New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1900-09-15
THE COAL STRIKE.

THE COAL STRIhE.
Tho ethical questions at issue in the coming
strike of the anthracite coal miners are con-
fused and perplexing. The officers of the United
Mine Workers of America who have ordered II
present a list of grievances which on their sur
face appear to be substantial. The mine owners
on the other hand say that there is another
side to the story. For instance loud complaint
is made over the price charged to miners for
blasting powder which is far in excess of its
cost 70 the operators and based on much
bioher wholesale price than now obtains. ms
is apparently a great injustice. But the owners
answer that the powder price scale ana the
wage scale are part of an old agreement. ana
that while their profit on powder has been III
creased the cost of mining has likewise in
creased. so that the old wages would be impos
sible but for the compensating profit on pow
der. They say also that the miners themselves
have preferred keeping the old scale as whole
to making a general rcadjustment. Similar
counter claims are made with regard to other
points in dispute.
The owners and the workers likewise con-
slider negotiations from different points of view.
Mr. Mitchell the president of the United Mine
Workers proclaims the refusal of the mine
owners to treat and seeks TO represent them to
the nublic as stolid and brutal capitalists op-
| pressing labor and turning a deaf ear to ap-
| peals But some of the representative oper-
ators reply that they were not till the last
! minute asked to arbitrate. but were required to
/ Weld to demands: that Mr.. Mitchells appeal to
them urging arbitration was made only couple
of hours before he ordered strike, and that
thew had not even time to lay II before their
! officials. who alone could decide so important
question, much less time TO return an authOrl-
tative answer. Some of the operators have all
with their own employees, but Discrimination to
recognize an external organization, to which
ONLY some of their men belong, as the labor
authority 10 whom they must be responsible for
the management Of their property. This touches
an old dispute. The labor unionists say the
particular employees are ignored or discharged
If they complain. This may be so in some cases,
but that is not the real reason for the union
contention. The fundamental ambition Of trades
unionists is TO perfect their organization as
q labor trust and compel its recognition as
monopoly. Only so can they present solid front
to EMPLOYERS and compel workers who are well
treated and without grievance Of their own to
make common cause with those who have a
grievance There is something 10 be said for
their view that otherwise the employers by a
polcv Of divide and conquer would defeat
All their efforts to improve their condition. At
the same time the system they try to build up
offers great temptations to Adventures and
agitators to use the engine of trades unionism
without just cause and for unworthy purposes.
IT is said to be so in this instance. Some at
tribute the strike to schemes of bituminOus coal
men anxious TO make trouble for their rivals.
Others think politicians trying to array
labor against capital in the interest of Mr..
Bryan, but of that there is at present no suffi-
; cient evidence available. 1t is plainly to be
hot hp DpOoprafic onrS
are as quick to take advantage Of the situation
as if they had prepared it. Senator Jones yes
terday. while denying that there any polit-
zeal impetus behind the trouble, remarked with
characteristic demagOgy, ut makes the full
dinner pail argument somewhat ridiculous
| Secretary Walsh, at the Democratic headquar.
tiers in Chicago was even more outspOken in
his glOriication of calamity and agitation as
campaign instruments, saying: at will aid us
ito demonstrate to the working people that
combinations of capital are dangerous and con
"stitute n standing menace TO labor. The strike
will cause agitation, and agitation is educa
"tion." The capitalists in this case might per
haps reply that it more clearly demonstrated
the danger, both to capital and labor, in comb
4 nations of labor; for apparently a large mum
e ber-perhaps a majOrity-of the miners who
: are going to strike do reluctantly preferrinl
j TO endure their ills, great though they may be
n rather than the misery a strike is almost sure
TO bring. This is true Of many of the unior
8 men even and since the strike was ordered
/ large number of the miners not connected will
the particular labor organization ordering 1t hav
/ hastened TO join, not because they favored tn,
i strike, but because they foresaw a cessation O.
:: work in the cOllieries, which would rob them O.
d their wages, and their only refuge from
e starvation participation in the strike bene
e fit of the union. strike under such circum
e stances may be quite much a club to fore
n the expansion OF a labor organization as t
" improve the condition OF the laborers
d The mine owners announce that they viii no
e try TO supply the places Of the strikers but vii
let the collieres lie idle. That course will max
e the preservation of the peace easier but by n
RI means certain. Strikers always promise them
lie selves TO keep order but are likely to get angr
j. and attack property even when they have
W tied up, If their case grows desperate. 1t is t
le be hoped that no such extreme win be reache
r in the coal regions. Even now II seems as
n some solution ought to be found which will No
involve serious privation and distress to til
IN miners. disturbance OF business TO the owner
IS and loss 10 the consumers inevitable from
is prolonged teup. Few workers have harde
ne lot ihan coal miners, and if tie operators D