The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1900-01-08
CHINESE FREE TRADE.

The formal agreement of the CONNER
freedom of trade with the people of the
Chinese empire settles for the time the
political destiny of that great section of
the human race. The existence of the
spheres of influence of the respective
powers will no doubt give color and char
acter to the future social institutions Of
the portions of China involved. Russia
will remain supreme In Manchuria, under
all circumstances and the country trib-
utary 10 Hong Kong will no doubt par
take in the domestic habits of its people
of the British influence. France will re-
main, as she has been since her advent
there. the dominate influence In the
Tonquin region. But the ports of the sew
eral sections will remain open to the COM
mercial undertakings of all nations alike.
Whatever may be thought by the pres
ent generation, something more definite
and decisive must soon be determined
with reference to the central political
control OF the Chinese empire The
authority of that empire Is fast
becoming a mere scarecrow. None is de-
ceiyed longer by appearances. Every ma
ton OF Europe, as we'll as Japan, has
cured what 1t sought from China, some
thing after the fashion adopted by our
diplomats at Paris, when they made the
purchase" of the Philippines from Spain
for s2O0CO,OOO. There is no power of re-
sistance on the part of Chinese authority,
and the only restraining influence thus
far upon the nations in the manipulation
of Chinese territory has been their dread
of each other.
What does the new dispensation mean
for the United States? 1t means pri-
marily that the powers distrust each
other. and that they dare not enter
upon the open partition of China.
Whether the new agreement will result in
our time in settling the status of Chinese
Imperial authority will no doubt be large
Iy determined by the attitude of the Unit
ed States. In the nature of things we
cannot disregard the progress of internal
= affairs in the country in whose trade we
have thought proper to concern ourselves
. so actively any more than we could have
( done in Samoa after we had thought
proper, very unwiseiy as it would now ap-
pear to concern ourselves aside from our
z secure possession of a coallng station.
2 We have at least gained the specific as
surance from the nations concerned that
we shall not be materially hampered in
our access to Chinese markets. 1t would
be unreasonable to assume that this as
surance does not carry with it any obi
cations on our part. The progress of
events in China during the next quarter
of a century will force US into a position
such as we have consistently refused to
occupy toward any people whatever
throughout our national existence.
Whatever might have been the ultimate
commercial and economic policy of Ger
many, France and Japan, in China, we
have secured nothing from either Eng
land or Russia In the transaction which
had not been assured to US before. Prince
Krapotkin, the famous Russian scholar,
philosopher and revolutionist, is certainly
none too willing witness as to the good
disposition Of the Russian imperial au-
thorities. Yet he has placed 1t on record
that it was with a view to joining hands
with the United States that Count Mura-
vieff annexed to Russia the immense do
main on the northern bank of the Amur,
and along the Pacific coast as far south
as the present port Of Vladivostok. 1t
was a part of the traditional policy Of
Russia which has given us Alaska, and
was made an accomplished fact before
the diplomacy of Western Europe awoke
to its significance. On the other hand
the basic commercial and economic policy
OF England made free access to the Chi
nese ports controlled by her virtually
necessity.
The most that can really be looked for
from the formal agreement secured
through our state department in regard
to China Is that 1t may not prove to be
of the very questionable advantage char
acter which has distinguished all our dip
lcmutic undertakings with reference to