The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-08


mittee was much mutilated in It's passage
through Congress and shorn of a carefully
guarded provision intended TO prevent the
public land from passing into the hands of
spectators and corporations and to pre-
serve them exclusively for homes for Amer
lean citizens Julian greatly deplored this
mutation, out ne was powerlesS to prevent
it, He predicted a wasteful squandering of
empires or land; he also favored the con-
fiscation of the landed estate of rebels, be-
lieving them TO be the foundation and
Duttress of slavery, and he reported a bill
10 connscate such estates, survey them in
sections and subdivisions in accordance
with the general land system and bring
them under the provisions of the homestead
bill for the benefit of the landless poor of
the South.
In 1892 an extensive interview with Mr.
Julian, written by George S. Cottman, was
published, and in this interview Mr.. Julian
expressed concisely his opinions on several
of the greatest political and sociological
questions. Following is part of that inter-
The leading tendency of the times is to-
ward democracy-not In any partisan sense
or the word, but in its broadcast meaning.
Inc great principle of equality of rights,
on which Jefferson triumphed in 1901. has
been steadily extending. and now finds ex-
preston in the labor movement in its var
ious forms. This is one of the most cheer
Ing signs Of the times 1t is happily keeping
pace with the growth and domination of
capital and the power of great corporations
of the future. This great movement of the
working classes is of comparatively recent
beginning. Ii is a revolution, and IL cannot
go backward under a government resting
upon popular rights.
II think paupers and criminals from
abroad should be excluded by well-consid-
cred legislation, but that there is no danger
OF general inundation of these elements.
The old spirit of KnowNothingism should
receive no countenance from any quarter,
and liberal policy toward foreigners
should be adhered to.
THE BALLOT FOR WOMEN.
THE acknowledgment of women belongs
to the inevitable logic of American politics.
1t would simply keep step to the march of
democratic progress. We have abolished
all property qualifications for the suffrage.
We have adopted the most liberal policy in
this respect toward foreign emigrants
Color and race are no longer a bar to the
ballot. We make citizenship the basis of
the right to vote, and women are now citi-
zens by the express words of the Constitu-
ton. 1t is not question of sex, but of the
equal rights of citizens who have the ca
tics and criminals are denied the right to
share in the exercise of political power,
but these exceptions only prove the. truth
of the general rule. and are as applicable
to men as TO women. The principle of no
taxation without representation necessarily
applies TO both men and women: The OBJ,
lection that women are too emotional and
impulsive to be safely trusted with the bal
lot is a begging of the question. which Is
snd p cmoon 81 IN 9acs n can pi ogy be dete
mined by actual trial Very many men act
from impulse and emotion, and the erect
of these feelingsNwhether good or bad The
impulsiveNeSs of women might, indeed, be
a wholesome check upon the action or dill
ferent qualities in men. The poorest argu-
ment against the enfranchisement of women
is the gratuitouS assumption that dlre1ui
consequences would follow 1t. Professor
Huxley has somewhere said tnat consee
quences are the scare-crows of fools III
woman has the right TO the ballot conse-
quences are as completely lnapplicapie 10
Speaking practically, tariff reform is par
amount In Importance. 1t Is the previous
question, and l believe 1t will like the nee old
subordinate rank and compel It's own set
Element. Our present tariff system Is one
Of legalized robbery OF the people. lts o Tefs
would greatly relieve. the burden or the
great body of the people, and especially the
laboring poor. 1t would smooth the way to
the settlement Of other questions involved
in our various labor movements, and give
them time to perfect and rationalize their
methods. Lincolns policy was one war at
a time and this should now be the watch
word of the tariff reformers.
HIS VIEWS ON TEMPERANCE.
"As to the temperance movement, 1t aims
at grand and beneficial results. but these
cannot be achieved by any legislative short
cut The overthrow of the saloon presup-
poses the destruction of the appetite for
drink, as we'll as the drink itself. The sup
ply cannot be destroyed without lessening
the demand. The temperance reform In
wolves the general uplifting Of society by
the education of the masses, the removal of
poverty and want, and the multiplication OF
well-ordered Christian homes. Every one
should do his part in this great work, while
patiently waiting upon the inevitable con-
ditions of progress
II have been too long connected with
politics and questions of reform TO be easily
led astray by any social panacea. The
Henry George theory of a single tax on
land has set the world to thinking and was
timely contribution TO the Work Oh so Ni11l.
carried out it would leave humanity sun
wrestling with its principal burdens OF sor-
BeIlamy is exceedingly moonshiny. There is
no royal road out of the poverty and dis
tress OF society as now existing-certalnly
not in the direction of paternaliSm. our
government itself has been evolved from
antecedent causes, and all or our reforms
are obliged to obey the same law OF evo-
luton. Individual reformers can OIL the ma
chinery of progress a little and remove OBJ
stacles from its path, but the inherent con-
ditions of progress must be observed and
cannot be altered.
aOf ali the schemes Of reform now agi-
tated in the interest of the laboring classes
/ regard the principle of cooperation or
profit sharing as the best. 1t is Christian
socialism and gives more promise of the up
lifting of the laboring poor than any OF the
various plans proposed in their interest.
1t takes the poor into friendly partnership
with the rich and makes their cause and
that of the capitalist one. 1t is the only
scheme yet proposed by which the antagon-
Ism between capital and labor can be peace
ably ended" .
For nearly thirty years before his death
Mr. Julian lived at Irvington. He collected
an extensive library of political works and
other books. All the available wall space is
covered with bookcases. and busts OF Goethe.
Humboldt Plato, Franklin. Irving and
other great men of the past look down.
Here IL was Mr.. Julian's delight to study
and work. He wrote much for the maya
zines, besides a life of Joshua r. Giddings
and his own Personal Recollections In
two volumes. The Irvingtonians looked up
to him as the Nestor of the community
His birthdays he celebrated by calling gath
erings of his friends, who went In great
numbers to his home. His first wife died in
1860, and three years later he married a
daughter of Joshua r. Giddings After her
death his daughter, Mrs. Grace Julian
Clarke, the wife OF Charles B. Clarke, be-
came the head of the household. Mr..
Julian's son, by his first wife Frederick rick
Julian, is an actor and much of his time
has been spent in the East. Pau Julian
the SON by the second wife, is civil en-
eineer and he lives at the Julian home