The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1900-08-09

this campaign.
When / say that the contest of 1900 is a
contest between democracy on the one
hand and plutocracy the other, do not
mean to say that all our opponents have
wealth predominating influence in the az
fairs of the government, but / do assert
that on the important issues OF the day the
Republican party is dominated by those
influences which constantly tend to elevate
pecuniary considerations and ignore human
rights. In 1859 Lincoln said that the Repub-
lican party believed in the man and the
dollar, but that in case OF conflict 1t be-
lieved in the man before the dollar. This
Is the proper relation which should exist
between the two. Man, the handiwork of
God, comes first: money, the handiwork
OF man, is OF inferior Importance. Man is
the master, money is the servant, but upon
all important questions to-day Republican
legislation tends to make money the mas
| ter and man the servant. The maxim or
Jefferson, Equal rights to all and special
| privileges to none" and the doctrine of
| Lincoln that this should be a government
of the people. by the people, and for the
| people are being disregarded and the in
strumentalitieS OF government are being
| used to advance the interests of those who
/ are in position TO secure faVorS from the
| government
| The Democratic party is not making war
upon the honest acquisition of wealth; it
| has no desire to discourage industry, econ
| omy and thrift. On the contrary. il gives
| to every citizen the greatest possible slim
1 illus to honest toll when it promises him
| protection in the enjoyment OF the proceeds
OF ms labor Property rights are most
| secure when human rights are respected
4 Democracy strives for a civilization in
| which every member of society will share
| according 10 his merits. No one has a
| right to expect from society more than a
| fair compensation for the service which
| he renders to society. IL he secures more
| IL is at the expense of some one else. 1t
| Is no injustice TO him to prevent his doing
| injustice to another. To him who would,
| either through class legislation, or in the
| absence of necessary legislation, trespass
| upon the rights of another, the Democratic
| party says, Thou shalt not.
THE OPPOSITION.
Against us are arrayed a comparatively
small but politically and financially power
ful number who really profit by Republican
| policies, but with them are associated a
| large number who because of their attach
ment TO the party name are giving their
support to doctrines antagonistic to the
| former teachings of their own party. Re-
publicans who used to advocate bimetallism
| now try TO convince themselves that the
gold standard is good; Republicans who
| were formerly attached to the greenback
| are now seeking an excuse for giving ma
| tional banks control of the Nations pa
per money; Republicans who used to boast
| that the Republican party paying off
| the national debt are now looking for rea-
| sons TO support a perpetual and increasing
| debt; Republicans who formerly abhorred
| a trust now beguile themselves with the
| delusion that there are good trusts and
| bad trusts, while in their minds the line
| between the two is becoming more and
more obscure; Republicans who in times
past congratulated the country upon the
| small expense Of our standing army are
| now making light of the objections which
| are urged against large increase in the
permanent military establishment; Repub-
licans who gloried in our independence
| when the Nation was less powerful now
| look with favor upon foreign alliance;
Republicans who three years ago con-
| demned 'forcible annexation" as immoral
| and even criminal sure that it is
both immoral and criminal TO oppose forci-
| BILE annexation. That partiSanship has al
ready blinded many to present dangers is
certain; how large a portion of the Repub-
| lican party can be drawn over TO the new
| policies remains to be seen.
For time Republican leaders were In
ciined to deny to opponents the right to
criticise the Philippine policy of the adj
ninstration, but upon investigation they
found that both Lincoln and Clay asserted
end exercised the right to criticise Presi-
dent during the progress of the Mexican
war. Instead of meeting the issue boldly
and submitting clear and positive plan
for dealing with the PHILIPPINE question, the
Republican convention adopted plat
form, the larger part of which was devoted
TO boasting and self-congratulation. In at
tempting TO press economic questions upon
the country to the exclusion of those which
involve the very structure of our govern
ment, the Republican leaders give new
earlier ideals of the party and of their
complete subserviency to pecuniary CON
| SiderationS.
WHY HE FAVORED THE TREATY.
But they will not be permitted to evade
the stupendous and far-reaching issue
which they have deliberately brought into
the arena of politics. When the President
supported by a practically unanimous vote
of the House and Senate. entered upor
war with Spain for the purpose of aiding
the struggling patriots of Cuba, the coun
try. without regard to party, applauded
Although the Democrats recognized that
the administration would necessarily gair
a political advantage from the conduct OF
| a war which, in the very nature of the
| case, must soon end in complete vic
tory, they WED with the Republicans IL
the support which they gave TO the Pres
| ident. When the war over and the
Republican leaders began to suggest the
propriety of a colonial policy, opposition
at once manifested itself When the Pres
ident finally laid before the Senate a treaty
which recognized the independence o.
Cuba, but provided for the cession of the
Philippine islands to the United States
the menace of Imperialism became so APP
parent that many preferred to reject tht
| treaty and risk the ills that might follow
rather than take the chance of correcting
the errors of the treaty by the Independent
|. | action of the country.
/ was among those who believed Il bette
to ratify the treaty and end the war, re
lease the volunteers, remove the excuse TO
war expenditures, and then give to the Fill
| ipinoS the independence which might b.
| forced from Spain by a new treaty Ii
view of the criticism which my actor
aroused In some quarters i take this occa
sion to reState the reasons given at tina
time. | thought it safer to trust the Amer
| lean people TO give independence to tn
Filipinos than to trust the Accomplishment
T OF that purpose TO diplomacy with an un
friendly nation. Lincoln embodied an ar
| sument in the question when he asked
''Can aliens make treaties easier thar
friends can make laws?" / believe that w
r are now in better position TO wage a sue
cessful contest against Imperialism thar
we would have been had the treaty beer
' rejected With the treaty ratified clean
cut issue is presented between a govern
ment by consent and a government b,
force and imperalists must bear the re
] sponsibility for all that happens until TIL
question is settled. If the treaty had beel
rejected the opponents of imperialism
would have been held responsible for an,
: international complications which Nigh
have arisen before the ratification of an
other treaty. But whatever differences o
opinion may have existed as to the hes
method of opposing the colonial polio
there never any difference as to tn
great Importance of the question and Their
is no difference now as TO the course to b
! pursued.
THE BACON RESOLUTION.
} The title of Spain being extinguished. w
were at liberty to deal with the Filipino