The Van Buren press., 1899-01-28

SENATOR LODGE, OF MASS.
the constitutonality of the purposes,
which congress Is about to exercise, these
or any other powers, must be determined
! believe that the power of the United
states in any territory or possession out
side the limits Of the United States, in
any territory or possessions outside the
limits of the states themselvesis is absolute,
with the single exception of the limita-
tion placed upon such outside possess
sions by the thirteenth amendment, such,
at all events, has been the policy of the
United States and its course of action
in practice.
THE DRIED SCOTT DECISION.
II Will not enter into any discussion of
the Dred Scott, decision, which has been
so admirably dealt with by the senator
from Ohio | was brought up to believe
that no greater injury was ever attempted
against the supreme court than when,
forced upon it. | was also brought up to
believe that the famous obiter dictum of
Chief Justice Taney was as bad in law
as 1t was wrong In politics and in human
doctrine. | am not very old but that is
belief which | am too old to unlearn
now. | am content to stand on the broad
bate In 1919, that the territories are not
part of the United States, but belong to
the United States, as England's colonies
belong to England.
A BROAD PROPOSITION
Constitutions do not make people; peo-
pie make constitutions. Our constitution
is great and admirable, because the men
who made IL We're so, and the people who
ratified IL and lived under 1t were and are
brave, intelligent and lovers of liberty.
There is higher sanction and a surer
protection to life and liberty, to the right
of free speech and trial by jury, to jus
tice and humanity In the traditions, the
beliefs, the habits of mind and the char
acter of the American people, than any
which can be afforded by the constitu-
ton, no matter how wisely drawn. If
the American people were disposed to
tyranny, injustice and oppression, a con-
stitution would offer but temporary bar
rier to their ambitions but the reverence
for the constitution and for law and JUS
tice grows out of the fact that the
American people believe In freedom and
humanity, in equal justice to all men,
and in equal rights before the law, and
while they so believe the great doctrines
of the declaration of Independence and of
the constitution will never be in peril.
Holding these Views as to our consti-
tutional powers, the great question now
before the American people resolves it
self, in my mind, to one of policy purely.
There is only one question demanding
actual and immediate decision now be-
fore the congress and the people, and that
is whether the treaty with Spain shall be
ratified or not.
THE QUESTION AT ISSUE.
| desire merely to state very briefly
what, as | understand it, that question
is, have heard no opposition expressed
10 any part of the treaty except such por-
tons of it as relate to the Philippines, and
llldN therefore. Is the sole point upon
which l desire to touch. In our war with
Spain we conquered the Phlippine is
lands, or, to put 1t more exactly, we de-
stroyed the power of Spain In those is
lands and took possession of their capital.
The treaty eedes the Philippines to us. 1t
is wisely and skilfuly drawn. 1t COM
mits us to no policy, to no course of ac-
tion whatever in regard to the Philip
pines. When that treaty is ratified we
have full power and are free to do with
those Islands as we please, and the oppo-
sition to its ratification may be summed
up in a single sentence, that the Ameri-
can people and the American congress
are not to be trusted with that power
and with that freedom of action in regard
to the inhabitants of these distant is
lands.
We must either ratify the treaty or re-
1ect it, for | can not suppose that any
one would seriously advance the PROPOSE
tion that we should amend the treaty in
such a way as to make pledges to Spain,
and to Spain alone, and give bonds to
Spain, and TO Spain alone, for our good
conduct in matter which will be wholly
our own to decide. Let US look, then at
the two alternatives. suppose we ratify
the treaty. The islands pass from the
possession of Spain into our possession
without committing US TO any policy. 1
believe we can be trusted as a people to
deal honestly and justly with the islands
and their Inhabitants thus given to our
care. What our precise policy shall be
do not know. because /, for one. am not
sufficiently Informed as to the conditions
there to be able to say what would be
best to do, nor, | may add do | think
any one Is. But / believe that we shall
have the wisdom not to attempt to incor-
porate those islands with our body polite,
or set their labor alongside of ours and
within our tariff to compete in any in
dustry with American workmen.
THE NATIONAL COURAGE
believe that We shall have the courage
not to depart from those islands fearful
ly, umidly, and unworthily, and leave
them to anarchy among themselves, to