The Irish standard., 1900-08-11
pie of se1f-government. planted ON Amer

lean soil, has been the ' oversha a owing
political fact of the nineteenth century,
It has made this nation conspicuous
in history such as no other nation has
, eyer enjoyed. Nothing has been able to
check the onward march of this idea
am not willing that this nation snail cast
aside the omnipotent weapon of truth to
seize again the weapon of physical war
fare l would not exchange the glory Of
this republic for the glory of all the en-
pres that have risen and fallen since time
0e T6e permanent chairman Of III. ,,s NO.
publican national convention presented
The pecuniary arsument in all its bold
ness, when he said:
I'VE make no hypocritical pretcnses Of
being interested in the Philippines solely
on account OF others. While we regard
the welfare of these people as a sacred
trust, we regard the welfare of the Amer
selves as we'll as to others. We believe
in trade expansion. by every legitimate
means within the province OF government
The expansion of our trade and open
new markets."
This is the commercial argument. 1t
is based upon the theory that war can
be rightly waged for pecuniary advan-
tagc, and that it is profitable to purchase
. la d, by force and Violence FranlSlin de-
Lord Hove assertea hat the acts of ~ p nun
lament. which brought on the revolution.
We're necessary to prevent American trade
Franklin replcd:
ITO me it seems that neither the OBJ
tanning nor retaining Of any trade how
men may justly spill each others blood;
that the true and sure means of EXTEND
ing and securing commerce are the good
that the profits of no trade can ever be
equal to the expense OF compelling 1t and
holding it by fleets and armies. l con-
slider this war against us, therefore. as
both unjust and unwise."
place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine Of those who
American soldier and Justify a war of
conquest upon the ground that it will pay.
The democratic party is In favor of the
trade by every legitimate and peaceful
means; but it is not willing TO make mer-
chandise of human blood.
But war Of conquest is as unwise as
1t is unrghteous; A harbor and coaing
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity and
such a concession could have been secured
at any time without difficulty.
1t is not necessary to own people in or
der to trade with them. We carry on
and our commerce has expanded more
rapidly than the commerce of any Euro
pean empire. We do not own Japan or
have not absorbed the republics of Cen
trail and South America, but we trade
with them. II has not been necessary to
ada or the nations of Europe in order to
trade with them. Trade cannot be per-
munentlX profitable unless, 1t Is volnn-
tary. When trade is secured by force, the
cost of securing it and retaining II must
be taken out of the profits. and the profits
are never large enough to cover the ex
Tended but for the fact that the expense
is borne by all the people. while the prof.
its are enjoyed by the few.
Evils of Imperinllsm.
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contraetors: it would DO profitable
soldiers back; 1t would be profitable to
those who would seize upon the franchises.
Whose who salaries Would be fixed here .e'e and
paid over there; but to the farmer. to tho
laboring man and to the vast majority Of
would bring expenditure without return
and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboring men have as
rule, small incomes. and. under systems
which place the tax upon all consumption.
pay more than their fair, share OF tie ex-
penses of government. Thus the very peo-
pie who receive least benefit from inn
perialism will be injured most by the mil
itury burdens which accompany it.
In addition to the evils which he and the
seek work in the United States; the first
to suffer il American capital leaves our
PHILIPPINES to Supply The trade oe of Ghna
and Japan: the first to suffer from the
violence which the military spirit urouses,
| and the first TO suffer when the. methods
! of imperialism are applied to our own
government.
1t is not strange. therefore, that the labor
orga tons have been quick to note the
approach of these dangers and prompt to
protest against both militarism ana i'm
perialism.
The pecuniary argument, though more
effective with certain classes, is not likely
to be used SO often or presented with so
| much emphasis as the religious argument.
gospel were urged against the Ilipinos
| only, it would be a sufficient answer to say
that majority Of the E'ilipnos are now
members of one branch of the Christian
church,; but the principle involved Is one
I. Of much wider application and challenges
serious consideration.
| The religious argument varics In positive-
ness from a passive belief that Irovidcnce
their good and our glory, to the cXultation
of the minister who said that we ought to
Thrash the natives u'iIipinos) until they
understand who we are" and that every
bullet sent, every cannon shot and every
ilag waved means righteousness.
No Gntlins Gossip.
! We cannot approve of this doctrine in
one place unless we are willing to apply
| 1t everywhere. If there is poison in the
| blood of the hand it Will ultimately reach
| the heart. 1t is equally true that !orcible
Christianity, II planted uEtler the Am, rcun
flag in the fnr-away orient, will sooner or
| later be transplanted upon American soil.
| II true Christianity consists in carrying
out in our daily lives the teachings Of
Christ. who will say that We are command
ed TO civiize with dynamite ard plosclyte
with the sword? lie who would declare
| the Divine will must prove his authority
either by. Holy Writ or by evidence Of u
special dispcnsation. The command. GO
| We into all the world and preach the Gospel
| to every creature" has no Calling gun at
| tachmcnt. When Jesus visited village OF
Samaria and the people refused to receive
In Ill ~ lint