The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1900-09-04
A BRAZEN PERFORMANCE
HOW MIR. BRYAN MUTILIATED A MES
SAGE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
In His Labor Day Speech the Nebraska
Man Mangled the Great Mans
Words and Changed His Meaning.

Liydii, III the CicslllS paragraphs, Sidiihcu W
quote the following from the first annual
message of Abraham Lincoln:
Monarchy itself is sometimes limited at
as a possible refuge from the power or the
people. In my present position l could
scarcely be justified were l to omit raising
IL warning voice against the approval or
returning despotism 1t is not needed here,
nor is ii fitting that an argument should
be made in favor of popular institutions
but there is one point, with its connections
not so hackneyed as most others, to which
L ask brief attention 1t Is the eHort 10
place capital on an equal footing WITH III
rot above, labor in the structure of gov
eminent. No men living more worthy
TO be trusted than those who toll up from
poverty, none less inclined to take or toucn
aught which they have not honestly earned:
Let them beware of surrendering political
power which they already possess, and
which, If surrendered. will surely be USED
to close the door of advancement against
such as they, and to fix burdens on them
till all of liberty shall be lost
Unfortunately. Mr.. Bryan named the
particular address from which the above
was taken, the first annual message OF
Mr.. Lincoln TO Congress. which can be
found in Volume VI of the messages and
papers of the Presidents. This is the series
or books printed and paid for by the United
States. which have the copyright of James
u. Richardson, who presided over Mr.
Bryan's convention at Kansas City-a
piece of thrift that plain-spoken people
designate by the word knavery. This
message begins on Page A of the volume,
and was sent to Congress Dec. 3, 1862. That
the readers of the Journal may how
adroitly and dishonesty Mr. Bryan has
garbled the portion of the message which
he has used, the whole of the topic which
hoe.
purpose, is quoted below, paragraph by
paragraph, written by Lincoln himself
1T continues TO develop that the insur-
rection is largely. if not exclusively, a war
upon the first principle of popular gov
ernment-the rights of the people. Con-
elusive evidence of this is found in the
most grave and maturely considered pub
lie documents, as well as in the gen.
eral tone of the insurgents. In these docu-
ments we find the abridgment of the ex-
listing right of suffrage and the denial To
the people of all right to participate in the
selection of public officers, except the
legislative, boldly advocated with labored
arguments to prove that large control of
the people in government is the source or
all political evil.
Here is. Mr.. Bryan's quotation:
Monarchy itself is sometimes limited at
as possible refuge from the power of the
people. In my present position 1 could
scarcely be justified were 1 to omit raising
a warning voice against this approach of
returning despotism. 1t Is not needed nor
fitting here that general argument should
be made in favor of popular institutions
but there is one point, with its connections
not so hackneyed most others, to which
i ask brief attention. 1t is the effort To
place capital on an equal footing with,
IL not above, labor in the structure of
government"
LINCOLN'S WORDS.
The Lincoln message continues:
IL ba la hon i- Ia 10
only in connection with capital; that no
body labors unless somebody else owning
capital somehow by the use of ii induces
him to labor. This assumed, it is next con-
sidered whether ii is best that capital shall
hire laborers and thus induce them TO
work by their own consent or buy them
and drive them to 1t without their consent
Having proceeded so far, it is naturally
concluded that all laborers are either hired
laborers or what we call slaves. And
further, it is assumed that whoever is once
a hired laborer is fixed in that condition
for life.
Now, there is no such relation between
capital and labor as assumed. Nor is there
any such thing as a free man fixed for
life in the condition of a hired laborer.
Both these assumptions false, and all
differences from them are groundless.
Labor is prior to and independent of
capital Capital is the only fruit of labor.
and could never have existed If labor
had not first existed. Labor is the superior
of capital and deserves much the higher
n.
which are as worthy OF protection as any
other rights. Nor is it denied that there
is, and probably always will be- relation
between labor and capital, producing mu-
tual benefits. The error is in assuming
that the whole labor of community
lists within that relation. few men own
capital and that few avoid labor them
selves, and with their capital hire or buy
another few to labor for them. A large
majority belong to neither class-neither
work for others nor have others working
for them. In most of the Southern States
a majority of the whole people of all col
ors neither slaves nor masters, while
in the Northern States a large majority
are neither hirers nor hired. Men-with
their families, wives and sons and daugh-
ters-work for themselves on their farms,
in their houses, in their shops. taking the
whole product to themselves, and asking
favors of capital on the one hand nor
of hired laborers or slaves on the other.
1t is not forgotten that considerable
number of persons mingle their own labor
with capital; that is, they labor with their
own hands, and also buy and hire others
to labor for them: but this is only mixed
and not distinct class. No principle
stated is disturbed by the existence Of this
mixed class.
Again. has already, been said. there is
not of necessity any such thing as the free
hired laborer being fixed TO that condition
for life. Many independent men every
where in these States. few years back
In their lives were hired laborers. The
provident. penniless beginner in the world
iabors for wages awhile, saves a surplus
with which TO buy tools or land for him.
self then labors his own account an
other while, and at length hires another
new beginner TO help him. This is the just
and generous and prosperous system which
and consequent energy and progress and
impressment of conditions to s,il."
All the foregoing. which is an argument
leading to Lincoln's final remark about the
trustworthiness of those who rise from
poverty, Mr.. Bryan omitted and quoted,
TO serve his own purposes, these sentences:
mo men living are more worthy 10 be
erty; no less inclined to take or touch
aught which they have not honestly
earned. Let them beware of surrender
ing a political power which they already
possess and which, if surrendered will
surely be used to close the door of adj
vancernent against such as they and fix
new disabilities and burdens upon them till
all of liberty shall be lost.
SHAMELESS GARBLING
The portions of the foregoing continuous
extract which Mr.. Bryan has garbled to
suit his purpose and to misrepresent Mr.
Lincoln are set out in separate paragraphs.
Mr.. Bryan begins: Monarchy itself" etc,
as if it were the commencement of a gen.
eral topic. whep. if what precedes is read,
IL is evident that Mr.. Lincoln had refer
ence TO the Insurgents the slavehod-
ing oiigarchy then in rebellion. Then he
attempts to cheat the people by causing
them to believe that he is discussing the