The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-05-08
could you improve upon that which you
would belittle and arragn?

consequence Is to give aid and encourage
ment to our enemies In time Of war
OIL Peaceful prosperity and plunge into diff
ncuities and dangt of the Eastern prob
Gauelopnn s 1s II then y Ideal OF 90 our fullest
are TO be avoided. and that our highest good
Is 10 be sought in the quiet enjoyment OF
our own Institutions? Must we live always
In the valley and never seek 20 climb the
rugged peaks? For myself, / love not the
character which is TO be developed under
these softening influences. / love IL nei-
ther In the man nor in the nation. When the
spirit of adventure shall die. when the love
OF lofty enterprise shall hold no.. longer a
pIace in the American heart, the best DAYS
or our Republic will be over. Home Is a
safe place and a happy one, but viii an
man say that he can reach the fun ma
turfty of his powers If his home life Is
all the life he has? Is the character of the
woman who spends her days within the
takes her proper share in society, In the
church, aye even In the state? Dots not the
wider sphere thereof influence and make
her the better mother and the better wife?
Is that less true of the nation than of the
individual? England began the work OF
founding her colonial empire at time when
tyrannical than il has since grown TO be
during the years in which she has been
confronted with these larger responsibilities.
And shall we, the possessors OF Engiisth
bood English institutions and English
modes of thought-shall we become con-
taminated 10y. the things which have mace
THE men who say that we cannot rule
our colonies according TO our own axiom OF
government. thereby confess that that ak
iom is not of universal application; in other
words, that Ii is not true. II that be SO,
we had better discard it: To me 1t seems
that the doctrine that all men equal is
rather intended as promise and prophecy
as an ideal toward which We should strive
aer rian1 an 80 n hn Says "a Of
Jefferson, and IL is hardly less so to-day.
Absolute equality is the perfect circle which
the inscribed polygon OF actual goDeshmehhe she
absolute ideal may never be attained. Jhs
theory of equality will not be hindrance
but an aid to the development of the colo
nies. 1t tells US, right at the beginning of
our enterprise that they are not to be ex-
plotted for our benefit, after the manner OF
the Spanish government from which We
have delivered them, but that their welfare
and their desires are TO be considered along
with our own. That is a good principle 10
10 it. They are all 10 have from the first all
the rights which they are capable OF eX-
ercising intelligently. They are to be our
political children and our duty Is 10 edu-
cate them up TO mans estate. 1T is true
that we must first ourselves determine the
measure of self-government TO be accorded
to- them, just as the father decides this Tor
the child. But the ultimate aim Is their
own self-sufficiency, their final self-sover-
eighty and in this respect We will forever
differ from purely paternal government
Il have faith in my people, and when
men tell US that We cannot rule these
islands. that we had better stay at nome
and take care of our domestic concerns,
answer that the thing which England mas
successfully performed in India. in Africa,
and in every part of the world. tnat tning
accomplish with equal success. The first
necessity is that we have confidence in our
selves. The faint-hearted captain never
took a city, and the faint-hearted nation
never fulfilled the imperial destiny which Is
in store for our great Republic:
LET us then believe in ourselves. Let US
ignore alike the counsels of enemies abroad
and pessimists at home Let us do our duty
as the pathway of duty opens before US
from day to day with the firm belief that
our country, which is to-day foremost in
the opportunities which it offers for human
happiness will stand foremost hereafter in
power and influence and benefieence and
will be recognized By all men as the peer
less leader in the civilization OF the world.
LOYAL EXPRESSIONS.
Letters of regret were read from Judge
Lambert Tree, Rev. DR.. Lyman Abbott and
DR.. Z. Benjamin Andrews. Mr.. Tree in his
letter says:
II sympathize in the purpose Of the meet
ing with all my heart. IL Is NJ and proper
that there should he no misunderstanding
anywhere with regard TO the position of
the great representative and patriotic city
of Chicago in standing by the government
in the task In which II Is at present en-
gagged of restoring public order in the Philip
pine islands and requiring obedience to the
authority of the United States. Least or
all should there be any misapprehenslon az
TO its entire condemnation of all attempts
to fire into the rear of the American troops
by encouraging the enemy TO further resist,
ance and endeavoling TO excite discomfort
and mutiny among our soldiers.
THE brilliant naval victory which made
the name of Dewey immortal and shed an
nnperishable lustre upon the American arms
created at the same time conditions which
We cannot escape. Great victories always do.
The Philippine islands fell into our hands
To hon laTr fhArTa in hn NJ
under the circumstances that existed would
have justly excited the scorn and contempt
of the world. To have turned them loose,
unprepared as their inha bitants were and are
for self-government, would have made them
the prey of every European power and
caused international complications, the re-
sponsibihty for which We could not avoid.
Hence there was no course left but 10 throw
around them the shield Of the protection OF
the United States until such time as IL
could be properly determined, in our inter-
ests as well as theirs, what should be done
with them. The world thought the inhab-
itants of these islands were most fortunate
in having the protection OF the government
of the United States, which had. moreover,
just released them from centuries of Span
ish oppression, from which they were unable
to release themselves.
Their gratitude was what was naturally
expected, but that utterly unscrupulous and
dishonest leader, Aguinaldo. by base mis-
States, stirred them TO insurrection, and in
stead of kissing the flag OF their rescuers
they fired upon it. Now, will anybody tell
me what the government could do under
such circums tances otherwise than what IL
has done? Would its critics have had 1t
withdraw the soldiers when they were fired
upon by the very men they had just re-
leased from their Spanish oppressors? Did
they wish the government TO order the fleet
of Admiral Dewey 10 come home? 1t Is
presumed that the American Congress will,
In good time. determine what shall he ulti-
mateIy done with the Philippine islands.
but until then ii is the duty of the President
of the United States TO maintain authority
over them, no matter how many men II
takes to do II, and all persons there resisting
that authority should feel the bayonet and
expect anything else is, In the end. cruelty
TO them and belittling TO our government"
LYMAN ABBOTTS LETTER.
The following letter from the Rev. Ly-
man Abbott TO the Rev. John p. Brushing
ham was read:
MY Dear Mr.. Brushingham: I am very
sorry that my engagements make it i'm
possible for me to attend the meeting in
Chicago next Sunday. in the interest of
maintaining the present policy Of the United
States government. l am doubtful about
the value of letters such an occasion,
for the reading of which there Is rarely
time, and 10 the reading of which not much
attention is generally given. Notwithstand-
ing, as an earnest of my interest in the sub
ject. I venture to submit the following
propositions, which seem TO be undisputable
and which, so far as l know, have never
been seriously disputed by any anti-expan-
sionst.
'First-When Admiral Dewey destroyed
the Spanish feet in the harbor OF Manila.
the only government In the Philippine
archipelago, real or pretended, de jure or