Evening star., 1900-09-17

country, and am not in favor Of adding to
our domestic fabric mongrei popuiation
(of this character). Our Constitution makes
no provision for colonial establishment
Any territorial government we might es-
tablish would necessarily, because OF the
population, be an oligarchy, which would
have to be supported by armed soldiers.
Yet Hawaii has now been annexed and her
delegates have sat in the national conven-
tions Of the two great parties. The fears
then expressed in relation to an "oligarchy"
and armed soldiers are not now seriously
entertained by any human being; yet they
are precisely the objections urged against
the acquisition Of the Philippines at this
very moment We are making no new de-
parture. We are not taking single step
which In any way affects our institutions
or our traditional policies. From the begin
ming we have given widely varying degrees
OF self-government to the different terrific
ries, according to their needs.
Nothing Resembling Imperialism.
The simple truth is that there is nothing
even remotely resembling imperialism" or
''militarism' involved in the present devel-
opment of that policy Of expansion which
has been part of the history of America
from the day when she became a nation.
The words mean absolutely nothing as ap-
piled to our present policy In the Philip
pines: for this policy Is only imperialistic
in the sense that Jefferson's policy in Lou
isiana was imperialiStic; only military In
the sense that Jackson's policy toward the
Seminoles or Clusters toward the Sioux
embodied militarism; and there is no more
danger Of Its producing evil results at
home now than there was of its interfering
with freedom under Jefferson and Jackson,
or in the days of the Indian wars on the
plains. Our army is relatively not as large
as it was in the days of Wayne; we have
not one regular for every thousand fnhabi-
tants. There is no more danger Of a draft
than there is of the reintroduction of sla-
very.
When we expanded over New Mexico and
California We secured free government to
these territories and prevented their falling
under the "militarism' of a dictatorship
like that of Santa Anna, or the imperial
ISM of a real empire in the days Of Max
tmillian. We put stop to Imperialism in
Mexico as soon the civil war closed. We
made a great anti-imperialistic stride when
we drove the Spaniards from Porto Rico
and the Philippines and thereby made
ready the ground in these islands for that
gradually increasing measure of self-gov-
ernment for which their populations are
severally fitted. Cuba is being helped along
the path to independence as rapidly as her
own citizens are content that she should
60 OF course, the presence of troops in
the Philippines during the Tagal insurrec-
ton has no more to do with militarism or
Imperialism than had their presence in the
Dakotas, Minnesota and Wyoming during
the many years which elapsed before the
final outbreaks of the Sioux were definitely
put down.
Similar to Indian Wars.
There is no more militarism or imperial
ism in garrisoning Luzon until order is re-
stored than there was imperialism In send
ing soldiers to South Dakota in 1890, dur
ing the Ogallalla outbreak. The reasoning
which justifies our having made war against
Sitting Bull also justifies our having check
ed the outbreaks of Aguinaldo and his fol-
lowers, directed, as they were, against Fill
ipinO and American alike
The only certain way Of rendering it nee
essary for our republic to enter on a career
of "militarism" would be to abandon the
Philippines to their own tribes, and at the
same time either to guarantee a stable gov
ernment among these tribes or to guaran-
tee them against outside interference. A
far larger army would be required to carry
out any such policy than will be required
to secure order under the American flag;
while the presence of this flag on the ISL
ands is really the only possible security
against outside aggression. The whole ar
gument against President McKinley's pol
icy in the Philippines becomes absurd when
1t Is conceded that we should, to quote the
language of the Kansas City platform,
give to the Philippines first stable form
of government If they now entitled
to independence they also entitled to
decide for themselves whether their govern
ment shall be stable or unstable, civilized or
savage. or whether they shall have any
government at all; while it is. of course,
equally evident that under such conditions
We have no right whatever to guarantee
them against outside interference, any more
than We have to make such a guarantee in
the case Of the Boxers (who are merely
the Chinese analOgues of Aguinaldo's fol-
lowers). If we have right to establish
stable government in the islands it neces-
sarily follows that it Is not only our right
but our duty to support that government
until the natives gradually grow fit to sus-
tain it themselves. How else will it be
stable? The minute we leave 1t it ceases
to be stable.
Shall We COntractT
Properly speaking. the question is now
not whether we shall expand-for we have
already expanded-but whether we shall
contract. The Philippines now part Of
American territory. To surrender them
would be to surrender American territory,
They must. of course. be governed primar-
lily in the interests of their own citizens
Our first care must be for the people of