The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1900-06-20

UIISCTEI-H IIVIIFTo HIT dTUITV dNCUINVN NITU
Nation. No man now. or in the centuries to
come, when history. which alone "triumphs
over time. recounts the marvellous story
of the war which changed the map of the
world, shall ever truthfully say that this
Republic was animated by any but the
noblest purposes. Recorded time tells of no
such war. for il was fought. with bloody
sacrifice, by a great and free Republic. for
the freedom of another race, while It's own
liberties were unassailed.
MKINLEY'S HAND UNERRING.
This is net the time or the occasion to
dwell upon the incidents of the war, crowd
ed with successive victories and illumined
with countless examples of individual BRAY
cry and gallant conduct. Its living heroes
are honored by a generous country; its
dead have ennobled the race and will live
forever in the hearts Of a grateful people.
Throughout all its anxious days the Presi-
| ident, commander in chief of our armies
and our navies. planned and directed with
unerring hand. His wise diplomacy saved
us from threatened international complica-
tons. From the commencement OF HOSTILE
ties until their close the conduct of the war
was unassailable, and the paltry criticisms
of two years ago are already buried in the
limbo of oblivion.
In August. 1898, a preliminary protocol
was. executed at Washington, followed by
the sessions of the peace commissioners Of
the United States and Spain, in Paris, COM
mencing in October of that year. Public
interest in this country concerning these
negotiations was intense. Until our soldiers
and sailors had landed at Manila we had
know little of the conditions of the people
of the Philippines. We soon ascertained
that the cruelties and expressions existing
in Cuba were mild compared with the
treatment to which eight millions of people
in those islands wers subjected. We
realized that if We relinquished the archi-
pelago to Spain we consigned it's inhab-
itants again TO a condition worse than slav-
cry, worse than barbarism. We had put
our hands to the pillow, and every instinct
of honor and humanity forbade us TO turn
4 back. A universal demand arose from all
over the country that We should retain our
hold upon these islands, afford their people
the protection of our laws, lift them out
of their unfortunate condition and ft them,
If possible, for self-government. Any
agreement by our commissioners to give
back the Philippines TO Spain, reserving for
ourselves an island or a coaling station.
would have aroused a universal national
indignation, and would never have been
ratified by the representatives of the peo-
pie.
WHERE RESPONSIBILITY RESTS.
No man saw this so clearly as did the
President. In his advices to the commits
sioners he told them it was imperative
that we should be governed only by mo-
tives that should exalt the Nation; that
territorial expansion was our least con-
tCcIHs DQL lllcls L ClSC vas aOlCs
the people of the Philippines must be lib
Grated from Spanish domination, and he
reached this view solely through consider
atoms of duty and humanity. The Amer
lean commissioners, men of differing po-
litical faiths, reached a unanimous con-
clusion. The treaty of Paris was ratified
by the vote of two-thirds of the Senate.
lawful and legal possessions Of the United
States. The responsibility for the war
rested upon us all; the responsibility for
the treaty rests chiefly upon the Republican
party, and that party avows the wisdom of
the treaty and declares 1t to be the policy
Of the party to adhere to its terms and to
accept the responsibilities II imposed.
We assumed dominion of Porto Rico,
Cuba and the Philippines for reasons diff
fering as to each of them. We took
to ourselves the little island of Porto
Rico because it lay under the shadow of
our own shores and because its continued
occupancy by Spain or by any foreign gov
eminent would be a constant menace TO
the States and to that great interoceanic
waterway which We shall build and WI
and operate as an American canal. We
found it impoverished by years of colonial
misgovernment and without any system OF
revenue W Soon after the peace its peo-
pie were further stricken by flood and fam
Inc. We assumed towards them every obli-
CATION which sympathy and friendship
could, prompt. We contributed as a Nation
large sums of money to ameliorate their
condition and TO enable them TO plant and
garner their crops.
WHAT WAS SAID TO PORTO RICO.
Then we said to them, we shall give you
a just and equitable form of free govern
ment, with power to manage your home
affairs. Until you shall devise proper and
efficient methods of revenue and taxation,
your needed funds shall be raised as fol-
lows: You shall pay upon your imports
Is per cent. of the present tariff rate gov
erning importations into the United States,
which means an average duty of about
z per cent. All the necessaries of life and
building materials for the structures you
need shall be free. On the LIST day of
March, 1902, all these duties shall cease I'm
any event, and shall cease sooner IL before
that time you can arrange for the needed
revenues Of the island.
The communications of the President
were fully and satisfactorily complied with;
the people of the island are content. the
vast mass of the American people approve.
and we have avoided precedents that might
veX us when We come to deal with the
problems that finally await us in the estab-
hshment of our permanent relations to-
wards the people of the Philippine islands.
There has been much discussion during
the past few months in respect to the ex-
tent OF the power OF this country TO deal
with Porto Rico and our other possessions
and it has been frequently commended by
the Democracy that as soon as we became
the owners Of any Of these islands the Com
0AoL1 al OlI1O ~
tended over them, or I'm the oratorical but
misleading phrase. The Constitution fol-
lows the flag" The argument is specious,
but IL will not bear investigation. The same
question was raised in 1903, at the time of
the Louisiana purchase, and the doctrine
then established by Congress that we could
acquire foreign sell by purchase, that Con-
gress had the right to establish there such
government as ii saw fit, and that the Con-
stitution did not OF it's own force extend
over such territory. The doctrine was never
questioned until in Calhoun's time IL was
sought to be denied i'm the effort to extend
human slavery into the territories.
THE FLAG AND THE CONSTITUTION.
The Supreme Court of the United States
has more than once determined the ques-
ton, and the contention concerning it now
by our opponents is not because anybody
believes that the laws we have enacted for
the government of the island are unjust.
but In order TO embarrass the administra-
ton in dealing effectively with our new
possessions. The flag went TO Mexico in
1s4S, the Constitution did not. The flag
went to Cuba and was carried into Santi-
ago, and is there yet. But our Constitu-
ton not only is not there, but We are busy
encouraging Cuba TO prepare a constitu-
ton OF her own. When any portion of our
territory becomes a sovereign State, then
is our Constitution it's cornerstone. In
the territory OF the United States not in
cluded within State boundries Congress
alone determines the extent 10 which the
provisions of the Constitution extend.
The circumstances associated with our
HA-