Middlebury register. (Middlebury, Vt.) 1886-1937, 1900-11-30
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS
FACTS AND OPINIONS GATHERED
FROM CONTEMPORARIES.
THE TRAIL OF JosBERY.


TO material interests; but, so as far as
standards of official probity are con-
cerned, there is wide difference be-
tween the English and American points
of view. which is not to the credit OF
England.
1t is not very many years ago since an
attorney general of the | nited States, VINO
was discovered TO have some pecunlary
interest in a corporation whose interest
were under litigation, was severely criti-
cised and practically discredited, al
though no wrongdoing was shown.
The mere fact that he had put himself
in position where his private interests
might clash with his public duties was
enough to bring him under cOndemna-
ton. If he had been a British official,
his conduct would scarcely have at
trated notice.
When the Jameson raid was invcsti-
gated. it was found that among the
directors and shareholders of the
chartered company. under whose auspices
the raid was made, were high British
officials and member of the royal family
When Hooleys exploits in promoting
questionable business corporations came
before the courts, it was proved that he
had bought the use of the names OF
exalted functionaries as stalklng-horse
directors, among them members of the
Salisbury ministry. Mr.. Chamberlain has
been publicly charged with whtewash-
ing Rhodes under threats that if he did
not do so, certain discriminating cores
pondence of his would be made public.
But neither the jameson raid scandals
nor the Hooley scandals have brought
about finer official sensitiveness or
more active public spirit. 1t appears
that among the twenty members of the
new cabinet, thirteen drectorships OF
private corporations are distributed,
Lord Salisbury himself being in the list;
while Lord Selborne. who is first lord of
the admiralty, is also director of the
Peninsuar and Oriental Steamship COM
pany, with which his office is likely to
have dealings.
As to Mr.. Chamberlain, there seems to
be no end to the eXpedents to which he
and his family are resOrting 70 make
money out of the South African war 1t
has already been proved that one COM
panv. which had valuable but doubtful
COUlIAClS Will N.IN wal 'iiiNNf N''N'NN
Mr.. Chamberalns brother under an
alias; while another company, which
had contracts with the admiralty, was
composed of Mr.. Chamberlain's wife.
sons and daughters, under firm alias,
and was in position to be helped by the
fact that son of Mr.. Chamberlain was
in the admiralty Office. Now it turns
out that Mr.. Chamberlain himself is Il
large owner in company which holds
the contract for housing the unfortunate
Boer prisoners in CeyloD. The more
Beers whom Mr.. Chamberlain as colonial
secretary sends to Ceylon, the more
money in the pockets of Mr.. Chamber
lain as shareholder in the Colombo Com
mercial company.
Yet these grave scandals. touching the
official integrity of the chief member of
Lord Salisbury's government, make
scarcely ripple on the surface of British
public opinion.-BostOn journal.
900
MORE THAN EMPEROR.
'sThere are no trusts in this country"
says Mark Hanna; whereto all the big
and little trusts respond in chorus, "Why,
certainly not. We are merely beneficent
aggregations of capital
In a similar manner do the imperialists
exclaim, "There is no Imperialism in this
country" and go on to explain that I'M
der our system of constitutional govern
ment and checks and balances and di-
vision of powers there can be no such
thing as Imperialism.
And yet
nd HaNXlpu OH N
of the senate committee on military
affairs, and Senator Proctor, as eX-secre.
tary of war and senior member of the
committee, gravely propose that the
great and important legislative question
of the size of the army, with all the sub
ordinate questions of organization, dis
cipline, control, service. and, above all,
of cost to the taxpayers, shall be EN-.
bodied in bill empowering the president
''to maintain regular army of such size
as to him may see fit.'
This is not merely Imperialism but
more than imperialism. 1t would invest
our civilian president with an authority
power, control of government which
the Prussan diet stubbornly refused tC
give to the king of Prussia in an hour OF
national need, and which the German
parliament later on refused to give to the
German emperor.
When Bismarck in 1862 accepted the
presidency of the Prussian ministry anC
undertook to provide for an obvious
need of the national defense by reor
ganization of the army, he was able tC
obtain the necessary power only by {
dissolution of the diet, Jealous of the in
evitable extension of the royal authority
As chancellor of the German empire h,
was opposed by reichstag even more
jealous of lis authority. 1t was onl,
after "a dissolution of the reIchsiag il
1856, after a rejection of the Army Sep
tennate BILL that he was able to secur
the passage of law. not permitting hin
to mAiminin snch an army as mi0ht snen