The Topeka state journal. [volume] (Topeka, Kansas) 1892-1980, 1899-02-17

upon which 1t was entering, much less
decree in advance the scope of its re-
sults2 Congress can declare war, but
a higher power DEGREES its bounds and
fixes its relations and responsibilities.
The president can direct the movements
of soldiers on the field and fleets upon
the sea, but he can not foresee the close
of such movements or prescribe their
limits. He can not anticipate or avoid
the consequences, but he must meet
them. No accurate map of nations en-
gagged in war can be traced until the
war is over, nor can the measure Of
responsibility be fixed till the last gun
is fired and the verdict embodied in the
StipulatiOnS of peace
I'VE hear no complaint of the rela-
lions created by the war between this
government and the islands of Cuba
and Porto Rico. There are some, how
ever, who regard the Philippines as in
a. different relation; but whatever varie-
ty of views there may be on this phase
of the question there is universal agree
ment that the Philippines shall not be
turned back to Spain. No true Ameri-
can consents to that Even if unwilling
to accept them ourselves, it would have
been a weak evasion of manly duty to
require Spain to transfer them to some
other power or powers and thus shirk
our own responsibility. Even if we had,
as we did not have, the power to COM
pei such a. transfer, it could not have
been made without the most serious
international complications
NOT TO BE THOUGHT OF.
"Such a course could not be thought
of and yet had we refused to accept
the cession Of them we should have had
good. We could not discharge the re-
sponsibilities upon US until these islands
became ours either by conquest or
treaty. There was but one alternative,
and that was either Spain or the United
States in the Philippines.
1.-The other suggestions, first that they
should be tossed into the arena for the
strife of nations, or second, be lost to
the anarchy and chaos of no protec-
torate at all, were too shameful to be
considered The treaty gave them to
the United States. Could we have re-
quired less and done our duty? Could
we, after freeing the Philippines from
the domination of Spain, have left them
without government and without power
to protect life and property or to per-
form the International obligations es-
sentiaI to an independent state? Could
we have left them in a state Of anarchy
and justified ourselves in our own con-
sciences or before the Tribunal of man
kind? Could we have done that in the
sight of God and man?
Our concern was not for territory
or trade or empire, but for the people
whose interests and destiny, without
our willing it. had been put in our
hands 1t was with this feeling that
from the first day to the last not one
word or line went from the executive
in Washington to our military and
naval commanders at Manila or to our
peace commissioners at Paris that did
in mind first, after the success of our
arms and the maintenance of our own
honor, the welfare and happiness and
the rights of the inhabitants of the
Philippine islands. Did we need their
consent to perform a. great act for hu-
manity? We had it in every aspiration
of their minds, in every hope of their
hearts Was it necessary to ask their
consent to capture Manila, the capital
of their islands, Did we ask their con-
sent to Hberate them from Spanish
fa1l
destroy the Spanish sea power there?
HIGH MORAL OBLIGATION.
bf d6 PIT o a W VIE
ed on US and which did not require any
by them as God gave US the light to see
our duty, with the consent of our con-
ton. Every present mt oBiiga ton has been
met and fulfilled in the expulsion OF Span
while the war that destroyed it was in
| progress we could not ask their views.
Indeed, can anyone tell me in what
form it could be narshaled and ascertain
a reign Of reason, shall be secured and es-
tablshed? A reign Of terror IS not the
and deliberate Judgment are possible. It
is not good time for the Itberator to sub
erty and government to the liberated
while they are engaged in shooting down
I'VE have now ended the war with Spain.
The treaty has been ratified by more than
States and by the Judgment of nine-tenths
of its people No nation was ever more
Fortunate in war or more honorable in
negot iatfons IN peace: Spain is now elm
ask What li91 We Shall DO now. I do not in
trude upon the duties of congress or seek
| only say that the treaty of peace, honor
| ably secured. having been ratified BY the
pect. shortly to be ratified by Spain. con-
gress Will have the power. and I am sure
! right and just and humane for these peo-
pc THE BEST THING TO DO.
Is some ct dag h9rd to 6 de tern ne
20 IS oftegfn t9 the harda The prn5he
| of evil would do nothing, because he
flinches at sacrifice and effort, ard 70 do
! cost. On those who have things 10 do
on those who have no obligations as
there Would 1 t. it IS true: be no labor. no
| sacrifice. no anxiety and no burden raised
ana purse and comfort 20 the welfare Of
others, or even to the extension of our
There would be ease, but alas. there
would be nothing done.
| of a nation, however much men may seek
to avoid them They come without our
not always given Us to know: but the gen
| ing for their solution We may not know
Deeey how T0T to s3 0et ne 9s Put snT ea9
| if made in conscience, justice and honor 1t
| will not be in vain
| IN THE PEOPLES HANDS.
The future of the philippine Islands Is
( Until the treaty was ratified or rejected
| the executive department OF this govern
ment could only preserve the peace and
protect life and property That treaty
/ now commits the free and enfranchfsed
| FiIipinos to the guiding hand and liberal
izing Influences, the generous sympathies,
| the uplifting educat ton. not of their Amer
| lean masters. but of their American eman-
| ciPators. No one can tell today what is
! best for them or for US. I know no one