Condon globe. (Condon, Gilliam Co., Or.) 189?-1919, 1898-04-21

| to wit, that the revolted state shall CON
stitute In fact body polite. having a
| government In substance as well as in
name. possessed of the elements OF sta
bility." and forming de facto III left to
| Itself state among the nations, rea-
sonably capable OF discharging the duties
OF state, has imposed for fits own gov
| ernance In dealing with cases like these.
the further condition that recognition OF
an Independent state is not due to a re-
yolted dependency until the danger OF
It's being again subjugated by the parent
state has entirely passed away" This ex-
treme test was, In fact, applied In the
| Gaze Of Texas.
The congress to whom President Jack
| son referred the question as one probably
leading TO war ana therefore an appropri-
| ate subject for previous understanding
| with that body by whom war can alone
be declared. and by whom all the provis-
ions for sustaining It's perils must be fur
nished, left the matter Of recognition Of
| Texas to the discretion OF the executive,
| providing merely for the sending OF dpio-
matte agents when the president should
be satisfied that the republic OF Texas had
become an independent state"
1t was so recognized by President Van
Buren. who commissioned charge daft
faires March T. 1897. after Mexico had
abandoned an attempt to conquer the
Texas territory. and then there was at the
Time no bona fide contest going on be-
tween the insurgent province and Its for
4 mer sovereign
Cuba Not Rightly n state.
| / said in my message Of December last:
1T is to be seriously considered whether
the Cuban government possesses beyond
| dispute the attributes of statehood, which
alone can demand the recognition OF bel
ligerency. In It's favor"
| The same requirement must certainly
1 be no less seriously considered when the
graver Issue Of recognizing independence
| Is in question, for no less positive test
can be applied TO the greater act than to
| the lesser, while on the other hand the
| influences and consequences Of the strug-
| gle depending upon the Internal policy of
the recognizing state, which form impor-
tant factors when the recognition OF bel
| ligerency Is concerned, are secondary IL
not rightly eliminable factors when the
| real question is whether the community
claiming recognition Is or 10 not independ-
ent beyond peradventure
Recognition Inexpedient.
| Nor from the standpoint Of expedience
do / think 1t would be wise or prudent
| for this government to recognize at the
present time the independence of the so
called Cuban republic. Such recognition
| Is not necessary in order to enable the
| United States to intervene and pacify the
\ island. To commit this country now to
| the recognition Of any particular govern
ment In Cuba might subject us to en-
barrassing conditions OF interest obliga-
| tion toward the organization SO recog-
nized. In case Of Intervention our con-
! duct will be subject to the approval or
disapproval Of such government. We
| would be required to submit to its direc-
ton and to assume to it the mere rela-
tlon OF a friendly ally. When it shall
appear hereafter that there is within
the island government capable of per-
| forming the duties and discharging the
functions OF a nation, and having. as
| matter OF fact, the proper forms and at
| tributes OF nationality, such government
can be promptly and readily recognized
and the relations and interests Of the
United States with such nation adjusted.
Possible Alternative.
There remain the alternative forms Of
| Intervention to end the war, each as an
impartial neutrality, by imposing a ra-
| tional compromise between the contest
ants or as the active ally OF the one party
or the other. AS to the first. It is not to
| be forgotten that during the last
| few months the attitude of the
United States has virtually been one
of friendly Intervention in many ways
| each not OF itself conclusive, but all tend
| ing to the exertion Of a potential inf1u-
| ence toward an ultimate pacific result,
| just and honorable to all interests con-
| cerned. The spirit of all our acts hither-
| to has been an earnest, unselhsh desire
| for peace and prosperity in Cuba, unfair
nished by differences between the United
| States and Spain and unstained by the
| blood of American citizens. The forcible
| Intervention of the United States as a neu-
| tral to stop the war according to the
large dictates of humanity and following
| the historical precedents wherein the
United States has interfered to check the
hopeless sacrifice of life by internecine
| conflicts beyond their borders, is justifi-
| able on national grounds. II involves
| however, hostile constraint upon both par
ties to the contest, as well as to enforce
a truce as to end the eventual settle
ment. The grounds for such Intervention
may be briefly summarized as follows;
| First-In the cause OF humanity and to
| put an end to the barbarities. bloodshed
| starvation and horrible miseries now ex-
| isting there and which the parties to the
| conflict are either unable or unwilling to
stop or mitigate. 1t is no answer to say
this is all In another country, belonging
| TO another nation, and is therefore none
| of our business. 1t is explicitly our duty,
foP~ss~.s right at our door.
| Second-We owe It to our citizens in
| Cuba to AFFORD them that protection and
indemnity for life and property which no
| government there can or will afford, and
| TO that end terminate the conditions that
| deprive them OF legal protection.
| Third-The right to intervene may be
| justified by the very serious injury to the
] commerce, trade and business OF our peo-
| Pile and by the wanton destruction of prop
| erty and devastation of the island.
| Fourth-And which Is Of foremost i'm
portance. the condition of affairs In Cuba
| Is a constant menace to our peace. and
entails upon this government enormous ex-
| pense. With such a conflict waged for
years in anisland so near us and with which
our people have such trade and business
| relations-when the lives and liberty OF
| our citizens are In constant danger. their
property destroyed and themselves ruined
when our trading vessels are liable to selz-
| ure and are seized at our very door by war
| ships of foreign nation, the expeditions
1 OF fllibustering that we are poweriess to
| prevent altogether, and the irritating ques-
| tions and entanglements thus arising-all
these and others are a constant menace to
! our peace and tend TO keep us on a war
footing with that nation with which we are
| at peace.
| The Maine Incident.
These elements of danger and disorder
| already pointed out have been strikingly
| Illustrated by a tragic event which has
deeply and justly moved the American
people: have already transmitted to con-
gress the report Of the naval court OF in
| n,,irx, nv, fha Aastrurtion NJ tina haffta uhir,