The daily morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven, Conn.) 1894-1907, 1899-02-17
PRES. NJ K|NLtY SPEAKS
Continued from First Page.)

VI human progress and ClV1l1Zatl0n, we
are committed. 1t is a trust we have not
sought; it is trust from which we
Will not finch. The American people
Will hold up the hands of their servants
at home, while Dewey and Otis and the
| brave men whom they command will
have the support of the country in up
| holding our flag where it now floats, the
symbol and assurance of liberty and
justice.
| Wars Results and Higher Power.
What nation was ever able to write
an accurate programme of the war up
on which it was entering, much less de-
| cree in advance the scope of it's results?
| Congress can declare war, but higher
power DEGREES it's bounds and fixes its
relations and responsibilities. The pres
ident can direct the movements of the
soldiers upon the field and fleets upon
the sea, but he cannot foresee the close
of such movements or prescribe their
limits. He cannot anticipate or avoid
the consequences, but he must meet
them. No accurate map of nations en-
gagged in war can be traced until the
war is over, nor can the measure of re-
sponsibility be fixed till the last gun is
fired, and the verdict embodied in the
stipulation of peace.
Questions of Policy.
1--WE hear no complaint of the relat-
ions created by the war between this
government and the islands of Cuba
and Porto Rico. There are some, how
ever, who regard the Philippines as in
10 Tho o,,in
ty of views there may be on this phase
of the question there is universal agree
ment that the Philippines shall not be
turned back to Spain. No true Amer
lean consents to that. Even if unwill-
ing to accept them ourselves, it would
have been a weak evasion of manly duty
to require Spain to transfer them to
some other power or powers, and thus
shirk our own responsibility. Even if
we had, as we did not have, the power
to compel such a transfer it could not
have been made without the most seri-
Gus international complications. Such
course could not be thought Of And
yet had we refused to accept the ces-
sion of them we should havet had no
power over them, even for their own
good.
Not for the Strife of Nations.
'We could not discharge the RESPONSE
bilities upon us until these islands be-
came ours either by conquest or treaty.
There was but one alternative, and that
was either Spain or the United States
in the Philippines. The other sugges-
tions-first, that they should be tossed
of fny hn
strife of nations. or second, be left to
the anarchy and chaos of no protecto-
rate at all-were too shameful to be
considered. The treaty gave them to
the United States. Could we have re-
quired less and done our duty? Could
we, after freeing the Filipinos from the
domination Of Spain, have left them
without government and without power
to protect life or property or to perform
the international obligations essential
to an independent state? Could we
have left them in state of anarchy
and justified ourselves in our own con-
sciences or before the tribunal of man
kind? Could we have done that in the
sight of God and man?
The True Concern.
"Our concern was not for territory or
trade or empire, but for the people whose
interests and destiny without our will
ing it, had been put in our hands. 1t
was with this feeling that from the
first day to the last not one word or
line went from the executive in Wash
ington to our military and naval COM
at Manila or to oar peace COM
missioners at Paris that did not put as
the sole purpose to be kept in mind first
after the success of our arms and the
of our honor, the welfare
and happiness and the rights of the in
habitants of the Philippine islands. Did
we need their consent to perform
great act for humanity? We had it in
every aspiration of their minds, in every
hope of their hearts. Was it necessary
20 ask their consent to capture Manila?
Did we ask their consent to liberate
hem from Spanish sovereignty or to
enter Manila bay and destroy the Span
sh sea power there? We did not ask |
hese; we were obeying a higher moral |
obligation which rested on us and |
which did not require anybody's con-
ent. We were doing our duty by them
With the consent of our own consciences
md with the approval of civilization.
FULFILLED.
Every present obligation has been
net and fulfilled in the expulsion of
spanish sovereignty from their islands,
nd while the war that destroyed it was
n progress we could not ask their
Jews. Nor can we now ask their con-
emit. Indeed can anyone tell me in
What form it could be naarshalled and
scertained until peace and order so
ecessary to the reign of reason, shall
re secured and established? A reign of
error is not the kind of rule under
Which right action and deliberate judg-
lent are possible. 1t is not good time
Or the liberator to submit important
uestions concerning liberty and gov
rnment to the liberated while they are
ngaged in shooting down their res
lers
Fortunate md Honorable.
eve have now ended the war with
pain. The treaty has been ratified by
lore than two-thirds of the senate of
1e United States and by the Judgment
nine-tenths of it's people. Ne nation {
as ever more fortunate in war or
lore honorable it's it's negotiations in {
eaoe. Spain Is now eliminated from
re problem. 1t remains to ask what
e shall now DO. / DO not intrude upon
Il, |