The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1900-09-07

| n,
! portation of commodities manufactured
| by prison labor among the states. Ism t
! 1t absurd to say that 1t has not the like
power to regulate the transporta ton of
to abolish the issue of paper money by
state banks 1t put tax of 10 per cent on
the issuance of such notes, and state
| bank notes came suddenly to an end.
| Thank God the Kansas, City convention
did not stand terror stricken before this
| anaconda threatening. the future of the
American people! In language that cam
not be mSconStrued or misunderstood 1T
said in it's platform:
! Private monopolies are indefensible
! and intolerable. They destroy competi-
| ton, control the price of all material. aid
| Of the finished product, thus robbing
| both producer and consumer. They les
| trarily fix the terms and conditions there
| Of and deprive individual energy and
| small capital of their opportunity for
betterment They. are the most efficient
means yet devised for appropriating the
! fruits of industry to the benefits of the
few at the expense of the many, and
unless their insa tate greed is checked
all wealth will be aggregated in few
| hands and the republic destroyed"
Inc, dishonest paltering with the trust
eH Dd by Ds,on one party IN
| proof OF the truth of the charge thar
trusts are the legitimate product OF E.e-
by Republican laws and that they are
protected by the Republican administra-
| ton in return for campaign subscriptions
| and political support
We pledge the Democratic party to an
increasing warfare in nation, state and
| city against private monopoly in every
| form. Existing laws, against trusts must
| be enforced and more stringent ones must
| be eracted providing for publicity as to
| the affairs Of corporations engaged in in
| terS tate commerce and requiring all cor
porations to show, before doing business
outside the state of their origin, that
| they have no water in their stock and
| that they have not attempted and are not
attempting to monopolze any branch of
| business or the production of any article
| of merchandise, and the whole constitu-
| tional power of congress over interstat tie
commerce. the mails and all modes Of
| interstate communication shall be eXer-
| cised by the enactment of comprehensive
| laws upon the subject of trusts.
Tariff laws should be amended by put
| ting the products of trusts upon the free
| list to prevent monopoly under the plea
| of protection.
The failure of the present Republican
| administration, with an absolute control
over all the branches of the national gov
| eminent, to enact any legislation design
| ed to prevent or even curtail the absorb
| ing power of trusts and Illegal combina-
| TONS or to enforce the antitrust laws
| already on the statute books. proves the
! insincerity Of the Understanding phrases
| of the Republican platform.
Corporations should be protected in all
! their rights and their legitimate interests
| should be respected, but any attempt by
| corporations to interfere with the public
| affairs of the people or to control the
be forbidden under such penalties as will
make such attempts impossible.
BELIEF IN FREE LIST.
| If Bryan is elected what is here indi-
Gated will be accomplished. With regard
| to many of these trust commodities, the
simplest and easiest way to afford the
people relief would be to put them on the
| free list. l saw an editorial statement
in the Minneapolis Journal some six
weeks ago to the effect that the sugar
| times since the 1st of May last. and each
| time 1t cost the country s., 600, 900. When
you bear in mind that the sugar trust is
protected by tariff of 95-10O cents,
practically two cents pound and that the
price of raw sugar is usually about two
cents pound, you can readily see how
this grievance could be removed by put
| ting sugar on the free list And I ask
| you, earnestly and eandidly, why in the
world should this not be done? It was
good Republican doctrine when I was a
| Republican; why is it not good doctrine
now, as well as common sense? It
| would save the American people hundreds
I of millions of dollars and bring addi-
! tional comforts to the table of every
American home; but the sugar trust con-
| trolls the administration and 1t cannot
be done.
THEY WANT THE. EARTH.
But these interests, these privileged
| classes, are not content Win, our own
| country. They want more worlds to con-
| quer. They want to control populations
| that have less power of resistance than
! the white race-lands where, their domin-
| vantage of the conditions growing out of
| the Spanish-American war, they are now
| endeavoring to establish imperialism by
! fastening upon our institutions a colo
NAL system and a large standing army
| Our people know intuitively that there
is menace and danger in this new de-
parture To overcome this feeling they
appeal to the patriotism. to the national
! pride and to the selfishness of the peo-
pie: They say that the glory Of our flag
and the prestige of our name demand it.
! They say that, besides, there is money in
! 1t. This latter they rely upon as their
most. convincing argument. Did the
! Spanish people find Imperialism profita-
BILE? Did their colonial empire tend to
the up-building Of their industries, their
! trade and their progress? On the con-
trary, 1t had the opposite effect. From
being the most powerful state of Chris
tendon. the. most enlightened and In
many respects the most progressive, be-
fore it embarked in the venture Of colo
NAL empire, its power, It's resources and
| lowest depths of degradation before we
forced 1t to abandon the system. Shall
we disregard the example of Spain and
| adopt the very system that DESTROYED
| her power and impoverished her people
Nations can grow and expand, as ours
has, to their political and economic ad-
vantage. But such national growth al
ways has been, and always will be, the
occupation and acquisition of territory,
not already occupied by a dense popula-
ton, and planting therein It's own people
| expansion over the territory acquired
from Spain in the southern part of our
! country, and from France in the south
and to the west OF us. The same is true
| has and never can permanently occupy
or inhabit land within the tropics.
INTEGRAL PARTS. NEVER.
We can never hope to make the Phil
ippine islands integral parts of our Union
| occupied by people of our race with our
in Florida, Louisiana and California. Our
| occupation of those islands will be mill
tary and the government colonial, thus
converting our own institutions from a
republic, resting upon manhood suf-
frage, governed by laws of the peokrl e' Is
own making, in other words, governed
by the consent of the governed to a mil
itary empire. Such changes In the in
stitutions Of nations in the past have
| always proven destructive of the liber-
ties of the people, and in the end, of their
is well expressed by Froude the histo-
Ran, in his introduction to Caesars Com.
mentaries. He says:
ITO the student of political history, and
to tn English student a owe all theis s. t !
conversion of the Roman republic into a
military empire, commands a peculiar in
terest Notwithstanding many differ
ences, the English and the Romans es-
sentially resemble one another The
early Romans possessed the faculty OF
self-government beyond any people OF
whom we have historical knowledge. with
the one exception Of ourselves. In Virtue
Of their temporal freedom they became
the most powerful nation in the known
world, and their liberties persisted only
when Rome became mistress of conquer.
ed races. to whom she was unable or un-
willing to extend her privileges.
"If there he ono IaScOu which %is+or1