The daily morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven, Conn.) 1894-1907, 1900-07-28
POLITICAL EDUCATION.

POLITICAL EDUCATION.
President Hadley contributes to the
July Atlantic Monthly an article on
Political Education which proves him
a true intellectual descendant of Presi-
dent Woolsey, who defined the purposes
of education as First, character; sec
ond, culture; third, learning" 1t is q
hopeful defiance of much recent peda-
gogic theory and practice with regard to
politics Demands have been growing
in this country for political education.
| We have been led to believe that some
| how or other we We're to achieve saliva
ton by teaching our boys all about the
government machinery and sending
them into the world with sociology and
finance at their fingers ends. Matthew
Arnods warning about the danger Of
putting too much faith in institutions"
has been little needed by us. We have
had abiding faith in our institutions as
the most perfect political engines yet
devised, and our worry has been lest
our finest young men should grow UP
without the technical knowledge re-
| quired to run them. So from the gram
mar school to the university there
|
eminent, when as matter of fact good
| government is not one-tenth as much a
matter of science as of morality, and
corruption Is due less to ignorance of
the mechanism of politics than to sell
| flshness in the use of such knowledge
| as is possessed.
Giving full credit to all that Is valua-
| BILE in the widest diffusion of political
learning, President Hadley protests
against the tendency to make political
education teaching of facts, or even
teaching of the so-called scientific prin-
ciples which regulate the activity of
governments. He thinks such methods
tend ito prepare the minds of the next
generation to look to superficial reme-
dies for political evils, instead Of see
ing that the only true remedy lies in
the creation Of sound public sentl-
ment." And in speaking of public SEN
timent he makes a distinction which
cannot be too clearly borne In mind be-
tween collective conscience and collec-
tive selishness IF a large number of
people want thing we not infrequent-
ly hear it said that there Is public
sentiment In it's favor. 1t would be
much more correct to say that there Is
a widespread personal interest In secur-
ing It, The term public sentiment can
only be applied to those feelings and
demands which people are willing to
enforce at their own cost as well as at
that of others" Now. that sort Of pub
lie sentiment Is not created by learn
ing. 1t depends on character broad
ened by culture, which enables the man
of character to take large and sympa-
thetic views of affairs. The knowledge
of the mechanism Of politics or the sci
ence of government is the last thing he
needs. AS President Hadley declares:
It must constantly be borne in mind
that the training OF the free citizen Is
not so much a development of certain
lines of knowledge as a development OF
certain essential qualities Of character
and habits of action Courage, disci-
pline and loftiness of purpose are the
things really necessary for maintaining
q free government. If a citizen pos
sesses these qualities of character he
will acquire the knowledge which is es
sential to the conduct of the country's
institutions and to the reform of the
abuses which may arise. IT be does
not possess these qualities his political
learning and that of his fellow men will
not save the state from destruction.
We have only to look at our colleges
and law schools to appreciate the truth
Of this. From them, year after year. |
we see young men coming who ought to
mean the uplifting of politics, but do |
too frequently mean the prostitution of
knowledge and clevernesS to low aims |
the moment they enter public life. |
They know all about the science Of gov
eminent They are not lacking In any
thing that a college can teach Of polit-
ical fact or theory. But, unfortunately, |
too often they are also not lacking, as
result of college training, in the /
worlds mercenary spirit and narrow,
selfish aims. The young lawyer per-
haps wants references as a stepping
stone to practice, and he courts the
spokesman who has a judges ear. The
young business man or engineer must
deal with officials, and thinks it is not
his duty to introduce Utopia, but to ac-
complsh bis purpose by helping them
to play their game. Hundreds Of grad
yates, of course, do have finely fixed
ideals and live up to them, but there
are enough brilliant college men who
soon put on a cynical air toward politi-
the promotion Of their own fortunes by
earning the favor of political rascals to
enforce the lesson that knowledge is not
the essence of the political education
we need.
We want sterner stuff, that makes
moral sinews, and President Hadley
thinks it is not to be found in boosted
practical education, which has been
proclaimed as the successor of the old
humanities. He thinks the best col
lege training to make American citizens
is not to be found in specialization and
attention to minute political or other
facts He urges that the study be I'M
professional first and foremost. Then
it should deal with things of perma-
nent rather than ephemeral value. and
among such things "classlc" literature
holds first place. Third it should have
breadth and not be concerned too much
with making doctors of philosophy on
the strength Of original research of