The times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1897-1901, 1900-08-04
English and American Elections.

Sydney Brooks, in "Harper's Magazine.
makes an interesting comment on election
methods in this country as contrasted with
those in England. He is not naturally
prejujiced in favor OF the former, being an
Englishman. but he makes the following
strong statement:
wherever Travelled, along the Atlantic
board or two thousand miles inland. there were
the same signs of tumultuous anxiety, hope, fear,
and esrnestness that marked the home rule crisis
in England twelve years ago-the same eNcit-
ability, but not the same disorderliness. DO not
know precisely how many meetings were broken
up, how many platforms stormed, speakers howled
down, and heads broken before the Irish question
was settled These arguments were so common as
to be almost tiresome. Certainly there was moth
ing like the diffused moderation of behavior tnat
obtained everywhere in America in 1895. When
MIR. Gladstone's conversion to the Nationl list
, cause made known, there was very consid-
cradle 'enemy's country in which even his age
and career would not have saved him from insult,
and possibly not from mobbng. Mr. Bryan was
safe from anythinz; OF the Kind in New York,
which did not believe in him, as in the far West.
which talked and thought of him as second
Messiah. Ii remember rightly he was only once
inteIfered with his Eastern tour. Soma Yale
boys forgathered at meeting in New Haven and
successfully competed even with his resonant
voice. Nothing more remarkable TO an Eng
lishman, even in that remarkable campaign, than
the instant condemnation of-thesc froliesoine uu-
dergraduates by public opinion everywhere, and
by newspapers OF every class and Of every shade OF
political sympathy. In England the affair would
have been laughed at and forgotten within twenty
four hours
1t is to be hoped that this moderation OF
behavior in America will continue - the
end of time. for If there is any one p,a>e
where business should be conducted in
decent and dignifed manner, it is
meeting for serious political purposes.
Naturally, in times of strong parti-
san excitement, there will be more
or less confusion and disorder, but
there is no excuse for wanton disrespect to
any candidate or speaker. Mr.. Brooks
statements sound as il a certain kind OF
mob rule were prevalent at times in Eng
land, and there is absolutely nothing in the
principle of mob rule which is not mis-
chieyous Free discussion is farce when
the speaker cannot make himself L5ard
without the lungs of stentor; the ~hole
elective system is rendered futile wher
man is liable to be pelted with briokhats
and offensive refuse merely for stating his
convictions, unpopular though they may be-
1t is proper that the audience should ex-
press its sympathy with or disapproyal OF
the sentiments of the speaker; but this can
be done without making it Impossible for
him to speak at all. During the early years
of the civil war. Henry Ward Beecher
went 10 England ard addressed a Liverpool
meeting OF the question of slavery. His
point OF view was unpopular in England at
the time. and he was wei aware that there
was a determination to howl him down.
He succeeded in making the address. how
ever, purely by the strength OF his mag
nificent voice and his power Of making ep-
grams. When there was lull in the
racket ne would throw out sentence or
two so striking in expression as to COM
mand attention; and gradually gained con-
troll over the audience and won its ap
plause. Here was a case in which the
audience was determined not to hear a
speech by which It was finally convinced.
man with less powerful lungs would
never have been able to make the argu-
ment at all. Decidedly, in the interests Of
free institutions and intelligent voting the
American plan of respect for public sp1aA
ers Is far the best. II is to be hoped II
it will never be discarded for Eng .isl
rowdyism.