The Republican. [volume] (Oakland, Md.) 1877-current, 1898-04-14
NUMBER 6.

surgents as belligerents; recognition
of the independence of Cuba; nuetral
intervention.
| said in my message of December
last: 1T is to be seriously considered
whether the Cuban insurrection DOS
sesses beyond dispute the attributes
of statehood which alone can demand
the recognition of belligerency in it's
favor" The same requirement must
certainly be no less seriously consid-
cred when the graver issue of recog-
nizing independence is in question,
for no less positive tests can be applied
to the greater act than to the lesser;
while, on the other hand, the infiu-
ences and consequences of the strug-
gle upon the internal policy of the
recognizing state, which form impor-
tent factors when the recognition of
belligerency is concerned, are second
ary If not rightly eliminable factors
when the real question is whether
the community claiming the recog-
milton is or is not independent be-
yond peradventure.
Nor from the standpoint of expedi-
ence do | think it would be wise or
prudent for this Government to recOg-
niZe at the present time the independ-
ence of the so-called Cuban Republic.
Such recognition is not necessary in
order to enable the United States to
intervene and pacify the island. To
commit this country now to the rec
Ognition of any particular govern
ment in Cuba might subject us to
embarrassing conditions of interna-
tlonal obligations toward the Obliga-
tiOns SO recognized.
In case of intervention our conduct
would be subject to the approval or
disapprOVal of such Governments; we
would be required to submit to its di-
rectiOn and to assume to it the mere
relation of a friendly ally. When it
shall appear hereafter that there is
within the island a Government cap
able of performing the duties and dis
charging the functions of a separate
nation, and having as u matter of fact,
the proper forms and attributes of ma
tlOnality such government can be
promptly and steadily recognized, and
the relations and interests of the
United States with such nation ad-
justed. There remain the alternative
forms of intervention to end the war,
either as an impartial neutral, by i'm
posing rational compromise between
the contestants, or as the active ally
of the one party or the other.
As to the first, it is not to be for
gotten that during the last few
mOnts the relation of the United
States has Writ ually been one of friend
ly Intervention in many ways, each
not of itself conclusive, but all tend
ing to the eXertion of a potential in
f1uence toward an ultimate pacific re-
suit just as honorable to all interests
concerned. The spirit of all our acts
hitherto has been an earnest, unset
fish desire for peace and prosperity in
Cuba. untarnished by differences be-
tween us and Spain sandwstaihed-
the blood of American citizens.
The forcible intervention of the
United States as a neutral to stop the
war, according to the large dictates of
humanity and following many histor-
ical precedents where neighbOring
States have interfered to check the
hopeless sacrifices oflife by internecine
conflicts beyond their borders, is JUS
titiable on rational grounds. In in
wolves, however, hostile constraint
upon both the parties to the contest,
as well to enforce a truce as to guide
the eventual settlement.
The grounds for such intervention
may be briefly summarized as follows:
First. In the cause of humanity and
to put an end to the barbarities, blood
shed, starvation and horrible miseries
now existing there, and which the
parties to the conflict are either un-
able or unwilling to stop or mitigate.
1t is no answer to say this is all in
another country, belonging to an
other nation, and is, therefore, none
of our business. 1t is specially our
duty, for it is right at our door.
Second. We owe it to our citizens
in Cuba to afford them that protec-
tion and indemnity for life and pro-
perty which no Government there can
or will afford, and to that end to ter
inmate the conditions that deprive
them of legal protection.
Third. The right to intervene may
be justified by the very serious injury
to the commerce, trade and business
of our people, and by the wanton de-
struction of property and devastation
of the island.
Fourth. And which is of the ut
most Importance. The present con-
dition of affairs in Cuba is a constant
menace to our peace, and entails upon
UIllS government an e1OGIllOuS eA'
pense. With such conflict waged
for years in an island SO near us and
with which our people have such
trade and business relations-when
the lives and liberty of our citizens
are in constant danger and their pro-
perty destroyed and themselves
ruined-where our trading vessels are
liable to seizure and are seized at our
very door by warships of foreign
nation, the expeditions of flllibuster-
ing that we are powerless altogether
to prevent, and the irritating ques-
tions and entanglements thus arising
all these and others that | need not
mention, with the resulting strained
relations, are a constant menace to
/ our peace and compel us to keep on a
| semi-war footing with nation with
| which we are at peace.
These elements of danger and dis
order already pointed out have been
strikingly illustrated by tragic event
which has deeply and iusly moved
the American people. have already
transmitted to Congress the report of
the Naval Court of Inquiry on the
destruction of the battle ship Maine
in the harbor of Havana during the
night of the 18th of February. The
destruction of the noble vessel has
f1InI H.D