The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1900-09-15
WILL NOT DISCUSS IT.

The truth OF the matter is that VIC
cannot enlist our opponents in an car
nest discussion Of this question, at least
not upon the moral side OF The con
trovcrsy. They will not listen to it. II
we appeal to the constitution, they say
we have outlived it. II we refer TO the
Declaration Of independence. they say
that that document is a collection OF
glittering gencralitics, good enough in
their day, but not applicable now. If
we cite them to the maxinls OF Wash
ington, Jefferson and Lincoln, they say
that these men are dead Our only re-
course, therefore, is to demonstrate to
the people the falsity of the claim that
imperialism will pay. A colonial en-
plrc may prove profitable to the trusts
and to the army and navy contractors,
and to the favored individuals, but il
never can and never will profit the
country or the people as a whole.
The only way i'll which the American
people could secure gain from the pos
session OF the PhlinDincs would be by
the expansion OF our trade with them.
The profit OF such trade, in the nature
OF things, could not be greater than the
value of the commodities that would
pass in exchange. The total value OF
the exports and imports of the Philip
pine Islands have i'll no year exceeded
100000, 900. The profit on such trade
cannot be many millions, and suppos-
ing it were doubled, trcblcd or q..a'lru-
pied, the profit would not be large
enough to bear the expense OF the in
creased military establishment for one
month. But whether the profits were
great or small ono thing is certain:
Those profits would not return into the
pockets OF the same people who have 10
bear the burden OF maintaining the ar
my and navy necessary Tor and incident
to colonial empire. But the whole ar
gumcnt is iallacious. As was well said
by MIR. Bryan, you need not own pco-
pie to trade with them. a friend is a
better customer than an enemy. II We
wan, the trade OF the Philippines, let us
secure it as we secure other trade, by
the superiority and clcapncss OF our
products, by fair treatment and by tho
establishment OF mutual confidence and
relations OF good will. These are the
conditions that bring tradc-not con-
quest, not war nor oppression. But IN
considering the question OF the profits
OF imperialism you must not lose sight
OF the expense OF its companion evil
the large Standing army.
THE LARGE ARMY.
When l was member OF congress,
when VIC were building and providing
for the navy which fought and won the
victories of the Spanish war, when We
had the same regular army establish
mcnt that VIC had at the commence
mcnt of that war, the total appropria
ton for the army and navy i'll no year
during my term OF service exceeded
$50 900. This amount was not cx-
cccdcd in any year prior to the Spanish
war. except 1897, when it reached
| $50 DOC, 600. That the standing army
that we then had was ample and suffi-
cicnt for the protection of our country
ard institutions is a matter of history.
When the war with Spain broke out,
and the President made call upon the
states for additional forces, that call was
responded to almost before it was
made. And it is no cxaggcration to
say that if the cxigcncics had demand
cd, ten men could have been had for
every one that was required. A large
standing army may be necessary for the
purpose Of imperialism, but it is not
necessary for the protection OF rcpub-
lican institutions, and its necessity had
never been urged until imperialism
made its appearance. A popular gov
crnment, while it should have small
number of trained and efficient regular
troops and sufficient number OF Off