The Republican., 1900-09-06
Business Or IdIaness.

Republican and Democratic parties.
Each campaign brings to the front
some temporary questions of expedi-
ency, which are intended to blind the
eyes of the thoughtless and attract
the floating vote.
'Tippecanoe and Tyler too" won
more votes than logical arguments.
Fifty four forty or fight" aroused
the whole country and not a few
would have preferred the fight to
the fifty-four forty. And ''16 to T.
drives sound money Democrats into
the Republican party, and silver Re-
publicans into the Democratic ranks.
However, back of all these cam
paign cries, deeper than the money
question, more important than the
subject of imperialism, more vital to
the future welfare of the nation than
militarism, is the radical difference
between the two great historical par
ties on the tariff question. 1t is not
question of protection and free
trade. No party advocates and no
| government practices absolute free
trade. The Democratic party has,
however, for years advocated in its
platforms the well defined policy of
"a tariff for revenue only" refusing
to recognize as Democratic the wis
dom, justice or propriety of affording
either protection to American labor
or American capital invested in
American industries.
The avowed Republican policy,
often reiterated in national platforms
and enacted into law, as is evidenced
by the Mckinley and the Dingley
tariff bills, openly affirlns that the
Republicans favor a protective tariff
that will encourage the investment
of American capital in manufacturing
| enterprises and insure to American
labor. both native and naturalized,
the advantage of "a fair days wages
for fair days work"
Both of these plans have been tried
within the memory of most of those
who will cast their votes next No
vember.
The Wilson German tariff bill and
the effects thereof were Democratic.
The Dingley bill and its results are
Republican. The effects produced
by these two measures should be care
fully weighed by every voter who de-
sires his ballot to influence national
prosperity and personal advantage.
Under the operation of the Wilson
German revenue tariff, the income of
the government was not sufficient to
pay current expenses. The tariff for
revenue only did not produce the
revenue. Government bonds were
sold in time of peace to pay the daily
obligations of the Democratic admin
istration. From being a debt paying
nation we became a debt creating
nation. Industries languished. Mills
shut down. Factories closed. Build
ing ceased. The army of the unem-
ployed increased. Panic came. Banks
failed. Fortunes crumbled. Labor
begged in vain for work. But lust
as soon as the people could express
their verdict at the polls, Cleveland
was repudiated, the Wilson German
tariff bill was declared wanting and
a change was demanded.
With the election of Republican
President and a Republican Congress,
protective tariff measure was en-
acted. The Dingley bill became a
law. What have been the results?
The national treasury overf1ows. The
Nation has fought to a successful
issue two wars and has been paying
debts at the same time Bond issues
have given place to bond redemption
and refunding the outstanding obli-
cations of the Nation at a lower rate
OF interest than was ever before
secured by any Nation in history
Mills have been started. Factories
have been running day and night.
Wages have been increased. Labor
has been profitably employed. The
exports during the four years of the
Dingley Republican tariff have ex-
ceeded the combined amount of all
the exports of the Nation during all
the previous years of our history from
the beginning of Washington's first
administration to the close of Cleve-
lands last administration.
There is the record. None deny it.
The books have been audited, and
the balance is known to all. What
do the American voters want? A re-
turn to the Wilson German tariff bill
and panic times, or continuation of
the Dingley bill and Mckinley times.
Your votes next November will de-
eide the question.
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The Full Meaning of Bryanism