The record-union., 1899-04-07
THE LOGICAL STATEMENT OF
THE CASE.

ly, It's true, but still they are driven to
admit, that prior to the war Spain ex-
exercised sovereignty over Porto Rico,
Cuba and the Philippines This is the
base Of fact from which all argument
of the current issue regarding our ma
tional policy toward the new posses
sions must rest. Then came the war.
That was conceded by the very people
who now deplore the present attitude
of the Government toward Aguinaldo s
crowd of half-armed followers, to have
| been justified, to have rested upon
humans sentiment, and approved by all
the world.
The outcome of that war was the
dispossession of the Spanish by our
arms of the power to exercise the gov
erning control over the territories
named. In other words, Spanish sover-
eighty was suspended, and later extin-
guished. Then came the treaty. That
ceded to us the rights Spain had en-
joyed and exercised in those lands. 1t
was a complete, a lawful, a rightful
\
over the lands concerned in present
contention.
In taking possession of the ceded ter
ritory we found an armed body resist
ing our authority in one of the terri
tories, and denying our right to sue
ceed to the Spanish sovereignty just re-
lnquished
That statement brings us safely down
to the condition of domestic war We
are in possession, our title is clear, but
a third party disputes the succession.
We demand that he shall recognize the
title which the whole civilized world
acknowledges, and that no other than
he disputes. In Cuba our title is tenn
porary. It is in the nature of a
trusteeship. We acquired there upon
the stipulation that we would transfer
to the people when they are once well
established in civil government. That
compact can in honor be avoided only
by the consent of that people. But no
such condition attached as to Porto
Rico or the Philippines In those cases
we are Independent of restriction of any
sort.
What, then, should we do? Take the
advice of Professor Jordan, pack up our
traps and sail away? If so, to what
accountability will conscience and the
world hold US for what will certainly
ensue? No; the trust is as solemnly
imposed upon US by our act, by the
treaty. though unexpressed in it, by the
dictates of humane sentiment, by the OBJ
vious destiny of the nation, by the de-
mands of civilization, that We shall
maintain our sovereignty in the Phil
ippines and bring the semi savage state
into the light and freedom of orderly
free government
We owe that duty first to ourselves,
secondly to those who have thus been
cast under our guardianship, and lastly
to the nations of the world who have
citizens and subjects in the Philip
pines looking to US for protection, Sc
curity for their rights acquired there
| and possessions lawfully stored there.
That protection must be of law, of hui
hane principle, of civilized form, of
such character as comports with our
dignity as a nation. and our, champion
ship of freedom as the chief of republics
on the face of the earth.
| Just now the islands are in the grasp
of the gioved hand. Military rule was
made a. necessity to clear the way for
that civil order which crowns liberty
with garlands won in freeing men from
the bondage Of Imperialism, tyranny
and the slavery of ignorance, intoler-
ance and barbarism. This, we take it,
is the whole case regarding the sub
/ ject that SO much disturbs our friends,
the sentimentalists. Their policy. if
adopted, would make US assume the
attitude of towards, write US down as
incompetents, and fasten upon us the
1 infamy of the inevitable result of our
abandonment of the Philippines to the
I FL