The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1898-02-13

cabin and rearGd among the uniettered. He
was q rail splitter, Q tiatboatman, coun-
try lawyer, practcing in many counties,
trying now a horse case, now Islander
or a tresspass suit. He sat with his assoc
eiates Of the bar about the country tavern
OF the country store and exchanged sto-
ries. Yet in all these conditions and asso-
ciaticns he was a leader-at the rail split
ting, In the rapids, at the bar, IN story tell
He had 2 comparatively small body of
admiring and attached friends. He had re-
veaied himself in his debate with Douglas.
and in his New York speech, as q man most
familiar with American politics and a pro-
found student of or institutions, with rare
cogency and a rarer lucidity OF speech, but
above all as a man OF conscience, a man
who followed conscience and logic 10 their
most alarming ends.
Most kind in speech and most placid in
demeanOr yet disturbing the public peace
by his insistence that those theories of hui
man rights which we had all so much APP
plauded should be made practical. man
not obstinate but one who under an
inability TO surrender q truth that his mind
approved.
a MISTAKE MADE BY MANY.
"In the broad common sense way in which
he did small things he was larger than any
situation in which life had placed him: he
had never met any occasion inadequately.
Europe did not know him. To the South,
and to not few in the Northern States,
he was an uncouth Jester. an ambitious up
by the South. not only for his principles.
but for himself. The son of the cavalier,
the man who felt toll to be a stain. despised
this son of the people, this child of toll.
Seward. a cultivated man Of letters, a
man who had long been leader in a Sem
nire State. a proved champion Of the anti
slavery sentiment had been PASSED over,
and his friends felt not only sore over his
defeat, but some modification that ne
should have been defeated by Lincoln.
He was going to Washington 10 meet
yuisgivIngs In his own party ano 10 confront
the fiercest. most implacable and powerful
civil rebellion of which history gives us an
example. Personal dangers attended his
journey The course before MN was llgnt-
Ell oB!y by the lamp OF duty; OUTSIDE us
radiance all was dark. He seemed to be
conscious of all this. 10 be weighted by it.:
but strong was his sense of duty. SO
courageous his heart, so sure was he of his
own high purposes ana motives and of the
favor of God for himself and for his peeo-
pie. that he moved forward calmly 10 his
appointed wOrk-nOt with show and brag,
neither with shrinking. He WAS yet in Il
N3rge measure to win the confidence of mcr
in his capacity. when the occasion was SO
exigent as TO seem TO call Tor one VINO had
already Won it.
He could not have been ignorant of the
fact that with Mr. Seward as his secretary
Of state he would seem for time, at least
to many not to be the first but the sec
ond, in his own ADMINISTRATION. As l have
said at another time, the selection of Mr..
Seward for secretary of state was q brave
act, because Mr. Lincoln could not fail to
know that for a time Mr.. Seward would
overshadow him i'm the popular estimation,
and wise one because Mr.. Seward was in
the highest degree qualified for the great
and delicate duties of the office. man
who is endowed for the presidency will
know how to be President in fact as well
as in name, without any fussy selt-asser-
ton
He was distinguished from the Abolition
leaders by the fairness and kindness with
which he judged the South and the slave
holder. He was opposed to human slavery,
not because some masters We're cruel, but
upon reasons that kindness to the slave did
not answer. All men included the black
man. Human law is local: liberty is the
law of nature. and Gods law takes no ac-
count of boundaries. The human enactment
cannot pass the limits of the state; God
law embraces creation.
HE HAD FAITH IN TIME
"Mr Lincoln had faith in time and time
has justified his faith If the panorama
Of the years from 1861 to 1866 could have
been unrolled before the eyes of his coun-
trymen would they have said-would he
have said-that he was adequate for the
great occasion? And yet, as we look back
over the story of the civil war, he is re-
vealed to us standing above all men of that
epoch. in his capacity and adaptation TO
the duties Of the presidency.
1T does; not seem to be GODS way to give
men preparation and fitness and to reveal
them until the hour strikes. Men must rise
to the situation. The storage batteries that
are to furnish the energy for these great
occasions, Gcd does not connect until the
occasion comes.
THE civil war called for a President who
had faith in time, for his country as well
for himself; who was not impatient; who
could endure the impatience of others and
bide his time. man who could by a
strong but restrained diplomatic CORE
spondence hold off foreign Intermediates
and at the same time lay the sure basis
for the Geneva award man who could
utteTanc6S.
tanning the authority of the law and the
Just rights of the national government
breathe an undertone of yearning for the
misguided and the rebellious. A man who
could hold the war and the policy of the
government to their original purpose-the
restoration of the States without the de
Struction of Slavery-until public sentiment
was ready TO support q proclamation Oh
ENG ucipation A man who could win ano
masses of the people. u man who could be
just. without pleasure in the seventies OF
Justice: who loved to forgive and pardon
A man without small jealouses: who did
not fear the shadow of other men.
THE original manuscripts in the State
Department show that even the finished
and accurate style of Mr. Seward needed
the revising touch of Lincoln, with his won
derful appreciation of the significance Of
out by him. and as some high military
critics say with a remarkable appreciation
of military problems and necessities
Mr. Lincoln loved the plain people. out
Of whose ranks he came; but not with
class love. He never pandered to ignor'
ance or sought applause by appeals TO pref
udice The equality of men in rights anC
burdens: justice to ALL a government by al
the people. for all the people. was his
thought-no favoritsm in enactment or ad
ministration-the general good.
He had the love of the masses and he
won It fairly: not by art or trick. He coulC
therefore admonish and restrain with au.
thority He was a man who could speal
TO all men and be heard Would there We're
more such. There is great need of mel
t,r,fl, II, al NJ
meeting and in the labor assembly.
qualities of heart and mind combined tt
make a man who has won the love OF man
kind He is beloved. He stands like
great lighthouse, to show the way of duty
10 all his eontrymen, and to send afar {
beam of courage to those who beat against
the winds. We do him reverence. We bles:
tonight the memory of Lincoln.