The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1900-01-03

tion. which has its proper place to
blind US to the fact that there are other
sides. We must set about finding out
what the real abuses are with their
causes and to what extent remedies
can be applied.
ITO say that the present system of
ha aphazard license and lack of super
vision and regulation is the best pOSSi-
BILE, is absurd. The men who endeavor
to prevent the renedying of real abuses
not only show callouS disregard for the
suffering of others, but also weaken
those who are anxious to prevent the
adoption of indiscriminate Would-be
remedies which would subvert our whole
industrial fabric. The chicanery and
the dishonest, even though not technic-
ally Illegal methods through which
some great fortunes have been made
are scandals to our civilization. The
man who by swindling or wrongdoing
acquires great wealth for himself at the
expense of his fellow, stands as low
morally as any predatory medieval
nobleman and is a more dangerous
member of society. Any law, and any
method of constituting the law which
will enable the community to punish
him, either by taking away his wealth,
or by imprisonment, should be well
coined. OF course, such laws are even
more needed in dealing with great cor
porations or trusts than with individ-
uals They are needed quite as much
for the sake of honest corporations as
for the sake Of the public. The cor
poration that manages its affairs hon
est1y has a right to demand projection
against the dishonest corporations.
THE first essential is knowledge of
the facts, publicity Much can be done
at once by amendment of the corpora
ton laws so as to provide for such pub
lieity as will not work injustice as be-
tween business rivals.
THE chief abuses alleged to arise
from trusts are probably the following:
garding material facts connected with
the organization of an enterprise; the
evils connected with unscrupulous pro-
motions; overt capitalization; unfair
competition, resulting in the crushing
out of competitors who themselves do
not act improperly; raising of prices
above fair competitive rates; the WELD
ing of increased power over the wage
earners. Some of these evils could be
partially remedied by a modification of
our corporation laws; here we can safe
ly go along the lines of the most con-
servative New England states, and pro-
bably not a little further. Such laws
will themselves provide the needed pub
licity, and the needed circumstantial-
ity of statement. We should know au-
thoritatively whether stock represents
actual value of plants, whether 1t
represents brands or good will; or if
not, what it does represent, if anything.
1t is desirable to know how much was
actually bought, how much was issued
free and to whom and if possible, for
what reason. This would enable US to
see just what the public have a right to
expect in the way Of service and taxa
tion.
Where a trust becomes a monopoly
the state has an immediate right to in
terfere. Care should be taken not to
stifie enterprise or disclose any facts of
a business that are essentially private,
but the state for the protection of the
public should exercise the right to in
! spect, to examine thoroughly all the
workings of great corporations. just as
is now done with banks; and wherever
the interests of the public demand it,
it should publish the results of it's ex-
animation. Then if there are inordinate
profits, competition. Or public sentiment
will give the public the benefit in lower
ed prices. and if not the power of taxa
ton remains
Governor Roosevelt also devotes some
space to a review of labor legislation in
New York and commends the work of
the board of mediation and arbitration
in dealing with strikes during the year
past. He promises his approval of a
| drug clerks bill to remedy hardships to
| which men in that occupation are sub
| jected.