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/ cation OF the order OF RECOMMENDATION, so
! as to permit the people to return to their
farms and the needy to be relieved with
! provisions and supplies by the United
States, cooperating with the Spanish
| authorities 50 as to afford full relief.
/ The reply Of the Spanish cabinet was re-
| ceived on the night OF the 31st ultimo. II
] offers as the means to bring about peace
| In Cuba TO conflde the preparation there
| OF to the insular department. inasmucn
! as the concurrence Of that body would
| be necessary to establish final result
II being however understood that the
| powers reserved by the constitution to the
| central government are not iessened or d.
minished. AS the Cuban parliament does
! not meet until the 4th of May next, the
/ Spanish government would not object, for
] Its part, to accept at once a suspension
OF hostilitics II asked for by the insur-
I gents through the general-in-chief, to
! whom II would pertain In such cases to
! determine the duration and conditions OF
! the armistice.
/ The propositions submitted by General
/ Woodford and the reply OF the Spanish
| government were both In the form OF
brief memoranda, the texts OF which are
( before mentioned and substantially in the
language above given. The function OF
1 the Cuban parliament in the matter OF
! preparing peace and the manner Of do
memorandum, but from General Wood
ford's explanatory reports OF preliminary
discussion preceding the final conference
II Is understood that the Spanish govern
ment stands ready to give the insular
congress full power 10 settle the terms OF
I peace with the insurgents, whether by d.
4 rect negotiation or indirectly by means OF
i legislation does not appear. With this
| last overture In the direction OF immedi-
| ate peace and its disappointing reception
| by Spain, the executive was brought to
| the end OF his efforts.
Recognition Not Warranted.
In my annual message Of December last
/ said:
"Of the untried measures there remain
I Recognition OF the insurgents as bellig-
J erents. recognition Of the Independence OF
I Cuba and Intervention to end the war by
imposing rational compromise between
I the contestants, or intervention in favor Of
I one or the other party. speak not OF
Z forcible annexation, for that cannot be
thought Of. That by our code OF NOR
ality, would be criminal aggression
/ Thereupon I reviewed these alternatives
/ In the light Of President Grants message
! In the words uttered In 1876, when after
several years Of sanguinary, destructive
/ and cruel barbarities in Cuba. he reached
4 the conclusion that the recognition Of the
Independence OF Cuba was impracticable
and indefensibe, and that the recognition
OF belllgerence was not warranted by the
facts according to the texts OF public law.
i commented especially upon that phase
OF the question. pointing out the incon-
yenienees and positive dangers Of recogni-
tion of belligerence, which, while adding
to the already onerous burdens OF neu-
trality without our own jurisdiction could
not in any way extend our influence or
effective Offices in the territory Of hostili-
! ties.
! Nothing has since occurred TO change
my view In this regard. and l recognize
az fully now as then that the issuance OF
( proclamation of neutrality. by which
! process the so-called recognition Of bellIg-
4 erency is published. could. of itself ana
I unattended by other action, accomplish
nothing toward the one end for which we
labor, the instant pacifcation OF Cuba, and
the cessation Of the misery that atticts
the island,
A Precedent Cited.
! Turning TO the question Of recognizing
at this time the independence OF the pres
cnt insurgent government In Cuba, we
1 find safe precedents in eur history from
4 an early day. They are well summed up
I In President Jackson's message to con-
gress December 2l 1886. on the subject Of
the recognition of the independence Of
/ Texas. He said:
"In all the contests that have arisen
4 out Of the revolutions OF France. out Of
the disputes relating to Portugal and
4 Spain, out of the separation Of the Amer
lean possessions OF both from the Eu-
/ ropean governmental, and out OF the nu-
merous and constantly recurring strug-
! gles fer dominion in Spanish-American
i countries, so wisely consistent with
4 just principles has been the action of our
government that we have under the most
critical circumstances avoided all censure
and encountered no other evil than that
4 produced by transient estrangement
OF good will In those against whom we
/ have been, by force OF evidence, com
| PEELED to decide.
/ 1T has thus been made known to the
/ world that the uniform policy and practice
| OF the United States Is to avoid all inter
ference in disputes which merely relate
| to the internal government OF other ma
tions, and eventually to recognize the au-
thority Of the prevailing party without ref
4 erence to our particular interests and
4
controversy. But In this, as in every
other occasion, safety is to be found in
/ rigid adherence to these principles. In
4 the contest between Spain and the revolt
ing colonies we stood aloof and waited
1 not only until the ability OF the new states
| TO protect themselves was fully estab-
| lished, but until the eAance of their being
1 again subjugated had entirely passed
away. Then, and not until then, were
| they recognized. Such was our course in
regard to Mexico herself. II Is true that
| with regard to Texas the civil authorities
| OF Mexico had been expelled. Its invading
army defeated. the chief of the republic
himself captured. and all present power
| TO control the newly organized govern
| ment OF Texas annihilated within its con-
| fines. But, on the other hand, there is. In
| appearance at least EN- immense dispar-
ity OF physical force on the side OF Texas.
| The Mexican republic again is ralying its
/ forces under new leader and menacing
a fresh invasion to recover Its lost do
/ main.
Upon the issue Of this threatened in
vasion, the independence Of Texas may
be considered as suspended, and were
1 there nothing peculiar In the relations be-
| tween the United States and Texas, our
acknowledgment of it's Independence at
such crisis could scarcely be regarded
| as consistent with the prudent reserve
| with which we have hitherto held our
selves hound to treat all similar Ques-
tions."
Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded
! to consider the risk-that there might be