The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1900-06-10
Speaker Voices His Belief I'm Anglo
eousness of American Ideals.
NO DANGER OF IMPERIALISM
GREATER NAVY AND A STRONGER
ARMY NATIONAL NECESSITIES.
No Sympathy with Boer Republican,
at De Pauw-Earlham Exercises.
:, :. 49, 1na,oranoI,s JournaI.

Special to the Indianapolis Journal
CRAWFORDSvILLE, Ind. June s.-The
first entertainment ON the programme OF
the Wabash College commencement season
was the address of Hon. J. Maurice Thomp-
son. Lift. D., at the new assembly ball In
the college campus. delivered this even
ing to the Phi Beta Kappa and large
company of visitors.
Mr. Thompsons subject was Literature
and Life" and the speaker said that In
setting literature over against life we need
not imply undue critical comparison.
Thought springs out of life as spark from
flint rarely coinciding with literary thought
The traditions of prose and verse, while
they reflect a generalization acceptable TO
the imagination, do not serve the highest
practical turn of life. The best that htera-
ture can do is to preserve, in some meas.
ure the impressions of life as it flows. But
what is done to-day cannot bind succeed
ing generation. no matter how solemnly re-
corded. The arrogance of living man who
attempts to make law for ages and gen.
erations to come is quite surpassed by the
conservatism of him who accepts a law as
good for to-day because it has been good
for the last century.
The more literature is studied 1t becomes
clearer that 1t is not a true record of
human conduct, and it is not an adequate
exponent of life. We write one thing and
do another. Our great pioneer forefath-
ers wrote one thing and believed it; then
did another and opposite thing with per-
feet honesty OF heart. Even patriotism has
this two-sided nature, and patriotism on
paper differs widely from the practices and
hearty service We give to country.
Patriotism of to-day can be treason to-
morrow
LESSONS OF THE PAST.
The literature of cowardice and self
abasement is not to be controlling factor
in our reckoning, and it never has been.
We came TO America and found savage
people in possession; we took the country.
Fling literature to the winds and look at
what has come of conquest. I'VE will do
by Cuba, and Porto Rico, and the Philip
pines as we have done by this glorious
area the speaker said. I'VE will hold them
firmly; they will never get away. Govern
them wisely and they will blossom as the
rose. Some politician will ask. What about
Nicely and his brother embezzlers?' 1 an
swer, They are common vulgar criminals,
and must be punished, and it is no worse
for an officer in Cuba to steal than for
those in our own country who were con-
nected with the Boss Tweed muddle in
New York, the whisky ring, star route
frauds, etc. These come in all times and
under all conditions. and they count moth
ing against the retention of these islands.
We did not take hands off the South
ern States because of the infamous steal
ing and other outrages of 'carpetbag Of
ficers.' No, we held on and righted the
wrong, just as We are going to do concern
ing Cuba
THE Anglo-Saxon may be wrong but IL
he is wrong. still he is nearer right than
any other man, and our civilization may
| be faulty, but 1t is the best in the world
and is going to win. But, as sure as life
| 1t Will win by courageous action, not by
reading the Declaration of Independence on
the Fourth of July. We will not abandon
the Constitution and Declaration of Inde-
pendence. but must interpret them In the
| light of to-day-not by the flicker of the
tallow dip of yesterday.
'It is not for me to say here whether
we are right or wrong, as L am not making
a partisan political address. / am a Demo-
| crat, but that has nothing to do with my
subject No party, no political cam
even greatly modify, the current of Amer
| lean energy, which has set forth to encircle
the globe. Expansion may be wrong but
| il 1t Is wrong We have always been wrong
and we shall always be wrong; and if it is
| wrong then the whole of our title to Amer
| lea is spurious If conquest and annexa-
ton are wrong, then. from Boston to the
Golden Gate, every American home is an
estate acquired feloniousy.
| FUNDAMENTAL DOCTRINE.
1.-THE Monroe doctrine is far wider than
the various and literal interpretations of
the Declaration of Independence, and the
| Constitution would make the national right
such freedom and independence as extreme
conservatism read into these documents.
1t would make it monstrous tyranny for US
to prevent Brazil as free and independent
country. from exercising the right of choos-
| ing Germany it's sovereign law-giver.
But our very life depends on the Monroe
| doctrine We cannot and will not believe
| that the spirit of our fundamental law
| binds us to self-destruction. If we apply
| the Monroe doctrine. away goes the Dec
| laration of Independence, with its consent
| of the governed Yet we are right in do
| ing il; IL is self-protection. The same is
| true IL the case of Cuba. The consent of
the governed must stand aside in favor of
| the preservation of our supremacy over the
| gulf and canal. The Nicaraguan canal is
| essential to a maintenance of the Monroe
| doctrine. South America has two long and
opposite coasts, vulnerable to foreign ag-
| ETeSSlOU anu Tie WOulu TtQuCt InclIl
to a single line. II we are going to build
this canal will not permit Cuba and
Porto Rico to set up in the business of alb
solute independence such as We exercise
for ourselves. The commanding strategic
| position OF the harbors of Cuba and Porto
Rico will force US TO hold them. With Gu
ban independence, how could our squadrons
occupy her harbors? Cuba might not desire
| to make a treaty so our war vessels could
| sail in her waters, and we would have to
| force her to see we do. Isn't IL more
| statesmanlike to forestall the whole
| trouble?
Now, let me tell you a profound and not
| very open secret concerning our policy
| toward Cuba. At the bottom OF the no.
torious Cuban resolution of Congress rests
the solid tobacco and sugar interests of our
mainland. Their interests are large and
| powerful. as all large interests should be.
! IL is not a question OF trusts and combines;
Shall we destroy the producers Of the main
DRY in the islands? That is the whole ques-
ton Our thought must be for the pros
perity of the whole country; all their
| different interests must be fairly treated
| The Nation has no right TO cripple a large
| area for small one. You are made 70
understand that our current tariff policy
| in Porto Rico is really meant TO fix a pre-
cedent for policy in the Philippines. This
is true as far as Ii goes. but precedent
for a Cuban tariff is Thousand times more
important than one for the philippines
1he whole secret Is based upon shallow
Dretense that we actually going to per-
nit Cuba 10 be absolutely Independent OF
us. A nation flung across the mouth OF