Daily capital journal. (Salem, Or.) 1896-1899, 1898-03-02

have never been accused of buying a
/ bill through congress or Legislature,
nor Of buying a franchise or an ordi-
nance from a city council.
Objection s. The people cannot vote
on the details Of complicated matters,
/ like the tariff and money question.
Answer. 1t will seldom be neces-
sary. though it has been done, as for
instance our vote on state constitu-
tions. and the recent vote by the Swiss
on government ownership of railroads,
/ the proposal including many of the de-
j tails for their purchase; also the Swiss
government national bank bill, which
/ contained ffty-six sections, and the
vote on the bonding law i'm California.
/ Neither is it necessary that laws
should be so hard to understand. The
people will reject such proposals until
they are made simple, plain and brief.
/ However. the vote will usually be on
principles rather than on details.
For example. Senator Pettigrew's bill
/ now before congress, providing for an
advisory vote of the people next year,
is a bare statement of the questions:
"Shall the constitution of the United
/ States be amended to provide for the
election of United States Senators by
the peOpleF
"Shall congress enact a law provid-
ing for the free and unlimited coinage
of silver and gold at the ratio of l6
/ to II
On the tariff, the question might be,
"Shall the tariff be levied for protec-
ton with incidental revenueW
All that congress or a Legislature
needs to know is that the law must
embody a certain principle. If the
work is not well done, or there is
steal, then the Referendum may be
demanded on the sections where the
| fraud is placed. In the Dingley bill,
/ for instance, on the sugar schedule.
Even at the worst, the average voter
/ is much more likely to come to wise
and honest conclusion on a dozen laws
I in all their details, after from three
months to a years study and discus
sion of the question at home among
his friends, than the average legisla'
tor or member of congress can be on
from five hundred to a thousand bills
during the hubbub and dissipation of
session at the capitol among suang'
ers whose interest or prejudice it is to
buy or fool him.
objection 9. Anybody will sign a
petition to submit a law. Therefore
the agitators will keep the people vot-
ing all the time.
Answer. Our experience in Oregon
with the petition for a constitutional
convention proves that n man will not
sign a petition to submit law as free
~ as he will one to have John Smith
appointed postmaster or deputy sher-
itf. In the latter case he is doing a
personal favor for a neighbOr aud 1t
costs him nothing, while refusal may
make an enemy. But when petition
to submit a law is offered, there is no
question of personal favor. Signing it
may subject him to ridicule as Il
crank, but he does not make an enemy
by refusing, because IL is a question
of principle on which his right to his
own opinion is freely admitted.
Therefore, in order to get the sigma
lures Of five per cent. for the local
referendum, or ten per cent. for the
local initiative, or a smaller percentage
but much larger number for Il national
petition, there must be n very large
number who want the question sub
mitted.
In addition, circulation of such pc
titiOn will require an organization for
the purpose, much labor, and some
money. AS n general rule no man or
class expects great personal benefit or
injury above what may fall to the 9th
er men or classes by the proposed law.
Therefore only the most public-spirit-
ed, persistent and intelligent of the
people will circulate the petition.
These men will not incur the neces-
sary ridicule, labor, expense and trou-
bic, unless it is a principle that seems
to them of the greatest Importance.
SOME REASONS
Why the Advocates of Direct Legisla-
ton believe the Initiative and Op-
tlonal Referendum should be add
Sd to our system of law-making
for Cities, Counties and States,
and eventually for the Nation.
First. Because our representative
system of law-making by party ma
jorities in congress and a partisan
president has proved a failure for the
peaceful and prompt settlement of
great questions, and this in even great
er degree, If that be possible, than the
failure of state legislatures and city
councils on less important measures.
The evidence: When our government
was organized there were five great
issues before the people-equal rights
for women, chattel slavery, tariff, gov
ernment paper money against bank
currency, and the land question.
The women themselves have made
some progress towards equal rights,
for which party politicians are in no
way responsible. Chattel slavery was
settled by war The tariff and cur
rency issues are with us yet and the
land question hardly touched, notwith-
stnnhing nnliticinnS of all nartieS have