The leader. [volume] (Brookhaven, Miss.) 1895-1905, 1900-08-15

a national cemetery owned by the United
e CITIZEN Our nag stin floats over our
was signed American authority withdrew
to the Rio Grande, and I venture the
opinion thst duri h me AS, ~ yeaps tne
S SIqeF se. han they would have awe
aS S.S Sd sg unsd s ass
and Mexico. friendly republics, are each
stronger and happier than they would
the latter crushed by an imperialistic pol
icy, disguised as benevolent assimiia"
Responsibility of the Nation.
"Can we not govern colonies7,' we are
asked The question Is not what We can
do. but what we ought to do. This nation
can do whatever IL desires to do, but IL
must aeeep, Tor e, Tnas IL do shs
people can amend the constitution. i re-
peat. the nation can do whatever II desires
Legitimate results Of its own conduct. The
young man upon reaching his majority
can do what he pleases. He can disregard
pie upon all that he has been taught to
consider sacred; he can disobey the laws
Of the state. the laws Of society and the
laws of God. He can stamp failure upon
his life and make his very existence curse
| to his fellow men, and he can bring his
father and mother In sorrow to the grave;
but he cannot annul the sentence: The
wages of sin is death" And so with this
nation. II is of age, and II can do what 1t
| pleases: Il can spurn the traditions of the
past; 1t can repudiate the principles upon
which the nation rests: IL can employ force
instead of reason; 1t can substitute might
| for right: II can conquer weaker people;
1t can exploit their lands, appropriate their
| property and kill their people; but 1t cannot
repeal the moral law or escape the punish
| ant for he rtala fnp nfh hmm nm
rights.
Would we tread in the paths of tyranny,
Nor reckon the tyrants cost?
Who taketh another's liberty,
His freedom is also lost
Would we win as the strong have ever won,
Make ready to pay the debt,
For the God who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who is reigning yet"
Some argue that American rule in the
Philippine Islands will result in the better
education. of the Filipinos; Be not de-
ial policy we shall not find II to our ad-
vantage to educate the people. The edu-
Gated Filipinos are now in revolt against
US, and the most ignorant ones have made
the least resistance to our domination. II
we are to govern them without their con-
sent and give them no voice in determining
the taxes which they must pay. We dare not
educate them, lest they learn to read the
declaration of independence and the con-
stitution of the United States and mock
US for our inconsistency.
The principal arguments. however, ad-
vanced by those who enter upon a defense
of Imperialism are:
First, That we must improve the present
| opportunity to become world power and
enter into international politics.
Second, That our commercial interests In
the Philippine islands and in the orient
make 1t necessary for us to hold the is
| lands permanently
Third, That the spread of the Christian
religion will be facilitated by a colonial
policy.
Fourth. That there is no honorable re-
treat from the position which the nation
| has taken.
The first argument is addressed to the
The tSrd is
| for the church member and the fourth for
| the partisan.
Growth of a Principle.
1t is a sufficient answer to the first argu-
ment to say that for more than a century
ten decades it has been the most potent
influence in the world. Not only has it
been ny; a world power. but it has done more
than all the other nations of the world
| combined. Because our declaration of in
been promulgated. Because the patriots
of 1776 fought for liberty others have
fought for It; because our constitution
been adopted The GROWTH Of the prin aae
pie of self-.sovernment. planted on Amer
lean soil, has been the overshadowing
| pOlltlcal TACT OF the nineteenth century.
1t has made this nation conspicuous
among the nations and given 1t a place
in history such as no other nation has
ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able to
| check the onward march of this idea. 1
am not willing that this nation snail cast
aside the omnipotent weapon of truth to
| seize again the weapon of physical war
fare. 1 would not exchange the glory of
this republic for the glory of all the en-
pires that have risen and fallen since time
began
publican national convention presented
the pecuniary argument in all its bold
ness, when he said:
I'VE make no hypocritical pretenses of
being interested in the Philippines solely
on account of others. While we regard
the welfare of these people a sacred
trust, we regard the welfare of the Amer
lean people first. We see our duty to our
selves as well as to others. We believe
means within the province of government
and constitution, we mean to stimulate
the expansion of our trade and open
| new markets"
| This is the commercial argument. 1t
Is based upon the theory that war can
be rightly waged for pecuniary advan-
trade by force and violence. Franklin de-
Lord Howe asserted that the acts of par
lament, which brought on the revolution,
were necessary to prevent American trade
from passing into foreign channels,
| Franklin replied:
| tanning nor retaining of any trade, how
valuable soever is an object for which
men may justly spill each others blood !;
| that the true and sure means of extend
ing and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheaDness of commodities, and
that the profits of no trade can ever be
| equal to the expense of compelling it and
| holding it by fleets and armies, I con-
slider this war against us. therefore, as
| both unjust and unwise.
| / place the philosophy of Franklin
| against the sordid doctrine of those who
would put a price upon the life of an
conquest upon the ground that it will pay.
The democratic party is in favor of the
expansion of trades; 1t would extend our
means mean but it Is not willing to make mer-
chandise of human blood.
| But a war of conquest Is as unwise as
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity. and
such a concession could have been secured
| at any time without difficulty.
| 1t is not necessary to own people In or
der to trade with them. We carry on
trade to-day with every part of the world,
| and our commerce has expanded more
| rapidly than the commerce of any Euro
pean empire. We do not own japan or
China. but we trade with their people. We
| have not absorbed the republics of Cen
| trail and South America, but we trade
| with them. II has not been necessary to
have any political conn T with ds can n
trade with them. Trade cannot be per-
manently profitable unless 1t is volun-
| tary. When trade Is secured by force. the
| cost of securing 1t and retaining 1t must
be taken out of the profits. and the profits
are never large enough to cover the ex-
| pense. Such a system would never be de-
Tended but for the fact that the expense
is borne by all the people. while the prof
its are enjoyed by the few.
Evils of Imperialism.
Imperialism would be profitable to the
| army contractors; 1t would be profitable
| to the shipowners, who would carry live
soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead
soldiers back; it would be profitable to
those who would seize upon the franchises.
and 1t would be profitable to the officials
| whose salaries would be fixed here and
paid over there; but to the farmer. to the
laboring man and to the vast majority Of
| those engaged in other occupations, 1t
would bring expenditure without return
| and risk without reward.
| Farmers and laboring men have, as q
rule, small incomes, and, under systems
which place the tax upon all consumption
pay more than their fair share of the ex-
penses of government. Thus the very peo-
pie who receive least benefit from i'm
| perialism will be injured most by the mil