The San Francisco call., 1898-03-19

o4il- HIS Nd d pItilIl lluICdllOIi LII what was coming, and, as matter of fact, the Irish local government bill of this year only proposes, broadly speak ing, to dc for Ireland what has actually been done for England and for Scot land.
 For my own part I think the loyal minority" as they call themselves, are lndulging exaggerated fears. Of course, II they regard the new regime with hostility and if they go up for election to the new local bodies on political grounds and with extreme professions of hostility to the nationalist aspira- tlons of the people, they will be routed horse, foot and artillery. But if on the other hand, they submit themselves for election as business men and men or experience in the mana cement of To- cal affairs, if they show a desire to work the new local institutions to the best advantage of the community, and if they do not exhibit a desire to make political capital out of their success, they may, l believe, confidently look forward not, indeed, to retaining a monopoly of power, but a very consid- erable share of power in the admins tration of local affairs. There are some just nationdlistS. no doubt, who think tht they are entitled to no favor and would show thenp none. MT. Michael DaVitt, M. P, thinks that the financial proposals for their benefit which are contained in the new bill are intolerably liberal. But 1 do not believe that either MT. Davitt or the others to whom I re- fer represent the majority of the people. The largest excuse may be made for a man like MT Davitt. He and his fam fly, like so many other families in Ire land, have had personal experience of the most bitter kind of the policy of Irich landlords and of the Irish minor ity in the bad old days of the past. But a good many things have been changed during the last quarter of a century. The power of the landlords to work in justice has been largely restricted, if not almost entirely destroyed; and a policy of mere revenge or vengeance on the part of the people not only would be unwise, but is not desired any longer by most sensible people. War is neces- sary as long as the causes for it exist; but war of classes in Ireland has no longer, in my opinion, any raison etre, and this opinion, l believe, is shared by the majority of the Irish people. For myself, I would most de- cidedly think it a great public advan- tage to have on every one of the new local councils considerable repre- sentation of the landlord class and the loyal minority" believing, as l do, that public life would be all the healthier because of all parties being adequately represented on these bodies.
 The authors of this Irish bill are un- doubtedly MT. Chamberlain and the brothers Balfour. MT. Chamberlain IS deeply pledged to such a measure. He has been so pledged to it for at least twelve or thirteen years. In 1886 he wrote a famous article in the Fort nightly Review, in which. with equal warmth, he denounced the present sys- tenn of local government in Ireland and advocated a reform of it which would go further than even the present meas ure His words are on record, and he could not go back on them without dis- honor, even if he wished That l do not think he desires to do. How ever much he may desire to hobnob with the English aristocracy for po- litical reasons, he has no real sympa- thy with the upper class in Ireland, and he has used them so far only to defeat Mir. Gladstone and MT. Clad stones policy. But now that MT. Glad stone is gone and that home rule has been relegated, so to say, to back seat, he cannot have much desire to further the ends of the Irish minority even if it were not his own policy to extend, widen and broaden the system of local as contradiStinguished from national government in Ireland; and as a matter of fact, I believe he
 
 framing of the new bill. AS 1,r the brothers Balfour, their sincerity In the matter can hardly be doubted. The elder, Arthur, has profited largely by his experience as Chief Secretary for Ireland in the troublous years from 1886 to 1891. He started out on his ca reer in Ireland as a coercionist. but be- fore he resigned his office on promotion to a higher place he had practically ceased to be coercionist, and had be- taken himself to policy of concilia- tion. He has, in the main, stuck to the latter policy since, though he has been at the same time a steady oppon- ent of home rule. He has, I fancy. come to look with kindlier eyes on Ire land, besides coming to the conclusion that a conciliatory policy was. after all, better from his own political point of view than one of coercing and dra- gooning. The younger Balfour, Ger aid. is following in his footsteps. In manner and in speech he is exceeding ly courteous; he has not revived the policy of coercion, and he has taken a very evident interest in the success of all the remedial measures which he has introduced into Parliament for Ire land since his assumption of his pres ent office. Naturally, the Balfours have great influence. They are ne- phews of Lord Salisbury. which is a considerable matter itself: but what gives them exceptional influence and favor with their party is the fact that both have been Chief Governors of Ire land in their turn. All things point thus to triumvirate, as the authors of the Irish local government of 1898; and, for my part, I believe that that meas ure is the special product of the three Britishers whom I have named.
 One other person ought to be here mentioned in t is connection. I refer to