The semi-weekly messenger. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1897-1908, 1900-05-08
IMPORTANT CONCESSIONS By AN
ENEMY.

Some time ago We wrote as to the
vast changes wrought in the structure
of the American government since the
war, and as a result of the war. Books
are written to show that the Four
teenth amendment subverted the whole
structure. 1t is contended that it was
adopted to deprive the states of all
fundamental rights"-that all the
power resided in the National Gov
ernment"-that 1.-THE limitations thus
imposed are universal in their appli-
cation" That in fact this is a Con-
solidated Governmental Centralized
Power by the 18th amendment. If true,
then the people in all the states should
rise up and strike for lost rights and
ancient privileges. One William 7.
Guthrie Ca yankee we believe) has pub
lished a book in which this contention
is made for the fourteenth amendment.
According to him the amendment was
deliberately adopted to crush the state
rights idea-to prevent what the CEN
traliZers call IAN abuse of state pow
er." Therefore, it is contended by the
New York Sun, we think it is, 1--WE
clipped some time ago from it but
placed no name, but the type we think
is hat of the Sun newspaper) hat I'M
der the fourteenth amendment the ON
gress could never grant a pension to
a southern soldier. The south does not
care a fig for that business, but it is
little short of infamy to compel the
south to pay $1,000, 600, 900 in pensions to
congress cannot even decorate a con-
federate grave. 1t is hat sort of thing
that makes the real men in the south
love their enemies and pray for them
that prosecute and malign them.
But the big bear of an amendment
is more potential still. 1t is IAN insu-
perable bulwark against progressive
taxation" by any state, while the con-
gress car levy an inheritance tax.
We come now to a statement Of the
Sun, based o Guthrie's book, that will
be read with particular interest by
is a plain, positive admission that the
states have granted power under the
fourteenth amendment to abolish negro
suffrage. We give an extract that will
illumine the darkened understandings
of Pritchard Inc Butler and gang, and
let them take refuge in another dodge.
The u says, and it was written on
January s. 1899:
"The secon section of the fourteenth
amendment aimed to avert such a
state of things. While it allowed the
several states to grant or withhold
negro suffrage, as they pleased, it pro-
vided that if the right to vote were de-
MED or in any way abridged, except
for participation in rebellion or other
crime the basis of representation
should be reduced in proportion to the
number of the class excluded. Thus
each state was to be at perfect liberty
to forbid negro suffrage; but, if it did,
then it's political power in mgr and
the number Of its electoral votes were
to be reduced in proportion to the un-
represented negro population. Our
author regards as fair and Just this
provision of h fourteenth amendment,
which, it will be remembered, was
adopted in July, 1868. He deems it in
correct to say hat the north forced
negro suffrage on the south. Had the
south promptly and graciously accept
ed this clause of the fourteenth amend
ment, n afforded some protection to
the negroes, there would have been no
occasion for the fifteenth amendment.
which,, it will be recalled, was not
adopted until March, 1870. The con-
duct Of the irreconcilable portion Of the
people of h south caused the inhabi-
tants of the north to believe that the
enfranchisement of the negro was nee
eSSary for his protection. 1t is con-
coded by Mr.. Guthrie that the result
has been extremely disappointing, and
that h enfranchisement of the color
ed race in 1870 was a political mistake
even in the best interests of the race
itself. He is convinced that enfran-
chisement would have come in time I'M
der the fourteenth amendment and
nav existed in the south during the
last twenty years might have beer
avoided"
Even the hostile Sun, thai has much
hate in it's insides for the south, con-
siders hat the two amendments do
not of themselves confer the right of
suffrage, "and that the states are still
at liberty to impose property or educa-
tional qualifications upon the exercise
of that right. There still remains,
however, the question whether any
state constitution or law requiring
property or educational qualifications.
particularly If arbitrarily imposed so as
in practice to discriminate against any
distinct class of voters, would not. in