The times., 1899-08-30

make such disposition of said island.
as VIII best promote the inter.
ests OF the citizens of the Irr4
tea States and the inhabitants of saif
isiands. The general meaning of this reso,
iutioh may not be clear, but it is certain
sna. ane senators who supported it do not
understand the treaty to contamnlate the in
corporation Of the Philippine neonla ,ntc
american citizenship, or the permanent an
neAation OIL the islands as an integral mar,
oi the territory of the United States. The
treaty OF Paris makes no provision for
the incorporation OF the people of the Phil
iPpines into the Union, or for their entov
meht OF the privileges, rights, or immunities
OF citizens of the United States Ii omits the
stipulation of the Russian treatv ceding
Alaska, that the civilized inhabitants of
that country shall have the immunities of
citizens of the United States
The native inhabitants of these countries
are to have their civil rights and political
status determined by Congress, and the
power or Congress is unlimited, so far as
the treaty of cession is concerned. except
| that the inhabitants are to be secured in
| the free exercise of their religion In de-
fining the legislative function, or rather
| the power OF Parliament as a legisIa-
| tive body, Lord Coke said: 1t has sovereign
| and uncomfortable authority in the making
, confirming, enjoying, restraining abrogat-
! ing. repeating, reviying. and expounding of
/ laws concerning matters of all possible de-
| nominations
| This is legislative power in its COM
pleteness and perfection. Such power has
never existed in the legislative department
! of any of the American States, and has
never been claimed for Congress. For the
| common defence against foreign enemies,
and for the promotion Of the general well
| fare, when affected by our external rela-
tions, as distinguished from our domestic
| concerns, Legislative power in Congress is
as comprehensive and complete as the ma
| ture of its exclusive jurisdiction requires
| IL to be, within, of course, the scope of the
| authority the States had the power to
| grant. AS free and independent States they
| each had full power to levy war and con-
/ clude peace, and do all other things that
| independent States may OF right do Their
power as to war and peace and as to
foreign affairs they freely and fully grant
ed to the General Government.
THE declaration of war against and the
| Treaty of Peace with Spain were within
the expressly granted powers of that Gov
ernment. In terminating the war by the
| Treaty of Peace the Government of the
United States could do any act or thing
not in conflict with the Constitution which
any other independent State might have
done, unless the rights of the States in
these respects were diminished by the for
nation of the more perfect union through
the adoption of the Constitution
Possessing this broad and comprehen-
sive power, the States delegated it to the
General Government. AS the recipient of
this power the United States may exercise
it as completely as it might have been ex-
ercised by the States that conferred it, and
in and about matters affecting primarily
our foreign relations, they may do all acts
and things which any other free republic
might do under like circumstances and
conditions. Independent republics have
equal rights in the prosecution of just wars
with other nations, whatever may be their
forms of government. II 1t be necessary
or expedient for republic, in its justi-
fable self-defence, which comprehends the
support and prosecution OF its rights, TO
oyerrun the territories of its enemy, 1t
may lawfully oyerrun and occupy them,
and at the close of a successful war may
indemnify itself for the expense and dam
age sustained by acquiring the cession of
such portions Of the conquered territory as
justice and expediency may reasonably de- |
mand. 1t may require the inhabitants OF [
the conquered country to submit to reason !
able and just rules prescribed for their /
government. 1t may unite the conquered |
province to its own State, or it may suffer /
it to retain it's own form or government /
and treat it as province or dependency
lit may be admitted that we ought not /
permanently TO annex country whose in /
habitants are incapable OF attaining eapac- /
ity for government, and the climate of /
which forbids the migration OF Americans I
or Europeans in numbers sufficient to
eventually control political and social con-
ditions. ! do not claim that the Govern
ment of the United States is especially i
adapted to a colonial policy. or that its
methods of administration qualify it, in
any marked degree, to hold and govern
in any portion of the world,
proximate or remote. On the contrary, it !
is of doubtful expedency to hold colonies
or dependencies at all. and such holding
can only be justified by necessity. When.
however, duty admits of no escape with |
out the sacrifice of national honor or dig |
nifty, the necessity then exists.
In the division of powers between the
General and State governments those DEL
egated to the General Government affecting
the direction and control of domestic af- !
fairs are enumerated and specified. and to
those grants the rule of strict eonstruc-
ton is reasonably applicable. 1t is not |
so in regard to the powers affecting and
controlling our relations with the outside
world. II it be conceded that these plen-
ary powers do not apply to outlying coun-
tries after they have been brought under
the dominion Of the United States by
treaties of eession. it must also be con-
ceded that the limitations of the Consti-
-ution, in the absence of Congressional ac |
lion, do not extend to such countries.
Intimately connected with these promo
sitions of national authority and national {
are questions of policy and ex-
Dedieney CT the gravest Importance and
most absorbing interest. We have extend
I'd our domain into and across the Pacific s
out we have not changed the nature OF our {
Government nor the character of our in =
'titutions. Ours is still union of Amer ;
can States, and will remain SO unto the
md"