The Ohio Democrat. (Logan, O. [Ohio]) 1886-1906, 1899-06-22

won't drOp MS | know not what 9TH
crs may desire or what they may bc
willing to do. but | am not willing that
our declaration against the gold stand
ard shall be dropped as long ns hand
full of English financiers met In IL
Clearing House can determine the fin
aucinl policy of seventy millions of
American people
And some say that II we will not
drop the money question we ought to
drop the ratio of 10 to |. When you
find n man opposed to 1G to /, inquire,
and YOU will find that he was never in
favor of it. and then inquire again,
ana YOU will find that there is no 9th
er ratio that he is in favor of.
1--WE denounced international bimet-
nlism ms delusun aud n snare in
1896. II has been proved TO be so
since 1896. We declared for the ratio
OF 10 to in 1896 and no party has ris-
on to advocate amy other ratio but l6
to 1. Until some other party propos-
re some other ratio and tries to secure
lmetalisu at some other ratio, there
is no rHJsou why We should discuss
ratio with th.m
rrh.IatlI of lg ~ was decided up-
ON not ut tue Chicago Convention, but
at the prirutr'cs which elected dele
Gates to attend the chicago Convcn-
tou. The ratio of l6 TO / had been
submitted TO the people, aud those who
won it i'm lS06 are in favor of it now.
And they know why they are I'm favor
of it. The ratio of Is to 1 is the ratio
Mt which our gold and silver coins now
circulate.
1--WE simply ask reinstatement of the
law that was on the statute books
where 1t was before the act of demone-
tization was passed. We simply want
to renew by law what was done by
law-they struck silver down by law.
We raise IT up by law They close the
mints by law, we open them by law.
They gave gold a monopoly of mint
privileges by law. We expect to give
q competitor by law, the old competi-
tor we had"
"My friends you will hear people
say that they don't object to silver If
we will only open the mints Mt the bul-
lion ratio or the commercial ratio. |
want to suggest to you that 1t is only
when "A gold man commences to talk
about money that he forgetS all that
he knows about other subjects. Here
we have gold given n monopoly and
silver barred out They want us to fix
n ratio at a point where it now Is un-
der most unequal conditions.
why. even Il horse racer would
know enough to know that you could
not fix one horse to sulky and anoth-
or to a lumber wagon, and then meas
IRE the speed of the horses. He
would say under these conditions that
as soon as the horse hitched to a lum-
Der wagon caught up to horse hitched
to n sulky then he could have sulky
too. 1t is only when men talk money
that they leave out of sight the prin-
ciples of government in everyday life.
"Open the mines to silver. and say
by law If man owes debt he can
pay it in an ounce of gold or sixteen
of silver, and then the demand for sill
yer will raise the price of silver so that
Il gold dollar and "A silver dollar will
he worth the same the world around.
But there is another phase of the
money question, and 1t amuses me.
When people ask us to drop our fight
on the money question and fight the
trusts. then ! remember that the Re
publican party to-day is preparing to
organize trust more potent for evil
than all the industrial trusts combined.
"There is bill now before Congress
reported by the Republican Commit
tee that turns over to the national
banks the absolute control of the paper
money of this country (ApplnuSe). 1T
provides for the retirement of the
greenbacksby an issue of bonds draw
ing two and 0ne-lialf per cent. 1t pro
vides that banks shall be permitted to
issue up to the par value of the |. nds
and the one per cent tax on circulation
shall be reduced to Il small fraction
of one per cent.
Here is your evidence of good Re-
publican policy They want to issue
bonds instead of greenbacks and tax
the people to pay the interest on the
bonds. and then they refuse the tax
that the banks now pay on the circula-
tion that they have. They pile up the
taxes on the people, lower the taxes on
the banks? What does it mean?
"Why, if that law goes into effect,
and two and one-half per cent. bonds
are at par, then national bank with
capital Of 100000 can invest the
Sl00,O0u in bonds. deposit the bonds
with the Treasury, and draw upon
the bonds 100000 in bank notes; so
TINT the amount the bank gets back
Is inst 1Ual 10 TIE amount The bank
pII for tle bonds. So that It has
mot in.le 1uimr invested and vet it
goes ON drawing two and one-half per
cent interest year on nothing.
1t is q small proposition In mathe-
matics and vet his bankers will tell
YOU they want This done for the pub
lie good nv friends, ! read in the
Bible that man once made for his
faVorite son coat of many colors to
indicate that he loved him better than
he loved the other sons. And in this
government we have been making
coats of many colors for favored sons,
and when we start back to the old
Jeffersonian doctrine of equal rights
to all and special privileges to none
the national bank is the first Joseph
from which you will strip its coat.
"Why, if they remember the Demo
cratic party fought the trusts in 1885,
fought the trusts so vigorously that
every trust was against us (applause)
And it seems to me that the fact that
they were all against us ought to have
been lesson to those who are now so
anxious TO undo what they did; but
my friends, we are glad to have even
eleventh hour repentances, and we are
glad that he industrial trusts are open
ing the eyes of the people who are
blind to the other trust against which
we contended in 1896
'bul, luSledu Ol narrowing our pat
form to suit the man who wants to
fight an industrial trust we invite
him onto the broad platform that an
tagonizes the principle of monopoly
everywhere in the industrial world.
"There Is another subject that is not
included m the Chicago platform, and
Is yet included in the principles it sets
forth. The President in his message
Of 1893, asked for standing army
one hundred thousand men. We hav,