The Wichita daily eagle. [volume] (Wichita, Kan.) 1890-1906, 1899-04-08
HON TO GOVERN THIN
Discussed by Wise Men Who
Accept Expansion
AS A FACT ACCOMPLISHED
And Seek How Best to Make
the Best of It.

Philadelphia, April THE third annual
meeting of the American Academy Of Po-
litical and Social Science began in this
} city this afternoon and will continue to-
morrow. Many distinguished men from
all over the country are in attendance and
the sessions promise TO be more than
usually interesting. The general topic for
discussion is 1.-THE Foreign Policy Of the
United States, Commercial and Political
This is divided into two heads, one for
each day, today's being THE Government
of the Dependencies" Prof. Samuel Nc
! Cune Lindsay of the University Of Penn
sylvania, first vice president of the asso-
citation, occupied the chair. There were
four formal addresses today by Theodore
| S. Woolsey, professor of international law,
J Yale university; Prof. A. Lawrence Lowell
| Harvard university; W. AIlyne Ireland of
| London, and Prof. e. w. Huffcut, Cornell
| university. The discussion that followed
was participated in by Talcott Williams,
of this city, Prof, J. o. Adams and Prof.
L. S. Rowe, of the University Of Pennsyl-
vania.
national law, Yale university, delivered an
address on "The Government of Depend
encies.' He said in part:
"Our first step, very properly, in Cuba,
which is under our protection, consists
in military occupation, using soldiers as a
constabulary. This means order and bet
ter sanitation and protection to local in
dustries and the revival throughout the
length and breadth Of the land of all the
arts OF peace. To accomplish the desired
end, this must be accompanied by the
gradual resumption of civil government
in all the municipalities and by the forma-
ton Of an island legislature to control in
ternal affairs, subject to the veto Of the
United States representatives.
"AIl franchises should be in the hands
of the native local authorities; the execu-
ton Of the laws should be intrusted to ma
tive elected officers; the courts to judge
causes under the local law should be Gu
ban also. We protect Cuba from outside
aggression and by our veto from her own
inexperience and folly, and prevent acts
Of hostility to ourselves. But the reve-
nues of the island, after paying for the
maintenance of our soldiers so long as
they are necessary and of our few neces-
sary officials, must be spent for its own
benefit. This IS a protectorate. Whether
the issue Of the protectorate is independ-
ence, or, a. many believe, annexation, the
process Of education, of pacification, is the
same. It consists in a word, in granting
as much control over internal affairs as
the inhabitants are able TO bear. And we |
must so regulate their duties and revenue |
laws and commercial rights as to give |
them a prosperous life, even at our own I
cost; that is If we wish the experiment |
to turn out well. Thus, we should open
the door to foreign trade on as favorable |
terms as to our own. Instead of regarding /
the traffic between Cuba and the states !
a coasting trade, we should open it to t
foreign ships. And between Spaniards and /
Cubans, we should not discriminate.
'In the cases Of Porto Rico and the /
Philippines, we are under constitutional |
limitations. Here there is no presumption |
Of future independence. They are our
spoils of war, to govern as Spain did, or
to govern as Great Britain would, so far
as our constitution allows. I do not think
we should shirk the question Of a per-
manent government for them. Anything
other than permanent possession, however
desirable viii be most difficult. And my
reasons are that future surrender is sure
to be construed as a confession of failure,
and would hurt the national pride. We
need not have assumed the burden. but,
having done so, it must be patiently and
Loyalty borne.
when congress sees fit to legislate, the
government of Porto Rico should be laid
as largely as possible upon the shoulders
OF its own people. Military rules should
not be necessary, and a carpet ba gsys-
tenn would produce results which we can
pretty definitely forecast.
The case of the Philippines stands on
a different footing. They are certain to
be heavy burden. But the treaty is now
ratified, and we must make the best of
it. Govern we must. Civil government
would mean chaos, if the personal guar
antees go with it. No government can
succeed there which Is not based on force
We need to place a benevolent despot in
every district in the archipelago. There
fore, the military government is the only
one possible. And this Is dependent upon
the iuacuon Of congress It's constitutional
State Is sovereign. and responsible for the
maintenance of justice and order, for the
defense of its territory, and for the pro
lection Of its subjects. Pending action
by congress, this duty devolves upon the
president, the executive head Of the ma
ton and oommander+n-chief Of both army
and navy. The law applicable would be
simply the viii Of the president. but ex-
pressed so far as practicable in terms of
the law already existing. and executed by
the presidents representatives. the officers
Of the United States army This des-
potc form Of administration is not an
idesi mzth0j: It's justification IS that no
other is practicable. There Is always the
chance that congress, in order to emnar-
raSs president Of different political
complexion. may decide 10 embark upon
civil government. and take this tremen-