New-York tribune., 1899-07-24
LAW AND LABOR.

fih h-'D d>iDOH'
Strikes have passed. and with them as usual,
riotlng and boodshed. There are exceptions.
Occasionally men of sense are found who re-
strain themselves during a controversy, and
also restrain the "fool friends" who injure by
trying unlawfully to help them. Long ago in
telgent and thoughtful workers were made
aware that the greatest of all obstacles to the
success and usefulness of labor organizations
was the fact that they so often show no respect
for law and respect for the rights of other
free aborers. 1t is unjust TO say, as some do,
that organizations instlgate violence and crime
as rule. Only few of them do SO, and these
not often except in desperation, when lawful
means OF attaining their ends have failed. But
it is far more common for them to incur just
the same guilt, and the same reprobation in
public sentiment, by failing to restrain their
members and the friends of those members
from lawless cruel and bloody acts If every
organization engaged in a strike made it the
first duty OF each member to turn over to Off
GERS of law. with evidence enough to convict,
every member or sympathlzing friend who
used violence or threats of violence in order
TO rob another man Of his right to work If he
\chose the whole world knows that riots would
BE few in connection with labor disputes,
Aud the police would never be needed to pro-
tpct non-union workers. 1t IS because the or
eauizatiOns will not restrain their members. or
the overZealous friends Of members that pub
lie opinion so commonly holds them responsible
for the lawleSs violence attending strikes. The
rough and ready reasoning of the day Is that
the men could stop all violence if they wished
Because the public cannot know. and well
knows that it cannot know, what secret or
ganizaton really instgates but does know
with certainty what it could stop If it pleased
1t charges against the organization the deeds
of cruelty, crime aid blood which it does not
\ stop
j He is no true friend of organized labor who
does not see and say that this state of public
opinion has done more harm to the cause Of
labor than all things else. For it is of neces-
slty always n moral appeal that labor makes
10 the public: an appeal to altruistiC justice and
unselfish respect for individual rights. The
public does not gain by having TO pay more
for the services of q motorman or miner.
But IL wants fair wages and freedom for him. as
for everybody else. Precisely at that point the
union Outrages the public sense Of justice If it
denies 10 other men the freedom and the rights
which II claims for its own members The
vast majority Of non-uniOn workers have ex-
acty the same rights as the few who are or
ganzed the same freedom is their birthrlght,
and they are entitled TO the same free choice
whether TO work or not to work at wages Of
fered. To deprive one of them Of his right by
violence, or by threats OF criminal assault, is
tust as much a crime against free labor and
civilized society TO rob a traveller Of his
purse at the muzzle Of pistol. The Organiza-
ton which thus plays the highwayman, rob-
bing all other workers as far as it can.
forfets in public opinion any right to claim
that IL stands for the freedom of labor or the
rights Of labor. 1t Is merely trying to take
money from somebody else by force. The
tyranny of a corporation is not one whit more
unjust or more selfish than the tyranny of an
organized body which resorts to such criminal
methods in order 10 deprive other workngmen
of their rights And as the public cannot know
what the secret organization actually instl-
gates but does know what 1t could prevent If
Il pleased It is extremely likely to hold the or
ganzation responsible il violence and crime
are resorted TO while IL is conducting strike,
and are not by the organization promptly sup
pressed. That one thing. in public estimation,
distinguishes the peaceable demand Of labor
for It's rights from the highwaymans demand
for the rights and property OF others.
IL seems incomprehensibe 10 most sincere
friends of labor that its organizations do not
make It their first and most imperative duty TO
command public approval and confidence by
arraying themselves on the side Of public or
der legal rights and freedom Of labor. The
moral power Of an organization which does
hold that position is tremendous. The public
readily believes that II has not asked anything
that Is not right. There Is an organization OF
labor in this country which has never lost a
strike. II has never permitted an act OF vio-
lence which it had power to prevent, nor failed