Arizona republican., 1899-04-19
PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDY.
Jefferson Quoted Fer and Against
 Every Policy in United States.

The differences among Jefferson
 admirers in applying his teachings ana
 his philosophy to the issues or tooay
 have had many counteTparts in the es-
 inmates of foreign as well as American
 politicians. statesmen, and writers re-
 garding his character and Wofk. naI acute Anglo-Am -Americ2n-Canadian Golu-
 win Smith, who may be assumed, rom
 his changes of environment, to De Quai-
 flied to treat persOnages and pollIlcS
 of those three countries with cChsld-
 erable broadness. declares. Tn speah- ing of Jefferson, that this man char
 acter is difficult to treat" When Jef-
 ferson is viewed narrowly and his
 words are taken literally he is, indeed,
 an exceedingly difficult subject. The
 life and work of no other American
 statesman, net even John Randolph,
 presents So many contrasts.
 St;gmatized as an atheist by his ene- mics. Jefferson did more for religious
 liberty than any other public man ot the early days of the government The author of the Kentucky resolutions CT 179S, which were p2rticularism s eX- tremist and most anarchistic eXpres- sion. he furnished the arguments upon which Calhoun justified notification, and in which Jefferson Davis found constitutional authority fer secession. Five years later, in the purchase of the territory of Louisiana, out of which was formed states which never had an independent being, and which owed their existence to the fiat of the cen tral government, JeffersCn supplied at the same time the constitutional au- thority and the physical power which killed both notification and secession. T social ills of the age was in too much government, and that people were gov erned best who were governed least, he gave the United States, in his embargo, an example of des1Otic government more autocratic in it's arbitrarinsss than any which the country ever knew before or since
 These are few of the reasons why writers find Jefferson so difficult as q study in the psychology of politics. The | judgments passed upon him diverge | as widely as do Antony's and Cassius' estimates of Caesar Men have quoted | him on the free trade and the protec- tionist side, in favor of and adverse to | every sort of currency which has been | advocated in this country in the past | thirty years, and for and against every | kind of policy which any one has ad- | vOcated in the United States in the past | three-quarters of a century Much of | this divergence is due to the stupen- dous extent of his writings, most of | which are in the shape of personal let ters, which cover all conceivable sub jects, which fill ten large volumes, and which reflect the varying moods which he happened to be in at the time they were penned. Another reason for the differences in judgment passed upon him is that there was frequently a broad gulf between his words and his acts. Hamilton, a broader man in l many things than Jefferson, and who | knew how Jefferscn would act when 1 in power better than Jefferson himself 1 did at the outset, brought this part of his character up as one of the argu- ments why the federalist house should elect Jefferson instead of Burr in the tie contest of 1900. In one sup1emely important particular, however, Jeffer- son was wiser than Hamilton or than any of Hamilton's party in HamiltOn's days He had faith in the poise and general political sanity of the people. He was the founder of religious toler- at1on in this country and the father of American democracy in it's broad sig His ideas in these two fields, which were reflected in the dec laration of independence, and his ac- quls1tlon Of the territory of Louisiana. which violated the narrow code of con- stitutional construction which he had set up, give him an eternal claim on the affectionate remembrance of his countrymen.-St. Louis Globe4Demo- crat.
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