The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1899-06-28
The United states and Russia.


cidl, that the Russian Government has de-
cided to cxpend large sum of money,
amounting it is said, to $4,000 900, in
purchasing artillery from American ord
nance manufacturers, will direct attention
to the Importance of retaining the good
will OF the great northern empire. The
demand for improved munitions OF war
represents but an insignificant fraction Of
Russia's requirements, II she is to accom-
plsh quickly the great industrial ad-
vance contemplated by her Finance Min
lister, NJ. DE WITTE, which the United
States might further in a way profitable
to both parties.
BY some means or other the London
Times has managed to secure a report Sc
cretly submitted to his imperial master by
NJ De WrTTE upon the method Of promot-
ing Russia's economical development. In
this report the Finance Minister begins by
pointing out that there is so little native
capital available for industrial enterprises
that to refuse the cooperation of foreign
capitalists in the exploitation OF Russia's
national riches would he tantamount to
voluntary acqulcsccnce in industrial stag
nation. Whence is the indispensable CAPT
tai to be procured? This is equva-
lent to asking in what country can
the St. Petersburg Government borrow
money with which to build railways and
canals, improve the navigation Of its rivers,
stimulate the working Of its mines and enc
courage native manufactures. Formerly,
Russia was able place her loans in Eng
land whittier she sends large part of her
surplus agricultural produce. At the time
Of the Afghan frontier troubles, however.
eliminating in the Penjdeh incident. which.
it will be remembered, brought England and
Russia to the verge OF war, the Russian
funds were transferred to Berlin, and,
subsequently, under the pressure OF
political combinations, to France A nota-
bic feature Of NJ. DE WHITES report is the
admission that he no longer finds it possible
to entertain much hope Of further assistance
from that quarter; as he puts it, France
finds it superfluOus to go any further in
the way of investing French money in Rus
sian bonds. His conclusion is that the ut
most pains should be taken to reEstabish
cordial political relations with England,
such as existed in 1914, in order to gain
the financial aid needed to assure Russia's
industrial advance.
1t is true that, from one point OF view.
Russia might reasonably expect to find a
friend in England. She has surplus grain
to sell, and England is the only European
country which admits it to her ports free
of duty. In Germany, the customs dues
imposed on Russian agricultural products
are almost equal to their prime cost in
France, they are actually prohibitive. Eng
land, however, is not dependent on Russian
wheat; she could, at PINCH supply all her
needs by drawing a supply, somewhat ex-
ceeding the normal. from the United States,
British North America Argentina and
Chilli. AS for the permanent maintenance
of friendly relations between Russia and
England, without which the former c0un-
try cannot look for financial assistance to
the latter, this now seems to be out of tho
question, the position OF the two powers
with reference to one another having been
changed materially since the earlier years
of this century. At present the interests OF
the two powers are essentially irreconcilable
in China, in Central Asia, in Persia and, as
soon as the Russians are ready to push
forward from Armenia to Syria in the
Eastern Mediterranean also. Even if the
Gar, convinced by the arguments of NJ. De
WITTE, We're himself disposed to keep the
peace with England for at least a genera
ton, he would be unable, as experience has
shown to restrain the zeal OF local officials,
whose action is very often prompted by
personal ambition rather than by an en-
lightened regard for the welfare of the
State When, therefore, NJ. DE WITTE ad-
vocatcs good understanding with Great
Britain, he is expressing wish rather than
a wcll-grounded hope.
There is one country rich enough to lend
Russia money, and with which it would be
easy for the Gar to maintain perpetual
peace. Nowhere upon the surface of the
globe do our interests conflict with Rus
sia's, except in China, and even there all
friction might be averted II the Car would
covenant to give us, in that part of the
Chinese territory now or hereafter con-
trolled by him, all the freedom Of access
that we have acquired, or may fairly expect
to acquire at the hands OF the Pekin Govern
ment There is no reason to doubt that il
we could obtain such pledge from Russia,
the other European powers that mean to
participate in the partition of China would
make to us similar concessions, in order to
secure our neutrality. When we bear in
mind that the bulk Of our Chinese trade is
with Manchuria and the province of Chih-li,
both of which are included in the section OF
the Middle Kingdom manlfestly destined
to pass under the sway Of the Car, we
must recognize that we have much to gain
and nothing to lose by cultivating the
friendship which has existed between Rus
STA and the United States since our war for
Independence.
If American capitalists should undertake
to place Russian loan they would siGnally
hasten the hour when New York, instead OF
London, will DO the centre OF the worlds
exchange, and they would secure for Amer
lean manufacturers virtual monopoly OF
the already vast and prospectively limit
less Russian market 1t is true that we
are not consumers Of Russia's agricultural