The evening times. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1895-1902, 1900-12-17
!en. Il - Kent eonntv several thou-

men, It cost Kent county several thou
sand dollars to learn this lesson
But besides these trials the constitution
provided still another supposed safe
guard. Every officer OF the State elected
in November and all the members OF the
Legislature on taking their oaths must
swear they cid not use money at the cleo
ton OF course this provision is easily
circumyented. as some OF the other lead
ers and not the members-elect could have
handled the cash.
Ali during the last campaign money was
used almost without attempts at conceal
ment. In this city thousands OF dollars
were spent in paying registration fees. the
money in many cases being sent through
the mails. More money was distributed
at the polls on election day and SIS and
over was spent for a vote in close dis
tricts. in all the rural districts OF this
county large SUNS were employed.
But the use of money took another turn.
Vast sums were spent by some candidates
for county Offices seeking nominations.
'fGrafters,'' or men seeking money, were
here, there and everywhere Bogus clubs
were organized, which furnished endorse
ments of candidates to order. Often one
of these clubs would endorse several can
didates for the same Office in one night,
taking morey from each. All night meet
ings were held, beer and money being Civ
en- out. The infection spread among the
negroes, who had hitherto been held IN
line without much cash "Grafters' clubs
were organized by negroes, who made the
! lives of candidates miserable. One sup
posedIy influential Republican negro is
said to have cleaned up nearly $1,000 tor
his influence, paid fer by different ca1di-
dates for the same Office
Il is however, IN Kent and Sussex
counties hot eorr11DtfNu and bribery Ia VS
reached the largest development For
many years previous to the early go 8
money in small sums had been used TO
influence voters there. In the fierce pri-
maries dollar bills and drinks of whisky
| had been weapons to help along the vot-
ers. but the bribery then compared with
| that of the present day was trivial
The first large distribution of money
was in 1888. when Philadelphia paanufac-
turers and advocates of proteetionisn
raised a fund which was sent TO Sussex
I The evil grew rapidly. Several years ago
workers in the lower counties would bid
/ openly for votes. sometimes going as high
as S1eo a man or even higher.
But the evolution of this money ques-
| ton has other results. One of these is
| that the money begins to stick, some
/ times, in a few hands During the recent
/ campaign stories we're told of how some
of the cash went into the pockets of the
[ distributors VINO refused 10 SESlt Ddt
| ard defied the managers to do anything
about it. OF course. it is easy for a
worker TO pocket the money, and there
is no way by which he can be touched
The evidence OF liberal purse some
where is seen after an election when in
| the towns foaters with plenty of money
| turn up IN barrooms and other places.
IN addition to the ordinary vote-buying,
| there are other plans. Often an ineuen-
| tiaI leader viii be approached to sell MS
| influence for good round sum. and he
| afterward begins to talk for the other
party. Evidence of this is found in the
sudden riches OF some down State" poll
! ticians, who begin to build houses. pay OF
| mortgages. live and dress better without
| any visible reason
The vote-buying is conducted systemat-
I icalIy The politicians have little books
/ in which are entered the names of the
voters and their probable prices. It Is
/ estimated eonservatively that there Is q
! parchasable vote OF 80 per cent IN tbs
lower counties, although this may be q
/ tFihe high.
! To those who have the good name Of
the State al heart tIIe situation is dis
eouraging because there seems to be n
hope In sight of suppressing bribery. Pub
lie sentiment appears dormant.