The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1900-09-04

! trial by jury should alarm our peon1a
| for while the wage Garner is the first to
| feel it's effects, the principle which nm
derlies government by injunction is 50
] far-reaching that no one can hone tn
escape ultimately. The thing forbidden
| by an Injunction would without the in
! junction be either legal or illegal. If it
would be legal, the judge usurps the
! function of the legislature when he for
bids it, If it would be illegal the iniunc
ton of the court is unnecessary, for any
one who violates the law can upon con-
viction, be made to suffer the penalties
prescribed for such violation The
meanest thief and the most brutal muir
derer are entitled to trial by jury; why
should this right be denied the laboring
man? Those who oppose government bv
injunction are not in favor of lawless.
ness; they are, on the contrary, the best
friends of law and order. They deny the
right of any man to violate the law in
an effort to advance his own interests.
but they insist that it is inconsistent with
our ideas of government and dangerous
to all classes to invest any Judge with
| the three-fold poWer-first to make the
laws; second, to bring accusation against
| those charged with the violation of tho
! laws, and third, to sit in judgment upon
| the case Government by Injunction is
so indefensible that the anti-injunction
bill endorsed by the Chicago platforl
passed the Senate without a yea and nav
vote being demanded, and since that
time no party platform has specifically
endorsed government by Injunction, and
no prominent member of any party has
entered upon a defense of the system:
and yet corporate influence is so strong
that it has thus far been impossible to
secure any remedial legislation. The
fact that United States Senators are
elected by legislatures rather than by the
people directly lessons the laboring mans
influence in securing favorable Federal
legislation. When the action of a political
; convention must be submitted to the
voters for ratification at the polls the
convention is constrained to nominate a
candidate acceptable to the people: but
when Senator is chosen by legislature
the individual voter is far less consider
ed. Even when direct bribery is not en-
ployed, the indirect influence which cor
porations can exert is resorted to, and
more frequently still money is secretly
used to aid legislative candidates in close
districts. Such obligations are usually
repaid in the caucus and, as a rule, the
majority in the caucus controls the par
ty which has the selection of the Sena-
tor If this question was submitted to
the voters, the majority in favor of the
election of Senators by direct vote of the
people would be overwhelming, and yet
craftsmanship has delayed the adoption OF
this amendment. The people submit to
policies which they do not like rather
than secure Improvement by change in
party affiliations.
DIRECT LEGISLATION.
The laboring man favors direct legis-
lation wherever possible for the sans
reason that he favors the election of
Senators by popular vote.
Direct legislation brings the govern
mcnt nearer to the voter. There is
more virtue in the people than ever
finds expression through their represen-
tative. To hold that a representative
can act for the people better than they
can act for themselves, is to assert that
he is as much interested in the people as
they are in themselves, and that his
wisdom is greater than the combined
wisdom of the majority of the people.
Neither proposition is sound. Most, if
not all, of the evils complained of in
government, are traceable to the fact
that the representative of the people
has personal interests at variance with
the interests of his constituency. Cor
ruption in municipal, state and federal
governments is due to the miSrepresen-
tation of the people by public servants,
who use their positions for private adj
vantage The people should have an OPP
pOrtunity to vote on public questions
when those questions can be submitted
without too great inconvenience and ex-
pense.
But the laboring man is even more in
torested in the proposition to establish
a labor bureau with a cabinet officer at
its head. Such bureau would keep the
executive in constant touch with the
wage learners of the country, and open
the way to the redress of their present
and future grievances. If labor is given
a place in the Presidents official house
hold the man selected will necessarily
be a worthy and trusted representative
of the people for whom he speaks, and
his presence at Cabinet meetings will
give to those who toll for their daily
bread, assurance that their interests will
be properly guided.
LABOR AND THE TRUSTS.
Mr. Gompers, the chief executive of the
Federation of Labor, has, in his CORE
spondence with the Secretary of the
Treasury, so ably presented the laboring
mans reasons for opposing gold stand
ard and national bank currency, that
it is not necessary to discuss those
questions at this time.
The laboring man has abundant reason
to fear the trusts. Mr.. Charles r. Flint
in a speech delivered in Boston more
than year ago. in defense of the trusts,
frankly asserts that one of the advan
tages of these combinations is that. Gin
case of local strikes or fires the work
goes on elsewhere, thus preventing seri-
Gus loss" Is it possible that any wage
Garner can fail to see how completely
the trust places the employe at the
mercy of the employer?
The resolutions adopted by various la
Dor organizations on the question
of miltarism and Imperialism, justify
me in making a brief reference to those
questions. No class contributes more than
the laboring class, in proportion to it's
numbers, to the rank and file of the
army; no class contributes more in pro-
Is