The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1898-05-29

Cleveland put forth, when he intervened
between Venezuela and Great Britain in
their boundary dispute. His statement
was as follows: 1T may not be amlss to
suggest that the doctrine upon which
we stand is strong and sound, because
its enforcement is important to our peace
and safety as a nation, and is essential
to the integrity of our free institutions
and the tranquil maintenance of our dis
tinctive form of government"
So long as the insurrection continued,
the problem remained unsolved. Yet, on
the chance that the Liberal government
in Spain might manage to yield all that
this country could fairly demand, all but
the nominal sovereignty OF the island Mr.,
Mckinley stuck manfully to his negotia-
tons. The Maine explosion forced his
hand. Whether We confess Ii or not, illog-
Ical or not it was the fact of that cat
astrophe. working upon the passions of
the great body of the people, which made
peace no longer practicable. Not that
self-restraint was thrown away. l Won
der what other people would have waited
so patiently an official and technical re-
port Of such tremendous import Suppose
after the German Kaiser had stirred Eng
land to its center by putting his finger in
the Transvaal mess, an English ship of
war had been sunk in Kiel or Bremen
harbor by an explosion apparently from
an outside source. Is it probable that the
delicate balance of responsibility for the
loss, with financial indemnity tackled
| on, would have been calmly argued or
| arbltratedS and national passion choked
down? I troW not. Yet legally speaking
such was our proper course. For neither
| could the Spanish government be held
| to have guaranteed the Names safety on
| the one hand. nor to be free from all re-
| sponsibility, except for the authorized
! acts of her officers on the other. So that
! the nice adjustment of liability for an
" lDl1 ha he Of ooff
| gence in policing the harbor of Havana,
! or deliberate act of the authorities, or
| an accident, was really possible only
| through the judgment of disinterested
| parties. To pursue the righteous object,
| the pacifcation of Cuba, as an uncon-
! nected matter, and by further diplomacy;
| to arbitrate the liability for the loss of the
| Maine; that would have been the ideal,
! the logical course. But, gentlemen, there
! are moments in the life of nations as well
| as of individuals when logic does not point
| the road. The youth OF to-day like his
! savage ancestor centuries ago, chooses
| his mate when the supreme passion flames
! up in his breast, and considerations of
! fortune and position are forgotten The
! man Vindicates his rights when his blood
| is up, and pays a $500 fee to recover a So
| claim. The nation, stirred beyond endur-
! 'ance, throwing logic and economy to the
| winds, interprets it's duty to suit its pas
sion, and PUSHES into war. 1t may not be
! In accordance with the law Of love, but
since the dawn of history il has been
| the characteristic of our fallen human
| nature. And statesmen have to take ac-
count of it, as well as of budgets and bal
ances. So the time came last month when
| our President though himself still in
| clned to the peaceable way, and though
| the armistice offered to the insurgents in
Vited further delay and negotiations, no
| longer struggled against the rising tide
| a Ia yyf nj in
| er way, until circumstances were too
| strong. We should honor him for what
he did, rather than blame him for what
| he could not do.
And when we study the conditions In
| Spain, we can understand why the Amer
| lean demands Involved an imposslblity
| For ignorance of the real character and
| resources of this country, backed by in
| vincible pride, would have unseated both
the ministry and the dynasty, which Of
Tended them. So that 1t is probable that
| endless negotiations would never have
| brought Sagasta and the Queen Regent to
an admission of Cuban independence
l do not declare, in this review of the
| events of the past year, that the right of
the United States to undertake armed in
| tervention In Cuba is proved, nor that its
| policy in doing so is lawless But do be-
lieve that this Intervention is as justifia-
| Bile as any has ever been in the pastand is
| undertaken from as correct motives And
| though the policy of war with Spain is
| open to criticism, I am inclined to think
that 1t must have come TO that In the end
1t was curious, when the supreme mo-
ment came, to see how regard for facts
and presidents still governed Though de-
| termining upon the indepedence of Cuba
! Congress nevertheless did not recognize the
! independence of the insurgent body which
| stood for free Cuba Into it's motives we
need not look too deeply, but it Is some
In hot hos
cedents nor the law of common sense. even
! as war measure. Yet it must be said
! that such step might have added weight
! to our disclaimer of all wish to possess
! Cuba by pointing out the party which
| should possess it. Far better will 1t be
| If we have the power, to call upon all the
citizens of the liberated island, Spanish
| and Cuban born alike, to join in framing
| the new order
But this is looking too far ahead. and
| crossing a bridge before we come to X
| Meanwhile we have war on our hands.
| There has never been a moments doubt
as to its eventual outcome. As has been
well said, il is money at per cent against
! money at y per cent for a nations credit
Is the weapon Of first Importance With
a determined and united people, and poten-
tial strength almost incalculable, the re-
| suit must be certain; yet the early opera
! tons of an INFESTED fleet might well be
| watched with some uneasiness. This the
/ events Of the first of this month have eff
fectuaIly dispelled.
But IL Is not the actual combat that II
falls to me to discuss. The naval expert
/ Is studying this, with an eager curiosity
which Is changing week by week into CON
fldence and enthusiasm, as his theories
are confirmed by results of an astonishing
character. Our attention this evening is
rather TO be directed 10 the effect of this
war upon commerce. There were two rea
sons for doubling whether the old rules
of capture, in all their hardness and com
pieteness, would be applied. one was the
growth of the neutral influence and inter
est; the second related to the change in
modern commercial usages.
One more inquiry, which is likely to be a
practical one. Suppose Manila and Porto
| Rico to be captured and occupied by our
| forces. The usual rules for the govern
| ment of occupied territory would presum-
ably be put in force. These are practically
the local laws and usages under the local
authorities and judges, but sanctioned and
| backed by martial law. Occupation does
not vest sovereignty in the occupant. Sow
| ereignty IS in suspense, as il were, until
/ decided by the terms of rAaara Cfrcb 10