The Greenville times. [volume] (Greenville, Miss.) 1868-1917, 1900-11-10


ment and habit of mind which
. combined TO produce, in Mr.
Bryan, the theoretical dreamer
with the fancled mission in life o.
effecting a realization upon eartl
of that Utopian state wherein ''al
: men are equal, " regard less of race
s or creed, never have and nevei
can evolve man whose consc fence
= can answer in sympathetic re
3 Spouse to a declaration of the only
principle of government under
which the Southern states will
ever live-the irrevocable princl-
pie of white supremacy, regard
less of numerical opposition. Else
why the late leaders, constant
eyasions, in answer to the oft re-
peated question, What about
| North Carolina" Why was the
Eonly answer that could ever be
satisfactory to the South, if the
South is true to herself, never one
time uttered! Why did he not
say, ut first and for all, "North
Carolina is a sovereign state, and
under the principles of the party
whose candidate / am, has the
right of such ,lelimItation of the
franchise privileges of her citizens
as the wisdom Of her people shall
dictate, SO long as she acts within
the Constitution, though she re-
move the ballot from the hand of
every negro within her borders"
Why the constant reference to
Porto Rico, and the implication
of a wrong in North Carolina con-
sequent upon his pointing in JUST
fication to what he thought a
greater enc in that island!
Because as a child In the
schools of Illinois, he had learned
a lesson different from that instill
ed by observation and experience
into the children of the South; be-
cause his speech of acceptance had
declared the very groundwork of
American liberty and American
institutions to be the universal and
literal application of the subli-
mated distractions that all men
are created equal, and that all Just
powers Of government are deriv-
able only from the consent of the
governed, and because he had
made this declaration of his faith
the very keynote of his entire
campaign; because, through no
fault of his, and we do not blame
him for it, but through the train
ing of lifetime, and the logic of
a position of his natural assump-
ton, he had become the greatest
living American exponent of the
of manhood sufrage,-a
doctrine the application of which
would surrender some of the fairest
portions of the South to the reign
Of numerical ignorance, and work
he destruction of all that years of
oil, under the antithetical concep-
ion of white supremacy, had
erected UPON the ruins wrought by
he one practical test of the theo-
les for which he stands.
From the Missouri Compromise,
# 1920, to the massachusetts
ill, of 1854, Congress was a bat
le-ground where was waged be- :
ween the North and South the
ong struggle for determining
which section should extend its
leas Of government to the grow :
lg, yet uniformed West. Aud in
he forty years of warfare which !;
receded the final conflict, and in
hose bloody years of battle, and in
be dark times that followed, with
carcely one redeeming exception, Z
he bands of the West and the @
DICE of her people have been l
YER raised against the South and S
L for which she lived and TO ught, b
pd even that which she finally il
Ion. II was only in the East that n
ID voice Of her friends was heard. p
nd the South is bound to the s.
Jnion through the ties which con- a
ect her with that section, and the D
community of interests, now SO O
asst, between herself and her an
lent foe. q
Through the cooperation of the q
OF the North and East, Il
he South once dictated the policy 81
{ this government; in time of d
var and reconstruction these same d