Washington standard. [volume] (Olympia, Wash. Territory) 1860-1921, 1900-08-17
BRYAN'S ADDRESS.
Continued from the First Page I

very existence curse to his fellow
men, and he can bring his father and
mother in sorrow to the grave; but he
cannot annul the sentence 1.-The
wages of sin is death" And so with
this nation. 1t is OF age and can do
what it pleases; 1T can spurn the ira
ditions of the past; it can repudiate
the principles upon which the nation
rests; it can employ force instead of
reason; it can substitute might for
right; it can conquer weaker people;
it can exploit their lands, on account
OF the property, and kill their people;
but it cannot repeal the moral law or
escape the punishment 'lecreed for the
violation OF human rights.
Would we tread in the paths of tyranny,
Nor reckon the tyrant's cost?
Who taketh another's liberty,
His freedom Is also lost.
Would We win as the strong have ever won,
Make ready to pay the debt,
For the God who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who is reigning yet"
Some argue that American rule in
the Philippine islands will result in
the better education OF the Filipinos.
BE not deceived. If we expect to
maintain a colonial policy we shall
not find it to our advantage to edu-
cate the people. The educated Fill
pinos are now in revolt against us,
and the most ignorant ones have
made the least resistance to our domi-
nation. Ii we are to govern them
without their consent and give them
no voice in determining the taxes
which they must pay, we dare not ed.
ucate them, but they learn to read the
Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution OF the United States and
mock us for our inconsistency.
The principal arguments, however,
advanced by those who enter q de.
Tense of imperialism are:
First-Thst We must improve the
present opportunity to become a world
power and enter into international
politics.
Second-That our commercial in
terest in the Philippine islands and in
the Orient make it necessary for us to
hold the islands permanently.
Third-That the spread of the Chris.
tan religion will be facilitated by a
colonial policy.
Fourth-That there is no honorable
retreat from the position which the
nation has taken.
The first argument is addressed to
the nations pride. And the second to
the nations pocketbook.
The third is intended for the church
member.
And the fourth for the partisan.
1t is sufficient answer to the argu-
ment to say that for more than a cen.
fury this nation has been world
power. For ten decades it has been
the most potent influence in the
world. Not only has it been a world
power, but it has done moro to affect
the policies of the human race than
all the other nations of the world COM
bined. Because our Declaration of
Independence was promulgated, others
have been promulgated; because the
patriots of 1776 fought for liberty,
others have fought for it; because our
constitution was adopted, other con-
situations have been adopted. The
growth of the principle of self-govern-
ment, planted on American soil, has
been the overshadowing political fact
of the nineteenth century. 1t has
made this nation conspicuous among
the nations and given it place in
history such as no other nation has
ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able
to check the onward march of this
idea. I am not willing that this ma.
ton shall cast aside the omnipotent
weapon of truth TO seize again the
weapon of physical warfare. 1 would
not exchange the glory of this Repub.
lie for the glory Of all the Empires
that have risen and fallen since time
began.
THE COMMERCIAL ARGUMENT.
The permanent chairman of the
last Republican national convention
presented the pecuniary argument in
all its badness when he said
ave make no hypocritical pretenses
of being interested in the Philippines
solely on account of others. While
We regard the welfare of those people
as a sacred trust, we regard the vel
fare of the American people first.
We see our duty to ourselves rs we'll
| as to others. We believe in trade ex-
pansion. BY every legitimate means
within the province Of government
and constitution, we mean to stimu.
late the expansion Of our trade and
open new markets."
This is the commercial argument.
Next based upon the theory that war
can be rightly waged for pecuniary ad.
vantage. and that it is profitable to
purchase trade by force and violence.
Franklin denied both of these propo-
sitions. When Lord Howe asserted
that the acts of Parliament which
brought on the revolution were neces-
sary to prevent American trade from
passing into foreign channels, Frank
lin said:
"To me it seems that neither the
obtaining nor the retaining of any
trade, no matter how valuable, is an
object for which men may justly spill
each others blood; that the true and
sure means of extending and securing
commerce are the goodness and cheap.
ness of commodities, and that the
profits OF no trade can ever be- equal to
s'0 oNPSAoO Va SohiP C1AiuS ~ auu uOlu-
ing it by fleets and armies. / con-
slider this war against us, therefore, as
both unjust and unwise."
FAvORS TRADE EXPANSION.
place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those
who would put price upon the head
OF an American soldier and justify q
war OF conquest upon the ground that
it will pay. The Democratic party is
in favor of the expansion of trade. 1t
would extend outside by every legiti-
mate and peaceful means; but it is
not willing to make merchandise OF
human blood.
But war OF conquest is as unwise
as it is unrighteous. A harbor and
coaling station in the Philippines
would answer every trade and military
necessity, and such concession could
have been secured at any time without
difficulty.
1t is not necessary to own people in