Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1898-04-11

former sovereign.
I said in my message of December last:
''It is to be seriously considered whether
the Cuban insurrection possesses beyond
dispute the attributes Of Statehood which
alone can demand the recognition Of bellig-
erency in its favor The same require
ment must certainly be no less seriously
considered when the graver issue of recog-
nfztng fndepe endence is in question, for no
less tositfve test can be applied to the
greater act than to the lesser: while, on
the other hand the influences and conse-
quences of the struggle upon the internal
policy Of the recognizing State, which form
important factors when the recognition of
belligerency is concerned. are secondary, II
Eot rightly eliminable factors when the
real question is whether the community
claiming recognition is or is not indepen-
dent beyond peradventure.
No Cuban Independence.
Nor from the standpoint of expedience
do think it would be wise or prudent for
this government to recognize at the present
time the Independence of the so-caIled Gu
ban republic. Such recognition is not nee
essary IN order to enable the United States
to intervene and pacify the island. To
commit this country now to the recognition
OF any particular government in Cuba
might subject US to embarrassing condi-
tions Of international obligation toward
the organization SO recognized. In case of
Intervention our conduct would be subject
to the approval or disapproval of such
government; We would be required to sub
init tc its direction and to assume to it
the mere relation of friendly ally.
When 1t shall appear hereafter that
there is within the island a government
capable of performing the duties and dis
charging the functions Of separate ma
ton. and having. as a matter of fact. the
proper forms and attributes of nationality,
such government can be promptly and
readily recognized. and the relations and
interests Of the United States with such
nation adjusted.
There remain the alternative forms Of
Intervention to end the war, either as an
impartial neutral by imposing a rational
compromise between the contestants, or
as the active ally Of the one party or the
other.
AS to the first it is not to be forgotten
that during the las: few months the rela-
tfon of the United States has virtually
been one Of friendly Intervention in many
ways, each not of itself conclusive, but all
tending to the exertion of potential in
hCence toward an Ultimate pacific result
just and honorable to all interests concern
ed. The spirit Of all our acts hitherto has
been an earnest. unseltish desire for peace
and prosperity in Cuba, untarnished by
differences between us and Spain and un-
stained by the blood of American citizens
The forcible Intervention of the United
States as a neutral, to stop the war; accord
ing to the large dictates of humanity and
following many historical precedents where
neighboring states have interfered to check
the hopeless sacrifices of life by internecine
conflicts beyond their borders, is justtfiable
on rational grounds. 1t involves, however,
| hostile constraint upon both the parties to
the contest. as well to enforce a truce as
to guide the eventual settlement.
GROUNDS FOR INTERVENTION.
The grounds for such Intervention may
be briefly summarized as follows:
First. In the cause of humanity and to
put an end to the barbarities, bloodshed,
starvation and horrible miseries now exist
ing there, and which the parties to the con-
fict are either unable or unwilling to stop
or mitigate. 1t is no answer to say this is
all in another country, belonging to another
nation, and Is, therefore, none Of our bus
mess.
1t is specifically our duty. for it is right
at our door.
Second. We owe it to our citizens in Cuba
to afford them that protection and indem-
nifty for life and property which no govern
ment there can or will afford, and to that
end to terminate the conditions that deprive
them of legal protection.
Third. The right to intervene may be JUS
titled by the very serious injury to the COM
merce, trade and business of our people
and by the wanton destruction Of property
and devastation Of the island.
Fourth, ard which is of the utmost i'm
portance. The present condition of affairs
in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace,
and entails upon this government an enor-
nous expense. With such a conflict waged
for years in an island SO near us and with
which our people have such trade and busi-
ness relations-when the lives and liberty
of our citizens are in constant danger and
their property destroyed and themselves
ruined-whsre our trading vessels are liable
to seizure and are seized at our very door,
by warships of foreign nation. the expe-
ditions Of flibustering that we are power
less to prevent altogether, and ths irritat-
Ing questions and entanglements thus aris-
ing-al these and others that need not
mention, with the resulting strained rela-
ttons are a constant msnace to our peace
and compel us to keep on a semi-war foot
ing with q nation with which we are al
peace.
Destruction of the Maine.
These elements Of danger and disorder
already pointed out have been str1ktngly
illustrated by tragic event which has
deeply and justly moved the American peo-
pie I have already transmitted to Con-
gress the report of the Naval Court Of In
quiry on the destruction of the Battle
ship Maine in the Harbor of Havana
during the night Of the 18th Of February.
The destruction of that noble vessel has
filled the national heart with inexpressible
horror. Two hundred and flfty-eight brave
sailors and marines and two officers of our
navy. reposing in the fancied security of
friendly harbor. have been hurled to
death, grief and want brought to their
homes and sorrow to the Nation.
The Naval Court Of Inquiry, which it is
| needless to say commands the unqualified
confidence of the Government, was unani-
nous In its conclusion that the destruc-
| ton of the Maine was caused by an ex-