The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1900-01-22
AS A MATTER OF SYMPATHY.

Those who keep the run of political affairs
know that the free republic of the Beers
of which Senator Hale spoke is not a free
republic at all. On the other hand it is a
government which denied to its foreign
born residents, who are majority of the
population and who contribute the larger
portion of its public revenues, the common
est rights. 1t is the sort of republic which
allows no citizen to take part in its legis-
lation who is not a member of a particular
church. In fact, there is nothing in the
Kruger government which should cause
any citizen of the United States to bestow
sympathy upon it. Nor is the war in South
Africa a struggle to maintain free govern
ment, as Senator Hale and others declare,
but simply struggle to determine whether
Kruger or the British shall rule in South
Africa. The policy pursued by Great Brit
ain may not commend itself to other peo-
pies, but it should not be lost sight of
that the Beers desired war and practically
began it, and are now opposing the British
on British soil. Furthermore. the war, so
far as Great Britain is concerned. is not
to establish a despotism, but to insure to
those who are a majority of the people In
the Transvaal a rightful participation In
the local government. If Dom Paul sue
character will be established over South
Africa.
Because one does not sympathize with
Great Britain in the conflict he need not
distort the facts regarding the Kruger gov
eminent in order to sympathize with the
Beers. We can remain neutral. In fact
there is reason why we should. Not two
years ago we set out upon a war as ill
prepared as a nation we'll could be. Sup
pose we had attacked a living nation, with
a navy and army, instead of corpse, as
was Spain. Such nation could have bonn
barded our cities and put us in position
that Europe would have found a pretext
to interfere in behalf of Spain. A desire to
be hostile was manifest, by whom it Is not
now necessary to point out. That desire
would have eliminated in action had
there been any doubt Of the result after
the first few months. Before our war with
Spain had been begun Europe knew where
Great Britain would be found in the event
of any attempt at interference. SPANS
weakness at the outset rendered 1T i'm
polite for any nation in Europe to inter-
fere, but, If 1t had been different, would
Great Britain's attitude have prevented 1t
because of her power on the ocean?
Besides, when ii comes to the matter of
our interference with Spain on behalf of
the Cubans, has it ever occurred that our
justification in the eyes of other nations
must be much the same as that of Great
Britain in South Africa? In the judgment
of Europe we interfered with Spain in a
barbarous effort to suppress an instruction
in territory which was recognized to be
part of Spain. BY the same judgment
Great Britain is at war in South Africa
under the pretext of securing to foreigners
of all nations who go to the Transvaal
some voice in it's government. Great Brit
ain may. in our judgment not have a good
cause in South Africa, but it is sheer nom
sense to assert that the Kruger govern
ment deserves our sympathy because it is
in any sense a republic ruled by the voice
of the majority of the people within it's
boundaries.