The San Francisco call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1895-1913, 1899-05-16

not endure half-save and half-free for between the
two there was rrepressible conflict applies with
still greater force to republic ruling without their
consent twenty millions of island subjects"
Men who look beyond politics to the principles Of
government which the foundation of all politics in
free State, will readily apply the principle OF the If
represslbe conflict to republic which governs ct-
zens at home by their consent and subjects abroad
against their consent The meaning of General Lees
statements painfully plain. 1t is an expression OF
Confederate assent to imperialism, to the permanent
subjugation of island subjects, because it will
compel the civil and political subugation of the
negroes at home.
Ibis deepens and darkens the problem and must
add to the anxieties of all who thoughtfuy consider
1t 1t means the control presently of nearly 100000
OF subjects at home and abroad. No Northern i'm
perialis can find fault with General Lees Confederate
reputation OF the Declaration of Independence nor
with the tone of contempt in which he refers to it.
Nor can any such resent the air OF exultation with
which the Confederates hail what they properly regard
as the early triumph of the principles for which they
stood in 1861. There is very faint trace OF political
difference between government owning subjects
and a master owning slaves and there is moral nor
ethical difference at all The whole issue is illuminated
by its statement to the Confederates. The battles
fought abroad for the subugation of 100000 of
to them self-government for Reputation of the Decla
ration Of Independence absurdty.
In this view it stands the Republican party in hand
to examine its ancient charts and whittier it
drifting. If the premise and conclusion OF the Con
ederate leader admitted the Republican party has
no further for existence Ii it affirm the right
to hold subjects it cannot deny the right to hold
slaves and all the terrible and glorious history made
the first four years of its power fades away like the
morning mist
The view of General Lee is that of General Wheeler
Senator Morgan and the whole list of most influential
Southern leaders. They see in conquest and empire
and the owning OF subjects only positive his
torica vindication OF their position in 1861, but
present and future advantage of the first order 1t
makes them again masters of the negroes. 1t puts
their heels the neck of the blacks. 1t
advances forever the principle that the weak have no
rights except by the will of the strong 1t forever
orecoses against Jefersons doctrine that strong and
certain nalienabe rights. 1t overthrows finally and
destroys that protection of inherent right in which
Jefferson believed. Inaenable right disappears from
the world. None will make its fight respect its
expression The weak and humble will be born into
the world unequal and with only such rights as the
strong choose to give them
Surely Mr. Moorfeld Storey spoke with the voice
Of prophecy when he said in 1896 that "our form OF
government and free institutions can endure any
vicissitude and misfortune, but they will hardly sur
vive victory in a foreign war"