Marshall County independent. (Plymouth, Marshall County, Ind.) 1897-1902, 1900-08-17

lhat the proHtS OF no trade can ever be
equal TO the expense of compelling II and
holding 1t by fleets and armies / con-
Slder this war against us, therefore, as
both unjust and unwise"
L place the philosophy OF Franklin
against the sordd doctrine of those who
would put a price upon the head of an
American soldier and justify a war of
conquest upon the ground that IL will
pay. The democratic party is i'm favor of
the extension of trade. 1t would extend
our trade by every legitimate and peace
ful means; but ii is not willing TO make
merchandise of human blood.
But war of conquest is as unwise as
II Is dangerous. harbor and coaling
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity and
such a concession could have been Sc
cured at any time without difficulty.
IL is not necessary TO own people in
order to trade with them. We carry on
trade today with every part of the world.
and our commerce has expanded more
rapidly than the commerce of any Eu-
p0peean empire: We do not own Japan
or emma, but we trade with their people.
We have not absorbed the republics of
Central and South America but we
trade with them. 1t has not been neces-
say TO have any political connections
with canada or the nations of Europe
in order TO trade with them Trade
cannot be permanently profitable unless
II is voluntary. When trade is secured
by force. the cost of securing it and re-
tanning it must he taken out of the
profits. and the profits never large
EXPENSE
system would never be defended but for
the fact that the expense is borne bv
all the people. while the profits are en-
joyed by a few
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors; it would be profitable
10 the ship owners. who would carry live
soldiers TO the Philippines and bring dead
soldiers back; it would be profitable to
those who would seize upon the fran
chises. and ii would be profitable TO the
on1cials whose salaries would be liked
here and paid over there: but to the
farmer, to the laborng man and To the
vast ma jority of those engaged in other
occupations. it would bring expenditure
without return and risk without reward
Farmers and laboring men have. as a
RUE small incomes and. under systems
which place the tax upon CONSUMPTION
pay more than their share of the ex-
penses OF government. Thus the very peo-
pie who receive least benefit from i'm
perialism will be injured most by the
military burdens which accompany it.
In addition to the evils which he and
the farmer share in common. the labor
oriental subjects seek work in the United
States; the first to suffer if American
capital leaves our shores to employ
Oriental labor in the PHILIPPINES: the first
to suffer from the violence which the
military spirit arOuses. and the first to
suffer when the methods of imDerialism
are applied TO our own government
II Is not strange, therefore that the
labor organizations have been quick to
note the approach of these dangers and
prompt 10 protest against both militar-
ism and Imperialism.
The pecuniary argument though more
effective with certain classes is not
likely to be used so often or presented
with so much emphasis as the religious
argument. If what has been termed the
'gunpOwder gospel We're urged against
the FilipinOs only. it would he a suffi-
cient answer TO say that majority of
the Filipinos are now members of ono
branch of the Christian church: but the
principle involved is one of much wider
application and challenges serious con
SideratiOn.
The religious argument varies in posi-
tivenesS from a passive belief that provi-
dence delivered the F'ilipinos into our
hands for their good and our glory 10
that ought to thrash the natives
(FflipinOs) until they understand who we
are" and that every bullet sent. every
cannon shot and every flag waved means
righteousness.
We cannot approve of this doctrine in
one place unless We are willing to apply
blood of the hand ii will ultimately reach
the heart. 1t is equally true that forcible
Christianity, if planted under the Amer
American soil. If true Christianity con
sists in carrying out in our daily lives
the teachings of Christ. who will say
that we are commanded to civilize with
dynamite and proselyte with the SWOrd2
He who would declare the divine will
must prove his authority either by Holy
Writ or by evidence of a special dispen-
satiOn. Imperialism finds no wars out
in the Bible. The command 'gO We into
all the world and preach the gospel to
every creature has no Calling gun at
tachment. When Jesus visited a village
of Samaria and the people refused IN
receive Him, some of the disciples sug-
geSted that fire should be called down
from Heaven to avenge the insult; but
the Master rebuked them and said: "Ye
know not what manner of spirit We are
of: for the Son of Man is not come to
destroy mems lives. but to save them"
Suppose He had said: I'VE will thrash
them until they understand who we are.
how different would have been the his
tory of Christianity Compare If you
viii. the staggering, bullying. brutal doc
trine of Imperialism with the golden rule
and the commandment. Thou shalt love
thy neighbor as myself
Love. not force. was the weapon of the
Nazarene; sacrifice for others, not the
eploitation of them. was His method of
reaching the human heart. A missionary
recently told me that the Stars and
Stripes once saved his life because his
assailants recognized our flag as q flag
known that our missionaries are seeking
souls instead of sovereignty; let it be
known that instead of being the advance
g1nS for of rmies they
their loinS girt about with truth and
their feet shod with the preparation of
the, the gospel of peace wearing the breast
sword of the Spirit. Let it be known
that they are citizens of a nation which
respects the rights of the citizens OF
other nations as carefully as 1t protects
the rights of its own citizens and the
welcome given to our missionaries will
be more cordial than the welcome extend
ed to the missionaries of any other ma
tiOn
The argument made by some that ii
was unfortunate for the nation that 1t
mad anything to do with the Philippine
islands. but that the naval victory at
Manila made the permanent acquisition
of those islands necessary is also UNI
sound. We won a naval victory at San
tlaso, but that did not compel us TO hold
Cuba. The shedding of American blood
in the Philippine islands does not make
1t imperative that we should retain pos
session forever; American blood was shed
at San Juan hill and FL Caney. and yet
the president has promised the Cubans
independence. The fact that the Ameri-
pei US to exercise perpetual sovereignty
over the islands; the American flag
waves over Havana today, but the presi-
the flag of the Cuban republic is ready
TO rise in its place Better thousand
times that our flag in the Orient gave
self-government than that the flag of
this republic should become the flag of an
empire.
There is an easy, honest honorable
VI tic l. iiiippiiO iuoStIoii. II -,
set forth in the democratic platform. and
1t Is submitted with confidence to the
American people. This plan 1 unre-
servedly endorse. If elected. L will con-
vene congress in extraordinary session as
soon as inaugurated and recommend an
immediate declaration of the nations
purpose. first, to establish a stable form
of government in the Philippine islands,
just as we are now establishing a stable
form of government in Cuba; second, to
give independence to the FilipinoS just
as have promised to give independ-
ence to the CubanS: third. 10 protect the