The herald., 1898-12-19


about it. Strange, is it not, that we have
heard but little since the war began con-
Icerning the condition of the erstwhile re-
Iconcentrados? Wonder II they all died?
JOHN AUBREY JONES.
Fruitvale, Alameda county, Cal, Dec Is.
Perils Of Imperialism
To the Editor of The Los Angeles Herald :
Like the rest of the people of the country
his adversaries as well as his frends-I have
watched with interest for amy utterance OF
Mr.. Bryan upon the grave questions now
arising upon our horizon, which are
soon to demand solution. What he had said
before leaving Nebraska for the camp, where
the administration was for some reason so
careful to keep him mpounded till the end
of hostilities, satisfied the old d-schDol Demo
Gratis that he was sound on the question of
Imperialism named. And his inter-
view of the other day. at Savannah, further
emphasizes his position
There is, however, one view he suggests
of which the present writer has fears; that
namely, of the ratification of the treaty just
concluded at Paris.
I Is there not danger that such ratification
will further compNcate the situation! 10 be
sure, the desirablity of ending the slate of
war, or quasi war, which must continue till
formal agreement of some sort is reached,
is great and urgent. But in view OF the
effect of such ratification upon the status
of the Philippines and the inhabitants there,
is it not pemlous to do it! Shall we not pres
emily find the nation confronted with peris
compared with which a continued state of
nominal war will appear quite insignificant?
| The moment the treaty is ratified and the
formal exchange between the two nations
is accomplished, these islands will become
part of the United States. This has been
settled by decision of the supreme court.
Chief Justice Marshall, in the case of the
American Insurance company ct al. VS..
Canton Peters, at page 452, after saying:
The constitution confers absolutely
on the government of the Union the
| power of making war and of making
treaties goes ON to hold that: If it (the
territory be ceded by treaty, the ac
quisition is confirmed and the ceded ter
ritory becomes a part of the nation to
which it is annexed, ON the terms stip
uAted in the treaty. or on such terms
as its new master may impose.
Then, does not the ratification and ex-
change of the treaty operate 60 insanti, to
make every inhahitant of those islands a
citizen of the United Statesy Not, it is true,
a citizen possessing at once all the politi-
cal rights of citizens of one OF these states
these he would not enjoy there, until further
regulations were instituted by congressional
leg gislation-but he would be in every other
sense citizen, and as such entltled to all
the civil and other rights not purely political
Il. Il $ E,i1,
including that of coming into one OF these
states and there exercising political rights,
too.
To make him such citizen, to make
eight or nine millions OF people of alien races
such citizens, in such wise, is to violate the
fundamental principle in which this govern
ment is founded; a principle dear TO our
fathers, and still we are fain to believe,
dear to at least some of their descendants
1t is principle dear to all Intelligent people
of this land who have not become infected
with the deadly virus of these latter day
hereses; in short. with Hannaism. an ism
which takes no account OF the doctrines of
the constitution or of the teachings of the
fathers; the principle that Governments
derive their just powers from the consent
of the goveIndd.'
Indeed. if the plan suggested that of rati
fying the treaty, and, later, Of disposng of
these islands. be carried into effect, is there
rot danger that we shall violate this prin-
cple twice? First. by making the inhabi
tants there citizens of the United States
without their consent, even against their de-
sire: and second, having SO made them citi-
zens, then by eXpatriating them without
their consent?
Are the descendants and successors of the
men who promulgated that charter of human
rights, the Declaration of independence,
ready to treat with such contempt the doc
trines of that immortal document!
| know the problems confronting us are
grave and perplexng, to such of us at least
as have not wholly lost our bearings, and
ceased to care or look for the Old landmarks.
For many reasons, we want the war ended
de jure, as it is already de facto. But can we
afford to ratify a treaty which involves
the violation OF the most essential and vital
principle OF our system and theory OF govern
ment? Would it not be infinitely better to
suffer temporary inconvenience, by prot1act-
ing somewhat the agony of a merely nominal
war, than with the hope of making a
quicker landing to steer our ship toward the
rocks and shoals?
Is not this, indeed, the supreme oppor
tunity to those Who still believe in constl-
tutionhl government? The opportunity to
establish a precedent which shall shine as
a beacon light to guide those osfuture times
and exigencies!
Let that great body, the senate of the
republic, illuminate the closing days of this
greatest century by putting ON record its
and the nations condemnation of this new
and dangerous notion that far-away terri
tories, teeming with millions OF people, with
out consulting them, even against their de-
sire, may be Incorporated with and made a
part of this republic. Let TINS be done, and
the war; after all the suffering and sacrifice
it has cost, will prove blessing, not only to
ourselves but to the whole world. Such
an example would be lesson and warn
ing to the selfish, greedy, buccaneering
nations of the earth.
/ know there are those who think suf
fcient answer to all this is the fact that
the United States, having freed or helped to
free these islands from the tyrannous do
mindon of Spain, we should now have the
right to do with them. as seems best to us;
and conclusively so, now that we have ac-
tually bought them from the old buccaneer
getting but the title Of a buccaneer, we
suppose. To such as argue in this fashion
let us put case: But for the aid of France
our fathers could not have achieved the