The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1900-09-01
Race Prejudice in American Politics.

10 remark that there Ia no need for any
further sectional disoussion Of the negro
question: 1T must be considered wholly
from a national point Of view"
That IL very true. The question OF the
treatment Of the negroes, more especially
40 far as concerns their political rights.
is not "A question local to any State, but is
of profound and fundamental concern TO
tho whole Union. The African race and
color are merely Incidental; they do not
affect the essence OF this question. Race
prejudice in the vulgar mind may be I'M
oonuuerable. but our American experience
shows that when It goes to the extreme OF
gratifying Itself in political prescription
It becomes too intolerable for Its domina-
ton 10 be suffered.
In the old Know Nothing days such
prejudice, coupled with religious prejudice.
picked ont all foreigners. and Roman Catho-
lies more especially. for hostile political
discrimination. The present generation
can scarcely understand the bitterness
and prevalence Of this q native American :
and anti Catholic movement OF fifty years
ago. At one time 1t seemed TO many polti-
cal observers to be destined TO sweep every
thing before II, and actually It obtained
control In large States.
The nativist spirit manifested itself
early In our history, but when foreign
immigration began to be relatively large
in the period between 1890 and 1870 and to
pour into New York more especially. IL
was revived here in an acute form. When
the Democrats followed their success in
electing a Mayor OF New York by distrib-
uting the offices largely among foreign
born citizens II gathered such strength
that, in 1874. JAMES HARPER was elected
Mayor as a Native American" The
sentiment which produced this political
revolution spread to Philadelphia, where
also II was successful at the election for
Mayor. Moreover. at Philadelphia IL
famed out In a riot between natives and
Irish citizens, in which lives were lost and
two Roman Catholic churches were de-
stroyed. Thereafter came a lull in this
proscriptive spirit, though IL was not
uuenched. When the Irish famine and
unsuccessful European revolu tionary
movements suddenly and greatly swelled
immigration IL DuiNl Ohl dkulh iOi'ilNip .
The secret Know Nothing order arose.
It's animating motive being hostility to the
Roman Catholic Church and to the political
activity OF the increasing body OF natural
tied citizens.
Soon the Know Nothing party became
a power in politics which threatened to
transform the political situation through
out the Union. Either in 1854 or 1855, It
carried the State elections in New York.
New Hampshire. Massachusetts, Rhode
Island and Connecticut The foreign popu-
lation Of the South was small then. as II Is
now, but native Americanism spread rap
idly there. carrying Kentucky and Maryland
and nearly capturing seven other States.
The political future seemed for the moment
TO be with it.: but in the Presidential
election OF 1856 It was successful in carry
ing only one State. Maryland. for WILLARD
FILLMORE. and polled only about one-lfth
OF the popular vote. The next year how
ever, It showed that life remained to II by
carrying Maryland and Rhode Island.
and in the Thirty-ffth Congress 1t had
about a score Of Representatives and five
Senators and in the Thirty-sixth Congress
twcnty-three Representatives, all from
Southern States. That was its last struggle
and il passed away entirely as a factor in
politics. Mere race and religious prejudice
was proved to be incapable of giving con-
tinulng vitality to a political party in this
free republic. The great body Of natural
lied and Roman Catholic citizens were
sought by the competing parties. They
were too valuable TO be thrown away
The result OF race and color prejudice
against the negroes will be the same. 80
far as concerns politics. When the South
crn States shall be restored to a normal
political condition competing parties will
again struggle for the ascendancy and
each will want all the votes It can get. II
will not be content TO waste valuable voting
material by Acknowledgement OF millions
of citizens. And. at best, race prejudice
ia u~nenlightened and short lived as n politi-
cal force. II cannot survive intelligent
discussion. Because you do not like the
looks of a man, would not a to marry
your daughter 10 him, and would not invite
him to your dinner table. Is no reason that
YOU should not be glad to rave him vote
for you If you are running for office and
why you should not seek his vote. This
motive for giving the negroes their full
| Constitutional rights and protecting then
In them will be stronger at the South thar
at the North. for there negro votes are
many while here they are few; just as the
reason for riotous assaults against the
negroes at the North is that they are rela-
lively so few that they are defenceless
while at the South their great numbers
provoke animosity and unreasoning preju-
dice, though the South holds on to their
labor as an essential advantage TO It in
the competition of production.
As the New Orleans paper from which
we have quoted says. this negro question
" must be considered wholly from a nationa.
point of view" and that, in truth. is the only
view which all Of the Union outside Of the
States Of the old Southern C~onfederacy
now takes of il. The hard, the ~indisputable
fact is that only through the exclusion
Of the negroes Of these States from the
franchise is there any possibility OF the
election of BRYAN. Except for Negro
Acknowledgement by State Constitutions oil