Gilpin observer., 1899-12-21
DENOUNCE THE BILL.
SILVER REPUBLICANS HEARD
FROM.
Leaders Issue An Address Pointing Out
the Weak Spots In the New Currency
Measure.

age to-day by the House of the tinan-
cial bill, the Silver Republican leaders
in the city held meeting and adopted
an address setting forth their views as
to the effect. The address is as fol-
lows:
ITO the Members of the Republican
Party who still believe in bimeta1-
lism:
1.-The passage by the House of Rep
resentatives to-day of the gold stand
ard and bank currency bill exactly as
agreed upon by the Republican caucus
and without the opposition of single
Republican vote, marks the culm1na-
ton of policy long and carefully pur-
sued by certain influences in control Of
the leadership of the Republican party
and justifies the action of the men who
in 1896 refused to remain in that organ-
iZation after the adoption of the st.
Louis platform.
THE Republican national platforms
of 1883 and 1892 have been unequivo-
cally in favor of bimetalism and the
use of both gold and silver as stand
ard money. Nevertheless. it was appa-
rent several months before the assem-
bling of the national convention of
1896 that the machinery of the Repub-
lican party had passed wholly into the
hands of the banking and creditor in
terest, and that it was the purpose of
the latter to commit the party to the
advocacy and achievement of the gold
standard. Against this danger the un-
dersigned, and many other Republican
bimetallists, at that time vainly at
tempted to arouse the masses of the
party. The politicians and newspapers
privy to the scheme denounced our
fears as unfounded or simulated and
by skillful use of catch words and gem
eralities succeeded in forestalling any
widespread comprehension of their de-
signs. When the convention met SIM
liar ingenuity governed the framing
of the declaration on the money ques-
ton. Its essential part was as follows:
1--WE are therefore opposed to the
free coinage of silver except by inter-
national agreement with the leading
commercial nations of the world,
which we pledge ourselves 10 promote,
and until such agreement can be OBJ
tanned the existing gold standard must
be preserved. All our silver and paper
currency must be maintained at pari-
ty with gold, etc.
st is strange that so manifest an in
sincerity should have decided anybody.
Clearly, if the gold standard was de-
sirable. the free coinage of silver was
undesirable, however secured. If the
gold standard was right, free coinage
must be wrong. Nobody could intelli-
gently and honestly demand the in
ternational free coinage of silver and
at the same time express such en-
phatic satisfaction with the gold
standard as an alternative. AS mat
ter of fact, this declaration was intend
ed as definite assurance to the spec
ulative banks and their allies that tive
Republican party, If successful in the
election. would proceed with all polite
speed to the establishment of the sim
gle gold standard In all its rigOr. The
promise to promote the Internal. nal
free coinage of silver was never meant
to be observed In good faith, yet it
proved "A good enough slogan until af-
ter the election. Relying upon it, en-
forced as it was throughout the west
ern and central portions of the coun-
try by the editors and orators of the
Republican party, millions of voters
We're held in line for the ticket, for, as
stated in the Republican campaign text
book for 1892. the Republican party
was n 'bimetallic party No one whose
political judgment has the slightest
weight will deny that n frank pro-
nouncement for the gold standard In
that platform, or n straightforward in
terpretatiOn of it by the Republican
candidate for president as meaning the
gold standard and nothing else, would
have elected Mr.. Bryan by an over
whelming majority. TO construe the
election of 1896 as n mandate by the
American people for the establishment
of the gold standard is to appropriate
political goods under false pretcnses
"As soon as the election was over
and the fruits of this chicanery had
been gathered the great Republican
newspapers began to discard their con-
venient antiquities about sound mon
ey and honest money and to claim
the result as definite verdict In favor
of gold. These utterances increased in
volume and precision as the advent OF
the new administration approached.
The President. also, although not able
at once to form the habit of directness
in speech, soon showed by his actions
that he no longer considered the pre-
election construction of the platform to
be binding. His appointment as secre-
tary of the treasury perhaps the most
conspicuous gold standard advocate
among the great bankers OF the coun-
try was obviously not especially de-
signed to promote any kind of bimet-
allism. To be sure there was sent
abroad the alleged international none
tary commission. Unless the hoax was
to be openly confessed. this was the
least the President could do. But for
fear that. after all, foreign govern
mcnts might take the procedure seri-
ously. he sent to Congress in July. 1897,
at the very moment when his commits
sion's proposals We're before the Eng
lish cabinet. n special message recon-
mending the so-caled Indianapolis
monetary convention plan with its pro-
gram of the single gold standard, re-
ilrcment OF the greenbacks and extern
sions of the powers privileges and i'm
munities of the national banks Mean
time his secretary Of the treasury was
declaring in interview after Interview.