Hopkinsville Kentuckian., 1900-08-14

peat, the nation oan DO wh6cevaR Il desirel
TO DO but Il cannot avoid the natural 4ne
legitimate results of its own conduct. TN
young man upon reaching his majority
can do what he pleases. Ho can disregard
the teachings q his parents he can tram 2.
pie upon all that he has been taught q
consider sacred he can disobey the laws
Of the state. the laws Of society and the
laws Of God. lie can stamp failure upon
his life and make his very existence a curse
TO his fellow men, and he can bring his
father and mother IN sorrow TO the grave;
eis Out ne cannot mn ann9i d the sentence The The
nation Il is Of age. and II can do what IL
pleases; Il can spurn the traditions of the
past; II can repudiate the principles upon
which the nation rests; Il can employ force
instead OF reason; It can substitute might
tor right u can conquer weaker people;
II can exploit their lands, appropriate their
property and Kill their people; but II cannot
repeal the moral law or escape the punish
ment decreed for the violation Of human
rights
Would we tread in the paths of tyranny,
Nor reckon the tyrant,s cost?
! Who taketh another's liberty,
His freedom Is also lost
| Would we win as the strong have ever won,
Make ready to pay the debt
/ For the God who relgned over Babylon
Is the God who is reigning yet"
Some argue that American rule in the
Philippine Islands will result In the better
| education OF the Fillpinos. BE not de-
| ceived. II we expect to maintain a colon
al policy 70 we sh not aS find i to our sd
/ Gated Fllipinos are now I'm revolt against
| us, and the most Ignorant ones have made
the least resistance TO our domination. IL
we are to govern them without their con-
sent and give them no voice in determining
the taxes which they must pay, we dare not
declaration Of Independence and the con-
stitution Of the United States and mock
us for our Inconsistency
The principal arguments, however, ad-
VAnCR0 those q
of Imperialism are:
First, That we must improve the present
opportunity to become a world power and
enter into international politics
Second, That our commercial interests I'm
the Philippine Islands and in the orient
make It necessary for us to hold the is
Third That the spread Of the Christian
religion VIII be facilitated by a colonial
Fourth, That there is no honorable re-
treat from the position which the nation
The first argument is addressed to the
nations pride and the second to the ma
tion's pocketbook. The third is intended
for the church member and the fourth for
the partisan.
Growth OF a Principle.
1t is a sufficient answer to the first arg7s-
ment to say that for more than a century
this nation has been a world power For
ten decades IL has been the most potent
influence in the world. Not only has it
to affect the politics Of the human race
than all the other nations Of the world
combined Because our declaration of in
dependence was promulgated, others have
been promulgated Because the patriots
Of 1776 fought for liberty others have
fought for It; because our constitution
was adopted other constitutions have
been adopted The growth of the prnci-
pie Of self-government, planted on Amer
ican SOIL has been the overshadowiug
political fact of the nineteenth century
~ nff4faa
among the nations and given 1t place
In history such as no other nation has
eyer enjoyed. Nothing has been able to
check the onward march of this idea. L
am not willing that this nation snail cast
aside the Omnipotent weapon Of truth to
seize again the weapon of physical war
fare. l would not exchange the glory Of
this republic for the glory of all the en-
ptres that have risen and fallen since time
began.
The permanent chairman of the last re-
publican national convention presented
the pecuniary argument In all it's bold
ness, when he said:
I'VE make no hypocritical pretenses of
being interested in the Philippines solely
on account Of others. While we regard
the welfare Of these people as a sacred
trust, we regard the welfare Of the Amer
lean people first. We see our duty to our
selves as well as to others We believe
in trade expansion. BY every legitimate
means within the province of government
and con tuition, we mean to stimulate
the e--.1nsion Of our trade and open
This is the commercial argument. It
Is based upon the theory that war can
be rightly waged for pecuniary advan-
tage, and that IL is profitable 10 purchase
trade by force and violence. Franklin de-
MED both of these propositions. When
Lord Howe asserted that the acts of par
lament, which brought on the revolution,
were necessary to prevent American trade
from passing into foreign channels,
Franklin replied:
ITO me 1t seems that neither the OBJ
q nf bpU
valuable soeVer, Is an object for which
men may justly spill each others blood;
that the true and sure means Of extend
ing and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheaDness Of commodities, and
that the profits of no trade can ever be
equal to the expense Of compelling it and
holding IT by fleets and armies. / con-
slider this war against US, therefore, as
both unjust and unwise."
I place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those who
would put a price upon the life of an
American soldier and Justify a war Of
conquest upon the ground that 1t will pay.
The democratic party is in favor of the
expansion Of trades. 1t would extend our
trade by every legitimate and peaceful
means but it Is not willing to make mer-
chandise of human blood.
But a war Of conquest Is as unwise as
IL is unrighteous. A harbor and c0aling
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity and
such a concession could have been secured
at any time without difficulty.
1t Is not necessary TO own people In or
der to trade with them We carry on
trade to-day with evepy part of the world,
and our commerce has expanded more
rapidly than the commerce of any Euro
pean empire We do not own Japan or
China, but we trade with their people, We
have not absorbed the republics of Cen
tral and South America, but we trade
with them. II has not been necessary to
have any political connections with Can
ada or the nations Of Europe in order to
trade with them Trade cannot be per-
manently profitable unless IL IS volun-
tary. When trade is secured by force, the
cost of securing IL and retaining IL must
be taken out of the profits, and the prohts
are never large enough to cover the eX-
pense. Such a system would never be de-
Tended but for the fact that the expense
IS borne by an the people, while the prof
its are enjoyed by the few.
Evils of Imperialism.
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors; il would be profitable
to the shipowners who would carry live
soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead
soldiers back; IL would be profitable to
those who would seize upon the franchises
h.. f.lo l.. tle