The San Francisco call., 1899-09-28
OUR NATIONAL DUT Y.
The Question Of Expansion and Annexation
Of the Philippines.
BY Frank H. Short.
PART II.

Perhaps no people ever undertook to re-
| cant as much, renounce as much or jus
! tlfy as much as the American people have
| undertaken to do in the last year and a
half. 1t is painful illustration of the
indians just conclusion when he said,
White man is mighty uncertain" Even
! the Indian would hardly have supposed
! that this great and free Government could
! nave been guilty of such palpable and in
| eXcusable inconsistency We entered
| upon the war with Spain prefaced by the
| solemn declaration that it was in the in
| terest of civilization and law, and to pre-
I vent that country from exercising its
| jurisdiction over distant people without
their consent, and with the broad and
! open declaration to the world that upon
| our part the war was without the motive
or the Intention or desire to acquire any
| supremacy or emoluments. And yet we
are conducting this same war with a
| bloody war for jurisdiction over these
| same people we sought to liberate in order
to establish our military authority over
them by military force and without their
| consent. And all this for doubtful gain
and questionable expediency, and in sub
version of the first cardinal and funda-
| mental principles of our Government.
This is what our President very aptly
| called criminal aggression and so the
world knows it and so it is; and the pity
is If we are going to carry out such a
policy that we made so many humiliat-
ing and false pretenses.
To my mind the most alarming result
from this war is the necessity of a great
standing army. Our position doubtless
requires, or at least justifies, a first-class
navy, but so long as we remain in the
Western Hemisphere Qn other words, at
home), 1t is perfectly clear that our in
telligent citizen soldiers could be mar
shaled, equipped and at the front ready
to bring defeat, as they have always done,
to any attempted foreign invasion; but II
we are to continue our jurisdiction over
remote countries we must be ready in the
event of an insurrection there to repress
1t with an army trained and ready for the
purpose. In the event of war with
great foreign power, which we could meet
and defeat at home with our citizen sol
dierS, we must have as well organized and
as large a standing army as the country
with which we are to so to war, otherwise
our dependencies will be Wrested from us.
To maintain such an army will cost ten
times more than our colonies are worth.
"A great military establishment and
great standing army has never been main
tanned for any length of time in a repub-
lie without the destruction of the repub
lie. That such a result could follow in
this country and that we could maintain
an unrepublican form of government
with great standing army and yet pre-
serve republican institutions, is fallacy
hardly needing refutation, and large
standing army must be maintained if we
acquisition and aggression.
The humiliating way in which public
sentiment may be perverted and become
accustomed to unusual and inconsistent
conditions and suggestions is very
forciby illustrated by what is appar-
emily proposed to be done with a
Sultan of Sulu, who holds jurisdiction
over the Suu group of islands adjacent
to the Philippines. We have sent an En-
bassador or Minister who might properly
q STYLED ha
is certainly extraordinary in his position)
TO negotiate a treaty with this royal
freak for the purpose of having him
recognize the suZerainty of the United
States. From q democratic point of
view l rather like the idea of suzer-
ainty of republican government over
a royal subject. 1t is such sublime and
perfect somersault of the law of nature
and nations that 1t is refreshing to be-
hold. In other words, we as a demo-
cratic people cannot recognize the divine
right of kings nor have one of our own;
that is not TO rule over us, but appar-
entity we can have one over whom we
may have the amusement of ruling. A
king cannot rule over US, but we can rule
over him and his subjects, being a the
same time his subjects and our own. We
have been for months spluttering and
fuming like yellowstone paint pot over
the horrible fact that one Mr. Roberts of
Utah, who has been sealed to three or
four alleged lawful wives, is going to sit
in Congress. 1t is stated with great fer
vor and JUNCTION that this ought not to be
allowed (and l am disposed 10 think
rightly. The programme. however as
agreed by our envoy extraordinary to the
Sultan of Sulu, is solemnly announced to
be that he Is to recognize our sovereignty,
and that thereafter we are to have juris-
diction over his kingship and his sub
jects. He is, nevertheless, to carry on
and retain his old job of governing. under
$4,000 a year, which, of course, is a very
unnecessary amount for a tropical
sovereign If he did not have to support a
harem of a score of wives more or less,
but if we are going to have a king and a
haem we must pay the expenses of
both. The two points most difficult to
agree upon were first; whether this shock
headed, spider-legged clown among kings
and king among clowns would allow the
slaves of his dominion (and therefore
ours) to buy their liberty at the market
price and would carry the American flag
and 1t was especially desired that
the American flag should be carried, and
1t seems to me that the point is a very
good one. 1t is certainly important to
know whether or not the American flag
is to spread it's folds over a king and
over harem and over slave market.
the market price 1t is the flag of the
free and the brave" and ours is "a land
without serf, servant or a slave"
That is we have so said and so assumed
The question is Is it true; If so, is it to
continue to be true? 1t may be COM
pensation sufficient in some minds that
VIC dlc thpoIul8lS ONcI more territory,
more people and more wealth. But un-
less we are a degenerate and forgetful
people there ought to be no adequate
consideration for such an exchange
country cannot be half slave and half
free" This cannot be land of free men
and of subjects. a land of homes and
harems. and over all these there cannot
float one flag, at least as we know it and
love it. Although it may never be ac-
complished, the suggestion ought to turn
the face of every true American away
from this unholy, undemocratic and un-
American enterprise.
| notice that great force is placed upon
the fact that Spain for 300 years had ruled
the Philippines, that her jurisdiction was
undoubted and continuous. That it was
rightful or with the consent of the gov
erned, however is not pretended This
continued and undisputed jurisdiction and
sovereignty of 300 years over the Philip
pine Islands and the nine million nhabft-
ants thereof we bought and paid therefor
twenty million dollars. Therefore 1t is
our own. 1t can be proven by every ut
terance ever made upon the subject by
any American that sovereignty assumed
by military force carried out and perpet-
uated without the consent of the gov
erned is absolutely a fundamental wrong
1t creates and carries with 1t no
right. and no authority that can be
bought or sold or exercised Never
theless, with an inconsistency inde-
scribable while we ourselves have most
openly and publicly and continuously pro-
nj a In u f1 1fs,tts