The Kinsley graphic. [volume] (Kinsley, Kan.) 1890-1940, 1900-08-31


two, questions Of finance were lost sight
of. Silver was at a premium over gold,
and both silver and gold were at a pre-
MUM over greenbacks and bank notes, but
the people could not afford to divide over
the money question in the presence of a
greater issue. And so to-day we are en-
gagged in controversy which will de-
termine whether we are to have a re.
public in which the government derives
its just powers from the consent of the
governed, or an empire in which brute
force is the only recognized source Of
power.
In a government where the people rule,
every wrong can be righted and every
evil remedied. but when once the doc
trine of self-government is impaired and
might is substituted for right. there is
no certainty. that any question, will be
settled correctly.
1t is not strange that the populist3
should oppose militarism and imperialism,
for both are antagonistic to the princi-
Piles which populists apply to other ques-
lions. Looking at questions from the
standpoint of the producer of wealth,
rather than from the standpoint of the
Spectator, the populiSt recognizes in mil
itarism constant and increasing burden.
The army worm which occasionally de-
stroys a field of wheat is not nearly so
dangerous an enemy to the farmer as a
large standing army, which invades every
every crop.
If 100000 men are Withdrawn from the
ranks of the producers and placed as q
burden on the backs of those who re-
main. it must-mean longer hours, harder
work and greater sacrifices for those
who toll, and the farmer, while he pays
more than his share of the expenses Of
the army, has no part in any contracts
of developing companies, his sons are
less liable to fill the life positions in
the army than the sons of those who. by
reason of wealth or political prominence
exert influence at Washington.
At the present rate we spend annually
upon the army approximately half as
much as we spend for education in the
United States and this immense sum is
wrung from the taxpayer by systems
of taxations which overburden the poor
man and under-taX the rich man.
In the presence of such an issue as
militarism 1T is impossible that any pop
ulist should hesitate as to his duty.
But even the menace of militarism is
but part of the question of Imperialism
The policy contemplated by the republic
an party nullifies every principle set
forth in the declaration of independence:
strikes blow at popular government
and robs the nation of its moral pres
tige. Already the more advanced sup
porters of the colonial idea point to the
economy of system of government
which entrusts all, powers to an execu-
tive and does away with the necessity for
legislation. The Army and Navy Journal,
in it's issue of August 4, commends the
English system and declares that as a re-
suit of this system fifth of the world s
area, containing a fifth of its popula-
ton, is ruled with un administrative
economy which is an administrative mar
vel, and adds:
'One million, two hundred thousand
dollars spent in London is the price Of
administrative order over a colonial rule
whose total budgets aggregated 81, 724-
354, 500, or so per cent more than our
total of federal, estate, county and viii
lage expenditure for every possible pur-
pose for which taxes are paid In con-
trast to the results of this system of
executive administration, the fact is
cited that the American congress has
spent an entire winter wrestling with
the tariff, the taxation, the adminiStra-
ton and the personal rights of two little
islands. The English executive is an
imperial executive. The British parliament
is an English legislature. To the same
system we are coming by the decress Of
circumstances as inevitable as that of
fate. If this be imperialism make the
most of it. So far as citizenship is con-
cerned the British empire is one, but be-
yond the limits of the United Kingdom
the citizens live under rule essentially
monarchical and not restricted by the
mentary system
Where the divine rights of kings Is
recognized the monarch can grant differ
ent degrees of liberty to different SUBJ
jects. The people OF England can be
ruled in one way, the people of Canada
in another, the people of Ireland in an
other, while the people of India may be
governed according to still different
forms. But there can be no variance in
a republic. The doctrine of a republic
differs from the doctrine of a monarchy
l.. as the, day differs from the night, and
between the two doctrines there is, and
ever must be, an irrepressible conflict.
A republic is always menace to
monarchy, just as tru;n is always a men,
ace to error. Self-government, being the
natural government, must necessarily
of those governments which build upon
some other foundation, than the consent
of the governed. What the Orange Free
State and Transvaal republics are to
South Africa, our republic is to the world,
and only our increasing strength and the
wide Atlantic have protected us from
the ineXtinguishabl BILE hostility which must
ever exist between those who support a
throne and those who recognize the cit
izen as the sovereign.
Every step taken toward Imperialism
by this nation meets with prompt and
effective encouragement from Europe.
Lincoln pointed to the interest which
European powers have in the abandon
ment here OF the doctrine of equal rights.
He said:
THE principles of Jefferson are the
yet they are denied and evaded with no
small show of success. One dashingly
calls them 'glitterng generalities.' An
other calls them 'Self-evident lies And