Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1898-04-13

|
above given. The function OF the Cuban
Parliament in the matter Of preparing
| peace and the manner of its doing SO are
| not expressed in the Spanish memoran-
| dunn, but from Gen. WOodfords eXplana-
| tory reports of preliminary discussions
| preceding the final conference it is under
stood that the Spanish government stands
ready to give the insular Congress full
powers to settle the terms of peace with
! the insurgents, whether by direct .3egotia-
| ton, or indirectly by means cf legisla-
| ton, does not appear.
/ With this last overture in the direction
of immediate peace and its disappointing
| reception 10y Spain, the executive was
| brought 20 the end OF his effort.
| In my annual message of December last
| | said: ''Of the untried measures there
remain: Recognition of the insurgents
as belligerents; recognition of the indie
| pendence of Cuba; neutral intervention;
| to end the war by imposing a rational
Rcompromise between the contestants and
| Intervention in favor of one or the other
party. / speak not of forcible annexa-
ton, for that cannot be thought of. That,
by our code of morality, would be Grim
inal aggression.
! Thereupon l reviewed these alterna-
/ tives, i'll the light of President Grants
measured words, uttered in 1875, when
after seven years of sanguinary, destruc-
tive and cruel barbarities in Cuba, he
| reached the conclusion that the recogni-
ton of the independence of Cuba was
impractical BILE and indefensible, and that
the recognition of belligerency was not
warranted by the facts, according to the
tests of public law. | commented
especially upon the latter aspect of
the question, pointing out the inconven-
fence and positive dangers of recognition
of belligerency which, while adding to the
already Onerous burdens OF neutrality
within our own jurisdiction, / could not
in any way extend our influence or effec-
tive offices in the territory of hOStilitieS
Nothing has since occurred to change my
view in this regard, and l recognize as
folly, now as then. that the issuance of a
proclamation of neutrality, by which pro-
cess the so-called recognition Of beliiger-
ency is published, could of itself and unat-
tended by other action, accomplish moth
ing toward the one end for which we la
Dor. the instant pacifcatiOn of Cuba and
the cessation of the misery that atf1icts
the island.
The Question of Recognition.
Turning to the question of recognition
at this time the independence of the pres
ent insurgent government in Cuba. we
find safe precedents in our history from
an early day. They are well summed up
in President JacksOn's message to Con-
gresS December p, 1886, on the subject
of the recognition of the independence of
j
that have arisen out of the revolutions of
France, out of the disputes relating to
the crews of Portugal and Spain, ont of
the separation of the American posses
sions of both from the European govern
mentS and out of the numerous and
notwithstanding struggles for dOmin-
ion III Spanish America. so wisely con-
sistent with our just principles has been
the action of our government that we
have. under the most critical circum
stances. avoided all censure and encoun-
tered no other evil than that produced by
q transient estrangement of goodwill in
those against whom we have been by
force of evidence compelled to decide
1T has thus made known to the world
that the uniform policy and practice of
the United States is to avoid all interfer
ence in disputes which merely relate to
the international government of other
nations, and eventually to recognize
the authority of the prevailing
party without reference to our
particular interests and views or
to the merits of the original controversy
But on this. as on every other trying oc-
casiOn, safety is to be found in Il rigid
adherence to principle. In the contest be-
tween Spain and the rey0lted colonies
we stood aloof and waited not only I'M
til the ability of the new states to pro-
tect themselves was full established but
until the danger of their being again sub
jugated had entirely passed away
Then, and not until then, were they
recognized. Such was our course in
regard to Mexico herself.
1T is true that with regard 10 Texas
the civil authorities of Mexico has been
expelled, its invading army defeated. the
chief of the republic himself captured,
and all present power to control the
newIy-organized government of Texas an
initiated within its confines. But on the
other hand, there is in appearance at
least. an immense disparity of physical
force on the side Of Texas The Next
can republic. under another executive. is
rdIlyiDg its forces under new leader, and
menacing a fresh invasion to recover it's
lost dominion. Upon the issue of this
threatened invasion, the independence of
Texas may be considered as suspended;
and were there nothing peculiar in the stu
alton of the United States and Texas our
acknowledgment of lis independence at
such crisis would scarcely be regarded
as consistent with that prudent reserve
with which we have hitherto HELD our
selves bound to treat all similar ques-
TONS
Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded
to consider The risk that there might be
imputed to the United States motives of
selfish interest in view of the. Former
claim of our part to the territory of Texas
and of the avOwed purpose of the Texans
in seeking recognition of independence as
an. incident to the incorporation of Texas
in the Union; concluding thus '-Pru
dence,- therefore, seems to dictate that
we should stand aloof aEd main
tain cur present attitude, If not
until Mexico itself, or one of the great
foreign powers, shall recognize the indie
pendence of the new government at least
until the lapse of time or the course of
events shall have proved beyond eavil or
dispute the ability of the people Of
thFt country to maintain their separate
sovereignty and to uphold the govern
ment instituted by them. Neither con-
tending parties can justly complain OF
this course By pursuing it we are but
carrying out the long-esta blished policy
OF our government, 1t policy which has
secured to us respect and influence
abroad and inspired confidence at home"
These are the words of the resolute
and patriotic Jackson. They are evil
dence that the United States, in addition
to the test imposed by public law as the
condition of the recognition of independ-
/ ance by a neutral state (to4wit, that the
/ reyolted state shall constitute in fact
/ a body polite, having a government in
I substance as we'll as in name. possessed
! of the elements of stability" and forming