The daily morning journal and courier., 1898-04-19

representatives. MT. President, l re- gret it, It is unfortunate, it is deplor- able, it is unpardonable.
 The President of the United States says, and this language can not be too often repeated:
 In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of en- dangered American interests which give us the right and the duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop.
 Those words are to become immortal in the history of the United States The committee on foreign relations, unanimous in it's committee room, but divided in the senate, says in effect, in the name of Maxine Gomez, in the name of the Cuban junta in New York, Spain must withdraw from the island of Cuba. There is the issue, clear and distinct. That can not be avoided
 I do not care whether the resolutions of the committee are adopted or the amendment proposed by the senator from Indiana (Mr. Turpie) be added. They mean the same thing; theymean, and mean only, that the United States is to engage in this great conflict, with all it's results, with all it's losses, and with all it's burdens, with all it's de- moralization, with all it's unforeseen and far-reaching consequences, only to establish and set up the mythical government of the miscalled republic of Cuba.
 What sacredness so encircles that mythical government that the United States must forget it's high and lofty mission of humanity and duty to en- list under the banner and take orders from the insurgents in Cuba? If those people are independent they have a government there, and it does not need the amendment of the sena- tor from Indiana to say so. I do not go into the argument to prove they have no right to recognition No man may presume to tread again the ground so thoroughly gone over by the distinguished senator from Wisconsin CMr. Spooner), who has made it so clear that it scarcely can be contra dicted or evaded that there is no con- dition of things in Cuba which justifies the United States in recognizing government there.
 MT. President, to recognize that pre- tended government, which even Con- sul-General Lee does not believe to ex- ist, except as a skeleton, would be to turn back upon every utterance of this country, upon every principle laid down by our presidents and secreta- ries of state in this country. Before we do that let us expunge the record. Let us blot out from our history what Monroe and Jackson and Grant and Hayes and Arthur and Harrison have written into it. Let us wipe out from our history what Adams and Seward and Evarts and Fish, our great secre- taries of state, have written into it. Let us eat our own words in the great contest of the civil war, when we claimed that the Confederate states were not entitled to recognition and our claim was acceded to. Nay, more, to do it we must give up the Monroe doctrine-the doctrine on which we planted ourselves, on which we stand to-day, on which, without buster and rodomontade, we say we will defy the world. What was that doctrine? It is to be found in two sentences: With the existing colonies or depen- dencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not in terfere But with the governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose indepen- dence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interpretation for the purpose of expressing them or controlling in any other manner their destiny by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States.
 It consists of two propositions. One l proposition is that we will not inter- fere with existing colonies or depen- dencies of any European power, and 1 the other is that when we have ac- | knowledged the independence of col ony upon the western hemisphere we will not tolerate foreign interference. | Are we to abandon half of the doctrine | to discredit half of the doctrine, and l say before a colony has maintained it's | independence we will interfere and l enable it to secure that independence? l If we discredit and abandon half of l the doctrine how can we ask Euro l pean nations to accede to the remain i der?
 But why not stand with the Presi- dent? Why not meet upon its own
 ground the house of representatives? !? Why not go to Cuba to do what we say we go there for-to put an end to
 the conditions which have become in
 sufferable and intolerable?
 | The senator from Nebraska (Mr.
 Allen) took occasion this morning to
 regret and to denounce the proposi-
 tions which were made by the powers
 to our government looking to the se-
 curing of peace. It has been the fash | ion in this debate, I am sorry to say, | to peruse the message of the President l of the United States with a magnify
 ing glass of high power to see if some
 word cannot be discovered in it from which the charge can be made that he
 is unpatriotic, vacillating and dishon- l est in purpose. Oh, the shame of it,
 MT. President; the shame of it for the
 present, and the insufferable shame of l it for the future. It did not require a
 magnifying glass, if this whole inter-
 view had been read, to find the high,
 lofty and unalterable purpose of the