The times. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1897-1901, 1900-08-09

VI lndL puTpOSt W uAPtoAhaSy
| with an unfriendly nation. Lincoln en-
| bodied an argument In the question, when
| he asked Can aliens make treaties easier
| than friends can make laws? l believe
| that we are now in better position to
| wage successful contest against imperial
| ism than We would have been had the
| treaty been rejected.
With the treaty ratified, O clean cut is
sue is presented between a government by
consent and government by force, and
imperialists must bear the responsibility
| for all that happens until the question is
settled. II the treaty had been rejected,
the opponents of Imperialism would have
been held responsible for any international
complications which might have arisen be-
| fore the ratification Of another treaty. But
whatever differences of opinion may have
existed as to the best method of opposing
the colonial policy there never was any
difference as to the great Importance OF
the question and there is no difference now
as to the course to be pursued.
THE title of Spain being extinguished,
we were at liberty to deal with the Ffiipi-
! nos according to American principles. The
Bacon resolution. introduced month be-
fore hostilities broke out at Manila, prom
ised independence to the Filipiao5 on the
same terms that ii was promised to the
Cubans. l supported this resolution and
believe that its adoption prior to the break
ing out of hostilities would have prevented
bloodshed and that its adoption at any
subsequent time would have ended hostili-
ties
If the treaty had been 5rsjected, consid-
cradle time would have necessarily elapsed
before a new treaty corld have been agreed
upon and ratified. and during that time the
question would have been agitating the
public mind. II the Bacon resolution had
been adopted by the Senate and carried out
by the President. sitner at the time of the
ratification of the treaty OF at any time
afterwards. 1t would have taken the ques-
tion of Imperialism out of politics and left
the American people fee to deal with their
domestic problems. b. the resolution was
defeated by the vote OF :Ee Republican
Vice President and from tnat time tc this
Republican Congress has refused 20 take
any action whatever in the matter.
When hostilities broke out at Manila,
Republican speakers sad Republican edi-
tors at once sought to isy the blame upon
those who had delayed Il e ratification Of
the treaty, and. during tSe progress of the
war, the same Republicans have accused
the opponents OF imperialism of giving en-
enlargement to the Filipinos- This Is
cowardy evasion of responsibility.
IL It Is right for the United States to
hold the Philippine Islands permanently
and initiate European empires in the gov
ernment of colonies, the Republican party
ought to state its position and defend it;
but it must expect the subject races 20
protest against such policy and to resist
to the extent of their ability. The FIJI
ipinos do not need any encouragement from
Americans now living. Our whole history
has been an encouragement. not only TO the
Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice
in their own government.
eff the Republicans are prepared to CEN
sure all who have used language calcu
lated to make the Filipinos hate foreign
domination. let them condemn the speech
of Patrick Henry when he uttered that
passionate appeal Give me liberty or give
me DEATH He expressed a sentiment
which still echoes in the hearts Of men.
Let them censure Jefferson OF all the
statesmen of history, none has used words
so offensive to those who would hold their
fellows in political bondage. Let them
censure Washington who declared that the
colonists must choose between liberty and
slavery. Or, II the statute of limitations
has run against the saying OF Henry and
Jefferson and Washington. let them censure
Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be
quoted in defence of popular government
when the present advocates Of force and
conquest are forgotten.
Truth Goes on Forever.
Some one has said that a truth once
spoken can never be recalled 1t is true.
II goes on and on, and no one can set a
limit to its overwhelming influence But
II 1t were possible to obliterate every word
written or spoken in defence Of the princi-
pies set forth in the Declaration of Inde-
pendenee a war of conquest would still
leave Its legacy of perpetual hatred, for IL
was God himself who placed in every hu-
man heart the love of liberty He never
made a race of people so low in the scale
Of civilization or intelligence that Ii would
welcome foreign master.
Lincoln said that the safety of this na-
ton was not in its fleets, its armies, or its
forts, but in the spirit which prizes lib
erty and the heritage OF all men, in all
lands everywhere; and he warned his coun-
trymen that they could not destroy this
spirit without planting the seeds Of des-
potism at their own dr3rs.
Those who would have this nation en-
ter upon a career of empire must con-
slider not only the effect of imperialism on
the Filipinos, but they must also calculate
its effect upon our own nation. We can
not repudiate the principle OF self-govern-
ment in the Philippines without weakening
that principle here.
Even now We are beginning to see the
paralyzing influence of Imperialism Here
tofore this nation has been prompt to ex-
press its sympathy with those who were
fighting for civil liberty VILE our sphere
of activity has been limited to the Western
Hemisphere, our sympathies have not been
bounded by the seas. We have felt IL due
to ourselves and to the world, as well as
to those who were struggling for the right
to govern themselves TO proclaim the in
terest which our people have, from the
date of their own independence, felt in
every contest between human rights and
arbitrary power. Three-quarters OF a CEN |
tury ago, when our nation was small, the |
struggles of Greece aroused our people, |
and Webster and Clay gave eloquent ex- |
preston to the universal desire for Grecian |
independence.
In 1896 al! parties manifested a lively |
interest in the success of the Cubans, but |
now when a war is in progress in South
Africa, which must result in the extension
of the monarchical idea or in the triumph
of a republic, the advocates of imperialism
in this country dare not say word in be-
half Of the Beers.
sympathy for the Beers does not arise
from any unfriendliness toward England
the American people are not unfriendly to-
ward the people OF any nation. This sym
pathy is due TO the fact that, as stated in
our platform we believe Ia the principle
NJ seIf-goyernment and reject, as did our
forefathers, the claims Of monarchy If
this nation surrenders Its belief in the uni
versal application of the principles set
forth in the Declaration of Independence,
IL will lose the prestige and influence
which it has enjoyed among the nations as
an exponent of popular government.
Our opponents, conscious of the weak
l.