Evening star., 1900-10-06
Smoke From the Big Guns in Liberal
and Conservative Camps,
WHERE BUSINESS TRAINING SHOWS
Policy of United States Pleases
Chinese Diplomat.
SOME OTHER TIMELY TOPICS
Special Correspondence Of The Evening Star.

Special Correspondence OF The Evening Star
LONDON. September 25, 1900.
| Preliminary skirmishes in the election
| CO mpaign have given place to heavy bat
| ties. each side using it's most powerful
guns. The conservatives are making a
frontal attack and the liberals are endeav-
orlng to execute a flank movement. Lord
| Rosebery. Capt. Lambton Of Ladysmith
| fame, John Morley and Sir Henry Camp
ben-Bannerman all admit the necessity for
annexing the South African republics. but
they are trying deftly to bring confusion
| on the government by ably criticising the
| mismanagement Of the war and by en-
! deavering to focus public attention as much
| as possible on home affairs. Lord Salisbury s
| foreign policy comes in for some slight
| criticism, but 1t is not customary in En-
| glish political campaigns for the opposition
to attack the conduct Of the foreign nego-
| tiations unless. Of course, there have been
some very bad blunders.
| Mr. Chamberlain leads the government
| forces in an enieavor to annihilate the op-
position. Sir Henry Campbeu-Bannerman
| and his followers are accused Of being re-
sponsible for the war by leading the Beers
to believe they could at the last moment
| restrain the government from forcibly CO.
| ercing the two South African republics
With characteristic demagogy. the colonial
/ secretary endeavors to make the entire lib
|
| letters Of DR.. Clarke. Mr.. Ellis and Mr..
| Labouchere to the Boer government. Mr..
| Balfour admirably seconds Mr.. Chamber
! lain's efforts to work up the patriotic feel
| ing OF the country, but with the war prac-
| tically over and no essential difference be-
| tween the two parties as to the future set
| tlement Of South Africa. 1t Is apparently
| difficult to rouse enthusiasm over the ques-
| tfon. The unionists are constantly assuring
| themselves that they will have an enor-
| nous majority in the next parliament, but
as Lord Salisbury's manifesto shows, they
| are not full of confidence. The prime min
| lister devotes the best part of his letter to
| an appeal to the hesitating and abstaining
| conservatives. Lord Salisbury at one time
| did not intend to issue address to the
| electors. and he has evidently changed his
| mind at the instance of the conservative
| organizers. 1t IS no secret that many
stsnch unionists are not inclined to vote
| In consequence of the bunderings and mis-
/ management Of the war Office.
Since Lord Salisbury's manifesto a
| marked change has come over the spirit Of
| the two parties. When the dissolution was
ment were confident that they would Sc
| cure as big majority as in 1895 and some
| thought the figure would run up to 100 or
| 10 One hears no such talk now. The
| min1ster1alistS will consider themselves for
| tunate If they maintain their present ma
| Jority OF about 130 and they are saying
| that even 100 would be a good majority
Many shrewd liberals believe 10 is nearer
| Lord Rosebery or the other opposition lead
ers has succeeded in infusing new life into
the liberal party. The evident uneasiness
| of the prime minister has shown them that
| they are more feared than they had any
| reason to suppose. They now see they have
| more than fighting chance Of considerably
| reducing the governments majority, and
| they are conducting their campaign accord
| ingly. As the official leader of his party
perhaps Sir Henry Campbell
address should be compared to the letter Of
Lord Salisbury The liberal leader Is not
| content with destructive criticisms, but he
sets forth the outlines of a policy on do
| mestfc affairs that includes disestablish-
| ment. registration reform, an eight-hour
strikes. Some fault is found in his mani
! festo because he makes no reference to
| nome rule. army reform and local veto Of
| liquor licenses The first, however is
openly approved In the speeches of other
| prominent liberals; the second is Of course
| taken for granted, and the third, local Veto
Is to the liberal party very much what free
silver Is to the democratic party In Amer
| lea By local veto Is meant the delegation
| to local government boards Of the power
| to refuse to grant liquor licenses to ali pub
| licans when a two-thirds majority in any
| community favors such a measure The
| liberals have been defeated on this uues-
| ton, and the leaders are divided on the ad-
visibility of continuing a strenuous advo-
| cacy OF 1t. They don't like to drop 1t COM
| pleteiy, and they know 1t would be dfsas-
| trous to put the question in the foreground.
They therefore content themselves with de-
caring they favor moderate reform in this
direction, or reform along conservative
| lines, which means anything the hearers
may choose to want.
Want Younger Blood.
Mr.. Goschen's retirement from the par
hamentary representation of st. Georges
Hanover Square, is interpreted In the GUS
tomary way. His removal from the post of
chief lord Of the admiralty was one of the
first changes urged in the recent discussion
for the reconstruction of the cabinet. He Ia
close on seventy, and although he may be
described as Intellectually active, he can
hardly be considered vigorous enough to
undertake the management Of the navy
during the next six years. Going the usual
way of outward ministries. he will without
doubt be offered a peerage and spend the
remainder of his life in the house Of lords
A deeper significance is, however. attached
to this change at the admiralty. In view
of Germany's growing strength in naval
power it Is absolutely necessary that the
British admiralty program in the next five
years shall be developed proportionately
and should aim not merely at increased
strength. but also at new ideas in construc-
ton of vessels and better treatment Of
sailors. The strongest men in the next cab
met will be found at the head Of the two
great services. the army and the navy.
Unfortunately, however. there is a dearth
of strong men In the outgoing ministry. Mr..
Chamberlain and Mr.. Goschen, both former
radicals and both men with business train
ing. are the best administrators among
them. VIII Mr.. Chamberlain go to the war
office? The country generally is hoping that
he will. for, despite all other things, he has
won the confidence Of the people as an able
administrator, and Lord Lansdownes in
capacity has given a severe shock to the
feeling Of national security.
Mr.. Chamberlain's strength lies in the
fact that he is prepared to sacrifice every
thing in order to make his management Of
a department successful. This Is the very
quality required in Lord Lansdowne's sue
cessor who must be prepared to fight the
whole of the British aristocratic society
a body In order to put the military system
on q sound and workmanlike footing. The
only prominent man in the present unionist
party capable Of doing this Is the colonial
secretary. Unfortunately there Is an idea
current now that he will remain at the
colonial office. The choice OF Lord Sails
bury in filling up Lord Lansdownes post
will in that event be limited to Lord George
Hamilton or Mr.. st. John Brodrick or Lord
Curzon. who might be recalled from India
for that purpose. This trio, however. be-
long to the same exclusive caste Of society
which has too long dominated the military
service. and none. except perhaps Lord Cur
zon, is in Mr.. Chamberlains class as an
administrator.