New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1898-05-16

One OF tie most Interesting features Of this
book Is its treatment OF the Presidency Of
France. In education. in sociology. and IN mary
other fields France presents aspects similar to
those Of other nations. The relations OF
her Cabinet Ministers TO the Parliament seem
like those characteristic OF England. But her
President Is a unique figure The President or
the United States is chosen ostensby by a
specific body OF delegates, though really In
later times by the people organized IN States.
But the President OF France is chosen by the
same body which enacts the laws OF the nation.
He Is a creation of the legislative branch OF
tho Government He is liable to Rave the duty
Of resignation forced upon him in case Of an
irremediable dispute between himself and the
Legislature. or in times OF great popular dis
content. He cannot keep his Cabinet In the
face Of an adverse vote and his own views Of
his task as the head Of the State are subject to
indefinite variation according TO his personality.
He can dffuse himself over all the departments
OF tho Executive until he becomes as oNicious
Louis XIV. or he can keep his hands In his
pockets like Louis XIV. One limitation is abso-
lutte. He must b. more respectable than either
Of those kings. Under these circumstances the
character of the men who have successfully
occupied the Presidential chair since the forma-
ton Of the Third Republic has been the most
importsnt factor in the evolution Of the office
They have all been men OF marked and very
diverse traits and their fate in the hands Of
the populace has not been at all uniform; but
they have all contributed something to the
permanent figure of the President of France as
apart from, the changing personality Of those
who bear the name.
The Third Republic was like a living organism
that has grown up within the shell Of another
Ind OF Ouf Ri IN All
moment. there was no sign of 1t. The structure
seemed the same that it had been for years.
To those who could look deeper than mere
ternals there yet no sign of a republic as
such men anticipated according to their indi
vidual preferences on empire which was about
to cast the old slough Of absolutism and come
forth sleek and sinuous embodiment of liberal
ideas. or royalty which would gladly limit IT.
self by constitutional forms. socialism
which would be for the good Of all. or an
anarchy which would restore the golden age:
but they did not see that their varying political
ideals were only aspects of what actually stood
ready to be revealed. The Common-sense OF the
French nation only partially displayed In
the preferences Of the various factions, but It
underlay them all. 1t destined to bring TO
focus the most antagonistic forces Of French
political life. and to make them sustain an ideal
which was all the more potent because, like a
living germ II showed only by degrees what It
was TO be. This common sense, while It tolerated
oil theories and all anticipations was no longer
the dupe OF impractical les and Missionaries. 1t
no longer expected to accomplish everything in
q moment. But above all. it knew where 10 be-
gin Not merely the statesmen who had direct
experience in government but all deliberate
men were agreed in wishing for what could be
put in practice and nothing else. Europe was
looking with malice in some quarters. and
1ncreduous anxiety everywhere else. Between
violent enthusiasts one side and scoffing
bouevarders on the other. 1t was necessary to
begin slowly. Without reference to the gradual
unfolding Of the parliamentary system from
the sngl. chamber which favored by the
earliest French Republicans century ago. the
Presidency began very nearly where Louis
Philippe left off. NJ. Theirs as Minister to that
King had inculcated the maxim that the mon
arch reigns out does not govern. As first Presi-
dent Of the Third Republic. he does not seem to
have let this maxim interfere with his procedure
1t is said that only two executive departments
escaped his direct OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES of JUS
tice because 1t not good 10 interfere with
the Minister in that Department; and that OF
Education and Religion. because he per-
haps obliged to acknowledge that he not
the Interior and the Minister of Finance daily
Re lodged the Minister of Foreign Affairs In his
own house; he paid attention so minute to the
War Administration that his military knowledge
became a subject of witticism.
In NJ. Coubertins review % the circumstances
this diffusive tendency the part of NJ. Theirs
seems to have been rather beneficial than other
wise. The nation had become accustomed in
the past to looking for Of destiny. Des-
tiny for once instead Of giving them an auto
crat had granted them Inspector general
Before people found out the difference they had
overwhelmed this devoted man with appeals for
measures Of preservation. They lad made him
responsible TO the country in so large a way
that his threat Of resignation was for a time
irresistible. Thus he would have been obliged,
even had his temperament been other than 1t
was TO supervise the whole machinery OF gov
eminent In doing so he unconsciously taught
his ccuntrymen that they asked too much Of
their President. They began TO demand minis
terial responsibility. and France It's
Cabinets shift. at first with dread then with
calmness. The monarchsts who had refused to
aid the Government found that 1t could get
along without them. The provisional Republic
became defnitve one. Finally NJ. Theirs dis
covered that the nation had outgrown his
tutelage. He resigned. and for the first time
stree Louis XVIII the temporary holder OF the
sovereignty was superseded without disorder.
NJ. TIMERS was bowed out Marshal MacMahon
was ushcred in. and the people stood amazed at
their own sedatcness. They did not yet realize
that NJ. Theirs had uttered the earnest thought
of all when he said that the Republic would
be nothing II not conservative. Theirs himself
did not stand for this conservatism. But 1t was
supposed that Marshal MacMakor would be
conservative in the extreme sense. that his cleo
ton meant the repression OF liberal ideas. Mon
erchists congratulated themselves with the
thought that the Republic would now cease to
develop But people in general reasoned that
good soldier. who understood the duty of obedi-
ence 10 the nation would OF have accepted the