The times., 1899-11-01
Calling our Hnndin Chinn.

If we may rely upon general diplomatic
gossip an event of great Importance in the
history of our international relations is
about 10 occur. in connection with our posi-
ton regarding the partition Of the Chinese
Empire.
Since America became a world power,
as result of the Spanish war, the
nations Of Europe have begun TO look upon
it with some apprehension: fearing that its
commercial necessities and interests might
render it obstructive TO the designs of the
colonizing powers now and for some time
past engaged in taking over ports and slices
Of the FIowery Kingdom for their own pur-
poses. So far, We have contemplated this
grabbing and carving policy with certain
degree Of neutrality if not of equanimty.
But our State Department meanwhile has
not altogether lost sight Of the uncomfort-
able prospect that, before long, the whole
Chinese coast and all its respectable ports,
would be absorbed and occupied by Europe
to our total exclusion.
Like Great Britain We have always in
sisted that we were entitled to an open
AJD4--d hSDl AibN " bt oAlL against 10
without the violation OF our treaties with
China-and, lately, our authorities have
shown a strong disposition to give public
notice that we do not intend to be placed
at disadvantage by the aggressions on
the mainland, of our trade rivals.
Knowledge that an American declara-
ton of this kind was likely to be made,
appears to have moved the Governments
most interested in China TO approach US
with a request to define our position. 1t
is said that on the return Of the Russian,
German, and French Ambassadors they. in
conjunction with Lord Pauncefote, will in
yite the United States TO enter into a
friendly arrangement for the division of
political and commercial influence in the
! Chinese Empire. and to pick out a port and
mainland 10 which we will be content to
/ devote our enterprise and withdraw from
pressure upon other Chinese ports and
places.
The meaning of such an overture would
{ be evident enough. Great Britain and this
country formerly enjoyed the most favored
nation advantages in China; but, as to areas
that have passed under foreign control,
these have been much reduced. II is not
the purpose Of the coloDizing powers TO
maintain the old status, and to accord the
! rights and privileges guaranteed under
/ Chinese treaties TO the merchants Of other
States They are prepared to adopt the
rule that a change of sovereignty abrogates
pre-existing treaties. But the enforcement
Of the rule In toto might not be accepted
in this case by the Anglo Saxon powers
without protest, or probably without re-
sistance So, as the story goes, we are to
he offered our slice on condition that We
shall stick TO that and not look greedily at
the larger pieces of our neighbors.
England, it is stated, would like to have
us range ourselves alongside her in the
| Yangtse- Kiang Valley, and, II we are to
take hand in the game at all, that would
seem to offer chances for mutual support
that might prove useful. 1t is more than
possible that the invitation of the powers
NAV represent q Hobson's choice; for we
are Obliged 10 secure and protect trade
opening into the Asietic interior, or arrest
the development of our growing commerce
with a Continental area certain 10 become
one Of the most profitable markets in the
world Unless We take port and establish
sphere Of influence on the mainland, as
our competitors are doing, we shall very
soon be locked out completely, for anything
that now appears to the contrary. II
would bs wide departure from the old
standards OF national policy to do what ap-
pears to be a vital necessity TO the interest,
OF American agriculture and industrI, aut