The Coeur d'Alene press. (Coeur d'Alene, Idaho) 1892-1907, 1898-12-24
TERRITORIAL EXPANSION.

From purely selfish, business point
Of view there are a few legitimate argu-
ments in favor OF territorial expansion
This is particularly true OF Pacific coast
states and the Philippine islands; bu: in
a country like ours there are questions
arising OF more vital importance to the
people than that of increased business.
George Washington and other founders
OF the republic saw the dangers that now
threaten the very existence OF our boosted
freedom, or a government by, for and with
the consent OF the governed. In his his
toric farewell address, Washington said
THE great rule OF conduct for us in re-
gard to foreign nations is, in extending
our commercial relations, to have with
them as little political connection as
possible. So for as We have already
formed engagements let them be fulfilled
with perfect good faith. Here let us
stop. Europe has a set Of primary inter
ests which to Us have none or q very re-
mote relation. Hence, she must be en-.
gagged in frequent controversies, the
causes OF which are essentially foreign to
our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must
be unwise in US to implieate ourselves
by artificial ties in the ordinary vieissi-
tudes OF her politics, or the ordinary
combinations and collusious OF her friend
ships and enmities. Our detached and
distant situation invites and enables US
TO pursue a different course. II We re-
main one people under one government,
the period lie not far of when We may
defy material injury from external an
noyance; when We may take such an at
titude as will cause the neutrality we
may at any time resolve upon to be
scrupulously respected; when belligerent
nations under the impossibility Of max
ing acquisitions upon US, will not lightly
hazard the giving Us provocation; when
We shall choose peace or war as our inter-
ests, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages Of so peculiar
a situation? Why quit our own to stand
on foreign ground? Why, by interweav-
ing our destiny with that OF any part of
Europe, entangle our peace and prosper
ity in the tolls of European ambition,
rivalship, interest, humor or caprice"
In the light Of current history how
strange those words sound: why Quit
our own to stand on foreign ground7''
James Monroe who was president of the
United States from March 4, 1917, to
March 4, 1925, became particularly IA
nous for the political doctrine which
has been steadfastly maintained in our
relation TO European nations who would
extend their sovereignty over our terri
tory in the western hemisphere. Wheth-
er. the Monroe doctrine can longer BE-
consistently contended for in the light OF
current event is a grave question. 1t
seems more than likely in adopting a
new policy Of territorial expansion that
We must have entered upon a course be-
set with international complications
against which We were SO solemnly
warned by George Washington.
When the immortal Lincoln uttered
the following words, he undoubtedly had
in mind Washington's farewell address,
and based his remarks OH a belief that
the Monroe doctrine vas a fixed and un-
changeable part OF our government fab
ric:
AT what point shall We expect the ap-
prOach Of danger? BY what means shall
we fortify ourselves against it? Shall
we expect some transatlantic military
giant to step across the ocean and crush
us at blow Never! All the armies
OF Europe, Asia and Africa ombined,
with all the treasure of the earth Tour
own excepted) in their military chest,
with Bonapart for commander, could
not by force take drink from the Ohio
or make track on the Blue Ridge in a
trial OF thousand years. Atvha. point,
then, is the approach OF danger to be ex-
pected?-1 answer, if it ever reaca,s Us
it must spring fran amongst Us; it can
not come from abroad. lfdestruction lie
our lot, We must ourselves be its author
and fnisher. As a nation OF freeInen
we must live through all time or die by
suicide"
Never we're more truthful words ut
tered. But Lincoln, at that time, did
not think it possible that the United
States would reach out across the Pacific
and grab foreign territory, which must
entangle Us in European politics, cause
IN abandonment of the Monroe doctrine
and make US military nation. Athome
We can defy the world; by holding the
Philippine islands We must engage in the
broils OF Europe and fight the battles Of
foreign powers. II the arguments Of the
expansionists are logical in the case Of
the Philippines, they should hold good if
we were to 60 to war with Germany, land
troops and sieze her territory; but the
most ardent advocates OF expansion
would not be in favor OF annexing the
German empire and making it part OF
our territory. Why? because We would
lie driven from the Continent by physi-
cal force. Then, according to their argu-
inent we are to hold the Philippines and
extend our dominion to them simply be-
cause We can do 50 by superior strength.
That Is not in accordance with the ira
ditions OF our republic and our interest
in the islands should not go beyond as
sisting the natives in establishing a free
and independent government, and re-
tuininO N conIinf, anJ r.,.I .,,; ::