The Black Hills union. [volume] (Rapid City, Pennington County, Dakota [S.D.]) 1889-1904, 1898-03-04
pocket Of him it is intended to inau-

The question at issue between the
capitalist and the laborer is not only
political one, but it is in most emf
nent degree moral and religious one.
1t is the question of the ages-this dew
ilish power OF greed against the rising
claims of humanity; an irrepressible
conflict, upon which wait the hopes
and aspirations Of men, for until it is
settled, and settled as it should be, NOR
al development in the world is at an
end. But the capitalist will claim to
the end that he has "a right to some
portion Of the laborer's product, for ii
he could not possess himself Of it he
himself would be Obliged to labor, and
to this he is opposed.
But for the laborer, under the pres
ent regime, no hope appears-while he
remains laborer for hire. The capital
list, and the apologists for capitalism,
tell him that They say: "Work, save,
collect interest from some other laborer.
Get some form of legal advantage over
men poorer and more dependent than
yoursel!
The is thus forced to occupy
a depen,~ POSITION But the laborer
is dependent on other men only because
other men, with his consent, have de-
prived him of natural right. Depend
ence is always a second step in the deg
radiation of humanity. 1t is an effect
The cause is fraudulent deprival. The
few deny to the many the clear and self
evident gifts of the Creator to all man
kind.
Restore these natural and inalienable
rights, and all will be we'll, and our
economic affairs will regulate them
selves This is the American answer,
the constitutional answer, and the an
swer Of justice to the cry of distress.
Freedom is still the goal. Now, as ever,
liberty is the cry of the soul of man.
And how is this to be secured, do you
ask? In reply and conscious of the fact
that l can here only roughly outline
few principles which should guide US,
allow me- to quote from the one man
who by his writings did more to make
tho Declaration of Independence pos
sibility than any other, Thomas Paine.
He says:
! Man did not enter society to become
worse than he was before, or to have
fewer rights than he had before, but to
have those rights better secured. His
natural rights are the foundation of all
his civil rights.
"Civil rights are those which apper.
tain to man in right of his being mem
Der of society. Every civil right has for
it's foundation some natural right pre-
existing i'll the individual, but to the
enjoyment of which his individual pow
er is not in all cases sufficiently compe-
tent"
have grouped the natural rights of
man under two heads:
First. The right to security in the
use OF a sufficient portion Of the earth's
surface for self support free from the
claims OF rent, tax or the oppressive
power of money; in short, free home
upon the soil which no power can wrest
from the family, said homestead to be
limited in money value SO as to cover
the necessities Of life, all above this
valuation to be taxed all below it to be
free from the claims of the sheriff for
taxes or the demands of future would
be mortgages. For if this right to
home upon the soil is natural right
whence comes the power to tax or take
away? Henry George admits this as a
natural right, but would in his system
allow this free gift of the Creator only
to men able to pay. That is, he puts
the right Of man upon the auction block,
and he who is able to pay most is to be
given most Of natural right.
; Secondly. The right Of the producer
! of wealth to complete freedom of ex-
change with others for all the products
of hand or brain, or, exchange at cost,
secured by the civil authority, where
the ability OF the individual is defective
IN power. Exchange at cost secured by
the civil power includes in it's scope the
question Of government ownership and
control of the means of exchange, in.
Guiding railways telegraphs, telephones
and all the machinery of money For it
is self evident that if by means Of these
instruments of exchange specially favor
ed and wealthy individuals are to be al
lowed to collect tribute above the cost
OF service, whoever is thus forced to
submit to the exactions of a favored
few is not free citizen. Who does not
know that The tribute thus exacted is
the cause Of all economic inequality
among us? And who is there that cannot
see that this inequality is secured by
first depriving the citizen of his self
evident, inalienab BILE, indefeasible and
constitutional rigtn to free exchange?