The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1900-03-04

the appearance Of Senator Pritch-
ards letter on the proposed amend
ment TO the Constitution of North
Carolina in the Washington Post
during the spring of 1899 | wrote an
article setting forth what | believed TO
be the position for the Republican party
to take in the campaign of 1900, but
believing the time not ripe for a dis
clIss.on of the question, | did not offer
it for publication. | believed then and
believe now in the ratification of the
amendment. Much of that article APP
pears in the following p.ges and the
first ;a--1i1--apa is as follows:
SENATOR Pritchard's letter, which APP
peared in an issue OF the Washington
Post of last spring on the proposed
amendment TO the Constitution of North
Carolina TO be submitted to the people
in August, 1900, for ratification or re-
lection is regarded as indicating the line
of fight to be made by the Republican,
party Of the State towards its rejection.
This subordinateS every other issue. ev-
cry other principle TO the one issue of
the amendment. 1t is my opinion if
the State campaign of 1900 is made
along this Line the party will not only
see the amendment ratifed, but will it
self sustain the most crushing defeat it
has ever received in this State"
Since that time | have read all the
argument available in both Democratic
and Republican papers and lately the
speeches Of Senators Morgan. McEnery
and Pritchard in the United States Sen
ate and the furious onslaught of Sena
tor Butler before the Populst commit
tee in Raleih. hut l have seen as yet no
reason why | should change my first
opinion. 1t is not my purpose TO at
tempt any argument as to the conSti-
nationality of this amendment. We may
well leave this to those with authorities
at hand which they may quote To Sus-
tain them in their respective views. But
the statement often heard that no man
can vote for the ratification Of the
amendment without violating his oath to
support the Federal Constitution is the
ver.est rot, and only shows to what
extremitieS some may be driven for ar
gument To sustain them. To vote for
it or not to vote for ii is a matter
Of individual point of view-a matter
of individual conscience.
What does this amendment propose ?
An educational qualification for voters.
But its Trainers. knowing that there
We're thousands Of voters in the Stare
who could not come up to this standard,
and yet who in peace and war had prov
ed their fitness for suffrage, inserted a
clause excluding from the provisions OF
the article all those who were or whose
ancestors were entitled 10 vote in any
State prior 10 1851 These by the
formation of Il permanent roll are for
ever insured the right to vote. After
the year 1905 to those who come of age
and apply for registration the provisions
of the amendment apply whether white
or black.
1t is denied by advocates of the meas
ure that the amendment if adopted will
disfranchise many thousand negro
voters and the opponents of the amend
ment claim that because it does disfran-
chise negroes and does not disf~onchisn
whites it is in violation of the Fifteenth
amendment TO the Federal Constitution
which denies TO a State the right to
deny the suffrage on account of race.
color or previous condition Of servitude =
The amendment on its face shows M
such discrimination and if the effect of
the application OF the article is such ii
is Just as the effect Of the law "Thon
shalt not steal is to incarcerate the
thief that others may be secure in their
property and rs the effect of the law,
"Thou shalt not kill'' is to execute the
murderer that those who are not muir
derers may he secure in their lives and
liberty. These laws undoubtedly dis
eliminate against the thief and murder
CT, but it is for the good of the millions
who are not thieves or mnrderers. So
in the case of the amendment proposed.
If it can be shown that the possession
by one set Of people of certain priyi-
lege works to the hurt Of a larger class
of people Of the same State will any
court hold that the majority must contin-
ne to suffer while Il dangerous eXper.-
ment is being tried by the minority? The
public gOOd-the good of all citizens is
more to be considered than whether this
man or that man has the right of suffrage.
and if the public good can he secured
by limiting the suffrage what right has
a State if il has not this one. and what
is sovereign State il it can not enact
laws that secure the peace and prosperity
of its own citizens? 4 State. to be a
State at all. must be the judge of the
qualifications of its own electors. If it
Is not it has become merged not only
into the Federal Union. but into the
Federal government itself. II has sur
rendered the fundamental right of SOW
ereignty. 1t has lost its statehood and
become a territory.
The proposed amendment in order t.
provide for the public good aims at I'M
fitness and incompetence, and it is not the
trace, color or previous condition of ser
yitude" of the negro that has brought
about the present discussion, but his TN
fitness and total incompetence to partici
pate In much less administer the affair;
of government.
But opponents of the amendment say
that in CONSUMING the article the court.
must take cogniZance of the fact that i
DISTINGUISHES the illiterate negro anC
does not the illiterate white man an(
therefore declare it unconstitutional
There are other facts. historical facts
too. that must be taken cognizance of.
The first of these is that the negro wa
totally unfit for suffrage when he receiv
ed it and having received it he has no
SO used it as to justify its continuance
to his race as a whole. Another fact il
that the extension of suffrage to th'
negro was not intended so much for hi