The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1899-06-25

hereditary, and to have so much power
that it will not be his interest to risk
much to acquire more"
mat there was a party in the United
States disposed to Monarchy is put be
yond question by the statements of
Washington, Madison, jay, John Mar
shall and Monroe. Even John Adams
declared that the proposition that the
people are the best keepers of their own
liberties is not true; they are the worst
conceivable; they are no keepers at all;
they can neither judge, act, think or will
as Il political body Hypocrisy.
stimulation and finesSe are not more prac-
ticed in the courts than in popular cleo
tons, nor more encouraged by Courts
than people"
During the war for independence the
Colonies had been held together by
common danger, but even then it was
evident that the articles of confedera-
tion must be set aside and a stronger
government established. The power to
levy and collect taxes. provide for the
general defence, and act as Sovereign
within its proper sphere, were necessary
attributes of government demanded by
self-preservatiOn itself.
This necessity created a tendency to
Capitalization, and the excuses of the
French revolution, at which the world
stood against, furnished what seemed a
conclusive argument against popular
government. Jefferson soon found him.
self almost alone in the elegant society
of New York. The wealth, culture and
refinement of the city We're shocked at the
atrocities committed in Paris, and Ham
ilton was their pet and idol
Il had left France" Mr.. Jefferson
wrote long after, sin the first year of her
revolution, in the fervOr of national
rights. and zeal for reformation. My
conscientious devotion to those rights
could not be heightened, but it had been
aroused and excited by daily exercise.
THE President received me cordially,
and my colleagues and the principal
citizens apparently with welcome The
courtesies of dinner parties given me, as
a stranger newly arrived among them,
placed me at once in their familiar So
ciety. But | cannot describe the won.
der and modification with which the
table conversation filled me. Politics
were the chief topic, and preference of
klngiy over republican government was
evidently the favOrite sentiment
IAN apostate | could not be, nor yet a
hypOcrite; and | found myself for the
most part, the only advocate on the re-
publican side of the question, unless
among the guests there CHANGED to- be
some member of that party from the
legislative houses"
1t was not possible that harmony, nor
any relation except that of antagonism,
should exist between jefferson and Ham
iltOn. They We're both men of great
ability, positive convictions, and with
views utterly irreconciable as to the gov
eminent.
Jefferson was the incarnate principle
of Democracy, pure and simple, without
alloy.
Hamilton had no sympathy with the
people or popular government. In Feb
ruary, 1902, he wrote. to Gouveneur
Morris, his most intimate friend, and af-
terward his eulogist:
Mine is an odd destiny. Perhaps no
man in the United States has sacrificed
or done more for the present constitution
than myself, and, contrary to all my an
ticipatiOns of its fate, as you know from
the beginning. / ann still laboring to
prop the frail and worthless fabric.
Every day proves to me more
~
not made for me-
Notwithstanding the great authority
of Washington, and the influence which
mis- character exercised upon all who APP
preached him, there soon occurred an
open rupture between the Secretary of
State and the Secretary of the Treas
ury.
In February. 1892. Jefferson mention
ed to the President his intention to
retire from the Cabinet, and, when
pressed for his reasons, frankly stated
that it was impossible for Col Hamilton
and himself to continue together in the
and that now a propo-
sltlon had BEEN brought forward, the
decision of which must definitely
determine whether we live under
limited or unlimited government"
To what proposition do you allude?"
asked the President.
To that" replied jefferson, ''in the
report of manufactures (by Hamilton.
Whlch. under color of giving bounties
FOR the encouragement of particular
meant to establish the
doctrine that the constitution. in giving
power to Congress to provide for the
general welfare permitted Congress to
take everything under their charge
which they should deem for the public
welfare. If this was maintained. then
the enumeration of powers in the con-
'titution does not at an constitute the
limits of their authority"
If Jefferson should NOW revisit the
earth he would find the same doctrine
advanced even amongst those who claim
TO be opponents of his principles and
eaching
In the meantime all Europe was pre-
pairing to attack France, and the ques-
ion presented To Washington's Cabinet
was whether the United States should
'emain neutral or assist the people who
rad assisted us in our struggle for In
dependence.
On April ODD. 1893. the proclamation
FOR neutrality was issued, and on the
same day Citizen Genet arrived in Il
French frigate as Minister to the Uni
ed States from the French Republic.
He was received with such tumultu-
,us reclamation as was never before
II since given to any ambassador or Wis
tor to our shores. Public meetings. ban
Iuets. oratory and music evidenced the
Ieep feeling of the American people for
hn cauSp of France A storm Of indie