The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1899-08-27
Prince Louis Leopold Of Bavaria spA ~ -'-a'
OF many children.
vi.

with the seventeenth century. Mr. Gardiner en-
ters tho field which he has made peculiar his own
with regard 10 the trial and execution Of Charlos
we read on page 557: ION Jan 1, 1oAo. the purgod
House Of Commons proposed TO appoint High
Court OF Justice 70 try Charles, but the Lords
refused 70 take part in the act On the 4th, the
Commons declared that the people undcr God were
the source OF all just powers and the House OF
Commons, being chosen by the people, formed
the supreme power In England, having no need
OF either King or House OF Lords Our author
expresses the opinion that never was constitu-
tional pedantry carried further than when this
declaration was issued by q nero fragment Of q
House elected in 1e4o. which. II all Its MEM
bers had been present could only claim 70 have
represented the people some years before. He
odds that "Charless accusers had, on their ades
the discredit which always comes to those who.
using force try 70 give IL the appearance OF To-
gality." Charles now had all the credit OF standing
UP for the law which, in his earlier life, he had
wrenohod 70 establish absolutism. He refused
70 plead before the High Court on the ground thatit
had no jurisdiction over King. His assailants
fell back on the merest technicality. Instead OF
charging him with the intrgues TO bring foreign
armies into England, OF which he had been really
guilty, they accused him Of high treason az ainst
the nation because, forsooth. he had appeared
in arms against his subjects in the first civil war
What were tho results OF Charles's exccutionf
Mr. Gardiner answers that after the King had
been beheaded, oil that could be permanently
accomplished by his opponents had been effected.
When the Long Parliament met In Nov. 184O
all Englishmen had combined TO bring Charles
10 submit to parliamentary control After tho
summer OF l64l, considerable part Of the nation,
coming to the conclusion that Charles was ready
to use force rather than 10 submit, took arms
against him 70 compel him TO give way. Toward
the end Of 1647 minority OF Englishmcn. includ-
ing the army. came 10 the conclusion that IL was
necessary to deprive Charles OF all real power
il the country not 10 be exposed TO constantly
recurring danger whenever he saw At TO assert
his claims 10 the authority which he had lost
In l64s. n yet smaller minority came to the
clusion that security could only be obtained IL
he were deprived OF life. In depriving the King
OF life all had been done which force could do.
The army could guard scafIold. but II could not
reconstruct society. The vast majority OF that
part OF the nation which cared about politics AT
all, disliked being ruled by Charles, and
dislikcd being ruled by army even more than
ii had formerly disiked being ruled by Charles,
and refused its support to the new institutions
which, under the patronage OF tho army, were
being erected in the name Of the people
II is recognized by Mr.. Gardiner that, during
the dispute between the Presby terans and tho
army In tho spring Of l647, Cromwell's position
was a delicate ono. He sympathiZed not only
with the demands of the soldiers for full pay, but
also with the demand of the religious enthusiasts
for liberation. Yet he had a strong sense Of tho
evils certain IN ensue from allowing the army 10
overthrow the civil institutions Of the country,
and, both as n member Of the House Of Commons
aud an officer, he did his best TO avert dire
catastrophe Attention is directed by the author
10 the fact which striking II is, Is often over
looked that in March, l647, Cromwell had even