The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1899-07-01
RULES OF THE HOUSE.

in the rules Of the National House Of Rep
resentatives seem to have resolved them
selves into a single definite scheme: the
creation of committee on rules which
shall be elected by the House instead OF
being appointed BY the Speaker, and of
which the Speaker shall not be member.
1t has been assumed in many quarters
that such change will result in restoring
the ancient freedom OF the individual
member. and in destroying to large ex-
tent the power OF the Speaker. The
effect of such change would undoubted-
lly be great. but not Of such q kind as to
fulfil the extrayagant hopes that are
based ON 1t. AS long as there are s57
members in the House and only five or
six hours In legislative day, the oppor-
tunities Of the individual member for de-
bate on the floor are not likely 60 be In
creased by any transformation in the
committee on rules. Neither is that
change likely to enable the House to
work faster than it does. Out OF ten or
fifteen thousand bills before itsthe House
has rarely acted on more than 2600 In
any Congress, and this speed can be In
creased only at the expense Of debate. 1t
lis obvious then that the only thing to be
gained by change in the oommittse on
rules will be new method of selection
of measures for consideration out Of the
mass that awaits action. It will. surprise
most people that in reality the interview
ton of the committee on rules has not
been necessary TO secure action ON any
measure which a majority Of the House
has been really aud honestly interested
to see passed.
Two facts should not be forgotten:
LIVERY private bill, every general APP
preparation bill, every public bill not re-
curing an appropriation of public
money, has prescribed order and time
for consideration, ami both the Speaker
and COMMITTEES ION rules have been pow
erless to re5ard in any degree bill of
one of these Glasses. They could by spec
ial orders expedite them by taking them
| up out of order; but the rules provide
also that the House, by simple majority
vote, may do the same thing on motion
made by the member from the floor. So
1t may fairly be said that for all bills Of
these classes the constitution of the com-
mittee on rules has no especial signifi-
canoe.
2-The bills of the remaining class are
those public bills which require an np-
prupriation OF public money. The gen.
eral appropriation bills and river and
harbor bills are not OF this class, as the
rules have long given them special privi.
lege. So in reality bills of the remain
| ing class are not generally measures Of
great importance TO the nation at large,
being principally for the furtheranos Of
local schemes, like purchase OF the
Palisades of the Hudson, building nation
al parks on old battleflelds, etc. Occa-
sionally bill like the Nicaraguan canal
| bill comes forward. and gives to the
class greater Importance 1t is undenia-
BILE that the rules make the passage of
Fsuch bills difficult without the aid of the
committee on rules; but 1t has not been
impossible. 1t is undoubtedly true that
a Nicaraguan canal bill reported from
committee ssrlyEin thu 55th Congress and
having an earnest majority back of it,
might have passed. the House by use of
spite of the opposition of both Speaker
and committee ON rules. Such process
would have been somewhat tedious; but
with two or three weeks of time 1t would
have been practicable.
The two facts explained above are I'M
doubted. A majority of the House of Re-
representatives. honestly DESTROYS of pass
ing any bill reported from committee
can do it under the present rules. The
difficulty is to getmen enough to stand by
and vote for the proper motions. Very
few bills are of enough Importance TO
| command such strength. They .are bills
that would pass IL they were once before
the House, a great body of members be.
Ing too Indifferent to attend and vote to
defeat them.
Now the great advantage of ohange
in the rules would be to make the In
difference OF members count In favor of
these bills instead Of against them. A
plant committee on rules would place
bills before tho House that would never
make their way by their own merit. And
once before the House, Indifference or
| iog-rolljng would do the rest.
The wisest men in the House have be-
lieyed 1t better to keep such bills--invoIy-
ing millions of money as thay do--in a
position where each bill would have to
bring itself forward by its own merits,
rather than in place where, combined
with others. 1t might float along by the
united strength of aggregated merits.
Enough fragile sticks tied together will
make an unbreakable bundle; and
enough weak but costly bills win make
a strength that no treasury guard can
Withstand. The rules of the House have
wisely kept these bills apart. 1t Is now
proposed to give them chance to unite;
and the proposition is against the inter
ests, both of the Republican party aud the
nation.
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