The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1898-06-27

conception of the change in conditions and
public sentiment that has occurred since
the beginning of the last war Some of the
perplexing questions that arose then con-
corning the status and treatment of the
negroes appear almost ludcrous in the
light of events that have shown their arti-
ficiality and injustice. The great difficulty
on both sides was how to deal with the
slaves without disturbing their ''constitu-
tional" status and recognizing them either
as free men or human beings. This diff
was concerned. but for time it was very
real and embarrassing. General Butler
famous designation of slaves who came into
the Union lines as "contrabands' was re-
garded by many as dangerous doctrine. In
July. 1861, the United States marshal of
Kansas wrote to Mr.. Lincolns attorney
general asking whether he should enforce
the fugitive slave law. The attorney gen.
eral informed him that he had no discre-
ton but to execute all laws, and said: "a
refusal by ministerial officer to execute
any law which properly belongs to his office
is an official misdemeanor, of which 1 do
not doubt the President would take notice"
Bull Run, Hon. Caleb B. Smith, Mr. Lin
coins secretary of the interior, said in an
address at Providence. r. l., 1.-The govern
nent of the United States has no more right
to interfere with the institution of slavery
in South Carolina than it has to interfere
with the peculiar institutions of Rhode ISL
and" In September, 1861, Mr.. Lincoln re-
voked an order of General F'remonts, is
sued in Missouri. emancipating the slaves
of persons in rebellion against the United
States, and in October he instructed Gen.
Sherman, who was about to start on an ex-
petition against Port Royal, s. c., as fol-
lows:
persons. whether fugitives from labor or
not, who may offer themselves to the ma
tlonal government; you will employ such
persons in such services as they may be
fitted for, either as ordinary employees or, if
special circumstances seem to require it, in
any other capacity, with such organization
in squads, companies, or otherwise, as you
may deem most beneficial to the service.
This, however, not to mean a general arm
ing of them for military service.
Thus from first treating, the negroes as
slaves, then as contra bands, then as private
property to be confscated, then as refugees
to be used as cooks and servants, the gov
eminent finally reached the point of utiliz-
ing them in army operations-"this how
ever not to mean a general arming of them
for military service" The subject continued
to be perplexing one anu a source of much
embarrassment to the government until the
emancipation proclamation was issued.
1t is a long reach from that state of
things to the present, when we have full
regiments of colored men in the regular
army commanded by white officers, and are
now to have colored companies commanded
by colored men. Some companies of negroes
commanded by white officers have been
raised in the South and accepted as a part
OF state quotas, showing a degree of prog
ress and liberality that would hardly be
expected in that section of the country If
the colored men do their uuty in the pres
ent war, as no doubt they will, the ques-
ton of their right to serve the country in
any capacity will never be raised again