Barton County democrat. [volume] (Great Bend, Kan.) 1885-1915, 1900-09-14

terruption to business and pecuniary loss
to those who are in no way responsible
for the disagreement. society in general is
even more interested than employers or
employees. The desire for justice is uni
versal that the public can be depended
upon to support the finding of an impartial
board of arbitration certainly as it can
to support the successful contestant in a
law suit The court of arbitration is one
of the certainties Of the future, and when
it is secured and perfected, we shall won
der why its coming was delayed SO long
1.-The blacklist, by means of which en-
ployers combine to deprive the discharged
workmen of Unemployment is one of the more
recent menaces to the laboring man. The
independence of the wage Garner decreases
as the difficulty of obtaining employment
increases. and the skilled workman, whose
life has been spent in acquiring efficiency
in a certain trade or occupation, becomes
practically the chattel of the employer
if every opportunity to make use of his
experience is closed by agreement between
employers.
1.-The laboring man is also interested In
legislation prohibiting oriental immigra-
ton. 1t is unfair to the American work
man, who is the foundation of the nations
wealth in time of peace and its defense in
time of war, to subject him to the danger
of having his occupation given to an
oriental laborer, often brought In by con-
tract. who has no permanent interest in
government. If the Asiatics come
here. work for few years, live on lower
ceeds of their toll, the drain upon our
money supply will be similar to that caused
by landlQrdism in other countries. The
political objections to oriental labor are
scarcely less weighty than the economic
ones. Race prejudice cannot be disregard
ed, and we have seen how in every indus
trial depression, race animosities result In
riot and bloodshed. We cannot afford to
bring into this country those who cannot
amalgamate with our people.
1.-The attempt to use the injunction of a
court to deprive the laboring man of trial
by jury should alarm all our people, for
while the wage Garner is the first to feel
it's effects, the principle which underl1es
government by injunction is SO far-reach-
ing that no one can hope to escape ulti-
mately. The thing forbidden by an injunc-
ton would without the injunction be either
legal or illegal. If it would be legal. the
judge usurps the function of the legislat ure
when he forbids it. If it would be illegal
the injunction of the court is unnecessary,
for anyone who violates the law can, upon
conviction, be made to suffer the penalties
prescribed for such violation. The mean
est thief and the most brutal murderer are
entitled to trial by jury; why should this
right be denied the laboring man? Those
who oppose government by injunction are
not in favor of lawlessness; they are, on
the contrary the best friends of law and
order. They deny the right of any man
to violate the law in effort to advance
his own interests, but they insist that II
is inconsistent with our ideas of govern
ment and dangerous to all classes to invest
any judge with the three-fold power. first,
to make the laws; second to bring accusa-
ton against those charged with the viola
ton of the laws. and, third, to sit in judg-
ment upon the case Government by IN
junction is indefensible that the anti
injunction bill, Endorsed by the Chicago
platform, passed the senate without a yea
and nay vote being demanded, and since
that time no party platform has specifical-
ly Endorsed government by injunction and
no prominent member of any party has
ante rod q defense system.
yet corporate influence is so strong that
it has thus far been impossible to secure
any remedial legislation.
'"rhe fact that United States senators are
elected by legislatures, rather than by the
people directly, lessons the laboring man s
influence in securing favorable federal leg
| islation. When the action of political
convention must be submitted to the voters
for ratification at the polls, the convention
is constrained to nominate a candidate
acceptable to the people; but when SEN
ator is chosen by legislature the ind1vid-
ual voter is far less considered. Even when
direct bribery is not employed, the indirect
influence which corporations can exert is
resorted to, and more frequently sun
money is secretly used to aid legislative
| candidates in close districts. Such obllga-
| lions are usually repaid in the caucus, and,
as rule, the majority in the caucus con-
| trolls the party which has the selection OF
| the senator. If this question were sub
| mitted to the voters the majority in favor
| of the election of senators by direct vote
| of the people would be overwhelming, and
vet partiSanShip has delayed the adoption
| of this amendment. The people submit
| to policies which they do not like rather
| than secure improvement by change IN
| party affiliations.
.eThe laboring man favors direct legis1a-
| ton wherever practicable for the same
| reason that he favors the election OF SEN
| ators by popular vote. Direct legislation
brings the government nearer to the voter.
| There is more virtue to the people than
| ever finds expression through their repre-
sentatives. To hold that a representative
| can act for the people better than they can
act for themselves, is to assert that he is
| as much interested in the people as they
| are themselves, and that his wisdom is
| greater than the combined wisdom of the
majority of the people. Neither proposition
| is sound Most, if not all, of the evils COM
| planned of in government are traceable to
| the fact that the representative of the peo-
| pie has personal interests at variance with
| the interests of his constituency. Corrup-
I ton in municipal state and federal gov
| eminent is due to the Misrepresentation
of the people by public servants, who use
| their positions for private advantage. Inc
| people should have an opportunity to vote
| on public questions when these questions
| can be submitted without too great incon-
| Venience or expense.
| But the laboring man is even more in
| terested in the proposition to establish a
| labor bureau with a cabinet officer at its
| head Such a bureau would keep the ex-
ecutive in constant touch with the wage
| earners of the country, and open the way
| to the redress of their present and future
| grievances. If labor is given place in the
| presidents official household, the man Sc
] lected will necessarily be worthy and
| trusted representative of the people for
| whom he speaks. and his presence at cab
| met meetings will give to those who toll
| for their daily bread assurance that their
| interests will be properly guarded.
| 'Mr. Gompers. the chief executive of the
| Federation of Labor, has, in his CORE
| spondence with the secretary of the treas
| ury, SO ably presented the laboring mans