The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1899-02-18

tnal tney are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights; that among
these are life. liberty and the pursuit Of
happiness; that, to secure these rights gov
ernments are instituted among men, deriv-
ing their just powers from the consent OF
the governed; that whenever any form Of
government becomes destructive of these
ends. 1t is the right of the people to alter
or to abolish 1t. and to institute new gov
ernmnt. laying its foundation on such prin-
ciples and organizing its powers in such
form as to them shall seem most likely to
affect their safety and happiness
This synopsis. as formulated by Jeffer-
son, is incomplete without the paragraphs
which We're stricken from the draft of the
declaration as proposed by him. The origi-
nal draft also contained the following. In
one or the indictments against the king of
england: He has waged cruel war against
human nature itself. violated Its most sa-
cred rights of life and liberty in the per-
sons of a distant people who never offended
him. captivating and carrying them into
slavery in another hemisphere or to incur
miserable death In their transportation
thither This piratcal warfare, the opp:o-
orium of infidel powers, is the warfare Of
the Christian king of Great Britain. De-
ternlned to keep open market where men
should be bought and sold. he has prosti-
tuted his negative for suppressing every
legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain
this eXecrable commerce."
Vested rights. business interests and the
demands of commerce, then as now, We're
blind to Ideals and deaf TO the pleas OF JUS
tice. The paragraphs relating to slavery
were stricken out. This was victory for
one form OF practical politics. but the VIC
tory became IA costly one the end. as is
every victory at the expense Of human
rights and Justice. Some three-Qulrters Of
a century later the spirit of these para
graphs was restored to the peoples declara-
tlon of rights but at a cost of millions OF
lives and Of treasure. The portion of the
Declaration of Independence which 1 first
read contains the gist of the political IDEAS
which have guided our people and shaped
our Institutions since the beginning. The
constitution subsequently adopted and the
legislation enacted under 1t, state and ma
tinnal. are merely the application of these
principles to the complex requirements Of
society and to the varying conditions of ra-
tnnal life and growth. On the whole tn eSe
principles have been applied in our lsgis-
lation. There have been occasional depar-
lures from them In practice by those In
authority. but none OF a very serious char
acter until more recently I assume that
no citizen OF our country has the hardi-
hood to deny these truths in so many words.
Those who are disposed to do so rather
deny their universally of application. for
getting that the distinguishing charac-er-
istic Of truth Is Its universally. While
they concede in u negative helpless sort Of
a way that they are true. they insist that
they are not applicable to certain circum-
stances. or to given state of facts.
The SiSners of the Declaration OF indie
pendence solemny declared with Jefferson
that all men are created equal; that hey
ar endowed by ther Creator with certain
inalicnable rights; that governments are In
Stttuted among men to secure these rights
and that governments derive their just
powers from the consent of the governed;
but when the proper application of these
self-cvident truths was made by Jefferson
to the ncfarious traffic in human beings,
and to the wrongs perpetrated against the
black man, they evidently considered that
this was not case for their application, or
perhaps IL was an instance where prlcti-
Cal politics of certain kind had IAN :n-
ming" as 1 have intimuted. even at this
early day: but whether the truth in this
regard. 1t Is now evident to us. by our war
debt by our national cemeteries and by our
heavy pension bills that the failure on the
part of the fathers of our country and OF
our earlier statesmen to keep their eyes
steadfasty upon the political ideals of JUS
tice and Of human rights that had been
placed before them by Thomas Jefferson
and which they had sanctioned as true in
principle, has cost our country more blood
and more treasure than amy other political
mistake. (Applnuse)
VIII our statesmen of today heed the
lesson. or will they bubble and hesitate in
the application of these truths? WIN they
deliberately say that the principle that gov
ernmcnts derive their just powers from the
consent of the governed while applicable to
the people who were subjects of the king
of Great Britain, has no application to
those who have been the subjects Of the
king of Spain? Will they persist in saying
that our right of conquest Is superior to the
Filipinos' God-given right to life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness? (Applause)
1t will probably trouble them to answer
these questions categorically. 1t will be
much easier for them to adopt the tactics
of the oppressor in the past and claim
silent partnership with the Almighty
Uaughter) mark Hanna has intimated; 1
believe that he is in close touch) In carry
Ing out His DEGREES for the conversion and
civilization Of this people. and consistently
with this profession and the spirit in which
1t Is made. they will proceed with fire and
sword. U.aughter) Men who have COM
mitted the heinous offcnse of doing what
the revolutionary fathers did must be
taught lesson. The hypocrisy Of such y
course will be more disastrous in its effects
up on the traits of our national character
and upon our national name and fang.
which have hitherto stood fair before the
nations of the world. than would be the
frank avowal that our professions of love
for liberty and Justice are strictly for home
consumption July Oaughter) and not APP
plcabe where an opportunity is afforded
for obtaining franchises. concessions. gov
eminent contracts and subsidies. In the
face of such opportunities let 1t be frankly
admitted that our mllionaires. or at least
some OF them, Just as patriotic az he
grandccs of Spain or the lords of England:
that our national administration is a bllsl-
ness administration (applause); that while
it has no room for sentiment. 1t realizes as
was remarked by Senator Davis the other
day that tho United States Is the great
cOnsecrated evangelist Of the world" and
1t is perfectly willing to permit the I<rag-
Jorgensens to open the way for our mis-
sionaries
While the application of the political
ideals quoted Is plain ana simple in cases
like those referred to. there is 4 large do.
main concerning our domestic affairs and
honest and patriotic differences OF opinion.
This has always been and always will be
the case under free institutions. 1t has IS
origin in human nature. Men by Unborn
characteristics. as we'll by sclf-lntcrest.
and the result of training and environment.
divide into two great classes, the Conserv-
alive and the Radical: the Conservative,
with face turned backward. content with
things as they are Jealous defender of
vested rights and content with the spectacle
of starvation and riotous plenty side by
sid.-the Radical. burdcncd with eyes that
sec things as they are. with feelings that
are touched by the suffering resuitin, from
the inequality OF opportunity which exist
ing conditions impose. cars that hearken
to the progress of the race ard symDathes
that arc alive to the wrongs that exist
with n Jealous determination to right them,
The line Of demarkation between these two
great classes Is not always we'll defined. 1t
is. however. notwithstanding temporary sin
uOSltics and blurringS. at the present
time. the line upon which parties divide.
The party name attached to the one group
or the other signifies but little in the course
of years. The progressive, I might almost
I.