The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1900-03-20

force and violence, but through the per-
suasive power OF a high and honorable ex-
ample.
1--WE oppose militarism. 1t imposes upon
the people an unnecessary burden and Is a
constant menace. small standing army
and a well-equipped state militia are suffi-
cient in time of peace; in time of war the
citizen soldier should be Republic de-
fense.
I'VE believe with Jefferson in peace. COM
merce and honest friendship with all ma
tions and entangling alliances with none;
and we regard with apprehension the doc
trine advocated in some quarters that this
Nation should in its dealings or diplomacy
show partiality toward any or the Euro
pean nations.
'sNot because of hostility TO England.
but because we believe in the principles OF
a republic and reject, as did our forefa-
theirs. the theory of monarchy. we sympa-
thize with the Beers in their heroic efforts
TO preserve their national integrity. The
failure of Republican leaders, who four
years ago expressed sympathy for the Gu
ban patriots, to feel an interest in the
struggle of the Dutch I'm South Africa
shows the paralyzing influence of the i'm
perial policy 10 which the administration
is now endeavoring TO commit this coun-
try
While the committee upon the resolutions
was out Richard l.. Metcalfe. OF Omaha;
w. d. Oldham. of Kerney; w. ii. Thomp-
son. of Grand Island: and A. G.. Tibbetts.
of Lincoln, were chosen as delegates at
large to the national convention at Kansas
City.
MR.. BRYAN'S SPEECH.
While the convention was in the midst of
hot row over the choice of alternates TO
the delegates at large. Mr.. Bryan appeared
I'm the hall. The sight of him put a stop TO
all business and the delegates went wild as
he mounted the platform. Most of Mr.
Bryan's speech was in line with previous
utterances. He denounced the currency
feature of the financial bill and said the
Republican party had never in campaign
advocated the retirement of the greenbacks
and that il would not be able to defend
that bill before the country. He said that a
national bank currency secured by gov
ernment bonds could not be permanent
settlement of the currency question un-
less we had a permanent and increasing
national debt.
On the trust question he reiterated his
condemnation of the Republican party.
saying: 1.-THE trust is so bad thing that
trusts in his message last December. but
he did not recommend remedy. The trust
portion of his message might be con-
!,
for the life of me don't know what to do
about them. 1 hope somebody knows more
than l do and will suggest something A
Republican Congress listened to the read
ing of the message and then proceeded to
establish a paper money trust which gives
to the people larger chance of injury and
to the banks larger opportunity for profit
than any other trust in existence He said
that the Republican party was powerless to
interfere with the trusts because the lead
ing Republicans were connected with the
trusts and the party had to rely upon
trust contributions to carry on the coming
campaign. He presented and defended the
remedy which he suggested at the anti
trust meeting i'm Chicago last fall and
which he has frequently discussed since
| that time.
Taking up the Philippine question he re-
ferred first to the Porto Rican bill ard said
| 1.-The desire to- impose imporI duties on
| goods coming from Porto Rico compelled
| the Republican party to disclose it's i'm
| perialistic tendencies. This bill has aroused
| storm of protest from Republicans i'm
| public.and private life. But why should any
| Republican be surprised? Imperialism
| flag are not to share in the guarantees of
| the Constitution. 1t is amazing the Re-
| pubicans have contemplated the perma-
| nent acquisition of the Philippine islands
without stopping to consider the future
| status of the Filipinos. Are the Fflipinos
to be citizens? Are they to be allowed to
| come to the United States with their ORR
| entail methods of living to compete with
| American labor? What good does IL do to
| exclude few Chinese and then bring in by
| force eight millions of Filipinos? Are the
| F'ilipinos to expect to participate in our
elections? Is presidential contest to be
| determined by the returns from the Philip
| pine islands? Are the questions which con-
Germ our own people to be decided some day
| by the senator's and representatives in Con
| gress from the Philippine islands? And II
| the Filipinos are not to be citizens are we
| going to change our Constitution so as tc
hold them in a perpetual state of vassal.
| age? Can we expect anything but theil
| hatred so long as we rule them through
carpetbag governors?
1.-The Republicans have studiously avoid
ed discussion of the Philippine question
| They have opposed the consideration OF
| could be done until the insurrection wa.
put down. The Porto Rico tariff BILL how
ever, gives US some idea of the treatment
which the Filipinos may expect and Prof
Scurmann, one of the Presidents commits
sioners. says that this bull will arouse sus
| picion i'm the mind OF the Filipino as to hi!
future conditions. He states his fears IL
the following language: In the very mo
In the minds Of the conquered Filipino
shall We commit act which will confirm
their distrust of us, quicken their suspi
cions and breed new and. perhaps, ineradi
cable antipathies? God forbid A"
Mr.. Bryan continued: 1.-The only settle
ment of the Philippine question conssten
with American interests and American
principles is the settlement proposed by tn,
Democrats in the Senate before war brok
out I'm the Philippine islands, namely: 4
declaration of the Nations purpose to Civ,
the Filipinos independence soon as
stable government is established. Whel
cease and ii will be easy to establish
stable government To independence shoul,
| be added protection from outside inter
ference. Not a protectorate such as Eu
ton of the protected. but protection sucl
as this Nation has exercised over the re
publics of Central and South America. 1