New Iberia enterprise. (New Iberia, La.) 1885-1902, 1900-08-18

Inc historian, ueSCflDln8 tne con-
ditions which had already come
into existence or were rapidly tax
ing shape, says:
"The early Romans possessed the
faculty of self-government beyond
any people of whom we have his
torical knowledge, with the one ex-
ceptiOn of ourselves. In virtue of
their temporal freedom, they be-
came the most powerful nation in
the world, and their liberties per-
ished only when Rome became the
mistress Of conquered races, to
whom she was unable or unwilling
to extend her privileges.
If there be one lesson which his
tory clearly teaches, it is this: that
free nations cannot govern subject
provinces. If they are unable or
unwilling to admit their dependen-
cies to share their own constitution,
the constitution itself will fall in
pieces from mere incompetence for
it's duties. n
With such vividness, with such
transparent clearness, the ag e
stands before us of Cato and Pom
pey, of Cicero and Julius Caesar !;
the more distinctly because it was
an age in so many ways the coun-
terpart of our own, the blossoming
period of the old civilization, when
the intellect was trained to the
highest point which it could reach +;
and on the great subjects of human
interest, on morals and politics, on
poetry and art, even religion itself
and the speculative problems OF
life, men thought as we think,
doubted where we doubt, argued as
we argue, aspired and struggled af-
ter the same objects.
1t was an age Of material pro-
gress and material civilization; an
age of civil liberty and intellectual
culture an age of pamphlets and
epigrams, of saloons and dinner
parties, of senatorial majorities and
electoral corruption.
The highest offices of state were
open in theory to the meanest citi-
zen; they were confined, in fact, to
those who had the longest purses,
or the most ready use Of the tongue
on popular platforms. Distinc-
tions of birth had been exchanged
for distinctions of wealth.
The struggles between plebians
ana patrfctany Tor equality OF priv
ilege were over, and a new division
had been formed between the party
Of property and party who de-
sired a change in the structure Of
society.
Patriotism survived on the lips,
but patriotism meant the ascenden-
cy of the party who would main
tain the order Of things, or would
overthrow it for a more equal dis
tribution of the good things which
alone were valued.
Religion, once the foundation of
the laws and rule of personal con-
duct, had subsided into opinion.
The educated, in their hearts, dis
believed it. Temples were still
built with increasing splendor the
established forms were scrupulous-
| ly observed. Public men spoke
conventionally of Providence, that
they might throw on their oppo-
nents the odium of impiety; but of
genuine belief that life had any
serious meaning, there was none
remaining beyond the circle of the
silent, patient, ignorant multitude.
To make money-money by any
means, lawful or unlawful-became
the universal passion. Money! The
cry was still money! Money was
the one thought from the highest
senator to the poorest wretch who
sold his vote in the Comitia.
For money, judges gave unjust
DEGREES and juries gave corrupt YER
diets. Governors held their prov
inces for one, two or three years.
They went out bankrupts from ex-
travagance; they returned with
millions for fresh riot.
The mobiles and great common.
ers of Rome rapidly found them.
selves in possession of revenues
which their fathers could not have
imagined in their dreams, and mon
ey in the stage of progress at which
Rome had arrived was convertible
into power. To obtain province
was the first ambition of Roman
noble. The road to it lay through
the preatorship and became the
prizes Of the State; and, being in
the gift Of the people, they were
sought after by means which de.
moralized alike the givers and the
receivers. The elections were
managed by clubs and coteries
and, except on occasions Of ma.
tional danger or political excite