Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1898-12-08

by them are many ana Vhrieu tnoy
would appear in much better light u
they could contrive to got together and
settle upon one policy, for then "
would BIO plain that they were guided
by permanent purpose and not o
mere whim in entering upon their
career Of nd-grabbing. Perhaps the
most remarkable of the plans cug-
gested is the Morgan plan, for treat
ing our new population as we treat the
Indians "a plan which cannot be
specifically christened because of the
multitude OF its authors; for treating
the Malay question rs we do the negro
question; and the Mckim plan, for
governing our new possessions as we
govern the District Of Columbia.
The Morgan plan is perhaps the most
astonishing of the three ways, since
the Senator who gives his name and
sanction to it is, as lawyer, presump-
lively familiar with the legal aspects
of the discussion. and, as "a member OF
the Senate committee on Indian affairs,
presumptiyely an authority on the
indian question. Eve can If we !
DESIRE the Senator is quoted as say |
ing in a recent published interview,
TREAT the Chinese and the other |
natives of the Philippines and of |
Hawaii Just as we have treated the
Indians. The government makes |
treaties with these as II they were
independent nations. 1t shuts them
| up on their reservations and practically
holds them prisoners there. No Indian
can leave his lands and live elsewhere,
except so far as we may permit. There
| is nothing in the world to prevent us
| from treating the Philippines Just rs
we have treated the lndianss as SUB
ject tribes, whose lives we regulate,
| but who, nevertheless, arc not citizens
of the United States, and have not the
rights of citizens"
This extraordinary statement, which
1 the Senator has not repudiated since 1t
was put into his mouth by several
reputable newspapers, answers itself ut
one point, for in an earlier sentence
| the Senator speaks OF our making
treaties with the Indians as in
dependent nations,'' and in later
one refers to our treating them as
"subject tribes" But a false in
ference might be drawn from W in
another respect. The Senator says
that We shut our Indians up on
reservations, practically holding them
prisoners there, and that no Indian
can leave mis- lands and live elsewhere,
except so far as we may permit.
Surely Mr.. Morgan, though he may
have lived in the land of dreams since
he began espousing every hobby that
has come before Congress with bad
name at its start, must have heard OF
, the land in-severalty law, whereby an
, Indian becomes citizen as soon as he
has reached the point of owning real
property Ho must be aware, also that
, il an Indian sees fit to sever his tribal
relations, enter white community,
, and adopt the mode of life Of an ordi-
, nary citizen, he may even take up land
as any white man would, and acquire
/ the same privileges ms voter. In
, deed, the laws now on the statute
! books offer the Indian so many induce
i ments, and even incentives, to citizen
! ship that he is the envy Of many a
: white man !: and it would not be too
r much to say that practically nothing
Q stands between the whole body OF
American Indians and citizenship to-
s day except tine Indians own, re-
/ luctance. Congress never finishes q
I session without having made a move
o towards the absorption of a fresh bod,
Y of Indians into our body polite. Com
4 missions are appointed, under laws
s which Senator Morgan himself helped
/ to enact, to visit tribes and work upof
I their sentimental side, and sometime;
O upon the avarice of the infiuentia
@ chiefs and head men, to induce then
" to take allotments of land in severalit,
o and become citizens. Now, if Senator
Y Morgan is in earnest, and not merel,
h talking for talks sake about Indian
q izing" our Malays, he must propose tt
n make il not only possible, but at
tru or tn thaue yannla n antar III,
Is ranks Of citizenship on an equal foot
d ing with the whites!
y What is the meaning of the propose
n to treat the Malay problem as we hay'
Is treated the negro problem? We havl
IL made citizen of the negro, forcinl
II the ballot upon him when he had N,
J. idea of the proper use of it, and thel
1t denying him the right to use it am
Ie killing him when he has attempted T.
% beat us at our own game. Would tn
v expansionists who wish to .'negroize'
d the Malays have us give them tn
20 ballot. and then meet them at til
in polls with file when they attempt t.
,g put that ballot in the box!
70 Finally, as to the McISim project
he The Rev. Dir. Randolph III. MoKim o
at this city, in calling attention to al
s. error OF reporter who took notes OF
n his Thanksgiving Day discourse, quote
pc from that discourse the following start
n ling passage: ''If 500, ZOO America
citizens in this district can be wel
re governed under our system without TIL
ut suffrage, there is no reason why mil
SO lions of semi civilized people could nc
lit be we'll governed under the same dis
re reimbursement. "
al DR.. Mckim is not the first to cit
y, the example of the District of Colum
to bia in behalf Of an imperial policy
gs although, SO far as can now, be re
he called, this is the first time the argu
be ment has been made from prominet
lie pulpit. 1t is very extraordinary tina
", such deliverance should come froi
mt Washington, where its absolute sophis
try must be apparent to everybody
inf Columbia is good because all the me
,rs who vote the appropriations or othel
he wise lagislate for tho District resid
hy within its bounds for about half /,
ed every year. A large percentage of the
lie are property in the Distric
~ and when they are considering-in Coz
IA gress the local needs Of the con
he munity, they IRE voting for concerI
nv with which they are themselv,
M directly connected, Just like the vote
,r. of New England town meeting. III
an President of the United States. VIII
ii. has been facetiousy termed the 'Mayt
Oh of Washington. is also q resident
rai the city. About its streets he rid
ith almost daily, and his family, the
III. friends, and associates are direct
in. connected in hundred ways vii