The times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1897-1901, 1900-08-09

can do whatever 1t desires to do, but IT
must accept responsibility for what it does.
II the Constitution stands in the way, the
people can amend the Constitution. l re-
peat, the nation can do whatever 1t desires
to do. but it cannot avoid the natural and
legitimate results of its own conduct
The young man upon reaching his ma
jority can do what he pleases. He can dis
regard the teachings of his parents: he
can trample upon all that he has been
taught TO consider sacred; he can disobey
the laws of the State the laws of society,
and the laws of God. He can stamp fail
ure upon his life and make his very exist
ence a curse to his fellow men; and he
can bring his father and mother in sorrow
to the grave; but he cannot annul the SEN
tence, The wages Of sin is death
And so with this nation. II is of age,
and it can do what it pleases; it can spurn
the traditions of the past; it can repudiate
the principles upon which the nation rests;
it can employ force instead of reason; it
can substitute might for right: it can con-
quer weaker people; it can exploit their
lands, appropriate their property and kill
their people; but ii cannot repeal the moral
law OF escape the punishment decreed for
the violation of human rights.
Would we tread in the paths of tyranny,
Nor reckon the tyrants cost?
Who takeih anothers liberty,
His freedom is also lost.
Would we win as the strong has ever wonY
Make ready TO pay the debt,
For the God who regned Babylon,
Is the God who is reigniDg yet.
Some argue that American rule in the
Philippine Islands will result in the better
education CT the Filipinos. Do not be de-
ceived If we expect TO maintain a colonial
policy, we shall not find it to our advantage
TO educate the people. The educated Fill
pinos are now in revolt against us, and the
most ignorant ones have made the least
assistance to our domination. If we are TO
Govern them without their consent and
five them no voice in determining the
isxes which they must pay, We dare not
educate them, lest they learn to read the
Declaration of Independence and the Con-
ssitution of the United States and mock US
for our inconsistency.
THE principal arguments, however, adj
vanced by those who enter upon a defence
of imperialism are:
'.First-That we must improve the pres
emit opportunity to become a world power
and enter into international politics.
'Seoond-That our commercial interests
in the Philippine Islands and in the Orient
make it necessary for US TO hold the islands
permanently.
''Third-That the spread of the Christian
religion viii be facilitated by a colonial
policy.
'Fourth-That there is no honorable re-
treat from the position which the nation
has taken.
THE first argument is addressed TO the
nations pride and the second to the ma
TONS pocketbook. The third is intended
for the church member, and the fourth
70, the partisan.
The Glory of the Republic.
1T is sufficient answer to the first ar
gument TO say that for more than a cen
fury this nation has been a world power.
For ten decades it has been the most po-,
tent influence in the world. Not only mas
it been a world power, but it has done
more to affect the politics of the human
race than ali the other nations OF the
world combined. Because our Declaration
of Independence was promulgated. others
have been promulgated; because the patri-
OTIS of l776 fought for liberty others have
fought for ii. because our Constitution
was adopted other constitutions have been
adopted.
government, planted on American soil has
been the overshadowing political fact of
the nineteenth century.
1t has made this nation conspicuous
among the nations and given 1t place in
history such as no other nation has ever
enjoyed Nothing has been able to check
the onward march Of this idea. / am not
willing that this nation shall cast aside
the omnlpotent weapon of truth to seize
again the weapon OF physical warfare. l
would not exchange the glory of this re-
public for the glory Of all the empires that
have risen and fallen since time began.
THE permanent chairman of the last
Republican National Convention presented
the pecuinary argument in all its badness,
when he said:
1--WE make no hypocritical pretences Of
being interested in the Philippines solely
on account OF others. While We regard
the welfare of these people as a sacred
trust, We regard the welfare OF the Ameri-
can people first. We see our duty to our
selves as well as to others. We believe
in trade expansion. By every legitimate
means within the province of Government
and Constitution, we mean to stimulate
the expansion Of our trade and open new
markets
This is the commercial argument. It
is based upon the theory that war can be
rightly waged for pecunisry advantage,
and that it is profitable 70 purchase trade
by force and violence. Franklin denied
both OF these propositions. When Lord
Howe asserted that the acts of ParIia-
ment, which brought on the Revolution,
were necessary to prevent American trade
from passing into foreign channels, Frank
lin replied:
ITO mo IL seems that neither the OBJ
tanning Tor retaining OF any trade. how
ever valuable 1t seems. is an object for
which men may justly spill each others
blood; that the true and sure means Of ex-
tending and securing commerce and the
goodness and cheapness Of commodities,
and that the profits OF no trade can ever
be equal to the expense OF compelling IL
ald holding 1t by fleets and armies. / con-
slider this war against US, therefore, as both
unjust and unwise.
Il place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine CT those who
would put a price upon the life of an
American soldier and justify a war or con-
quest upon the ground that 1t viii pay.
The Democratic psrty is in favor Of the ex-
pansion OF trade. II would extend our
trade by every legitimate and peaceful
means; but It is not willing to make mer-
cfandise OF human blood.
But war OF conquest is as unwise as
II is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity and such
a concession could have been secured at
any time without difficulty.
1T is not necessary to own people in
order TO trade with them.
we carry on trade today with every
part OF the world, and our commerce has
expanded more rapidly than the commerce
of any European empire. We do not own
Japan or China, but we trade with their
people, We have not absorbed the repuh-
lies OF Central and South America, but we
trade with them. II has not been neces-
ssTy TO have any political connections with
Canada or the nations OF Europe in order
10 trade with them. Trade cannot be per-