The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1898-02-15


to fastsn oyer again on the neck of France
me yoke or German-J ewish mastery, from
when the country was just escaping. II is
| scarcely Necessary TO add that there were
! pathized with this feeling and who were
able to intensity and increase it by the
vitriolized and inspired bitterness OF their
lear; 1t IS difficult 10 convey TO an English
| reader any idea, without lengthy transIa-
ions OF the savagery of the language EN-
ployed, both on the one side and the other.
When you read the articles you have the
impression of men with bloodshot eyes and
clutched revolvers or daggers. who are en-
der each other. The guilotine is not
worthy; and so far. civilization has adj
which produce the guillotine as an instru-
ment OF government in this city and IN this
l have spoken Of The Dreyfus trial as
especially unfortunate for the Jews OF
France. This crusade against them is not
Witnout its grotesaue side. ] see 1t stated
mat the houses of the Rothschilds have to
the French branch of that great
staneh Conservatives; in other words,
allies of those of the section of French
opinion which lead at this moment the anti
Semitic crusade. Up 10 a few years ago
there was no nation an the world where the
France. At one time / am told, there were
nearly eighty Jews in the procedures and
appropriateness of France. and that was
within the last dozen years. The French
sense of the hospitality they had received
IN France-the foster mother among ma
tlons of the emancipation-by patriotism
which erred on the side of chauVintsm
rather than of lukewarmth. All this is
changed--whether permanently or not, who
can tell? The whole deplorable business is
an arrest of that development toward
which rational Christians and rational Jews
alike look forward-namely, the end of the
JEWISH aloofnesS and isolation, and the abb
sorpticn in the communities in which they
live. As Il journalist somewhat cynically
put 1t to me, whenever the chosen people
show some indication of losing their indi-
Viduality, Jehovah sends some persecution
which once more drives them back upon
And now as to the trial Of Dreyfus. If
your ask me my opinion am unable TO give
confident answer. can only say that the
more one hears of ii the more of n puzzle
ii becomes. had heard, some days before
the remarkable declaration of Herr Bulow
in the German Parliament, that the German
authorities strenuously denied that they
knew anything of Dreyfus. But / was not
surprised to find that when the public dec
laration was made it had not the slightest
effect upon public opinion here Indeed, on.
the very night of the declaration one of
the distinct anti-Semitic papers comment
that very article, in which the statement
that all men were liars was brought down
to the Hanover declaration that all Ger
mans were liars-and the Emperor
given a supreme place as the first of liars.
NJ. JUDETvS DECLARATION.
A more reasonable reply has been given
by NJ. Judet. the chief editor of the Petit
Journal M. Judet. / understand, is known
to be a man with abundant sources of in
formation, and with close relations TO the
French government and to some of the ens-
bassies M. Judet is emphatic in the dec
laration that the reasons were overwhelm-
ing for holding the trial with closed doors.
and gives many reasons. which | have not
time TO reeapituiate only he believes that
a public trial meant nothing less than a
danger of war-and var under circum-
stances Of immense peril 70 France. AS 10
the declaration of Herr Buiow-which is
not mentioned-the implied answer Is that
all nations use spies. and all nations at
the same time have a recognZed conVen-
tion and universally accepted ethical code
that the existence OF espionage shall be al
ways denied. The lie is uttered without d
smile it Is accepted without smile but
both those who utter and those who accept
the lie knew that 1t Is lie. Ii, therefore,
Herr Bulow states that he knows nothing
of Dreyfus, he is only telling the lie Whlcn
is guiltily arranged between governments,
who have numerous conventions Jhat are
necessary to protect the nations they rule
from the inseEsate outbursts and pertlS or
national passion On the other hand the
tongue of the French government Is ledi IL
cannot affirm ii cannot deny the statement
of Germany. Germany is not bound TO take
any notice of what journals say; but 1t
government said. If, therefore. M. Meline,
as head of the French government, said
from the tribune that Germany had en-
ployed the services of Dreyfns as a spy, the
German government would be compelled to
notice the declaration. and when an ex-
change of compliments on such a topic be-
gan between the two governments, especial
ly in the present excited state Of feeling.
who could tell where.it would end?
NJ. Judet goes on to give reasons why he
thinks that Germany would be glad of an
opportunity at this moment of pretext for
war; or if not that, why war would be more
welcome 10 Germany than to France. M
Judet declares that war preparations have
been going on at 81 feverish rate for many
months in Germany-as an Instance OF that
Krupp's great gun factory is working ON
Sundays as well as week days. And while
Germany is thus in an advanced state or
preparation, what is the condition OF the
French army, where there are this agitation
and suspicion and want of all confidence.
This is what / may term the rational and
temperate, as contradistinguished from the
vehement and abusive statement OF the
while expressing these views, M. Judet does
not close the door on the revision OF the
Dreyfus trial. His point is--and the same
point is that of the gOVernment-that there
regular and legal methods Tor obtaining
a revision of trial. There Is nothing.
says NJ Judet, simpler than to have the
case reopened," but he adds, the revision
of the matter has not been asked for in the
way the law provides. 1t will be seen
that NJ Judet does not pronounce an ev-
erlasting mo" to the revision of the Drey-
fus case, but there is much force in what
he says against the present agitations. In
any case. from all / hear, the agitauons do
no good to Dreyfus, even il it We're proved
that he was innocent. A journalist who
knows Paris we'll expressed to me the opin-
ion that If Dreyfus were released tomorrow
he would be shot down on the bouleVards,
and the assassin would be acquitted with
universal appreciation, so fierce is the feel
ing and so universal is the conviction of his
guilt.
Meanwhile there is an almost incredible
state of private terrorism. The rooms and
the desks of the journalists are opened ana
sacked during their absence; every public
man is tracked. not only by the official spies
of the government, but by large private
service of spies hired by newspapers. ltv-
erything is tracked about everybody-Wnere
he dimes. where he banks. where ne sleeps.
Not merely does everybody live in glass
house, but the observers. who see his every
movement are personal or political enc
mics ready to turn innocence TO guilt, truth
to lies, honesty to treason. The guillotlhe.
as / have said, is not there, but the news
paper is d very fair modern substitute
--a-O-S-
silver and wheat In Kansas
Franklin Matthews in Harper's Weekly.
7 are Is a story of a man who was con-