The daily morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven, Conn.) 1894-1907, 1899-01-10

would remain unimpalred until our OPP
ponent were bankrupt. If in time of
war or public danger we were compelled
to contract debt we have supposed that
the only policy of dealing with it in time
OF peace was to pay 1t. But now the
senator from Connecticut seems to con-
template that we shall embark on a
permanent system Of national eXpendi-
ture which will put this nation under
an obligation, the equivalent of which
will be national debt greater than
that of any other nation on the face of
the earth. Have you reflected that a
permanent increase Of our expenditures
of one hundred and fifty millions year
which we cannot avoid and from
which we cannot Withdrawals precise
ly the same thing as adding to our ma
tional debt five thousand million dol
lars capitalized at per cent, which is
more than the government is now pay
ing, and that a permanent increase IN
our expenditures of three hundred mil
lions a year is the same as increasing
our national debt ten thousand millions,
capitalized at 3 per cent? l think 1t
can be easily demonstrated that the
/ policies on which we are asked to en-
bark involve a permanent national eX-
penditure much larger than the amount
| I have named. Our civil list, already
so enormous, must be enormously in
creased. Instead of taking from the
| people by fair competition, or even by
fair selection, men to take their share
in self government we must have in
the future, as they have in England, Il
trained class whose lives are to be spent
| M ~, calf bIlt in the
eminent of other men
| At the close of the nineteenth century
the American republic, after it's exam
pie in abolishing slavery has spread
through the world, is asked by the SEN
| ator from Connecticut to adopt a doc
| trine of constitutional expansion on the
| principle that it is eight to conquer buy
and subject whole nation il we hap
pen to deem it for their good--for their
good as we conceive it, and not as they
conceive it. Mr.. President, Abraham
Lincoln said, 'No man was ever Great
ed good enough to own another" No
nation was ever created good enough to
own another. No single American work
man, no humble American home Will
ever be better or happier for the con-
stitutional doctrine which the senator
from Connecticut proclaims. If it be
adopted here not only the Workman's
wages will be diminished, not only will
the burden of taxation be increased, not
only, like the peasant of Europe, will
he be born with heavy debt about his
neck and will stagger with an armed
soldier upon his back, but his dignity
will be dishonored and his manhood
discrowned by the act of his own gov
eminent.
The senator from Connecticut himself
acted on a different doctrine within six
months. He resolved, THAT the peo-
pie of Cuba are, and of right ought to
be, free and independent" l am sure
he is now incapable of resorting to the
poor subterfuge that the right to be
free and independent belongs to them
by reason of any special conditions be-
cause they are white men, or because
they are Americans, or because they
are Christions, and does not appertain
to every people the world over. The
senator and those who think with him
committed themselves to this doctrine
as the right of other people not only to
freedom, but to independence, and they
went to war for IT.. Will they attack it
now?
I do not agree, Mr.. President that the
lesson Of our first hundred years is that
the Declaration of Independence and
the constitution are a failure, and that
America is to begin the twentieth CEN
fury where Spain began the sixteenth
The Monroe doctrine is gone. Every
European nation, every European ALI
ance, has the right to acquire dominion
in, iSt1h ,,rhan yup opntIirp III |
in the other The senator's doctrine |
put anywhere in practice will make Of
our beloved country a cheap jack coun- /
try, raking after the cart for the leav-
ings of European tyranny.
1t may be that in some storm and !
tempest of popular delusion cloud
may for the moment cover the great |
truths Of our Declaration. / have with
in the compass of my own life encoun-
tered such a storm and tempest more |
than once. In 1850, after the passage of |
the compromise measure, the great con-
test for the freedom of the vast terri |
tory between the Mississippi and the |
Pacific seemed hopelessly lost. Senate
and people, courts and state legislatures
seemed all bowling in assent to the over
throw of the great principles of the
Declaration. But after lew snort
years the cloud and storm passed by,
and the eternal constellation shone out
and mistaken in it's glory in
the sky.
I remember when the great political
party swept over the north, electing in
my own state every member of the leg
islature but two, every member of con-
gress, every member Of the state gov
eminent, based on the doctrine of de-
nying the application of these truths to
of foreign birth. But again
the deluson passed by, and the eternal
truths shone out. l have seen like
of popular error and delu-
sion in more recent years. So far God
has given me strength to Withstand
them in my humble fashion. But they
were overthrown and brought to naught
not by any human strength, but be-
cause the eternal providence of God is
on the side of freedom.
Our fathers dreaded standing army;
but the senator's doctrine, put in prac-
tice anywhere, nov or hereafter. rem
ders necessary a standing army, to be
reinforced by a powerful navy. Our
fathers denounced the subsection of any
people whose judges were appointed or
whose salaries were paid by a foreign
|