The Worcester spy. [volume] (Worcester, Mass.) 1898-1904, 1899-01-25

standing army.
Shortly after the opening of the Sen
ate, Mr.. Lodge took the floor to make
his speech. As he was about to do so,
his colleague Mr. Hoar, noted the alb
sence of a quorum. A roll call devel-
oped the presence of AZ senators.
Mr.. Lodge spoke as follows:
In connection with these resolutions
and others that have been introduced
two questions have been raised, one of
constitutional law and one of public
policy. The constitutional questions are
many, and the hypothetical situations
which have been imagined with much
ingenuity as tests of the constitution
are almost countless.
I believe that the United States has
the undoubted power to acquire terri
tory, and to hold and govern it. l am
ready to admit if necessary that action
in these directions must be taken for
constitutional purposes, but the consti-
tutionality of the purposes must be de-
termined by congress itself, through its
majority. l believe that the power of
the United States in any territory or
possession outside the limits of the
states themselves, is absolute, with the
single exception of the limitation placed
upon such outside possessions by the
18th amendment
After the cession of Louisiana con-
gress placed in the hands of the presi-
dent absolute authority as absolute as
that enjoyed by the king of Spain, or
the first consul of France, over that
territory and its Inhabitants.
In 1921, 1T was proposed in congress to
insert in the act establishing a tempo
raTy government for Florida, an am
endment prescribing that: Nothing
should be done in the Floridas incom-
patible with the constitution and laws
of the United States.
The amendment was voted down and
the bin passed giving absolute authority
to the president. In our territorial bills,
and in that for the organization of
Hawaii now pending, provision is made
for extending the constitution to the
territory in question. Without a legisla-
tive act the constitution does not ex-
tend to the territories or other pos
sessions of the United States outside
the limits of the states themselves. I
Will not enter into any discussion of the
Dred-Scott decision, which has been so
admirably dealt with by the senator
from Ohio
was brought up to believe that no
greater injury. was ever ATTEMPTED
against the supreme court than when,
for political reasons, that decision was
forced upon it. l was brought up to be-
lieve that the famous obiter dictum of
Chief Justice fancy was as bad in law
as it was wrong in policies and inhuman
+ln doctrine / am not very old. but that
IS belief which l am too old to I'M
learn now.
Constitutions do not make people:
people make constitutions. Our consti-
tuition IS great and admirable, because
the men who made it were so, and the
people who ratified it and have lived
under 1t We're and are brave, intelligent
and lovers Of liberty. There is a. sane
ton ana surer protection to life and
liberty, to the right of speech and trial
py jury, to justice and humanity in
the traditions, the beliefs, the habits of
mind and the character of the Ameri-
can people than any which can be af
forded by any constitution, no matter
how wisely drawn.
II the American people were disposed
10 tyranny, injustice AMI oppression, a
constitution would offer but a tempo
rary barrier to their ambitions. and the
reverence for the constitution and for
law and justice grows out of the fact
that the American people believe in
freedom and humanity, in equal ius-
Cce to all men, and in equal rights be-
lore the law; and while they so be-
HeNe' the great doctrines of the decla-
| ration Of Independence and of the con-
stitution will never be in peril.
me great question now before the
american people resolves itself, in my
mind, TO one Of policy purely There is
/ only one question demanding actual
ana immediate decision now before
congress and the people and that is
Whether the treaty with Spain Shall be
/ ratified or not
| desire ,,orsl,, 70 ,+ot - d., :,
| what. as ! understand it, that question
! u.s. ] have heard no opposition ex-
pressed to any part of the treaty ex
/ cept such portion of ii as relates TO the
! Philippines, and that, therefore. is the
sole point upon which | desire to touch
Inc treaty cedes the Philippines to us
! When that treaty is ratified, we have
Iull power ana are absolutely free to dc
! with those islands as we please. and
the opposition to its ratification NAV he
summed up in single sentence, that
! the American people and the American
| congress are not to be trusted with
| that power and with that freedom of
action in regard to the inhabitants OF
! those distant islands. Every one of the
! resolutions thus far offered on this sinh.
! iect is an expression of distrust in tbe
character, ability, honesty and wisdom
Of the American people and an at.
tempt to make us promise to be goo6
and wise and honest in the future. ant
in our dealings with other people.
We must either ratify the treaty on
reject ii. for | cannot suppose that any.
one would seriously advance the propo.
sition that we should amend the treaty
/ in such way as to make pledges tC
/ Spain for our good conduct in a matter
which will be wholly our own to de-
| eide.
| suppose we ratify the treaty. The
Islands pass from the possession OF