The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1898-08-21
Addresses by Robert Treat Paine,
MorefeId story and Samuel Com
pers at the Saratoga Conference.
FEARS OF THE LABOR LEADER
ANNEXATION OF HAWAII AND ACQUI-
slTION OF THE PHILIPPINES,
He Says, VIII Not Advance the Inter-
ests of the American TOiIer-ResO-
buttons Favoring PrOtectorates.

al conference on the foreign policy of the
United States resumed it's deliberations this
morning. 1t was presided over by Robert
Treat Paine, of Boston. In brief address
he defined himself as an anti-expansionist.
We must treat these islands captured from
Spain as prizes to be dealt with as we think
best. We must do the best thing we can
under the circumstances. While we may
not hold them by the right of conquest we
should see that a proper form of govern
ment is established over each. We should
never for moment forget the great prin-
ciples that underlie this great Republic.
Moorefield Storey, of Boston, next ad
dressed the conference. He said, in part:
If words have a meaning, if the prom
ises of this Nation are not as worthless as
rope of sand, can any one doubt what our
duty is to this island? Surely whatever
government is established there, whether
CUBA becomes Territory of this Union,
colony or an independent state, that gov
eminent must rest upon the free consent
of her people. If without this we annex
her to impose our sway upon her, we not
only break our own promise, but we deny
that governments derive their just powers
from the consent of the governed We
shake the foundation. upon which our own
liberty rests. If we treat her as a territory
and impose upon her people our protective
tariff and our Internal revenue law, or any
other system of taxation, whether Amer
lean Spanish, without giving her rep
resentation IN the Congress which imposes
the taxes, establish taxation without
representation and become tyrants by our
own confession.
rs the case of Porto Rico different? 1t is
an island larger than Connecticut with
denser population and numbering some
eight hundred thousand people or more,
by no civil war, divided by no fierce hatreds,
as is the case with Cuba. Does the man
live who can tell why Cuba Ought to be
free and independent" and Porto Rico not;
(uD2nS themselves
and the people of Porto Rico unfit? There
can be no distinction unless Porto Rico
greater claims on our forbearance or her
people are better fitted to self-government.
Two systems are possible and, in the
long run, only two. Either these islands be-
come States in this Union and represented
in our Congress, or they may be governed
as are Canada. and Australia by England.
If admitted as Territories they will not long
remain such. They are too populous, too
rich, too attractive to political adventures:
The same considerations which brought
into this Union Montana and other sparse
ly-setted States of the West will bring
these islands in as States. The question
then is, whether Porto Rico and cuba shall
be admitted as States. Whether to-day or
next year, If we annex them. this ques-
ton confronts us.~To such additions l am
1--WE have annexed Hawaii. A friendly
state has been deprived of its Independence
The governed were not asked whether they
approved the Constitution or the rulers un-
der which they lost their liberty, nor was
the question whether they desired anneXa-
ton ever submitted to them Our flag in
Hawaii floats over a subject people. But
this disregard for our principles will re-
turn to plague us sorely. We have said that
the native population of Hawaiians, not en-
titled to vote upon the vital question, which
we decided against their will, that, by rea-
son of their color. or race, or ignorance
sent 1t will be far more difficult hereafter
to insist that the colored, voters of the
South are entitled to rights denied to. the
n
equality of rights, which is the first of
rights. is jeopardized within our own Dor
der and problems which we thought the
civil war had settled are re-opened to fresh
and dangerous controversy. No part of the
territory taken from Spain should be Kept
by us but our whole duty will be done if
we give. the Inhabitants in each case the
opportunity to frame such government as
they wish.
At the conclusion of Mr. Storey's remarks,
Mr. Paine, the chairman, said that he coin
cided with the leading anti-expansion fea-
lures of Mr. Storey's address
MR.. GOMPERS'S ADDRESS.
The next speaker was Samuel Gompers.
president of the Federation of Labor. II
have been invited he said, las a wage
Garner and a representative of labor, to ad-
dress this conference the subject for
which it is called and 1t is not unfair 20
assume that the reason which prompted the
invitation was the desire to learn, as nearly
as possible. the view which the organized
wage earners of our country hold regard
ing this, at present aIl-absorbing question.
We have annexed Hawaii and appointed a
commission to determine the form of it's
government. How many of our people are
aware that of less than 100000 inhabitants
of Hawaii $4,000 are contract and practical
Nv slave laborers; that of these there are
so per cent. Chinese and Japanese, and that
about 20 per cent. are Portuguese from the
Azores isands) and South sea islanders;
that the laborers have no right to change
their employers or leave their employment;
that the contract to labor is specifically
enforcible by law, and that the resolution
adopted by Congress specifically declares
that the laws of Hawaii shall govern until
the new form of government shall be
adopted; that any time a laborer may serve
in prison because of his desertion from
labor is added to the term of the life of the
contract TO labor.
LAS to the Philippine islands, they have
between seven and eight million inhabitants
of a semi barbaric character, almost prim-
tive in their habits and customs; as unlike
the people of the United States in their
thought aspiration or governmental forms
as night is to day. What advantage, then.
can possession of. these islands, with such
a people, bring to our country? The nation
which dominates the markets of the world
will surely control it's destinies. To make
of the United States a great workshop is
our manifest destiny and our duty, and thus
side by side with other nations in industrial
and commercial rivalry, we baSing the con-
sideration of the workers upon the highest
intelligence and the most exalted standard
of life no obstacle can be placed in our
way to the attainment of the highest pin
nacle of national glory and human progress.
But to attain this is the requirement of the
Philippine islands, with their semi-savage
population, necessary? Surely not. Neither
It's gates nor those of any other foreign
countries can long be closed against our
growing industrial supremacy.
1.-The most reckless advocate of the an
nexation of the Philippine islands or OF any
populous island of the group must admit
that this programme involevs the govern
ment and domination of the many by the
few to an extent and degree never before
known under the American flag. We have
driven Savages against their will in the pro-
cess of our uprooting of Indian tribes. but
never where it was not reasonably certain
their place would soon be taken by settled
white population many times as great as
that of any wilderness occupied only by
nomad hunters and warriors. In the Phil
ippines. with its seven or eight million. in
an area of less than half that of the State
of Texas no such change can ever take
place.
.sThe whole moral effect of the acquisition
of the Philippine islands,. its semi-savage
population, must be to undo what has been
accomplished by organization and education.
upon the lines of social, economic political