New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1898-03-12
BRITISH AND AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP.


The statement that the British Minister has
made certain suggestions to our Government
looking toward cooperation between Great
Britain and the United States, both in Spanish
and Chinese matters. is liable to he interpreted
too broadly. 1t could hardly have been Init
mated that Great Britain stood in need Of any
naval assistance in Asatc waters. or That the
United States needed naval aid in defending
It's coast against Spain But the hearty sym
pathy of the two nations might naturally have
found expression 1t would be impossible for
the English people not TO sympathze strongly
with this country in an effort 10 terminate the
state of things in Cuba, which has outraged the
feelings Of the humane everywhere, and has cost
British capitalists and business men even more
than It has cost Americans. Nor would 1t be
possible for Americans 10 sympathlze with
Russia or France in an effort 10 diSmember
China and restrict the commerce of English
speaking nations in Chinese waters.
But there is one way in which mutual sym
patty can be practically expressed and recipro-
Gated. The two nations have been doing a
great part of the mechanical and scientific work
for the worlds navies and armies in years past.
1t is quite possible for Great Britain and the
United States 10 maintain such close friendship
with each other that neither will permit ships
or munitions OF war to leave its ports for The
use of a Power apparently preparing for or en-
gagged in war with the other. Either Govern
ment has power to restrict to that extent the
desire of It's citizens 10 sell in any market they
can find, and in response TO friendly request
by the other either can prevent the furnishing
OF ships or munitions TO n Power with which
that other is Liable soon to he ut war
If 1t be said that the laws give no such power
Of control over the action OF individuals and
companies in this country, the obvious answer
is that either Great Britain or the United States
can take actual possession, for its own use and
defence of any vessels or arms or other NUM-
lions of war within its territory BY mutual
understanding, Great Britain can need for its
own purposes anything that may be destined
for Spain and the United States can need for
its own purposes anything destined for war
against Great Britain. While this power has
not been generally exercised by the United
States during long years of peace. there is no
room 10 question its existence and rghtfulneSs.
because the power OF National defence always
embraces the right to take for public require
ments such property as may be needed.
These two great nations can. in a word, re-
fuse TO permit their resources or their skill 10
be used in war against either of them by other
Powers. They can also refuse to allow their
coaling ports to be used anywhere in the world
by vessels hostile to either. or coal to be pur
chased and shipped where there is reason 10
believe 1t desired for hostile use against either.
While supplies of fuel are by international law
contraband OF war all nations do not interpret
the principle alike, and supplies sufficient 10
reach their own nearest port have been allowed
TO armed vessels in time OF war. The English
speaking nations do not need to fight for each
other. Their friendship and close ties Of blood
may well prevent either from allowing its sci
ence It's skill or It's resources to be used in war
against the other. While that alone would not
prevent building and equipment Of hostile YES
sells and armies, the constructing power of
other nations is so far below the needs Of them
all that such an agreement would do much TO
prevent war against either the Mother Country
or this Republic.