The Anaconda standard. [volume] (Anaconda, Mont.) 1889-1970, 1899-02-17

3 IL.
the providence of God and in the nameof
human progress and civilization, we are
committed. 1t is trust we have not
sought; it Is not trust frCm which
We will finch. The American people
will hold up the hands of their servants
at home to whom they commit it's
execution, while Dewey and Otis and
the brave men whom they command will
have the support of the country in up
holding our flag, where it now floats,
the symbol and assurance of liberty
and justice.
What nation was ever able to write
an accurate programme of the war upon
which it was entering, much less de-
cree in advance the scope of it's re-
suits? Congress can declare war, but
higher power DEGREES its bounds and
fixes it's relations and responsibilities.
The president can direct the movement
of soldiers on the field and fleets upon
the sea, but he cannot foresee the close
or such movements or prescribe their
limits. He cannot anticipate or avoid
the consequences. but he must meet
them. NO accurate map of nations en-
gagged in war can be traced until the
war is over, nor can the measure of re-
sponsibility be fixed till the last gun is
fired and the verdict embodied in the
stipulations of peace.
Evasion of Manly Duty
1--WE hear no complaint Of the rela-
tions created by war between this gov
ernment and the islands of Cuba and
Porto Rico. There are some. however,
who regard the Philippines as in diff
ferent relation, but whatever variety of
views there may be on this phase of the
question, there is universal agreement
that the Philippines shall not be turned
back to Spain. No true American con-
sents to that. Even if unwilling to ac-
cept them ourselves, it would have been
weak evasion of manly duty to re-
quire Spain to transfer them to some
other power or powers and thus shirk
our own responsibility. Even if we
had, as we did not have, the power to
compel such a transfer, it could not
have been made without the most seri-
Gus international complications.
Such course could not be thought
Of And yet, had we refused to accept
the cession of them, we should have
had no power over them, even for their
own good. We could not discharge the
responsibilities upon us until these ISL
ands became ours either by conquest
or treaty. There was but one alterna-
tive, and that was either Spain or the
United States in the Philippines. The
other suggestions showed, first, that
they should be tossed into the arena
for the strife of nations; or. second, be
lost to the anarchy and chaos of no
protectorate at ALL and We're too
shameful to be considered. The treaty,
gave them to the United States. Could
we have required less and done our
duty? Could we, after freeing the Phil
ippines from the domination of Spain,
have left them without government,
without power to protect life and prop
erty or to perform the International OBJ 4
legations essential to a free state? II
1fFfIfFI}d, heaxrn of In, ta,t.,
of anarchy, and justified ourselves in
our own coneciences before the tribunal
of mankind? Could we have done that
in the sight of God and man? Our con-
Germ was not for territory or trade or
empire, but for the people whose inter-
ests and destiny, without our willing it,
had been put in our hands. 1t was with
this feeling that from the first day to
the last not one word or line went from
the executive in Washington to our mil
itary and naval commanders at Manila
or to our peace commissioners at Paris
that did not put as the sole purpose to
be kept in mind, first, after the sue
cess of our arms and the maintenance
of our own honor, the welfare and hap
piness and the rights of the Inhabitants
of the Philippine islands. Did We need
their consent to perform a great act for
We had it in every aspira-
their hearts. Was it necessary to ask
their consent to capture Manila, the
capital of their islands? Did we ask |
their consent to liberate them from
Spanish sovereignty or to enter Manila
bay and destroy the Spanish sea pow
er there? We did not ask these: we
were obeying higher moral obligation
which rested on us and which did not
require anybody's consent We were
1ni3 n11Y, Int IN r. T,J
us the light to see our duty, with the
the consent of our own consciences and
with the approval of civilization. Ev-
cry present obligation has been met
and fulfilled in the expulsion of Spanish
sovereignty from their islands and
while the war that destroyed it was in
progress we could not ask their views
Nor can we now ask their consent
A Reign of Terror.
Indeed, can any one tell me in what
form it could be marshalled and ascer-
tanned until peace and order so neces-
sary to reign of reason shall be secured
and established? A reign of terror is
not the kind of rule under which the
right action and deliberate Judgment
are possible. 1t is not a good time for
the liberator to submit important oues-
tions concerning liberty and govern
ment to the liberated. while they are
engaged in shooting down their rescu-
ars.
I'VE have now ended the war with
Spain. The treaty has been ratified by
more than two-thirds of the senate of
he United States and by the judgment
Of nine-tenths of it's people. No ma
ion was ever more fortunate in war or
more honorable in negotiations in peace. |
Spain is now eliminated from the pro-
olem. 1t remains to ask what we shall |
DO now. l do not intrude upon the
1uties of congress or seek to anticipate
or forestall its actions l only say that |
he treaty of peace, honorably secured,
having been ratified by the United |
States, and as we confidently expect |
shortly to be ratified in Spain, congress
will have the power, and I am sure the |
purpose to do what in good morals is |
light and just and humane for these !
peoples in distant seas.
1T is sometimes hard to determine |
What is best to do, and the best thing |
% do is oftentimes the hardest. The |
prophet of evil would do nothing be- |
'ause he fiinches at sacrifices and eff |
,ort, and to do nothing is easiest, and |