The people's journal. (Pickens, S.C.) 1891-1903, 1899-02-23

bility. Even II wo had HAD, as we did
not have, the power to compel such a
transfer, 1T could not have been made
without the most serious internatIonaI
complications.
Such q course could not be thought
OF, And yet had we refused to accept
the cessiOn Of them we should have
had no power over them, even for their
own good. We could not discharge
the responsibilities upon US until these
islands became ours either by conquest
or treaty. There was but one alterna-
tive, and that was either Spain or the
United States, in the Philippines.
The other sugg gestions-hrst, that they
should be tossed into the arena OF con-
tentiOn for the strife OF nations; or
second, to be left to the anarchy and
chaos OF no prOtectorate at all-were
too shameful to be considered. II Q
treaty gave them to the United States.
Could we have acquired less and done
our duty? Could we, after freeing the
F1llpinos from the domination OF Spain,
have lett them without government
and without power to protect life aud
property, OF to perform the interua-
tional obligations essential to an inde-
pendent state? Could We have left
them in q state of anarchy and justified
ourselves in our own COneciences or
before the tribunal of mankind? Could
we have done that in the sight OF God
and man?
Our concern was not for territory or
trade or empire, but for the people
whose interest and destiny without our
willing it had been put in our hands.
1t was this feeling from the first day to
the last one; not one word or line
went from the executive in Washing
ton to our military and naval com
manders at Manila or to our peac COM
missioners at Paris that did not put as
the sole purpose to be kept in mind,
first after the success of our arms and
the maintenance Of our own honor, the
welfare and happiness and the rights
OF the inhabitants Of the Philippine
islands. Did we need their consent to
perform great act for humanity? We
had 1t in every aspiration OF their
minds, In every hope Of their hearts.
Was 1t necessary to ask their consent
to capture Manila, the capital OF their
islands? d. d wo ask their consent to
liberate them from Spanish sover-
eighty or to enter Manila bay and
destroy the Spanish sea power there?
We did not ask these; wo were obeying
higher moral obligation which rested
on us and which did not require any
bodys consent. We were doing our
duty by them with the consent Of our
own conscience and with the approval
! of civilization. Every present obliga-
tion has been met and fulfilled in the
expulsion OF the Spanish sovereignty
from their islands, and while the war
that destroyed it was in progress we
could not ask their views. Nor can we
ask their consent.
Indeed, can any one tell me In what
form it could be marshalled and asccr-
tanned until peace and order, so neces-
sary to reign of reason, shall be secured
and established /? A reign of terror is
not the kind Of rule under which right
action and deliberate Judgment are
possible 1t Is not a good time for the
liberator to submit important ques-
tlons concerning liberty and govern
ment to the liberated while they are
engaged in shooting down their rescu-
ers?
We have now ended the war with
Spain. The treaty has been ratified
by moro than two-thirds of the Senate
OF the United States and by the judg-
mont of nine-tenths of its people. No
nation was ever more fortunate in war
or more honorable in peace. 1t re-
mains to ask what we shall do now.
do not intrude upon the duties of Con-
gress or seek to anticipate or forestall
Its action. | only say that the treaty
OF peace. honoraoly secured, having
bcen ratified by the United States, aud
as we confidently expect, shortly to be
ratified in Spain, Congress will have
the power and am sure the purpose to
do what in good morals is right and just
and humane for these people in distant
seas.
The future Of the Philippine islands
is now in the hands Of the American
people. Until the treaty was ratified
or rejected tho executive department
OF this government could only preserve
the peace and protect life and property
mat treaty now commits the free and
enfranchised Filipinos to the guiding
hand and liborating influences, the
generous sympathics, the uplifting
education, not Of their American mas
ters, but OF their American emancipa-
tors No one can tell today what Is
best Tor them or for us. | know no one
at this hour VINO is wise enough or suf-
ficiently informed to determine what
form Of government will best subserve
their interests and our interests, their
and our we'll being. If we knew every
thing by intuition-and | sometimes
think there are those who believe that
If wo do not they dove should not
need information but unfortunately
most OF us are not in that happy state.
The whole subject Ia now with Con-
gress and Congress is the voice, the
conscience and the judgment Of the
American people. Upon their judg.
ment and conscience can we not rely =?
| believe in them. [ trust them. |
know of no better or safer human tri-
bunal than the people.
Until Congress shall direct other-
wise 1t will be the duty of the execu-
tive to possess and hold tho Philip
pines, giving to the people thereof
peace and order and bonefcent gov.
ernment, atfording them opportunity
to prosecute their lawful pursuits, en-