The record-union. [volume] (Sacramento, Calif.) 1891-1903, 1899-01-25

Spain and Spain alone, and to give
bond to Spain and to Spain alone for
our good conduct in a matter which
win be wholly our own to decide.
Let US look, then, at the two alter
natives. Suppose we ratify the treaty.
The islands pass from the possession OF
Spain into our possession, without
committing us to any policy. believe
we can be trusted as a people to deal
honestly and justly with the islands
and their Inhabitants thus given to our
care. What our precise policy shall
be do not know, because for one
am not sufficiently informed as to the
conditions there to be able to say what
will be best to do, nor, may add, do
think anyone is. But / believe that
we shall have the wisdom not to at
tempt to incorporate those islands with
our body polite, or make their inhab1-
tants part of our citizenship, or set
their labor alongside of ours and with
in our tariff to compete in any industry
with American workmen. believe that
we shall have the courage not to de-
part from those islands fearfully, tim
idly and unworthily, and leave them to
anarchy among themselves, to the brief
constituted dictators and to the quick
conquest Of other powers who will have
no such hesitation as we should feel
in crushing them into subsection by
harsh and repressive methods.
sIt is for US to decide the destiny of
the Philippines not for Europe, and we
can do it alone and without assistance.
l believe that we shall have the wis
dom, the self restraint and the ability
to restore peace and order in those ISL
ands, and to give to their people an OPP
portunity for lf-government and for
freedom under the protecting shield of
the United States until the time shall
come when they shall be able to stand
alone, if they do not themselves desire
to remain under our protection.
During the campaign of last autumn
I said in my speeches to the people Of
my State that would never assent to
hand these islands back to Spain; that
1 wanted no subjugated races and no
vassal states, but that we had by
the fortunes of war assumed a greater
responsibility in the Philippines; that
we ought to meet it, and that we ought
to give these people an opportunity for
freedom, for peace and for self-gov-
eminent; that we ought to protect them
from the rapacity of other nations, and
seek to uplift those whom we had
freed. From those views / have not
swerved, and 1 believed then, as I be-
lieve now, that they met with the ap--
probation of an overwhelming majority
of the people of Massachusetts,. 1 be-
l lieve these results can and will be OBJ
Take, now, the other alternative.
Suppose we reject the treaty or strike
out the clause relating to the Philip
pines. That will hand the islands back
to Spain. and 1 cannot conceive that
any American should be willing to do
that. Suppose we reject the treaty,
what follows? Let us look at it prac-
tically. We continue the state of war,
and every sensible man in the country,
every business interest. desires the re-
establishment of peace in law as well
as in fact. BY this act we repudiate
the President and his action before the
whole world, and reputation of the
President in such matter as this, to
my mind, is the humiliation of the
United States in the eyes of the civil
lied world, and brands US as a people
incapable of great affairs or of taking
rank where we belong, as one of the
greatest world powers. The President
cannot be sent back across the Atlantic
in the person of his Commissioners, hat
in hand, to say to Spain with bated
breath, I am here in obedience to the
mandate of majority of one-third of
the Senate to tell you that we have
been too victorious, and that you have
yielded US too much, and that I am
very sorry that / took the Philippines
from you
"I do not think that any American
President would do that, or that any
American would wish him to. Still less
do l think that any American would
withdraw General Otis and his soldiers
and recall Admiral Dewey from the
scene of his great victory leaving it to
be said of US that we had deserted our
post without an effort to repair the
ruin We have made or to save the peo-
pie we have freed.
The treaty commits the disposition
of the Philippine Islands to Congress,
and to the ways and practices of peace
It's rejection leaves them in the sole
power of the President, subject to the
usages and practices of war alone. If
people and their Government, l would
do my best to prevent the ratification
of the treaty, and Lean see no other
ground of opposition. But as l have a
profound faith in both, want to take
those islands from Spain in the only
way which 1t can be done, by the rati-
fication of the treaty, and then leave it
to the President-wise, humane, patri-
10 A 1ax-f<. 49,,
the American people, who have never
failed in any great duty or feared to
face any great responsibility, to deal
with them in that sphere of justice,
humanity and liberty which made us
all what we are to-day and can ever
hope to be-"
Lodge spoke for only half an hour.
His delivery was earnest, and the adj
dress had the attention of both Sena-
tors and occupants of the galleries
throughout
AT the conclusion of Lodges speech
Teller of Colorado addressed the Sen
ate upon a question with respect to the
constitutional powers of the Govern
ment in the Territories, both prior to
the starting of the legislative machin-
cry relating to- the Territories and sub
sequently thereto. His speech was a
resume of the legislative Acts of Con-
gress relating to Territories and the
constitutional bearings of those Acts.
In conclusion, Teller said that by cit
ing his authorities he desired merely
to place before the Senate and the
country an argument in support OF his
position that the Constitution by its
own force did not go into the Terri
tories, and that it could not go into
Cuba, Porto Rico or the Philippines.