Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1900-10-04


III WILMINGTON, DEL.
s- -=-=s.---=--==.----=-e--
the demands of national honor or il
considerations of the national interest
have saddled ourselves with the gravest
responsibilities for some 100000 OF
10000 600 ofsthe savage, or, at best
half civilized brown people OF the
tropics. .E -
Fourth. 1t will mean that the A meri.
cnn people approve the tactless an(
brutal policy pursued since the Philip
pine acquisition was made, whereby
what we pressed upon the country as a
treaty OF peace was, IN fact, bnt the
sgnal'for another more costly, bloody
and prolonged war. IY
Fifth. 1t will mean that the Ameri
can people approve the extraordinarily
fatuous policy or impolicy, or no policy
at all, by which the Philippine Archi-
pelago, many thousands OF miles from
our shores, becomes an integral part OF
the United States, while Cuba. the
cause and inspiration OF the war, lying
righttat our door, the Key 10 the Gull
of Mexico, and absolutely essential to
our defence against foreipn attack. is
declared alien territory and entitled to
all the rights of an independent sover.
eighty. t'
Sixth. 1t will mean that the Ameri.
can people approve an abdication OF its
functions by the National Legislature
which leaves millions Of human beings
outside the pale Of any recognized
code of law and signifies for our new
possessions Tor an indefinite period
militarism of the most unauthorized
sort. .elr d,
Seventh. 1t will mean that tile
American people, having In their Pres
ident the sole representative of the
nation as whole, approve OF a na-
tional executive who fails to uphold
the dignity and the Independence Of
his great office; who exercises its func-
tions in subservience both TO other
branches of the government and to the
olamor OF spec al peeuniary interests !;
who, condemning the acquisition of
territory by force as criminal aggres-
sion,' wrests her possessions from a
foreign state by the menace OF contin-
ued war; who finds the plain duty of
the government 10 be one thing today
and exactly the opposite thing toner
row, and whose disregard Of the ele-
mentary principles oil civi service re-
form is scandal as notorious as it is
indefensible.
Eighth. 1t will mean that the A meri-
can people indorse the policy by which
the United States of America sets up
In business as an Asiatic power and
welcome the large standing armies, the
increased naval forces, the new admin
istrative agencies, the enlarged and
more costly diplomatic service, the
onerous taxes. the international CON.
plications and the entangling alliances
which and all of which are the newt
able incidents and consequences Of the
Oriental role to which McKinleyism
has undertaken to pledge uH. ~ o
Ninth. 1t will mean that the Ameri-
can people either do not see or, seeing,
approve the great and growing, IL not
already overwhelming, influence of
money in our politics. Our govern.
inent was not conceived CT framed as a
machine even for the
profit OF all the governed--much less
for the profit of particular classes or
portions of the governed. Its vital
principle and it's GROWING merit are
that it stands for equal opportunities
to all; that by the maintenance OF
order and the administration of Justice
it is designed to give every man free
hand in the struggle for the prizes OF
life. aIv " f.t =.
The theory of the truo functions Of
government McKinleyism directly an
protective tariffs, by the
most intimate relations between the
United States Treasury and the general
money market, by subsidies to parJicu-
lar industries, by an aggressive colonial
policy, aud in other ways it practically
holds out the government as an engine
for use in the acquisition OF private
wealth. The natural, the inevitable
result Is that the money of the country
holly pursues the CONTROL of the govern
ment as source Of more money; that
the flag figures as sort OF commercial
asset, replete with possibilities OF DO.
cuniary profit for its fortunate custo
dians.
That under the influence OF Molin.
leylsm such is the unmistakable trend
81 things in this country at the present
day, given to the best devised policy
Of all times somewhat the aspect of
stock iobbing democracy, Is only too
apparent. Should McISinleyism now
again prevail, for example, it will not
he because it ia not cordially dis
trusted and disliKed by the great body
III American electors. 1t will be be-
1ause the influence of the purse and OF
the teiicitous application of az enor-
nous campaign fund--becauss of ar
Investment scare, which, il in some
genuine, will be in much
arger measure artfully worked up for
section ends. To excite the alarm OF
voters for their immediate pecuniary
interest is easy; to evoke patriotism,
and unsel6shness required to
,tfect serious political changes aud in
lisnensible to dislodge party, which,
short intervals excepted,
mas been intrenchiug itself in the
government for nearly 40 years, is in
lnitelr more difficult.
If the success of the Republican
party next November means all that |
nave stated--and how can it mean
inything less?-.but one conclusion
seems possible; The oalamitous pos
,inilities said to inhere in Democratic
Iuccess In the ensuing election, ex-
iggerated as they are by partisan zeal
md subsidized ingenuity, are out
weighed by oertainties of mischief in
'olved In four years more of Mo
ism.
Stock exchange panics, often made
o order, generally irrational and now |
reely predicted by these who know
low to make their predictions good |
md are sure to profit by whatever
'aprices the market may indulge in,
re as dust in the, balancN compared