The Saint Paul globe., 1898-03-06
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prompted by Ill will and resentment some
times impels to war the government con-
trary to the best calculations of policy. The
government sometimes participates in the
ma national tI3na propensity. and adopts through
passion what reason would reject.
At ;. other times 1t makes the ami
mostly Of the nation subservient to
projects Of hostility, instigated by pride,
ambition, and other sinister AID pernicious
motives. The peace often, sometimes per-
haps the liberty, Of nations has been the
victim.
so, likewise, a passionate attachment of
one nation for another produces a variety
OF evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation,
facilitating the illusion of imaginary
common interest in cases where no real
common interest exists, and infusing into
one the enmities of the other, betrays the
former into participation in the quarrels
and wars of the latter without adequate in
ducement or Justification. 1t leads also to
concessions to the favorite nation of privi-
leges denied to others, which is apt doubly
to 1n1ure the nation making the concessions
by unnecessarily parting with what ought
TO have been retained and by exciting
jealousy Ill will, and a disposition to re-
taliate in the parties from whom equal
privileges are withheld; and it gives to am
bilious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who
devote themselves to the favorte nation) ia
c1lity to betray or sacrifice the interests of
their own country without odium, some
times even with popularity, gliding with the
appearances of virtuous sense of obliga-
liOl, Il COlHIueHudDle ueIeTeNce
opinion, or laudable zeal for public good
the base foolish compliances of ambi-
ton, corruption, or infatuation.
AS avenues to foreign influence in in
Vulnerable ways, such attachments are par
ticularly alarming to the truly enlightened
and independent patriot. How many op-
portunities do they afford to tamper with
domestic factions, to practice the arts of Sc
duction, to mislead public opinion, to infu-
ence or awe the public councils! Such an
attachment of small or weak toward a
great and powerful nation dooms the former
TO be the satellite of the latter. Against the
1ns1d1ous wiles OF foreign influence q con-
1ure you to believe me, fellow citizens), the
jealousy of a free people ought to be con-
stantly awake, since history and experience
prove that foreign influence is one of the
most baneful foes of republican government.
But that jealousy, to be useful, must be
impartial else it becomes the instrument Of
the very influence to be avoided, instead of
a defense against it. Excessive partialty
for one foreign nation and excessive dis
like of another cause those whom they actu-
ate to see danger only on one side, and
serve to veil and even second the arts of in
fuence on the other. Real patriots who may
resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable
to become suspected and odious, while It's
tools and dupes usurp the applause and con-
fdence of the people to surrender their in
terests.
The great rule of conduct for us in regard
to foreign nations is in extending our COM
mercial relations to have with them as lit
tie political connection as possible. So far
we have already formed engagements let
them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.
Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests
which to us have none very remote re-
lation Hence she must be engaged in fire.
quent controversies, the causes of which
are essentially foreign to our concerns
Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us
to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in
the ordinary vicissitudes Of her politics or
the ordinary combinations and collisions of
her friendships or enmties.
Our detached and distant situation invites
and enables US to pursue a different course
If we remain one people, under an efficient
government, the period is not far off when
we may defy material injury from external
annoyance; when we may take such an atti-
tude as will cause the neutrality we may at
any time resolve upon to be scrupulously
respected; when belligerent nations. under
the impossibility of making acquisitions
upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving
us provocation; when we may choose peace
or war, as our interest, guided by Justice
shall counsel
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar
situation? Why quit our own to stand
upon foreign ground? Why, by interweav-
ing our destiny with that of any part of
Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity
in the tolls of European ambition, rivalship,
interest. humor, or caprice?
1t is our true policy to steer clear of
permanent alliances with any portion of the
foreign world, so 1ar, l mean, as we are
now at liberty to do it; for let me not be
understood as capable of patronizing inf
deity to existing engagements. I hold the
maxim no less applicable to public than to
private affairs that honesty is always the
best policy. l repeat, therefore. let those
engagements be observed in their genuine
sense But in my opinion it is unnecessary
and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by
suitable establishments on respectable de-
fensive posture, we may safely trust to
temporary alliances for extraordinary emer-
gencies. ,...
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all ma