The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1899-02-17


effort was directed to preventing it had
fears of new and grave problems which
might follow its Inauguration. The evo-
luton of events which no man could con
troll has brought these problems upon us.
Certain it is that they have not come
through any fault on our own part but
as a high obligation and we meet them
with a clear conscience and unselfish
purpose and with good heart to resolve
to undertake their solution.
War was declared in April, 1898. with
practical unanimity by the Congress.
and once upon US was sustained by like
unanimlty among the people. There has
been many who have tried to avert ii,
as on the other hand there are those who
would have precipitated it at an early
date. In its prosecution and conclusion
the great majority of our countrymen
of every section believed they were fight
ing in a just cause, and at home or on
sea or in the field they had part in its
glorious triumphs. 1t was the war of an
undivided nation.
Every great act in its progress from
Manila to Santiago, from Guam to Pana,
met universal and hearty commenda
ton. The protocol commanded the prac-
tically unanimous approval of the Ameri-
can people. 1t was welcomed by every
lover of peace beneath the flag. The
Philippines, like Cuba and Porto Rico.
were entrusted to our hands by the war
and to that great trust, under the Pro-
violence of God and in the name of hui
man progress and civilization, we are
committed.
1t is a trust we have not sought: it
is n trust from which we will not finch.
The American people who hold up the
hands of their servants at home to whom
they commit its action. while Dewey and
Otis and brave men who they command
will have the support of the country in
unfolding our flag where it now floats.
the symbol and assurance of liberty and
justice.
What nation was ever able to write
an accurate programme of the war upon
which it was entering, much less de-
cree in advance of the scope of its re-
suits? Congress can declare war. but
n higher power decides its bounds and
fixes its relations and responsibilities.
The President can direct the movements
of soldiers on the field and fleets upon
the sea. but he cannot foresee the close
of such movements and prescribe their
limits. He cannot anticipate or avoid
the consequences, but he must meet
them. No accurate map of nations en-
gagged in war can be traced until the
war is over, nor can the measure Of re-
sponsibility be fixed until the last gun
is fired and the verdict embodied in the
stipulations of peace.
We hear no complaint Of the relations
created by the war between this gov
ernment and the Islands of Cuba and
Porto Rico. There are some, however,
who regard the Philippines as in differ
ent relation, but whatever variety OF
views there may be on this phase of the
question. there is universal agreement
that the Philippines shall not be turned
back to Spain. No true American con-
sents to that. Even if unwilling TO ac-
eept them ourselves it would have been
weak evasion of manly duty to re-
quire Spain to transfer them to sOms
other power or powers and thus shirk
our own responsibility. Even if we had
had. as we did not have, the power 10
compel to such transfer. it could not
have been made without the most serious
international complications.
Such course could not be thought of.
And yet had we refused to accept the
cession of them we should have had no
power over them, even for their own
good We could not discharge the re-
sponsibilities upon us until the islands
became ours either by conquest or
treaty. There was but one alternative,
and that was either Spain or the United
States in the Philippines. The other
suggestions--firs that they should be
tossed into the arena of contention for
the strife of nations, or second, to be
left to the anarchy and chaos of no pro-
tectorate at all, were too shameful to
be considered. The treaty gave them TO
the United States. Could we have re-
quired less and done our duty? Could
we, after freeing the Filipinos from the
domination of Spain have left them
without government and without power
to protect life and property or to per-
form the international obligations essen
tial TO an independent State! Could
we have left them in a state of anarchy
and justified ourselves in our own con-
science, or before the tribunal of man
kind? Could we have done that in the
sight of God and man?
Our concern was not for territory or
trade or empire, but for the people
WuOSe INTERESTS anu ueSliuy NltHouI
our willing it had been put N our
hands. 1t was this feeling from the
first day to the last one and not one word
or line went from the executive III
Washington to our military and naval
commanders at Manila or to our peace
commissioners at Paris that did not
put as the sole purpose to be kept in
mind first after the success of our arms
and the maintenance of our own honor,
the welfare and happiness and the
rights of the inhabitants of the Philip
pine Islands. Did we need their con
sent to perform a great act for human
ity! We had it in every aspiration OF
their minds, in every hope of Their
hearts. Was it necessary TO ask their
consent to capture Manila, the capital
of their islands? Did we ask their
consent to hberate them from Spanish
sovereignty or to enter Manila Bay and
destroy the Spanish sea power there!
We did not ask this; we were obeylns
high moral obligation which rested
on us and which did not require any
body's consent. We were doing our
duty by them with the consent of our
own conscience and with the approyaE
OF civilization. Every present obiiga-
ton has been met and fulfilled in the