Daily inter mountain. [volume] (Butte, Mont.) 1881-1901, 1900-09-29

the democratic party II, and always has
been, that we are a collection of states
and not a nation. TO the degenerate
disciples. who today disgrace the names
OF Jefferson and Jackson, it Is a lesser
evil to ALLOW the American people to be-
come the slaves of corporations, han it
Is to endow the national government
with power to control them.
But this Is not all. The great hone OF
the democratic party of today is to get
control of the offices. When it has been
successful in the past it has ever been
afraid to take decisive action on any
important question for fear of making
a record which might be criticised.
The democratic chiefs seem to have
learned a lesson from the career of Wen
dell Phillips. That great man, who was
a finished scholar and consumate orator.
devoted his wonderful talents to the at
tempt to abolish slavery. The republic
can party abolished the Objectionable
institution. Mr.. Phillips was an honest
man and never regretted that his life
work a been effected. But unfortun-
ately for his permanent reputation nc
lived some years after his work was
done. During all of those years he vas
ACSSACSdly 4OOhlIl8 W dSCOLIAplASA oAiA
other great reform. and hunted over the
universe for it. He had SO far become
absorbed in his hobby that he could not
recognize any of the many desirable inn
p~rovements that could still be effected in
modern society. and went to his grave
an embittered n disappointed man.
So with the old and effete democratic
party. 1t proposes to regard trusts as
dreadful things. They are worthy any
amount of democratic vitu%peration. But
if by some legislation, they should be
abolished or made amenable to public
control, what would the great party of
reform do for campaign This
is more plainly seen by their action IN
the present congress-, than could be
expressed by any amount of argument.
A republican committee introduced a
constitutional amendment, that being
the only way the trusts can be as
sailed by the national government, and
strongly called attention to it in the fol-
lowing words, which all men should
read who desire the truth about the
actual attitude of the two parties on the
trust issue: .-
The several states, through their re-
spective legislatures, ought to have the
opportunity to speak on this SUBJECT IN
a constitutional and an effective way.
All that congress can do Is to submit
the proposition to the states. In view
of the agitation of the subject OF com
binations and monopolies generally
though some times inaccurately spoken
and written of as trusts, and of the gen.
eral demand for remedial legislation.
which congress is now powerless to en-
act, the people should be permitted to
express themselves and register their will
as directly as possible at the ballot pox.
Congress by inaction has no RICH to
prevent or impede such an expression
Ii the popular will, or to delay that ac-
ton which is necessary to give II power
to legislate effectively.
The necessity for additional constitu-
tional authority is shown by reference
to the recent decisions of the supreme
court of the United States bearing on this
subject. 1t is quite true that the Con-
%stitution has stood the test Of more h
a century, but it is also true that during
that. time fifteen. different amendments
to that instrument have been submltte't
and adopted. The necessity for each anu
the wisdom of all is now universally rec
ognized. tt @ neg g
1t is equally true that we are now
confronted by conditions-fnancial; COM
mercial and industrial--not contemplated
by the trainers of the Constitution, ana
out of which arises a necessity FOR leg
1slation by the congress of the United
States not foreseen by the. trainers OF
that nstrumen If dimly foreseen and
intended to be provided far by the inter-
state commerce clause of the Constitu-
ton, the recent decisions of the supreme
court of the United States demonstrates
that the power actually conferred upon
congress is insufficient to enable IT to
meet and remedy evils which have
grown to such proportions and have be-
come so f~ar-reaching that they are nov
national in their influence, and really,
though indirectly, dominate interstate
while they form no part of i
and are not, therefore, within the con-
stitutiona1 power of congress- to repress
or remedy.
In general language the necessity for
such constitutional amendment may be
summarized in the following PROPOSE
tons: F.
I. The existence of monopolies and of
combinations, Of so-called trusts, formed,
for improper purposes, purpose detri-
me.tal to the prosperity Of the people.
and relating to and seriously affecting
manufacture, production and business, is
generally conceded.
II. The supreme court of the United
States has decided that g is with
out constitutional power to repress them.
or to regulate or control them when
formed and operating in the states ex-
cept as to the carrying on Of interstate
commerce.
III. Manufacture and interstate com
merce are so intimately connected and
mutually dependent, and so affect all the
| people of all the states, that congres.
should possess power over both. If It
was wise and beneficial to give congress
power over interstate it is
unwise and detrimental to deny 1t powe,.
over manufacture and production, which
may, ans many times do, dominate such
commerce.
". Congress NAV regulate and cnn.