The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1898-01-11

49, ~
or 10 cast In their lot with the continent
to which they belong without restraint or
fear Of opposition, and that tho separate
provinces. acting collectively or individually,
however, and whenever they may think best,
may enter into our Union without let or him
drance from the mother country. II is not to DO
denied that these are radical propositions, but q
glance at our earlier history will showthat they
are neither novel nor altogether unreasonable.
They have boon advanced by our Presidents, Sec
~rotnrics Of State, and diplomatists with greater
or less perslstency from tho beginning Of tho
Revolution down to tho present time. Our
annals arc full OF arguments BY our wisost. and
fairest Statesmen in strenuous support OF our
claims.
In considering the reasonablencss OF our con-
~tinontal policy, 1t should not be forgotten that
the conquest Of Canada and the fisheries OF New
foundland were made after q hundred years OF
war, in which our colonists bore the brunt of tho
fighting, against tho French and Indians. fur
nished most OF the men and ships, and
paid most Of the cost. Nor should It DO
forgotten that, after tho general peace
Of Europe was concluded. the British
Government, without consulting the colonies,
voluntarily offered to restore Canada and all its
dependencies TO France In exchange for tho in.
significant sugar-producinE island of Guada.
loupo, and was only prevented from taking this
fatal step by tho influence of DR.. Franklin, who
pointed out tho utter folly of such n recession,
showed that Canada, thon altogether French,
and the colonies. then altogether English, were
too neighborly to be friends" and that there
could be no assurance Of peace between them
unless they should remain henceforth under a
single domination.
Again, It should be remembered that when
the British Government, after eight years of
unsuccessful war that forced It TO formally
admit the independence of the United States.
and when 1t had sent its agent to DIR. Franklin,
then in Paris. to arrange the preliminaries Of a
treaty Of peace and partition. ho was heartily
received. and when he assured the doctor that
It was the desire of his Government not
only to arrange a satisfactory peace but
"to conciliate the American people" the
wise and sagacious diplomatist asked for
time to consider the latter proposition. After a
nights reflection he proposed that the British
Government should cede Canada and its neigh
boring Islands to the Union, and thus not only
remove the last cause of difference and the
greatest danger Of future wars and misundor-
standings, but give tho most substantial proofs
of friendship and good will. Curious as it may
now seem, the British agent agreed to the sug.
gestion. reported 1t to the Earl of Shelburne. by
whom he had been appointed, and was in due
time authorized by him to notify DIR. Franklin
Of its acceptance.
1t is not essential to this statement that we
should recount how this realization of our later
doctrine of manifest destiny was finally de-
feated, not by Great Britain, but by the influence
Of our French and Spanish allies. in the interest
Of their own undisputed American dependencies.
The history of the times is explicit as to the de-
tails Of the intrigues and jealousy which char
acterized this extraordinary episode in the ne
gotiations. 1t shows clearly that tho PROPOSE
tiOn IN Axtand 0ur ayyav 0var all these Rtitieh-
American possessions is not only not new, but,
so far as Great Britain Is concerned, was fully
and unequivocally conceded. and would have
resulted in continental unity, with all that 1t
implies, us years ago.
1t must be admitted, however, that the British
Government, at least. has long since changed its
mind, and would probably look upon the renewal
Of the proposition at this time, even as the basis
OF an alliance with us. as radical in the extreme.
Indeed. the proposition Is radical, for it would
not only change the map of tho New World, but
would in all probability save China and readiust
the balance of the Old World. What minor con-
sequences might flow from 1t in Europe and
Asia is a fruitful subject for conjecture, but wo
cannot further indulge in that interesting OK
cess at present.
Before leaving this most important subject it
may be well to add that the sacrifices would not
BIO all on the side Of Great Britain, for in cutting
loose from the policy of Washington, and TAX
ing our place beside our hereditary enemy in
support of China, we should find ourselves ar
rayed against France. our ancient ally. and
Russia. our hereditary friend, both of which. in
the pursuit of their Asiatic plans. would be
brought squarely into conflict with our national
interests for the first time. As for Germany and
her new commercial policy in hat quarter lit.
tie need be said. for, in spite of the fact that she
has seized Kiao Chou Bay. and thus secured a
base for commerce as well as aggression on the
Chinese mainland, she can scarcely hope to be
seriously considered as n party to the proposed
ACKNOWLEDGMENT of the Chinese Empire. Besides.
she cannot be oblivious OF the fact that
she has chosen a foothold which must
sooner or later fall within the Russian sphere
of influence. and II It comes finally to n struggle
for a share Of the spoils she will surely have TO
reckon with Russia on the ono hand and with
England on the other. Should she claim COM
pensation for her disappointment in China or
for her complacency to the powers. she might
well regard herself as fortunate II an equivalent
were given her in the African hintcrland.
Finally. it is worthy Of consideration that tho
United States has already a stake of extraordi.
nary value In the far East. where she has built
up a great and increasing m where her
naval and civil representatives have from time
to time exerted a potential influence over
the progress of both Japan and China,
and where her private citizens have more
than once played & decisive part for the Gov
ernments Of those countries in both war and
diplomacy. Certainly in view of all these facts
the time has come when we, acting singly or in
conjunction with others, should exert all our
ability and, il needs be, all our power for tho
preservation and advan cement of our peaceful
interests in that far away region and for tho
maintenance of China's autonomy. which. after
all, is our surest protection.
Neither our Government nor our people have
brought on or are responsible for the present
crisis in the life of the Chinese Empire. That
sin, II 1t shall prove to BIO one. must rest upon
others; but It imposes upon us both a duty
and an opportunity which it may be
the part OF wisdom for us to weigh care
fully and improve rcsolutcly. On the other
hand. 1t may well turn out that neither tho
proper time nor the proper opportunity has
come when our Government should turn its
l Ln,lr ,.n-- [. a. 800. 80.