The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, 1898-11-23

out the word gracious" in the phrase,
your gracious speech" addressed to
the president This brought up the
whole question of titles of nobility at
once, and Mr.. Adams, making speech
after speech from the chair, or throne,
led the monarchists in favor of them
when the motion to strike out was
made, Mr.. Adams rose in his chair and
expressed the greatest surprise that
anything should be objected to on ac-
count of it's being taken from the prac-
tices of government tthe English
monarchy) under which we had lived
SO long and happily formerly; that he
was for dignified and respectable gov
ernment, and as far as he knew the
people, they thought as he did; that for
his part he was one of the first in the
late contest (the Revolution), and if he
could have thought of this he never
would have drawn his sword
The concluding phrase so embittered
Senator Maclay that he underscored it
heavily, and though he privately often
asked God to forgive him for it, he was
ever afterwards an uncompromising
enemy of John Adams. Mr.. Adams,
however, controlled the New England
delegation, and had the able assistance
of Senator Richard Henry Lee, of Vir-
ginia (nOt Light Horse Harry Lee"
who was R. e. Lees father). Adams
and Lee did most of the talking on their
side, and openly argued that an officially
patrician class in government was nee
essary to make it respectable and sta
BILE. They insisted that the title OF
president was vulgar; Mr.. Adams said
Inat it was borne by officers of cricket
clubs and debating societies. He urged
that without stable title the president
would be despised even by common la
borers, private soldiers and sailors in
countries where titles existed.
The committee on titles reported
After careful review of the titles of
all potentates, alive and dead, that of
the king of Poland, Your Elective
Highness," had been selected for the
president of the United States With
the constitutional veto of titles on their
side, and the house of representatives
strenuously objecting, the Democrats
defeated it. The federal monarchists
in the senate moved "excellency" and
"highness as a substitute, and the fight
continued until the house having taken
stubborn stand, the senate committee
on titles again reported, this time in
favor of christening the president "His
Highness, the President of the United
States of America and Protector of the
Rights of the Same
There was weary wrangle, and the
monarchists finally postponed action
to wait more favorable opportunity,
thus leaving the executive with the Of
fetal title given by the constitution and
nothing more. Mr.. Adams then pro-
ceeded to attempt to organize the senate
on the model of the house of lords,
bringing the whole matter up again by
trying to make an "usher of the black
rod" of the sergeant-at-arms. He
adams, on May 12, 1889, described
this Office as appurtenant to the house
of lords, and concluded by telling us
that Sir Francis Mollineaux was the Of
ficer, and that he (Adams) had had the
honor of being introduced to the house
of lords.'
The bitterness here betrayed devel-
oped on both sides during Washlngton's
administration, and eliminated under
Adams, who came as near being king
as he dared, ending by obliterating the
entire Federalist party and making way
for Jefferson, who disposed of the ques
tion Of "the canopied chair" by sending
in a message in writing to congress, in
stead of going in state to make speech
from the throne Instead of the regal
coach of the Adams regime, he used
saddle horse or walked, and instead of
inventing titles, invented plow. So
ended the struggle for titles of nobil-
ity," leaving every American citizen free
to give himself as many as he pleases
in his own right, and to submit grace
fully when friends ennoble him.