The Anaconda standard. [volume] (Anaconda, Mont.) 1889-1970, 1899-08-26


nos is only a small part of the prob
lem. If the United States is determined
to press the war with vigor there can
be but one result, so far as the actual
campaigning is commemorative natives
will be crushed.
But what is to be done with them af-
forwards? Are they to be held in
colonial condition or are they to be
merged into the body of the union?
Upon this point not glimmer of light
is thrown either by Mr.. Mckinley or
by any of his supporters. And yet it is
a matter of the utmost moment to the
people of this country. If the islands
are to be held as a colony, that means
an entirely separate and distinct sys-
tenn of laws for their government.
These laws may be similar to those of
the United States or they may be quite
at variance with them.
In any event, though, the islands
would require their own revenue sys-
TEN, in order to meet the expenses of
the government which might be set up
there Then would come the question
of the commercial relations between
them and the United States. The
avowed purpose of forcible annexation
is commercial advantage to this coun-
try. That is to say, we propose to
monopolize the commerce of the ISL
ands.
There are two ways of doing this.
One is to furnish the natives with goods
at lower rates than any other country
can offer them, quality, of course, be-
ing considered. The second is arbitrarily
to give ourselves the advantage of
customs duties lower than those levied
upon the goods of other countries.
The first method would be open to us
without a war of conquest. If we can
make it profitable for the Filipinos to
trade with us. in preference to others,
they will do it no matter what flag
floats over them. But if we offer them
disadvantageous trade, they will not
accept 1t unless they are forced to by
arbitrary power. This is what discrim-
inating duties in our favor would mean.
1t would raise the prices of goods from
other countries and thus force them to
buy the American articles. This would
be downright robbery of the natives,
and an act that cannot be conscien-
tiously defended by any man with sutfi-
cient intelligence to know the difference
between right and wrong.
| If, on the other hand, they are merged
NIn
| then they must stand on a plane of
| perfect equality. They will have the
same right to invade our markets with
| their goods that we will have to go
| there with ours, and as they are an ex-
| tremely poor people, with few wants to
| supply, it stands to reason that they
would sell to us a great deal more than
they would buy from us.
| So it is not easy to see where any
| commercial advantage would accrue to
this country A few capitalists might
| get a foothold there and make money,
but, to some extent, they would GER
tainly do it by utilizing the cheap ma
| tive labor to the injury of the honest
| toilers of our own land. This can
scarcely be called an advantage that
| will justify us in waging a war of con-
| quest even If we look at the ma tter
from the most cold blooded commercial
| standpoint.
These are some of the questions that
| must inevitably arise after the Filipi-
nos have been conquered, and the
| American people are entitled to know
| how the administration intends to deal
with them. The policy now being
| forced, whatever it may be, is a new
| one-totally different from any hereto
| fore known to our history. The bur-
| den is upon the administration. to show
what the policy is to be and that it
will be good one. Simply to let mat
| tiers drift is TO allow new conditions to
| arise-conditions which may be in the
highest degree caiamtous. even involv-
ing war with some great foreign power
But whatever they may be, the same
| old plea could be made that the admin
istration must be supported because
| certain conditions have arisen-just as
is being made now.
|