Middlebury register. (Middlebury, Vt.) 1886-1937, 1899-01-13
Edmunds on Expansion.

| In the senate UnuS Iar tnlS Session.
Edmunds on Expansion.
What, then, in the present state of af
fairs is to be done? Are we to make war
upon the people of the Philippines as
Spain was doing, In order to subject
them to our dominion? This apparently
we must do to make them a people
whether citizens, subjects, or slaves) of
the United States.
To Justify this "a decent respect to the
opinions of mankind" should compel our
government to state definitely the
grounds upon which we make the at
tempt. We have assured the nations of
the globe in the most solemn manner
possible that we made war not for con-
quest or extended dominion, but solely
to set the people of Cuba free-of whom
congress declared that "they were and
of right ought to be free and indie
pendent"
At that very time the Philippine re-
bellion was stronger and better organ
lied than that of Cuba. Recent events
have proved that the Philippine rebels
are as capable of government as the
people of Cuba. When the United
States aided in the attainment and recog-
pized the independence of the Spanish
|
our government did not set itself up to
be the final Judges of whether or not
they were capable of self-government,
although it was perfectly we'll known
that self -government by the people of
those provinces could not be such, and
never could be such, as the races and in
habtants of temperate zones could es.
tahlish and maintain.
To force our dominion, then, upon the
people of the Philippines would be in OPP
position to the everything principles on
which our nation was founded, and un
der which it has in a little more than a
century grown so great in an ever-in-
creasing native and homogeneous people,
established in temperate zone of the
earth, and capable from this cause of
continuous development in industry, in
crease of knowledge, in social order,
Justice and morality. If we now pro-
coed to conquer Gas probably we can at
last, although Spain has failed to do It
after more than century of effort).
what shall we say to them is the motive
of our conduct?
How are we to explain II to the world,
having "a decent respect for the opinions
of mankind" as Jefferson and our faith
ers thought necessary in our Declaration
of Independence?
Can we be justified in forcing by the
sword our particular and excellent ideas
of government, morality. and religion
upon these people, as Mohammed did in
his religious wars and as Spain did in
her early operations on this continent?
How will such of our "blshops, priests
, and deacons" and religious newspapers
as have appeared to favor the scheme
, find authority in the create st and best of
all books that have ever been given to
( mankind-the New Instrumentation this
new enterprise now proposed for our re.
public?
All the people of these islands who
were the subjects of Spain will become
: citizens of the United States by the mere
act of cession unless the treaty of ces-
sion should provide that those who
wished could remain subjects of Spain
and aliens as to the United States. This
has been a necessary rule of information
al law for hundreds of years and the rule
is founded upon the obvious fact that
the people of every country or Of any
, part of it must owe allegiance to and be
subject to the government of some SOW
ereign power, be it tribe, or emperor
or king, or republic, and must. unless
they are slaves or serfs, have the rights
of such.
But a republic can have no subjects
Its people must be either citizens, slaves
" or aliens. If aliens, they are the subjects
n or citizens of some other power, which
9 is bound to protect them. The transfer
e therefore, of the sovereignty of SpaiI
d over the Philippines to the United States
y makes all her subjects at once citizen
J, OF the United States.
y If citizens of the United States, the,
i have all the rights that belong to othe
# citizens in the territories whether on tn
mainland or on the islands of the sea
Il Neither geography nor distance has any
o thing to do with it.
u The constitution of the United State
y provides for the government of territorie
O as well as for government within tn
If states. In the states the autonomy !
fixed In respect of all the three depart
Is ments of the government-legis
re executive and judicial. la the territorle
g, congress is left free to regulate, subjec
:, TO the constitution, the means of govern
- ment according to its discretion. Blu
ar fundamental and other private right
3, are, and always have been, as secur
is under and by force of the same constitu
ton in the territories as in the states
Of The constitution settles both, only b.
If different methods of exertion. Congress
H. may invest the political government of
VI ~ territory in single person if it chooses
n, n and confide the judicial power to a singl
80 Judge if it likes, but 1t cannot authoriz
Or the political governor to make law tina
a inuriously affects personal rights diffel
to emily from such laws as congress ma
originally make for the citizens of
st state.
he 1t cannot authorize territorial judg
1s to condemn man unheard or to des
, &c with his person or property otherwls
,e than by that due process of law whic
,e the constitution secures to all the peopl
who owe allegiance to the United State
N. or are within its sovereign power.
ry cannot say that no citizen residing in
ne state shall migrate to territory, or this
citizen or some particular class {
-, citizens residing in territory shall ne
t ,r migrate to state. In short, the const
= tuition does operate and have full force