The times., 1899-03-06
AMERICAN DESTINY.
From III. Atlantie Nnnthlr.l


Government and every stage OF public
opinion has been true to the fundamental
impulses of our race and TO our own his
tory. 1t was begun, as most of our wars
were. to uproot an intolerable wrong but
in this case to the righteousness OF its
proyocation was added dash of revenge;
it was prosecuted. as our previous wars
were prosecuted. impetuously and without
preparation, and the sheer love OF adven-
turn quickened our Indignation; 1t was
conducted humanely TO the enemy and
close of hostilitjes we framed a Treaty OF
Peace which throws on ourselves not only
all the grave responsibilities of our own
action. but also the burden of the cen
turtles of accumulated abuse OF the enemy's
power; and when IL was all done. we fell
vigorously to debating a policy that had
already been made inevitable. AT every
step. the fundamental temper and the an
cient traditions of our race have so dis
played themselves that the course of events
has not been stayed or shapen 10 any per-
ceptible degree by declarations or resaiu-
tons. or by anything that has been done
indoors.
And the world, including our knsmen
and ourselves, has measured us by the
right measure at last-not as a heterogeae-
Gus mass of men. but as the republican
branch of the English family, with i'm
pulses, thoughts. and actions even more
| truly characteristic of the race than If we
had never rebelled against British abuse
OF colonial power.
Our duty. then, is not hard to see. nor
is it hard to foresee how We shall meet II;
for our policy is determined by greater
forces than Senatorial resolutions and
peace treaties To understand how inevi-
table policy ii is. we have only to keep
| in mind the cumulative effect of three
great forces-so great that no other three
forces in modern times may be put beside
| them: the successful world -girdling spread
| of our family. first as colonizers in tenn
| perate climates. and then as guarantors of
| order and promoters of commerce in the
tropics; the continuity of English history
! i'll our own history, Of English institutions
III our institutions, most OF all of English
blood in our blood. and of English ways in
our ways; and the third fact that in eff
| cheney for practical tasks the American,
! with free opportunity for development
during all the generations of his indepen-
! dence, has outstripped his insular kins-
man. man for man, and has at last come TO
/ understand his capacity.
Our history and our ideals forbid our
/ having colonies in the old sense, as de-
tendencies to be governed for the direct
! benefit of those that govern. In fact, il
/ was We who taught Great Britain a lesson
! in colonial methods that has done much
toward the successful building of her EN-
/ pire, and that has improved the manners
/ of wise home governments toward colonies
ever since The conception of a colony
/ has radically changed with the spread of
/ democratic ideas. 1t had one meaning in
! the early days of British authority in
| India. and it has another meaning in these
! days of British authority in Egypt. 1t may
| be our good fortune still further to hu-
mamie and to soften this meaning. until it
come to signify only help toward free gov
crnment: for the only kind of government
| that we can be party to is government
as free as conditions will permit, and
! guaranteed by us as fast as conditions will
! permit 10 become self-goyernment. We
! have neither an historical nor a moral
/ right to fix our rule. over any people. Rut
| the duty is laid on us 80 to direct and to
control the helpless political life of these
I Spanish colonies as to bring it as fast and
/ es far toward SELF government as may be.
relaxing our hold as their advancement
| permits. In character the problem is the
same in Cuba, in Porto Rico. and in the
/ Philippine Islands. and it differs in the
several cases only in the stage of its So
| lutien. II matters little whether it be ten
years or a century before We can be rid of
| the obligation to control and to direct
their political life; but it matters much
whether We recognize in the beginning that
| we have not the right OF conquerors, but
only the duty OF protectors.
| Our character and capacity as a branch
of the greatest colonizing and protecting
race in the world have made our duty
plain our history and our ideals make
plain our aims: and the practical methods
of wisely administering this trust are
| made clear by the experience OF our kins-
men who have similar trusts in thousands
OF islands. They have developed a sys-
| tenn OF colonial administration that is a
! product of race charactsr-is. in fact. more
! characteristic of the race than any other
| thing that il has developed; for what dis
| tinsuishes the British from all other pso-
pies is their empire, especially their sue
cessfui management OF undevelOped COM
! munities. This success does not lie in any
/ trick or mere system OF laws. but comes
from fundamental race quality which has
produced the system. The French, for ex-
ample. might copy English laws and imi-
! tate English methods, yet they could never
develop backward races and extend the
area OF productive civilization. But since
we have the mettle for such a task. We n ay
hope. naturally. TO find the right method
native to us.
/ And the right method is one that already
lay before us as duty in the management
of our own aifairs-to take our colonial
AMI diplomatic service, clean out of party
politics. This was the way the British
service was raised from pillage to justice.
II is easy to fOresee the results of such
change, for the most impressive lesson of
the war was the demonstration of the in
stant and almost uniform efficiency of our
navy: every man was eager 10 take any
risk. anywhere. at any time, 20 serve the
country. Yet the officers of the navy are
not in any way exceptional Americans.
They are oniv the legitimate products of
a proper system of appointment and of
training. We shall have as high and as
Uniform efficiency in any branch OF the
civil service. if We make it permanent,
honorable, and lucrative: for service in the
navy is harder and less well paid than SIM
liar service in commercial or professional
life. 1t has only the advantages of perma-
nence and of honor
In our dull and sordii periods Of politics.
We have sometimes forgotten that worthily
to serve the state is the strongest ambition
of all high minded youth in a republic:
and we deny the state good service in nom
elective offices only by wrong systems OF
appointment and removal. Our diplomatic
service has at all times commanded some
of our greatest men; but at all times ii has
been uneven, and i'll its lower ranks it
has at many times heeu vulSariy inetf-
cient As soon as We see fit to dignity
IL by making ii permanent, honorable, and
we'll paid so that the best-equipped men
may make careers as diplomatists and ac-
ministrators. We may have in a single
generation as good 4 foreign service as
there is in the world. our universities will
become its recruiting grounds. The pres
sure OF our colonial problem ought to
quicken our action in opening tine doors
of this service TO picked and well-trained
body of our most capable men. When this