The Washington weekly post. (Washington, D.C.) 1878-1916, 1899-03-07
REVIEW BY CUMMINGS
History in Brief of the Con,
gress Just Ended.
RIOTIC,AUDACIOUS, EXPENSIVE
The New Yorker sums Up the Work of the
Body Presided Over by Mr. Resd-Party
Lines More Tightly Drawn During the
Closing Session - Ratification of the
Peace Treaty and Great Struggle Over
the Army Reorganization Bill.

The FIfty-ffth Congress has shuffled
itself into the funnel of the past. In many
respects 1t was one of the most remark
able that ever assembled at the Capitol
IL began by developing an absolute power
! in legislation heretofore unknown
power that was felt to the core IN both
wings OF the Capitol. Ii left behind 1t a
| trail ec olood that has made new chap
ter in history and opened Up new epoch
! in the career Of the nation. This absolute
power has held the Senate in check for
months and made the House the we'll
| spring of legislation. 1t was d power
made absolute by the action OF the House
! itself This action was taken thirty min
Utes after the election of the Speaker.
| The House was then acting under gener-
| al parliamentary law. Ii adopted. until
| further notice. the rules of the last
| House. In vain did Mr.. Hepburn, of Iowa,
/ seek to offer an amendment limiting their
| operation TO thirty days. Mr.. Henderson
| demanded the previous question, and the
| Speaker recognized the demand despite
| the protest of Hepburn. The Iowan made
! the point of order that there could be
| no previous question without a rule, and,
as the House had no rules, the right to
amend was clear. The Speaker overruled
/ the point of order and Hepburn took no
1 appeal. The reason was manifest. Mr.
Henderson made these statements before
a vote was taken:
! 1. The probability is that the rules will
be reported before the time suggested by
my colleague.
! 2. / Will say to my colleague that the
rules will probably be reported long be-
| fore the thirty days expire,
| 3. / have no doubt that the committee
| which will have charge of the matter Will
report before thirty days.
| 1. think there is no doubt that that will
| be done. That has always been cur pur-
pose, and the House will have the fullest
| opportunity to offer amendments to the
| rules that will be presented.
Under these promises, the House adopt
ed the rules of the last House From that
day, through three sessions, until the ex-
piration of the FifIy-fifth Congress, no
! rules whatever were reported from the
Committee on Rules. Nor has that COM
/ mittee ever vouchsafed an excuse for its
ncn-action. It was this that induced
many members of the House 10 vote
for sustaining the appeal from the
decision of the Speaker, when he
| ruled that a motion TO recommit
|
Instructions TO add to 1t the Nicaraguan
canal bill, was out of order. They evil
IDENTIFY believed that rules imposed upon
the House in this manner were not bind
ing, and acted accordingly.
| This step was followed by a second step
illustrating the absolute power gained by
| the action of the House. On the day that
ne was elected Speaker, Mr.. Reed appoint
ed the Committee on Rules, the Committee
on Ways and Means, and the Committee
on Mileage From that day, March 10, I'M
| til July 10, 1897, the Speaker made no fur
| Their committee appointments On July
70, after announcing his signature to an
| enrolled deficiency bill, he announced the
appointment of the Committee On En-
rolled Bills. No appointments of the
other fifty-four committees were made IN
til the last day Of the special or first SEES
sion.
Meantime, the Senate was fully organ
| lied, all its committees were appointed,
and its digestive organs were in full play.
| Hundreds of bills were passed-some of
| them of the most important nature-and
sent over to the House There they fell
into the hands of the clerk, and could not
| be distributed to the House committees
| because there was none in existence.
the belligereDcy of the Cuban insurgents.
If the House had had an opportunity to
consider it, such consideration might have
prevented the war with Spain. II was
held Up at the Speakers desk, because
there was no legislative hopper into which
it could be dropped.
There were murmurs of discomfort in
the ranks of the majority, but the NAL
| contents made no effort to break their
bonds, although there was more than one
| opportunity for them to do SO. The Sen
ate was held at bay. 1t was allowed TO
give life 10 legislation originating in the
House. but the House was not allowed TO
give life to legislation originating in the
Senate. The refusal of the Speaker to
| appoint the committees paralyZed indie.
| pendent action on the part of the Senate
| In vain did Joseph W. Bailey, David A.
De Almond, ]. Hamilton Lewis, Jerry
Simpson, Benton McAlillin, and others
| protest against the anomalous legislative
condition The Speaker stared at them
| in open-meuthed nonchalance, and would
not make any further appointments. Their
| protests, instead of awakening popular
| indignation, aroused sarcastic comment
throughout the country. Bailey was lam
peoned, and Lewis, Simpson, De ArmoAd,
and McMillin were accused OF trying 10
usurp the leadership of the minority.
Jerry got a great deal of amusement out
of the squabble, and Lewis appeared with
great eclat in the forum of discussion.
Strict fealty required the recognition OF
Mr. Bailey, he having been its candidate
for Speaker. The session finally closed
with the passage of the Dingley bill, the
Speaker holding up all other legislation.
The Senate was forced 10 recognize the
new power in legislation, inaugurated by
the House when it adopted the rules Of
| irs ure-ieTesSn~