New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1898-09-22
THE TERRITORY WITH WHICH
WE ARE THREATENED.
Whitclaw Reid in The September Century.


tinental limitations, and extend it's rule over
semi-tropcal countries with mixed popula-
lions. Others ask If it would not be the wisest
policy to give them away after conqutring
them, or, abandon them They say IL would
be runous to admit them as States to equal
rights with ourselves. and contrary to the Con.
stitution to hold them permanently as Terri
tories II would be bad policy tncy argue 10
lower the standard of our population by taking
In hordes Of West Indians and Asiatics; bad
policy to run any chance Of allowing tncsc peo-
pie to- become some day Joint arbiters with our.
selves Of the National desinies; BAD policy to
abandon the principles OF Washingtons Fare
well Address to which we have adhered for z
century and involve ourselves In the Eastern
Question, or in the cntanglements OF European
politics.
ccrc and patriotic. They are now all loyalty
supporting the Government in the prosecution
OF the which some of them were active In
bringing on and others to the last deprecated
and resisted Their doubts and difhculties de.
serve the faires consideration. ana are OF press
ing importance.
Rut is there not another question moro i'm.
portant which first demands consideration?
Have we the right to decide whether we shall
hold or abandon the conquered territory solely
or even mainly as a matter Of National policy?
Are we not bound by our own acts ana ny the
responsibility we have voluntarily assumed be-
fore Spain, before Europe and before tho
civilized world, to consldc: III Hrst III the light
of National duty?
For that consideration it is not needtul
now to raise the question whether we were
in every particular jusiihable FOR our share
in the transactions leading 10 the war.
Under the direct command of Congress. the
President interviewed. with our Army and
Navy, 10 put down Spanish ruic In Cuba, on
the distinct ground that it was rule too mon
strous 10 be longer endured. Arc we not then,
bound in honor and morals To soc 10 1t that
the government which replaces Spanish rule Is
better? Are - not n orally culpaDlc and dis.
graced before tie civilized world If We leave
it rs bad. OF worse? Can any consideration Of
mere policy oil our interests, or our own
ease and comfort. free us from that solemn
responsibility which VIC nave voluntarily as
sumod. and for which VIC have laVishly split
American and Spanish blood?
Most people now realize from what mistake
Congress was kept by the firm attitude Of the
President in opposing u recognition Of the So
called Cuban Republic Of Cubitas II is now
generally understood that virtually there was
no Cuban Republic, or any Cuban Government
save that of wandering bands Of guerilla in
surg~nts. probably less numerous and niuon-
tial thar had been represented. There seems
| reason to believe that however bad spanish
government may have been tho rule OF these
| people where they had the power. was as bad;
| and still greater reason to appTchend that u
| they had full power. their sense OF past wrongs
| and their unrcstrained tropical thirst for vcnge-
| ance might lead to something worse is
! for that ptiful rcsui: that civilized and Chris
! tan people Is giving w It's sons and pouring
| out blood and treasure in Cuba?
| In commanding the war Congress pledged US
| to continue cur action until the paclncation OF
| the land should he secured. When that happy
time has arrived II il III Ill then he found that
| the Cuban insurgents ard their late enemies are
| able - unite in maintaining settled and
| pcaccahlc government In CUBA, distinctly Tree
| from the faults which now lead the United
States TO destroy the old one, We shall have
discharged oar responsibility. and VIII he al
| liberty 10 end our interference. But II not, the
| responsibility of the United States continues
| II is morally bound to secure 10 Cuba such
| government oven II forced by circumstances TO
| furnish II itself
b a
! reminder ~ the further action Of Congress as
| sorting its determination when the iacifcation
| Of Cuba has been Accomplished. 10 ieaVe the
| government and control Of the island 70 us
| people"
Now the secondary provisions Of any grea.
| measure must he construed in the light OF It's
| main purpose, and where they conflict, we are
| led 10 presume that they would not nave necn
| adopted but for ignorance Of the actual con-
ditions. Is 1t not evident that sHch was tne
| was lnislcd as to the organization and power or
| the alleged Cuban government. the strength OF
! the revolt. and the character OF the war the
| little dependence could be placed upon the
| lavish promises Of support from grea, asn u
| Of insurgents In the war W. nave uh9eI ldhcn
| and we are beginning n realize the dlnersncs
| between our ileas OF a humane ana clVlllzeo
| ''pacifcatlon" and that apparently entertained
UP this time by the insurgents. III Is GER
! tainly true that when the war began neither
| Congress nor the pscple OF the United states
| cherished an intention to hold CUBA perma-
rcntlv or had any further thought tnah 10
| pacfy IL and turn 1t over To It's own people.
But ,hev must pacify II before they turn II over;
and from present indications 70 do that thor
| ouEhly may be tho work OF years. EVEN theh
,hcv arc still responsible to the world TOT inc
establishment Of a better government man tI'
one they DESTROY. If the last state ot that 1871,
| "a should be worse than the first. the fault ana
| tho crime must be solely that Of tho Uniteo
| Statrs We were not actually forced TO In
| volvc ourselves. we might have passed ny on
the other side When. instead, we insisted on
! interfering, we made ourselves responsive ~
| lnproving tho situation and. no mater VIVA.
| Congress "disclaimed,' or what intention ~
asserted" We cannot leave cuba M ina,
done without National dishonor ana oioou'
| outlines ,,a
rh. situation Is curously like that Of Engianu
In Egypt She interviewed. too, under iar Icss
| provocation. II must be admitted ana IoI !"
| cause rather more commercial tnan hu'na,,
| tartan But when some thought that her WIN
| was ended and that II was time Tor ne, " ~,
| Lord Granville. on behalf or MT "lau n.r.
| Government. addressed the other great r oMISS
| I'm a note which Congress might nave e'" Al
| with profit before framing It's resolutions ,ts.
though for the present. he said a nr,,iS ~
force RENAME in Egypt for the
| arc DESTROYS of withdrawing IL as soon % "as
state ~ the country and the oreah'. .t. VIZ.
proper means for the maintenance OF ,n' ~
| dives authority Will admit ot IL III VIC nc -
| time the position in which Her Majesty u '
| eminent arc placed toward His Highhess ."i
poses upon them the duty OF GivinE auNso 80.
|
| % ho oct, hl,shed shall be OF satisfactory
character and possess tho clements ol s,n .,ars
| and progress" As time went on TINS uco s 40.
| ton did not seem quite explicit e1ouon, ,iis in.
| cordinolv inst n wear later Lord GranvllIe ~.
structrd the present Lord Cromcr' mn ,ln- 70
Evelyn Barring that it should he made 80 NOV
| the Egyptian Ministers and EoVernVls r,r the
| inccs thnt "thr responsibility which ior . W.
| time rests on England obligcs her va" ~ the
| Government to insist on the adop,oa :, c,iI
| policy which they recommend. ana ina a., Gov.
| hat
| errors who do not follow this course
| cease to hold their Offices ,,,., ~
| That was in 1SSI-a year after inc w, Sour.
| Arab and the "pacfcaton." 1t IS NV M ,h.r.
| teen years later The English are sun ", 100
| and the Egyptian Ministers and Governor 20
| understand quite well that they mus ~ nocy
49,. L 81