The aegis & intelligencer. [volume] (Bel Air, Md.) 1864-1923, 1899-08-18
WILLIAM T. CLARK.
COL. BONAPARTE ON OUR M
TTDN1L DANGERS

IiONAL OAAG ENS
"Our National Dangers, Real and |
Unreal" is the title of a pamphlet |
published by Charles J. Bonaparte,
being his GRAFTON delivered before the |
Harvard Chapter of the Phi Beta |
Kappa, June 80, 1889.
Mr. Bonaparte's text is Washing |
toms Fare well Address. He does not |
agree with those who consider it out |
of date and believe themselves capable |
of furnishing substitute. In the |
Farewell Address we are reminded |
that Tin proportion as the structure |
of a government gives force to public |
opinion, it is essential that public |
opinion should be enlightened" |
Washington says, "of all the DISPOSE !
tions and habits which lead to politi |
cal prosperity, religion and morality |
are indispensable. The mere poll |
tician equally with the pious man
ought to respect and cherish them" |
He warns us, "in the most solemn |
manner against the baneful effect of !
spirit of party. 1t exists under differ |
ent shapes in all governments, but in |
those of the popular form, it is seen |
in its greatest rankness, and is truly !
their worst enemy" He deems it !
most important that the habits of !
thinking in free country should |
inspire caution in those intrusted !
with its administration, to confine |
themselves within their respective |
constitutional spheres" Mr.. Bona |
parte deems none of Washington's ser |
vices to his country greater than the |
wisdom of this Farewell Address and |
thinks that most of the new and grave |
dangers that threaten us are due to the !
neglect of Washington's parting in
functions, but the question for practi-
cal politicians now is not how they |
came but how to meet them.
We have become nation feared !
and therefore hated by surrounding
foreign powers. Such u nation, how
ever sincerely pacific its purposes, is |
condemned to sleep on its arms. The !
time which Washington looked for, |
when in full national maturity it was |
ours to choose peace or war, came,
but there is reason to ask whether it |
has not also gone. Our national |
maturity has come and with it in q |
national sense, national greatness; |
and although we may determine in |
some measure how we shall meet the |
attendant dangers, we cannot choose |
not to meet them.
MIR. Bonaparte sees serious danger |
in the many philanthropists, humani-
tarians and social reformers of the |
age, who, however well-meaning, |
are busy bodies in other peoples bust
ness, enjoying, apparently, a bound
less and invincible confidence in their
own omniscience:-
81 number the sands; measure the sea;
WHAT'S hidden to others is known To me-"
and they express themselves with |
corresponding assurance and en-
phasis. They ara unconsciously play
ing with fire and the results of their
activity may be more far-reachipg
than they propose-may be, even
the very opposite of their wishes.
10 turn again TO the Farewell Ad-
dress: "Autipathy in one nation:
against another, disposes each more
readily to offer insult and injury, to
lay hold of slight causes of umbrage,
and to be naughty and intractable
when accidental or trifiing occasions
of dispute occur. The nation,
prompted by iIl-will and resentment,
sometimes impels to war the govern
ment, contrary to the best calcula-
tions of policy" Again, 1.-The govern
ment sometimes participates in the
national propensity, and adopts
through passion what reason would
reject" But there is far greater
danger that American politicians may
sacrifice their country's prosperity
and safety not to their passions, but
to their selfish interests. With some
honorable exceptions our public men
at present seem profoundly indiffer-
ent to the prosperity, the dignity, the
safety of the country they govern.
The national danger lurking in the
degeneracy of our public men may
become yet more manifest after war
becomes fact. Treason in such form
as Benedict Arnold's is too unusual
To be feared, but failure in official
duty differs from it in degree, not in
kind. For these evils, springing from
war, a sufficient safeguard is policy
Of peace, and army scandals would he
avoided, had we no army at all; but
hear again the Farewell Address,:
"Observe good faith and justice
towards all nations; cultivate peace
and harmony with all; religion and
morality enjoin this conduct; and can
it be, that good policy does not equal
ly eDjoin it?'' But the great writer
tells us to do these things, taking
care always to keep ourselves by
suitable establishments in respect
able defensive position, remembering
that timely disbursements to prepare
for danger frequently prevent much
greater disbursements 10 repel it,"
But does the necessity of an army