The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1899-09-17
(Cor of the Progressire Farmerl

free negroes in North Carolina exercised
the right to vote upon perfect equality
with free white men. After the lapse
of fifty-nine years since the adoption Of
the Constitution of 1776, the Constitu-
tional Convention of 1885 assembled. If
there is single member of the conven-
ton of 1885 now living, the writer is not
aware of it. 1t has been sixty -four years
since the convention of 1885 revised our
State Constitution, and the actors in
that historic assembly, most of whom
were among the ablest men of their time
have passed away.
In those days stenographic reporters
of debates in such assemblies were UNI
known, and hence the debates of the
Convention of 1885, published in book
form in 1886, are not verbatim, but con-
densed. The book itself has now become
a rare book of North Carolina history.
The debate on the subject of dis
franchising free negroes and mulattoes
took place on Saturday, June 18th, 1885,
and consumed less than a day and the
printed report of the debate covers less
than ten pages of the octave book of
Debates of the Convention
Mr.. Hugh Mcqueen, of Chatham
county, seems to have been the chief
speaker in favor of diSfranchiSement;
for nearly four pages of the printed re-
port is devoted to his remarks on that
occasion. But there were giants in
those days." and such men as Governor
Morehead, of Guilford; Judge Toomer,
of Cumberland and Judge CASTOR, of
Craven, participated in the debate;
these three intellectual giants in debate
opposing disfranchisement and voting
against the proposition. The ground of
Governor Morehead's position is re-
corded in one single sentence of the re-
ported debate, and was based upon his
fears, which, however, turned out sub
Sequently not to be well founded. Gov
ernor Morehead said: IF we close the
door entirely against this unfortunate
class of our population, we may light
up the torch of commotion amongst our
slaves"
Mr.. Cooper, of Martin county, express
ed substantially the same fear But free
negroes and mulattoes were disfranchised
under the amended Constitution, and if
the fears of Governor Morehead and Mr..
Cooper ever materialized, history has not
so recorded it, nor has tradition even
handed. it down to the present genera
tion. They evidently did not know, as
we now do and in fact they had not
even the opportunity to study the negro
character as we have been compelled to
do for the past thirty years under free
suffrage and free negro domination in the
South since 1868. We have learned by
experience that a negro is naturally a
docile animal, and easy to control while
the bit is in his mouth, and the white
man holds the reins; but if you give him
loose rein, he, like an unruly horse, will
run away with the band wagon, kick
over the traces and dump the driver and
the whole band into the roadside ditch,
be the music never SO sweet.
= The negro makes a good servant under
proper conditions, but under any and all
conditions, he makes "a bad master. I'M
der the command and discipline of COM
petent and experienced white officers,
he makes a good soldier, as was recently
illustrated by the negro regiments in the
war in Cuba: but under the leadership
of officers of his own race, he cuts a poor
figure, even as soldier
As a leader in the affairs of self-gov-
eminent in a republic he has shown
himself to be an utter failure, as our
own experience and observation fully
attest; and if further evidence were
needed we have only to look TO the pres
ent conditions of the revolutionary gov
eminent of San Domingo.
As before stated, Mr.. Mcqueen, of
Chatham, seems to have given the sub
ject of disfranchisi free negroe5 more
thought than did any other Ilelnbe- OF
the convention of 1885, and that he was
right in the main in his position, has
been fully demonstrated by the actual
experience and personal observation cf
all men in our own times. It is well
worth the space to print it, and | there
fore quote Mr.. McQueens speech in full.
1t is well worth reading over and over,
again and again, and furnishes food for
much thought along that line in our own
times.
SPEECH OF HUGH MCQUEEN IN
THE CONVENTION OF 1885.
Mr.. Mcqueen observed that no gentle
man would be more reluctant than him
self to vote for the introduction of any
clause in our fundamental system of
laws which would curtail the privileges,
diminish the happiness or pain the SEN
sibilities of any class of human beings
on earth, no matter how humble; and
that few, he believed, INDUCED in feel
ings of profounder sympathy for human
woe than he did, where cases of individ-
ual suffering were presented. But,
where public policy and public justice
urged the performance of any duty upon
him, he felt himself imperiously bound to
stife the circumstances of feeling, and to
resign himself to the convictions Of futy.
He said that he was perfectly convinced
that denial of the right of suffrage to
the free persons of color wogld operate
with some degree of harshn@ss in few
instances; for there were some Of that
unfortunate class who had singled them
selves out from their associates by their
meritorious and exemplary conduct; but
that it would be an impolitie species of
legislation to release the operation of
general principle for the benefit Of few
individuals. He should consequently
vote for total abrogation of their right
to vote.
He differed entirely with his friend
from Rowan (Mr. Giles in The belief
that the right of suffrage be extended
TO persons of this description, for The
purpose of acting as a stimulus to virtue
and to merit The blessing of freedom
has baa1l I1cI1ally ayfandad IN fham on