New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1898-10-30

ment which protected their interests from eX-
ternal aggression as the indispensable part OF
the system, while they would neglect the Local
governments as something which they could do
without. But. and this was the second step IN
tire process. there must he those 10 whom the
idea Of loose confederacy and Of state SOW
ereignty would strongly appeal, and the united
effort of these to resist the progress OF cenlrel
cation would bring on a crisis, for which the
Constitution itself presented many opportuni-
ties, being, as ii was, n compromise among con-
nicting interests and opinions If this Gov
eminent" he adds, had been organized over
one State with a moderate extent Of territory
its natural progress. through the Senate. would
be to aris.ocracy. But as it is | am inclined
to believe that. although in its operation it may
bear that tone, yet when it becomes convused
and experiences q change, it will hold n diner
emf direction Even the construction Of thai
branch In its operation will contribute to hurry
il into monarchy and our earnest hopes and
prayers should be- every circumstance consid
cred that il be a limited one Plainly Mon
roe Democrat as he was did not consider q
monarchy. if it could be restricted. a serious
calamity He thought it bound to be the result
of constitutional development and, like Jefier-
son he strenuously favored those checks and
guards. omitted at present from neglect and
an ovar-confdencc of our security. but which
il is possible if the present opportunity is lost
we nav contend for hereafter in vain. III We
look back over the Constitution making botr
State and National. from Monroes Tune do"r
20 the last amendments Of the Constitution OF
the United States we shall see that questions
pertaining to bills Of rights have been OF the
ha
has this phase of political evolution been thai
il has produced Il state Of things IN when Il
would not profit any one to set up monarchy
in the United States, even il all the people Id
vorcd tho plan. To put it in the most vulgar
form there would he no money IN IT, lhlS re
s,,lt ie due 70 the minuteness with which indl
vidualism and individual rights nave pee'
worked into the legal system OF the "hoie VA
ton and of all its parts. The present 'e"u'"
cies to socialism AMI paternal government may
undo all this and then undoubtedly Monroe
whole prediction Will De fulfilled To the letter
without the limitation for which he hoped AM
prayed.
Aside from the teaching u: Jcfirrs"'l' So'
rces personal tendency to a thorough >"''o"
aIism was confirmed by his lifelong srusS'e ''
the rights If the pioneers IN the Mississippi "i
lev. His dislike for the Federalst party AM
his special luminosity To jay were sharPeheu u
an edge by the feeling that Western r'Bhls "n1
prospects were continually on the p"'hI Oh oe'il4
sacrificed Jays negotiations WIFE the Hpdhidi'
Gardoou were a source of dep irritation u
Monroe through much of the pcrlod covered ~
the volume in hand. The argument which l.
historically valid. that Jay was getting the mos
that he could from the cunnlnS dlplomacS VI
the Old World in view of the weakness ahu
poverty of the New. had no effect upon Monroe
He held that a treaty which failed 10 confer
certain indispensable benefits was merely
losing bargain and should not be signed bet-
ter no treaty than one without advantages
particular Monroe opposed with all his strehg -
the concession which Jay was willing 10 MAKE
that the Mississippi River should be closed u
the trade of the Western Americans Tor p'riou
of thirty years. This would end, he thought III
the loss of the whole country and its population
west Of the Allegheny Mountains. Moreover
the prejudice against the West, OF when thiS
proposed concession was only one of the signs
must end he thought, in the disruption OF the
Atlantic Confederdcy. The threats OF secession
on the part OF the Eastern states were ire
uuently alluded to in his letters. He attributed
the scparatist feeling mainly 10 the affection i"r
England but his opinion on this point Is OH
set by his own excessive fondness for France
Whether he was right wrong as to the mo-
tives of others matters little. He was certainly
right in the instructive feeling he had that open
trade and a fair field in the Mississippi Valley
were indispensable to the future of the United
States The original colonies could not have
been held together without the possession OF
the country behind them. If the Western set
tiers had given their allegiance to any European