The Caucasian. (Clinton, N.C.) 188?-1913, 1900-03-29

- lawyers. 1t is absurd, It Is dema-
-alsehCod, and yet that is orla
oI suggestions for another amend
ment when the legislature meets.
OlHER VERY SERIOUS OBJEC-
TIONS.
Mr.. President, there are other SER
lous objections to this proposed amend
ment, even If section were constitu-
tonal. Let US briefly note a few VI
them. In the first place, what class
OF the negro population would 0e dis
frandhised by the amendment? 1t
would be the good old country darkey
who was as faithful and true as steel
TO our mothers, wives, and sisters dur
ing the late war, and Who is good
citizen and a good la5orer, who has
never been offensive in politics nor in
other ways
Now, what class of negroes would be
left to vote There would be many
thousands who would still vote. and
this number would include All of that
element who have been active ana CT
fensiye in politics, and who, eithcr
from innate perversity or for a consid-
GRAFTON, have furnished the capital nee
essary to enable the machine polite
ians to raise the negro cry and appeal
to race prejudice.
In short the only negroes who have
ever made the "ace issue possible
would be those who would not only De
eligible to vote but to hold Office under
the proposed amendment. The trifiing
negro dude, who talks loud and takes
up all the sidewalk, would be left with
full power to vote. This class would
be sufficient in number to be the bal
ance Of power in politics and to furnish
| an object lesson at any time to help
the negro bowling politicians to raise
their old cry.
| But it is claimed by the supporters
or this suffrage amendment that its
adoption would remove the race ques-
tion from the politics of the State and
make it possible fer economic govern
mental issues to be discussed on their
merits and passed upon by the voters
intelligently. Mr.. President, if tbs
amendment were constitutional and
would stand the test of the courts, it is
clear that it would have no such effect.
In the first place, | am constrained to
observe that those who are making
this claim are those who have been
most active and diligent in appealing
to race prejudice in every campaign in
season and out of season. In the next
place, this amendment, if adopted and
section D should be sustained by the
court, would still leave about $4,000
negro voters in North Carolina. That
is larger number than there are today
; in the State of Kentucky. l am in
formed that there are only about 10000
negro voters in that State. And yet,
, see the appeals to race prejudice, the
, turbulence, violence, and appeal to
passion and prejudice instead of to rea-
son in that State. And the same would
= be true in North Carolina were this
, amendment adopted, as long as there
: were politicians at the head of the par
$ ty with no other purpose or ambition
, except to have power and office regard
less of the economic questions at issue
and regardless Of the welfare of the
, State.
p. This will be so as long as there are
= men at the head of any party who be-
ieve in ballOt-box stuffing and al
/, kinds of fraud and crime in order tC
defeat the will of the people and to pu
q themselves is power. This will be sc
: as long as such men are at tine head o
any party organization and can tin(
- one negro in sight to use as a scare
n crow with which to appeal to race pref
o udice and Danish reason, common Sens'
and justice Now, shall we run thu
, risk of disfranchising about $4,000 O.
9 10000 Of as good white men as ther'
g are in North Carolina in order to Sc
Il cure the privilege Of having in tha
% State repetition of the kind of cam
paign that Kentucky had last year?
t. WHITE VOTERS WHO ARE SURF
o TO BE DISFRANCHISED.
il There is another great objection t
g this amendment. 1t provides that af
e ter 1908 every white man of voting ag
J. who is not then able to read and writ
j. any section of the constitution shall b
is disfranchised. Think of the number o
II boys in North Carolina today who ar
. twelve years of age who may not b
if able to get an education by the tim
o they are twenty-one years of age
is These boys are sure to be disfran
1t chised and put on a plane lower thai
d the town darkcy with his eyeglasse
:, and cooked ha5. How many father
IS and mothers are there in the State to
e day, struggling to make both end
Of meet, who have managed to raise thei
~ "
s. of age, an age at which these boys ar
to just beginning to help them on tn
p farm or in the factory? In how man
W cases is such a boy the mainstay of
rs father and mother who are dependen
a upon his work to support the famil
until he is q years of age?
ot How many of these boys will reac
e q without being able to get an educa
| ~; Va - = 4,,;, Ii ~ ,oh1 h1a 1>o
IL who will be called upon each year
n pay taxes, to work the road, and t
W shoulder his musket and do the flghtin
y if his country needs his services. Thi
is the boy who will be expected to d
E the fighting and give his life for hi
country, while many Of the politician
is who are trying to disfranchise hir
is will no doubt, like Cleveland, hire
lie substitute.
n THE POLL-TAX RECEIPT SCHEME
IN Another Objectionable feature is tn
~ provision requiring the presentation c
es the poll tax receipt before voting
d What does this mean? Every man i
10 the State who is on the delinquent ia
We hist or who has not paid his taxes a
a. much as six months before the Stat
IN election and as much as eight month
10 before the national election will be dis
Is franchised. How many good men i
a the State who are unfortunate or win
Ii from any reason can not pay their po
Il tax before the election, much less pa
re them six or eight months before th
ls electione
er Yet these are the men, and every on
ss, of their sons who are not more than
o. years old now, whom these politician
rd are trying to disfranohise under til
false and specious cry of "white S,
n. premacy." A man may have paid h
l taxes in April, as long as five or eigi
ne months before the elections, and yet
ch is disfranchised in August or Noven
he Der unless he has paid his poll tax I
1t far back as the 1st day of March pr