New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1900-04-25
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
Mr.. BRADFORD ON GOVERNMENT.


Whether Mr.. Bradford's conclusions are accept
&c or not. there can be doubt that the facts
upon which they are based are firmly grasped
ard forciby stated. and that the arguments by
which they are supported are lucidly and CO.
gently put The book is the expression Of posi-
tive convictions resulting from a prolonged
study Of the great theme with which ii deals.
As regards Mr.. Bradford's general view Of
the results and tendencies Of popular govern
rnent II may be said that the lesson" which,
Accord 1g TO him. they convey is on the whole
somewhat depressing one. Not that he takes
a more gloomy view of the actual workings or
democracy than do many other thoughtful
critics. on the contrary, he escapes at least
that most hopeless form of pessimism, now
increasingly common even among American
students of politics which springs from the
tendency TO look for the source of all the de-
fects Of popular government in the character
OF the people themselves. Not only does he
regard. the principle of democracy something
that is in the world 70 stay. but he accepts 1t
and defends ii as the only possible principle
upon which q government at once just. benefi-
cent and stable can. in the modern State, be
founded. II is, in fact, refreshing to read his
uncorcpromising defence Of universal suffrage
against IRE assaults of its critics. and his Wig
orous comments upon the comparative merits.
as shown by results OF autocratic and popular
rule His attack is directed not against democ-
racy. but solely against certain faults in exist
ing political institutioI.s particularly in this
country. which in his judgment tend more and
more render the popular will abortive and
al the same time rob the people of that intelli
gent guidance by responsible statesmen without
which rational consistent and effective pop
ular opinion can be formed On the other hand.
he portrays these governmental defects in such
dark colors, and insists strenuously that they
are vital and, unless remedied in the way he
prescribes, must inevitably lead to anarchy and
the esta blishment of military despotisnl, that
finds it hard choose between his pessim-
ism and that above mentioned. The reader, in
q word who accepts his diagnosis and prognosis
Of the disease OF the body polite, but doubts
the practicability or the efficacy of his remedy.
must perforce despair Of the Republic.
To state Mr.. Bradfords main position more
definitely, the most serious shortcomings of pop
ular government, especially in the United States
land here not merely of the National Govern
ment but also Of the State and municipal gov
ernments) DUE in his opinion, TO the subordi-
nation Of the Executive to the Legislature.
while the remedy for them is the granting to the
Executive Of the initiative in legislation The
only indispensable part of any government"
he rightly observes, lis the executive. Unless
that is strong enough to maintain order under
all circumstances. conservatism and reform
solved. the worst and most violent elements
get the upper hand. and the better and more
peaoeable majority, after vain efforts to protect
themselves by combination and union, become
discouraged and apathetic, and. finding their
affairs proceed from bad to worse have re-
course. as the least OF two evils. to the strong
hand Of a despot' Moreover, he argues, II is
the executive only that in any proper sense
Of the word govern at all The people cannot
40 ,l,ox- -pa1yn aa5o nd alr o,,id
ance and follow naturally and with personal
devotion leaders who command their confidence
II is enough for them, and the principle of popu-
lar government. If they can choose the form Of
their government and the men that shall govern
them, and hold their rulers strictly account
able for their acts. Nor the legislature
govern. He says Of II:
1t is almost incompetent to govern as a
people. Its members have a much more present
sense Of their private interests, and those of
the local constituencies, than Of the interests of
the whole people. They have a keen jealousy
Of any attempt at pre-eminence in any
any part OF their number where all stand on an
equal footing. The temptation, on the other
hand, TO self-assertion unaccompanied by
sponsibility is very great, and, apart from these
things honest difference of opinion is enough
10 paralyze action. The intriguer again finds
his opportunity; what was al first only helpless
ness becomes corruption, and the people. dis
susted with their representatives. only too
ready 10 listen any adventurer who has
genius for organizing strong administration.
Unlike the people however. the legislature
does desire TO govern and avails itself of every
opportunity to encroach upon the province of
the executive and to concentrate all the powers
Of government in itself thus reducing the execu-
tive TO the position Of its agent. The inevitable
result Of this process. Mr.. Bradford holds is the
impossibility of carrying out or even forming
broad and consistent policies, the disappearance
OF statesmen from a political life which offers
them no opportunities, the consequent loss by
the people who seek good government of their
natural and indispensa BILE leaders, the disap-
pearance of all real responsibility TO the people
for chaotic extravagant and injurious legisla-
tion. The triumph Of the boss" and host Of
other evils which permeate every part of the
body politic-in a word, anarchy Popular
government therefore," he says. IF it is to
justify its existence in the world will have not
merely do that at which il has hitherto chiefly
aimed. the providing effective control of the
executive power. but the still more difficult task
which has hardly received any attention at all
that Of taking security against the ambition of
legislatures In a very interesting review of
the development Of popular government in Eng
land and the Continent, Mr. Bradford adduces
historical illustrations Of these principles and
then applies them TO the Government of the
United States, which with the State govern
nentsl is his main theme.
His analysis of government by Congress and
OF the actual evils which. in his judgment have
sprung from il need not follow in detail
We can only briefly outline his theory of a rem
edy II the source Of the trouble is the absorp-
ton by the legislature Of all control over the
policy Of the government. with the inevitable
result Of the dispersion and practical obliterat ton
Of responsibility and governmental paralysis
the situation. Mr.. Bradford maintains, should