The Columbian. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1910, 1898-01-13
WASHINGTON NOTES.

! for Congress to favorably act upon
support in case of illness will not have
! to be supported in the hospitals at
, them. There are always bills before
| servatism, fought for twenty years to
| supposed to do so. But it is just as
difficult to classify the lobbyist as it is
to classify any other profession or
business. The lobby is not an un-
! mixed evil. The romances about the
| Washington lobby are like other ro-
| mances, few grains of fact going a
long way and doing great service in
| sustaining the fabric of fiction. These
romances have at times done much to
prejudice the people who never see
| Congress in session, and give them ex-
| aggerated ideas Of the corruption that
gathers beneath the dome of the Ma
tional capitol. There may have been
a time when money played an import
ant part in legislation, and it may be
more or less potent now, but one will
look in vain about the capital for a
lobbyist who carries checkbook with
him or has rolls of greenbacks bulging
out his pockets, ready to influence Con-
gressmen. He will also look in vain
for the fascinatingly beautiful woman
who captures legislators with her
smile and hypnotizes them into voting
as she wishes. These are creatures Of
fiction. The lobby is made up of very
different people. And the men and
women who make up the lobby are
more often victims than those looking
for victims.
The coarse and vulgar purchaser Of
votes found in fiction and on the, stage
does not resemble in the least the ex-
Senator who walks past the doorkeep-
er and takes seat on one of the sofas
in the rear Of the Senate chamber.
Once United States Senator, always
q free admission to the Senate cham
ber, the most exclusive place in the
whole United States. No man, howev-
er popular, who is not Senator, a Con.
gressman, or a member of the Supreme
court may enter the Senate chamber
Senator always retains that right. He
carries it into private life with him,
and when he comes to Washington he
walks past the doorkeeper just as he
did when a member of the Senate.
There are good many ex-Senators in
the United States. A number of them
live in Washington. They are lobby
lists. The name does not jar on their
nerves. They are engaged to promote
certain proposed legislation, and they
regard IL no more dishonorable or un-
dignified than they would the profess
sion of the law and the employment of
counsel for corporations or individuals.
A tariff bill brings out many such
members of the lobby. They repre-
sent special interests and are paid to
present the demands and needs Of
those interests. 1t is honorable and
often necessary. They act as counsel
for such interests and show why they
need high tariff or no tariff.
A minister Of the gospel may be
member of the lobby. In fact there
are often ministers in the lobby watch
ing the legislation which interests
them or their churches. They are not
corrupt lobbyists who would purchase
votes, but their services may be paid
for by the. churches or schools that
are seeking appropriations, and they
employ the same means that other
members of the lobby employ who have
never been known except as politi-
clans. They argue, plead the cause of
the church and morality, use personal
influence, and ask for votes on the
ground of friendship If they cannot
make it appear that the bill is one
which should be passed on the grounds
of exact justice, and in accord with po-
litical policies. They will even en-
courage 'log-rolling," which is held up
by theoretical moralists as one of the
evils of modern legislative assemblies.
They will ask their friends to pool is
sues with others who are not active
friends and help along another bill in
which they have no interest, providing
this will help the bill wanted.
Political influence and church influ-
ence may go hand in hand !n the lob
by, and they often do. One of the
most interesting of the Southern war
claims is that of the book agents of
the Methodist Episcopal church, South.
When Buell's army entered Nashville
in 1862 the great publishing house of
the church was seized. The property
was libelled for confiscation. While
the question Of confscation was before
the court the army made use of the
plant. The paper designed for tracts
was used to print quartermaster'
blanks, and the bindery turned out
regimental rolls instead of Bibles. The
church wanted something like 100000
for the damage done, and presented ev-
idence to show that 1t was loyal dur
ing the war. Several war claims COM
mittees of Congress favored paying the
claim, but it has not been paid, for
Congress has not made the appropria-
ton. This claim brings ministers of
that church, bishops and other church
officials IN the lObby tn work for tho