The daily morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven, Conn.) 1894-1907, 1899-01-10


trine to such policy, and then say
that they will consider hereafter thu
question of how they will act under it?'
Mr.. Hoar said that Louis Napoleon
proclaimed al the opening Of the French
assembly in 1854 that the time of con-
quest was passed. never to return, bu
that he forgot what he had said wher
he saw his opportunity in Mexico: the
sure and terrible fate of destiny over
took him in the midst of his pride anG
power
"Our commissioners" said Mr.. Hoar
come back from Paris bringing back
with them the cast-off clothing of this
pinchbeck Napoleon, and ask us, who
have seen his fate, to discard for them
the spotless robes in which our fathers
arrayed the beautiful genius of Amer
ica."
The senator continued:
A year ago last December the presi-
dent of the United States sent a mes
sage to congress. In that message he
said: II speak not of forcible annexa-
ton, because that is not to be thought
of, and under our code of morality that
would be criminal aggression" THE
time of conquest is past" said Louis
Napoleon. All, Mr.. President President
Mckinley but repeated Louis Napoleon,
though in louder and clearer voice.
1.-THE time of conquest is past" said the
French emperor 1T is not by extend
ing the boundaries of its territory that
a nation can henceforward be honored
and powerful, but by placing itself at
the head of generous ideas and spread
ing everywhere the empire of right and
Justice" President Mckinley when he
spoke was not thinking even of honor
or of power, inspiring and alluring as
| are honor and power. He placed HIM
self and placed the American people on
the stern, enduring and perpetual rock
/ of righteousness; that forcible anneXa-
ton is not to be thought Of under our
code of morality; that would be crimi-
nal aggression. Who shall haul it
down? Who shall haul down the code?
Who shall haul down the president?
| There are other things found in this
declaration which the senator from Con-
| necticut wishes / understood as the
| fathers did, which / commend to his
most respectful attention In enumer-
ating the wrongs inflicted upon this
people by George Ill, the declaration
says that he refused to pass laws for
the accommodation of large districts of
people unless those people would relia-
quish the right of representation in the
legislature, right inestimable to them
and formidable to tyrants only. And
now, my honorable friens says that the
same men who set their hands to that
declaration, and pledged their lives, for
tunes, and sacred honor to it's support,
proceeded twelve years after to estab-
lish a government, on which they con-
ferred the power exercised by George
Ill. to destroy the right of representa-
ton in the legislature, to govern peo-
pie without it, and to forever extirguish
and trample out that inestimable right,
formidable to tyrants only And not
only that, to proceed to vote to do it.
Further, our fathers in their terrible
arraignment and indictment of the king
for using these sovereign powers, which
the senator now claims belong to and
are to be used by the president and con-
gress of the United States, says that
the king had made judges dependent
on his will alone for the tenure of their
offices and the amount and payment Of
their salaries; and yet he proposes to
make judges for twelve million people
dependent on the will of the president
only for their tenure of office, and on the
will Of congress alone for the amount
and payment of their salaries.
Further, they said that King George
had kept among US in times of peace
standing armies" and "quartered large
bodies of armed troops among us with
a.. - 4,.., r
suppose nowhere in this capitol men are
at work to-day in devising ways and
means for a permanent standing army
to be kept on these islands, east and
west. without the consent of anybody
there. They said King George had COM
bined with others to subject US to juris-
diction foreign to our constitution and
not acknowledge by our laws, giving his
assent to their acts of pretended l7gis'a
ton for quartering large bodies Of
armed troops, among us; for imposing
taxes on us without our consent for
depriving us in many cases of the bene-
fits of trial by jury; for altering fun
damentally the forms of our govern
ment; for declaring themselves invest
ed with power to legislate for us in all
cases whatsoever.
The Declaration of Independence de- |
clares that whenever any form of gov
eminent becomes destructive of the
ends therein stated, it is the right of |
the people to alter or abolish it, and to
institute new government, laying its |
foundation on such principles, and or |
ganizing it's powers in such form as |
to them shall seem most likely to effect |
their safety and happiness. But the |
have the constitutional right ourselves
to institute new government for that |
people, laying it's foundation on such |
principles and organizing its powers in
such form as shall seem to us most |
likely to effect our safety and happiness
without giving them the slightest voice
in the matter.
And, further, the senator must think,
although he does not say SOL suppose
he expects to vote so-that we have the
right to turn our cannon, bayonets, and
ships of war and armies upon that peo-
Pile. if they attempt to exercise this
right, and prevent them from doing it.
Thackeray, no mean judge Of noble
art, no mean judge of noble actions, was
one day crossing the rotunda of this
capitol in company with Charles Sum-
ner He stopped before the picture
where the genius of the great artist of
has delineated on the i'm
pershable canvas the scene when the
Dao1orotior of Observation-Disclosures pra |