The western recorder., 1898-04-14

may be considered as suspended. and
were there nothing peculiar Ia the sit
uafion Of the United States and Texas.
our acknowledgements OF It's indcpen-
dcnce mt such crisis could scarcely be
dent reserve with which we hnve hiih-
erto held ourselves bound to treat all
similar questions"
Tbereupon Andrew Jackson proceesl-
ed to consider the risk that there might
be imputed to the United States mo
tlyes Of selfish interests in view Of The
4 former claim on our part to the terri
1 tory of Texas and OF the nvowed pur-
| pose Of the Texans in seeking rccoEni.
tIon OF independence ms nm incident 70
the Incorporation OF Texas In the un-
lon. concluding thus:
Prudence, therefore, seems TO die
| tate thnt we should stand nloof and
maintain our present altitude. II not
until Mexico Itself. or one OF the great
foreign powers shall recognize the indo-
pendence OF the new government, at
least until the lapse OF time or the
course OF events shall have proved be-
yond cavIl or dispute the ability Of the
people OF that country to maintain their
separa.e sovereignty and to uphold the
government constituted by them.
Neither Of the confendIng parties can
justly complain OF this course By pur-
suing II. we are carrying out the long
established policy OF our government
policy which has secured to US re-
spect and influence abroad and In
spIred confidence at home.''
These are the words OF the resolute
and patriotic Jnckson. They are owl
dence that the United States. In nddI-
tion to the test imposed by public law
M the condition Of the recognition Of
Independence by a neutral stnte. to-
wit: that the revolted state shnll ICON.
stitute In fact body polite. having .
government In substance as well MS ii
stability" and forming de facfo. III left
to itself. stnte among the nntions,
reasonably capable OF dischnrging the
duties Of statc"-hns imposed for its
own governnnce In dealing with cases
like these the further condition that
recognition of independent statehood Is
not due 10 revolted dependency until
the danger OF Its being again subju-
gated by the parent stnfc has entirely
passed away. This extreme test was,
in fact. applied In the case OF Texas
The Congress to whom President Jnck-
son referred the question as zone prob
ably lending to war" md therefore a
proper subject for previous under
standing with that body by whom war
alone can be declared, and by whom all
the provisions for sustaining Its peris
must be furnished,' left the matter of
recognition OF Texas 10 the discretion
OF the executive. providing merely for
the sending of diplomatic agent when
the President should he satisfied that
the republic OF Texas had become IAN
independent state" II was so recog-
nized by President Van Buren. who
commissioned charge d'nrfaires
March Z, 1887. nfter Mexico hnd nban-
doned an attempt 10 conquer the Tex
nn territory. and then there was ut the
time no bona fide contest going on be-
tween the insurgent province and Its
former sovereign.
1 sald In my message Of December
last: at Is to be seriously considered
whether the Cuban iDsurrcction pos
sesses beyond dispute the attributes OF
statehood, which nlone can demand the
recognition of belllgercncy In its fn-
vor." The same requirement must GER
tainly be no less seriously considered
when the grayer issue of recognizing
Independence Is In question, for no
less positive test can be applied to the
grenter act than to the lesser, while on
the other hand the Influences and con-
sequences of the struggle upon the
internal policy of the recognizing state.
which form an important factor when
the recognition of beiligerency Ia con
cerned, are secondary, II not rightly
ellminable factors when the real ques-
tion whether the community claiming
recognition Is or Is not independent be-
yond peradventure comes up.
Nor on tho standpoint Of cxpedIencssl
do 1 think 1t would be wise or ptu-
dent for this government to recognize
at this time the Independence OF the
so-called republic Such recognition is
not necessary In order to enable the
United States to Intervene and pacify
tile island. To commit this country
now to the recognition of any particu-
lar government In Cuba might subject
us TO embarrassing conditions Of inter
national obligation towards the or
ganizntion so recognized. In case Of
Intervention our conduct would be sub
ject to the approval or disapprovnl Of
such government. and we would be re-
quired to submit to Its direction and to
assume to 1t the more than relation of
n friendly ally.
There remain the alternative forms
OF Intervention to end the war. either
as an impartial neutral by imposing n
rational compromise between the con-
testants, or as the active ally OF tile
one party or the other.
AS to the first 1t Is not to be forgot
ten that during the last few months
the relations of the United States has
virtually been one OF friendly inter-
ventlon in many ways, each effort OF
itself being conclusive, but all tend
ing to the exertion OF potential infiu-
ence toward an ultimate pacific result
Just and honorable to all interests con-
cerned. The spirit Of all our acts hifh-
erto has been earnest, nnselfish desire
for peace md prosperity In Cuba, un-
furnished by differences between the
United States and Spain and unstained
by the blood of American citizens.
The forcible Intervention OF the
United States as n neutral nation 10
stop the war. according to the larger
dictates of humanity and following
many historical precedents where
neighboring states have lnterfcred TO
check the hopeless sacrifice of life by
conflicts beyond their borders, is justi-
fable on rational ground. II in
wolves. however, constraint upon both
the parties to the contest as well as to
enforce truce as to guide the event
ual settlement. The grounds for such
intervention may be briefly summar-
lied as follows:
First-In the cause of humanity md
TO put an end to the barbnrities, blood
shed. starvation and horrible miseries
now existing there, and which the par
ties to the conflict are either unable or
unwilling to stop or mitigate. 1t is no
answer TO say that this is all In nnoth-
err country. belonging to another ma
ton, and is therefore. none OF our bus
iness. 1t IL especially our duty. for It
il right Mt our door.
second-we owe it. to our citizens