The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1898-08-04

of any ship of war was blown to destruc-
ton by submarine mine and most of her
brave crew Went down to death and chaos
with her. They were not upon mission of
war. They had entered the harbor of Ha-
vana with no hostile intent They had no
bitterness or unkindness in their hearts.
They desired and hoped to see peace and
tranquility triumph.
The great President who had sent them
to the harbor of Havana to make friendly
call, as is customary between nations, was
actuated by no ungenerous impulses. All of
the circumstances attending the tragedy,
the traditional character of the Spanish
people, the nature and character of the ex-
plosion and the conduct of Spain thereafter,
pointed strongly toward the spanish author
tiles as the authors of the crime Tie Span
ish ferocity which spared not the Cuban
seemed unwilling to spare the American.
Our cOuntrymen were stunned by the blow.
The President Immediately appointed an
able board of naval experts to ascertain the
weeks the facts were sought-patiently,
earnestly-the desire upon all hands being
to ascertain the truth and nothing but the
truth. There was universal hope that
something might be discovered which would
exonerate the Spanish authorities, for all
knew that the judgment which was to come
If there was doubt of Spanish innocence
would be mighty and severe. The report of
the board established the fact indisputably
that the explosion was of external origin
The President promptly brought 1t to the
attention of Spain, but the latter received
1T with a cold, formal denial Of guilt, and
with such lack of sympathetic interest as
to intensity the belief of the people in her
actual guilt or in her culpable neglect. 1t
was manifest that no settlement with Spain
immediate withdrawal of her flag from the
western hemisphere To her Offense against
the Cubans was now added the far graver
wrong against our own country.
On April ii last the President submitted
to the Congress message covering the
facts and circumstances with respect to the
to her. conduct toward us, and Congress,
in which rests the war-maklng power,
promptly declared war against Spain.
independence of Cuban Republic.
The opposition attempted to force recog-
milton of the independence of the so-called
Cuban republic, but were defeated after
one of the sharpest contests witnessed in
Congress in recent years. The Democratic
state platform, lately adopted, demands
recognition of the Cuban republic as a war
measure. This has been the consistent Dem
ocratic policy to which we are unalterably
opposed. What is the Cuban republic? Who
are its statesmen? Where is it's capital?
Where it's legislative halls and chambers of
Justice? We know but little about it; too
little to justify haste. We have been so
much embarrassed and haraSsed in the ISL
and for third of a century that we should
make no mistake now. The Cuban question,
which has so sorely vexed our people and
led to so much loss of blood and treasure,
must be rightly settled and settled forever.
The President, upon whom rests the mighty
responsibility Of conducting the war. pointed
out with felicity the serious objections to
recognition.
Nor from the standpoint of expediency,"
said he in his message to Congress, do
think it would be wise or prudent for this
government to recognize at the present
time the independence of the so-called Gu
ban republic. Such recognition is not neces-
sary in order to enable the United States to
intervene and pacify the island. To commit
this country now to the recognition of any
particular government in Cuba might. sub
Ject us to embarrassing conditions of inter-
national obligation toward the organization
so recognized. In case of intervention our
conduct would be subject to the approval
or disapproval of such government. We
would be required to submit to it's direc-
ton and to assume to it the mere relation
of a friendly ally.
when it shall appear hereafter" said he
further, that there is within the island a
government capable of performing the du-
ties and discharging the functions of a sep
arate nation and having, as q matter of
fact. the proper powers and attributes of
nationality, such government can be
promptly and readily recognized, and the
with such nation adjusted
But for the Republican House of Repre-
sentatives this sound advice and wise pol
icy of the President would have been ig
nored. and our army to-day would be TAX
ing its orders from some Cuban commander
in-chief instead of from the President of
the United States.
We were repeatedly told by the opposition
that the mere recognition of the rights of
assert and maintain their supremacy The
utter Iutin I Of such ye9ogsities, naHst be
fleets and armies have been waging war
against Spanish authority. and there has
been no considerable manifestation of power
by the so-called Cuban republic This dem
onstrates that the policy of the President
was right, and that recognition of the re-
public would have been a stupendous blum
der, a colossal mistake. Yet the Democratic
platform seriously favors 1.-THE prompt
recognition by the United States of such in
dependence as war measure and as an act
of justice to a brave people struggling for
freedom" Recognition a measured
1t would seem that President Mckinley is
quite competent to adopt all necessary war
measures in the pending contest without the
dictation of our friends who composed the
late Democratic convention. 1t may be as
Sumed that so long as his policy prevails
our armies will take their orders from our
own commanders, and not from Cuban gen.
erals, of whom we know little or nothing.
Who says the present Cuban republic is
competent to discharge it's domestic and in
ternational duties? Clara Barton, that sweet
minister of mercy, does not believe it is
and other consuls of the United States IN
Cuba are OF the opinion that the present re-
should know better than they?
Liability for Spanish Bonds.
1t was urgently insisted by some in oppo-
sition that we should recognize the indie
pendence of the so-called Cuban republic in
order that we might avoid liability for
Spanish bonds amounting to several hun
dred millions of dollars. 1t was claimed by
them that Spain had issued some bonds
which were in some manner not clearly dis
closed a charge upon the revenue of the ISL
and, and that we would be liable to pay
them if we expelled her sovereignty by force
of arms. observe that my distinguished
colleague, Senator Turpie, for whom l en-
terrain sentiments of great personal esteem,
held and expressed this view as chair
ton. Congress- fortunately, did not take
this view of the question; it did not believe
that when we WreSted the CubanS from the
grasp OF Spanish misrule, that when we
sent our armies and fleets to succor and
free the oppressed, we should incur a
large. pecuniary liability to any Spanish
bondholders The law of nations and of HUI
manity forbid 1t. Our command to free
Cuba was divinely issued, and no alleged
claims Of the holders of Spanish bonds
and with all the force and power at our
command Whoever holds Spanish bonds
against Cuban revenues holds them. as
SAID on another occasion, subject to the OBJ
mainly and of Christian civilization. Span
ish cruelty and medieval barbarty could
not arrest the avenging hand of the United
States. think am entirely safe in saying
that those who believe that our failure to
recognize the Cuban republic-that some
what shadowy and evaneScent political fab
rlc-Will entail upon us a large debt of sew
eral hundred millions of Spanish bonds
need have no fear so long as the Republic
an party is IN power. Let 1T be understood
now and henceforth that not one solitary
dollar Will be paid to any holder of Spanish
bonds because of our refusing to recognize
the Cuban republic, now or hereafter. In the
name or the Union and her heroic dead. we