The Anaconda standard. [volume] (Anaconda, Mont.) 1889-1970, 1899-10-22

islanders do as well as the Mexicans,
who have worked their way since we
let them alone after our war of 1S41,
through many disorders, to an orderly
government who will have right 10
find fault with the result? Those who
seek to impose upon them an unreason-
able standard of excellence in self-gov-
eminent do not seriously wish to let
them govern themselves at all. You
may take it as general rule that he
who wants to reign over others is SOL
emily convinced that they are quite
unable to govern themselves.
The true friends of this republic in
England, and indeed all over the
world. VINO are now grieving to see us
go astray, will rejoice, and their hearts
will be uplifted with new confidence in
our honesty, in cur wisdom, and in the
virtue of democratic institutions when
they behold the American people
throwing aside all the puerilities of
false pride and returning to the path
or their true duty. The world knows
now strong we are. 1t knows full we'll
that If the American people chose to put
iorth their strength, they could quick
~ overcome a foe Infinitely more pow
eftul than the Filipinos, and that il we.
possessing the strength of the giant,
40 not use the giants strength
from the noblest OF motives-our love
OF liberty, our sense of Justice and bur
respect for the rights of others-the
respect of the strong for the rights OF
the weak. The moral prestige which,
IN fact. we have lost, will be restored.
while our prestige of physical prowess
and power will certainly not be lessen
ed by showing that we have not only
soldiers, guns, ships and money, but
also a conscience.
I ask you, therefore. in all soberness,
Ins1v tipDrr oil s,tN :. =.
tiee. morality and principle aside,
whether. from mere business point of
view. the killing policy of subjugation
is not a colossal. stupid blunder, and
whether it would not have been. and
now be, infinitely more sensible to win
the confidence and cultivate the friend
ship of the islanders by recognizing
them as Of right entitled to their free
dom and independence, as we have rec
ognized the Cubans. and thus to OBJ
tain from their friendship and graft
tude. for the, mere asking, all the coal
ing stations and commercial facilities
we require, instead of getting these by
fighting at an immense cost of blood
and treasure, with probability Of
having to fight for them again? / put
this question to every business man
who is not a fool or a reckless specu-
lator. Can there be any doubt of the
answer?
Now a last word to those of our fell
low citizens who feel and recognize as
we do that the Philippine war of sub
jugation is wrong and cruel, and that
we ought to recognize the independence
of these people, but whoinsist that, hav-
ing begun that war, we must continue
it until the submission of the Filipinos
is complete l detest, but I can under
stand, the lingo whose moral sense is
obscured by intoxicating dreams OF
wild adventure and conquest, and to
whom blcodshed and devastation have
become reckless sport I detest even
more, but still | can understand the
cruel logic of those to whom every
thing is a matter of dollars and cents
and whose greed of gain will walk cool
ly over slaughtered populations. But
| must confess cannot understand the
reasoning of those who have moral
sense enough to recognize that this war
is criminal aggressiOn-Who must say
to themselves that every drop of blood
shed in it by friend or foe is blood wan
tonly and wickedly shed, and that ev-
cry act of devastation is barbarous
cruelty inflicted upon an innocent peo-
ple-but who still maintain that we
must so on killing and devastating and
driving our brave soldiers to a fight
which they themselves are cursing, be-
cause we have once begun it. This [
cannot understand. Do they not con-
slider that in such war, which they
themselves condemn as wanton and in
iquitOus, the more complete ourA5uc-
cess, the greater will be our disgrace?
What do they fear for the republic If,
before having fully consummated this
criminal aggression, we stop to give
people struggling for their freedom
what is due them? Will this repub-
lie be less powerful? 1t will be as
strong as ever, nay, stronger, for it
will have saved the resources of its
power from useless squandering and
transformed vindictive enemies into
frineds. Will it be less respected? Nay
more, for it will have demonstrated it's
honesty at the sacrifice of false pride.
Is this the first time that atpowerfui
nation desisted from the subjugation of
weaker adversary? Have we not the
example of England before us, who,
after a seven-years war against the
American colonists recognized their in
dependence. Indeed, the example of
England teaches us a double lesson.
England did not, by recognizing Ameri-
can independence, lose her position in
the world and her chances of future
greatness; on the contrary, she grew
in strength. And, secondly, England
would have retained, or won anew, the
friendship of Americans if she had rec
ognized American independence more
promptly, before appearing TO have
been forced to do so by humiliating de-
feats. Will our friends who are for
Philippine independence, but also for
continuing to kill those who fight for
it, take thse two lessons to heart? :,
Some of them say that we have here
to fulfill some of the disagreeable
duties Of patriotism. Patriotism! Who
were the true patriots of England at
the time of the American revolution
King Beorge and Lord North who in
sisted upon subjugation; or Lord Chat
ham and Edmund Burke, who stood
up for American rights and American
liberty?
Who were the true patriots of France
when, recently. that CHASTITY farce of
military trial was enacted to sacri-
flee an innocent man for the honor of
the French army and the prestige of
the French republic-who were the true
French patriots, those who insisted
that the hideous crime of an unjust
condemnation must be persisted in. or
those who bravely defied the cry of
traitor" and struggled to undo the
wrong, and thus to restore the French
republic to the path of justice and to