The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, 1898-04-13

~-~s~~s W."
none less inclined to take or touch augh
which they have not honestly earned
Let them beware Of surrendering a po.
litical power which they already possess
and which, if surrendered will surely
be used to close the door OF advancement
against such as they and to fix new dis
abilities and burdens upon them till all
Of liberty shall be lost"
But the most important fact which !
have found out about Lincoln is,not only
that he believed in the principles Of di-
rect legislation but that he actually tried
to put it into operation on a tremendous
scale to settle the war. This is fore
shadowed in the address Of the Repub-
lican Association, already quoted from,
and hinted at in Lincoln's message to
congress Of July 4th, 1861. In which he
said: TT may be well questioned
whether there is today majority OF
the legally qualified voters OF any states,
except perhaps South Carolina, in favor
of disunion. There is much reason to
believe that the Union men are in a ma
jority in many if not in every one Of the
so-called seeded states"
But the full story is told in the At
lantic Monthly of September 1864, by
Edmond Kirke, who, in company with
Rev. DR.. Jaquess, colonel of the Seventy
third Illinois Volunteers, visited Rich
mond early in the war and had long
talk with Mr.. Davis, president of the
Confederacy, and Mr.. Benjamin, the
secretary of state. Though not Off
cially authorized by the Union govern
ment to treat for peace, they had passes
from Lincoln and he knew OF the propo-
sitions they had to make, and If those
propositions had been entertained they
would doubtless have been followed by
authorized agents. This is common
method in diplomacy for beginning ne
gotiations.
After talk about slavery, which end
ed by Mr.. Davis saying frankly: mo,
slavery is not, it never was, an essential
element. 1t was only the means of
bringing other conflicting elements to
an earlier elimination" MIR. Kirke
said: well, suppose t.. two govern
ments should agree to ossomething like
this: to go to the people with two
propositions; say, peace with disunion
and Southern independence as your
proposition and peace with union, eman-
cipation, no confscation and universal
amnesty as ours. Let the citizens Of all
the United States (as they existed be-
fore the war; vote yes or mo- on these
two propositions at special election
within 60 days. If a majority votes dis
union, our government to be bound by it
and let you go in peace. If majority
votes union, yours to be bound by it
and to stay in peace. The two govern
ments can contract in this way with the
people, though constitutionally unable
to decide on peace or war, can elect
which of the two propositions shall gov
ern their rulers. Let Lee and Grant
meanwhile agree to an armistice, This
would sheath the sword and once
sheathed it would never again be drawn
by this generation
Later in the talk, he phrased it that
"the people shall decide the question,
and but the majority must rule finally
either with bullets or ballots and to
this Mr.. Davis replied: Neither cur
rent events nor history shows that the
majority rules or ever did rule. The
contrary, I think, is true Mr.. Davis
refused to entertain these proposals, and
the question was settled by bullets and
not by ballots, as it might have been
without war and bloodshed, II this pro-
posal, coming from g Republican gov
ernment, had been entertained.
After reading this, let no one say that
the Republican party was not founded
on the principles at the base of direct
legislation. I repeat, in closing, what
said in opening: Every great political
party has gained it's first headway from
a direct contact with the common people
and has been unconquerable, vigorous
irresistible as long as their spirit freely
rose and guided it's councils, directed
it's leaders, inspired its laws and policies
The people have been the mother-earth
from which the Antaeus of party
strength has derived that strength and
vigor. No matter how firmly knit and
powerful the party organization may
have been, how glorious the records oi
past deeds, how splendid and dominant
the party presence may loom, all these
can but delay the downfall OF the po-
litical party which has severed It's con-
nection with the great, common people
and no longer serves them, but some
private or special interests.
Direct legilation is not only Populis1
and Republican and Democratic and
Whig and Federal, too, it is more-i1
Is American.
Read Bond and Industrial Slavery
and in direct legislation you will find
all reforms.