The Black Hills union. [volume] (Rapid City, Pennington County, Dakota [S.D.]) 1889-1904, 1899-06-30

mansions OF a problem, the solving OF
which Is only possible by clear thought
and decisive action-qualities that have
been conspicuously absent from our
dealings with China during the late
difficulties in the far east. Although
my report deals mainly with trading
and commercial questions, it cannot
exclude considerations Of high policy.
and l am compelled to travel outside
he limits originally defined for the
scope of my mission. In framing my
report 1t is impossible to ignore con-
ditions inseparable from the commer
cial question. namely-matters relating
to international. racial and political
complications. The British and Amer
lean public have been quite bewildered
by the controversy which has ragged
during the last year over the relative
merits of the open door" and the
sphere of influence" Investigations
on the spot have convinced me that the
maintenance of the Chinese empire is
essential to the honor as we'll as the in
terests Of the An~glo-Saxon race, and
I hope that when the British and Amer
lean people are acquainted with the
facts as a whole they will be similarly
convinced.
The diplomatic and commercial pres.
tige of Great Britain has been affected
by the events in northern China. but
only in a slight degree when compared
with the loss of good name involved in
forcing concessions from China when
she is Frustrated by involuntary sur
renders to powers stronger than her
self. Hitherto our policy has been to
befr!end weaker nations. 1t cannot be
said that this policy has lately been fol-
lowed in the far east. We have taken
advantage of the importance and dis
tress of the authorities and people o.
China to advance our own interests,
and consequently China has become
suspicious of Great Britain. This is not
only natural, but inevitable.
Our proceedings are certain to en-
compass the doom of China, and equal
ly certain to produce international
strife. Mastery in Asia under a system
Of spheres of influence" will not be de-
termined by effusion of ink. A straight
forward recognition of the principles
of freedom, fair dealing and equality of
opportunity which have made our DO
sition in the world, coupled with reso-
luton and vigor in carrying these prin-
ciples out, will not preserve the integ-
rity Of the Chinese empire, but will
ccnduce more largely to our interests
than the present plan of taking what
does not belong to us because other
powers are doing the same. Unless a
definite settlement of the problem in
the far east is thought out and brought
into effect war is certain, and the whole
civilized world may be compelled to
share in the conflict.
Nc one knows better than myself the
inherent deficiencies of this report.
claim for it, however, the single merit
of being an honest endeavor to exam
inc and set forth the conditions under
which war will alone be avoided, and
will at the same time secure the trad
ing and commercial interests not only
VI lhe DIllioA, uuI VI TIE WuOle Anglo
Saxon race"
Lord Charles is one Of those men who
are hungry for war. A born fighter
himself, he has cultivated a kindred
purpose to secure an opportunity. But
his book shows the value of the adage
that tells how a shoemaker should stick
10 MS last. 1t is filled with statistics
which the consular reports have pub
ilshed and is. as little readable as the
census returns. There are some com
ments upon the statecraft as practiced
in the east. They are not to be taken
seriously, except in that they come
from a source which is regarded az a
little eminent. With those questions
we have not much interest in these re-
lations. With the book We have less
for as literature it canno be regarded
at all. We will add a specimen page
which not unfairly supports the opin-
ion, but has local interest because Lord
Charles was writing of America lust
as throughout his book he wrote of
China. 1t must be said, however, that