Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1898-12-01
THOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD.
london coptem,porary Kevlew.

l
1t is difficult, even under the most
favorable circumstances, to make an
adequate estimate of the character of a
man whose long public career has just
been closed by death. Many Of the
elements entering into it have been
obscured by time, or lost sight of in
the COMPETITIONS of our restless life;
besides, there are so many unrevealed
quantities that it is by no means easy
to fix the amount or value of the work
he has done for his time, or his prob
able place in history. These difficulties
are enhanced when it is a close per-
sonal friend of many years about whom
one must write. Nor is the task made
easier when, as in Mr.. Bayard's case,
the character is a type which has
almost entirely passed out of the
public life OF modern countries.
shallnot deal with dates or events |
except so far as they may grow out OF |
my theme, which is the character of |
the man rather than the successive
steps by which 1t was either developed
or shown. Mr.. Bayard's position before
the American public was absolutely
unique. In the BEST and highest sense,
it was an inheritance not only of
qualities, but of place; and yet it was
not fixed by the law Of primogeniture,
nor won in war and conflict. The fact
that his great grandfather, his grand
father, his father, his uncle, and him
self saw service in the United States
Senate from the three counties which
constitute the little State of Delaware
is no doubt an interesting fact. 1t is
still more interesting to know that not
one of them was preferred for any
other reason except recognised fitness.
Mr.. Bayard, then, during the whole of
his public career was sure of his stand
ing. He had no personal or party con-
tests to weaken or break his influence,
to waste his time, to sour his temper,
or to disturb his peace of mind He
was not forced to turn himself into an
Office broker, or to be an errand boy
for all the petty ambitions of his State.
He was not compelled to master the
tactics of party organisation, and thus
to make himself drill-master rather
than statesman. Nor was he obliged
either to become a boss himself or to
take orders from some man who had
achieved this position. Having no
Intermediates between himself and
the people he represented, he was able
to devote himself without question to
the public service, whose boundaries
according to his interpretation-were
coterminous with the public interest.
Until he had passed 40, Mr.. Bayard
devoted himself almost wholly to his
profession. His knowledge of the law
had been laid upon deep and sure
foundations. He did not stop, as many
public men do nowadays, when he had
acquired merely enough of theory to
enter upon the practice. In this, as
in all things, he insisted upon going
to the bottom. The work of the first
offices he held was purely professional,
in no sense political They pertained
to his own little Delaware which, as
one Of the border States, was as nearly
as possible half slave and half free.
This geographical position, combined
with his incapacity to take extreme
views. made him at all times sincere,
patriotic friend of the Union, the ad-
yocate of constitutional measures, and
the opponent of the drastic methods
reserted to on both sides
He recognised more clearly than
most of his contemporaries, what
problems must follow the abolition Of
slavery by violence. The dominance OF
commercialism in. politics; the Ger
tainty of riot and corruption in the
conquered States, and the resulting
Decentralization in all; the hardening
effect of passion and division, the SLOW
growth toward real unity, and Their
effect upon both conqueror and con
quered; the perils inseparable from
unsettled financial conditions-all thes,
appealed with peculiar force to tn,
thoughtful and truly conservative maj
who stood on the threshold of grea
responsibilities. This long period o
careful preparation had a decide,
effect upon his public career.
accumulated the seriousness with whicl
he entered upon the work before him
and SO increased his sense of duty a
to keep him in public life long afte
interest and inclination had made re
tirement desirable.
When Mr.. Bayard entered the Unite
States Senate in 1869 his party was a
insignificant minority in that body.
Civil War to give the American peopl
some real conception of the problem
which that contest had created {
brought into prominence. Passion ra
high: bigotry easily degenerated int
prescription, and patriotism was sui
jected to SO much abuse that D.
Johnson's biting epigram was often
true description. In spite of this, M
Bayard soon made his influence felt
the Federal counsels and in I'll
country. He never wavered in h
attempt to overcome the mario
sectional feeling which, for many yea
after the war had come to an end, W;
its most prominent heritage. He d
this by resolute insistence that Ia
must be dominant in every part of Il
country. He and his associates tot
part with rare ability, courage, al
prudence in all debates relating to ii
States recently in insurrection.
these gradually recovered their 5tatu
the little band received accession
Aided by change in public sentime
in many other States, they were so I
cruited that, in IL years after N
Bayard's entrance into the Senate,
was elected president Of the body
which when he entered it he had be
one of an insignificant and powerlt
minority. ,
1t was not only the bitterness
parties and sections that ran ri
during this period. 1t was acco
panied by the rankest kind of here
on financial questions. Current
coinage, and banking were then lit
understood. In every State of [
Union men in both political parti
recognised rs leaders, permitted the
selves to be drawn into advocacy of I
notion that paper was money IT.
"a was succeeded by devotion to dilu
coinage. Mr.. Bayard resisted tn
tendencies with energy, intelligen
and persistence. From the beginni
and at all times, in season or out
season, whether as Senator, Secret