New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1898-12-09
THE EiISER'S HOWE-COHINf.


The German Emperor has reached home ae"'"
| and has made his formal address to the inpc
rial Parliament. The latter contains ho'""S
startling or disquicting. But the circumstances
| Of the EmperOr's homecoming are SUCH aS !"
arouse not a little anxiety. Perhaps they nia!
| he deemed to constitute certain tribute I" 'hc
| EMPEROR but one he scarcely covets III SUCH
FORM He went away leaving all Things IRAN
| ouil He returns TO find everything at SKIES anu
| scvcns Whether the trouble has been because
of his absence or would have occurred just the
same if he had stayed at home Is ques''oh Oh
personal but not practical interest. Inc essen
tial fact is that things have gone wrong ana
need to be set to rights
The Lippe-Dctmod case had its origin before
the Emperor went away but its most mchaclhg
significance has been developed in his absence
The spectre Of Particularism is ominous III
FORM The Triple Alliance Is assailed on TWO
sides at once Italy has concluded CONNER
cial treaty with France which is likely TO draw
those two nations more closely together III poll
tics as well as in trade. and Austria Is threaten
ing reprisals and all manner Of wrathful Things
because of Prussia's expulsion OF Austr'ans
from Breslau Even In Prussia itself certain
disaffecton toward the Emperor has arisen, so
that the sOveregns entry into Berlin WAS
marked with scarcely a sign of popular wei
come. There Is little or no rejoicing over the
reported concessions gained by the Emperor FOR
Germany in the East. The general tone OF
Germany, so far as II can be Independently eX-
pressed is one of suen dissatisfaction with the
drift of affairs and of inclination to hold the
Emperor personally responsible for everything
that is wrong.
This last fact is the most serious feature or
the case and the one which lays the heaviest
burden upon tho Emperor 1t is the penalty of
nersonal government Ever since the dismissal
of Bismarck the Emperor has been his own
Chancellor and responsible Minister. Whoever
else has nominally held the place has been
merely his clerk and has been so regarded by
the nation Now. that IS well enough In an alb
soluc despotism But in constitutional mon
archy ii is cminently desirable for the soy
crcign 10 hold entirely aloof from party poll
ties and not 10 be responsible in fact or IN
theory for legislation or administration. Above
all. in a federal empire. where the sovereign Is
the personal link that holds the allied States To-
gethor. il Is an urgent demand of safety that
he shall not be personally subject To criticism
for partisan policies. The great misfortune OF
the present German Emperor Is that because or
his active, aggressive spirit he has identified
himself with the practical administrative pol
icics of the Government and must himself bear
the brunt of all criticism When Dissatisfaction
arises as now. il Is directed squarely against
him. The personal popularity of the sovereign
and of the dynasty is impaired And that Is
the worst thing that can befall a monarchy.
1t Is not to be understood that the Hohen-
zollern dynasty Is in danger There Is no
doubt that it Will be maintained, and that the
empire will be maintained under the headship
Of the King of Prussia. But the spirit of dis
content that has arisen cannot fail TO check the
growth of national unity. and 10 interfere with
the very schemes OF German progress and ag-
grandzement which the Emperor has most at
heart The burdens and abors Of the Emperor
are vastly increased. The spirit of faction Is
encouraged. The campaign for German SUI
premacy among the Powers Is set back. In
such circumstances II may he we'll If the En-
pcror shall so change his policy as to make his
Ministers bear more responsibility and himself
onncar 10 reign rathp than TO rule.