Evening star., 1898-11-14

this scheme of social evolution, the average
status of the American negro would fall at
least two stages below that of the whites
To predicate equality under these circum-
stances would be to discount the value of
civilization and to discourage the negro in
his strivings for larger development This
conclusion by no means dtScreditS, nor
should il discourage, the negro race If
history teaches any clear lesson it is that
the cultivated races are superior in all
tests of practical power to the undevel-
oped races. Let us not forget that the
equality sought to be upheld is in the
arena of political control This is the
sphere in which the Anglo-SaXon race man
ifests its peculiar genius. Domination seems
to be in the direct line Of its destiny The
Englishman as clearly manifests his superb
orty over the HindOO the Chinese as the
Roman did over the Gaul or the Briton.
This predOminance is not an attribute of
blood, but arises from the practical eftici-
ency derived from the discipline of civiliza-
ton.
Ineffectiveness of the Written COnsti-
tuition.
The white race is ensnared in the meshes
of its own law. The negro is the incidental
beneficiary of this ENHANCEMENT. Circum-
stances have forced him into political
scheme that was not intended to cover his
case. Our government is founded upon the
political axiom that government derives its
just powers from the consent of the gov
erned Political equality follows as a cor
rollary from the central proposition. The
Declara tion of Independence and the Con-
stitution of the United States rest upon this
fundamental bedrock. History affords no
more anomalous spectacle than the negro
appealing to the white man to live up to his
profession Of principles and enforce mis-
cwn laws, and the white man frankly ad-
mitting his inability or his disinclination to
Go so. Painful experience teaches us that
written constitution can be effective only
in so far as it harmoniZes with the more
fundamental constitution Of human nature
as at present developed. A theory Of gov
ernment counts for little against the in
terests and wishes of powerful people.
The anti-slavery contest developed two
classes of men with diametricaIIy opposite
views on the question of human slavery,
who openly advocated the overthrow of the
government because it did not accord with
their cherished notions. Race passion swift
ly leaps beyond all documentary limitations,
and cannot be brought within bounds by
any power at the disposal of the govern
ment, when the alarm of negro domina-
ton or social equality is sounded. AL
though these terms are not definable ac-
cording to the ordinary import and mean
ing Of words, nevertheless they are Sutfi-
cient to evoke the deepest animosities of
the Anglo-Saxon nature. They arouse what
Bismarck once called the "furror Teuton-
icus,' against which the poor negro is as
helpless as the chaff before the fury of the
wind.
The absolute certainty that there is not
the slightest danger of the wolf does not
lessen the response to the cry Of wolff
wolf! even though it be raised by the
crafty and the cunning for personal
political ends. Perhaps in all the sweep Of
literature there can nowhere be found
n ore striking instance of the potency of an
empty phrase The whole race quickly
solidifies at the sound of the tocsin and its
members are as ready to sacrifice their
lives, if need be, upon the altar of verbal
shadow, as heather before the Shrine Of
his wooden god
Is it not therefore, wisdom on the part
OF the negro to refrain from agitating
those issues which inftame the mind Of
The white race against him and retard his
progress along moral mental and ma tCrial
lines? Would this be a surrender of alb
stract right? Even so, it is only a grace
full yieldance to the inevitable. What the
regro needs first of all is development and
there is the widest scope for this eXpan-
sion, outside of the field of politics or of
intimate, familiar intercourse with the
dominant race.
The negro should generally accept self
effacement as controlling political factor,
even in those communities where his
nLme ricai preponderance confers upon him
the abstract right. This policy should cer-
tainly be adopted in these Instances where
the material holdings of the race repre-
sents cniy an insignificant fraction of the
substantial interests of the community.
The Race and the Franchise.
The elective franchise is destined to be of
lneStlmaDle Denent TO the race II IL Is used
wisely and with discretion. In a majority
of the northern and western states the po-
litical parties are evenly divided that the
colored vote has decisive weight. Wher-
ever possible this vote should be utilized to
effect just legislation and wholesome public
sentiment
But to state the truth mildly, the negro is
not yet qualified to exercise political con-
troll, in state. town county, according to
the standards of western civilization. A
knowledge of this truth on the part of the
colored race is essential to it's true develop
ment along those substantial lines which
count for progress. Wherever the negro
has attempted to control the political ma
chinery the result has always redounded to
his dstriment The reconstruction regime
in the south worked lasting injury to the
colored race. The best talent of the popula-
ton was diverted from productive and
moral pursuits into the whirlpool of poll
tics. The minds of the young were vitiated
by looking with admiration upon corrup-
ton in high places. Animosities were en-
gendered which will embarrass the progress
of the race for generations to come Nor
can it be said that the professional negro
politician, from the days of reconstruction
until now. has bean of any lasting benefit to
his race. The alleged quadrennial trade in
negro delegates to the nominating repub-
lican convention is the standing disgrace Of
our national politics.
1t retiring from the active field of poll
tics and directing the energy which has
hitherto dissipated over the political area
into productive channels, and striving to