St. Johnsbury Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1867-1919, 1898-11-16

torically considered, logically imposed
upon us, whatever form it may assume,
is expansion. 1t is here, now at hand.
The part Of wisdom would seem to be to
recognize the conditions, and devote our
highest energies to the best development
OF free institutions in the land for which
we have made ourselves guardian.
Every one recognizes the necessity OF
canal across the Isthmus. connecting our
Atlantic and Pacific coasts, and control
led by Americans. The conviction that
it must be built and controlled by our
government, is constantly becoming
more deep and fixed, and has found de-
finite Judgement in political party plat
forms. Apparently its construction is
work of the near future. Yet nothing
could be more marked illustration of
the doctrine ofexpansion than the own
err ship and operation by our Government
Of great inter. ocean highway entirely
in foreign and non contiguous coun-
try.
Historically considered, each question
OF territorial expansion has stood and
must stand upon it's own basis. No
theory has heretofore been able to re-
strict or permanently define the limits
beyond which we would not go. The
Philippine problem is Immediately at
hand awaiting solution. No sane and
wellinformed man can doubt that the
problem is weighty and difficult one.
That the President has hesitated, doubt
ed. investigated, sought every avenue Of
fuller information, and felt the pulse OF
the Senate that must ultimately act up
on any treaty negotiated, and OF the
great mass of the people whose agent he
is, is only another way of saying that he
is bringing the loftiest sense OF duty and
the highest wisdom to the determination
of great national issue. Clearly that
issue cannot be determined by any
theory of fixed national policy. The pre-.
cedents are nearly all in favor OF expan-
sion. Nor is the fact, if fact it is, that
some part or all Of the Philippine debt
may have to be assumed or guaranteed
by the United States, decisive. We paid
many millions upon each of the pur-
chases above referred to, and assumed
the Hawaiian debt. upon the annexation
of that country. At the close of sue
cessful war with Mexico, we paid to her
nearly twenty million dollars for the
territory which she surrendered to us.
II the Philippines ought to be ours, we
are able and willing to pay such sums as
in equity ought to be paid, just as we
paid Mexico under similar circum.
stances.
Probably no one in this country be-
lieves that the inhabitants OF the Philip
pine islands now are, or for many years
will be. competent to form the basis OF
statehood. The character of the popula-
ton, partially civilized, and knowing
nothing Of western institutions except
the evil which they have endured under
Spanish tyranny, constitutes one OF the
most difficult phases OF the problem.
But time, civilization, education and as
ISOLATION with free men and free institu-
tions, may be expected to produce large
results. New Mexico has been part OF
our country for half century, and its
population exceeds that of several OF our
States. 1t still remains a territory.
When we consider what fifty years can
do, the problem of statehood is not so
pressing that any attempt finally to
solve it is now urgent.
II our country was colonizlng one,
the commercial and strategic advantages
of control of the Philippines by us
would not be for moment in doubt
Fertile, Astounding in bnt partially de-
veloped resources, capable Of great pro-
duction, having population OF ten mil
lions or more whose demand for our ar
ticles of export would constantly in
crease as civilization always increases
the wants OF the native races, lying bu
a few hundred miles from the shores o
China, a country of four hundred million
people and constituting the greatest un
appropriated market of the world, anc
having the magnificent harbor Of Manila
as refuge and supply depot for on
navy, those islands would be deemed
most magnificent acquisition by an,
great European power.
But none of the suggestions abov
stated are or can be the basis OF an ap
preparation of those islands by us.
we take them at all, we take them be
cause the existing situation has left prac
tcally no other alternative. We canno
betray our allies. We cannot retur
them to the vengeance of the Spaniards
or to a war of mutual destruction wit
their oppressors. We cannot pass Their
over to another power without creatin
conditions dangerous to the peace of tn
world. We cannot leave them to thei
own unframed efforts and to the cor
sequent cruel wars and extinction {
their beginnings of civilization. We car
not join with other powers in a prote'
torate without repeating the Samoa
experiment upon scale, and under CT
cumstances almost sure to result in ii
ternational jealouses and frictions {
administration fatal to success. Til
responsibility is ours, and we cannot e
cape it. In any event, great mistake
will be made, but out of it all, may W
not hope and expect that great ultimat
good will come to those to whom W
owe this duty, and that the true glor
of our country, as the friend of all OF
pressed people, will he promoted?
!, pursuance of these great ends, let ,
adopt the words of Secretary Seward
1861 to our minister to the then almo'
equally uncivilized Japan, you will, /
{ an equal, just and honorable conduct
5 your mission, make the people Of Japa
= respect, not only the institutions OF yol
/ own country, but the institutions
5 Christianity and western civilization"
| HENRY c. IDE.
|