Delaware gazette and state journal., 1899-11-02
FILIPINO war DENOUNCED.

1t is useless to say that tho suejugat-
ed Philippine Islanders will become
our frierds If we give them good gov
ernment. However good that govern
ment may be, it will, to them, be
foreign rule, and foreign rule especially |
hateful when begun by broken faith,
cemented by streams Of innocent blood
and erected upon the ruins of deyas-
tated homes. Tho American will be
and remain to them more a foreigner,
an unsympathetic foreigner, than the
Spaniard ever was. Let us indulge in
no deiusion about this. People Of our
race are but too much inclined to have
little tenderness for the rights of what
we regard as inferior races, especially
those of darker skin. 1t is of omiEous
significance that to SO mary of our
soldiers the Filipinos were only mig
gers, and that they likened their
fights against them to the shooting of
rabbits. " And how much good govern
ment have we to give thems Are you
not aware that our first imperialistic |
administration is also the first that, |
since the enactment of the civil service |
law, has widened the gates again for a
new foray of spoils politics in the PUB
lie seryices What assurance have we |
that the Philippines, far away from
public observation, will not be simply |
pasture for needy politicians and for
speculating syndicates to GROW fat on,
without much scruple as to the rights
of the despised ''natives2'' Has it not |
been go with the British in India, |
although the British monarchy is much |
better fitted for imperial iule than our |
democratic republic can ever be? True, |
in the course of time the government of |
India has been much improved; but it |
required more than century of slaugh-
ter, robbery, devastation, disastrous
blundeling, insurIection, ard renewed |
bloody subJugation TO evolve what |
there is of good government in India
now. And ahaye the populations of
India ever become the friends of Eng |
land2 Does not England at heart |
tremble today lest some hostile foreign |
power come close enough to throw u
firebrand into that fearful mass of ex-
plcsiVes'
ask you, therefore, in all soberness,
leaving all higher considerations Of |
Justice, morality and principle aside, |
whether, from Is mere business Eoint |
of view, the killing policy of sub.
jugation is not colossal, stupid blum
der, and whether it would not have
been, and now be, infinitely more
sensible to win the confidence and cul |
tivate the friendship of the islanders
titled to their freedom and indopend-
enoe, as we have recognized the |
CuEans, and thus to obtain from their
friendship and gratitude, for the nero
asking, all the coaling stations and
commercial facilities we require. in
stead OF getting those things by fight
ing at an immense cost of blood and
treasure, with a probability of having
to fight for them again? | put this
question to every business man who is
not fool or reckless speculator.
Can there be any doubt of the answer?
A word now on special point
There are some very estimable men
among us who think that even IL we
concede to the islanders their in
dependence, we should at least keep
the city Of Manila. | think differently,
not from mere impulse of generosity,
but from an entirely practical point Of
view. Manila is the traditional IL not
the natural, capital of the archipelago
10 recognize the Independence OF the
Philippine islanders, and at the same
time to keep from them Manila, would
ipenn rs much as TO recognize the in
dependence of Cuba and to keep
Havana. II would mean to withhold
from the islanders their metropolis.
that in which they naturally take the
greatest pride, that which they legiti-
mutey most desire TO have and which,
il withheld from them, they would
most ardenty wish to get back. The
withholding OF Manila would in
eVitably leave sting In their hearts
which would never cease to rankle,
and might, under critical circum-
stances, give us rs much trouble as
the withholding of independence itself.
If we wish them to be our friends. we
nnf ri -. 4
enable them to be our friends without
reserve. And / maintain that, com.
mercially as we'll as politically speak
ing, the true friendship of tho Philip.
pine Islanders will as to our position
in the East, be worth far more to us
than the possession of Manila, We
can certainly find other points which
will give us similar commercial as well
as naval advantages without exciting
any hostile feeling.
Although l have by no means OK
hausted this vast subject, discussing
only few phases OF il, ! have said
enough, | think, TO show that this
policy of conquest is, from the poiut
of view Of public morals, in truth
"criminal aggression made doubly
criminal by the treacheTous character Of
IT and that from the point of view of
material interest it is a blunder-a
criminal blunder, and o blunderina
crime. | have addressed myself to
your reason by sober argument, with
out any appeal to prejudice or passion.
Might we not ask our opponents Ia
answer these arguments, il they can.
with equally sober reasoning, instead
OF merely assailing us with their wild
cries of treason" and lack OF patriot
ism. and what not? Or do they really
feel their cause to be so weak that they
depend for its support on their assort-
ment of inarticluate shouts and nebn.
lous phrases? Here are oui "maoifest
destiny men who tell US that whether
IT be right or not, we must tako and
keep the Philippines because destiny
SO wills it, We have heard this cry oi
manifest destiny before, especially
when, half a century age, the slayt
power demanded the annexation u
Cuba and Central America tc
strengthen the slave power. The a,
of destiny is most vuciferously mi
forward by those who want to d. ;
wicked thing and to shift the responsi
bility. The destiny of a free peonl,
lies in its intelligent will and It's mora
strength. When If it pleads destiny, i
pleads the baby act. Nay, worse !: In,
cry Of destiny is apt to be the refuo
OF evil intent and CT moral cowardice'
Here are our "burdenn men. WI,
piously turn up their eyes and tell II
n. Il. i