The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, 1899-12-28

| the establishment of the line between
Maine and New Brunswick, and during
Tylers administration Daniel Webster
negotiated the Ashburton treaty. Ex-
citement ran high at the time, and an
appeal to arms was threatened. By this
treaty the Yankees did not get all the
ground they claimed. Hard upon the
dispute as to the northeast border fol-
lowed another with England as to the
northwest boundary. This was tho
time of the cry of "54-4O or fight" was
heard $40" was not secured, neither
did we fight. Had our demands been
acceded to at that time, we could to-
day build railroad upon our own soil
to Alaska. While Pierce was in the
presidential chair, second boundary
dispute with Mexico arose Profiting
by Polk's sad experience, the incident
was not seized as a preteXt for war
of conquest, but Uncle Sam paid $10,-
100000 to have the question settled
peaceably. n We have had alterations
ters than land We have not always re-
ceived all we asked. We had trouble
with Great Britain in 1878 concerning
the fisheries off the northeastern coast,
which was settled by our paying $780,
600. Later on we had to relinluish
some Of our claims to seal-killing in
the Behring sea. At this writing we
are insisting upon certain Alaskan
boundaries which we are not likely to
get.
The argument of the sentimentalist
seems to be that no matter how or why
the fag came to be floating over foreign
soil there it must remain. The reason
it must remain is because it is there.
10 what absurd conclusions such pol
icy would lead us! Any president, or
much less important official, clothed
with temporary authority. might, with
out justification or excuse, plant our
banner upon any portion of the earth's
surface, and it must never be taken
down, because, forsooth, it has once
gone up. Suppose American marines
had been landed at Hamburg instead OF
Honolulu, would the tremendous differ
ence between the military force of Ha-
waii and Germany have caused a second
thought to eros the mind of the lingo
before he denounced a Cleveland for
hauling it DOWN." The sentimentalist
evidently measures his demand by his
own power. We are stronger than tho
Filipino, therefore the flag must not
come down. He recognizes no such
| thing as possible mistake He does not
know that nation may err as we'll as
an individual. He forgets that presi-
dents and ministers of state are some
times not only weak but wicked. He
fails to remember that the popular DOW
er of reputation is the safeguard in a
republic against ignorant or vicious Of
ficeholders. If we had not condemned
some Of the acts Of executive legisla-
tive and even judicial branches now
and then, the republic would have long
since vanished.
If willing to concede that there may
be mistake worst of all, the sentimep-
talist implies that when once the hand
is upon the plow there is no turning
back. This theory leads to precisely
the same conclusion as the one of infal-
libility. A nation as well as an indi-
vidual must be willing to recede
from wrong position and make apollo
gies for it's behavior. How glorious il
such an apology is made to a weak peo-
pie whom the apologist could crush if
it chose. Seldom has the world seen
such benefcence as the great and pow
erful United States bestowed time and
again upon the turbulent republics of
South America. Before the revocation
Of the Monroe doctrine by our entrance
into the Eastern question, we were like
kind parent to them, overlooking their
bursts of passion and faults, and pro-
tccting them from harm. What dignity
or prestige did the United States lose
by it?
No nation that ever existed escaped
falling into error. The test of national
greatness is not the avoidance Of mis-
takes. 1t is the early recognition of
them and graceful retreat before too
late.