The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1900-06-16


the sting of defeat, her armies and
generals were the laughing stock OF the
world, the corpses of her soldiers were
rotting in hundreds under the veldt.
There is now an entirely different status.
Great Britain, sweeping victoriously to
the northward, could consent to media
ton without mourning the suspicion that
the consent was dictated by cowardice.
1t would refuse to entertain an offer,
of course, because that power does not
relax its grasp once it has fastened its
hold. 1t is after Transvaal gold just as
it is after every inch of newly discov-
cred goldbearing territory on earth,
but it could do nothing except to de-
cline. This nation, which passionately
sy1Dpathizes with the Beers, would at
least have opportunity officially to de-
clare that sympathy to the world. OF
the adult population of America not
less than 90 per cent is heart and soul
for the Boer cause. 1t is nothing less
than all outrage that an unrepresenta-
tive administration, influenced by Eng
land, should deny us the right to ex-
press our beliefs and sympathies in this
matter.
If we had Democrat Democrat
in the executive chair, there would be
no hesitancy. First would come an
offer to mediate, then suggestion that
the things in dispute be submitted to
arbitration, and lastly determined in
timation that this invasion of the little
African republics and the shameful eff
fort to destroy their liberties must stop
OH the instant. The statement tina,
there would be war is nonsensical.
There would be no war, lust as there
was no war in the Venezuelan case
There would be bluster and roar or
two from the British lion and diplomacy
and protest, but the advance of the
British troops would stop dead and the
autonomies of the Transvaal and the
Orange Free State would be preserved.
The assumption by our lightweight
secretary and lightweight president that
open war would necessarily follow
United States intervention in South
Africa is in line with their other diplo-
matte chicaneries and .idiocies. Within
week after notice of Intervention
Great Britain would assumc this atti-
tude: "We are everywhere victorious.
We have demonstrated our natchless
courage and skill. 1t has, not been our
intention to destroy the republics. We
are generous. We have been always
generous. Not because we are afraid
hut because of our good heart, we are
now willing to listen to terms"
Can any man doubt what Andrew
Jackson would do if he were now the
head of this country? Can any man
measure the scorn which fifty years ago
would have been heapcd upon the cock
eyed Cush Davis, who has engineered
refusal by the United States senate to
admit the Boer. delegates to the privi-
lcges of the floor, tllougl, every prece-
dent of the government is in line with
according them that privilege? The
strict party vote by which, Republican
majority denied this courtesy to these
men is proof enough, even ii other proof
were lacking, of what the sentiment Of
Republican leaders is
The question remains: Will the voters
of this country indorse the Mckinley re-
fusal to do anything to help the strug-
Cling South African governments? Will
they indorsc the gratuitous insult OF
the Boer delegates by senatorial Repub-
licans? Will they indorse the men who
place the greatest republic Of the worlds
history in the attitude of selfish and
secretly sympathetic spectator while two
young republics are strangled to death
by the earth's chief robber? Mr.. Fisct-
er tells Hay that he knows the people
OF this country sympathize with his peo-
pie in their heroic struggle for freedom.
He was right. He l,as.now learned also
that William Mckinley, president by
the grace of Mark Hanna, and John
Hay, secretary of state by the grace OF
William Mckinley, do not represent
the people of this country, though their
positions give them power to prevent
official utterance of our hopes and de-
sires.