Marshall County independent. (Plymouth, Marshall County, Ind.) 1897-1902, 1900-08-31

as a burden upon the backs of those
who remain. il must mean longer
hours harder work and greater sac
rifiCe for those who toll. and the
farmer, while he pays more than his
share of the expenses of the army.
has no part in army contracts or in
developing companies. and his sons
are less likely TO fill the life positions
in the army than the sons of those
who, by reason of wealth or politi-
cal prominence, exert influence at
Washington.
Soon after the Republican leaders
began to suggest the prOpriety of a
colonial policy. the papers published
an interview given out from San Fran
cisco by foreign consul residing at
Manila He declared that the people
of the United States owed il TO them
selves, to other nations. and TO the
Philippine Islands permanently. At
the conclusion of the interview there
appeared the very significant state
ment that the gentleman was visiting
the United States for the purpose OF
organizing a company for the devel-
opment of the Philippine Islands. A
few days later on his way east he
gave out another interview in which
he explained that the company which
he intended to organize would estab-
lish banks at Manila. and at other
places throughout the islands. and
build electric light plants, water
plants, street car lines. railroads. fac
tories, etc. 1t seemed that the plan
of his syndicate was to do all the
developing and leave the rest of the
American people nothing TO do in the
matter except to furnish an army suf-
ficient to hold the FilipinOs in sub
lection while they were being devel-
Oped.
At the present rate we Will spend
annually upon the army approximate
ly half as much as we spend for euu-
cation in the United States. and ta;s
immense sum is wrung from the tax
payers by systems OF taxation which
Overburden the poor man and under
tax the rich man.
In the presence of such an issue as
militarism it is impossible that any
POpulist should hesitate as to his
duty
But even the menace of militlrism
is but part of the question OF impar-
ialism. The policy contemplated by
the Republican party nulifes every
principle set forth in the Declaration
OF independence. strikes a blow at
popular government and robs the ma
ton of its moral prestige. Already
the more advanced supporters of the
colonial idea point to the economy OF
De
trusts all power to an executive and
does away with the necessity for legIs-
lation. The Army and Navy Journal.
in its issue Of August (. comments
the English system and declares mat
as a result of this system a fifth of
the worlds area containing a fifth
of its population, is ruled with an adj
ministrative economy which is an ad-
ministrative marvel. and adds
One million two hundred thousand
dollars spent in London is the price
of administrative order over a colon
ial rule whose total budgets aggre-
gate s1.724,354, 1876, or fifty per cent
more than our total of federal, state,
county and village expenditure for
every possible purpose, for which tax
es are levied. In contrast to the re-
suits of this system of executive adj
miniStratiOn, the fact is cited that the
American congress has spent an en-
tire winter wrestling with the tariff.
the taxation, the administration and
the personal rights of the two little
islands. The English executive is an
Imperial Executive The British
Parliament is an English Legislature.
To the same system we are coming
by the decree of circumstances as in
evitable as that of fate. If this be
imperialism make the most of it, So
far as citizenship is concerned the,
the British empire is one, but beyond
the limits of the United Kingdom the
citizen lives under rule essentially
monarchial and not restricted by the
constitutional limitations of the par
llamentary system"
Thus does Imperialism bear Its sup
porters back toward the dark ages.
There is no middle ground between
the American policy and the Euro
pean policy. If this nation remains
true to its principles, its traditions
and its history, it cannot hold colo
reer, it must repudate the doctrine
that governments derive their just
powers from the consent of the gov
erned.
When such an issue is raised, there
can only be two partieS-the party,
whatever its name may be, which be-
lieves in republic. and the party,
whatever its name, which believes III
an empire; and the influence of every
citizen is, consciously or unconscious
ly, Intentionally or unintentionally
thrown upon the one side or the
other.
Where the divine right of kings is
recognized, the monarch can grant
different degrees of liberty to differ
ent subjects. The people of England
can be ruled in one way, the people
OF Canada in another, the people of
ireland in another, while the people
OF India may be governed according !
to still different forms. But there can
be no such variety in a republic. The
doctrine of a republic differs from the
doctrine of monarch as the day diff
fers from the night, and between the
two doctrines there is, and ever must
be, an irrepressible conflict
queen Victoria has recognized this
necessary ahtagonism between the
Democratic and imperial form of gov
eminent. In prorosuing parliament a
few days ago, she said:
Believing that the continued po-
litical independence of the republics
would be constant danger to the |