public
life | have :asld il to be my duty to tell
my hearers the truth as l understood it,
without fear or favor, and i have done
so now.
AS 10 the money question, my conyic
tions have, Of course, not changed in the
least. But while the money ques ton was
the paramount issue four years sgo, we
never admitted that IL must remain the
paramount issue always: or that how
ever important sound money is to the
economic interests. as well as TO the char
acter of the nation, there may not be
other things OF even more vital moment;
or that party representing sound money
may do things ever so obnoxious to good
morals or good policy and still rightfully
exact our support under all circum-
stances. But l frankly declare that even
If the danger SO luridly depicted by the
imperialists really existed, my position |
in the present crisis would be the same.
"Fellow-citizens, ! have given TO this |
matter many days and nights of anxious
thought. much troubled by the perplexing |
alternative before US in the impending !
election. The more 1 think of 1t the more |
does every drop of my blood revolt at the !
monstrous wrong we have done and con-
tinue TO do; and the more clearly does my
reason tell me that the policy Of imperial
ism has brought upon our Republic the |
greatest peril to the integrity of its free |
its peace. its honor, and its |
true greatness that has ever befallen it; |
that conscientiously | can never, never I
consent to uphold that policy by helping |
to keep In power those who wantonly orig !
mated it and are now carrying it on, and |
that as an honest man and an American |
patriot l am duty bound to contribute my 1
humble aid to whatever gives us an as
surance or even only reasonable hope, |
of its overthrow.
That duty calls on us all Let US, !
therefore, come what may, stand together |
with a good conscience and unfinching |
courage for truth. justice. and liberty"