New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1900-03-09
lutely no ground EFT for any pretence that
the policy Of the President and Congress was in
the slightest degree harsh and oppressive.
OBJECTIONS TO THE TARIFF UN-

OBJECTIONS TO THE TARIFF UN-
FOUNDED.
Nobody can understandingly object to the Is
per cent duty all paid back to Puerto Rico on
the ground that 1t is unfair and hard toward
Puerto Rico. He Understandings object
only on the claim that there is no power to levy
any duty at all, and such claim would leave
the President and Congress powerless and help
less in the Philippines as well as in Puerto
Rico.
the Congressional bill, every cent OF which Is to
be returned to Puerto Rico. that island also get
ting all collected at the other end, and the re-
movai OF customs duties as suggested by the
President for humanitys saks, there Is absolute
ly no difference whatever in practical results
In both everything is for humanity. Congress
was aiming at the same result the Presi-
dent. and the President rightfuly accepts the
act Of Congress. The representation that either
not in accord with the other disregardS
every essential element in the case.
THE REAL ISSUE
But between Is per cent duty and free trade
instantly wherever land may be acquired,
there is the worldwide difference between re-
serving full discretionary power to deal with the
new possessions their varying interests and
ours may require, and leaving no discretionary
power in Congress whatever. And this is the
real issue which has been forced by the attitude
of the minority in Congress.
The country Is starting out on new departure
and on a new experiment, and 1t is Of the high
est importance for our own safety, as we'll as
for the welfare of the new peoples who have
come under the flag, that we should leave our
selves free to deal with each case as its own
merits demand. The claim which insists that
free trade goes by legal right to Puerto Rico
would bind us hand and foot.
The partisans who sought to put the Presi-
dent and Congress in hole have. perhaps, un-
consciously dug pit for themselves. They Will
find that they have taken position which would
stop them from carrying out the policy they have
proposed for the disposition of the Philippines.
But as do not wish now to discuss the matter
hro, Iacf acts or tn frpaf n
spirit. 1 do not pursue this point. 1t is enough
for the present TO say that contention that
the Constitution does not by its own force eX-
tend over the new possessions without legisia-
tive act is in harmony with the general tenor
of judicial decision and legislative action from
the acquisition of Louisiana down to this time.
HISTORIC REPUBLICAN DOCTRINE.
issue very like that which is presented.
The Calhoun doctrine was that the Constitution
by it's own force carried slavery into the terri
tories OF the United States The Republican
party sprang into being from the uprising of
the public conscience against that doctrine. One
OF the resolutions of the Chicago platform OF
1860 on which Abraham Lincoln was elected
President was in these words:
That the new dogma that the Constitution of its
force carries slavery into any or all or the
Gus political reresy At variance with the explicit
provisions of that instrument itself, with contem-
diciaI precedent is revolutionary in ITS tendency
and sUbversive Of the peace and harmony OF the
country.
The political heirs of those who put forward
the dogma that the Constitution of its own
force carried slavery into the territory of the
United States now maintain the dogma that
the Constitution of its own force carries free
trade even into the new island territory OF the
United States without any legislative action.
1t is an interesting circumstance that in this
new epoch of history the Republican party
is again battling for principle kindred to that
which IL birth