The Monmouth inquirer., 1898-04-14

9rDmenb were UOtH ID VHe tUrlu Ol 4 Ito'
memoranda, the texts OF which are before
me, and are substantially in the language
above given. The function of the Cuban
parliament in the matter of preparing
peace and the manner of its doing so are
not expressed in the Spanish memoran-
dun, but from General Woodfords ex-
planatory reports of preliminary discus
sions preceding the final conference it is
understood that the Spanish government
stands ready TO give the insular congress
full powers to settle the terms of peace
with the insurgents whether by direct ne
gotiation or indirectly by means of legis-
lation does not appear.
With this last overture in the direction
of Immediate peace and its disappointing
reception by Spain, the executive was
brought to the end of his effort
In my annual message OF December last
said:
"Of the untried measures there remain
only Recognition of the insurgents as
belligerents; recognition of the independ
ence Of Cuba; neutral intervention to end
the war by imposing a rational compro,
mise between the contestants, and inter
vention in favor Of one or the other party
| speak not OF forcible annexation for
that cannot be thought of. That, by our
code of morality, would be criminal ag
gression.
Thereupon reviewed these alternatives,
in the light Of President Grant measured
words, uttered in 1875, when after seven
years Of sanguinary, destructive and cruel
hostilities in Cuba he reached the conclu-
sion that the recognition of independence
Of Cuba was impracticable and indefensi-
Bile, and that the recognition Of belliger-
ence was not warranted by the facts ao-
cording to the tests Of public law. com
mented especially upon the latter aspect
of the question, pointing out the incon
veniences and positive dangers of recog-
milton of belligerence which, while adding
to the already onerous burdens of neutral
ity within our own Jurisdiction, could not
in any way extend our influence or effect
i've offices in the territory of hostilities
Nothing has since occurred to change my
view in this regard, and / recognize as
fully now as then that the issuance of a
proclamation of neutrality, by which
process the SO called recognition OF bellig
erence is published, could OF itself and un
attended by other action accomplish moth
ing toward the one end for which we la
bor-the instant pacification of Cuba and
the cessation of the misery that affiicts the
island
Turning 30 the question of recognizing
at this time the Independence Of the pres
ent insurgent government In Cuba we
find safe precedents in our history from
an early day They are well summed up
In President Jackson's message 60 con
gress Dec. al, 1885. on the subject OF the
recognition of the independence of Texas
He said;
I'm all the contests that have arisen out
Of the revolutions OF France. out of the
disputes relating tc the crowns of Portu-
gal and Spain out of the separation of
the American possessions OF both from the
European governments and out of the
numerous and constantly occurring strug-
giles for dominion in Spanish America, SC
wisely consistent with cur just principles
has been the action of our government
that we have under the most critical cir
eumstances avoided all censure and en-
counteIed NO other evil than that produced
by transient estrangement of good will
in those against whom we have been by
force of evidence compelled to decide.
''It has thus been made known to the
world that the uniform policy and practice
of the United States Is to avoid all interfer-
ence in disputes which merely relate to
the internal government of other nations
and eventually to recognize the authority
of the prevailing party without reference
to our particular interests and views or to
the merits of the original controversy
"But on this, as on every other trying
occasion, safety Is TO be found in rigid
adherence TO principle.
.'In the contest between Spain and the
reyolted colonies we stood aloof and wait
ed not only until the ability of the new
states to protect themselves was fully es-
tablished, but until the danger of their be-
ing again subiugated had entirely passed
away. Then and not until then were they
recognized. Such was our course in re
gard to Mexico herself. ***
s'It is true that with regard to Texas
the civil authority of Mexico has been ex-
pelled, it's invading army defeated, the
chief of the republic himself captured and
all present power to control the newly or
ganized government of Texas annihilated
within its confines But, on the other
hand, there is, in appearance at least, an
immense disparity of physical force on the
side of Texas. The Mexican republic an
der another executive Is rallying its
forces under a new leader and menacing a
fresh invasion to recover its lost dominion
upon the issue of this threatened inva
sion the independence of Texas may be
considered as suspended. and were there
nothing peculiar in the relative situation
of the United States and Texas our &C
acknowledgement of its independence at such
crisis could scarcely be regarded as con-
sistent with that prudent reserve with
which we have hitherto held ourselves
bound to treat all similar questions.
Thereupon Andrew jackson proceeded
to consider the risk that there might be
imputed to the United States motives of
selfish interest in view of the former claim
on our part to the territory of Texas and
of the ayowed purpose of the Texans in
seeking recognition of independence as an
incident to the Incorporation of Texas in
the Union, concluding thus
Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate
that we should still stand aloof and main
tain our present attitude, if not until
Mexico itself or one of the great foreign
powers shall recognize the independence
of the new government at least until the
lapse of time or the course of events shall
have nroved heyond cavil mr. disnute the