The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1900-02-23
.IT is A DUTY OF CONGRESS-
TO INSTRUCT THE PHILIPPINE
COMMISSIONERS.

| graduated Upon His Maiden Effort.
Washington, Feb. 22.-The chief feature
OF to-day's debate upon the Porto Rican
uuo sion, so far as the Democratic sido
was concerned, was the speech of Repre-
sentative Brantley OF Georgia.
1t was really Mr.. Brantley's maiden
effort In the House. as he had not before
made a set speech although ever sincs
he has been here, he has taken an ac-
tive part in the affairs of that body; and
it is not fiattery to say that ne did fun
justice to his splendid ability in his srgu-
ment. He had been given half an hour in
The distribution Of time to the Democratic
side, but when that expired, he was by
unanimous consent of the House. given
oil tho time he desired in which to COM
plete his argument. The result was he
addressed the House for an hour and for-
| " minutes, and was given a splendid re-
| ception.
His speech was an exhaustive study pre-
sentation of tho principles involved in the
Republican movement to make colonial
Dependency of the newly acquired island
of the West Indies. and incidentally. os
| course, the broader relation of the samo
question to the Philippines.
When MIR. Brantley had concluded he
was warmly congratulated by members
on both sides Of the chamber. Champ
Clark, for instance said that the speech
was one that would make Brantley ma
tional reputation. Mr.. Doliver of Iowa,
the great orator OF the Republican side,
| said Brantley's speech was undoubtedly
the best he had heard on the Democratic
| side of the question. Mr.. Little OF Ar
kansas said the speech was the best pre-
| sentation of the Democratic case that
had yet been made In either house OF
| Congress. There were many other tri-
butes 10 the ability of the young Geor-
glan.
II Is Unconstitutional.
Mr.. Brantley denounced the Porto Rican
| tariff bin as being unconstitutional and
unjust TO the Porto Rcans. He said they
were now a part of the United States,
and We're entitled to all the markets Of
the United States. He insisted that Con-
| gress could not legislate outside of tho
constitution, and that the bill could only be
defended upon the theory that Congress
had such power. This was imperialism.
pure and simple He said that the trade
making power existed by virture OF the
constitution and could not override the
constitution; that the President, with the
help OF foreign nation and the Senate,
could not add to or take from the pow
ers of Congress- as fixed by the constI-
tuition.
The Duty of Congress.
In reference to the Philippines. he took
the position that the duty of Congress
was TO announce a definite policy With
reference to them: this duty had existed
for a. year. and had not been met. He ad-
mitted that time would be necessary to-
establish permanent government, bur
time was not necessary In determining
the question of intention. He denied that
the President had power to announce to
the Filipinos the intentions Of this govern
ment, and said only Congress could do
this. He said that the new commissioners
shortly to be appointed TO go there to es-
tablish civil government should go un-
der the sanction and authority of Com
gress, and that Congress should first au-
thorize them to declare whether or
not this government intended to
permanently retain the Philippines. He
said in the interest OF peace in the inter-
est Of our soldiers and sailors, i'm the mains
tenance of the dignity and power of Con-
gress, and in discharge OF our solemn OBJ
legations we should declare a definite poll
Icy with reference to the Philippines
whatever that policy may be.
would Result in Peace.
He argued that It was not unreasonable
to believe that a declaration either way
showing the fixed determine tion of this
government would result in peace. He
said all that Congress had ever done had
been done by indirection. He strenuous
ly urged that the decara tion TO be made
should look TO the ultimate Independence
OF the Filipinos. He said that in the cass
OF Cuba we had to get out after the pa
chcation OF the island, and in the CASES
of the Philippines. we should get out as
soon as a government was established
there that we have no power TO estab-
lish a government in Cuba, but we have
the power to do so in the Philippines.
In answer to the question as to what
| would become of Cuba, since we had
already determined to leave. he thought
when the question OF our intention was
settled, that the patriotism of Congress
could be relied upon 70 carry our deter
| mination into effect with honor 20 our
selves. He did not want the Philippines
! either outside or inside the constitution
Only Two Courses Open.
He thought there were but two courses
open 10 the Congress-: TO declare for the
permanent retention of the Philippines
| and Porto Rico, coupled with declarations
| that in due time they should be admitted
to statehood, or TO declare that they
should have Independence Under such a
declaration, If the Porto Rcans desire il,
he would not object to retaining them.
nor would he object to Cuba coming In
under similar conditions.
He pointed to Alaska as PROOF OF our
incompetency to govern a dependent peo-
| pie; law and order does not prevail there.
| as shown by the report of the Attorney
| General; citizens living there thlrty-two
years under our government cannot yet
acquire a title to their homes. He said
that under our system OF government,
there were no rulers but the people, and
| that when we undertook to say that I'VE,
the people will govern you, the subjects,
there was no machinery with which TO do
r. A subject people can only be governed
BY arbitrary power. and Congress had no
such power and cannot confer 1t. He re-
ferred TO the South during reconstruction
DAYS when her people were governed by
aliens and military law supplanted the
civil law and when the people had no
voice In their own affairs; he referred to
this, not TO awaken unpleasant memories.
but TO emphasize the statement that he
would never consent to fasten such gov
| anyWharp nj