The times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1890-1903, 1898-07-03

that the War Of the Revolution did moro
for England than &c did for her Ameri-
can C,lonios. buckle. in his History OF
English Civilization uses this significant
language
The danger was "a imminent as 70
| make tho ablest defenders OF popular
| liberty believe that everything was at
| stake. and that If the Americans were
| yanquiahed the next step would be 70 at
! tack the liberties OF England. and en-
| Gcavor TO extend to the mother country
tie same arbitrary government which
bv Chat time would have been established
/ ip the colonies. Tho danger was
! far more serious than men are now In
| clmed to believe. During many years
! the authority OF the Crown continued to
| increase until Il reached a height OF
7 which no example had been seen Ia Eng
land for severa! generations There
! Is no doubt / think. that the American
war was a great crisis IN the history or
England. and that II the colonists had
| been defeated our liberties for ume
would have been in considerable jeopardy.
From that risk we were saved by the
Americans, who with heroic spirit resist
cd the royal armies.
The world had not known until this time
what was true liberty. There was
certain license 10 the few while the many
were oppressed. It was for America 20
enunciate and TO establish the great
principle that all men are born free and
equal before the law, that It IS the right
OF every man 20 enjoy liberty and 20
pursue Happiness. and that every man IS
OF liberty 10 do what he will. so long
as he does not trench upon the rights OF
others.
Tho English people had not up to this
time understood this glorious doctrine,
but they have learned It from Americans
and have adopted it in their own land.
II IS not alone the ties Of kinship nor
the fact that they speak the same Ian
guage that Great Britain and the United
States are such stanch friends It IS
raher perhaps. that both stand on this
great American principle. Americans and
Enciishmen recognize the fact that gov
eminent IS for the people and that the
individual liberty OF the humblest citizen
IS the concern Of an. Local self-govern-
meut we call 80 in America, home rule
they call It in Great Britain, but &c IS
tho same IN both countries.
But IN one respect our policy is far
different from that OF Great Britain's.
We started out with the determination
70 take care Of our own affairs and 10
keep ourselves safely out Of all foreign
acknowledgements. We have not gone in for
territorial expansion outside Of our own
immediate precincts. We have eschewed
imperialism. and have contented our
selves with our own domain at home.
There are those. however. who. now that
We have gotten into q foreign war and
will probably acquire certain islands OF
the sea. would have ms depart from our
traditional policy and go I'm Tor conquest
and colonization. As serious crisis IS
upon us and it will require the conserva-
tsn and craftsmanship of the American
people 20 preserve the republic from
harm. The great question for the peo-
ple TO consider on the Fourth Of July IS
this Shall we stand by the declaration
Of Independence, and by that policy
which has made us the greatest nation
ON ear.h2 or shall We cut loose from
our moorngs. and drift We know not
whittier? such reflections are most APP
propriate 20 the Fourth of July.
Mr.. Kiplings "RecessionaL' after the
Queens Jubilee last year is good reading
for this time Of our countrys life:
God of our fathers. known Of old;
Lord OF our far-hung battle line.
Beneath whose awful hand we hold
Dominion over palm and pine.
Lord God of hos IS. be with us yet,
Lest We forget, lest we forget.
The tumult and the shouting die;
The captains and the kings DEPART
10. all our pomp of yesterday
is one with Nineyeh and Tyre.
Judge OF the nations, spare us yet,
Lest we forget, lest we forget.
Tor heather heart that puts her trust
In reeklng tube and iron shard,
Am valiant dust that builds on dust
And guarding, calls not Thee 10 guard
For frantic boast and foolish word
Thy mercy on Thy people Lord! Amen