The Butler weekly times. (Butler, Mo.) 1881-1918, 1900-08-16

r irSE- mat must improve the present
/ opportunity to become world power and
enter into international politics.
Second. That our commercial interests IN
the Philippine islands and in the orient
make II necessary for Us TO hold the is
lands perma neE Iiy-
Third. That the spread Of the Christian
religioH VIII be facilitated by a colonial
policy.
Fourth That there is no honorable re-
treat from the position which the nation
has taken.
The .tirst argument is addressed to tho
nation : pride and the second 90 the ma
lions pocketbook The third j. irterde q
Tor the church member and the fourth Tor
the partisan.
Growth of "a Principle.
1t is a sufficient answer to the first argu-
Inent 10 say that for more than IL century
ten decades il has been the most potent
influence in the world. Not only has II
70 aIect the politics OF the human race
than all the other nations of the world
combined because our declaration of in
dependence was promulgated, others have
been promulgated Because the patriot
Of l575 fought for liberty others have
fought for il: because our constitution
was adopted. other constitutions have
been adopted. The growth Of the princi-
pie OF government. planted on Amer
lean soil, has been the Overshadowing
political fact of the nineteenth century.
II has made this nation conspicuous
in history such no other nation has
eyer enjoyed Nothing has been able to
am not willing that this nation snail cast
aside the omHipotent weapon Of truth To-
seize again the weapon OF physical war
IaIe- would not exchange the glory Of
this republic FOR the glory Of all the en-
pires that have risen and fallen since time
began.
The permanent chairman of the last re-
publican national convention presented
the peeuniary argument in all It's bold
ness. when he said:
We make no hypocritical pretsnses OF
being interested In the Philippines solely
IN INF taF NJ
the welfare Of these people as a sacred
trust We regard the welfare of the Amer
selves as we'll as to others. We believe
in trade expansion. BY every legitimate
means within the province OF government
and cons Tuition. We mean to stimulate
new markets"
This IL the commercial argument II
Is based upon the theory that war can
be rightly waged for pecuniary advan-
tage, and that it is profitable TO purcha 81
trade by force and violence. Franklin de-
MED both OF these propositions. When
Lord Howe asserted that the acts of par
lament, which brought on the revolution.
were necessary to prevent American trade
from passing into foragn channels.
Franklin reDlied:
To me it seems that neither the OBJ
tanning nor retaining Of any trade. how
valuable soever. Is an object for which
that the true and sure means of extend
ing and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheapness of commodities and
equal to the expense of compelling IL and
holding 1t BY fleets. and armies. con-
both unjust and unwise.'
place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those who
would put a price upon the life of an
American soldier and justify a war of
conquest upon the ground that fl will pay.
The democratic party is in favor OF the
trade by every legitimate and peaceful
means; but It is not willing to make mer-
chandise Of human blood.
But a war OF conquest is as unwise as
II IS unrtghteOus. harbor and cOaling
alton in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity and
such concession could have been secured
at any time without difficulty.
1t is not necessary 10 own people in or
trade to-day with every part Of the world,
and our commerce has expanded more
pean empire We do not own Japan or
China. but We trade with their people We
have not absorbed the republics OF Cen
trail and South America. bur We trade
with them II has not been necessary TO
have any political connections with Can
ada or the nations OF Europe in order to
trade with them. Trade cannot be per-
manentIy profitable unless IL Is vOlun-
tary. When trade Is secured by force. the
cost Of securing il and retaining IL must
be taken out OF the profits and the profits
are never large enough 70 cover the ex-
Tended but for the fact that The expense
is borne by all the people. while the prof
its are enjoyed by the few.
Evils of imperialism.
Imperialism would be profitable 70 the |
army contractors II would be pronta bic 1
to the shipowuers. who would carry live
soldiers 10 the Philippines and bring dead /
soldiers back: IL would be profitable to |
those who would seize upon the franchises |
and IL woul1 be profita bic % the officials |
whose salaries would De fixed here and /
paid over there; but TO the farmer. 10 the |
faboring man and to the vast ma iOrity OF /
those engaged In other occupations. il |
would bring expenditure wit bout return /
and rick without reward
Farmers ard laboring men have as a \
rule. small incomes. and under systems Il
u HIGH place the tax upon all consumption
pay more than their fair share Of the *
peuses Of government Thus the very r,aO-
Die who receive least benefit from i'm
oeriaIisru Htu be injured most BY the mil
frary burdens which accompany IL
In addition 10 the evils which he and the
farmer share IN common. the zsOrfuR man Il
viii be the first 10 suffer = oriental subjects
70 suffer Il American capital leaves our
shores 70 employ oriental labor IN the
Philippines TO supply the trade OF China L
aud Japsu. the FIRST 70 suffer from fTe
and the first TO suffer when the methods
Of imperialism are applied 70 our own 1
government
II Is rot strange. therefore. that the labor
approach Of these dangers and prompt 70 /
protest against both militsTfsm and i'm
perialism-
The pecuniary argument. though more
TO De used 50 often or presented yfth -,
much emphasis as the religious argument
IL what has been termed the "-e1znpOwder
gospeI were urged against the FIIIpinos
thai natorlsS Of the FIlpinos arc COW