The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1899-10-16
Discusses Great Problems at
the Opening of Knox College.
N FAVOR OF TRUSTS.
Says Both Capital and Labor
Should Organize.
Have Government Regu-
lation of Railroads.

recently delivered an address on 1.-The
Citizen of the Twentieth Century at
the opening Of Knox college at Gales
burg, Ill. Mr.. Kenna's address was an
exhaustive discussion of the great pro-
bIems that now confront American peo-
pie, which viii undoubtedly come to is
sue during the next century, and in
part he said;
You may question, how are we as
future citizens of the twentieth century
to deal with labor and capital if they
seem TO endanger the public welfare?
There can be but one answer: You
should deal fairly. Demand obedience
from both and enforce it. Teach both
that IN q. land where every citizen is a
lawmaker by the right of ballot he viii
endure no contempt of authority.
In dealing with the great questions
which affect all of our people and every
part Of our land we must disregard
state boundaries. which trade long ago
ceased TO consider otherwise than as
imaginary lines Our laborers and our
capitalists must be everywhere accord
ed the same rights and be ruled by laws
that are uniform throughout the land
Our national conflict with slavery
showed the folly of dealing locally with
questions that are not local If we have
failed to control the railroads it is be-
cause the states have no power to reg
ulate them in respect to interstate COM
merce, and congress has no power to
regulate them in respect to fntra-state
commerce How absurd would seem a
postal system under which the United
States should carry mails passing only
from one state to another and the
states should control such mails as do
not cross state HneS-the president ap-
pointing one class of pOStna SterS and
the governors anOther-One rate in one
state and quite a different one in the
adjoining state. You can never success
fully regulate the railroads so long as
A legislatures and the congress of the
Al in ar
poses One or the other must surrender
and as it is impracticabIe for the states
to regulate conditions beyond their
boundaries, the wise course for them is
to give congress all the power that the
states now have to regulate commerce.
With these changes, regulations of cap
ital and labor can be made efectual;
ana without theH-neYer- When these
propositions confront the citizens of the
twentieth century, there viii be some
pOnderous protests filed by the old
friends OF states rights. There Will be
much thrashing of old straw and there
will be a determined resistance by
those whose constant fear is centralized
power. But such opposition will be
swept away by the unanswera BILE ar
gument that the control of all COM
merce and the right to Iegislate on all
the industrial questions are essential
powers of the United States govern
ment, If it is to work out that general
good for the public welfare which is the
object of it's political existence; and it
is worthy of your remembrance that
the states have never vet suffered in
consequence of giving the federal gov
eminent a power essential for its per-
feet working.
Private corporations, like labor IN
ions, came as a result of our great COM
merciaI and industrial growth. and were
adopted as a means of promoting the
same. Labor never received such re-
cOmpense for its fruits 1t has since
the organization of trades unions. and
a a for a
dollar since the advent of incorporated
wealth Not a railroad in America could
have been built had the Incorporation
of wealth for such purpose been denied,
and the wages of those who work upon
them would have remained much less
had the organization Of labor been for
hidden.
The only existing combinations that
fall within the prescription Of the ex-
listing antitrust laws are the labor
unions, which admittedly are maintain
ed not only to support but to increase
the price OF labor, and in some, If not
in many instances, to dictate when men
may work. how long they shall work
and for whom they shall work 1t may
be these organizations are dangerous to
society. but so far they have done much
good and little harm. UnQuestiOnably
1t IS wise for labor to organize. In no
other way can the full benefit of plans
for saving and insurance be so we'll ac-
cOmplished; and if they must organize,
what great harm can come of their at
tempting to fix the price OF labor? I
anticipate that few of you will leave
this institution believing that either
capital or labor can long continue, by
any form of combination, a scale of
prices or of labor that is not in reality
fixed by the laws of supply and de-
mand; and IL this is so, what harm can
come from organizations which can at
most do no more than to work more
nearly to equalize the governing condi-
tons? 1t is true, organized labor has
made serious mistakes, but so has or
ganized capital And when one wit
nesses the financial wrecks which the
officers of the latter have wrought and
the too often ins0Ient and arrogant in
difference shown the public by the Off
Gals of our corporations, it is not easy
to say that capital has been more con-
servatiVeIy managed than labor direct
ed. So long as most of our population
lived on the land and owned it. and
We're not dependent upon trades for an
existence. OverprOductiOn was not
serious matter: indeed. it meant tenn
pOrary reduction in the cost of supplies.
But now all has changed We know that
a surplus of labor means its degrade
ton sooner or later If organization OF
capital can keep the mills at work on a
healthy basis of production and organ
lied labor can take care of its surplus
ought we not to at least give such or
CARNATIONS trial and consider them as
on probation? 1t may be that We shall
be forced to break up these cOmbina-
tons but before doing it let Us consider
we'll that our energies must ever lead
toward a healthy growing trade that
knows 10 cessation. and that every Of
fer of an alternative that would neces-
sariIy make possible periods of great
activity and times Of idIeness is one 70
be rejected
FAMINE" MEANS PROSPERITY