Courier Democrat. (Langdon, N.D.) 1891-1920, 1900-09-06

l
dependence with which their proclama
tons had made us familiar"
After describing the strained relation:
between the Americans and the Filipinos
after the capture of Manila Mr.. Towne
said:
Our opponents are in the habit of re-
ferring to the outbreak of actual hos.
| t:lities between US and the Filipinos as
though the latter were the aggressors
and much is attempted to be made out OF
such expressions as that they fired on oul
| flag But, of course, since we had Sc
cretly formed a determination to seize
| the islands, it is apparent that whenever
that design became manifest or we at
tempted to put it into effect the Filpinos,i ii
| they We're in earnest when declaring their
object to be Independent. would resist it.
| When that time should come, the aggres-
scr. regardless of who struck the first
| blow. would be, not he who stood in de.
Tense of right, but he who. by act or
threat. compelled the other to defend it,
The development of the hostile design was
itself an attack. The wonder is, consider
ing the tropical nature of the islanders
and the long continued course of our
mingled
Reticence, Ambiguity and Ofense,
that they were not betrayed into vio-
lence long before any physical clash ac-
tually occurred. AS a matter of fact,
however, as shown by Gen. Otis official
report, our troops fired the first shot, and
the Fflipinos stood on the defensive.
1.-The plan to possess the whole Philip
pine archipelago and to subdue it if neces-
sary by force of arms was bluntly set
forth by the president in his instructions
to Gen. Otis, under date of Dec. p, 1898,
which were embodied by the latter in the
famous proclamation of Jan. 3, 1899. 1t
is important to bear in mind the time
when this proclamation was made, as
touching the question of the presidents
right to issue it, it's responsibility for the
warfare that followed and it's relation to
the general subject of arbitrary power
whose increasingly easy assumption and
exercise are the invariable accompani-
ments of Imperialism
He then discussed the protocol and the
treaty of peace, and the proclamation of
Jan. 3, 1900, at Manila, which he declares
''is of the very essence of imperialism.
Divested of it's cant and made over into
plain language, the proclamation tells the
Filipinos that we have seized their coun-
try by brute force and propose to hold it,
and that they must submit to our pre-
tension, yield to our assumed authority,
or be shot to death. 1t boldly proclaims
the right of conquest, the
Highway Robbery of Nations.
For the first time in American history
it is asserted by the responsible leader
of great party and president of the
republic that we may rightfully wage war
for purposes of dominion and to acquire
property in the land of other nations, and
jurisdiction over their liberties and per-
sons, by the mere test of superior
strength. 1t violates the most sacred. ira
ditions of our history. =
But what is probably as sinister in
this proclamation as even this fragrant
Endorsement of force as the basis of po-.
litical authority, and as significant of i'm
perialistic tendencies In the executive, is
the cool assumption by the president of
the power to act before the execution Of
the treaty. The treaty was not yet rati-
fed. 1t bad not, indeed, been approved by
the senate, and might easily never have
been approved, since the final action of
that body is said to have been taken by
bare majority of one vote. This as
sumption Of power, admittedly before the
treaty conferred it on him, and where the
exercise of it was certain to involve the
nation in war, as it soon did, was the
most prodigious."
Taking up Gov. Roosevelts speech, he
declared it to be enormously disappoint-
ing. Neither in matter nor in manner
is it worthy of it's occasion. In respect
of argument the speech is, with rare ex-
of Nd
assertion. In spirit it is compound of
scold and scullion AS to it's facts, it
abounds in inaccuracies which, if acct
dental, are ineXplicable as coming from
g man who has performed creditably in
history and biography. But the world is
accustomed to Inconsistencies from Mr..
Roosevelt 1t has long looked upon him
as a predestined and incorrigble eccen-
trio. 1t has given up attempting to eX-
| plain him or to reconcile him with him.
| self. 1t is quite impossible, whether it
would be worth while otherwise or not,
| to make an entirely satisfactory diagno-
| sis of civil service reformer in partner
ship with Thomas c. Plat; citizen SOL
! der who ridcules the volunteer; leader
in battle who finds glory in being res
| cued from an ambush; a hero who boasts
| Of shooting a fleeing foe in the back; a
| candidate who poses to delegates and
| galleries to obtain nomination that he
| does not want; gentleman who charges
| six and one-half millions of his fellow
countrymen with lawlessness dishonesty
and cowardice; a statesman who, mount
ed on hobby. rides roughly at grave
questions in economics and politics,
swinging his partisan lariat and yelling
| like an intellectual Comanche."
Mr.. -Towne then read quotations from
the St. Paul speech of Gov. Roosevelt,
which he said showed the truth of what
he had said of that speech as a whole.
He argued at considerable length against
| any possible constitutional right under
which the United States could hold and
| govern colonies, ridiculing the alleged
claim that this right was given by that
| provision of the Constitution which gives
congress the power to make all needful
rules and regulations respecting the ter
ritory and other proertpy" of the United
| States.
| Who Knows. Indeed:
She wept.
hnrri6i''