The times., 1898-12-01

extend its field or even maintain its
present limits. against the influence Of
American and English example and
teachings Few Americans, at any rate,
can doubt that our political institutions
are light to the world, and that il they
are not efnnlafed by other nations. at
the least they must prevent any back
ward STEP. Few can believe that abso-
iutism can prevent the freest CONNER
tfal intercourse between the industrial
nations and Oriental lands. Yet Eng
land distinctly fears it If Russia is per-
mitted to dominate Asia-fears the ex-
tensiorrcf institutions that are the relics
of the infancy of mankind Perhaps
this fear is the result of her long antag-
onism to everything Russian; but then
there. are profound students of history
and observers of tendencies who share
in it-authorities in opinion who insist
on the reas0nableness of British alarm
and who are not sure that without eter-
nal vigilance and perhaps a tremendous
struggle. the enlightened ideas of the
English-speaking race will not triumph
over, political and commercial barbar-
ism and shape the policy of the world.
In an address on Imperialism Pro-
fessor GiddipSs. of Columbia University,
urges the necessity of the opsn door, MT
merely as a product of our new condi-
TONS but to insure the extension of cur
Oriental trade to great dimensions. He
glorieS in our acquisition of the Philip
pines, because otherwise we could not
only not play our proper part in the
realization of the highest possibilities
of civilization, but also we could not
obtain an opportunity for fair trade in
Asia. Without vital interest close at
hand, China and her present overload,
Russia, would not heed our appeals or
consider our interests. We should be
passed over for competitors who have
responsibilities in the Far East. The
same considerations apply to our trade
is the tropics-our new possessions
there insuring to us fair chance with
the rest of the world. 1t is partly for
this and partly because it gives us an
advantage in the struggle between the
enlightened political and commercial
methods represented by the Anglo-Sa Sax
on, and the narrow and obstructive
methods of Russia, that Professor Gid
dings finds satisfaction in our territorial
expansion He foresees a tremendous
conflict between the British lion and the
Russian bear He regards the great
overshadowing political question of the
age as this: Are the worlds politics TO
be dominated by the English-speaking
races, who stand for freedom, or by the
Russian-Chinese absolutism?" He does
not believe We can afford to be selfish
enough to stand aleof.
Whether he exaggerates the devotion
of Russia to the policy Of exclusion and
OF trade by favor, there can be no doubt
that We have most to gain from the sue
cess Of British ideas. There is less
practical difference between the political
institutions of this Republic and the
constitutional monarchy of England
than between the republics of America
and France. Indeed, it is sometimes a
question whether England is not the
more democratic in many ways. Our
peculiar isolation, which was of value
only during the period of immaturity.
led us to promote commercial isolation
as well. That is brought to an inevita-
BILE end by territorial expansion and the
development of interests in the Far
East. If there is a struggle between
England and Russia for and against an
open door policy in Asia, there is no
doubt as to the side toward which our
principles as well as our natural sympa-
thies take US.
From whatever point we view the ac-
QUESTION of our new territory, we see
only good in it. The practical ques-
tions of administration will solve them
selves as the need arises, and as Pro-
fessor Giddings says: I'VE must indeed
have a dark and hopeless view of the
national character If we believe the
nation unable to rise to such ennobling
responsibilities" That there should be
Americans so blind to the providential
character of our opportunity as to be
willing to fling it aside is Incredible
The fact that men of intelligence still
express their opposition to the annexa-
ton of the Philippines without having,
like Mr.. Carnegie. a purely selfish mo-
tive, is presumptive evidence of a dis
trust of our splendid Institutions and of
the American people.