The semi-weekly messenger. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1897-1908, 1900-06-05
The Messenger.
THE MANOETvKES OF RADICALS
AND POPULISTS.

What did the populists in their last
convention mean when they declared
by resolution in platform that they did
not make the amendment "a party
question" but it must be left for deci-
sion by 1.-The judgment and conscience
of each individual voter" Were they
honest? Were they sincere? They say
"the question is above party" Very
true. 1t is a great, most important
question that comes home to the inter-
ests, the responsibility, the pride OF
race. the pride of state, the love Of law
and order and good government : Ii
appeals directly to every white mans
sense and self-respect. If he prefers
negro rule TO a government by the edu-
Gated white race he will of ours op-
pose the amendment. He will align
himself with the fa%ctional. greedy
whites who have used the negro for
the spoliation of the state, the oppres-
sion of white taxpayers. the degrade
ton of common schools, the keeping in
office corrupt, vicious, depraved whites.
Why did not the populists in their plat
form d%enounce and damn this danger
Gus amendment" if they really believed
it to be deserving of that stigmatizing?
What was their remedy? What had
they to offer? Read this from the plat
form:
Amend section 5, article s of the
constitution of North Carolina by in
serting among the disqualifications for
office enumerated therein the following
viz: All negroes and all persons of ne
gro descent to the third generation in
elusive"
What could be more absurd, unfair
than that? Give the negroes the right
to vote always, but do not let them
share in the political goods. Use them
to defeat the democrats and keep the
good Old state under the heels of the
spoilers and ~rascals, but not allow any
negro whatever to hold office. 1t would
be wrong to the negroes to use them
and then abuse them 1t would be i'm
possible to carry out the plan. How
much better is the open, plain. direct
plan of the democrats? Make an edu-
%cational test, and compel all voters to
pay a poll tax in advance.
The strange thing is that when the
republicans were in power that they
did not drop the negro if they really
wanted "a lily-white" party. And.
pray, why were the populists SO long
finding out that they did not want the
negroes to hold office when they COM
bined to force a thousand or more upon
the white people of the eastern coun-
ties? They are manoeuvring to pre-
vent the triumph of the White Mans
party. That is all. If you are a white
man then vote with our race. ire
spective of party, for the suffrage
amendment. Do not be a fraud. Do
not try to play a sham game. 1t will
not deceive or succeed.
Let il not be forgotten that the re-
publicans are as false, as d~isingenuous
in this suffrage matter as the populists
can be-as Marion Butler can be. At
ter their signal defeat in 1898, they laid
the calamity upon the negroes, and
cursed them with heavy maledictions.
All over the state the cry against the
negroe was oud and high and bit
ter. They swors in their wrath that
they were tired of the negro, that he was
a burden and curse to their party.
They were to put Sambo in limbo, and
hang Josh by his heels. The news
came from Washington that this must
cease-that the negro was a factor in
national politics and necessary to that
vile fellow Mckinley. He was needed
in the north and west. Pritchard
heard and warned his henchmen. But
the radical at ear would drop the ne
gro if he dared. He is necessary and
is. therefore, tolerated. But for that
the cry nov would ring from Currituck
to Cherokee among all radicals no
black in color-"Lily-white party" for
us. And then it would be good bye to
Sambo n no tears, and no office. and
mo nothing"-but he would be as Sam
Jones described him, IAN orphan"