The commonwealth. (Scotland Neck, N.C.) 1896-1929, 1898-04-14
THE PSESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

L00 expected messdS0 A"oAiuoy'
cannot give it in full, but we give parts
of it. After reviewing the situation by
detailing facts about the war In Cuba,
and giving authorities and expressions
of Jackson, Grant, Cleveland and others,
together with his own utterances in
former messages, he wrote as follows
about the present situation:
said in my message Of December
last: sit is to be seriously considered
whether the Cuban lnsurrection posses
ses beyond dispute the attributes OF
statehood, which alone can demand the
recognition OF beliigerency in its favor u
The same requirement must certainly
be no less seriously considered when the
grayer issue of recognizing independ-
ence is in question, for no less positive
test can be applied to the greater act
than to the lesser, while on the other
hand the influences and consequences
OF the struggle upon the internal policy
of the recognizing State, which form
important factors, when the recognition
of beIligerency is concerned, are second
airy If not rightly eliminable factors,
when the real question Is whether the
community claiming recognition is OF
Is not Independent beyond peradven-
ture.
Nor from the standpoint OF expedi-
ence do I think it would be wise or
prudent for this government to recog-
nize at the present time the lndepend-
ence of the so-called Cuban republic.
Such recognition is not necessary in
order to enable the United States to
intervene aud pacify tie island. TO
commit this country now to the recog-
milton of any particular government IN
Cuba, might subject US to mbarrass-
ing conditions of international obliga-
tion towards the organization so recog-
nized. In case Of intervention, our
conuuct would be subject to the ap-
prevail or dlsapproyal of such govern
to its direction, and to assume to it the
mere relation of friendly ally. When
1t shall appear hereafter that there IS
within the island a government capable
of performing the duties and discharg-
ing the functions of a separate nation,
and having as matter OF fact the
proper forms and attributes of national
ity, such government can be promptly
and readily recognized, and the reIa-
tons and interests of the United States
with such nation adjusted.
There remain the alternative forms
of Intervention to end the war, either
as an impartial neutral by imposing a
rational com promise between the con-
testants, or as the active ally of the one
party or the other.
AS to the first, it is not to be forgot
ten that during the last few months,
the relation of the United States has
virtually been one of friendly interven-
ton in many ways, each not of Itself
conclusive, but all tending to the exer-
ton of potential influence toward an
ultimate pacific result just and honora-
bic to all interests concerned. The
spirit OF all our acts hitherto has been
an earnest, unseitish desire tor peace
and prosperity in Cuba, untarnished by
differences between us and Spain and
unstained by the blood of American
citizens.
The forcible intervention of the Uni
ted States as a neutral, to stop the war,
according to the large dictates of hui
mainly and following many historical
precedents where neighboring States
have interferred to check the hopeless
sacrifices of life by internecine conflicts
beyond their borders is justifahle On
II
constralnt upon both the parties to the
contest. as well to enforce a truce as to
guide the eventual settlement.
GROUNDS FOR INTERVENTION.
The grounds for Intervention may be
briefly summarized as follows:
First-In the cause of humanity and
to put an end to the barbaritles, blood
shed, starvation and horrible miseries
now existing here, and which the par
ties to the conflict are unwilling to
stop or mitigate. 1t is no answer to
longing to another nation, and is there
fore none of our business. It is special
ly our duty tor it is right at our door
Second-We owe it to our citizens In
Cuba to afford them that protection
and indemnity for life and property
which no government there can or Will
afford, and to that end to terminate
the conditions that deprive them OF
legal protection.
Thlrd-The right to intervene may
be justified by the very serious injury
to the commerce, trade and business OF
our people and by the wanton destruc-
ton of property and devastation of the
island.
Fourth-And which is OF the utmost
Importance. The present condition of
affairs in Cuba IS constant menace to
our peace and entails upon this govern
ment an enormous expense. With such
a conflict waged for years in an island
SO near us and with which our people
have such trade and business relations
when the lives and liberty of our cit
liens are in constant danger and their
property destroyed and themselves
ruIned-where our trading vessels are
liable to seizure and are seized at our
very door, by war ships of foreign ma
tlon, the expeditions of fiIibustering
that We are powerless TO prevent alto
gether, and the irritating questsons and
entanglements thus arislng-all these
and others that I need not mention.