The Stark County Democrat. [volume] (Canton, Ohio) 1833-1912, 1900-09-11

tiations Of '9s and the subsequent de.
velopments in the islands. Then the
letter continues:
Nobody who will avail himself of
the facts will longer hold that there
was any alliance between our soldiers
and the insurgents, or that any prom
ise of independence was made to them.
Long before their leader had reached
Manila they had resolved IL the COM
mander of the American navy would
give them arms with which to fight
the Spanish army they would later turn
upon us, which they did murderously
and without the shadow of cause of
| justification.
| Would not our adversaries have sent
Dewey's fleet to Manila to capture and
destroy the Spanish sea power there, or,
dispatching II there. would they have
withdrawn 1t after the destruction of
the Spanish fleet; and IL the latter,
whittier would they have directed II to
sail? Where could II have gone?
What port in the orient was opened to
It? Do our adversaries condemn the
| expedition under the command Of Gen.
Merritt to strengthen Dewey in the
distant ocean, and assist in our triumph
over Spain, with which nation we were
| at war? Was not 1t our highest duty
| to strike Spain at every vulnerable
point, that the war might be success
fully concluded at the earliest practi-
cable moment?
"And was II not our duty to protect
the lives and property Of those who
| came within our control by the fortunes
Of war? Could we have come away at
any time between May 1, 1898, and the
conclusion Of peace without a stain up
| on our good name?
Gould we have come away without
dishonor at any time after the ratifica-
| tion Of the peace treaty by the senate Of
the Unied States?
There has been no time since the
destruction of the enemy's fleet when
we could or should have left the Philip
pine archipelago. After the treaty Of
peace was ratified no power but con-
gress could surrender our sovereignty
or ALLEVIATE a foot of the territory thus
acquired. The congress has not seen
At to do one or the other, and the presl-
dent had no authority to do either, If
he had been so inclined, which he was
not. So long as the sovereignty remains
in us IT is the duty of the executive,
whoever he may be. to uphold that
sovereignty and II it be ATTACKED to
suppress its assailants. Would our
political adversaries do less?
OBLIGATIONS OF THE WAR.
with all the exaggerated phrase
making Of this electoral contest, we are
in danger of being diverted from the
real contention.
I'VE are in agreement with all those
bn cd hn with nd
with those who counseled the ratifca-
tion Of the treaty Of peace. Upon these
two great essential steps there can be
no issue, an out of these came all Of our
responsibilities. II others would shirk
the obligations imposed by the war and
the treaty, we must decline to act
further with them, and here the issue
was made. 1t is our purpose to estab-
lish in the Philippines government
suitable to the wants and conditions Of
the inhabitants and to prepare them for
f-government, and to give them self
government when they are ready for 1t,
and as I am aiming to do under my con-
stitutional authority, and will continue
to do until congress shall determine the
political status of the inhabitants Of the
archipelago.
mo government can so certainly pre-
serve the peace, restore public order,
establish law, justice, and stable con-
ditions as ours. Neither congress nor
the executive can establish a stable
government in these islands except un-
der our right Of sovereignty, our au-
thority, and our flag. And this we are
doing.
I'VE could not do 1t as a protectorate
power SO completely or so successfully
as we are doing 1t now. AS the sover- |
eign power we can initiate action and |
shape means to ends, and guide the |
Filipinos to acknowledgment and self
AS a protectorate power
we could not initiate action, but would
be compelled to follow and uphold a
people with no capacity yet to go alone.
In the one case we can protect both our
selves and the Filipinos from being in
volved in dangerous complications; in
the other we could not protect even the
Filipinos until after their trouble had
come. Besides, II we cannot establish
any government Of our own without
the consent Of the governed, as our op-
ponents contend. then we could not
establish a stable government for them
Dr. make ours protectorate without the
ike consent, and neither the majority
of the people or a majority of the people
have invited US
TO ASSUME 1T.
'1t is worthy of note that no one out
side of the United States disputes the
'ullness and integrity of the cession.
What, then, is the real issue on this
subject? Whether 1t Is paramount to
any other or not, it is whether we shall
be responsible for the government Of
he Philippines, with the sovereignty
and authority which enables us to guide
hem to regulated liberty, law, safety,
and progress; or whether we shall be
for the forcible and arbi-
rary government Of minority without
sovereignty and authority on our part
md with only the embarrassment of a
which draws US into their
.roubles without the power of prevent
ng them.
Hrrhose who rrofeas IN distrllst the