The daily morning journal and courier., 1899-11-18

Acts.
 The doctrine of the sanctity of the
 mails is modern view of the affair
 Throughout the eighteenth century cor
 respohdence in England was subject tc
 official supervision. Trevelyan tells us
 that confidential clerks were regularly
 employed by the English postmaster
 general, whose sole business it was tc
 rifle private letters. This was done for
 the benefit not only of the ministers and
 other officers of the government, but
 above all for King George himself.
 The old monarch was mouser of the
 worst sort. He read packet after pack
 ct of letters-alWays indorsing them
 with the hour when they were received
 from the post-offce and the hour when
 returned. He was fool who transmit
 ted anything reasonable or questiona-
 ble through such a public service h.
 deed, it was so well understood, that
 men high in rank who wished to say
 something that they wished the king
 to read would send it In a letter ad-
 dressed to a friend. It was sure to be
 duly broken open, so that the king got
 bit of scandal or information that
 otherwise would not have been put into
 his royal ears. R1gby wrote to the
 Duke of Bedford, I don't know who is
 to read this letter, whether French
 ministers or English ministers; but I
 am not guarded in what I write, as
 choose that the latter should know
 through every possible channel the ut
 ter contempt that l bear them" This
 1otta1, d11Iu hrn1yn,,
 ply did what it's writer intended by it.
 Franklin, while the agent of Pennsyl-
 vania in London, was constantly an- noyed by having his correspondence ri- fled, and it's contents known before he could find them out and make use os them He wrote to his sister in Bos- ton: "I am apprehensive that the let ters between us, though very innocent ones, are intercepted They might re- store to me yours at least-after reading them; especially as I never complained of broken and patched up seals" His philosophy stood him in hand to bear ministerial inquisitiveness quietly and make the best of it. But he finally wrote that he was informed that the English administration was possessed of all his letters ''sent or received on pub lie affairs, for some years past-copies of them having been obtained from the files of the several assemblies, or as they passed through the post-office." He adds, evidently for official reading. q do not condemn their ministerial in dustry nor do I complain of it." It was clear what use Franklin was making of the English post-office. He found it was vehicle for telling some straight truths to those he could not easily reach in other ways; and he did it with that caustic directness which in diplomatic conversation would not have been tol- erated. However, for the king Frank lin gave nothing but sugar plums-for up to date he would believe nothing evil of King Georges intentions; and he was not ready to say anything about his majesty that could be considered un- gracious.
 It was after a time Frankln's own turn to take advantage of this sort of public maladministration. A lot of letters fell into his hand which were and as things now are would have re- strictly private correspondence They contained, however, material that deeply concerned the colonies; proving that the governor of Massachusetts, was engaged in scheming against the people whom he ought to have governed justly and honorably defended. Franklin, getting possession of these letters. sent them to the Mas sachusetts assembly, to be used as that body might see best. They were read with closed doors by Sam Adams, after which the assembly, by a vote of 1O1 to 5, pronounced them treasonabl to and designed to estab- fish arbitrary government. The pulpit caught them up and thumped out the freasona ble seed, while the people dis eussed to their hearts content. Never | did a batch of letters get into so huge 3 post office. They were detestable stuff, any way you might consider them They were written by Massachusetts man. and not a foreign-born official l and were designed to destroy the con1- lence and good will existing between the colonies and the mother country. | Not one single cause that preceded the American Revolution did so much to | bring the final catastrophe as these let CTS of Hutchinson. The Massachusetts | assembly drew up an address to the {1rR, assuring T11l OI tDG SOOu ulSpOSl- | ion of the people, and their hope of q | settlement of all difficulties | This address was sent to Franklin, who 1t once forwarded it through parla- nent to the king. Had he sent by post he king would probably have got 1t | ,ooner and read 1t with more zest.
 The result of this brleach of the conf- lence presumed to exist for private cor was hot time for Frank in. It was an episode in his career hat alienated him completely from England, and made for them an ene- nv of the only man capable of bringing lbout an amicable settlement of the ,uarrel with the colonies. It is certain hat Franklin himself did not come off without a certain measure of condem- ation on the part of his English friends, s we'll as bitter assault from his en- mics. He fell suddenly from his very ,igh position in English estimation, and ost much of his influence for good. still to the end of his life Franklin vowed that he would do the same ! hing over again. under similar circum- tances, and believed that he had done hat which was politically to be justi- jed.
 During Jacksons administration the uestion arose in the senate concerning iinflammatory and incendiary matter"