Middlebury register. (Middlebury, Vt.) 1886-1937, 1899-11-24

pie of kind of talk that we hear every
day We must first crush the "insur-
rection," and stamp out all opposition to
our authority and then we can decide
what to do with the islands. No reasons
are usually given. The statement is
made with absolute confidence, and
seems to be widely accepted, as though
it were mathematical axiom. TO my
mind, however, the proposition is not
self-evident, and | respectfully demand
the proof.
Why must we Go this thing? We
need not consider here whether or not
we are technically engaged in war;
nor, in that event, who began ii; or
whether it has been authorized by the
American people. by congress, or even
by the Republican party. The proper
attitude of the individual citizen toward
the government in time Of war, whether
righteous or uurighteous, Is not involved.
The simple question is, WHY must Presi-
dent Mckinley and the United States
congress continue the war merely "to
convince the people of those Islands that
it is useless to resist the United States %
The proposition has nothing to do with
the justice or eXpediency of the war.
Millions of our people believe it to have
been a mistake. The president himself
may personally hold the same opinion
He may have learned facts since the be-
ginning of the struggle which put the
whole subject in a new light. Congress
may decide to recognize the independ-
ence of the islands. And yet, we are
told that right or wrong, regardless of
justice, expediency, our own interests or
those of the Filipinos, having once un.
dertaken the Job, we must fight on to
the end, because our flag and our author
ity have been defied. We must go on
prosecuting a bloody, costly and inglor-
iOus war, killing and being killed, suffer.
ing, burning and destroying, merely to
may not choose to keep. The PROPOSE
ton sounds unreasonable. 1t is clearly
no axiom. If there are any good rea.
sons in support of it, we ought to know
them
Perhaps it will be said that our ma
tional dignity forhiis US to make terms
with arme "insurgents." But one eau
not help wondering whether dignity
that has to be maintained at such cost
of blood and treasure is not too much
like the "hOnor" of the duelist, hardly
worth preserving.
Or it may be urged that the influence
and prestige of the nation among Asiatic
peoples require this course. But no one
doubts the courage of the American sol.
dier or sailor. We have no need to prove
the wealth and power of the country.
1t seems to me far more important to
convince the doubling world, and par
ticularly the Filipinos. and other eastern
races, of our magnanmity and our I'M
seltishness that, having giants
strength we do not mean to use it like a
giant. 1t is sound policy to cultivate
the friendship, rather than the hatred, of
even the feeblest and remotest peoples.
Or, will 1t merely be put on the gener-
al ground of patriotic duty? Well, what
is patriotism? In the last analysis, it is
devotion to the rights, the interest, and
the happiness of the men and women of
ones country. 1t is not mere zeal for
the glory of the abstraction called the
nation, or of its emblem, the flag
which often leads to very different re,
suits. 1t has higher ideals than the
triumphant screaming of the eagle, OF
fluttering of the blOod-stained banner
The wars of Napoleon gave great mill
tary glory to France. The tri-color
waved victorious all over the continent
nf Enrnna. hn nil nIn tIal
this glory was any sufficient compensa
ton for the terrible suffering, loss ant
destruction entalled on the unhappy
French people? The glory of the nation
was curse to its citizens. Patriotism
like religion, must ever seek the highes
good of all the individuals. When tn,
one aims merely at the glory and ag
grandizement of the state and the othe
at the wealth and power of the church, =
they become dangerous to the communi
ty, and prolific sources of crime ant
suffering.
Is it, then, patriotic duty to fight til
the last armed Filipino surrenders, an,
acknowledges the authority of tn
United States? To do so Twill invOlv
the killing of perhaps hundreds more o
our young men and of the natives, tn
burning of towns, the destruction o
property, the expenditure of millions o
dollars; disease, privation, suffering
and decentralization and the desolation o
unnumbered homes. What fconceivabl
good,-to offset all this vil,-can posi-
bly, accrue, In mind, body or estate, t
any one of us-to you or me,-the plat
people of this country,-to the laborers
the farmers, the shopkeepers, the law
yers-to those for whose benefit the ma
ton exists? viii 1t help those who's
sons, or brothers, or husbands, or fatt
ers are at the front? Is there any on
of us willing to give the lives of hi