The Lexington dispatch. [volume] (Lexington, South Carolina) 1870-1917, 1899-02-22

Spain to transfer them to some other
power or powers and thus sh TX our
own responsibility. Even if wehad,
as we did not have, the power to
c mpel such a transfer, it could not
have been made without the most
serious International complications.
Such a course could not be thought
of. And yet had we refused to &C
cept the cession of them, even for
their OVID good. W. could not dis
charge The responsibilities upon US
until these Islands became ours,
either by conquest or treaty. There
was but one alternative and that was
either Spain or the United States in
the Philippines. The other sugges-
tion-frst, that they should be tossed
into the arena OF contention for the
strife of nations; or, second. to be LETT
to the anarchy and chaos Of no pro-
tectorate at all, were too shameful to
be considered. The treaty gave them
to the United States Could We have
required less and done u duty?
Could we, after freeing the Fllipinos
from the dominion Of, Spain, have
left them without government and
without power to protect life and
property or to perform the iDterna-
tional obligations essential to an in
dependent STATE? Could We have
left them in a state Of anarchy and
justified ourselves in III own cor
science or before the tribunal Of man
kind? Could We have done that in
the sight of God and NAL?
Our concern was not for territory,
trade, or empire, bat for the people
whose interests aud destiny, without
willing it, had been put in our hands.
1t was this feeling from the first dsy
to the last ons: not one word or line
went from the executive in Washing
ton to our military and naval COM
manders at Manila or to u peace
commissioners at Paris that did not
put as the sole purpose to be kept in
mind first after success of u arms
and the maintenance of our honor,
the welfare and happiness and the
rights of the inhabitants of the
Philippine islands. Did we need
their consent to perform a great oct
of humanity? We had it in eve-y
aspiration of their minds, in every
hope Of their hearts. Was it neces,
cessary to ask their consent to cap
ture Manila, the capital Of their is
land? Did We ask their consent to
liberate them from Spanish sover-
eighty or to enter Manila bay and
destroy the Spanish sea power there?
we do not ask these; we we're obey
ing a higher moral obligation which
rested on us and which did not re-
quire any body's consent. We were
doing our duty toward them by the
consent of our own conscience and
aud with the approval of our
civilization. Every present obliga-
ton has been met and fulfilled
in the EXPULSION of the Spanish SOW
eighty from their islands, and while
the war that destroyed it was in pro-
gress we could not ask their views.
Nor can we ask their consent.
Indeed, a any one tell me in what
form it could be marshaled and as
certained until peace aud order, so
necessary to reign of reason, shall be
secured and established? A reign of
terror is not the kind of rule under
which right action and deliberate
judgment are possible. 1t is not a
good time for the liberator to sub
NIT important questions concerning
liberty and government to those to
be liberated while they are engaged
in shooting down'their rescurers.
We have ended the war with Spain.
The treaty has been ratified by moe
than two-thirds of the Senate of tt
United States and by the judgment
Of nine tenlhs CT the people. No
nation was ever more fortunate in war
or more honorable in peace. It re-
mains to ask what we shall now do.
I do not intrude upon the duties of
Congress OF seek to anticipate or fore
stall its actions. I only say the treaty
of peace, ~honorably secured, having
been ratified by the United States,
ard as we confidently expect, shortly
to be ratified in Spain, Congress will
have the power, aud I am sure the
purpose, to do what in good morals
what IS right and jlst and hui,
msne fol those people in distant seas