The Wheeling daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1865-1903, 1899-02-17
symbol and assurance Q, liberty and

|
The President can direc. the move.
inents OF soldiers on the field and fleet,
upon the sea. but he cannot foresee the
close OF such movements or prescribe
taelr limits. He cannot anticipate or
AVOID the consequences. but he must
meet them. No accurate inap of IA
t!ons engaged In war can be traced un-
III the war Is over nor can the meas-
ure or responsibility be fixed till the
iast gun Is fired and the verdict embod-
led In the stipulation OF peace.
The Philippine Problem.
We hear no complaint OF the rer,-
lions created by the war between this
government and the Islands OF Cuba and
Porto Rico. There are some. however,
who regard the Philippines as in a dIf.
| terent relation; but. whatever variety
or Views there may be on this phase OF
the question, there Is universal agrae-
ment that the Philippines shall not be
! turned back 10 Spain. No true Ameri-
can consents 10 that. Even II unwilling
TO accept them ourselves, It would have
been q weak evasion OF manly duty 10
require Spain TO transfer them to some
other power or powers and thus
shirk our own responsibility Even
II We mad had, as We did not have, the
power TO compel such transfer, it
could not have been made without the
most serious international complica-
tions.
Such n course could not be thought OF.
And yet had We refused to accent the
cession of them. We should have had no
power over them. even for their own
good. We could not discharge the re :
sponsibilties upon us until these islands
| became ours either b. conquest or
| treaty. There was but one alternative
anu that was either Spain or the United
| States in the Philippines. The other
| uggeSuons--tirst that they should be
| tossed into the arena OF contention for
| the strife OF nations; or, second, be left
| to the anarchy and chaos of 10 protec-
torate at all were. too shameful to be
considered. The treaty gave them TO
the United States. Could we have re-
| quired less and done our duty? Could
we. after freeing the Filipinos from the
| domination of Spain, have left them
without government and without power
TO protect life and property or to per-
form the international obligations es-
sential TO an independent state? Could
we have left them IN q state OF anarchy
and justified ourselves in our con-
| -SAN''NNS Va pNL'iC u lIbuliuI DL lilull-
kind? Could we have done that in the
| sight of God and man!
Not for Territory or Trade.
Our concern was not for territory or
trade or empire. but for the people
o,,r yy;iI;ng {, MI -, -. m''ious
bonds IT, ,.n, Ill, Ill, tnaf,, IA u.
frn,n ,ba 6rst 1,,. - nc ia,. ms 'Nal ,'S
,rn.I o. ~ " IN 'e ny oi.e
| Washington TO our military and naval
commanders at Manila or to our peace
commissioners at Paris that did not put
rs the sole purpose TO be kept in mind
first sitter the success OF our arms and
the maintenance Of our own honor, the
welfare ana happiness and the rights OF
the Inhabitants OF the Philippine is
| lands. Did we need their consent 10
perform Il great act FOR humanity? We
had 1t in every aspiration OF their
minds. In every hope of their hearts
Was 1t necessary 10 ask their consent
to capture Manila, the capital of their
Islands! Did we ask their consent to
llberate them from Spanish sovereignty
or to enter Manila Bay and destroy the
Spanish sea power there? We did not
ask these We We're obeylns higher
moral obligation which rested on US and
which dtd not require anybody'S con-
sent We were doing our duty by them.
with the consent of our. own CON
sciences and with the approval of civil
ization. Every present obligation has
been met and fulfilled in The expulsion
OF Spanish sovereignty from thel' is
lands. and while the war that destroyed
It was IN progress we could not ask
their Views. Nor can we now ask their
consent.
Not n Good Timr.
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