The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1898-04-12
AS TO RECOGNITION.
McKinIey's December Message and
Andrew JacIxson's Position.

As ~
MckinIey's December Message and
Andrew JacIxson's Position.
In my annual message of December last
1 said: "Of the untried measures there re-
main only: Recognition of the insurgents
as belligerents; recognition of the independ-
ence of Cuba; neutral intervention to end
the war by proposing a rational compro-
mise by the contestants, and intervention in
favor of one or the other party. 1 speak
not of forcible annexation, for that cannot
be thought OF. That, by our code of NOR
atty, would be criminal aggression y
Thereupon I reviewed these alternatives in
the light of President Grants measured
words, uttered in 1875, when, after seven
years of sanguinary, destructive and cruel
hostilities in Cuba, he reached the concu-
sion that the recognition of the independ-
ence of Cuba was impracticable and indie
fensble and that the recognition of bel
ligerence was not warranted by the facts
according to the tests of public law. L
commented especially on the latter aspect
of the question, pointing out the incon-
veniences and positive dangers of a recog-
milton of belligerence, which, while adding
to the already onerous burdens of neutral
ity within our own jurisdiction, could not
in any way extend our influence or render
effective our good offices in the territory
of hostilities. Nothing has since occurred
to change my view in this regard, and
recognize as fully now as then that the
Issuance of a proclamation of neutrality
by which process the so-called recognition
of belligerency is published, could of itself
and unattended by other action, accomplish
nothing toward the one end for which we
l"labor-the instant pacifcation of Cuba and
the cessation of the misery that aff1icts the
| island.., v.1p nj sno,G ri.
PRESIDENT JACKSON MESSAGE.
turning to the question of recognizing at
this time the independence of the present
lnsurgent government in Cuba, we find safe
precedents in Our history from an early day
fhey are We'll summed up in President
Jacksons message to Congress, Dec. 81
1885, on the subject of the recognition of the
independence of Texas. He said:
In all the contests that have arisen out
OF France out of the disputes in relation
| to the crowns of Portugal and Snain ont
| OF the separation of the American possess
| slons of both from the European govern
ments, and out of the numerous and con-
stantly occurring struggles for dominion in
opaInsh-A America, SO wisely consistent with
our Just principles have been the action of
our government that we have. under the.
most critical circumstances, avoided all
censure and encountered no other evil than
that produced by a transient estrangement
or good Will in those against whom we have,
been by force of evidence compelled to de-
cue. 1t has thus made known to the world
that the uniform policy and practice of the
United States is 70 avoid all interference in
disputes which merely relate to the internal
government of other nations, and eventu-
ally TO recognize the authority of the pre-.
vailing party without reference to our par
ticular interests, and views or to the merits
of the original controversy. But on
this, as on every other trying occasion
safety is to be found in a. rigid adherence
to principle. In the contest between Spain
and the revolted colonies we stood aloof
and waited not only until the ability of the
new states to protect themselves was fully
established, but until the danger of their
being again subjugated had entirely passed
away. Then. and not until then, were they
recognized Such was our course in regard
to Mexico herself. II is true thar
with regard TO Texas. the civil authority OF
Mexico has been expelled it's invading
army defeated the chief of the republic
himself captured, and all present power to
Texas annihilated within it's confines. But
on the other hand. there is. in appearance,
at least, an immense disparity of physical
force on the side of Texas. The Mexican
republic, under another executive, is rally.
ing its forces under a new leader, and men-
acing a fresh invasion to recover it's lost
dominion. Upon the issue of this threatened
invasion the independence of Texas may
be considered as suspended, and were there
nothing peculiar in the relative situation OF
the United States and Texas, our acknowI-
edgement of its independence at such a cri-
sis could scarcely be regarded as consistent
with that prudent reserve with which we
have hitherto held ourselves bound to treat
all similar questions.
Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded 10
consider the risk that there might be i'm
puted to the United States motives of selfish
interests in view of the former claim on our
part to the territory of Texas, and of the
avowed purpose of the Texans in seeking
recognition of independence as an incident
to the Incorporation of Texas in the Union;
concluding thus: Prudence, therefore,
seems TO dictate that we should stand aloof
and maintain our present attitude, If not
until Mexico itself or one Of the great for
eign powers shall recognize the independ-
ence of the new government, at least until
the laspe of time or the course of events
shall have proved beyond cavil or dispute
the ability of tn, people of that country to
maintain their separate sovereignty and to
uphold the government constituted by them
Neither Of the contending parties can justly
complain of this course. BY pursuing it we
are but carrying out the long-established
policy OF cur government. policy which
has secured to us respect and influence
abroad and inspired confidence ar home"
NOT READY TO BE RECOGNIZED.
These are the words of the resolute and
patriotic Jackson. They are evidence that
the United States, in addition to the test
imposed by public law as To the condition