The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1899-02-18


for some assembly in which they may
manage their own affairs and for an ex-
ecutiVe responsible to it. That is what
Ireland aske. That is what England
and use the word not by mistake here
(laughter)-that is what England has
refused. Instead of that you have given
them county government. Gentlemen,
don't you see that the Irish are sure to
use machinery for which they did not
ask as means Of furthering that larger
system Of self-government-hom rule
for which they did ask.
Now, will, if may without offence
to any Liberal friends, quote Conselv-
ative paper. This is what the Irish cor
respondent of an excellent Tory paper,
the Standard, says two or three days
ago: "A great deal of sentiment has
been expended on the pleasing hope
originating in high quarters that politi-
cal views would not seriously come to
the front in these county elections-that
old animosities would become weak, and
that Ireland would awaken to a new and
peaceful life and work unitedly for the
material progress of the country Then
the correspondent goes on to say:
Where are the evidences of this change?
One looks in vain for them north, south,
east or west That is to say, in fact,
that SO long as the Irish claim for
large system OF self government is un-
satisfied, so long they are sure to use
this political local machinery which you
have given them, and which they did
not ask for from us-they are sure to
use it for those large purposes which
Mr.. Gladstone taught the people of this
island that Ireland had a right to de-
mand, and that it was our duty to con-
cede to 1T. Well, the Irish have plenty
of faults. OF course, the English and
Scotch-as you and know-have none.
uaughter.) I often think that the main
fault of the Irish is that they sometimes
take themselves a great deal too Sc
riously and that at other times they do
not take themselves nearly seriously
enough.
In this matter they will, by and by,
if not today, take themselves seriously
and all have got to say for my own
sists-the Irish demand for national
assembly-if that demand persists, that
demand which is present, as 1t was in
1886, for q subordinate assembly, then
hl N3,in
no more justified in retreating from the
argument which we all of us pressed,
which we accepted the full force and bur-
den of during those years of contest for
Irish home rule-no more justified than
our forefathers of three generations ago
felt themselves at any stage Of the thirty
years battle for Catholic emancipation
one of those battles which the Liberal
party has more reason to be proud Of
than almost any battle it ever fought
no more reason than they had at any
stage of that thirty years battle to fling
overheard the cause of Catholic emanci-
patton.
Gentlemen. am sure that in this case
in this great case, the path of party safe
ty is the path Of party honor. Nobody
supposes that the day is never going to
come when the Irish will hold the
balance between the two English par
ties, and does anybody suppose that the
Tory party will not angle for that vote
when the balancing time comes, as they
angled for it in 1885? Don't be under
any delusion of that kind.
Nh. Morley closed his address by con-
demning Chamberlains policy of ex-
pansion.
In reply to Miss Mary Enright, st.
Paul, we give the following brief sketch
of Gen. Miles:
Nelson Appleton Miles is a native OF
Massachusetts. where he was born on
Aug. 8, 1889. His ancestors settled
there in 1643, and their descendants were
among the patriots of the Revolutionary
war and the war of 1872. We have seen
somewhere that Miles claims to be of
Irish descent, but we have no authority
at hand concerning his nationality. He
was raised on farm and after receiving
an academic education he engaged in
mercantile pursuits in Boston. In 81
he raised company of volunteers, Of
which he was commissioned captain, but
being too young for command, he join
ed the army of the Potomac as first lent
enant in the 22d Massachusetts volun-
teers. In '62 he was made lieutenant
colonel of the G1st New York volunteers,
by Gov. Morgan, and at the earnest re-
quest of Generals Meade and Grant was
soon after made brigadier general by
President Lincoln. He participated in
all the battles of the army of the Poto-
mac, except one, his wounds preventing
him, and remained in active service un-
til the close of the war. He commanded
regiments, brigades, and divisions, and
at the age of 25 was in command of the
second army corps of $4,000 men, the
largest command ever held by an officer
of that age. He was wounded several
times, and received four brevets for gal
liant and distinguished services. In 1880
he was made brigadier general, and in
1890 major general, the rank he now