The Louisiana populist., 1898-01-21

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the leading principle of the Re-
publican party was that of last
year, when the candidate and his
campaign committee believe in and
fully represented the same danger
Gus tendencies, but even these were
ofshoots Of the coIlectivism incul-
Gated by Republicanism. There
are no longer any parties in this
country, however, not only be-
cause, whatever platforms may say,
there is no real division on ques-
tions of the day or on general
principles Of government among
those who lead parties, but because
the rank and file of the party-the
people who vote its ticket--havc
no word in its management and no
effective voice in the naming Of
candidates. This republic, in 9TH
er words, is governed by two oil
garchical associations, which, in
their turn, are controlled by men
of the baser sort, for Crokcrs,
Murphys, and Platts are not CON
fined to the State of New York.
We have James Smith, Jr., and
Senator Sewell in Now Jersey,
Gorman in Maryland, Hanna,
Brice, and Mclean in Ohio, Till
man in South Carolina, Quay in
Pennsylvania-and all of these
combined we have in national poll
tics. The fact that young men who
have political ambitions, or need
for public employment, and who
would naturally dislike to have
Croker meet the women of their
families, become his friends and
servants, is due to the same fact
that attached men to the Ten in
Venice, and that made of surpass-
ing valae the friendship and even
the notice Of the imperial black
guards of Rome.
| Croker makes and unmakes po-
litical careers, and so do Platt,
Murphy, and Quay. They, and
not their parties, are the makers
of nominations. Primaries and
conventions arc nero forms to
please old-fashioned scruples and
to keep up the idea that there are
real parties, an idea'that is worth q
large number of votes to the boss
es. The voting sheep 90 on year
after year supporting the Croker
ticket, or the Platt ticket, or the
Quay ticket, because they think
that these tickets represent politi-
cal principles to which they are
all attached, bosses and sheep alike;
but if it once gets into their heads
that the old party names have be-
come meaningless, the bosses will
be in danger, and real parties may
revive. But the bosses will not be
defeated inside their own organi-
zatlons. That has become impos-
sible, for the very reason that the
members Of the parties have moth
ing to say in the management of
the organizations, and those who
remain within and seek to effect
reform through primaries and con-
ventions are much weaker than
those who 20 outside and meet the
bosses frankly and courageously at
the polls, for one boss ut least must
be defeated at every election.
The fact that the politics OF the
country is in the power of ma
chimes ruled absolutely BY bosses
has an important bearing on all ef-
forts to reform parties. At pres
ent Platt and Quigg are frighten-
ed. The movement against them
is apparently vigorous, and those
who are at the head Of it are de-
termined that PIatt shall not carry
on his trade under the once respec-
table and respected name Of Re.
publicanism. He knows-po one
better-that with party ruled by
its voters, as all parties in Il dem
ocracy ought to be ruled, he and
Quigg would be of very little i'm
portance. Under present condi'
tions, however, he has absolute
power, because he has possession
Of the machinery by which the
Republican voters are supposed to
express their will. He controls
the enrolment and the count at the
primaries, and he uses his power
for the accomplishment of his own
ends, so that the delegates to eve
ry nominating convention are Of
his own selection, as, therefore
the candidates are Of his choosing
or dictation, 1t is notorious that
his power in the city Of New York
is due to a false and fraudulent
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