The Beaver herald. [volume] (Beaver, O.T. [Okla.]) 1895-1923, 1898-04-21


In the situation Of the United States and Texas,
our acknowledgment Of its independence at
such crisis could scarcely be regarded
consistent with that prudent reserve with
which we have hitherto held ourselves bound
to treat all similar questions"
Thcreupon Andrew jackson proceeded to con-
slider the risk that there might be imputed to
the United States motives OF selfish interests
In view Of the former claim on our part OF the
territory OF Texas and Of the avowed purpose
Of the Texans In seeking recognition OF inde-
pendence as an incident to the incorporation of
Texas in the union. concluding thus:
Prudence therefore. seems to dictate
that we should still stand aloof
and maintain our present attitude. IL
not until Mexico itself or one of the great for
eign powers shall recognize the independence
OF the new government, at least until the lapse
OF time or the course Of events shall have
proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability Of
the people OF that country TO maintain their
separate sovereignty and TO uphold the govern
mcnt constituted by them Neither OF the con-
tending parties can Justly complain of this
course BY pursuing It. we are but CARRYING
out the long-estabished policy Of our govern
ment policy which has secured respect and
influence abroad and inspired confidence at
home"
These are the words Of the resolute and
patriotic jackson. They are evidence that the
United States in addition to the test imposed
u
tion OF independence by n neutral state to- wit
that the revolted state shall constitute in fact
body polite. having a government In sub
stance as well as In name. possessed OF the ele-
ments of stability" and forming de facto. IF
left to itself, state among the nations, rea-
sorably capable of dischargng the duties of a
state)" has imposed for It's own governance IN
dealing with cases like these. the further con-
dition that recognition of independent state
hood is not due to a revolted dependency until
the danger OF its being again subiugated by the
parent state has entirely passed away.
said in my message of December last: ut
is to be seriously considered whether the Gu
ban insurrection possesses beyond dispute the
attributes OF statehood. which alone can de-
mand the recognition of belligerency in its
favor" The same requirement must certainly
be no less seriously considered when the
graver issue of recognizing independence is in
question, for no less positive test can be ap-.
piled to the greater act than TO the lesser,
while on the other hand the influences and
consequences OF the struggle upon the internal
policy OF the recognizing state. which form i'm
portant factors when the recognition of bellig-
erency is concerned, are secondary, IL not
rightly eliminabe factors when the real Ques-
tion is whether the community claiming recog-
milton is or is not Independent beyond perad-
venture.
Averse to Recognition.
Nor from the standpoint OF expedience do
think il would be wise or prudent for this gov
ernment to recognize at the present time the
independence OF the so-called Cuban republic.
Such recognition is not necessary in order to
enable the United States to intervene and
pacify the island To commit this country now
10 the recognition OF any particular govern
ment in Cuba, might subject us to embarrassing
conditions of international obligation toward
the organization so recognized. In case of
Intervention, our conduct would be subject to
the approval or disapprovsl of such govern
ment; we would be required to submit TO its
direction and to assume to IL the mere relation
OF friendly ally. When il shall appear
hereafter that there is within the island a gov
ment capable of performing the duties and dis
charging the functions of nation, and having
as matter of fact the proper forms and at
tributes of nationality, such government can be
promptly and readily recognized, and the rela-
tions and interests of the United States with
such nation adjusted. There remain the al
Tentative forms of Intervention 20 end the war
either rs an impartial neutral, by imposing
rational compromise between the contestants
or as an active ally of the one party or tie
other.
As to the first, it is not to be forgotten that
during the last few months, the relation TO the
United States has virtually been one of friend
iy Intervention in many ways each not OF itself
not conclusive, but all tending to the exertion
OF potential influence toward ultimate pa
cific result just and honorable to all interests
concerned. The spirit OF all our acts hitherto
has been an earnest. unselfsh desire for peace
and prosperity in Cuba, untarnished by differ
ences between us and Spain and unstained by
the blood of American citizens
The forcible intervention of the United
States as neutral to stop the war, according
TO the large dictates OF humanity and following
many historical precedents where neighboring
states have lhterfered to check the hopeless
sacrifice of life by internecine conflicts beyond
their borders, is justifiable on national grounds
1t involves, however. hostile constraint upon
both the parties TO the contest as well as to en-
force a truce as to guide the eventual settle
ment
Grounds for Intervention.
The grounds for such intervention may be
briefly summarized as follows.
Ftrst-ln the cause OF humanity and to put
an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, starva-
tion and horrible miseries now existing there
and which the parties 10 the conflict are either
unable or unwilling TO stop mitigate. 1t Is
no answer to say this is all in another country
belonging TO another nation, and is therefore
none OF our business. II is specially our duty,
for it is right at our door
Second-We owe IL to our citizens In Cuba
to afford them that protection and indemnity
for life and property which no government
there can or will afford and to that end to ter
inmate the conditions that deprive them OF le-
gal protection.
Third-The right TO intervene may be justi-
fed by the very serious injury TO the commerce.
trade and business of our people and by the
wanton destruction of property and devastation
OF the island.
Fourth-And which is of the utmost impor-
tance. The present condition OF affairs In Cuba
is a constant menace to our peace and entails
upon this government an enormous expense
With such a conflict waged for years In an is
land SO near us and with which our people have
such trade and business relations-when the
lives and liberty OF our citizens are In constant
danger and their property destroyed and them
selves ruined-where our trading vessels are
liable TO seizure and seized at our very
door, by warships of foreign nation. the expe-
ditions OF hlibustering that we are powerless
10 prevent altogether. and the irritating ques-
tions and entanglements thus arising-all these
and others that / need not mention with the
resulting strained relations, are a constant
menace 10 our peace and compel us to keep on
a semi-war footing with a nation with which
We are at peace.
The Wreck OF the Battleship Maine.
These elements OF danger and disorder al
ready pointed out have been strilxingly illus
trated by tragic event which has deeply and
justly moved the American people. / have al
ready transmitted TO congress the report OF the
naval court OF inquiry on the destruction OF the
battleship Maine In the harbor OF Havana dur
ing the night OF February IS. The destruction
OF that noble vessel has filled the national
heart with inexpressible horror Two hun
dred and ifty-eight brave sailors and marines
and two officers OF cur navy, reposing in the
fanced security OF friendly harbor have
been hurled TO death. grief and want brought
to their homes and sorrow TO the nation.
The naval court OF inquiry which. IL Is need
less TO say, commands the unqualified conf
dence OF the government. was unanimous in its
conclusion that the destruction of the Maine