The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1898-01-27
England and China.

In view of the declarations lately made by
representatives of the Salisbury Govern
q ment, there is no doubt that Great Britain
will resist the concession by China of ex-
: elusive privileges to any one European
power. This means that neither the Ger
mans at Kiao Chou nor the Russians at
Port Arthur will be recognized as possess
ing any rights which may not be exercised
as freely by British subjects. Do the
declarations portend war;
It may be said that, IL the Germans make
Kiao Chou a free port, similar in it's com.
mercial regulations to Hong Kong, and If
Russia pursues a similar course at Port
Arthur, England will have no just ground
of complaint. According to n telegram
from Berlin, it is on such terms that the
German Government now proposes to &C.
cur Kiao Chou. But what guarantee has
England that the Emperor WILLIAM might
not change his mind after that place had
been converted into a naval stronghold
1t is certain that the Kaiser's concep-
tion of a ~colonia dependency is not
framed upon the Hong Kong pattern. In
the eyes of Germans, a colony in
which they were to have no special priv
ileRes and opportunities would be no colony
at ALL, What was hoped for at Kiao Chou
was the eventual acquisition of a monopoly
Of trade in an important section of the
Middle Kingdom. That the place seized
was intended to be made the basis of a
Hinterland, or sphere of influence, confer
minous with the whole of S%han-tung, is
evident from the fact that the right to
build railways and work mines in that
province was applied for Immediately. We
do not hear that these projects are given
up, but 1t IL unlikely that the interior of
6hnn-tung will be opened to trade by
German capital If the greater part of
the exports and imports are to fall
into English hands at the port of entry, rs
IL the case at other treaty ports. But, diff
cult - 1t Is to reconcile the original pur-
poses OF Germany with England's per-
/. emptory declaration against exclusive
privileges, some compromise seems to have
been agreed upon. for Germany's repre-
sentative at Pekin does not appear to be
supporting the opposition of Russia and
France to the conditions proposed by Great
Britain in connection with the offered loan.
It will be recalled that the condition to
which Russia particularly objects is the
opening Of Talienwan as a treaty port, be-
cause this place, lying Immediately north
Of Port Arthur, would m a railway
connecting that naval fortress with the
Trans-Siberia line. Equally unacceptable
70 the Gear must be the assertion made by
spokesmen of the British Government that
England will not tolerate the concession of
special privileges to any one foreign coun-
try, or the establishment of spheres of In.
finence in China. If Russia cannot have
exclusive control of Port Arthur as a WIN.
ter station for her Pacific fleet, she does
not want 1t at all, and would rather
take her chance of obtaining a suitable
hArbor In Corea. Irreconcilable, more.
over, with England's declaration against
spheres of influence, is the treaty concluded
not long ago whereby Russia obtained
from China the right to build a branch
Of the Siberia Railway through Man.
churia to the sea, and to operate and pro-
tsct 1t. The obvious effect of the conces.
sion would be to transform Manchuria
Into q Russian Hinterland. England is
not known to have protested against this
agreement at the time, but she is evidently
protesting now, for Manchuria is as much
apart ofthe Chinese Empire as Is the prov
ipce OF Shan-tung.
When Great Britain says that no other
foreign power shall obtain privileges in
China which are not to be enjoyed on equal
= terms by British subjects, and bases this
assertion upon treaties which contain the
mosbaeypEed clause. abe practically asserts