The Worcester spy. [volume] (Worcester, Mass.) 1898-1904, 1899-09-16
Backs Out of Debate
With Bourke
Cochran.
WILL MAKE SPEECH TONIGHT.
New York Orator Gives His
Views on Trust
Question.

Chicago, Sept. 15.-The exciting joint
debate looked for tonight between !
William j. Bryan and W. Bourke Cock
ran on trusts, old not take place Cen
trail Husic hail was packed with an
eager audience, but those present had
to content themselves without the ora
tory of Mr. Bryan, who, however, sat
on the platform.
Mr. Bryan explained that he did not
wish to 1t the impression go out that
he was TO enter into debate with Mr.,
Cochran. Mr.. Cochran was sent for, and
he and Mr. Bryan discussed the situa-
ton. Mr. IL! En asserted that he never
said he would follow Mr. Cochran vita
an address on the same evening.
Mr.. Cochran wanted to talk at the
same session with the Nebraskan, and
offered to flip coin to determine VINO
should deliver the closing address. Nj.
Bryan would not accept this proposi
ton.
Mr.. Cochran then egreed to appear at
any time the committee desired. The
program was :hen changed to meet Mr..
Iryan's wishes. Mr.. Bryan will speak
at tomorrow's session.
At the close of his speech the New
Yorker won the hearts of his listeners
by paying Mr.. Bryan well-chosen
compliment, which the democratic
leader blushingly acknowledged. Mr..
Cochran likened Mr.. Bryan to a mon
opoly and claimed that he was bigger
monopoly as the leader of the demo-
cratic party than any financial cor
pOration in the world.
Mr.. Cochran spoke for about two
hours, and when he concluded cries
for BRYAN came from all over the
house. Finally Mr.. Bryan arose and
said that for the good of the confer
ence, all partisan feeling should be ELI
minated from the gathering, and al
though he agreed with Mr.. Cochran in
many of his arguments, it was neces-
sary that his side of the controversy
should be given.
Mr. Cockran's speech, in part, was as
follows: 1.-THE precise question which
we have been called to consider is the
effect upon the greater prosperity of
the community of combinations,
whether of capital or labor. 1 shall
define prosperity as an abundance of
commodities fairly distributed among
those who produce them. l hope to
establish that there can not be album
dant production of commodities with
out an extensive distribution of them in
the form of wages in a country wherein
prosperity is based upon freedom We
can all agree that there can not be any
distribution if there is not production.
and that there can be no distribution
unless there is an abundant production.
If this definition of prosperity be cor
rect, it is plain that there is no reason
why sensible man should grow ex-
cited in reee tment at a combination
merely as such. A combination may be
good or bad, according to it's effect.
Any industrial system which operates
to swell the volume of production should
De commended; anything that operates
to restrict it should be suppressed.
Now, whether these great combina-
tions of capital or these combinations of
labor. operate to raise or to reduce, it is
subject about which there has been
a wide diversity of opinion Some con-
tend that tendencies of these con1bin-
ations of capital is to cheaper the pro
duct. Others say that it is to raise the
price of product. Neither side is
wholly right or wholly wrong. Some
combinations operate to reduce prices
and some to depreciate them. 1t would
be idle to say that some raise prices
and some depreciate them, if we did
not prescribe some test by which We
could distinguish between them. The
test is to ascertain whether the combir-
alton fiourishes through government aid
or without it, for any Industrial enter
prise which dominates the market with
out aid from the government must d.
so through cheapening the product, UNI
derselling competitors.
An industry which dominates the
market by the favor of the government
directly or indirectly, cannot be forced
TO cheaper prices. Now there are three
ways in which the, government interests
itself in the trade of individuals in this
country one is by patent laws. l will
not waste time in discussing patent
laws. The other means by which the
government interests itself is by tariff.
Now, believe that every person can
concede, whether he believes in high
tariff or free trade that. so far as
trusts are concerned the tariff operates
to favor them in this way 1t operates
10 restrict competition in the produc-
ton of any article to those engaged in
1t in this country. If a trust or COM
mission is to be formed, manifestly 1t
aids the enterprises where the field of
competition is originally limited 1t is
easier to make combination between
the producers in one country than in all
countries and to that extent the tariff
favors trusts.
There is still a third and serious
question which | believe is vastly more
extensive in IFS results than this tariff
in the favor Of trusts. And | refer Ia
these favors which are extended to GER
tain industries or great corporations en-
Joying government franchises. The
worst feature of this outrage which Is
LeTpetrated against a certain class is
that 1t is shrouded in mystery. No per-
son can enjoy d favor at the hands of
any company enjoying a public fran
chise except at the expense of another.
Government aid is always just and
always heneaeenu when it is absolutely
impartial The agencies that it en-
powers to discharge functions essen
TALLY public must be impartial in that
service to every human being within the
limits of the state. If one person obtains
rates which are excessively favorable.
If his goods are transported at loss.
why, other men using that same facil-
ity must make good the loss. What is
the remedy? Some have suggested
ownership. | concede the
of municipal ownership. The
question, then, of municipal ownership
Is mere question of expedency. There
are many grave questions to be consd-
cred before a municipal ownership could
be reduced to special operation.
II think 1t wise to advert to the pub |
lie dislike, distrust and hatred Of cor