The Anaconda standard. [volume] (Anaconda, Mont.) 1889-1970, 1899-02-25

brought the cnaH6e ABOUT! nave
heard it stated that the applause Of
the people who greeted him Just about
at this iuncture of public affairs, while
he was on his tour in the West, was
the reason for it. Was ii, then, the
condition of public sentiment, rather
than the right or wrong of the matter
which influenced the presidents mind?
Does the chief executive regard his
great prerogatives to be so supinely
representative that ne must needs alb
dcate them at every popular wind
that blows? Does he feel that his high
office gives him no latitude for the ex-
ercise of Individual judgment and of
independent action? Did he make no
allowance for transient ebullitions of
public enthusiasm and excitement,
overlook his opportunity to save the
people for themselves, lose sight of all
the sacred traditions of the country and
fear to make his appeal to that ultimate
tribunal which has so often in our ma
tional history vindicated those who
have fearlessly stood for the right in
public affairs--the sober second thought
of the great American people?
And is his excellency quite sure that
he properly gauged the condition of he
public mind on the subject of Philippine
annexation? Is he absolutely certain
that one swallow really makes a whole
summer? 1t would really seem SO: for,
in this Home Market address he eNult-
ingly declared that the annexation
treaty had passed the senate by over
two-thirds and was sanctioned by the
judgment of nine-tenths of his country
men. How that treaty finally got its
two-thirds majority in the senate-the
tremendous pressure necessary to Sc
cure it there-where its fate hung
doubtful and trembling in the balance
until the very latest moment and then
only saved by the votes of senators who
had, most of them, spoken against it, no
man knows better than Mr. Mckinley.
Adulation has, indeed, sorely blinded
the chief executive to the truth, if he
imagines that even the majority of his
country1en approve of this permanent
holding in the Orient.
The Coming storm.
Let him not pin his faith too securely
to the sordid interests which clamor so
loudly in his hearing. If he will but
quiet the noisy throng which surrounds
him long enough to put his ear to the
ground and listen he will distinguish
the premonitions of the coming storm:
he will hear the steady tread, not of the
100, 600 men whom he demands for cru
sade against liberty, but of a mighty
army'of free people who are beginning
to move in defense Of their cherished
traditions and their violated honor.
I'VE have been told further that the
president yielded up his first blush i'm
pressons at the Importantly of Ad-
1rliral Dewey. who urged that the Phil
ippines should be retained. Mr. Chair
man. the chief executive cannot screen
himself behind ahe gold lace of the hero
of Manila. Nodne can honor more pro-
foundly than It2J the officers of our
regular army and navy, but their pre-
elections are naturally for arms. They
have imbibed, of course. the prejudices
and the preferences of their calling. We
cannot blame them for desiring to mag
nifty the size and Importance of the
army and navy, for advocating expan-
sion and taking on of a colonial policy.
Again. we have been assured that
the demand of our peace commission
ers at Paris to hold the Philippines is
what induced the president to yield.
So far as one of the commissioners is
concerned, we know that this is false.
But even if this statement We're true,
the constitutional power TO negotiate a
treaty was his. not the commissioners
They We're simply his instruments, ap-
pointed to carry out his will. No, Mr..
Chairman, this plea, like all the others,
will not avail. The truth is that these
commissioners got their inspira ton and
their instructions from the white house.
Those instructions once changed, the
action of the commissioners would
have been different. The wrong was
with the chief executive. He and he
alone, is responsible.
A Surrender to Mammon.
Mr. Chairman, in my humble opin-
ion, the reason for the change in the
presidential policy was his concession
to the selfish capitalists of the coun-
try, his surrender to their demands.
These are the gentlemen who furnished
the money for his nomination and elec-
tion and who | dout. not. have pledg-
ed him nomination and reelection.
These are the gentlemen who are al
ready seiZing upon valuable franchises
in China in connection with the English
syndicate With member of parliament
from Wales at its head. These are the
gentlemen whom Lord Beresford has in
mind in his cordial but wholly disinter-
ested invitation to an alliance in China
with Great Britain, Germany and ia
pan, against Russia and France, the
old-tme enemies of his country and the
od-time friends of ours. These are tic
gentlemen who are already grasping
after special privileges in the Philip
pines, in Cuba and in Porto Rico. 1t
was, l ina gine. for their special benefit
that the president created his advisory
board to the war department, compos-
ed of three American citizens, their OBJ
ject to farm out valuable privileges
and immunities which should belong
to the people Of those islands them
selves and in whose disposition they
should have a voice, if their govern
ment is to be free and their rights
with the spirit of legitimate American
maintained | have no faurt to find
commerce. My contention is against
the spirit of American greed, which
cares nothing for the spirit of Amerf-
can liberty.
"And what do these gentlemen pro-
pose? To amass colossal fortunes in
the islands by virtue of their fran
chises and upon the cheap labor of the
native population. not one dollar of
which will ever find its lodging place
in the pockets of the American people.
To enable them ito do this, our whole
population is to purchase their field op-
erations for them in the Philippines
for the ransom of $2O,O 900, and is to
be taxed interminably and excessively
in the creation and maintenance of a
great army and navy which is to con-
r. ~,