The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1898-04-12

preceding the final conference. it is un-
derstood that the Spanish government
stands ready. to give :he insul3f con-
gress full powers 10 settle the terms OF
peace with the insurgents. Whether
by direct negotiation or indirectly by
means of legislation does not appear
With this last overture in the direc-
ton OF immediate peace and its disap-
pointing reception by Spain, the ex-
ecutive was brought to the end of his
effort.
RECOGNITION AND INTERVIEW
In my annual message of December
last, l said:
"Of the untried measures there, re-
main-recognition of the insurgents as
| belligerents; recognition of the indie
! pendence of Cuba, and Intervention to
end the war by imposing a rational
compromise between the contestants
and Intervention in favor of one or
the other party a.
I speak not of forcible annexation, for
that cannot be thought of. That, by
our code of morality, would be crimi-
nal aggression. Thereupon l reviewed
these alternatives in the light of Pres
ident Grants measured words, ut
tered in 1875. when, after seven years
of sanguinary, destructive and cruel
barbarities in Cuba, he reached the
conclusion that the recognition of the
| independence of Cuba was impractic-
able and indefensible, and that the rec
Ognition of belligerence was not war
ranted by the facts according to the
tests of public law. 1 commented es-
pecially upon the latter aspect of the
question, pointing out the inconveni-
ences and positive dangers of recog-
n n he o - xvls hi Il
ding to the already Onerous burdens
of neutrality, within our own jurisdic-
ton, could not in any way extend our
influence or effective offices in the ter
ritory of hostilities.
Nothing has since occurred to change
my view in this regard, and I recognize
as fully now as then that the issuance
of proclamation of neutrality by
which process the so-called recognition
of belligerence is published, could, of it
self, and unattended by other action,
accomplish nothing toward the one end
for which we labor, the instant pacifi-
cation of Cuba, and the cessation of
the misery that affiicts the island.
RECOGNITION OF INDEPENDENCE
Turning to the question of recogni-
ing at this time the independence of the
present insurgent government in Cuba.
we find safe precedents in our his
tory from an early day. They are well
summed up in President Jackson's mes
sage TO congress December q, 1868. On
the subject of the recognition of the in
dependence of Texas. he said:
In all the contests that have arisen
out OF the revolutions of France, out of
the disputes relating to the crews of
Portugal and Spain, out of the separa-
ton of the American possessions of
Doth from the European governments,
a M # l,a
occurring struggles for dominion in
Spanish America, so wisely consistent
with our just principles has been the
action of our government that we have.
under the most critical circumstances.
avoided all censure and encountered no
other evil than that produced by a
transient re-estrangement of good will
IN those against whom we have been,
by force of evidence, compelled to de-
eide. 1t has thus been made known to
the world that the uniform policy and
practice of the United States is to
avoid all interference in disputes which
merely relate TO the internal govern
ment of other nations, and eventually
to recognize the authority of the pre-
vailing party without reference to our
particular interests and views or to the
merits of the original controversy.
But in this, as in every other occa-
sion, safety is to be found in a rigid
adherence to principle. In the contest
between Spain and the revolving colo
MES we stood aloof and waited, not
only until the ability of the new states
TO protect themselves was fully estab-
lished, but until the danger of their
being again subjugated had entirely
passed away. Then and not until then
were they recognized. Such was our
course in regard to Mexico herself. 1t
is true that with regard to Texas, the
civil authority of Mexico had been eX-
PEELED, its invading army defeated, the
chief of the republic himself captured
and all present power to control the
newly organized government of Texas
annihilated within its confine. But. on
the other hand. there is, in appearance,
at least, an immense disparity of phys
ical force on the side of Texas. The
Mexican republic, under an ally, is raj
lying its forces under a new leader and
Renacing a fresh invasion to recover its
lost domain. Upon the issue of this
threatened invasion, the independence
of Texas may be considered as sus-
pended. and were there nothing pecul-
lar in the situation of the United States
and Texas. our acknowledgements of it's
at such a crisis could
scarcely be regarded as consistent with
that prudent reserve with which we
have hitherto held ourselves bound to
treat all similar questions
Thereupcn Andrew Jackson proceed
ed to consider the risk that there might
be imputed to the United States mo-
tives of selfish interests, in view of the
former claim on our part to the terri
tory Of Texas. and of the avowed pur-
pose of the Texans in seeking recogni-
ton If independence as an incident to
the incorporation of Texas in the
Union, concluding thus:
Prudence, therefore, seems to die
tate that we should stand aloof and
maintain our present attitude, if not
until Mexico itself or one of the great |
powers shall recognize the independ- /
ence of the government, at least until |
the lapse of time or the course , of |
events shall have proved beyond caviI
or dispute the ability of the people of |
that country to maintain their sepa- |
rate sovereignty. and to uphold the !
government constituted by them. |
Neither Of the contending parties can |
justly complain of this course. BY pur-
suing it we are but carrying out the |
ong-established policy of our govern
ment, a policy which has secured to US
respect and influence abroad and in |
spired confidence at home"
These are the words of Andrew Jack !
son. They are evidence that the United |
States, in addition to the test imposed |
by public law, as the condition of the |
of independence by a |
neutral state (to-wit, that the revolted |
state shall constitute in fact a body |
polite, having a government in sub !
stance as well as in name, possessed |
If the elements of stability" and form
ng de facto "if left to itself a state
among the nations, reasonably capable |
If discharging the duties of a state'') |
mas imposed for its own governance in
iealing with cases like these the fur