The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1900-11-01

out of circulation it is evident that
until the coinage bill became a law,
or until April, 1904, or September,
1901, or either for several years, or
else for 10 months after Mr.. Bryan's
election, we would have only three
tifths as much money as now, and at
the end of the one or five years addi-
tional, no more than now.
During all of these terrible years
Tor year, we would be suffering such
stringency, panic and depreciation of
values as we have never seen before
and the prostration and dry rot fol-
lowing the panic would continue for
years afterwards. Business activity
would not return at once with restored
currency,as credit is acreature of slow
growth. 1t took six years to recover
from the panic of 1878, and would
probably require ten years or more
to recover from this one.
With new corn at 80 cents a bushel
in Illinois lin 1896 1t was 19) and % in
Kansas and Nebraska Tin 1896 about
15) and with those prices to be re-
duced by the panic, the enforced
idleness of the laboring classes, and
the consequently diminished demand,
from to 10 cents a hushel, after the
laborer has been paid and the farmers
store bills settled. how much would
be left for taxes and interest and
principal on his mortgage? And if
his mortgage falls due, or if he de-
faults in either interest or taxes, will
not the mortgage want his 100 cents
instead of 81, and foreclose? Although
foreclosure takes from one to two
years, and would take till November
of 1901 or 1902, yet as the effects of the
panic would still continue, and with
practically no money to be borrowed,
there could be but one result, the
farmer must lose his farm and become
a renter.
The outcome therefore for farmers
in debt must inevitably prove dsas-
trous.
BRYAN'S JUSTIFICATION FOR THE
PANIC.
What justification does Mr.. Bryan
offer for the infiiction upon the COM
munity of this conceded panic? That
as the laboring man is not hog, he
wants something more than the full
dinner pail. But why not have some
thing more, and the full dinner pail
also? What is the objection to that?
If imperialism and trusts are, as he
says, the paramount issues,-why to
fight these must he tack on free sill
yer panic? What objection is there
to giving the country the benefits of
an anti-imperialistic and antitrust
administration, and at the same time,
saving it from free silver empty
dinner pail? This in the question
that suggests itself, must we have
free silver in order to fight imperial
ism? If not, why not fight it without
free silver, and thus, if successful,
have all it's benefits without the free
silver calamity? Why unnecessarily
spurn full dinner pail?
Now, is it not a fact, that we can
fight imperialism and trusts without
having free silver coinage? And if so,
why not do so? What advantage is
there in an empty dinner pail? If
none, why insist on free silver and an
empty pail, when we could have
fought Imperialism and trusts on a
full onel
But Mr.. Bryan says, No. Imperial
ism is paramount, but if you have it,
you must have free silver too. You
must go the whole hog or none.
Is this the kind of leadership and
and craftsmanship we want?
If not, is it wise to choose him to
lead?
In this great disaster capitalists
could save themselves by buying ex-
change or foreclosing. The hardships
and misery would fall upon the labor
er, and those in debt, that is upon
the mass of our people, and make the
rich richer, and the poor poorer.
Crime and lawlessness would neces-
sarily increase, and driven by hunger
and despair, become rampant.
Instead of more money, which Mr..