The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1899-01-25
Mr.. CLAY FOR RATIFICATION
BUT NOT IN FAVOR or RETAINING
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Debate on the Hull Army Bill in the
HOuse-NIr. McCIeIIan's Tribute
to the Regular Soldier.

WASHINGTON, Jan. 24-Two notable
speeches were delivered in the Senate to-
day. one by Mr.. Lodge, of Massachusetts,
and the other by Mr.. Clay, of Georgia
While the two senators differed diametri-
cally as to the policy Of expansion, upon
which they dwelt, both are in favor of the
immediate ratification of the pending peace
treaty. They contend that once the treaty
is ratified Congress will have full power to
deal with conditions respecting the territory
acquired during the war with Spain, and
not before Mr.. Lodge particularly argued
for a formal declaration of peace, which
could be had only by the ratification of the
treaty. That accomplished, he was willing
to trust the American Congress and the
American people to deal fairly, justly and
patriotically with the Philippine islands,
with full regard to the principles of our own
government as set forth in the Constitution
and the Declaration of Independence. Mr..
Clay was inclined to the belief that it might
be desirable for Congress to make a declara-
tion Of intention regarding the Philippines
before the treaty was ratified He strongly
opposed expansion, especially on the ground
that it would necessitate the maintenance
of large and expensive standing army
Mr.. Lodge spoke in part as follows:
7 believe that the United States has the
undoubted power, which it has frequently
exercised, to acquire territory and to hold
and govern il. am ready to admit. il
necessary, that actions in these directions
must be taken for constitutional purposes,
but the constitutionality of the purpose
when Congress is about to exercise these or
any other powers, must be determined by
Congress itself, through its majority. / be-
lieve that the power of the United States
in any territory or possession outside the
limits of the United States, of the States
themselves is absolute, without a single
exception of the limitation placed upon such
outside possessions by the thirteenth
amendment. Such, at all events, has been
the policy of the United States and its
course of action in practice.
PEOPLE MAKE CONSTITUTIONS.
Constitutions do not make people; people
make constitutions. Our Constitution is
great and admirable, because the men who
made it were so, and the people who rati-
fed it and have lived under 1T were and are
brave, intelligent and lovers of liberty.
There is a higher sanction and a surer pro-
lection to life and liberty, to the right of
free speech and trial by jury, to justice and
humanity in the traditions, the beliefs, the
habits of mind and the character of the
American people, than any which can be af-
forded by any constitution, no matter how
wisely drawn. If the American people were
sion, d constitution would offer but a tenn
porary barrier to their ambitions and the
reverence for the Constitution and for law
and justice grows out of the fact that the
American people believe in freedom and hu-
mantty, in equal justice to all men and in
equal rights before the law and while they
so believe the great doctrine of the Declara-
ton of Independence and the Constitution
will never be in peril.
Holding these views as to our constitu-
tional powers, the great question now be-
fore the American people resolves itself, in
my mind, to one of policy purely. There Is
only one question demanding actual and inn
mediate decision now before Congress and
the people, and that is whether the treaty
with Spain shall be ratified or not. L desire
merely TO state very briefly what, as j un-
desrtand 1t, that question is. l have heard
no opposition expressed to any part of the
WSieS TSaty sfsspt such fbe P9T0n of amt i
that is, therefore, the sole point
upon which / desire to touch. In our war
with Spain we conquered the Philippines.
or, to put it more exactly, we destroyed the
power of Spain in those islands and took
possession of their capital. The treaty
cedes the Philippines to US. 1t is wisely and
skillfully drawn. 1t commits us to no pol
icy, to no course of action whatever in re-
gard TO the Philippines. When that treaty
is ratified we have full power and are alb
solutely free to do with those islands as we
please and the opposition to this ratification
may be summed up in a single sentences:
That the American people and the American
Congress are not TO be trusted with that
power and that freedom of action in regard
to the inhabitants Of those distant islands.
I'VE must either ratffy the treaty re-
ject it, for ] cannot suppose that anyone
would seriously advance the proposition
that we should amend the treaty in such
n way as to make pledges 10 Spain, and to
Spain alone, and give bonds to Spain and
to Spain alone, for cur good conduct in
matter which will be wholly our own 10 de-
eide. Let us look, then at the two alterna-
tives. Suppose we ratify the treaty. The is-
ands pass from the possession Of Spain into
our possession without committing us to any
policy. I believe we can be trusted as a
people to deal honestly and justly with the
islands and their inhabitants thus given TO
our care. What our precise policy shall be
/ do not know, because / for one am not
sufficiently informed as to the conditions
there to be able to say what it Will be best
to do nor | may add. do | think any one
Is But / think we shall have the wisdom
not to attempt TO incorporate those Islands
with our body polite, or to make their ir-
habitants part Of our citizenship or set their
labor alongside Of ours and within our tarir
TO compete in any industry with American
A NOBLE TASK.
u believe that we shall have the courage
not to depart from those islands fearfuIlyy
timidly and unworthily and leave them TO
an anarchy among themselves to the brief
and bloody domination of some self-consti-
tuted dictator. and to the quick conquest
OF other powers. who win have no such hesi-
tation as we should feel in crushing them
into subsection by harsh and repressive
methods. II IS for as 10 decide the destiny
of the Philippines. not for Europe, and we
can do II alone and without assistance 1
believe that we shall have the wisdom the
self-restraint and the ability to restore
peace and order in those islands and give
to their people an opportunity for self-eov-
ernnnent and for freedom under the pro-
tecting shield Of the United States untii the
time shall come when they are able TO stand
alone. II such thing be possible and IL
they do not themselves desire 20 remain
under our protection. This is a great a diff
fssalf .4t4H o4l f4a1f
ican civilization Is entirely capable OF Rul-