The morning Astorian. [volume] (Astoria, Oregon) 1899-1930, 1900-08-09
BRYAN TELLS THE
COUNTRY WHAT TO DO
CONTINUED from page one)

Continued from page one.)
itate to legislate upon the Philippine
question? Because a law would disclose
the radical departure from history and
precedent contemplated by those who
control the Republican party, The
storm OF protest which greeted. the
Porto Rican bill was an indication OF
what may be expected when the Amer
ican people are brought face to face
with legislation upon this subject. II
2 the Porto Ricans. who welcome annex
alton, are to be denied the guarantees
OF our constitution. what is TO be the
lot OF the Filipinos, who resisted our
authority? If secret influences could
compel a disregard Of our plain duty
toward friendly people, living near our
shores. what treatment win those same
influences provide for unfriendly people
1000 miles away? If. in this country
where the people have the right To
vote. Republican leaders dare not take
the side of the people against the great
monopolies which have grown up within
the last few years, how can they be
trusted to protect the Filipinos from the
corporations which are waiting TO ex-
ploit the islands?
Is the sunlight of full citizenship to
be enjoyed by the people OF the United
States. and the twilight OF citizenship
perpetual vassalage. cover the Phil
ippines? The Porto Rico tariff law
asserts the doctrine that the operation
of the constitution is confined TO the
forty-five states. The Democratic par
ty disputes this doctrine and denounces
il as repugnant to both the letter and
spirit of our organic law. There is
no place in our system of government
for the deposit of arbitrary and ire
sponsible power. That the leaders OF
a great party should claim for any
president or congress the right to treat
millions Of people as mere possessions,
and deal with them until restrained by
the constitution OF the bin Of rights,
shows how far we have already depart
ed from the ancient landmarks, and
indicates what may be expected if this
Nation deliberately enters upon car
eer of empire.
the territorial form Of government
is temporary and preparatory, and the
chief security a citizen of a territory
has is found in the fact that he en-
joys the same constitutional guarantees
and is subject to the same general laws
as a citizen of a state. Take away
this security and rights win be violated
and his interest sacrificed at the de-
nland OF those who have political in
fiuence. This is the evil OF the colon
ial system. no matter by what nation
IL is supplied.
What is our title to the Philippine
Islands? Do we hold them by treaty
or by conquest? Did we buy them or
4 -
the people: If not. how did We secure
title TO them? Were they thrown in
with the land? Will the Republicans
say that inanimate earth has value.
and when that earth is nodded by the
Divine hand and stamped with the
likeness of the Creator. il becomes a
fixture and passed with the soil. II
governments derive their just powers
from the consent Of the governed. ii is
impossible to secure title to people,
either by force or by purchase.
I'VE could extinguish Spain's title By
treaty. but If we hold title we must
hold il by some method consistent
with our ideas of government. When
we made allies Of the Filipinos and
armed them to fight against Spain, we
disputed Spains title. If we buy
Spain's title we are not innocent pur-
chasers. But even if we had not dis
puted Spain's title, she could transfer
no greater title than she had, and hel
title was based on force alone. We
cannot defend such a title, but as Spair
gave us a quit-claim deed, we car
honorably turn the property over tC
the party in possession.
Whether any American official gave
the Filipinos moral assurance Of in.
dependence is not material. There car
be no doubt that we accepted and util-
ized the service of the Filipinos, anC
that when we did so We had full know
ledge that they were fighting for theil
own independence. and I submit thai
history furnishes no example Of turpi-
tude baser than ours If we now sub.
stitute our yoke for the Spanish yoke
Let us consider briefly the reasons
which have been given in support Of
an imperialistic policy. Some say tha
1t is our duty to hold the Philippine isl
ands. But duty is not an argument
1t is a conclusion, To ascertain wha-
our duty is. in any emergency. VIZ
must apply well settled and generally
accepted principles.
1T is our duty to avoid stealing, NJ
matter whether the thing to be stoleI
Is VI great OI llllt NdluE. II - Oul
duty to avoid killing a human being
no matter where he lives or L
what race or class he belongs.
Every one recognizes the obligation
imposed upon individuals to observe
both the human and moral law, but
as some deny the application Of thos'
laws to nations, 1t may not be ou
Of place to quote the opinion Of others
Jefferson, than whom there is no highel
political authority, said: i know o
but one code Of morality for men
whether acting singly OF collectively.
Franklin, whose learning, wisdom an'
virtue are a part Of the priceless le
gacy bequeathed to us from the revo
lutionary days, expressed the same idei
in even stronger language when h
said: Justice is as strictly due be
tween neighbor nations as betweel
neighbor citizens. A highwayman i
as much a robber when he plunder
in a gang as when singly; and tn
nation that makes an unjust war i
only a great gang.
"Men may dare 10 do in crowds wha
they would not dare to do as individ
uals. but the moral character Of an ac
is not determined by the number o
those who join In It, Force can de
fend a right. but force has never We
created a right.
If II was true. as declared in the res
oluti0n Of Intervention, that the Gu
bans are and Of right ought to be fre
and independent language taken from
the Declaration OF IndeDepdenee), II I
equally true that the Filipinos. ar
and Of right ought to be free and In