Daily inter mountain. [volume] (Butte, Mont.) 1881-1901, 1900-12-03

more strongly to the fore. question
is this: Is the south to be allowed. for
political purposes, to reduce its popula-
ton. by a fiction, one half and when it
comes to the superintendent of. members
counted in order TO bring up its strength
in congress and in the electoral college?
Tina is the question the south must
stand up and answer very soon. And 1t
will be interesting to hear its repre-
sentatives explain upon what ground.
after those states have eliminated the
colored vote as completely as though it
had never existed, they can call up its
ghost in order to gain, in national poll
tics, a proportion of power that is not
enjoyed by the white men of any other
part of the country.
We believe the situation which they
admit exists must ooner or later force
them to either restore the franchise to
the negro or else be content with smaller
representation. A state with a popula-
ton of 1000, 900 may succeed in COM
pletely DISTINGUISHING 1000, 900 Of its
citizens, but having done that, can it
stiE claim representation based on the
1000, 900 in the face of the constitution?
1t is preposterous, absurd. and unjust to
every other section of the Union.
Many northern democrats are disgust
ed with the juggling INDUCED IN by their
brethren of the south on this question.
They have no patience with the claim
that the national democracy cannot af-
ford to lose that portion of the power
now held dishonesty, and favor an adj
justment at once.
The situation with reference to this
matter is such as to give students of
history something to think about.
Away back in the days Immediately
following the war of the rebellion, when
, the fathers We're at work in Philadelphia
trying to frame a constitution, a ques-
ton arose similar to the one now con-
fronting congress. If this question had
been disposed of in 1877, the nation would
not be facing the serious problem of re-
apportionment in the south today.
The federal convention had finally de-
cided that population Should be made
the bass of representation in the house,
and right there the trouble began. South
Carolina insisted hat the slave should
be counted in fixing the population, and
was supported by other slave states. The
northern states opposed it, and the
whole plan of federation came near be-
ing wrecked. 1t was finally settled by
the "three-ffths compromise under
which it was agreed that five slaves
should be reckoned as three individuals.
From that time until slavery vas abol-
ished, the vote of the southerner count
ed for far more than the vote of the
northerner, and the power of the south
erner became greatest, Of course, where
the negroes We're most numerous. The
vote of South Carolina in the house and
in the electoral college became nearly
twice what it should have been under
any just system of representation, and
so it was with all the southern states.
Five planters in Mississippi or the Caro-
linas had as much power as nearly twice
that number of farmers in New England.
Remedies were sought for in vain. The
evil was wrapped up in and was a part
of slavery, and it was seen that it could
only be destroyed by destroying slavery.
Years after the abolition Of slavery,
the country finds that the south is to-
day, under color of law, using the negro
to enlarge it's representation, with this
difference: in the days Of slavery, the
southern states counted the colored man
as three-fifths Of a voter without allow
each negro as one voter without allow
ing him to vote.
There is absolutely no defense to be
made for this state of affairs, and II
any benefit is to come from delaying ac-
tion this is a good time for some one to
point it out.
The fame of Lord Raglan, under secre-
tary of wal in Great Britain, Is secure
He is responsible that marvel o1