Washington telegraph., 1900-09-07

or the expenses of the army, mas no part
IN army contracts or In developing COM
panles, and his sons are less likely TO III
the me positions in the army tiah @ tlle sons
zeal prominence exert influence at asn-
ington
Soon after the republican leaders began
TO suggest the proprety OF colonial pol
icy, the papers published an interview
given out from San Francisco by foreign
consul residing at Manila, lie declared
that the people of the United states owed
it to themselves. 10 other nations and to the
b1lipinos to hold the Philippine islands per-
manently AT the conclusion OF the inter-
view there appeared the very slshiilcaht
statement that the gentleman was visiting
the United States for the purpose Oh organ
izlng company for the development OF the
Phll1ppine islands. A few days later on ms
way east he gave out another interview in
which he explained that the company
which he intended to organize would estab-
l1sh banks at Manila and at other places
throughout the islands and bulld electric
hSnt plants, water plants, street car htles'
railroads, factories, etc 1t seemed that
the plan of his syndicate was TO do all the
developing and leave the rest oil the Amer
lean people nothing to de in the matter eX-
cept TO furnish an army sufficient to hold
the Filipinos in subjecton while they were
being developed.
Cost of War,
AT the presetn rate we will spend an
nually upon the army approximately half
as much is we spend for education in the
United States, and this immense sum is
Wrung from the taxpayers by systems or
taxation which overburden the poor man
ana undertaX the rich man.
IN the presence of such an issue as mill
tarfsm it is impossible that any popultst
should hesitate as IN his duty,
But even the menace of militarism is
put part of the question of imperialism.
Ihe policy contemplated by the republican
party nullifies every principle set forth
In the Declaration of Independence, strikes
a bloW at popular government and robs the
nation of of its moral prestige Already the
more advanced supporters of the colonial
Idea point to the economy of system of
government which intrusts all power to an
executive and does away with the neces-
sity for legislation The Army and Navy
Journal, in its issue of August A, commends
the English system and declares that as
result of this system fifth of the worlds
area, containing fifth of its population,
is ruled with an administrative economy
which is an administrative marvel and
adds:
One million two hundred thousand dol
lars spent in Londonis the price of adminis-
trat1Ye order over a colonial rule whose to-
tai budgets aggregate $l,724, ,354, $685. or 80 per
cent. more than our total of federal, state,
county and village expenditure for every
possible purpose, for which taxes are levied.
In contrast to the results of this system
of executive administration the fact is cited
that the American congress has spent an
entire winter wrestling with the tariff, the
taxation, the administration and the per-
sonal rights of two little islands. The Eng
lish executive is an imperial executive. The
British parliament is an English legis-
lature. TO THE SAME SYSTEM WE
ARE COMING BY THE DECREE OF
CIRCUMSTANCES AS INEVITABLE
AS THAT OF FATE IF THIS BE I'M
PERIALISM MAKE THE MOST OF IT.
So far as citizenship Is concerned the Brit
ish empire is one, but beyond the limits of
the United Kingdom the citizen lives under
rule essentially monarehial and not re-
stricted by the constitutional limitations
of the parliamentary system
The American Policy.
"Thus does imperialism bear its support
ers back toward the dark ages. There is
no middle ground between the American pol
icy and the European policy. If this nation
remains true to itenrinciples, its traditions
and its history, il cannot hold colonies. If
it enters upon a colonial career, it must re-
pudiate the doctrine that governments de-
rive their just powers from the consent of
the governed.
when such an issue is raised there can
only be two parties-the party, whatever
its name may be, which believes in repub
lie, and the party, whatever its name,
which believes in an empire, and the in
huence of every citizen is, consciously or
unconsciously, intentionally or uninten-
tionally, thrown upon the one side or the
other.
"Where the divine right of kings is rec
opDizpd the n different
degrees of liberty to different subjects.
The people of England can be ruled in one
way, the people of Canada in another, the
people of ireland In another, while the peo-
pie of India may be governed according to
still different forms. But there can be no
such variety in a republic The doctrine of
a republic differs from the doctrine of
monarch as the day differs from the night,
and between the two doctrines there is, and
ever must be, an irrepressible conflict.
"Our opponents say that the world would
laugh at us if we should give independence
to the Filipinos. Yes, kings would laugh,
arstocrats would laugh and those would
laugh who deny the inaltenable rights OF
men and despse the humber folk who
along the cool, sequestered vale of life keep
the noiseless tenor of their way but let
this nation stand erect and, spurning the
brbes of wealth and power, show that
there is a reality in the principles which
we profess; let it show that there is diff
ference between a republic and a mon,
archy, and the oppressed in every land Will
see in our flag the hope of their own deliV-
erance and whether they are bleeding
upon the battlefield or groaning beneath
tyrants lash, will raise their eyes toward
Heaven and breathe fervent prayer for the
safety of our republic
The supreme issue in the dem
ocratic platform for 1900 is unques-
tionably anti-imperialism. A subor-
dinate, and in many respects senti-
mental, issue is the silver or money