The Grenada sentinel. [volume] (Grenada, Miss.) 1868-1955, 1900-08-11

ton aroused In some quarters I take this
occasion to restate the reasons given at
that time. 1 thought II safer to trust the
american people to give independence to
the Fflipinos h to trust the accom-
plishment of that purpose to diplomacy
with an u~nfriendly nation. Lincoln en-
bodied an argument in the question. when
he asked: Can aliens make treaties
easier than friends can make laws?" I
believe that we are now in a better posi-
ton to wage a successful contest against
Imperialism than we would have been
had the treaty been rejected. With the
treaty ratified. a clean cut issue Is pre-
scented a government by consent
and a government by force. and imperial
lists must bear the responsibility for all
that happens until the question Is settled.
II the treaty had been rejected, the OPP
ponents of imperialism would have been
held responsible for n International
complications which might have arisen
before the ratification of another treaty.
Blu whatever differences Of opinion may
have existed as to the best method of op-
posing the colonial policy. there never was
any difference as to the great Importance
of the question and there is no difference
now as to the course to be pursued.
Promises to the F~ilipinos.
The title of Spain being extinguished.
We were at liberty to deal with the Fill
pinos according to American principles.
The Bacon resolution, introduced a month
before hostilities broke out at Manila,
promised independence to the Filipinos on
the same terms that 1t was promised to
the Cubans. / supported this resolution
and believe that its adoption prior to the
breaking out of hostilities would have
prevented b~loodshed. and that its adop-
ton at any subsequent time would nave
ended hostilities.
To tho traatu had hean reiectpd. COQsfd-
cradle time would rave necessarily
elapsed before a new treaty could have
been agreed upon and ratified, and during
that time the question would have been
agitating the public mind. If the Bacon
resolution had been adopted by the senate
n carried out by the president. either
at the time OF the ratification of the
treaty or at any time afterwards. 1t would
have taken the question of Imperialism
out of politics and left the American peo-
pie free to deal with their domestic prob
lens. But the resolution was defeated by
the vote of the republican vice president.
ard from that time to this a republican
congress has refused to take any action
whatever in the matter.
Cowardly Accusations.
When hostilities broke out at Manila.
republican speakers and republican edit
ors at once sought to lay the blame upon
those who had delayed the ratification of
the treaty, and, during the progress OF
the war, the same republicans have &C.
cused the opponents of Imperialism of Civ
ing encouragement to the Ftlipinos. This
is n cowardly evasion of responsibility.
If it is right for the United States to
hold the Philippine islands permanently
and initiate European empires in the gov
eminent of colonies, the republican party
ought to state its position and defend it,
but 1t must expect the subject races to
protest against such a policy and to resist
to the extent of their ability. The Filipinos
not need any encouragement from Amer
leans now living, Our whole history has
been an encouragement, not only to the
Filipinos but to all who are denied a voice
in their W government. II the republfc-
ans are prepared to censure all who have
used language calculated to make the
Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them
condemn the speech of Patrick Henry.
When he uttered that passionate appeal:
Give me liberty or give me DEATH he
expressed a sentiment which still echoes,
in the hearts of men. Let them censure
jefferson; of all the statesmen of history,
have used words so offensive to those
who would hold their fellows in political
bondage. Let them oensure Washington,
who declared that the colonists must
choose between liberty and slavery. Or,
If the statute Of limitations has run against
the sins of Henry and Jefferson and WASH
ington. let them censure Lincoln, who's
Gettysburg speech will be quoted in de-
Tense of popular government when the
present advocates of force and conquest
are forgotten.
Some one has said that a truth once
spoken can never be recalled. 1t is true.
1t goes on and on. and no one can set a
limit to its ever widening influence. But
If it were possible to obliterate every word
written or spoken in defense of the prin-
CinleS set firth in tho AaCla "a tfon nf in
dependence, a war of conquest would still
leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for
1t was God Himself who placed in every
human heart the love OF liberty. He never
made a race of people so low in the scale
OF civilization or intelligence that 1t would
welcome a foreign master.
Lincoln said that the safety of this nation
was not in its fleets, its armies or It's forts,
but in the spirit which prizes liberty and
the heritage of all men, in all lands, every
where; and he warned his countrymen that
they could not destroy this spirit without
planting the seeds of ~despotism at their
own doors.
Those who would nave this nation en-
ter upon a career of empire must consider
not only the effect of imperialism on the
Fllipinos, but they must also calculate its
effect upon our own nation. We cannot
.repudiate the principle of self-govern-
ment in the Philippines without weaken
ing that principle here.
ParalyxinR imperialism.
Even now we are beginning to see the
paralyzing influence Of imperialism. Here
tofore. this nation has been prompt to ex-
press its sympathy with those who were
fighting for civil liberty. While our sphere
OF activity has been limited to the west
ern hemisphere. our sympathies have not
been bounded by the seas. We have felt
1t due to ourselves and to the world, as
well as to those who were struggling for
the right to govern themselves, to pro-
claim the interest which our people have,
from the date of their own independence.
felt In every contest between human
rights and arbitrary power. Three-quar-
tiers of a century ago. when our nation
was small, the struggles of Greece
aroused our people. and Webster and Clay
rave %eloquen expression to the universal
desire for Grecian independence. In 1896.
all parties manifested a lively interest
in the success of the Cubans. but now
when a war Is in progress in South Afri-
ca. which must result in the extension of
the monarchial idea or in the triumph of
a republic. the advocates OF Imperialism
in this country dare not say a word in
behalf of the Beers. Sympathy for the
Beers does not arise from any unfriend-
illness toward England. the American peo-