The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-02-17
MKINLEY,s ADDRESS.
Events of n Year Reviewed and the
Philippines Question Discussed.


Philippines Question Discussed.
PRESIDENT Mckinley was then introduced
g., spoke as follows:
Mr. POSTMASTER and Conference.-The
years go quickly. 1t seems not so long, but
il Is, in fact, six years since it was my
honor TO be q guest of the Home Market
Club. Much has happened in the interview
ing time. Issues which were then engaging
US have been settled or put aside for larger
and more absorbing ones Domestic condi-
tons have improved and are generally salts
factory. We have made progress in indus
try and have realized the prosperity for
which we have been striving. We had four
long years Of adversely, which taught US
some Lessons which Will never be unlearned
and which will be valuable in guiding our
future action. We have not only beer sue
cessful in our financial and business affairs,
but have been successful in a war with
foreign power which added great glory to
American arms and new chapter to
American history.
Il do not know why, in the year 1899, this
Republic has Unexpectedly had placed be-
fore IL mighty problems which it must face
and meet They nave come and are here,
and they could not be kept away Many
who were impatient for the conflict a year
ago, apparently needless of its larger re-
suits, were the first to cry out against the
far-reaching consequences of their own act.
Those of us who dreaded war most and
whose every effort was directed to prevent
1t had fears Of new and grave problems
which might follow It's inauguration. The
evolution of events which no man could
Certain It is that they have not come
through any fault on our own part, but as
a high obligation and we meet them with
clear conscience and unsel1sh purpose, and
with good heart resolve to undertake their
solution.
war was declared in April 1898, with
practical unanimity by the Congress, and
once upon US, was sustained by like unanim-
ity among the people. There had been many
who had tried to avert 1t, as, on the other
hand, there were many who would have
Drecipitated it at an early date. In its pros
ecution and conclusion the great majority
OF our countrymen OF every section belleYed
they were fighting in q just cause, and at
home or on sea or in the field they had part
in it's glorious triumphs 1t was the war or
an undivided nation Every great act IN It's
progress, from Manila to Santiago, from
Guam to Porto Rico, met universal and
hearty commentator. The protocol COM
manded the practically unanimous approval
of the American people. 1t was welcomed
by every lover of peace beneath the nag.
A GREAT TRUST.
THE Philippines, like Cuba and Porto
Rico. were intrusted to our hands by the
war, and to that great trust, under the
providence of God and in the name Of hui
man progress and civilization. we are COM
mitted 1t is a trust we have not sought;
it is a trust from which we will not finch.
The American people will hold up the hands
OF their servants at home to whom they
commit it's execution, while Dewey and Otis
and the brave men whom they command
will have the support OF the country IN up
holding our flag where it now floats, the
symbol and assurance of liberty and justice.
What nation was ever able to write an
accurate programme of the war upon which
It was entering, much less decree in advance
the scope Of it's results? Congress can de-
clare war but a higher power DEGREES Its
bounds and fixes its relations and response
hilities. The President can direct the move
ments Of soldiers on the field and fleets upon
the sea, but he cannot foresee the close OF
such movements or prescribe their limits.
He cannot anticipate or avoid the conse-
quences, but he must meet them. No ac-
curate map of nations engaged in war can
be traced until the war is over, nor can the
measure Of responsibility be fixed until the
last gun is fired and the verdict embodied
in the stipulations of peace.
I'VE hear no complaint or the relations
created by the war between this govern
ment and the Islands of Cuba and Porto
Rico. There are some however, who re-
gard the Philippines as In different rea-
ton, but, whatever variety OF views there
may be on this phase Of the question, there
IS universal agreement that the Philippines
shall not be turned back to Spain. No true
American consents to that. Even if unwill
ing to accept them ourselves, it would have
quire Spain to transfer them to some other
power or powers and thus shirk our own re-
eponssbility. Even if we had had, as we
did not have, the power to compel such
transfer, 1t could not have been made with
out the most serious international compH-
cations. Such a course could not be thought
oession of them we should have had no
power over them, even for their own good.
We could not discharge the responsibilities
upon us until these islands became ours
either by conquest or treaty. There was
but one alternative, and that was either
Spain or the United States in the Philip
pines.
THE other suggestions-frst, that they
should be tossed into the arena of conten-
ton for the strife of nations; or, second, be
left to the anarchy and chaos of no protec-
torate at all, We're too shameful to be con-
United States could we a have required less
and done our duty? Could we, after free
NIg the Filipinos from the domination of
Spain, have left them without government
erty or to perform the international oblga-
aions essential TO an independent state?
arehy and justified ourselves in our own
consciences or before the tribunal of man
kind? Could we have done that in the sight
of God and man?
OUR CONCERN NOT FOR EMPIRE.
'Our concern was not for territory or
trade or empire. but for the people whose
interests and destiny, without our willing
It. had been put in our hands. 1t was with
this feeling that from the first day to the
last not one word or line went from the
executive in Washington to our military and
naval commanders at Manila or to our peace
commissioners at Paris that did not put as
the sole purpose to be kept in mind, first,
utter the success OF our arms ana the
maintenance Of our own honor, the welfare
and happiness and the rights Of the inhabi-
tants of the Philippine islands.
DIG we need their consent to perform
great act for humanity? We had IL in every
aspiration of their minds in every hope of
their hearts. Was it necessary to ask their
consent to capture Manila. the capital of
their islands? Did We ask their consent to
aiberate them from Spanish sovereignty or
70 enter Manila bay and destroy the Span
we were obeying q higher moral obligation
which rested on us and which did not re-
uuire anybody consent We were doing our
duty by them with the consent of our own
EatiOn, as God gave us the light to see our
duty. Every present obligation has been
met and fulfilled in the expulsion OF Span
ksh sovereignty from their islands, and while
the war that destroyed ii was in progress
we could not ask their views. Nor can we
aell me in what form 1t could be marshaled
and ascertained until peace and order, so
necessary TO a reign of reason, shall be Sc
cured and established? A reign of terror is
and deliberate judgment is possible. 1t is
not a good time 10 be liberal or to submit
important questions concerning liberty and
government to the liberated while they are
engaged in shooting down their rescuers
We have now ended the war with Spain.
The treaty has been ratified by more than
1wo-thrds of the Senate of the United
States and by the judgment OF nine-tenths
or its people. No nation was ever more
fortunate in war or more honorable in
mated from the problem. IL remains to ask
what we shall do now. / do not intrude on
the duties OF Congress or seek TO anticipate
or foTestall its action. ] only say that the
treaty Of peace, honOrably secured having
been ratified by the United States and as
q Confidently shortly n