People's voice. [volume] (Wellington, Sumner County, Kansas) 1890-1917, 1900-08-30
he Formally Accepts Nomination
Of the Sioux Falls Convention.
THE POPULISIS As EDUCATORS.
He Says They Have Done Much to Arouse
the People to Study of Economic and
Industrial Questions-Issuss Ex-
haustively Discussed.

MT. chairman and hem0erS OF the Noti-
fication Committee:
In accepting the presidential nomina-
ton which you tender in behalf of the
populist party, l desire to give emphatic
recognition to the educational work done
by your party. The populist party, as an
organization, and the farmers alliances
and the labor organizations from which
they sprung, have done much to arouse
the people to study Of economic and in
dustrial questions. Believing, as do.
that truth grows, not in seclusion but In
the open field, and that It thrives best
In the sunlight Of full and free debate,
/ have confidence that the discussion
which your party has compelled will aid
In reaching that true solution Of pending
problems toward which all honest citi-
Zens aim.
l desire also to express my deep ap-
probation Of the liberality of opinion and
devotion to principles which have led the
members of your party to enter the ranks
of another party in the selection Of a
candidate.
While I am grateful for the confidence
which the populists have expressed in
me, | am not vain enough to regard as
personal their extraordinary manifesto
| lions of good will. The ties which bind
together those who believe in the same
great fundamental principles are stronger
than ties of affection-stronger even than
the ties OF blood; and cooperation be-
| tween the reform forces is due to the
TACT that democrats, populists and sill
yer republicans take the side of the people
In their contest against greed, and agree
IN the application of Jeffersonian princi-
pies to the questions Immediately be-
fore us.
In 1896 the money question was of par
amount Importance and the allies In that
campaign united in the demand for the
Immediate restoration Of silver by the in
dependent action of this country al 16
to l, the ratio which had existed since
1884. They were defeated, but that did
not end the discussion. The democrats
were defeated in 1888, but that did not
put an end to tariff reform. The repub-
licans were defeated in 1892, but that did
not permanently overthrow the protec-
tive tariff. Defeat at the polls does not
necessarily decide problem. Expert
ence and experience alone settles dues-
tons. If an increase in the volume Of
the currency since 1896, although un-
promised by the republicans and unex-
pected, has brought improvement in in
dustrial conditions this improvement, in
stead OF answering the arguments nut
forth in favor of bimetallism, only con-
hrms the contention of those who in
sisted that more money would make bet
ter times
The republican party, however. while
claiming credit for the increase in circus
lation, makes no permanent provision for
an adequate supply Of standard money.
1t denies the necessity for more real
moaey While 1t permits national banks
to expand the volume of paper promises
to pay money.
If the pOpulists felt justified in oppos-
Ing the republican party when it sought
to conceal its gold standard tendencies
under the mask of international bimet-
allism, the opposition should be more
prpounced in proportion as the repub-
lican party more openly espouses gold
nonOmetallism.
In 1896 the reform forces charged the
republican party with intending to re-
tire the greenbacks. This charge. de-
MED at the time has been confessed bv
the financial bill, which converts green
backs. when once redeemed. into gold
certificates, and extends new privileges
to banks of issue. If populist opposed
the republican party when its hostility
to greenbacks was only suspected, that
opposition should be greater now since no
one can longer doubt the purpose of the
republican party to substitute bank notes
for greenbacks.
1t is true that the popuists believe In
an irredeemable greenback. while the
democrats believe in a greenback redeem
able in coin, but the vital question at
this time, so far as paper money is con-
-eerned, is whether the government or
banks shall issue 1t. There will be time
enough to discuss the redeemability of
the greenback when the greenback itself
Is saved from the humiliation which now
threatens 1t. The republican party is now
committed to a currency system which
necessitates perpetual debt, while the
populist finds himself in agreement with
the democrats who believe in paying of
the national debt as soon as possible.
II belief in an income tax justified a
populist in acting with the democratic
party in 1896, what excuse can he find
for aiding the republican party now when
even the exigencies of war have not been
sufficient to bring that party to the sup
port of the income tax principle?
Populists believe in arbitration now as
much as they did in 1896, and are as much
opposed to government by injunction and
the black list as they were then, and
upon these subjects they have as much
reason for cooperation with the demo-
cratic party to-day as they had four years
ago
Democrats and populists alike favor
the principle of direct legislation. II
any difference exists as to the extent to
which the principle should be applied,
these differences can be reconciled by ex-
pertinent. Democrats and populists agree
that Chinese and other Oriental labor
should be excluded from the United
States. Democrats and populists desire
to so enlarge the scope Of the interstate
commerce act as to enable the commits
sion to protect both persons and places
from discrimination, and the public at
large from excessive railroad rates.
The populists approve the demand set
forth in the democratic platform for
labor bureau. with a cabinet officer at
its head. Such an officer would keeL
the administration in close touch with
the wsge-earning portion of the popula-
ton, and so far toward securing such
remedial legislation as the toilers need.
In 1895 the populists united with the
| democrats in opposing the trusts, al
though the question at that time appeared
like cloud scarcely larger than 4 mans
hand. To-day that cloud wellnigh ever
! spreads the industrial sky. The farmer
| does not participate in the profits of any
trust, but he serely feels the burden Of
them all. He is dependent upon the sea-
sons for his income When he plants
his crop he knows not whether it will
be blessed with rain or blighted with
| drought: he knows not whether wind
wis blow it down or hail destroy it, or
insects devour it, and the price Of his
crop is as uncertain as the quantity. II
a private monopoly can suspend produc-