The Anaconda standard. [volume] (Anaconda, Mont.) 1889-1970, 1898-09-06

take within the bosom Of their institu-
tions seven or eight millions OF par
barians. place them under the cover
of our flag, give their animal labor an
equal chance against our free
national strength by mere yer
ritorial extension, while we
debauch the fr%aternal development OF
our people by injecting into their lie
1000. 900 of idolatrous barbarlans. rms
craftsmanship is an attempt 10 follow
out the mercantile political economy.
The labor of America discards the mei-
cantile-political economy. the labor OF
America believes with Adam Smllh
that the wealth of a people is measured
by its manual labor. not by TIE amount
OF precious metals within its borders
The American laborer sees plainly that
he has not yet achieved economical I'D
erty. and he has been harassed to a
certain extent by the Embarrassment
within the past so years Of 6,OOO,OOO or
1000. 900 Of slaves, to whom he has give
the power of competition in the INDUS
trial market. To-day when the tyran-
nv of capital overcomes labor i'm any
department Of the United states, 1t has
been found convenient for capital to go
to the South and pick up these newly
e~manCipated American citizens ana put
them in the mines and in the helds or
labor. h perpetuate a deprivation or
the rewards of labor from the men VINO
made those rewards certain ana sure
10 capital and 10 civilization. tCheers.D
This policy. which is now in process of
being developed. which already has the
support Of a large political party. is a
process in furtherment OF the economic
theory which is in practice in all the
world: entirely inimical and diverse
from that which should be pursued II
$500 -. ,arfsA.,, thg laN-alnnnlnnf
Of the liberty of our men upon resolute
M progressive lines.
The Dangers to Labor.
we are here to-day to look steadily
at the progress which labor has made,
hut not to shut u eyes to the condl-
tions which surround us, but rather
to inform ourselves and exchange our
views as to what dangers now portend
against the maintenance or the deVel-
opment throughout the United states
of that form of fra]ternalism which to-
day YOU men on the mountains have IN
force and to-day enjoy. We must recol-
lect that law for which We all have the
greatest reverence. Law preceded us
IL Is our province to change laws MADE
at a time when men We're slaves 10 laws
appropriate to the government of free
men. CCheers.) The character Of our
government should be adverted 10 here,
it's distinction between that of England
ought to be noted. England boasts OF
civil liberty, and she has what she calls
civil liberty. That is. she has a right,
her renpIe have a right, to those hber-
ties which have become. upon the grant
If the kings Of England to barons IN
the Magma Charta, as subsequently
upon the grant Of the parliament OF
england To the people of England. Alb
soIlta powcr was the original condition
Of the English monarchy. and the
Magma Charta simply divided that
power between parliament ana the
king. And the highest point that was
reached in England, or is yet reached
is That parliament, or the representa-
the absolute power which erstwhile be-
the absolute power which ertwhile be-
longed to the king of England.
Laws and Lawmakers.
Now when a law is asked to be made
by the representatives,. it is always helt
necessary to demonstrate the propriety
the practicability. the efficacy OF tn
law proposed. This then is as hlg a
the English government can ever reach
1t can never adopt anything, 1t car
never increase its grants of liberty 4
the Individual except through laws, ant
the laws cannot be successfully pro
posed until they can be demonstrate
beforehand. In our country we hol'
entirely different relations TO the gov
crnmont. All the powers that are eN
ercised by the parliament of Englan'
are inherent i'm the people of these Unit
ed States We can pass laws through
our representatives in the same fashlol
and manner as EnE.ishmen can pas
laws through their members OF parma
ment. But what are laws? Laws a
best are only rules Of conduct whlcI
D are prescribed by the prevailing hes
sense Of those who make them. We dis
----.a - tha F-44Va zion Af this gov
, that We coul not give to on
l representatives any power over certai
70 portions Of our freedom. We restrlcte
10 our legislatures, we restricted GU
p courts of Justice, we restricted our eN
7 ecutive officers from ever entering upo
p certain domains sacred To the preserNa
= tfon Of personal and conscientious lib
r erty. by placing in our constitution
restriction and a limitation against an
department Of the government triiiin
l. at an with these HulWarks OF our Ill
! ertv. For Instance We placed in N
u constitution tina. no legislature or cnul
= should ever abolish the right OF trial q
: jury. that no executive shoul ever su'
: pend the writ q habels corpus eNcel
- N times Of rebellion. that no law
y should ever BE- passed taking privai
/, property for public use without con
: pensation first secured. that no relil
= iuus test should be- made i'm any law a
"A qualification Tor holding office IN an
a department ~ government. WI
20 were those things made constitutions
. Because in times OF excitement and
public annoyance. liberty becomes wea
4 and representative In the legislati'
Is department; and representatives, In u
30 judicial department seem TO find then
r selves forced 10y the witt convergen,
m Of public opinion 10 avert some ammo
n anCa 70 tie public. 10 take away 4
"aA "a LH. # H- A- HHn Q D.
T. n h. but Tor a time and that +. Is va
f. rautei by ths eNlgsue.ss Of the si,u
le ton.
\ Nsuass 80 Labor.
But there is one him not in oI
~ couEtituii1Hs. which u g. painful e. GO
A. template. You enjoy here In MCuta'
3 "A law, Is H= "a law. that YOU shall n
IN . lac HTH8FFsT.u u.fI 4H s..HH HaaHrHbIE