The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1900-08-09


Constitution we mean 20 stimulate the ex-
pansion OF our trade and open new mar
kets."
This is the commercial argument. IL is
based upon the theory that war can be
rightly waged for pecuDtary advantage ana
that IL Is profitable TO purchase trade by
force and violence. Franklin denied both
of these propositions When Lord Howe
asserted that the acts OF Parliament which
brought on the revolution were necessary
TO prevent American trade from passing
into foreign channels Franklin replied:
''ro me IL seems that neither the obtain
ing nor retaining OF any trade. how valu-
able soever Is object for which men
may justly spill each others blood; that
the true and sure means of extending and
securing commerce are the goodness and
cheapness of commodities, and that the
| profits OF no trade can ever be equal TO
| the expense OF compelling il and holding
| il by fleets and armies. / consider this war
| against us, therefore, as both unjust ana
| unwise"
1 place the philosophy OF Franklin against
! the sordid doctrine OF those who would put
| q price upon the life of an American sol
dier and justify wsr OF conquest upon the
ground that II will pay. The Democratic
| party is in favor OF the expansion OF trade.
! 1t would extend our trade by every legtti-
mate and peaceful means; but IL Is not
willing to make merchandise OF human
blood.
But a war of conquest is as unwise as il
| Is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling
| station in the Philippines would answer
| every trade and military necessity, ana
such concession could have been secured
| at any time without difficulty. Ii is not
| necessary TO own people in order TO trade
| with them. We carry on trade to-day with
every part OF the world. and our commerce
| has expanded more rapidly than the COM
| merce of any European empire. We DO
not own Japan or China, but We trade with
their people. We have not absorbed the
| republics OF Central and South America,
| but we trade with them. Ii has not been
necessary TO have any political connections
| with Canada or the nations of Europe in
4 them
| be permanently profitable unless IL is volun-
| tary. When trade is secured by force the
cost of securing IL and retaining IL must be
| taken out of the profits. and the profits are
never large enough 10 cover the expense.
Such a system would never be defended
but for the fact that the expense IL borne
| by all the people, while the profits are en-
Joyed by the few.
WHO WOULD PROFIT.
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors: ii would be profitable to
the ship owners. who would carry live SOL
diers to the Philippines and bring dead
soldiers back; IL would be profitable TO
those who would seize upon the franchises.
and it would be profitable TO the officials
whose salaries would be fixed here and
paid over there. but to the farmer, to the
laboring man and to the vast majority OF
those engaged in other occupations it
| would bring expenditure without return
and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboring men have. as
rule, small incomes, and, under systems
which place the tax upon consumption, pay
more than their fair share of the expenses
OF government. Thus the very people who
receive least benefit from imperialism will
be injured most by the military burdens
which accompany IL.
In addition to the evils which he and
the farmer share In common, the laboring
man will be the first to suffer II Oriental
subjects seek work I'm the United States;
the first to suffer If American capital
leaves our shores TO employ Oriental labor
in the Philippines to supply the trade OF
China and Japan; the first to suffer from
the violence which the military spirit
arouses, and the first to suffer when the
methods of Imperialism applied to our
own government. 1t is not strange, there
fore, that the labor organizations have
been quick to note the approach OF these
dangers and prompt to protest against
both militarism and imperialism.
The pecuniary argument, though more
effective with certain classes. is not likely
TO be used so often or presented with so
much emphasis as the religious argument
If what has been termed the .'gunpowdcr
gospel were urged against the Filipinos
only, Ii would be a sufficient answer TO
say that majority of the Filipinos are
Il now members or one branch of the Chris
tian Church; but the principle involved
is one of much wider application and
challenges serious consideration
A VARYING ARGUMENT.
The religious argument varies in positive
ness from a passive belief that Providence
delivered the Filipinos into our hands for
their good and our glory, to the exultation
of the minister who said that we ought TO
thrash the natives Gilipinos) until they
understand who we are" and that every
bullet sent, every cannon shot and every
flag waved means righteousness We
cannot approve of this doctrine in one
| place unless are willing TO apply IL
everywhere. II there is poison in the blood
! of the hand IL will ultimately reach the
heart. 1t is equally true that forcibie
Christianity. if planted under the American
flag in the far-away Orient, will sooner
: or later be transplanted upon American
soil If true Christianity consists in car
! | rying out in our daily lives the teachings OF
Christ, who will say that We are commanded
to civilize with dynamite and proselyte
| with the sword? He who would declare the
divine will must prove his authority either
by Holy Writ or by evidence OF a special
dispensation. The command ''go we into all
the world and preach the gospel TO every
creature" has no Gatling-gun attachment.
When Jesus visited village OF Samaria
and the people refused to receive Him some
OF the disciples suggested that fire should
be called down from heaven to avenge the
insult, but the Master rebuked them and
said: ''Ye know not what manner of spirit
We are OF. for the Son OF Man is not come
10 destroy mems lives. but 10 save them. -
Suppose He had said: I'VE will thrash
them until they understand who we are, .
how different would have been the history
OF Christianity. Compare IL you will the
staggering, bullying, brutal doctrine OF
Imperialism with the golden rule and the
commandment Thou shalt love thy neigh
Dor thyself"
, OPPOSES FORCE.
Love. not force. was the weapon OF the
Nazarene; sacrifice for others, not the ex-
: ploitation OF them. was His method OF
reaching the human heart. A missionary
recently told me that the stars and stripes
; once saved his life, because his assailani
recognized our flag as a flag that had nc
, blood upon IL. Let II be known that our
missionaries are seeking souls instead OF
sovereignty; let IL be known that instead
OF being the advance guard OF conquerine
armies, they are going forth 10 help and
| 10 uplift, having their loins girt about with
truth and their feet shod with the prepare
n | ton of the gospel OF peace, wearing the
= | breastplate OF Righteousness. and carrying
= the sword OF the spirit; let IL be known that
they are the citizens OF nation which re-
| spects the rights Of the citizens OF other ma.
! | tons as carefully IL protects the rights
| of its own citizens. and the welcome giver
TO our missionaries will be more cordia
| than the welcome extended TO the missions.
| ries OF any other nation.
. The argument made by some that II was
| unfortunate for the Nation that IL had any
4 thing TO do with the Philippine islands. but
| that the naval victory at Manila made the