Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1898-06-15

any moment for the grim business OF war
eager to ayenge an insult, real OF sup
posed; greedy Of military and navai re-
nown: inclined 10 erect its own VIII INTO
law, and enforce II against all oppositioh'
to strike first and reason afterwatus-
these will find little TO admire IN inc
career OF Mr.. Jefferson. war, excepe
self-defence. and as last alternative, ne
held in detestation, as the enemy potn
of civilization and liberty. He may not
have sufficiently considered that tne
power to infiict misery upon other nations
is still the best guaranty OF their respect,
and that there are duties devolving upon
each member OF the great society OF Ila-
lions which u has no right 10 negleSt,
and which may involve at any Tune
hostile summons.
He held in adherence large standing
armies and powerful navies; ana a natioIi
unproylded with these will sometimes lihu
itself subjected to Humiliation, either W
submitting to injury from CONSCIOUSNESS
OF unreadiness TO make good a deilahce,
or by being suddenly overwhelmed py an
inferior hostile force. But, are natlons
unprepared for war the only ones likely
to be subjected to humiliationY was Eng
land ever Inundated, or France, or Vel
many? And had we always been armed
on the land and on the sea In proportion
to our power should we have gained anu
held the glory hitherto accorded 10 US w
civilized mankind, of being the prOinoters
OF international law, and the advocates VI
even In respect to power itself. When cav.
ed upon to exhibit our strength IN Jusl
cause, could we. under more CONSTR
dated government, assemble tne ~
whelming forces which the emulation Oh
rival States will now Willingly place d'
the service of the nation!
MULTIPLICATION AND SECESSlON.
For the theorestical doctrine which sup
ported the claims OF nullincation anu 10
cesslon, Mr.. Jefferson must lnueeu -
held largely accountable; but inns Mas
never any essential part OF his phliosOpnS
of free government IL indeed IL pc Cohsis
tent with IL. 1t concerned ohly VIZ Ill.,
probation and effect OF the partlcu Ct cvn
stitutional instrument by Wnlch Ine - III,
MES united themselves together. Inc main
question was not whether, under Gus us,
raj government, formed 10 secute ~
ends which ours had in view, IL "0ulu I- 70
wise to delegate to the General noNein
ment the right to determine the extent oI
its own movers: but whether, in point OF
fact such a delegation was contained III
our Constitution. L may hazard the oplh-
ion that IL the question ndu Deeu HIeue,
NOT i'm 1870 but in 17SS, Immediately aIter
tbe adontion of the Constitution, whether
the Union, as formed by that instrument,
could lawfully treat the secession Vi
State as a rebellion and suppress IL py
force. few of those who had participated
in framing that instrument Would nave
answered in the affirmative.
Nor has that question been In any man.
ner settled by the result of that clvll
strife which has enected such d u pr
found revolution in the political and soclal
world of America. l cannot ADMIT tle
efficacy OF force 10 settle any question
of historic or scientiflc truth. Lrutn 10
eternal and immutable, and the warfare
of those who seek to suppress IL h WI,
forever be in vain. The question Whlcn
the result OF that strife did settle was,
whether the Federal Union, composed
originally OF Colonies. the people OF which
had been the subjects of the same SOW
ereign, and which had never occupied the
attitude of independent States before the
world. embracing also new States' credleu
out of territory which was the common
property of all, could, after they hau
been knit together into nation uuIlns
the life of nearly century by the tnou-
sand processes which time and nature
employ TO cement and consolidate peo-
pie at the will and pleasure OF one OF ItS
parts be instantly and peaceIuHy resolVeu,
not into its original elements, put INTO
supposed constituent parts, most OF which
had no participation in its orlglhal Ior rll
tion That was a question which, from
it's nature could be settled only by trlai ;
and the trial has, indeed. forever settieu
that, and neither side would WISH lne
decision to be reversed. 49,
Are there any other respects IN Whlcl
It may be plausibly suggested that the
political philosophy of Mr.. JEFFERSON mas
been discredited by the teachings or ex-
perIance2 Does the General Government
now need larger delegation or power
Are there any functions hitherto perform
ed by the States which should De rele-
| gated TO the central authority DO we
| need a large standing army? Must We
| confront the gigantic naval armament
| Of the European nations with q CORE
| sponding array2 Must we mlrgle IN tne
! ambitions OF the great Powers OF the
! world2 Must We extend the arena Oh our uL
| territorial dominion? Must we look on
| and behold with unconcern the partltlon-
| ing of Africa among the European
/ Powers, and the announcement 0i
| China? Must we assert before the world
! the might and majesty OF 7O,0O,O or the
| most energetic and productiys people on
| the globe? Shall we form alliances with
| kindred peoples, or remain in calm ahG
| forbidding isolation among the nations
| All these questions, To which, II proposed
| in Mr.. Jefferson's time, his teachings
| would have returned an answer in the
! negative, are likely to press themselves
| if they are not already pressing them
| selves, upon the public attention.
BUT ONE BASIS.
Time. OF course, does not permit me tc
! indulge in any consideration Of either OF
| them; but / venture to express my conVlc'
ton that unless the answer the American
people make to them shall be consistent
/ with those principles of which Mr.. Jener'
! son has hitherto been regarded as the
| champion, there will be an end OF true
| popular government among men: Ihert
| is-there can be-but one basis or liberty
| and that lies in constantly cherishlnS the
| dispersion rather than the concentration
| of power , -,
The fundamental political philosophy oil
! Mr. Jefferson has not been dlscredlteu Dy
| time or experience. II never Will be as
| credited while men retain real Iov'
! and a true comprehension or civil liberty
| And never more than at the present time
| has there been a greater necessity Iol
| studying and teaching within the wall:
| OF universities the true principles o.
| republican liberty and the practical ar
| OF applying them TO human attairs; lie
| creant. indeed. would this University b'
| to the fame OF its founder, TO the pur
! poses for which IL was established, and L
it's own obligation TO presen, and future
! times II II failed 10 maintain, not IN th'
| spirit Of dogmatism, but or devotion tt
| truth, those great principles upon Whicf
| free popular government STANDS.
| II anything were needed 10 impress
| upon patriotic minds the supreme I'M
| pOrtance of cultivating anew these prln
! ciples and implanting In ali hearts tn
| determination to preserve them, IL WoulC
! be supplied by the extraordinary spectacle
| which our country exhibits at the presen
| moment. We have voluntarily chosen u
| break the peace OF the world and engage
! I'm war which already imposes heavy
| burden upon the industry and resources
| of the nation, and which may become en-
| lareed into gigantic proportions-a wa
| undertaken not to repel aggression, but u
| check the disorders and relieve the op
| pressions 10 which a neighboring peopl
| have been subjected. We cannot den!
| that nations have their duties, not onl!
! to themselves, but to the world; and thes
| must be performed. at whatever hazard
| If we have not the virtue 10 perform then
| without sacrificing our own freedom, w
| have no right TO be a republic. We be
lieve, and have solemniy ayowed' ina
| Al elat Hwtfn EuFa a