The daily morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven, Conn.) 1894-1907, 1900-11-14

San Old Republican" OH the Philips
pine Questlon-Parallel Between 1850
and 1900

J." the Editor of thc journal and Courier:
Now that the election is over and a
second term assured to President Nc
Kinley, with a republican congress fol
the next two years, will you permit an
OLD republican to say a few words for
himself and many others as to the pol
Icy which the party must pursue here
after with respect to the Philippine Is
lands If it would retain our allegiance
and support. There seems to be spec
ial occasion for this, since it is already
announced that the administration
construes the entire Mckinley vote of
the late election as an endorsement of
the present Philippine policy and that
in accordance with it that policy will
hereafter be vigorously pursued.
Against these conclusions many thou
sand republicans I am confident beside
myself desire to protest.
The class of republicans to which I
belong have voted for Mr. Mckinley
and for republican congressman at the
election just past partly because they
considered other issues of more immedi-
ate Importance than that of imperial
/
more confidence in the general states
manship of President Mckinley and the
republican party, even with respect to
| our foreign possessions, than In that of
/ Mr.. Bryan and his supporters. The
time has now come, however, when the
| questions of Imperialism and the flu
ture disposition of the Philippine Is
| lands are about to force themselves on
the attention of the American people as
| issues which can be kept in the back
| ground no longer, and when the repub-
| lican party must justify its right to
| confidence and support or submit to
| dissolution. The next four years, if not
| the next two will determine which re-
suit is to follow.
Those who can remember the political
situation in 1850 cannot fail to observe
its striking analogy to that which pre-
walls at the present time in connection
with the Philippine question. At that
time not only most of the leading
statesmen, but almost the entire con-
sentative portion of the people, COM
prising a vast majority of both parties,
stood for the support of slavery as
permanent institution in this country,
using precisely the same arguments
that we hear to-day for the permanent
retention Of the Philippines. ut Is I'M
fortunate" they said, that slavery has
become fastened upon our system but
it is here through the dispensation of
Providence and without our fault, and
thus it's maintenance is both legally
and morally binding upon U.S. Enor-
nous property interests are involved In
it; both industrially and commercially
it is of vast Importance to the country,
and 1t could not be dispensed with
without national disaster. Moreover,
the blacks are unfit for freedom, and If
it We're given them a general throat
cutting in the south would ensue. AS
slaves they are being trained In the
paths of civilization and religion, and
should this course of benevolent assimi-
iation ultimately result In their capaci-
ty for government, it will then be
possible to give them such degree of
freedom as they may be fit for" and
soon, with other arguments, which dur
ing the past year or two have again
become so familiar Nor is 1t the revi-
val of the old arguments alone which
recalls those ante-bellum associations.
All who then ventured to question the
soundness of the stock propositions in
behalf Of a pro-slavery policy were
stigmatized as fanatics, disunionists,
-worshippers, and by other cpl
thets of which the New York Tribune
and other expansionist papers have
been been for several months past fur
nishing the exact reproduction. Here
in New Haven, on the 25th of Decem-
Der, 1850, an immense public meeting
assembled at the call of more than
three thousand citizens, without dis
tinction of party, "to declare fidelity to
the lately passed compromise measures
and to rebuke all agitation of the sub
ject of slavery, which disturbs the
peace and harmony Of the people and
threatens to destroy our glorious I'm
ion" At that meeting the fugitive
slave law was deliberately defended on
the ground among others that our wise
and patriotic forefathers had voted for
precisely similar measures; that the
president (who, by the way, had done
his best to promote its enactmenD was
by his oath to enforce it;
that all discussion of 1t only tended to
foster discomfort and rebellion among
the slaves; that all who disapproved of
it were disloyal Americans and ought
to emigrate; and, in short, the speeches
on that occasion, as published In the
next days papers, resemble so closely
those delivered during the late cam
paign by many republican orators that,
with due alteration of names and topics
referred to, they might almost pass for
reports of the latter.
When we put ourselves In magma
ton back into those days we see that
there was much to excuse, if not to JUS
.ify, this attitude of the sober minded
people of the country. The situation
If the slavery question was almost the
exact prototype of the Philippine ques-
ion now. To the anti-slavery agita-
.ors the question was fOrCibly put
What practical remedy do you pro-
pose for the conditions complained of?
Until you tell us how slavery can be
abolished and what you would do with
he blacks afterward, it is not only
oolish, but criminal, to agitate the
subject" This position was apparently
No practicable plan for
;etting rid of slavery could be suggest
n As an twisting institution If was |