The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-05-29
PERyERTING WHAT ABRAHAM
LINCOLN SAID.

~
In his recent speech at st. Louis against
corporations and trusts Mr.. Bryan said:
Abraham Lincoln, in the very beginning
or his presidential career, warned the coun-
try against the threatened attempt to put
capital above labor in the structure of the
government. Modern Republicanism is full
filling the prophecy made by Lincoln-it is
putting the dollar above the man.
This is a disingenuous attempt to create
the impression that Mr.. Lincoln was pointing
out the dangers of capitalistic combination
such as those which are now going on. The
impression further sought TO be conveyed
is that the Republican party of to-day is
putting the dollar above the man. and
thereby fulfilling the prophecy made by Lin
coin. Finally it cunningly implies that Mr..
Bryan is the lineal successor of Lincoln as
a defender of the rights of the people. Mr..
Bryan does not go as far as many Populisb
speakers and writer's have done in putting
a false and forged utterance into Mr.. Lin
coins mouth, but he tries to create the
impression that Mr.. Lincoln was making war
on trusts. as he himself is now. All this is
very Bryanistic because very disingenuous.
What Mr.. Bryan refers to as Lincoln's
warning" was part Of an argument in favor
Of free labor as against slavery. the corner
stone Of the rebellion. 1t occurred in his
first annual message. and in order to under
stand its import OLE must recall the cir
cumstances under which 1t was uttered. At
that time, December. 1861, such a thing as
a trust had never been heard of and there
were no mammoth corporations. The strug-
gle was between free labor and slave labor.
That was the keynote of the great Lincoln
Douglas debate in 1858. and the keynote
also of the campaign of 1860. For years the
advocates of slavery had shown their con-
tempt for free labor. A Southern sena-
tor. in a speech in the Senate in 1876, had
characterized the workingner of the North
as 1.-The very mudsills Of society,"" adding:
I'VE call them slaves. / will not character
lie that class at the North by that term;
but you have 1t. 1t is there, it is every
where; ii Is eternal" Another Southern
member Of Congress had declared his be-
lief that he would live to call the roll OF his
slaves at the foot of Bunker Hill monu-
ment. Slave labor against free labor was
the great overshadowing issue of the time.
When Mr.. Lincoln's first annual message
was. delivered the war for slavery had been
in progress more than six months. He said:
1t continues to develop that the insur-
rection Is largely, If not exclusively, a wa
upon the first principle Of popular gov
Monarchy itself is sometimes limited at as a
possible refuge from the power of the peo-
~ be Justified were 1 to omit raising a warn
ing voice against this approach of retufving
despotism. 1t is not needed nor fitting
here that. a general argument should be
made in favor of popular institutions. but
there is one point, with its connections, not
so. backward as most others. to which L
place capital on an equal footing with, If
not above. labor in the structure. of the
government. 1t Is assumed that labor Is
that nobody labors unless somebody else,
owning capital. somehow by the use of 1t
induces him TO labor. This assumed, it is
next considered whether it is best that capt.
tai shall hire laborers and thus induce them
TO work by their own consent, or buy them
s sent. oI HAVING 5Re PROCEEDED TO le w so fap' it tn IS na fUn-
ally concluded that all laborers are either
hired laborers or what We call slaves. And,
further, II Is assumed that whoever is once
life.
These were the postulates and arguments
Of the advocates of slavery. Mr.. Lincoln
proceeded to show that they were false and
dangerous. He pointed out that labor ex-
listed prior to capital, was really independent
of 1t, and should never be enslaved by il.
Labor" he said. lis the superior OF capital,
and deserves much the higher considera-
tion." but the very next sentence was:
Capital has its rights, which are as wor-
thy of protection as any other rights" His
whole argument was in favor of free labor
as against slave labor and an appeal to
the workingmen of the North, those who
had been termed 1.-The mudsills of society,""
not to vote for a party or a system that
would degrade and enslave labor. Let them
beware he concluded, "of surrendering a
political power which they already possess,
and which, If surrendered, will surely be
used to close the door Of advancement
against such as they and to fix new disabili-
ties and burdens upon them until all of
liberty shall be lost" AS an appeal to work.
ingmen to maintain their political indepen-
dence that is as good now as when 1t was
uttered, but ii has no particular relation to
present conditions. Mr.. Bryan's implication
that the Republican party has departed from
the teachings Of Lincoln by putting the
dollar above the man is, like many other
things he says or implies. utterly false.
GU w nD MN Tn