The Forrest City times. [volume] (Forrest City, Ark.) 1871-1919, 1900-08-10

can do whatever Il desires "a DO. but II
must accept responsibility for what 1t does.
IL the constitution stands in the way. the
people can amend the constitution. | re-
peat. the nation can do whatever IL desires
to do. but It cannot avoid the natural and
legitimate results of its own conduct The
young man upon reaching his majority
can do what he pleases. He can disregard
the teachings OF his parents; he can tram
consider sacred: he can disobey the laws
of the state. the laws of society and the
his life and make his very existence a curse
to his fellow men. and he can bring his
father and mother in sorrow to the grave;
sus ne Of .n the With
nation II is Of age. and It can do what II
pleases: II can spurn the traditions of the
past; II can repudiste the principles upon
which the nation rests; it can employ force
instead of reason; IL can substitute might
for right, Il can conquer weaker people:
IL can exploit their lands, appropriate their
property and kill their people: but IL cannot
repeal the moral law or escape the punish
ment decreed for the violation of human
rights.
Would we tread in the paths of tyranny.
Nor reckon the tyrants cost?
Who taketh anothers liberty.
His freedom Is also lost.
Would We win as the strong have ever won,
Make ready TO pay the debt
For the God who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who ID reigning yet"
Some argue that american rule In the
education of the Filipinos. Be not de-
ceived. II we expect to maintain colon
ial policy We shall not find it to our adj
Gated Fflipinos are now in revolt against
us, and the most ignorant ones have made
the least resistance to our domination. If
We are TO govern them without their con-
sent and give them no voice In determining
the taxes which they must pay we dare not
educate them. lest they learn to read the
la "a RI I'm f.f tKxlA sIs..
stitution of the United States and mock
US for our Inconsistency.
The principal arguments. however, ad-
of Imperialism are:
First. That we must improve the present
opportunity TO become a world power and
enter into International politics.
Second That our commercial interests In
the Philippine islands and in the orient
make 1t necessary for us to hold the is
Third. That the spread of the Christian
religion Will be facilitated by colonial
Fourth. That there is no honorable re-
treat from the position which the nation
has taken.
The first argument is addressed to the
ton poke book. The third is intended
for the church member and the fourth for
the partisan.
Growth of n Principle
1t is sufficient answer to the first argu-
ment to say that for more than a century
TINS nation has been a world power. For
ten decades IL has been the most potent
influence in the world. Not only has il
been world power. but ii has done more
to affect the politics of the human race
than all the other nations of the world
combined. Because our declaration of in
dependence was promulgated. others have
been promulgated. Because the patriots
OF 1ITo fought for liberty others have
fought for 1t: because our constitution
was adopted. other constitutions have
been adopted. The growth of the princi-
pie OF seif-sovernment. planted on Amer
lean SOIL has been the overshadowing
political fact of the nineteenth century
Ii has made this nation conspicuous
among the nations and given IL q place
in history such as no other nation has
ever enjoyed Nothing has been able to
check the onward march of this idea.
am not willing that this nation snail cast
aside the omnipotent weapon of truth to
seize again the weapon of physical war
fare would not exchange the glory of
this republic for the glory of all the EN-
began. E
The permanent chairman of the last re-
publican national convention presented
the pecuniary argument in all its bold
ness, when he said:
We make no hypocritical pretenses of
being interested in the Philippines solely
on account of others. While we rega rd
the welfare of these people as a sacred
trust. we regard the welfare of the Amer
lean people first. We see our duty to our
selves as we'll as TO others. We believe
in trade expansion. BY every legitimate
means within the province Of government
and constitution, We mean to stimulate
the expansion Of our trade and open
new markets.
This is the Commercial argument. 1t
Is based upon the theory that war can
be rightly waged for pecuniary advan-
tage, and that 1t is profitable to purchase
trade by force and violence Franklin. de-
Lord Howe asserted Thai the acts of paf-
Lament. which brought on the revolution.
were necessary to prevent American trade
from passing into foreign channels,
ITO me it seems that neither the OBJ
tanning nor retaining of any trade. how
valuable soever, is an object for which
men may justly spill each others blood;
that the true and sure means of extend
ing and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheapness of commodities and
that the profits of no trade can ever be
equal TO the expense OF compelling il and
holding u by fleets and armies. / con-
slder TINS war agalnst us, therefore, as
poth unjust ana unwise.
| place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those who
would put price upon the life of an
American soldier and Justify a war of
conquest upon the ground that II will pay
The democratic party is in favor of the
trade by every legitimate and peaceful
means; but Il Is not willing TO make mer-
chandise of human blood.
But a war of conquest Is as unwise as
II Is unrighteous. A harhor and coaling
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity and
such concession could have been secured
at any time without difficulty.
IL Is not necessary to own people in or
der 10 trade with them. We carry on
trade to-day with every part of the world
and our commerce has expanded more
rapidly than the commerce of any Euro
pean empire. We do not own Japan or
China, but we trade with their people. We
have not absorbed the republics OF Cen
trail and South America. but we trade
with them. II has not been necessary to
have any political connections with Cam
ada or the nations of Europe in order to
trade with them. Trade cannot be per-
manently profitable unless IL is voiun-
| tary. When trade is secured by force the
cost of securing II and retaining IL must
be taken out of the profits. and the profits
are never large enough to cover the ex-
pense. Such a system would never be de-
| Tended but for the fact that the expense
| Is borne by all the people. while the prof
| its are enjoyed by the few
Evils of Imperialism
| Imperialism would be profitable to the
! army contractors; IL would be profitable
| to the shipowners, who would carry live
| soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead
| soldiers back, IL would be profitable to
| those who would seize upon the franchises
Il nNad