The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1898-08-04


undertake to embarrass the negotiations or
In any manner TO forestall our government
by ventur1ng to outline or determine what
they shall be- The President has so thor
oughly INDICATED the confidence of the
American people in him, he so fully compre-
hends all the questions, interests and rights
involved. that we may safely leave to him
the consideration and settlement of this
great matter. We feel perfectly confident
that the terms which he will impose will be
such honorable. righteous people Will
FAVOR, and such as will satisfy all the die
tates or humanity and the national honor
We have determined to free Cuba and TO
establish peace in the island. 1t is incumbent
upon us, in the discharge of the arduOuS
task we have assumed, to see that such a
government is established shall be able
to maintain enduring peace and fully
discharge its domestic and international
obligations. To turn the people of the
lence and disorder. would be in violation of
the mandate which Christian civilization
has placed upon us. 1t would be in contra
venton of the purpose and spirit of I'M
dertaking. When stable government is es-
tablished and the tranquility of the island
is absolutely assured, our obligation tow
ards 1t and its people is at an end and they
must be left to work out their destiny as
independent nation. Whether they will de-
sire to become part of our sovereignty,
or whether we should accept them. are
questions not for present consideration but
for the best judgment of the wisest states
men OF the two countries when they shall
arise In the near future. The proximity of
the two countries and the intricate and vast
commercial relations between them are such
sympathy.
The territory which we may acquire will
nave come TO us not as the object, but
as an incident or the war. We made no war
for territorial ACKNOWLEDGMENT; we did not
seek to extend our sovereignty. If Spain
had not stood on the order of going, and
had Withdrawn from the island of Cuba,
her sovereignty in Porto Rico the Philip
pines ard the Ladrones would be undis-
turbed to-day, When war came, when the
fho AF1fU of he
President to strike the enemy at every
available point. The key to his purpose
and dirty. was expressed in his command to
Dewey, Find and destroy the Spanish
fleet No order was ever more literally in
terprete6 or more faithfully executed. If
any portion of the Spanish domain shall
pass to our sovereignty in the settlement of
the terms of peace, it is due solely to the
fortunes of war and to no original purpose
icy has been one of peace toward our neigh
borS; we have been inspired with no lust
for their territory, what we have ac;
Quired has come freely and peacefully, and
not forcibly and by the sword.
War Revenue Bill.
It became necessary in order to meet the
extraordinary requirements which war i'm
posed to provide the treasury with a vast
sum of money in excess of that which would
be derived from the Dingley law. A
new revenue bill was passed after
much partisan debate and after an
attempt by the free-slver forces
to dilute and vitiate the currency. The bill
was not constructed upon the theory that
the entire burden of the war should be
borne by us during its progress. We de-
n anded that an equitable proportion of
the debt should be met by the people DUR
ing the progress of the war, and that the
residue should be postponed and paid at
reasonable period in the future after peace
has been restored and the prosperity of the
country is such as to enable the people to
meet the postponed obligation without in
fact feeling it.
The tax was as widely distributed as pos
sible. 1t was pretty generally imposed
upon all interests individual and corporate,
and so equitably and evenly Is to be easily
borne. InheritanceS over $4,000, the Sugar
and petroleum trusts and sleeping-car COM
panieS were fairly taxed. The taxes upon
beer and tobacco were increased, and rea-
SOnable stamp taxes were imposed upon al
most every individual and corporate inter
American people that they have assumed
the additional burden without complaint
and with a degree of approval which
strongly attests their patriotic purpose to
support in the amplest manner their gov
eminent in the hour of its necessity. Au-
thority was given the secretary of the
rived from the Dingley law and the
new revenue law by issuing from
time. to time, as the necessities might
require, not exceeding 800. 600, temporary
bonds al per cent. interest and maturing
not later than one year from their issue,
and $4Oc 100000 of per cent. bonds, payable
between ten and twenty years from the
date of issue.
1t was desired by the administration that
the people should be given an opportunity
to support the war by subscribing for the
bonds. 1t was believed that they had the
ability, patriotism and desire to furnish all
the money needed to support our army and
navy, and 1t was, therefore, carefully pro-
vided that the bonds should be offered by
the secretary of the treasury for popular
Gil 7 h16 nl1 cd NV he
opposition, without shadow of foundation,
that the bonds were desired by some great
be issued at their behest and for their bene-
fit. Such assertions were reckleSSly made,
and but for one purpose, and that was to
create a prejudice against the bonds and
against the party in power which advocated
their issue Nothing could have been more
unpatriotic, nothing more ill-advised The
sity which the whole world saw, and they
were intended for the people Although the
secretary of the treasury, who has admins
tered his high and important trust with
conspicuous fidelity and ability, was charged
with some predispoSitiOn to favor special in
terests at the expense of the people,. never
thelesS he made provision for offering the
bonds at some 10000 public places through
out the United States in order to insure the
lege of subscribing for them individuals
subscribing for the lowest amounts were to
have preference above all others, and 1T is
a source Of pride and wonder that subscrip-
tions poured into the secretary of the treas
ury from the patriotic people of the United
States until the aggregate at the date the
subscription closed was over $1,000, 900.
There never was, perhaps, case where a
popular loan was more successfully hoated
and where the people were more effectually
safeguarded in their right and privilege of
subscribing for bonds. This is indeed a
splendid tribute to the confidence OF our
people in their government, in the admins
tration in the integrity of our financial Sys-
tenn and in the justice of our cause. This is
an object lesson to the nations of the earth
and beneficial to us in the fullest degree. 1t
demonstrates beyond peradventure the abil-
ity willingness and eagerneSS of our people
to uphold and protect their government in
time of war.
Republicans and Bond Issues.
1t has been suggested by our Democratic
friends that the Republican party has had
a Partially for issuing bonds. In this they
are mistaken. We have never issued bonds
but once except for war purposes. Some
S95, 600 600 Of bonds were issued preparatory
to the resumption of specie payments. With
this exception we have never issued a bond
during time of peace We paid off and
reduced the great bonded debt created dur
ing the civil war until there were outstand-
ton less than 5000 100000 of bonds, or less
than $40 per capita, an amount so inconSid-
cradle as to scarcely be felt by the people.
When the Democratic party came into pow
er il reversed the tariff policy of the Re-
publican party, demoraliZed business, re-
duced the public revenues and issued 1852
GOO 900 of bonds in time of peace to meet
the current requirements of the govern
ment. This is the Democratic bond record,
and is in sharp contrast with the Repub-
lican policy which, / repeat has been to
issue bonds in time of war and pay them
in time of peace Do not our Democratic