The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1900-02-12

their concept OF government from their
surroundings and from history They
eliminated what seemed to them the pivo-
tai danger, the sovereignty of family,
ou. they transferred that sovereignty to
the state. AS the king was the source of
all power, So they made the state the
source, save as they put limitations into
their constitutions In the matter of
municipalities the monarehial concept of
the state was adopted entirely. The cities
OIL this country receive grants of rights
and powers precisely as did the cities I'M
der any of the despots, and they are re-
Voked, altered or amended by the state
with as little question of natural right
as was ever raised in medieval days.
This principle is embedded in our COM
mon law, so well established as to rem
der its embodiment in statutory, law need
less, and is reaffirmed by courts of last
resort whenever the question of the legal
use OF municipal power Is presented to
them. Our own supreme court reports
are repiete with Applicant of the doc
trine that no municipality can exercise
any power warrant for which is not
found either in general law or in it's
special charter You will all recall how,
when the st. Paul council tried to make
the city live up to it's duties as the capt.
tai city, the natural location for con-
ventfons, political and other, by proyid-
Ing for the erection of an auditorium, a
district judge held it to be ultra wires
because he could not find in the charter.
among the buildings the city was author
lied to erect, the
WORD AUDITORIUM"
Absurd as this appears the moment one
Invests himself of the habitual and sees
Things In the light of common sense. the
Juoge mad the authority for his decision
of long settled precedent.
Wlthln the last decade, over a century
since JeHerson wrote into the Declara-
tlon of Independence that governments
+ derive their just powers from the cor
sent of the governed a movement has
begun having for it's purpose the giving
To the governed in cities right to con-
sent TO the laws that govern them In
their municipal affairs; to frame and
Change those laws, and, under them. to
widen the scope of their civic functions
as their judgment of public needs NAV
determine. The movement started in
california in 1892 by the adoption of an
amendment to the constitution. and was
followed by Minnesota in 1898 with a n
amendment Of the same nature both he
ing popularity known as the "home rule
amendments, and each being designed to
let cities frame their organic laws and
amendments Our amendment provided
the initiative under which amendments
to the charter may be framed and sub
mitted. The tenacity of the established.
however, is Shown both in the limitations
put upon the powers of cities adopting
home rule charters and in the California
act the reservation that the charter
adopted by the voters shall first have
The legislative approval before taking eff
feet.
The great significance Of this. its wide
reaching effect upon the general concept
of government, It's effect upon what may
be called municipal politics, its reactions
upon civic character, the resulting ex-
pans1on OF civic functions. are generally
obscured by the delusion that has always
prevailed that we are a self-governfng
people in every respect In a measure
/ we are, though we are obliged to do it
IN very roundabout manner, the slow
ness of which frequently defeats the pur
pose, but In municipal matters we are
not, and never have been. Our organic
laws have ben formulated and enacted
by state legislatures at the behest usu-,
ally of local delegation, as
OFTEN MISUNDERSTANDING 90
as representing the people, and which
When the executive approval was affixed.
became the law regardless of the .con
sent OF the governed" The mass of
the people, the sovereign voters, have
never been consulted beforehand nor
their assent even thought of being asked
afterWard. Practical politics has PLAYED
Its part in all this legislation, gaining for
one or another political party adyan-
tages real or fancied. Executive and ad-
ministrative officers have been bound bv
hard and fast lines, both in the enact
ments and by the holding of courts.
what have been the apparent and act.
ual eHects OF this removal to a remote
and irresponsible source of this concept
OF the relations of cities to state? There
are many. First among them stands the
loss of interest in city government nv
+ the mass of voters. Not only have they
been relieved of responsibility but they
nave been trained by it to look to the
state and not to themselves There has
been no study Of what are properly called
municipal problems for why should men
study them if the city cannot undertake
their solution? The municipal statesman
does not exist among us as a practical
force. Resultant upon this discard Of
active interest we have municipal govern
ment practically surrendered to and
taken over by the very small percentage
OF our cltizenry who find tn its offices
employment and in the salaries compen-
sation. A liberal estimate would be that
! three men out of every one hundred con-
troll all municipal affairs, select the cans
didates and. after their election, rum
the city in conjunction with them.
Nor can the facilitating effect upon the
civic character Of the citizen fail to be
accounted among the deplorable results
the effect upon Individual charac>
ter Of release from responsible
ity, the relaxation of effort, the
cessation of mental and moral strain
that is to the mind and soul what work
is to the physical body; the enervatfon
that comes when self dependence Is made
needless and dependence upon others be.
comes habitual- Were this not so would
our cities be surrendered to the donina>
ton of bosses and their henchmen?
| Would disagreement, bad government
corruption in Office be possible? Would
we not be almost wholly without that
healthy civic pride among citizens which,
where it exists Is as jealous of civic
honor as of personal honor? 1t is conSid-
erations such as these that compel me
| to regard this home-rule movement as
the most important one that has, taken
place in government during the century,
and 1 trust 1 do not overestimate it.
FAVORS THE NEW CHARTER.
This prompts me to counsel the ac-
ceptanee of the charter now being framed
| regardless Of its provisions. 1t cannot be
| wholly bad and, on the other hand, it
would be marvellous were it to contain
features in which no one objected. 1t ia
not SO much the creation of a ready
| made ideal charter as 1t is the adoption
| of one, thus getting into our own hands
| the right, power and duty of framing our
| laws, determining our functions and fore
| ing the study of municipal life upon the
| citizens. Whatever may he found to he
| crude or impractcable can be amended or