The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1900-09-01
OUR STAY In CHINA.

An official of the war department IN
forms the Associated Press that there are
no indications of an early withdrawal
of our troops from China, but that in
fact the greatest efforts are being made
to have a permanent supply depot for
our troops established at Taku by De-
cember.' A few days ago it was an
nounced' by authority of the sdministra-
ton that the troops would be taken out
as soon as the safety of American lives
and property could be assured.
The same dispatch which tells of the
preparations of the war department in
the direction of establishing a ''perma-
nent'' base for our troops in China gives
the information that the administration
was merely testing public sentiment
when the announcement of early with
drawaI was made. This appears to be
little out of the ordinary, to say the least.
It cannot be, called a candid method of
dealing with the public, for the prepara-
tons for a prolonged stay either antict-
pate public expression in favor Of 1t, or
indicate a disposition in advance to dis
regard any other expression.
The business of the military arm of
our government in China is solely TO pro
tect American lives and property. From
the standpoint of broad militarism, like
that OF Europe, this duty Is capable OF
,,ar1y lgI1aroI Ioforr-a+o +fo., h,,+ frr,y,, Aho
standpoint OF American policy and tradi-
ton 1t is bound to be restricted It is
true that the situation In China Is novel.
and that it presents problem which sug-
gests no past precedent as a guide to
conduct. But If 1t shall be remembered.
first, that the United States Is not going
to help govern China, and, secondly, that
If the other powers decide upon partI-
ton we should neither forbid It nor take
part in it, our position is so much sim
plified that the average citizen ought to
understand it. If conditions are to con-
tinue and be unsettled, If China is going
to be at war with the powers on the issue
of partition, or If the powers are to war
with each other over the same issue, our
duty toward American citizens ends when
they are given ample opportunity to get
out of the country safely, and, so far as
American property is concerned, that
would be a matter for diplomatic adjust
ment later with the ultimately RESPONSE
bic administration. For 1t ought to be as
plain as the nose on a mans face that If
powers or by the Chinese government
during the period Of trouble, any attempt
on our part to afford protection must
mean war with somebody. The property
interests of Americans in the premises
should not, under any circumstances, be
sufficient provoeation for the United
States to participate in an Oriental war
at this stage of the proceedings.
The necessity for drawing the line in
this way is imperative, for If it is not
done there Is danger that the Flaw and
order" argument will be given applica-
ton at every step until this country finds
itself hopelessly entaugled. It ought to
be safe rule that If the powers are net
cooperating, or shall not later cooperate,
with the Chinese government in bringing
about order it will be time to withdraw
our troops as soon as the fact becomes
settled, because that would mean the ex-
istence Of war upon China for the pur-
pose Of revenge or territorial acquisition
or both, and it woul1 also mean the
greatest danger Of disastrous war be-
tween the powers themselves It IS the
latter contingency which makes it peril
Gus for our forces to linger in the coun-
try moment after it becomes clear that
the Chinese government is arrayed
against the outsiders or that the gov
ernment has disappeared to give place to
European martial rule Our continued
presence there under such conditions
would, of course. mean participation In
the designs against China, supposing the
other powers were able to agree to one
plan, or our espousal OF the causes Of one
or more powers against others. The idea
is not only preposterous, but abhorrent to
the true American sentiment.
Therefore when the administration an
rYuaced esrly withdrawal it should have