St. Johnsbury Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1867-1919, 1899-02-22

which we have been striving. We had
four long years OF adversely, which
taught us some lessons which will never
be unlearned, and which will be valuable
in guiding our future action. We have
not only been successful in our financial
and business affairs, but have been
successful in a war with a foreign power
which has added great glory to American
arms and a new chapter to American
history.
do not know why in the year 1899
this republic has Unexpectedly had placed
before it mighty problems which it must
face and meet. They have come, and are
here, and they could not be kept away.
Many who were impatient for the con-
hlct year ago, apparently needless OF
its larger results, are the first to cry out
against the far-reaching consequences Of
their own act. Those of us who dreaded
war most and whose every effort was
directed to prevent it, had fears of new
and grave problems which might follow
its Inauguration.
The evolution OF events which no man
could control has brought these problems
upon us. Certain it is that they have
not come through any fault on our own
part, but as high obligation, and we
unselfsh purpose, and with good heart
resolve to undertake their solution.
War was declared in April, 1898, with
practical unanimity by the congress, and
once upon us, was sustained by like
unanimity among the people. There had
been many who had tried to avert it, as
on the other hand there were many who
would have precipitated it at an early
date. In its prosecution and conclusion
the great majority of our countrymen
of every section believed that they were
| fighting in just cause, and at home or
at sea, or in the field, they had part in its
| glorious triumphs. 1t was the war OF
an undivided nation. Every great act in
its progress, from Manila to Santiago,
from Guam to Porto Rico, met universal
and hearty commentator. The protocol
commanded the practically unanimous
approval of the American people. 1t
was welcomed by every lover of peace
beneath the flag.
The Philippines, like Cuba and Porto
Rico, were entrusted to our hands by the
war, and to that great trust, under the
providence of God and in the name OF
human progress and civilization, we are
committed. 1t is a trust we have not
sought; it is trust from which we will
not finch. The American people will
hold up the hands of their servants at
home to whom they commit its execu-
ton, while Dewey and Otis and the brave
mel whom they command will have the
support Of the country in upholding our
flag where it now floats, the symbol and
assurance of liberty and justice.
What nation was ever able to write an
accurate programme OF the war upon
which it was entering, much less decree in
advance the scope OF it's results? Congress
can declare war, but higher power de-
crees its bounds and fixes its relations and
responsibilities. The President can
direct the movements of soldiers on the
field, and the fleets upon the sea, but he
cannot foresee the close of such move
ments or prescribe their limits. He can.
not anticipate or avoid the consequences,
but he must meet them. No accurate
map of nations engaged in war can be
traced until the war is over, nor can the
measure of responsibility be fixed till the
in the stipulations of peace.
We hear no complaint OF the relations
created by the war between this govern
ment and the islands of Cuba and Porto
Rico. There are some, however, who re-
gard the Philippines as in different re-
lation; but whatever variety of views
there may be on this phase of the ques-
ton, there is universal agreement that
the Philippines shall not be turned back
to Spain. No true American consents to
that. Even il unwilling to accept them
ourselves, it would have been a weak
evasion Of manly duty to require Spain
to transfer them to some other power or
powers, and thus shirk our wn response
bility Even if we had had, as we did
not have, the power to compel such
transfer, it could not have been made
without the most serious international
complications. Such course could not
be thought of. And yet, had we refused
to accept the cession of them, we should
have had no power over them, even for
their own good.
We could not discharge the response
bilities upon us until these islands be-
came ours, either by conquest or treaty.
| There was but one alternative, and that
was either Spain or the United States in
| the Philippines. The other suggestions
first. that they should be tossed into the
arena of contention for the strife of ma
tons or, second, be left to the anarchy
and chaos of no protectorate at all-were
too shameful to be considered.
The treaty gave them to the United
States. Could we have required less and
done our duty? Could we after freeing
the Filipinos from the domination of
Spain, have left them without govern.
ment and without power to protect life
or property or to perform the interna
tioual obligations essential to an indie
pendent state? Could we have left them
in state of anarchy and justified our
selves in our own consciences or before
the tribunal of mankind? Could we
have done that in the sight of God or
man?
Our concern was not for territory or
trade or empire, but for the people whose
interests and destiny, without our will
ling it, had been put in our hands. 1t
was with this feeling that from the first
day to the last, not one word or line
went from the executive in Washington
to our military and naval commanders
at Manila, or to our peace commissioners
at Paris, that did not put as the sole
purpose to be kept in mind first after the
success of our arms and the maintenance
of our own honor, the welfare and happi-
ness and the rights Of the inhabitants OF