New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1899-05-08

1t had to dig up an obscure Presbyterian peer
whom nobody knew. to take the chair 1t Kissed
the Bishops. 1t was practically a demonstra-
ton against the Church
Nor was IT only the Liberationists who saw
their own policy coming TO the front. But
masses of High Church men. as they fell back
staggered by the ignorance revealed through
The Times" correspondence, OF the elemental
principles which their faith In the Church
was based; they watched the press repeating
the very sing song Of Professionalism or Popery,"
totally unaware, apparently OF the fact that for
three hundred and fifty years the Church OF
England had staked its existence on the falsity
OF the dilemma; as they read childish letters from
distinguished gentlemen. one after another, de-
handing that the Bishops should put down the
confessional" make perfectly clear the
Protestant character of the Church of England
and eject the priests who differed from what
they thought 10 be conveyed In the loose phrase
as they the leading monthly magazine
turn TO Lady Wimbourne as the supreme au-
thority in liturgical law, while for weeks. The
Times" could employ itself in tracking her
mythical donkey through its mysterious career;
as they WINGED under the f1icks of the Liberia
ZIONIST whip. and burned with moral ndgna-
ton at the coarse insults and slanderous
tauDts winch were nunR by Sir william
court and Protestant agitators at priests Who
In holiness and self-sacrihce and honor were the
very salt Of the Church-the very men who had
given their whole lives TO her service and to the
souls of her poor; they, too. began to feel that
there were worse evils than Disestablishment-
and that the historic privileges of England's
ancient and national Church might be too dearly
bought at the price of ignominy.
NOT A PRACTICAL POLICY.
Still. 1t remains that neither political party
will look at Disestablishment as a practical pol
icy. So that, wherever 1t shows itself as imml-
nent the politicians sheer off the line that leads
10 1t. And this is why the agitation cannot go
further. It's road Is blocked 1t is driven TO fall
back on the demand that the Bishops should
act.
Now the demand on which the whole force OF
the agitation is 20 be spent concentrates the
whole matter to one point, as we have seen;
and that is the Ecclesiastical law, and It's inter-
probation. And that is where matters stand at
this moment The famous f. c. S. Declaration
whatever its faults In tone and its deficient read
ing OF history had this great merit: that II
fixed the public attention finally on the sole
and real issue. II the law is to be asserted CO
ercively il must be law uttered by the right
Such a law can only proceed from the Church
itself interpreting It's own mind. its own will, as
expressed in its worship.
The State has perfect right to withhold legal
validity from a law 80 declared-that u.s. It can
disestablish. Or 1t can claim 10 review the ex-
ercise OF the Jurisdiction; 1t can determine its
limitations: It can examine the legality OF the
proceedings. Perhaps II can. with the Church
consent, do more. But no Establishment can
take away her right as divine society 70 SELF
direction. self-nterpretation self-government' In
the final resort in matters such as worship and
doctrine which are vital 70 her existence. There
is nothing in the theory OF an Establishment
which need collide with this claim. Establish
ment only means that the Crown recognizes the
action Of the Church it's own, and gives IL
civil force The ChUrch's courts, the Church
law, become the instruments through which the
Crown acts There need be no appeal from
them to the Crown That Is 10 make the Crown
appeal from itself All that is wanted is court
TO safeguard the State against encroachments
o. iegalites the part Of the ecclesiastical
tribunals However, these are complicated mat
ters which have yet TO be thrashed out. And
the crisis has served to force on the thrashing.