The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1900-08-09
Continued From Fourth Page.

Declaration of Independence and the con-
stitution of the United States and mock
us for our inconsistency.
IMPERIALISTS' ARGUMENTS.
The principal arguments, however, ad-
vanced by those who enter upon de-
Tense OF Imperialism are:
First: That we must improve the pres
ent opportunity to become a world-pow-
er and enter into international politics.
Second: That our commercial interests
in the Philippine islands and in. the ORR
ent make it necessary for US to hold
these islands permanently.
Third: That the sperad Of the Chris
tan religion will be facilitated by CO.
lonial policy.
retreat from the position which the ma
ton has taken.
The first argument is addressed to the
nations pride and the second to the
nations pocket book The third is in
tended for the church member and the
fourth for the partisan.
1t is a sufficient answer to the first
argument to say that for more than a
century this nation has been a world
power. For ten decides it has been the
most potent influence in the world Not
only has 1t been a world power, but it
has done more to affect the policies of
the human race than all the other ma
tons of the world combined. Because
our Declaration of Independence was
promulgated others have been promugat-
ed; because the patriots of 1776 fought
for liberty, others have fought for it; be-
w
er constitutions have been adopted. The
growth of the principle of self-goVern-
ment planted on American soil, has
been the oVerShadoWing political fact of
the nineteenth century. It has made
TINS nation conspicuous among the ma
tons and given it place in history
such as no other nation has ever enjoy
ed. Nothing has been able to check
the onward march of this idea l am
not willing that this nation shall cast
aside the Omnipotent weapon of truth to
seize again the weapon of physical war
rare would not exchange the glory
of this republic for the glory of all the
empires that nave risen and fallen since
time began.
The permanent chairman Of the last
Republican national convention present.
ed the pecuniary argument in all its
badness when he said:
I'VE make no hypocritical pretenses of
being interested in the Philippines sole
ly on account of others. While We re-
gard the welfare Of these people as O
sacred trust we regard the welfare of
the American people first. We see our
duty to ourselves as we'll as to Others
We believe in trade expansion By ey-
cry legitimate means within the province
OF gov eminent and constitution we mean
to stimulate the expansion of our trade
and open new markets.
This is the
COMMERCIAL ARGUMENT.
It is based upon the theory that war
can be rightly waged for pecuniary ad-
vantage and that it is profitable to pur-
chase trade by force and violence.
Franklin denied both of these PROPOSE
tons. When Lord Lowe asserted that
the acts Of parliament, which brought
on the revolution, were necessary to
prevent American trade from passing in
to foreign channels, Franklin replied:
ITO me it seems that neither the OBJ
tanning nor retaining Of any trade, how
valuable SOeVer, is an object for which
men may justly spill each others blood;
that is true and sure means of extending
and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheapness of commodities and
that the profits of no trade can ever be
equal to the expense of compelling IT
and holding it by fleets and armies l
consider this war against US, therefore,
as both unjust and unwise."
I place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those who
would. put a price upon the life of an
American soldier and justify a war of
conquest upon the ground that 1t will
pay, The Democratic party IS in favor
of the expansion of trades. It would
peaceful means; but it is not willing to
make merchandise of human blood.
But war Of conquest is as unwise as
1t is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity, and
such a concession could have been secur-
ed at any time without difficulty.
NEED NOT OWN PEOPLE.
It is not necessary to own people in
order TO trade with them. We carry on
AAduS luQdy Will every part VI Inc
world, and our commerce has expanded
more rapidly than the commerce of any
European empire. We do not own Japan
or China, but we trade with their peo-
pie. We have not absorbed the republics
Of Central and South America, but we
trade with them. 1t has not been neces-
sary TO have any political connections
with Canada or the nations of Europe
In order to trade with them. Trade
cannot be permanently profitable unless
II is voluntary. When trade is secured
nv force the cost M securing If nd re
ta1ning 1t must be taken out Of the prof
its, and the profits are never large
enough to cover the expense. Such a
system would never be defended but for
the fact that the expense is borne by
all the people while the profits are en-
3oyed by the few.
FARMERS AND LABORERS SUFFER.
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors. 1t would be profitable
70 toe shop owner1. "hO would carry live
bOldiers back; it would he profitable to
those who would sieze upon the franchis-
es, and 1t would be profitable to the off
Gals whose salaries would be fixed here
and PAID over there; but to the farmer,
TO the laboring man. and to the vast ma
1ority Of those engaged in other occupa-
lions, 1t woI!d bring expenditure with
cut re urn, and risk without reward
Farmers and labOring men have, as
fule' small incomes, and, under systems
which place the tax upon consumption,
pay more than their fair share of the OK
pense of government Thus the very peo-
pie VI! ~ tao -ft frorT i'm
peri"!>Tr will be injured most lay he mil
ttary burdens which accompany it. In ad-
8ttion to the evils which he and the farm
br share in common, the laboring man
viii be the first to suffer If Oriental sub
Iects seek work in the United States; the
first to suffer if American capital leaves
our shores to employ Oriental labor In
the Philippines to supply the trade of
China and Japan; the first to suffer from
the violence which the military spirit
RrOnSeS and the first fO Snff6r when the
methods of imperialism are applied to
our own government.
LABOR's QUICK ALARM.
It is not strange, therefore, that the
labor organizations have been quick to
note the approach of these dangers and
prompt to protest against both militarism
and imperialism.
The pecuniary argument, though more
effective with certain classes, is rot like
~ to be used so often or presented with
SO much emphasis as the religious argu-
ment. If what has been termed the gun
powder gospeP' were urged against the
F1hpinos only, 1t would be a sufficient an
swer to say that majority of the Fiji
pinos are now members of one branch of
the Christian church: but the principle
involved Is one of much wider applica ton
and challenges serious conSidera ton
The religious argument varies in posi-
uVeneSS from passive belief that Prov
idence delivered the Filipinos into our
hands, for their good and our glory. TO
the eXultation of the minister who said
that we ought to thrash the natives
QFilipinos) until they understand who we
are" and that every bullet sent, every
cannon shot and every flag waved means
righteousness
POISON WILL SPREAD.
We cannot approve of this doctrine In
one place unless we are willing to apply
y everywhere. If there is poison in the
blood of the hand it will ultimately reach
the heart, 1t is equally true that forcibIe
Chr1Stianty, If planted under the Ameri-