Morris tribune. [volume] (Morris, Minn.) 1880-2000, 1900-09-22
SATURDAY., sept. %, 1900.

| t.
ence or training or the ability to maintain q
stable government at home and absolutely
helpless to perform its international obliga-
lions with the rest of the world
viii Defend Our Title.
To this we are opposed. We should not
yield our title while our obligations last.
In the language Of our platform, "Our au-
thority should not be less than our RESPONSE
bility, and our present responsibility is to
establish our authority In every part of the
islands.
No government can so certainly preserve
the peace, restore public order, establish
law, justice and stable conditions as ours.
Neither Congress nor the Executive can es-
tablish stable government in these islands
except under our right Of sovereignty, our
authority and our flag. And this we are do
ing.
We could not do it as protectorate power
so completely or SO successfully as we are
doing 1t now. AS the sovereign power we
can Initiate action and shape means to ends,
and guide the Filipinos to self development
and self-goyePnment.
AS a protectorate power we could not ini-
tiate action, but would be compelled to fol-
low and uphold d people with no capacity
yet to go alone. In the one case we can pro-
tect both ourselves and the Filipinos from
being involved in dangerous complications;
in the other we could not protect even the
Filipinos until after their trouble had come.
Consent of the Governed.
Besides, if we cannot establish any gov
efHmGnl OF our own WITHOUT the consent OF
the governed as our opponents contend,
then we could not establish q stable govern
ment for them or make ours Il protectorate
without the like consent, and neither the
majority of the people nor minority Of the
peopie have invited US to assume 1T. We
could not maintain protectorate even with
the consent of the governed without giving
pr0yocation for conflict and possibly costly
wars.
Our rights in the Philippines are now FREQ
from outside interference and will continue
so in our present relations. They would not
be thus free in any other relation We viii
not give up our own to guarantee another
sovereignty.
Our title is good Our peace commissions
ers believed they were receiving good title
when they concluded the treaty. The cxecu-
tive believed 1t was a good title when he
submitted it to the Senate of the United
States for it's ratification. The Senate be-
lieved it was q good title-when they gave 1t
their constitutional assent, and the Con-
gress seems not to have doubted its com
pleteness when they appropriated $40 600, 900
provided by the treaty.
Title Is Unquestionable.
If any who favored its ratification believed
it gave US bad title they were not sincere.
Our title is practically identical with that
under which we hold our territory acquired
since the beginning of the government, and
under which we have exercised full SOW
ereignty and established government for the
inhabitants.
1t is worthy of note that no one outside OF
the United States disputes the fullness and
integrity of the -cession. What, then, is the
real issue on this subject? Whether it Is
paramount to any other or not, it is whether
we shall be responsible for the government
ofthe Philippines, with the sovereignty and
authority which enables US to guide them to
regulated liberty. law, safety and progress,
or whether we shall be responsible for the
forcible and arbitrary government of mi
nority, without sovereignty and authority
on our part, and with only the embarrass-
ment of protectorate, which draws us into
bpi 10 of mrs
ing them.
Obligations of War.
There were those who two years ago were
rushing us on to war with Spain who are
unwilling now to accept its clear conse-
quences. as there are those among US who
advocated the ratification of the treaty Of
peace, but now protest against its obliga-
tions. Nations which go to war must be.
prepared to accept its resultant obligations, s
and when they make treaties must keep
them.
Those who profess to distrust the hberah
and honorable purposes of the administra,
ton in its treatment of the Philippines arr
not justified. Imperialism has no place In
it's creed or conduct. Freedom is a rock up
and now rests Liberty is the great Republic
can doctrine for which the people went to-
war and for which a million lives we're Of
fered and billions of dollars expended to
make it a lawful legacy of all without the
consent of master or slave.
Strain of Hypocrisy.
There is a strain Of ill-concealed hypocrisy
in the anxiety to extend the constitutional
guarantees to the people OF the philippines,
while their notification is openly advocates
at home. Our opponent may distrust them
selves, but they have no right to discredit
the good faith and patriotism of the major
ity of the people who are opposed to them.
They may fear the worst form Of imperial
ism with the helpless Filipinos In their
hands. but if they do it is because they have
parted with the spirit and faith OF the fatn-
Lost ho xyiri nf bn
of the party which they profess to represent.
The Republican party doesn't have to as
sert its devotion to the Declaration OF indie
pendence. That immortal instrument OF the
fathers remained unexecuted until the peo-
ple under the lead of the Republican party
In the awful clash of battle, turned it's prom
ises into fulfilment. 1t wrote into the Con-
stitution the amendments guaranteeing po-
litical equality to American citizenship, and
it has never broken them or counselled 9TH
ers in breaking them 1t will not be guided
in it's conduct by one set of principles at
home and another set in the new territory
belonging to the United States.
Doctrine of Linco,n.
If our opponents would only practice az
we'll as preach the doctrines of Abraham.
Lincoln there would be no fear for the safe 4
ty Of our institutionS2at home or their fright
full influence in any territory over which QUE
flag floats.
and the Philippines by American freemen.
The flag of the republic now floats over these
islands as an emblem of rightful sovereign
ty Will the republic stay and dispense to
their inhabitants the blessings of liberty,
education and free institutions, or steal
away, leaving them to anarchy or Imperial
ism?
The American question is between duty
and desertion. The American verdict will
be for duty and against deseftion, for the
Republic against both anarchy and imperial
ism.
The country has been fully advised Of the
purposes of the United States in China, and
they will be faithfully adhered to as already
defined.
Sufferers in Pekin.
The nation is filed with gratitude that the.
little band, among them many Of our own.
blood who for two months had been sub
iected to priYations and peril by the attacks
Of pitiless hordes at the Chinese capital, ex-
hibiting supreme courage In the face of de-
spair, have been enabled by Gods favor to-.
greet their rescuers and find shelter under
their own flag.
The people not alone of this land, but OF
all lands, have watched and prayed through
the terrible stress and protracted agony OF
the helpless sufferers in Pekin; and while
at times the dark tidings seemed to make all
hope vain. the rescuerS never faltered in the
heroic fulfllment of their noble task. We
are grateful to our own soldiers and sailors
and marines, and to all the brave men who.
Cd dor