The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1898-02-23
Local selfaovernment for ireland

AIsVSAA AAhAohc Avn
In theory, the British Unionists. while
refusing to Ireland a separate Legislature,
have recognized the duty Of giving Irish
men the same power Of controlling their
local affairs that is enjoyed by English
men. They ave promised to embody the
theory in law, and they have now under
taken to keep the promise by introducing q
bill creating in Ireland county councils and
district councils. collectively equivalent to
the system of local autonomy which has
been established in England. The county
and district franchise. being made identi-
cal with the Parliamentary franchise, an
obvious consequence of the measure will be
a transfer of the management of local af.
fairs from the large landowners to the
p%easantry. 1t Is this essentially democratic
feature Of the proposal which commends it
to Liberals and to all sections of the Irish
Nationalist party, and renders it probable
that the bill will encounter but little OBJ
struction, except, perhaps, from some Of
the Tory landlords in the House of Lords.
In order to appreciate the reforms con-
templated by the bill, it may be well to re-
call the state Of things which Is about to
pass away. We should begin by noting
that, in the ordnance maps Of Ireland,
counties are divided into baronies, par
ishes and townlands. The barony answers
to the English hundred; the parish is, for
civil purposes, a mere Typographical ex-
preston; the townland Is a division of the
parish. All public works are paid for
either by the county at large or the barony,
the total sum being divided among the
holders of land and houses according to
the valuation. 1t is important to note
that. hitherto. while the landlord has
sometimes paid half the "~cess," in the vast
majority of cases the whole of it has been
borne by the occupier. The so-called cess
originally was paid within the Pale
for protection against the Irish enemy
but, after the Elizabethan reconquest,
it was extended to all parts of Ire
land and applied to defraying the cost
of public works, especially of roads and
bridges. In 1884 the Grand Jury in each
county, rs being a convenient body of prin-
cipal landowners, was invested with the
power of determining all assessments for
bridges and causeways. In 1896 an act of
Parliament took away the initiative from
the Grand Jury and placed the real taxing
authority in the prcsentment sessions held
in each barony, where the Justices were to
be associated with certain of the large cess
payers.
The baronial sessions were to fix the
maximum amount to be spent on any road
or other work, and were authorized to
accept the lowest offer therefor. The Grand
Jury retained the right of rejecting or
accepting In each case. but was not to
alter the work Df the harnpiaI aalainn
Sessions for the county at large were
to be held for those works which the
whole shire was to pay for, and here
again the Grand Jury had the right of
accepting or rejecting the seasonal de-
cisions. Such has been the method of levy
Ing and appropriating the cess or fund
for local improvements and repairs since
1885. Now let US look at the history of
the poor rate. In Ireland there was no poor
law, and, therefore, no poor rate. until 1888.
The Irish poor law operative since that
date resembles that of England. The poor
law union does not consist. however. of an
agglomeration of parishes, but Is divided
into electoral divisions which answer
roughly to English parishes inc are the
ratable units. Only In the case of sanitary
works may a townland be rated separately.
Upon all holdings valued above "a a year
the landlord pays half the poor rate, but
in the vast number of holdings valued at
"a and under the landlord pays the whole.
Now let us look at the details of the bill
introduced by Mr.. GERALD BALBoUR, Chief
Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ire
land. In the first place, all the powers now
held by Grand Juries, with the exception of