The San Francisco call., 1899-10-16

influence by money Adams was
faithful son of Massachusetts and Boston.
Until he went to the continental Congress
in IVA he seems never to have left his ma
tive State, nor indeed to have ever gone
any distance from his residence. Except
for his journeys to attend the various
congresses of which he was member,
he seems never to have gone from home.
Others might hold foreign embassies; for
him Boston was all sufficient In Boston
his influence was long supreme. The roy
alist Governor of Massachusetts rightly
called him the grand incendiary of the
province" for the whole of Massachusetts
was set on fire by the Boston town meet
ing and the moderator and master of that
meeting was Samuel Adams. He did not
enter into public life early. but from 1865,
when he was first elected as a represent
ative from Boston to the great and gen
eral court, to 1871. when he resigned the
Governorship of the State, his whole time
was devoted to the service OF the people.
1t was noted that he cared not to discuss
social, scientific or religious matters with
friends all his thoughts were on politics,
and in old age his faVOrite theme was the
struggle with Great Britain, in which he
had borne so great a part. Upright him
self he insisted on civic virtue and strove
to draw promising and able young men
into public service. His kinsman, John
Adams, and John Hancock, whose wealth
and social position were of great value
to the colOniStS, were two or those he in
troduced into politics.
Through a long career we find but little
to criticise in his actions from moral
point of view. He was doubtless somewhat
disingenuous IN his treatment of the let
ters of Governor Hutchinson and in some
of his arguments, but the wonder is rather
that in the heat of controversy he was
sWayed so little from the path of abso-
lutte rectitude.
He cared not for personal advancement
and seemed to feel little bitterness when
the people set him aside for a time. Adams
trusted the people and believed that their
decisions as to men were right. To in
fuence these decisions as to measures he
applied himself with the utmost vigor.
He was born in 1922, and educated at
Harvard College, where he took his
bachelors degree in 1740, and his masters
degree in 1913 1t was afterward remem-
bered as q presage of his future, that his
masters thesis was an affirmative answer
to the question Whether ii be lawful to
resist the supreme magistrate, if the COM
monwealth cannot be otherwise pre-
served"
When 26 years of age he began furnish
ing to the newspapers the first of those
long series Of articles on government
which had so much effect. His style OF
writing was clear and inciSive, his argu-
ments were forcible and logical, Adams
used few metaphors and quotations. his
writings were not graceful, but they were
never dull and were always convincing
In these first essays we find the same
ideas expressed as he stated again and
again in later years: Whoever acquaints
us that we have no right to examine into
the conduct of those who, though they
derive their power from US to serve the
common interests, make use Of it to i'm
poVerish and ruin us, is in a degree a
rebel-to the undoubted rights and liber-
ties of the people. He that leaves no
stone unturned to defend and propagate
the schemes of illegal power cannot be es-
teemed loyal man.
Adams always took deep interest in
popular education, and his first public
Office was that of school visitor to which
ne was appointed in 1853. His whole course
of effort against Great Britain was what
we would call Campaign Of education"
He appealed chiefly TO the intellects of his
ful to omit altogether the appeal to emo
tons. When the stamp act showed the
policy Of Great Britain toward America
he drafted his first public paper, a series
Of instructions TO their representatives
adopted by the Boston town meeting on
May "a, 1854 He stood steadfastly for the
principle OF no taxation without repre-
sentation, and, unlike OTIS discerned from
the first that representation of any sort
in the British Parliament was impracti-
cable. In these early resolutions he
claims that the stamp tax "annihilates
our charter rights to govern and tax our
selves. 1t strikes at our British privi-
legeS, which IS we have never forfeited
them, We hold in common with our fellow
subjects who are natives of Britain If
taxes are laid upon US in any shape with
out our having a legal representation
where they are laid, we are reduced from
the character of subjects to the miserable
state Of tributary slaves" Adams ad-
vanced from this position so as to main
tain, in 1T73, that Parliament had no right
to legislate for the colonies in America
The attempt of the British to seize him
and Hancock Just before the battle of
Lexington was not a mistaken one He
had been the very forefront of opposition.
Governor Bernard had found him an in
Vincible opponent. Governor Hutchinson
had succeeded no better though he had
been born and brought up in Massachu-
setts, and Governor Gage was shortly to
be driven from Boston because of the
had aroused. His knsman. John Adams,
said of him: THE talents Of that great