Middlebury register. (Middlebury, Vt.) 1886-1937, 1899-10-20

ley's Administration Many Prominent
Men Present.
Especial to The New York World.
CHICAGO, Oct. II Among the promi
nent men present at the opening session
of the Anti-Imperalistic convention here
today were Carl Schurz, j. Sterling Nor
ton, Horace Boies, Edward Atkinson,
Edward Winslow, W. Bourke Cochran,
j. Laurence Laughlin of Chicago Uni
versity, and hundreds of others.
The convention was called to order by
Edwin B. Smith, Chicago lawyer, who
spoke in part as follows:
"Those who have called this confer
ence believe that every effort should now
be made to arouse and organize the OPP
position, which Is known 10 exist in all
parties, to Mr.. McKinley's revolutionary
policy. We hope that this conference
will result in a systematic effort through
out the country to organize anti.imper-
alistic leagues and committees of cores
pondence. This should be supplemented
| by the holding of liberty meetings and
. the largest possible circulation of liberty
publications. Some time prior to the
political conventions of next year, per-
haps on Washington's Birthday, larger
conference should be held to determine,
in the light of the then situation, how
the opposition to imperialism shall be
given effect in the campaign of next
year. This conference should make it
known at once, to whom it may concern,
I that we propose next year to contribute
| to the defeat of any party that shall then
stand for the forcble subiugation of any
people; that we shall oppose the re-
election of any who in the White House
or in congress shall have betrayed
American liberty in pursuit of empire.
"The Republican party has not yet de-
cared the old loyalty to be the new
treason. Both the war and the new
policy are still Mr.. Mckinley's own.
There are many who still hope for an
other case of scapegoat early next year,
/ that shall leave both parties free to sup
port and defend the Declaration of Inde-
pendence in the closing campaign of the
century"
Carl Schurz of New York said in part :
"We all know that the popular mind is
much disturbed by the Philippine war,
and that, however highly we admire the
bravery of our soldiers, nobody processes
to be proud of the war itself. There are
few Americans who do not frankly admit
their regret that this war should ever
have happened. think I risk nothing
when | say that it is not merely the
bunglng conduct of military operations,
but serious trouble of conscience, that
disturbs the American heart about this
war, and that this trouble of conscience
will not be allayed by a more successful
military campaign, Just as fifty years ago
the trouble of conscience about slavery
could not be allayed by any compromise.
ave go to war with Spain In behalf of
an oppressed colony of hers. We SOL
emnly proclaim this to be war-not of
conquest-God forbid but of liberation
and humanity. We invade the Spanish
colony of the Philippines, destroy the
Spanish fleet, and invite the cooperation
of the Filipino insurgents against Spain.
We accept their effective aid as allies. all
the whie permitting them to believe that
in case of victory they will be free and
independent By active fighting they
get control of large part of the interior
country, from which Spain is virtually
ousted. When we have captured Manila
and have no further use for our Filipino
allies our president directs that, behind
their backs, treaty be made with Spain
transferring their country to us; and
even before that treaty is ratified, he tells
them that in place of the Spaniards they
must accept US as their masters, and that
if they do not they will be compelled by
force of arms. They refuse, and we
shoot them down; and, as President Nc.
Kinley said at Pittsburg, we shall con-
tinue to shoot them down without useless
parley.
"Imagne that In our revolutionary
times France, being at war with England,
had brought to this country a fleet and
an army, and had without any definite
compact to that effect, co-Operated as an
oil mi 1nt
mitting all the while the Americans to
believe that she did this without any
mercenary motive, and that, in case of
victory, the American colonies would be
free and independent Imagine then that
after the British surrender at Yorktown,
the king of France had extorted from
the British king a treaty ceding for a
consideration of S20,000,0 900, the soy
ereignty over the American colonies tC
France and that thereupon the king OF
France had cOolly notified the cOntinent-
al congress and Gen. Washington thai
they had to give up their idea of nation
al independence and to surrender uncon
ditionally to the sovereignty of France
wherefor the French king promised
them benevolent assimilation.
"Imagine. further, that upon the pro
test of the Americans that Great Britain
hahihs ioot tNci 1NhihS III thO SoiohN'
except New York city and a few Othel
little posts had no sovereignty to cede
the French king answered that he hat
bought the Americans at s. head, anC
that if they refused to submit he would
give them benevolent assimilation in thu
shape of bullets. Can there be any
doubt that the continental congress an(
Gen. Washington would have retorte(
that no matter what the French kinl
might have bought, Great Britain had M
sovereignty left to sell that least Of al
the Anne orleans would permit themselve
to be sold; that the French In so treatin,
their American allies after such high
sounding professions of friendship an,
generosity, were lot of mean men
treacherous, contemplate hypocrites
and that the Americans would rather di
than submit to such wolves in sheep
clothing.
"And will any patriotic American nov