The record-union., 1898-02-01


pose a Cuban belligerency amendment.
To this suggestion Speaker Reed re-
torted CURLY that ii would not be in or
der, and when De Almond appealed to
him not to decide the question hastily.
the Speaker exclaimed: TT is not in or.
der to play for argument
During this colloquy there We're evil
dences of disturbances and excitement
on the Republican side, of which john
son R.) of Indiana was the center. At
last Johnson insisted upon asking a
question of Henderson. He wanted to
know with emphasis if it was true that
ali the time was to be consumed by the
members of the Ways and Means Com
mittee.
There is no such proposition" called
out Dalzell (R) of Pennsylvania.
Johnson did not subside, and contin-
ued to protest, declaring Loudly that he
antagoniZed the rule, if such was the
intention. He had wordy war with
Dingley, but in a tone that could not
be heard in the confusion.
The Speaker cut off further incident
by putting the question. and the rule
was adopted-143 to 115-the Demo-
call.
There followed a controversy over the
division of time.
To suggestions that time should be
divided between Democrats, Populists
and Republicans, Dingley retorted; Il
was not aware that there was any dis
tinction between the Populists and
Democrats as at present constituted -
He said time would be equally di-
vided between those for and against the
resolution.
Dingley then opened the debate in
opposition to the resolution. The pend
ing resolution, he said, was not one
which, if passed by both Houses, would
have force. If passed. it would be
only an expression Of the two Houses.
Its Importance, therefore" continued
Dingley, lies in the fact that If con-
CURED in by the House it would legiti-
mately and inevitably be regarded not
only here, but by the world, as the ex-
preston of the deliberate majority of
the American people as to their STAN
dard of honor of good faith in the dis
charge not only of national but also of
private obligations.
This resolution is presented for the
purpose of securing an expression by
Congress as to the power of the Gov
eminent either as to the payment of its
obligations. or as to what may be de-
clared legal tender. No one denies that
this or any other nation has the pow
er to pay in gold or silver, or paper or
copper, according to their pleasure.
Payment cannot be enforced against a
GOV ~nfr -t.T
measured by its own sense of honor
and good faith. The intelligent selfish
ness of a nation which is to live not
simply for a generation but for centu-
ries ought to lead it-and whenever a
nation is wisely governed does lead it
to scrupulously maintain its pledges in
both letter and spirit as to preserve its
credit unt2rnished, and thereby not
only make it possible to borrow at the
lowest rate of interest, but also to make
it easy TO obtain loans in exigencies
which are sooner or later to come to
every nation
Honor and credit are it's title deed
to permanence and prosperity. The
dishonor of the pending resolution is N
its tail, and that sting, we'll nigh harm
less twenty years ago, under conditions
then existing. is made doubly harm :
full by the conditions of to-day. The
detail of this resolution is as follows:
That TO restore to its coinage such
silver coins as a legal tender in the
payment Of said bonds (meaning prac-
ticaily all the, bonds of the United
States now outstanding is not in VIC
lation Of the public faith, nor in dero-
Ol of lc ic,ht &c
itor'
The declarations of the movers and
supporters of this resolution in the Sem
ate during its recent consideration IN
that body throw a flood OF light on what
is meant now by the craze to restore 10
its coinage such silver coins, phase
which. in 1873. was with good reason
interpreted by many who supported a
similar resolutionS,to mean something
vitally different from what il must
mean now.
This brings me-" proceeded Dingley,
ito the consideration of the vital cues
ton as to whether the Government has
the moral right; in other words. wheth-
er ii would be an act which the moral
sense of the world would regard as in
accordance with honor and good faith
for the United States to pay it's out
standing bonded Indebtedness in dol
lars Of so materially less value than the
dollar which has been the practical
standard Of value since 1884. barring
the war and reconstruction period. and
which has been the legal and practical
standard Of value since 1879, and the
dollar in which our bonded Indebtedness
htrc far Nv
administration from Lincoln to McKin-
ley. to wit: The dollar equal In value
TO 25.S grains of standard gold. Zap
plause)
Bear in mind that we are discussing
this question from the point of honor
and good faith. and not from the point
of power or technical legal rights, for
| have already said that the Govern
nlent can do as it pleases. More than
three fourths Of the outstanding bonds
We're. as matter of fact, issued and
sold after 1878, when the silver dollar
was dropped from the list of coins
Now. in view of these facts. would
1t be good faith for Congress, now that
silver has so greatly deprecated, to re-
store its free and unlimited coinage at
the ratio Of 16 to ! by this country
alone when the market ratio is SO To
|, and then use such dollars to pay the
bonds which we had sold for gold under
such circumstances? / do not think
1t would / fear that many Of you are
resting on the expectation which you
have that nothing Of this kind will be
done, and are excusing your vote for II
on the unworthy idea that you are
playing politics
If so, ] beg of you not TO trifle with
the honor and good faith of the nation
for any such miserable end: for rest
assured such an expression of opinion