The Scranton tribune. [volume] (Scranton, Pa.) 1891-1910, 1899-09-13
Political Effects.

WY ITHOUT FURTHER comment
wv on this point of the case, I
w pass to the consideration of
the remaining objection. This relates TO
oar political conditions. Have these been
iniuriously affected by the trusts, or are
they likely to be? The charge is boldly
and persistently made that they lave
and it is urged that still more serious
results must follow if the trusts be al
lowed to continue. The case on ths
point is made no and proceeds in th's
way. We are asked to consider, first
the enormous wealth the trusts nave AT
their command. and the enormous cdpa-
city for increasing 1t; that as the one was
secured by taking advantage of favorable
lcgisati tion, the other can be preserved
only as legislation is controlled IN their
interest; that they have used their
wealth to this end, and by its corrupt
use among politicians and people, they
have not only obtained the legislation
they desired, but legislation that has en-
abled them to Cypress the public; ana
finally, that they have obtained such
mastery In the government as amounts
TO a usurDation of the power of the
people.
The first proposition will be admitted
without discussion. Tho second requires
no further support than the explanation
that favorable legislation, in the connec-
ton II is there used does not necessarily
mean legislation that was so designed at
the time Charges of political corrup-
ton have become 50 common in these
later days that the public ear grows
| heavy at the mention Of them; but We do
wise TO remember that, If the offense be
not so odious as il once was, this change
has not come through any repeal or modl-
nCation of either the moral or political
| laws that condemn il. These remain
with the same old sanctions, the one as II
was when written on the table Of stone,
and which has commanded, from that
| day TO this, that men shall not steal; the
| other, derived from II, declaring that
| popular government, except ii be sus-
| tanned and nourshed by public and pri-
Vate virtue shall die.
| Charges of corruption are easily made,
and always difficult to prove, except when
| the issue is tried in the forum of the pub
| lie conscience, where technical objections
| TO evidence do not avail. and where the
| only conviction sought is in the intelli-
| gent understanding Of the citizen, TO the
| end that his political action may be de-
| termincd. The charge that the present
tariff duties upon those articles, the man.
| ufacture and sale OF which are subject
| 10 trust control, were imposed by and
| through the active instrumentality of the
| trusts is not open TO debate. 1t may be
that the charge that this legislation was
| secured by the corrupt use of money
| cannot be proved in "a court Of justice,
| in such way as to justify the conviction
| of the parties concerned of an offence
against law. But, conceding the first
fact how can the controlling influence
of the trusts in effecting legislation, ad-
| mittedly prejudicial TO the public, be
| otherwise accounted for?
The money they have in abundance, the
| greed is not lacking, the opportunity
| present and the final result just what
| the trusts wanted, and the public oa
not want 1t is the very absurdity of In
| nocence to account for such betrayal In
any other way, This charge does not
necessarily mean that votes were bar
| gained for I'm ante chambers, as men
| bargain for produce in the markets; the
| charge goes away beyond this, and the
| evidence in support shows an earlier, a
wider and deeper corruption, that had
first to prevail TO buy the honor and con-