The Anaconda standard. [volume] (Anaconda, Mont.) 1889-1970, 1899-05-31

upon TINS platform shall seek to frame
his speech in such form as that all
with him shall agree. Unless we have
degenarated into the intolerances of
Spain we ought to rejoice at any sober
observations upon great questions
which confront the republic, particu-
iarly If they are such as have failed to
convince us of the correctness of the
positions assumed. All natures differ
ence makes all natures peace, and the
differing opinions of mankind consti-
tute that intellectual chemistry which
has lifted the world from ignorance and
superstition to a higher and better con-
ception of right and duty. And with
entire respect for the opinions of those
from whom ] differ, 1 wish to say some
words, possibly useful, on some great
problems which now excite the solicit
tude of all our intelligent countrymen.
BY series of accidents liable to be-
rail- any nation, we have come into the
possession of strange and distant lands,
peopled with human beings of uncouth
habitudes, whose opportunities for ma
terial and Intellectual progress have in
no manner kept pace with ours. 1t has
seemed to me that these were fortunate
circumstances in our history. but l cam
not shut my eyes to the fact that some
of our greatest and noblest statesmen
profess to see in this circumstance i'm
minent danger to the republic and to
civilization itself. We cannot nconsi1-
erately start out upon new errands of
pollt1Cai activity when such men as
Governor Boutwell,, Senator Hoar EN-
Senator Edmunds, Ex-President Cleve-
land, EX-Secretary Sherman, Moorefield
Story, Carl Schurz and many others
oppose our position and predict as it's
consequence dire results to our coun-
try Being no mans man and follow
ing no man or set of men blindly but
arriving at conclusions after the most
patient study and after listening to all
observations from sources which prom
Use wisdom, / count it a singularly good
personal fortune that my views on pub
lie questions have generally accorded
with these men whom / have named
and certainly upon no matter of so con-
siderable moment could I be induced to
differ from them without a sober and
careful re-examination of the cOncluS-
ions l had reached. l do not now doubt
their patriotism, their sincerity or their
Intelligence and l resent the feeble and
fiippant method of speech that strives
to be1ittle their present patriotism or
wisdom. 1naSmuch as we entered up
on this great enterprise of governing
and colonizing new lands and seeking
to inspire their inhabitants with new
ideas, somewhat jauntily and f1ippantly,
without adequate conception of all the
labor and sobrieties which our new ca
reer imposes, it has seemed to me that
the challenge of its wilson will be use
full in begetting a more sober consd-
Grafton of The white mans burden
which We have so confidently assumed
| have not been able to convince my
self that the assumption of these new
responsibilities is not at once a great
privilege and a high duty. No one
doubts but that it will be a benignity
to the inhabitants of these remote
lands and it seems to me that its reflex
action upon the citizens of the republic
will be inspiring and helpful. 1t is a
question which should not be permitted
to sink into mere partisan contention
but should command the best thought
and action of every true American.
As to Labor's Part.
Following this theme, Colonel Sand
ers referred to the labor question. A
grave result he said, of these vast
combinations in our Industrial and
economical life, is social disintegra-
ton. AS there is no excellence. so
there is no result, except from labor
and, although in "a larger view, capital
and labor are each halves of the golden
whole, and constitute an essential unity
the idea is begotten that they are hos
tile forces, engaged in supreme
struggle for the mastery. Organiza-
tons of men, ostensibly bound together
to protect the rights of the particular
craft they represent ostracising all eX-
cept those engaged in its pursuit, do
not always wisely judge of their rela-
tions to the great industrial world, of
winch they form part; and imprud-
ence of action harmful to all the inter-
ests involved is frequent and lament
able result That vast combinations
of capital beget and justify combina-
tons of labor, it seems to me must be
affirmed. But all the world of labor is
essentially one. The mere wage
worker, day by day, cannot arrogate
to himself the exclusive representation
of the cause of labor; but all persons
engaged in the civil Vocations, manual
or intellectual, fifty and usefully must
represent that part of the human race
that secures its existence by it's daily
toll; and private meetings of any par
ticular craft, from which other labor
ers are excluded, and which propose
that governmental institutions shall
conform exclusively to that which
sesms to be their interest, must wreal
abiding mischief to the cause of labor
that in all its varied ramifications, is an
essential unity. 1t is a part of wis
dom for laborers to assist each other
and wisely and justly to look after the
interests appertaining to those who
toll; but it is supreme duty to see
that the action of such organizations
IS within the domain of prudence. The
humillating exhibition of criminal yio-
lence that, from time to time, mani
tests itself, demonstrates the unhealth-
fulness of existing conditions and
shows that from the misconceptions of
individual interests, the thoughts of
classes are wrought up to a feverish and
passionate tension. Demagogues, per-
petually melting the ignorant to courses
OF action begetting distrust and strife,
seeking their own ACKNOWLEDGEMENT by
pandering to the baser passions of
mankind, are responsible for many of
the alterations which the wise can but
lament. The number of people in this
country OF ours who do not completely
and fully sympathize with the interests
OF labor, who would not resent any en-
croachment upon its rights or any
dlminution of its just rewards, are so
lntnitesmal that they need scarcely be
named, and the distrust that is so
widely cultivated, and which has