The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1899-01-15

scrvatives in a liberal direction Gladstone's
was more self-relyinR and tended to make In
dependent Liberals moro conservative than
before. For the former there had been q
long preparation, by constant parliament
airy discussion and the pressure OF party
upon party. and. when the time came.
there was no doubt or difficulty as to what
must be done: for the other, there was no prepa-
ration. and the practical problem was as far
ne possible from solving itself" It certainly II
n fact that no British party in Parliament or In
the country had. before 1885. advocated any
substantial change in the Constitutional re-
lations fixed by the Act OF Union between
Great Britain and Ireland: and hose Irish
Nationalist who appeared to stoR shott OF
that claim OF absolute independence for Ire
land which was the ayowed aim of the moro
resolute and outspoken among them had
given no definite shape TO their demand for
home rule. From the Viewpoint. however,
OF Lord Selborne and OF the other Liberals who
felt constrained TO abandon Mr.. Gladstone.
everything depended upon the practical form
which the demand might take. It is we'll
known that Mr.. Gladstone was bleto'red
his own idea to any practical form without
parting company from several who had con-
scented to Join his Administration. and the
shape which 1t actually took in 1880 did not
meet with acceptance from the country, The
fact il here recalled that when the time.for
the decision OF the House of Commons upon
the Home Rule bill drew near. he 'tMr. Glad
stonel found himself under the necessity OF
issuing. in the shape OF q letter to his constitu-
ents. a passionate appeal from reason to emo
ton. from the more to the less educated and
intelligent classes OF the people. John Brigh
and others like-minded were among the
strongest and most infexible opponents Of his
schemes: yet he could suffer himself to write OF
It as opposed only by the spirit and power Of
class by wealth. social influence. station,
title. professions. or the large majority OF
them and their dependents. He strove. in the
same address. to divert mems attention from
the particular features OF the scheme which he
had submitted to Parliament, and to az it only
upon the vague question whether regard should
be had to the prayer Of Ireland for the manage
ment by herself OF affairs specifically and ex-
clusively her own" tN
Lord Selborne was convinced at the time. and.
when these memoirs were penned. continued
to believe that the first Home Rule bill t1856)
was "a paper constitution Of which those re-
strictions which were intended as safeguards
must inevitably raise irritating and dinlcult
questions. causing constant friction between
Great Britain and Ireland; while. for the Just
and due performance Of the primary duties Of
government. itoffered no safeguards at all. 10
had no elements OF permanence or stability;
no Irish Parliament or Administration could
have been expected to remain satisfied until
some of the more important restrictions were
got rid Of. 1t would. at the same time. from
the moment when the whole executive power
had passed into the hands of a local adminis-
tration responsible to the Irish Parliament,
have disarmed the British Government from
Offering ~effectual resistance. without q civil
war waged under disadvantages unknown at
any former time, to any Interior designs In the
direction OF more complete national independ-
ence which the party dominant in ireland
form. II such designs were to assume q
practical shape when Great Britain was en-
In wars or controversies with foreign
they might be dangerous to the life OF
the empire" In other words. the bill OF 81
would have given the Irish enemies Of Eng
land the plant OF an armed revolution"
1t will be remem bered that Mr.. Gladstone in
q pamphlet published after the general cleo
ton held in December. 1885. told the world
that the idea of Homo Rule for Ireland had
been for fifteen years terminating in his
mind. Lord Selborne does not dispute the
OF this assertion. but he insists that no
word fell from his lips in public tnor. as far az
| know. in ~private) from which the most
sagacious of his political friends could have
posed towsrd Ireland t1ia s' as to local a aosesag ers.
the Immediate causes Of Mr.. Gladstone's sud
den len change EN- AM Ct front were the elections Of 1885.
Wv NE pcIic bhutt ue SOubtTNdIiV6 government
be recalled that Lord Randolph Churchill and
tG6d n Sss9asEGa se WITH 6f NJ. fsrS sS have fe sRstesE eSi
borne: for his part: however, has never doubted.
occasions, the motives which had i most infiuenee
upon Gladstone's conduct-right or wrong. wise
r Ib,n nn Wise "; higher and more honorable
success of the series OF measures which he had
tlf SareS a aad Of f' 1sSs to 50 sbe IffG sns so t1 oi ,s she
the Arrears act OF 1882, had fallen very Tar
9afIent 81 sp his e sSPIss n and H e1IPesc ce tsatr His Inn:
adversaries In power; his distastS
he necessity Of a firm and. steady government
ai!shts and I llbertis SUI The ens sPynds .! Fl Rls Rlfi fs esS
use ,Sf a mhet1aphor Of his oyn) wore fast running
% done Quickly The time. S'' espee Ia Ru IN
,Ps1 e 2 Pish WAS sr Sd lsn Sf tioIRR H. he vas ben %.
ask. When he determined to run any great
SIX IN politics; It. was not in his nature to feel
le was so much the reader for another. and
prepared to double the stake at each cast.
rae s clio; o It tracts ls ts t Mr. G stSis Of mind Ind t Ss
'arture In politics at the age OF as. -
In a letter dated May 6. 1885. and addresseA
o Prof. Goodwin Smith. the author OF these
nemoirst tells his correspondent: Your est.
i"'o uiaustono is' rear most accurate. II
s a great danger for any country when a man
I such qualities-too old TO learn, too imperi-
us to have any real consideration or respect
Or anybody's. opinion except his own, intoxi.
ated with popularity, surrounded by tn
rho hatter all his weaknesses and repel az
reason every doubt OF his infalllbility. and
near the end OF his life as to be beyond
he risk OF having to bear in this world any re-
possibility which may follow from the dis
AT AZ 49,, II
uch a man becomes the fetch Of a popular
and is led to believe that he has carts
tanohe to do what he thinks good with the
ublic interests. II he lived long enough there
nothing which he would not destroy. And
what right have I to blame others7 was
o., indeed. by nature. capable of this sort Of
eGree OF confidence which did not give to
In another of tho letters here reprinted. one.
amsly, addressed to Lord Stanmore on Dee