The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1898-07-25

The United States and Spain Can Set
tie Their Own Differences.


Harper's Weekly.
1.-The Weekly did not believe that the
war should have been begun, but the coun-
try decided otherwise, and on grounds
which make the war, in international law
at all events. just war. The last power to
combat this proposition ought to be the very
one that Is showing itself most eager to
interfere. If the Emperor William will con-
suit Bismarck on this point, or if he will
even reflect upon the revelations which the
Chancellor has volunteered concerning his
view of the ethical value Of lying and forg-
cry as an excuse for war, he will always
find it difficult to declare any war entered
into by another nation to be unjust. How
ever that may be, and whatever may have
been the motives of some of the politicians
and newspapers that urged on the war, the
people of this country, the people who are
hghting and paying for the war, believe
that it is a righteous contest. entered into
for the cause of humanity, and while that
motive governs and determines the moral
character of conduct this war will be
judged just one in the tribunal of ma
tons. We are using the term Just war"
be it understood, wholly in the technical
sense of the authorities or International
law, for we are inquiring merely into our in
ternational status in view Of the war;
We have as yet given no cause for inter-
ference nor for threats of interference, and
we cannot permit Europe, or any Euro
pean power, to insist upon taking part in
our future negotiations with Spain for
peace. We are not kept out of European
waters, or European affairs. for that mat
ter, by our assertion of the Monroe Doc
tr1ne, nor are we to be treated as If we were
party to European complications because
we are at war with a European power.
when the time comes for making peace
the rate OF SPANS colonies will be deter
mined by agreement between Spain and the
United states, and we shall not permit the
fruits of victory to be parceled out among
non-participants in the combat as the fruits
or Russia 8 victory over Turkey were d.
vided by the Berlin Congress-
III has been intimated. even in this conn
try. that the United States might we'll imi-
tate the quiet and submissive examnle Of
Russia on that occasion There seems to us
10 De every reason why we should do moth
ing or the Kind. In the first place it is not
at all certain that RuSsia's adolescence and
supmissIiveness We're real. or that Lord Bea-
consfeld was as successful as he and his
admirers supposed. Contemporaneous his
tory teaches otherwise. In the second place,
there is no analogy whatever between the
relation OF Russia to the rest Of Europe in
1878, and the relation of the United States to
contnental europe to-day. Russia had en-
purpose OF enforcing reforms which the
concert of Europe, including Russia had
vainly demanded of Turkey. Although Rus
STA made war without consultation with her
associate powers, she was, in fact the
champion of the Christian powers for the
righting of the wrongs inflicted by the Sui
tan upon his Christian subjects. Therefore
there was some reason for a consultation
or the interested powers concerning the set
te1nent OF the sequences of the war. Even
so, the congress was not held until Russia
had formally accepted Bismarcks invitation
and had agreed to leave to the congress the
task of revising the whole treaty of San
Stefano. Moreover, the relations between
the powers of Europe on the eastern ques-
ton were very close. and their common in
terest in it had been recognized in more
than one treaty.
In the case of ourselves and Spain there
are no special relations or conditions, and
no agreement that changes in any respect
the rules of international Jaw affecting the
subject. The question is between the two
powers engaged in war. When the time for
peace comes the two contestants will have
the right to settle their differences without
Interference from any other power unless
that interference shall be invited or as
sented to by both. IT, for example, we shall
insist that Spain surrender the Philippines
II would be as hostile on the part of the
German Emperor if he were to take sides
against our contention as it would be now
if he were to undertake to prevent Admiral
Dewey and General Merritt completing the
conquest of Manila We are sorry that we
are at war, but, as we are, it is our war,
and we shall insist on settling ii in bur own
way. We cannot permit any European
power to question our good faith or to die
tate what shall be our conduct toward our
conquered enemy. AS for that. there is
nothing in our history that tends to show
that we shall be anything but generous.