Free press. [volume] (Hays, Kan.) 1888-1908, 1900-09-01

vades eveIF field of industry and ex-
acts toll from. every crop
II 100000 men are withdrawn from
the ranks of the producers and placed
as a burden upon the backs of those
who remain, it must mean longer
hours, harder work and greater sac
rifice for those who toll, and the
farmer, while he pays more than his
share of the expenses of the army,
has no part in army contracts or in
developing companies, and his sons
are less likely to I'LL the life positions
in the army than the sons of those
who, by reason of wealth or politi-
cal prominence, exert influence at
Washington.
Soon after the Republican leaders .
began to suggest the propriety of a I
colonial policy, the papers published /,
an interview given out from San Fran I
cisco by a foreign consul residing at
Manila He declared that the people /
of the United States owed it to then-
selves, to other nations, and to the
Philippine Islands permanently. At
the conclusion OF the interview there
appeared the very significant state
ment that the gentleman was visiting
the United States for the purpose OF
organizing a company for the devel-
opment of the Philippine Islands \
few days later on his way east he
gave out another interview in which
he explained that the company which
he intended to organize would estab-
lish banks at Manila, and at other
places throughout the islands, and
build electric light plants, water
plants, street car lines, railroads, fac
tories, etc. 1t seemed that the plan
of his syndicate was to do all the
developing and leave the rest of the
American people nothing to do in the
matter except to furnish an army suf-
fcient TO hold the FilipinOs in sub
lection while they were being deyel-
oped.
At the present rate We will spend
annually upon the army approximate
Iy half as much as we spend for eCu-
cation in the United States, and this
| immense sum is wrung from the tax
payers by systems of taxation which
| overburden the poor man and under
| tax the rich man.
In the presence of such an issue as
mi1itarism it is impossible that any
! Populfst should hesitate as to his
! duty.
But even the menace of militarism
| is but part of the question of imper-
| idlism. The policy contemplated by
I the hepuDllCdn every
principle set forth in the Declaration
! of independence, strikes a blow at
! popular government and robs the ma
| ton of its moral prestige Already
| the more advanced supporters OF the
colonial idea point to the economy of
| a system of government which en-
trusts all power to an executive and
+, does away with the necessity for legIS-
| lation. The Army and Navy Journal,
in its issue of August 1, commends
the English system and declares That
as a result of this system a fifth Of
| the worlds area, containing a fifth
| of its population, is ruled with an ad-
ministrative economy which is an adj
ministrative marvel, and adds:
''One million two hundred thousand
| dollars spent in London is the price
of administrative order over a colon
iaI rule whose total budgets aggre-
gate S1,724, 354,S96, or fifty per cent
more than our total of federal, state,
county and village expenditure for
every possible purpose, for which tax
es are levied. In contrast to the re-
suits OF this system of executive ad-
ministration, the fact is cited that the
American congress has spent an en-
tire winter wrestling with the tariff,
the taxation, the administration and
the personal rights of the two little
islands The English executive is an
Imperial Executive. The British
Parliament is an English Legislature.
To the same system we are coming
by the decree of circumstances as in
evitable as that of fate. If this be
imperialism make the most of it. So
, far as citizenship is concerned the,
the British empire is one, but beyond
. the limits of the United Kingdom the
, citizen lives under a rule essentially
, monarchial and not restricted by the
constitutional limitations of the par
liamentary system
| Thus does Imperialism bear Its sup
: porters back toward the dark ages.
There is no middle ground between
: the American policy and the Euro
: pean policy. If this nation remains
true to its principles, its traditions
and its history, it cannot hold colo
;, MES If it enters upon a colonial ca
reer, it must repudiate the doctrine
> that governments derive their just
powers from the consent of the gov
erned.
: When such an issue is raised, there
? can only be two parties-the party
= whatever its name may be, which be-
l lieves in a republic, and the party
l whatever its name, which believes II
> an empire; and the influence of every
citizen is, consciously or unconscious
! ly, Intentionally or unintentiOnany
: thrown upon the one side or the
: other
! Where the divine right of kings /:
} recognized, the monarch can gram
o | different degrees of liberty TO differ
s ent subjects. The people of England
can be ruled in one way, the people
e of Canada in another, the people o.
: Ireland in another, while the people
e Of India may be governed according
e to still different forms. But there cal
a be no. such variety in a republic Tn
doctrine of republic differs from TIT
doctrine of a monarch as the day diff
: fers from the night, and between thu
= two doctrines there is, and ever mus
. be, an irrepressible conflict
n Queen Victoria has recognized thi!
a necessary antagonism between thu
: Democratic and imperial form of gov
: eminent. In proroguing parliament ;
q few days ago, she said:
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