Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, 1899-11-29

|
pei them to acknowledged our rights as
China does now. Bnt either course might
involve the United States in war, and we
do not believe such war would pay. 1t
should be remembered always that our
interest in China is a commercial and IL
nancial interest, and our only desire in
taking hand in this quarrel is to make
money for our manufacturers. The cost
is to be counted. There is no philanthro-
py in it. 1t is true, as THE ENQUIRER
says, THAT we have as much right in Chi
ma as has any other country !" but 1t IS
not true, according to American princi-
piles, that any power has the right to take
the government out of the hands of peo-
pie who have been governing themselves
longer than any other nation now in eX-
istence.
Here The State begins to show symp-
toms of more or less comprehension.
Evidently it has not yet reached a
clear understanding; but at the same
time its statement indicates vague,
murky view of the main facts, and if
it will stop right here, take a seat at
"THE ENQUIRER's feet" for a spell,
and concentrate it's mind as well as it
can, we will endeavor to make the
whole matter so plain that even lit
tie child can have no further excuse
for going wrong. But before we go
any further it will be well to anchor
these propositions, upon which The
State persists in being confused
The United States has no unfriendly
designs against China, her people, or the
integrity of her empire.
There are other and greater than purely
commercial or financial considerations in
volved. There are involved the sovereign
privileges of the United States as ma
ton.
The United States is not seeking war
but to uphold its rights without war.
The United States has no idea that 1t
will have to tackle the closed door COM
bination alone, if at all but proposes to
act in conjunction with Great Britain,
and other powers having identical inter-
ests, and the manhood TO defend them.
Having laid down these propositions,
we do not propose to depart from them
one title; but we will invite our pupil
to continue to pay strict attention while
we review the situation in China. In
the first place, it can be learned at the
state department in Washington that
China is bound by solemn compact to
give us all commercial rights that she
accords to any other nation. Under
this arrangement, 80 per cent of all
the cotton drills, and 80 per cent of all
the sheetings exported by the United
States, find their way to the three
northern treaty ports of Tientsing,
Chefoo and Newchwang. In con-
neclion with the Russo. Manchurian
railway treaty, negotiated in 1897,
Russia intimidated China into this
agreement "That goods imported
into China by rail and exported from
China into Russia, shall pay respective
ly an import or export Chinese duty
to the extent of one-third less as COM
pared with other nations at the Chinese
custom houses" This statement OF
facts indicates the extent to which our
treaty rights are controvened and our
trade imperiled here but this is only
a suggestion. At the time our war
with Spain broke out, the dismember-
ment of China was in full progress.
Russia was endeavoriug to extend her
influence as far south as the Yellow
river Germany was trying to get con,
troll of everything between the Yellow
river and the Yangste while France
was arranging to occupy the entire
province of Yunnan. The thing was
progressing beautifully, almost smooth
ly, and there was every indication that
within year or two more these pow
ers would have virtual control of II OF
the 1S provinces of China proper, as
well as of Manchuria, Mongolia, Chi
nese Turkestan and Thibet. The trea-
ty ports from which our cotton mills
are drawing such handsome profits
would be closed by tariff wall, and
sovereign China, the government OF
which, as our pupil has so prettily
suggested, was ancient when the Oldest
of the other powers mentioned was in
its swaddling clothes, would be as help
less as babe.
But all this is changed now. Since
that night Dewey steamed into Manila
bay, Russia, France and Germany have
been more circumspect. They were
aware all the while that England, the
United States and Japan were opposed
to their game of grab. They had been
figuring also that as the United States
did not have much of navy, and still
less of an army, it would not be in a
position to help itself, and that Eng
land would be forced, in self:defense,
to join the game. So far as Japan
was concerned, they did not care.
With the sudden appearance of the
United States as a full pledged power
in the Orient, however, holding iu the
Philippines the key to the whole sit
uation, conditions are very different. 1t
has become necessary to await further
developments. Russia, France and Ger
many will not probe any deeper into
the matter until they see whether or