The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1900-08-09

| legitimate means within the province OF
government and Constitution, we mean
| to stimulate the expansion OF our trade
and open new markets"
This is the commercial argument 1t
| is based upon the theory that war can De
rightly waged for pecuniary advantage
| and that it is profitable to purchase
trade by force and violence. Franklin
denied both of these propositions When
| Lord Howe asserted that the act OF
| Parliament which brought on the revo-
| luton, were necessary to prevent Amer
| lean trade from passing into foreign
channels, Franklin replied:
| ITO me it seems that neither the OBJ
| tanning nor retaining Of any trade, how
valuable soever, is an object for which
| men may justly spill each others blood;
| that the true and sure means of extend
| ing and securing commerce are the good
ness and cheapness Of commodities and
| that the profits Of no trade can ever be
equal to the expense of compelling it and
| holding it by fleets and armies l con-
| slider this war against us, therefore, as
unjust and unwise."
l place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those who
would put a price upon the price of an
American soldier and justify a war Of
| conquest upon the ground that it will
| pay. The Democratic party is in favor
| of the expansion of trade. 1t would eX
| tend cur trade by every legitimate and
peaceful means; but it is not willing
to. make merchandise of human blood.
AS UNWISE AS UNJUST.
But a war of conquest is as unwise as
it is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling
station in the Philippines would answer
every trade and military necessity and
such a concession could have been Sc
| cured at any time without difficulty.
Il is net necessary to own people in
| order to trade with them. We carry on
trade today with every part of the world
| and our commerce has expanded more
rapidly than the commerce OF any Eu-
| ropean empire. We do not own Japan
or China, but we trade with their peo
| pie. We have not absorbed the repub-
lies of Central and South America, but
we trade with them. 1t has not been
necessary to have any political connec-
| items with Canada or the nations of Eu-
rope in order to trade with them. Trade
cannot be permanently profitable unless
| 1t is voluntary. When trade is secured
| by force, the cost of securing it and re-
tanning it must be taken out Of the pro-
fits, and the profits are never large
| enough to cover the expense. Such a
system would never be defended but for
| the fact that the expense is borne by all
the people, while the profits are enjoyed
| by the few
! WHOM WOULD 1T PROFIT?
Imperialism would be profitable to the
army contractors; it would be profitable
to the ship-owners, who would carry live
soldiers to the Philippines and bring
| dead soldiers back; it would be profitable
TO those who would seize upon the fran
chises, and it would be profitable to the
| officials whose salaries would be fixed
| here and paid over there; but to the
farmer, to the laboring man, and to the
| vast majority of those engaged in other
| occupations, it would bring expenditure
without return and risk without reward.
| Farmers and laboring men have, as a
| rule, small incomes and, under systems
| which place the tax upon consumption
pay more than their fair share of the
| expenses Of government. Thus the very
| people who receive less benefit from i'm
| perialism will be injured most by the
military burdens which accompany it.
In addition to the evils which he and
the farmer share in common, the labor
| ing man will be the first to suffer if
oriental subjects seek work in the Uni
| ted States; the first to suffer if Ameri-
| can capital leaves our shores to employ
oriental labor in the Philippines to sup
ply the trade Of China and Japan; the
first to suffer from the violence which
the military spirit arouses and the first
to suffer when the methods of imperial
ism are applied to our own government.
1t is not strange, therefore, that the
labor organizations have been quick to
note the approach of these dangers and
| prompt to proteg. against both militar;sm
and Imperialism.
THE RELIGIOUS ARGUMENT.
The pecuniary argument, though more
effective with certain classes, is not
likely to be used so often or presented
with so much emphasis as the religious
argument. If what has been termed the
"gun-powder gospel were urged against
the Filipinos only it would be a suffi-
cient answer to say that a majority of
|
branch of the Christian Church; but the
principle involved is one Of much wider
application and challenges serious con-
| sderation.
The religious argument varies in posi-
| tiveness from passive belief that Prov
idence delivered the Filipinos into our
hands, for their good and our glory, to
| the eXultation of the minister who said
that we ought to thrash the natives
(Filipinos) until they understand who we
are" and that every bullet sent, every
cannon shot and every flag waved means
righteousness"
We cannot approve of this doctrine
in one place unless we are willing to
apply it everywhere. If there is poison
in the blood of the hand it will ultimately
reach the heart. 1t is equally true that
forcible Christianity. if planted under
the American flag in the PARKWAY Orient,
will sooner or later be transplanted upon
American soil. If true Christianity con-
sists in carrying out in our daily lives
the teachings Of Christ, who will say
that we are commanded to civilize with
dynamite and proselyte with the sword ?
He who would declare the Divine will