Pullman herald. [volume] (Pullman, W.T. [Wash.]) 1888-1989, 1898-04-16

ion. safety is to be found In a rigid adher-
ence 10 principles. In the contest be-
tween Spain and the revolving colonies we
stood aloof and waited not only until the
ability Of the new states to protect them
selves was fully established but until
danger of their being again subjugateo
had entirely passed away. Then and not
until then, were they recognized.
such was our course in regard 10 Mex
leo herself 1t is true that with regard
to Texas. the civil authorities of Mexico
had been expelled, its invading army de-
feated the chief of the republic himself
captured and all present power to control
the newly organized government of Tex
as annihilated within it's confinement. But
on the other hand, there is, in appearance
at least, an immense disparity of physical
force on the side Of Texas. The Mexican
republic under an ally is gathering it's
forces under a new leader and menacing
a fresh invasion to recover its lost do
main.
Upon the issue of this threatened in
vfsion tn, independence of Texas may be
considered as suspended and were there
nothing peculiar in the situation of the
United States and Texas our acknowledge
ment Of It's independence at such crisis
could scarcely be regarded as consistent
with that prudent reserve with which we
have hitherto held ourselves bound to
treat all similar questions.
Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded
to consider the risk that there might be
imputed to the United States motives of
selfish interests in view of the former
claim on our part to the territory of Tex
as and of the avowed purpose of the
Texans in seeking recognition of indie
pendence as an incident to the incorpora-
ton of Texas in the Union, concluding
thus:
President JncI<son's Conclusions.
prudence, therefore, seems to dictate
that we should stand aloof and maintain
our present attitude, if not until Mexico
itself or one of the great powers shall
recognize the Independence of the new
government, at least until the lapse of
time or the course of events shall have
proved, beyond Cavil or dispute, the abil-
ity of that country to maintain separate
sovereignty and to uphold the govern
ment constituted by them. Neither of the
contending parties can justly complain
OF this course. BY pursuing it We are
but carrying out the long established pol
icy of our government, policy Whicd
has secured to US respect and influence
abroad and inspired confidence a home. ~
These are the words of Andrew Jack
son. They are evidence that the United
States, in addition to the test imposed by
public law as the condition of the recog-
to-wit: That the revolted state shall
constitute in fact a body polite, having
a government in substance as we'll as in
name. possessed Of the elements of sta
bility," and forming de facto, IF left to
itself, a state among the nations, reason
ably capable of discharging the duties OF
a state" has imposed for its own govern
ance in dealing with cases like these, the
further condition that recognition of in
dependent statehood is not due to a re-
VOTED dependency until the danger of its
being again subjugated by. its parent
state has entirely passed away"
This extreme test was in fact applied
in the case of Texas. The congress to
whom President Jackson referred the
question as "one probably leading to war;
and therefore a proper subject for prev
ious understanding with that body, by
whom war can alone be declared and by
whom all the provisions for sustaining
it's perns must be furnished, left the mat
ter of recognition of Texas to the dis
erection of the executive providing mere
ly for the sending of a diplomatic agent
when the president should be satisfied
that the republic of Texas had become
IAN independent state"
Van Buren's Position.
1t was so recognized by President Van
Buren, who commissioned charge d af-
flares, March T, 1897, after Mexico had
abandoned an attempt TO conquer the
Texas territory and when there was at
the time no bona fide contest going on
between the insurgent province and its
former sovereign.
| said in my message of December last:
1T is to be seriously considered whether
the Cuban Instruction possesses beyond
dispute the attributes of statehood which
alone can demand the recognition of bel
ligerency in les favor"
The same requirement must be no less
seriously considered when the grayer is
sue of recognizing independence is in
question, for no less positive test can be
applied to the greater act than to the
lesser, while on the other hand the in
fluence and consequences of the struggle
upon the international policy of the rec
ognizing states, which form important
factors when the recognition of belliger-
ency is concerned, are secondary if not
rightly eliminabe factors when the COM
munity claiming recognition is not indie
pendent beyond peradYenture.
Nor from the standpoint OF experience
do | think it would be wise or prudent
for this government to recognize. at the
present time, the Independence of the So
called Cuban republic. such recognition
is not necessary in order to enable the
United States to intervene and pacify the
island To commit this country now to
the recognition of any particular govern
ment in Cuba might subject us to emDar-
RAISING conditions Of International obi
cation toward the organization 50 recog-
nized. In case of intervention our CON
duct will be subject to the approval or
disapproval of such government. We
would be required TO submit to its direc-
ton and to assume TO it the mere relation
Of a friendly ally.
When it shall appear thereafter that
there is within the island government
capable of performing the duties and dis
charging the func tions of a nation and
having as a matter of fact the proper
forms and attributes of nationality such
government can be promptly and readily
recognized and the relations and inter
ests of the United States with such ma
ton adjusted