Phillipsburg herald. [volume] (Phillipsburg, Kan.) 1882-1905, 1898-04-21

ica. 80 wisely consistent with our Just principle
has been the action OF our government that vi
have. under the most critical circumstances
avoided all censure and encountered no otho
evil than that produced by transient estrange
mont OF good will in those against whom W,
have been by force OF evidence compelled I,
decide II has thus made known TO the worl,
that the uniform policy and practice Of tn,
United States rs TO avoid oil interference,
In disputes which merely relate TO the interna
government OF other nations, and eventu
ally TO recognize the authority Of the pre-
vailing party without reference TO our particular
interests and Views or 10 the merits OF the orig
inal controversy, but on this as on every Other
occasion, safety Is 10 be found In q rigid adher'
ence to principle.
I'm the contest between Sp0ln and the revolt.
ed colonies we stood aloof and waited not only
until the ability OF the now states TO protect
themselves was fully established but until the
danger OF their being again subjugated had en-.
tlrely passed away Then, and not until then
were they recognized Such was our course In
regard to Mexico herself.
Andrew jackson ON Texas.
TT is true that with regard to Texas the civil
authority OF Mexico has been expelled, It's in
vading army defeated, the chief of the republic
himself captured and all present power 10 con-
sole the newly organized government Of to-
| days annihilated within its confines, But on
the other hand, there is In appearance ut least.
an immense disparity OF physical force on the
side OF Texas The Mexican republic under
another executive Is rallVing 1t forces under a
new leader and menacing o fresh invasion to
recover It's lost domain
| Upon the issue Of 'hls threatening invasion,
the independence Of Texas may be considered
as suspended, and we're there nothing peculiar
| "a al ~ t1,a a1 N and
cur acknowledgment OF It's independence ut
such crisis could scarcely be regarded as
consistent with that prudent reserve with
which we have hitherto held ourselves bound
10 treat oil similar questions"
Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded to con-
slider the risk that there might be imputed to
the United States motives OF selfish interests
in view OF the former claim on our part Of the
territory Of Texas and Of the avowed purpose
of the Texans in seeking recognition Of inde-
pendence as an incident to the incorporation OF
Texas In the union, concluding thus
prudence, therefore, seems to dictate
that we should still stand nloof
and maintain our present attitude II
not Wntl Mexico itself, or one of the great for
eign powers shall recognize the independence
| OF the new government, at least until the lapse
| OF time or the course of events shall have
proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability Of
the people Of that country to maintain their
separate sovereignty and to uphold the govern
ment constituted by them. Neither Of the con-
tending parties can justly complain of this
course. BY pursuing It, we are but carrying
out the lOng-establisbed policy Of our govern
ment, policy which has secured respect and
influence abroad and inspired confidence at
home"
These are the words OF the resolute and
IN riOtia IaalYeou rhay auidanna an tha
United States, In addition to the test imposed
by public law as the condition Of the recogni-
tion Of independence by neutral state (to-wlt,
that the revolted state shall constitute in fact
| body polite, having government In SUBJ
| stance as well as In name, possessed Of the ele-
ments of stability" and forming de facto, III
left to itself, state among the nations rea-
soEably capable Of dscharglng the duties Of q
state)" has imposed for its own governance, in
dealing with cases like these, the further con-
ditlon that recognition OF independent state
hood Is not due to revOlted dependency until
the danger Of It's being again subjugated by the
parent state has entirely passed away.
said In my message Of December last: ut
is to be seriously considered whether the Gu
ban instruction possesses beyond dispute the
attributes OF statehood, which alone can de-
mand the recognition OF belllgerency in Its
! favor" The same requirement must certainly
be no less seriously considered when the
graver issue Of recognizing independence is In
question, for no less positive test can be ap-
piled to the greater act than to the lesser.
while on the other hand the influences and
consequences Of the struggle upon the internal
policy Of the recognizing state. which form Inn
portant factors when the recognition of bellig-
erency Is concerned, are secondary, II not
rightly elminable factors when the real Ques-
ttOu 10 xuhafhnr tho aOuou1uOitu claiming
milton is or is not Independent beyond perad-
venture
AVerse to Recognition.
Nor from the standpoint of expedence do
think 1t would be wise or prudent for this gov
eminent to recognize at the present time the
independence of the sO-called Cuban republic.
Such recognition is not necessary in order to
enable the United States 10 intervene and
pacify the island To commit this country now
to the recognition Of any particular govern
ment in Cuba might subject us to embarrassing
conditions Of international obligation toward
the organization so recognized In case Of
intervention, our conduct would be subject to
the approval or dsapproval Of such govern
ment; we would be required to submit to its
direction and to assume to 1t the mere relation
OF friendly reply. When 1t shall appear
hereafter that there Is within the island gov
ment capable Of performing the duties and dis
charging the functions OF a nation, and having,
as matter Of fact, the proper forms and at
tributes Of nationality, such government can be
promptly and readily recognized, and the rela
tions and interests Of the United States with
such nation adjusted There remain the al
Tentative forms OF Intervention to end the war,
either as an impartial neutral by imposing
rational compromise between the contestants,
or ns an active ally of the one party or the
other.
AS to the first, 1t is not to be forgotten that
during the last few months, the relation to the
United States has virtually been one of friend
ly intervention in many ways, each not Of itself
not conclusive but all tending to the exertion
OF potential influence toward an ultimate pa
cific result just and honorable to all interests
concerned The spirit Of all our acts hitherto
has been an earnest unselHsh desire for peace
and prosperity In Cuba, untarniShed by differ
ences between us and Spain and unstained by
the blood Of American citizens.
The forcible Intervention Of the United
States as neutral to stop the war according
10 the large dictates OF humanity and following
many historical presidents where neighbOrlng
states have lnterfered to check the hopeless
sacrifice OF life by interneclne conflicts beyond
their borders, is Iustihable on national grounds.
1t involves, however, hostile constraint upon
both the parties 10 the contest as well us to en-
force q truce as to guide the eventual settle
ment
Grounds for Intervention.
The grounds for such intervention may be
briefly summarized as follows:
Flrst-In the cause OF humanity and to put
an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, starva-
tion and horrible miseries now existing there,
and which the parties to the conflict are either
| unable or unwilling to stop or mitigate II Is