davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24
SCHOOL COMMISSIONERS.

Already petitions In behalf of aspirants
for the position of School commissioner are
being circulated by a few persons who are
of the last Legislature. 1t would not be
necessary to call attention 20 the fact If the
law did not prohibit the voter from signing
a petition for more than one candidate. This
being the case, those who have the interests
of the schools at heart should reserve this
one chance until petition for man is pre-
sented who is entirely satisfactory. There
are many such men. and it is sincerely
hoped that the names of enough of them
will be presented to enable those who would
secure the election of the best men to have
an opportunity to vote for them. 1t should
be understood that the candidates should be
at least twenty-five years of age and resi-
dents of the city for three years. The name
of no citizen can be placed upon the ballot
unless two hundred citizens shall sign a
petition for him. From all the names on
this ballot the voter can designate five by
r'arking them. This method would seem to
secure the selection of the best men, but,
serve are the least qualified, and coterie
of candidates the least fitted can form a
combination and make canvass which
may secure their election and thus defeat
the aim of the law. The election will be
by the secret ballot, which will prevent the
questionable practices which have been
adopted in the election of commissioners in
districts where there have been contests.
The point to be emphasized at this time
is that the voter shall not sign a petition
for a candidate until one is presented that
meets his approval. The individual voter
has but one choice as to candidates. so he
should wait for the best, or, better, seek
the best.
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24
From Sea tn Sen.

This Is the title given by the Doubleday.
Mcclure Company, now Mr.. Rudyard Kip
ling's authorized publishers. to collection
of the much-talked-of letters, which so few
have read. written by him while he was still
a youth, concerning America. There are
other letters, for he returned from India to
England by way of China and Japan and
sent back impressions of his journey to the
Allahabad Pioneer. He was sharp-eyed.
not quite kindly and rather self-sufficient
young observer. He saw things quite as
they really existed in many cases. and in
others he was far wrong. His judgment is
a rapid tour, and his opinions rather irri-
tatingly crude and bumptious; but after
making due allowance for his youth and his
lack of genuine information 1t is worth while
to read these letters to see how we, a
people, do impress the critical and observ-
ing stranger. And there are true Kipling
touches here and there that help to repay
the reading-vivid descriptions and phrases
that express volumes. He would not write
these letters now, but, all things considered,
he need not regret them and Ii is well
enough that they have been presented in
authorized form, and not left to the un-
scrupulous to garble. These letters. includ-
ing a preliminary dissertation on India, fill
one volume and part of another. The re-
mainder Of the second volume is made of
number of descriptive articles relating TO
India-"The City Of Dreadful Night"
Among the Railway Folk" THE Giridih
Coal Fields" In an Opium Factory and
THE Smith Administration" The volumes
are neatly printed and bound and make an
attractive addition TO a Kipling shelf.
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24
BRYAN'S PHILIPPINE PLATFORM.

Those American citizens who make it a
point to believe and shout for whatever Mr..
Bryan declares to be his opinions should
keep careful watch these times. He is
changing his views, so if those echoes of
Mr.. Bryan who continue to protest against
maintaining our authority in the Philip
pines are not careful they will come to
grief. If those who play the part of echoes
to Mr.. Bryan read no further than his allu-
sions to the Declaration of Independence
and the consent of the governed, and as
sumo that he still favors the policy of the
United States getting out of those islands
at once, they will make a mistake. 1t is
true that, months ago, Mr.. Bryan de-
nounced the policy that resulted in our hav-
ing an army in the Philippines and was at
the elbow of his Governor in Nebraska
when he vetoed a resolution thanking the
Nebraska regiment for its gallant conduct
in upholding the authority of the United
States I'm Luzon. but he has found that that
Is not good politics. He should see that
his allusion to the consent of the governed
Is not wise while his party in Mississippi.
South Carolina and Louisiana has taken
from the majority of the voters in those
States the right to vote without asking their
consent.
At Chicago, however. Mr.. Bryan gave his
friends new platform regarding the Phil
ippines. He would have the Fflipinos in
formed Immediately of our intention to give
them independence as socn as stable gov
eminent can be established and protect
them from outside interference while they
work out their own destiny. That is the
latest. and if it is not satisfactory it is bet
Hams and other speakers at the same meet
ing. 1t has, however, its objections. All
the reliable information from the Philip
pines is to the effect that Aguinaldo's linn
tied following has not made him ruler by
any popular action. and that If the propo-
sition to make him ruler OF Luzon were
submitted to the people it would be re-
jected. Furthermore. the opinions of those
who are best acquainted with the people OF
those islands are 10 the effect that there
are so many factions that they cannot form
or sustain an independent government But
assuming that the United States left the
Filipinos TO rule themselves after giving
the world notice that we will protect them
from outside interference, would We not be
taking upon ourselves a remarkable and
very great responsibility? Suppose this in.
dependent government of the Philippines
should seize a foreign ship or imprison oil
impose special burdens upon the citizens oil
subjects Of Great Britain, Germany or any
other nation and refuse TO make reparation
what would the United States do under thi:
one-sided protectorate Of Mr.. Bryan's'
Having no control over the independent Fill
| ipino government and no power or right tC
| compel 1t TO recognize international rights
we must pay the damages inflicted by it.
| authority or consent. and go TO war will
| such government IL 1t undertook to punish
| the offenders. We must not. according I,
| Mr. Bryan. exercise authority over a gov
eminent Of Aguinaido's. but We will defens
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24

his government against the interference Of
other governments no matter what outrage
he may be guilty of. This would be a fine
thing for Aguinaldo.
This last platform of Mr.. Bryan's will
suit Aguinaldo. but to Americans and the
rest Of the world 1t is the most absurd prop
osition that could be made. always except
ing his assumption that As cents worth Of
silver can be made 100 cents by the govern
menf sfamn
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24

mills have been pushed TO supply the de-
mand. which. thanks to the Dingley tariff.
must be largely filled by goods of home pro-
duction. Labor was never so fully en-
ployed throughout the country. From the
harvest fields comes the cry of scarcity of
men. In the cities and in the villages there
suddenly appears to be great demand for
labor. Employment is not literally pursuing
men. but the man who really wants to work
can find something TO do apd wages for
what he does There are strikes. but the
question of wages does not enter into them.
And yet there are a few men who have
all these indications of prosperity are de-
ceBtive
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24


The two greatest labor strikes of the year.
those of street-railway employees in New
York and Cleveland, have both nearly run
their course. In both cases violence was
resorted to by the strikers and their friends,
and both were suppressed by force. the one
In New York by the police and the one in
Cleveland, which is not quite ended yet, by
state troops ordered out by the local au-
thorities.
After all the experience of the past, 1t Is
surprising that workingmen or wage-earn-
ers of any kind should persist in trying to
insure the success of strike by resorting
to violence. If they would stop to think
and would recall the history of past efforts
Of the kind they would see that this is the
way Of all others to insure the failure of a
strike. What may be called the ethics of
labor strikes can be stated in very few
words. Every man, whether a member of a
labor union or not, has right to work, If
work is offered him, for whatever wages he
chooses to accept. Every man also has an
indisputable right to quit work If the wages
or any other condition does not suit him.
employ whomsoever they please without
dictation from their employees or from labor
union or any other organization. These
fundamental doctrines of individual liberty
and personal rights seem so plain and axio-
matte that they scarcely ought to require
stating. 1t follows, of course. that no wage
Garner has claim on any particular job or
haf he he II
for any reason whatever, as he has a perfect
right to do, any other person has a right to
take up the work that he has laid down, re-
gardless of the fact whether he belongs to
a labor union not. The rights of indi-
viduals are above any organization. The
right to work is as sacred as the right to
freedom. In this country no person can
be deprived of his freedom and compelled
TO work, except as punishment for crime,
and no person who is willing TO work can
be deprived Of the right to do so on what
ever terms he chooses to accept. The idea
that men who have quit work for any rea-
son whatever may use force and violence
to compel employers to grant their demands
or TO prevent other persons from stepping
posterous and abhorrent. There is an ele-
ment of justice in almost every labor strike,
though a strike is a poor way to get JUS
tice, but the moment strikers resort to force
and violence they defy society and invoke
the whole power of the government for the
protection of the lives and property of its
citizens. An appeal issued by the press
committee of the Cleveland strikers says:
I'VE believe force can be applied in many
instances, and that it is absolutely essen
tial in the present case" This shows how
far astray from correct principles men may
be led by self-interest or imaginary wrongs
and rights. If force and violence can be
rightly resorted to by one set of workmen
to carry their point. they may by another,
and IL by workmen then by employers, and
the result would be anarchy. There is abso-
lutely no justification for a resort to force
in any labor trouble. and it ought to insure
the speedy failure of any strike, as 1t al
most invariably does.
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24

The labor question has developed curious
phase in Marion. Ind During a recent strike
Of carpenters it became noised about that
there was a good deal of work in Marion
and the consequence was quite an influx OF
carpenters from other towns. The strike being
over there is now a surplus of men and the
local carpenters union has adopted resolu-
ton refusing to grant carpenters from out
side of the city the right to work at their
trade there, even though they are union
men and have clearance cards from their
unions in the towns they came from
This is treating union men as bad as
"ScabS'
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24
Departmental Ditties.

This collection of Departmental Ditties
and Barrack-room Ballads" includes all of
Rudyard Kipling's earlier poems not found
in THE Sc ven Seas" Many of them have
become familiar through the newspapers.
Danny Deever," Fuzzy Wuzzy," John
n.y." "Mandalay" and the rest which tell the
joys and sorrows of Tommy Atkins are
all there-Tommy who finds himself longing
for India after he comes back TO London:
Ship me somewhere east of Suez, where
the best is like the worst.
Where there aren't no Ten Commandments
an man can raise a thirst;
For the temple bells are calm, and it's
there that l would be
By the cid Moulmein Pagoda, looking lazy
at the sea-.
There is the stirring ballad of East and
West that first attracted the attention OF
the literary world to the writer. There is
"Tomlinson," the tale of the man who had
not sand enough, definite character enough
to gain him admission into either heaven
or hell. The rollicking ditties and the
verses with a purpose are not all poetry
by any means, but the volume has much
that is worth the reading and even the
lightest and slangiest may have a thought
that stays-as witness the attention that the
ballads have drawn to Tommy Atkins
some of ii doubtless In quarters where IL
has done him good. Doubleday-McClure
Company, publishers.
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24

The Springfield (Mass) Republican. the
ablest of the Atkinson organs in the East,
predicted for a time that men could not be
enlisted for the war In the Philippines. Now
that recruiting is proceeding satisfactorily it
turns about and says that majority of the
recruits are a needy lot who have failed in
the battle of life and are seeking refuge in
the army from the uncertainty Of employ
ment. The statement is a SANDER, but SLAM
dering is the business of the champions of
AguinaldO.
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24

These sketches of New England life BY
Alice Brown, have the charm of genuine,
ness that causes the reader to feel that
he is getting a glimpse into the joys and
sorrows and simple romances of real people.
Some of these sketches are hardly more
than the merest outlines, others are more
complete stories; all are of country people
of narrow lives, but their problems are as
absorbing TO them rs the more complex
ones that trouble more sophisticated HUI
mainly. "A March Wind the story Of a
woman's love for a man who came to her as
a tramp, has as much human nature in Ii
as IL the personages concerned moved I'm
the good society which novelists are apt to
prefer for their heroes and heroines. The
story of the Second Marriage" will be I'M
derstood by many a woman; IL is a lesson
in the molding power of habit. Alice Brown
has the artists touch. 'Tiverton Tales
are all worth the reading. Houghton, Milf
fin & Co., publishers.
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24

This short story, by Mrs Charlotte Per-
kins Stetson. published some time ago in
a magazine. has been issued in booklet form
by Small, Maynard G. Co. of Boston. The
story is study of case of insanity be-
ginning with the gradual breaking down
of woman's nervous system and follow
ing her history until she becomes a raving
maniac, helped on her way by the nideous
and peace-destroying paper of her room. 1t
is a weird, haunting, convincing tale, and
leaves the reader with a better acquaint-
ance with the workings Of sensitive nerves.
incidentally the dizziness and stupidity of
the man who means to be kind, but has no
conception of the suffering his obtuseness
may cause, is shown up in an unfiattering
light. The cover 90 the book has a sug-
gestive design in yellow.
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24
A PerilOus CHALLENGE.
Boston Transcript Rep.)

bUStUH transcript IRep.J
Colonel Bryan may go up and down the
country talking anti-expansion to his
tongues content. and few outside his own
party pay any attention to him, but let
the Democratic national convention demand
the lowering of our flag, let it call upon
the people to register that our treasure
shall be wasted and that the blood of our
soldiers shall be deemed to have been shed
in vain, and they will have issued a chal-
lenge that no high-spirited nation can ig-
more. The convention. in following such a
Democratic national convention of 1854
which pronounced the war "a failure" and
the people Of the United States would in
1900 we believe, initiate the action of the
people of the LOYAL States in 1864
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24

The Sunday Journal contained an extract
the New York Evening Post at Manila, as
follows:
My experience is that the most unrelia BILE
most romantic and imaginative, is that con-
tanned in the private letters which thought
less and fnjudicious parents, wives and
IIlends may have given TO the press for pub
LEGATION. They contain all the camp gossip
and baseless rumorS that circulate through
out the army. all the 'dopes" and pipes
tion; none are ever true in the form in
which they circulate and few ever have
genuine feeling whatever.
This statement is confirmed by a recent
experience of the Terre Haute Gazette, a
very rabid anti-expansion paper. About
three months ago the Gazette published a
letter written by Private Smith, an Indiana
man, and a member of the Third United
States Artillery at Manila, to his parents
He gave terrible account of the horrors
of war, the cruel treatment of the Filipinos,
etc. The Gazette published his letter con-
spicuously, with scare head lines vouched
for its accuracy, and commented on ii edi-
torially, as did some other anti-expansion
papers. On Saturday it published in an
out-of-the-way place another letter from
former one, he says:
I was only on the Philippine islands about
three days at the time wrote that letter
TO my parents. l knew nothing whatever
about what any regiments were doing. only
from what said before, what we call pipe
stories, ana there is no credit 10 be given
them. i am very sorry / put enough con-
ndence In any such reports to write it to
my parents. but l knew no better at the
time. L have found out since, during my
time I'm the Philippine islands and as an
enlisted man in the Eighth Army Corps,
that too high praise cannot be given to the
omcers and men of the entire corps, in all
details. This is my opinion of affairs in the
Philippines, as private soldier. and / am
any one in defense of the officers of our
United States army and our flag of the
grandest nation on earth. There Is no ma
ton on earth that would or could treat it's
subjects as prisoners or otherwise any bet
ter than our nation is treating them in the
philippine islands, and any one who tries
to contradict them, and from what / have
seen since L have been here l am confident
that every regiment, either volunteer or
rgular. has done its duty and done it gal
lantly and willingly, and do not know of
one instance where any soldier has done
an act which was against his orders while
on duty or on duty, and 1 am sure there
hasn't been a Filipino or a Spaniard re-
celved anything else only the kindest treat
ment, let them be prisoners or whatever
they may. L hope am not taking too much
OF your time or space in your paper. but
hope you will kindly publish this letter: also
publish a statement contradicting anything
i may have written In that letter to my
parents. as 1t was only an uncredited ru-
NOR started by some one / know not.
Such pipes" and camp gossip as this
young man wrote after being in the Philip
pines three days furnish the material on
which American llinaldists arc conduct
ing their anti-expansion campaign.
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24
The Canteen Question.

z. 5. Martin, IN Harper's Weekly.
1t is learned that out of six hundred re-
plies received from officers of the army, in
answer to inquiries of the War Department
as to the expediency of retaining the can.
teens In post exchanges. only six are ad-
verse to- the present system. No doubt this
practical unanimity of opinion of the men
soldier. in favor of the canteen, will only
excite our ultra-temperance brethren to
greater efforts to suppress it. We may
hope. though, that the testimony of the
army may have weight with Congress. The
soldiers vote does not count for much, but
there Is an increasing number of voters
whose votes do count, who think and care
about the soldier. and would resent the need
less sacrifice of his interests to the pre-
JUDGES Of the inconsiderate
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24

The Evansville Courier has an editorial
controverting the idea that Mr.. Bryan is
the embodiment of free silver and must
stand or fall with that issue. 1t says:
Nothing could be further from the truth.
Mr.. Bryan never was the embodiment of
the free-silver idea, much less to-day than
when the Chicago convention nominated
him for the presidency. His speech on tariff
reform first made him national figure.
This is very absurd statement, but 1t
shows the anxiety of Democrats to make
something else than free silver the leading
issue in 1900. Mr.. Bryan was nominated as
the embodiment OF the free-silver idea, and
he. more than anybody else, still repre-
sents what is left Of it. 1t is not true that
his speech on tariff reform delivered dur
ing his brief service In Congress first made
him national figure" He was in no sense
a national figure when he went to the
Chicago convention, and was not thought
of by the leaders the party at large
as a presidential candidate until he deliv-
cred his fiery speech ending with: You
shall not press down upon the brow Of
labor this crown of thorns! You shall not
cruelty mankind upon a cross of goldr'
his campaign III 1880 was exclusively and
pre-eminently free-silver 16-to-1 cam
paign. and he has said repeatedly that he
stands now where he did then on this ques-
ton. Democrats who are trying to relegate
free silver to the rear in 1900 show their
good sense. but II they succeed in depriv-
ing Mr.. Bryan of his free-silver fame they
will rob him of a great part of his popu-
larity. Samson's strength lay in his hair.
and when that was gene he became weak
and was like any other man. Mr.. Bryan's
free-silver hair is at once his glory and his
strength.
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24
History of the Nation.

Prof. Andrew c. Mclaughlin, of the Uni
versity Of Michigan, has written for the
Twentieth Century series of textbooks.
a history of the American nation that is
concise interesting and we'll illustrated.
The maps are especially fine and are CORE
spondingly useful TO full understanding
of the text. The author says: Il have
sought TO so name the events that the
reader will come to an appreciation Of his
political s1rTounGin ana OF .he Pon daeSi
with questions of government and admins
tration I'm an admirable way, but does not
neglect to make his narrative clear and In
structive. The publishers are d. Appleton
e. Co. New York.
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24

conventions come here without any effort
on the part of the city or its people. and an
urgent invitation imposes obligations that
must be met. The benefits of conventions
are. as rule. greatly overestimated. 1t is
true they advertise the city in a way. but
1t is way that has no practical results.
and the idea that they leave much money
behind is pretty well exploded. Conventions
that come here of their own motion will al
ways be welcome and well treated, but we
should stop extending urgent invitations
that impose corresponding obligations.
The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-07-24
Puerto Rico.

Puerto Rico, Its Conditions and POSSIBLE
tiles" by William Dinwiddie. is book that
covers about all there is to know concern
ing the industrial. commercial, political and
social conditions of our new island. as they
now exist. The information IL contains will
be invaluable TO Americans who have into n
tions of visiting or investing money in Porto
Rico. 1t gives descriptions of scenery, tells
OF the customs of the people, the cost OF
living. the chances for trade. and makes a
The author is of opinion that the island is
a desirable place for Americans TO go, II
they have money to invest. but poor loca-
New York