The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1900-08-24

rather than from the standpoint of the
speculatcr, the PopuliSt recognizes in mill
itarism 4 constant and increasing bur-
den The army worm which occasionally
destroys field of wheat is not nearly so
dangerous an enemy to the farmer as
large standing army, which inyades
every field of industry and exacts toll
from every crop.
EVILS OF COLONIAL POLICY.
II 100000 men are withdrawn from The
ranks of the producers and placed as &
burden on the backs of those who re-
main, it must mean longer hours, harder
work and greater sacrifices for those
who toll. and the farmer, while he pays
more than his share of the expenses
of the army. has no part in army con-
tracts or in developing companies, and
his sons are less likely to fill the life
positions in the army than the sons of
those who, by reason of wealth or polit-
ical prominence, exert influence at Wash
ington.
'Soon after TIE Republican leaders be-
gan to suggest the propriety of a colonial
policy the papers published an interview
given out from San Francisco. by a for
eign consul residing at Manila. He de-
clared that the people of the United
States owed II to themselves. to other
nations and to the Filipinos to hold the
Philippine Islands permanently. At the
conclusion of the interview there ap-
peared the very significant statement that
the gentleman was visiting the United
States for the purpose of organizing a
company for the development of the Phil
ippine Islands. A few days later on his
way East. he gave out another interview
in which he explained that the company
which he intended to organize would
establish banks at Manila and at other
places throughout the islands and build
electric light plants, water plants, street
car lines, railroads, factories, etc. 1t
seemed that the plan of his syndicate was
to do all the developing and leave the
rest of the American people nothing to
do in TIE matter except to furnish an
army sufficient to hold the Filipinos in
subsection while they were being deyel
oped.
A BLOW AT OUR LIBERTIES.
cat the present rate we will spend
annually upon the army approximately
half as much as we spend for educa-
ton in the United States and this i'm
mense sum is wrung from the taxpayers
by systems of taxation which overbur-
den the poor man and undertaX the rich
man. In the presence of such an issue
as militarsm it is impossible that any
Populist should hesitate as to his duty.
But even the menace of militarism is
but part of the question of imperial
ism. The policy contemplated by the Re-
publican party nullifies every principle
set forth in the Declaration of lndepen-
dence, strikes a blow at popular govern
ment and robs the nation Of its moral
prestige Already the more advanced
supporters of the colonial idea point to
the economy of a system of government
which entrusts all power to an executive
and does away with the necessity for
legislation. The Army and Navy Jour-
nal, in it's issue of August 4th, commends
the English system and declares that as
a result of this system a fifth of the
worlds area containing fourth OF It's
population is ruled with an administra-
tive economy which is an administrative
marvel and adds:
One million two hundred thousand
dollars spent in London is the price OF
administrative order over a colonial rule
whose total budgets aggregate $1,724,-
354, 500 or fifty per cent more than our
total of Federal, State, county and viii
lage expenditure for every possible pur-
pose for which taxes are levied. In
contrast to the results of this system of
executive administration, the fact is cited
that the American Congress has spent an
entire winter wrestling with the tariff,
the taxation the administration and the
personal rights of two little islands. The
English executive is an imperial eXecu-
tive. The British Parliament is an En-
glish legislature. To the same system
we are coming by the decree of circum-
stances as inevitable as that of fate If
this be imperialism make the most of
it. So far as citizenship is concerned
the British Empire is one, but beyond
the limits of the United Kingdom the
citizen lives under a rule essentially
and restricted by the cOnsti-
tutional limits of the Parliamentary sys-
tenn
BACK TO THE DARK AGES.
"Thus does Imperialism bear its
supporters back toward the dark ages.
There is no middle ground between the
American policy and the European policy.
If this nation remains true to it's prin-
CIpi6S, It's IIdulIlOHo INo hiS"NA - -
cannot hold colonies If it enters upon
a colonial career it must repudiate the
doctrine that governments derive their
just powers from the consent of the gov
erned
when such an issue is raised there
can be only two parties-the party,
whatever it's name may be, which believes
in republic, and the party, whatever
its name, which believes in an empire;
and the influence of every citizen, is
or unconsciously, intention
ally or unintentionally thrown upon one
side or the other.
where the divine right of kings is rec
ogniZed, the monarchy grants different
degrees of liberty to different subjects
The people of England can be ruled in
one way, the people of Canada in an
other, the people of Ireland in another,
while the people Of India may be gov
erned according to still different forms.
But there can be no variety in repub-
lie. The doctrine of a republic differs
from the doctrine of a monarchy as the
day differs from the night and between
the two doctrines there is and ever
must be an irrepressible conflict Queen
Victoria has recognized this necessary
between the democratic and
imperial form of government. In pro-
roguing Parliament few days ago she