The Wichita daily eagle. [volume] (Wichita, Kan.) 1890-1906, 1898-04-05

districts. War is serious thing for an ad-
ministration. AS the commander-in-chief
Of the army and navy the direction of the
conflict must bewith thepresidentandhis
immediate advisers. History forgets the
| congresses that spurred the presidents on
TO war, and remember only the admins
trations themselves. The war of 1872 is
| Madisons, the Mexican war of slavehol-
| ders' aggression is Folks, the civil war,
SO far asthe response of the North is con-
| cerned, will always be associated with the
personality Of Lincoln. 1t is the admins
tration, then, that is making history for
itself, and hence 1t is impressed with the
enormous responsibility of each occasion.
That the knowledge of congress in regard
to national defense, the resources of war,
and international relations is less than
that of the executive branch of the gov
eminent, goes without saying.
An administration is a little further re-
moved from political considerations than
members of either house of congress. In
view of the present crisis, the Sth of next
November is a judgment day for all Of the
lower house andone-third of the senate. 1t
is entirely likely that they may be caught
by one swing of the pendulum of public
have resumed its normal way of thinking
before the larger issues Of aEpresidential
contest were called up for decision. In our
form of government, there is obviously too
great a provision for local and district
interests, and not enough for the larger
concerns of the country. working for my
district is overdone, and there is too little
attention to the whole of which my dis
trict" is a part. 1t may happen that a doz-
en- local considerations in one district
make for war, while the president is kept
on an even keel by the balancing of inter
ests of all the districts and all the states.
Even when assailed for procrastination
he can play one set of these forces against
another and so excuse himself from radi-
cal action.
The present crisis throws a valuable
side-light upon the proposal now under
consideration for frightening by ,eight
weeks the period between the election and
the Inauguration of a president, as would
be the effect of the amendment making
April 80 the date Of the inauguration. OF
course the later day would be the better
one for the out-of-door exercise, and there
is a sentimental interest in the example
Of George Washington, even though in
this particular the pos tponement was mere
ly a case of being behind time" But I'M
less the date of the election were set for
ward Also consideration like these should
not Offset the tremendous disadvantage of |
lengthening the period. already far too |
long. in which no administration in the |
fullest sense is responsible for the conduct |
duct of the nation. It usually happens |
that one party is voted out of power in |
November, and, with the verdict of mo |
confidence" rendered against it, contin- |
ues by sufferance to exercise the functions |
Of government for four months. An adj |
cannot be punished for any
mistake it may make; it has been punish
ed already. Nothing it may do can re-
trieve its fortunes. What if the events
Of the last three months had happened |
between the November and March of any
presidential year? The attitude of con-
gress and of the public through such dra-
matte incidents-the explosion of the
Maine, he recall Of De LONE, the sug-
gested discontinuance of General Lees
be imagined. a retiring ad-
ministration would have been very much
embarrassed by having to grappIe with
-hese serious problems. The four months
between November and March is a relic
IF the days of the stage-coach and Ine
horseback messenger. Under no cirsum-
stances should it be extended two months,
even to make better gala day for Wash
ngton city, or to immortalize the slack
and dilatory ways Of the old government,
u, dar = he confederation