The Wichita daily eagle. [volume] (Wichita, Kan.) 1890-1906, 1899-10-22
The French View
New Version of
the Dreyfus Hatred.

To the foreigner wishing to escape from
the hopeless one-sidedness OF English
views Of France. the voice Of NJ. Ernest
Lavisse should appeal with especial force.
That he is a genuine Frenchman and
true patriot not even the EXTREMIST Ma
tionalist would deny On the other hand.
from the time when he became an author
ity TO German scholars on their own poll
teal history, it has never been possible to
doubt seriously his dispassionate and en-
nghtened judgment AS a professor at
Sorbonne, he rapidly gained an influence
over the intellect Of young France which
resulted in the National Association Of
University Students. This influence has
been more durable than the Neo-Chris-
tian movement inaugurated by the Vic
| onte de Vogue at the same time, and it
has had no partisan or political character
other than to inspire an ideal Of high civic
action. In the university itself, Profess
! scr Lavisse has been associated with
every Liberal reform, particularly in
broadening the methods and scope Of his
torical study and opening the way 10 er-
iginal talent unprovided with official Gre
dentials. He also originated the lectures
of Saint-Cyr, which furnish the future Of
| fcers of the French army with a wider
culture than the special military studies
of the past could possibly provide.
When the Dreyfus agitation was pro-
ceeding to divide the soul from the spirit
of France, Professor Lavisse honestly
chose his side and resigned his post at
I int lt.-r Put ba hos tai RI
in the attacks on army and church, and
all that is sacred and traditional in life
and education in France, under pretext of
| righting a judicial error. His deliberate
views on the situation of France as the
heat and passion of the Dreyfus affair
have left her are worthy of all attention
on the part of those who prefer TO know
the truth rather than to have the salts
faction of confirming prejudice acquired
they scarcely know how. The Revue de
Paris publishes the well seasoned views
of Professor Lavisse in the present num-
der October y. under the title Of Ma
| tional reconciliation. So far, the only
reproach brought against him by the ir-
reconcilables on both sides is-from the
Nationalist Deputy Millevoye that his
idea of the patrie is now narrow enough
| from NJ. Clemenceau that his tolerance Of
Christianity is too wide.
NJ Lavisse begins with a distinction
which has been constantly lost sight OF
in the foreign polemics against France
to which the Dreyfus agitation has given
rise:
The Affair" is to the Dreyfus case
what the sea is to the ship; it goes in
fnitely beyond it. 1t is a mixture of feel
| ings, passions and ideas, in which France
stands revealed as she is, uncertain and
troubled wish to investigate the causes
of the trouble and uncertainty.
1t is a difficult investigation; we shall
not ask for it the testimony of those who
took part in the case as the accusers of
defenders, nor of those who pleaded be-
fore the public for or against the accused
man. They have taken sides for reasons
of conscience or for reasons of interest.
But the masses have taken sides for or
against the accused man by an instructive
| movement, without knowing anything of
the case. or else content to choose from
| it whatever flattered and confirmed con-
victions already made 1t is in the mass
| Of the French people that we must look
for the political and moral state Of our
/ country 1t is divided into two camps,
neither of which is homogeneous. To
designate them, we must use the two
terms which usage has consecrated-3nti-
/ Dreyfusards and Dreyfusards. 1t would
| be better not to make use of such words,
/ Sc - IL ta nd hpfr A.
tons for the two assemblages.
! If you look for the most general mark
that distinguishes them from each other.
you Will find that, with exceptions 10 be
made for individuals or small groups, the
anti-Dreyfusard camp unites together
/ Conservatives of every shade. from the
Royalist and Catholic gentry to the most
Moderate Republican-that IS, to those
who wish for a republic as like as posi-
BILE to monarchy, supported by the same
/ forces. respecting and defending social
rank. the minimum of a republic. a sort
Of constitutional monarchy minus its
! head The other camp comprises, with
1 few exceptions as for the firsO those who
/ are called advanced Republicans. Social
/ lists. Revolutionists and Anarchists. In
/ the course of the crisis it has been easy
to verify that political opinion has more
and more adopted this classification.
Many Republicans and socialists, who
were anti Dreyfusards at the beginning,
| changed camp when they saw the case
made the most Of against the republic by
nearly all her enemies: and, in proportion
as this movement on among Republicans.
/ the opposing party was also REINFORCED
and became more active and violent.
! Prof. Iavisse briefly explains the close
/ union which exists naturally between
/ church, king and army through the
many centuries or anarchy, and then
I points out the consequences Of this union
in the national life Of today.
Revolutions came: the trinity-church
} king and army-was broken asunder, and
1 the old regime was followed by the rev.
But. can we ever say OF a regime that Il
! is old or new? AT least. We must say it
I with great precaution. No doubt. one
( hundred years and more have passed by
since the revolution But what are a
{ hundred years in so long a national life?
Consider. also. how both army and
church have special conditions OF life in
! the nation. \ special system of educa-
ton. a separation and distinction from
the rest Of men by their manner Of life,
physiognomy. and clothing. isolate them.
So to speak. from within. make them re-
fractory 70 new influences. and strength
en within them the old ideas. They have
memory Of the past far more than the
rest IF the necr.Ia Consider
again. ! entreat you, how. apart from all
their memories. church ana army. being
founded OF obedience. cannot love the