The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1898-02-13


Dor Evils of wealth there are. and the par
ty Of Abraham Lincoln proposes to remedy
them by Lincolns methods of conservatism.
Evils of wealth there are. and the Amerf-
can R0beSpierreS propose 10 remedy them
by reaction and revenge. The whole issue is
summed up in this: The Republican party
means evolution; the DEMOCRATIC party
means revolution. And in Republic there
can be no excuse for revolution.
LINCOLN ON FINANCE.
Lincoln loved the people so well that moth
ing was too good for them-not even the
truth. II have faith IN the people. Let
them know the truth and the country is
safe" These are Lincoln's words, spoken
for this very hour. He did not regard it
as criminal act to buy a government
bond. His chief financial concern was to
get them sold He regarded the promises
of this Nation of honest men as the most
sacred things in all the world. He knew
that the fate OF American institutions is
written in the American peoples obliga-
tionS. Why? The bonds of a monarchy are
the promises of the peoples masterS-if
they default it is only another king dis
honored. But the bonds of republic are
the promises of the peOple-if they default,
free institutions are diShOnOred. Abrah ham
Lincoln believed that the obligations of the
American people should be made the most
attractive investment and kept the best
security known TO man. SO does the Re
publican party. Abraham Lincoln believed
that they should be sold to and held by
the people; so does the Republican party.
Abraham Lincoln loved the people too much
to permit their promissory notes to be
libeled, even by the Senate of the United
States, and so does the peoples chosen sue
cessor to Lncoln'S place and principles
William Mckinley. If any man doubts
where the Republican party stands let him
inquire where Abraham Lincoln STOOD and
there he will find the Republican party
standing like a stone wall.
Abraham Lincoln was as sound on finance
as he was on liberty. He had INDUCED IL N \
read the history of his country. And his
tory and thought inspired this prince of
purity to use language for which an Alt
geld cOurt-martial would have convicted
him of being a hireing of the money power.
For Lincoln told Congress that redundant
Issues of paper money had increased
prices beyond real values, thereby aug
menting the cost of living to the injury of
labor and the cost of supplies to the injury
of the whole country These are Lincoln $
words; and their keenness cuts the heart
out of imitation, and imitation is all there
is of Bryanesque finance. History and
thought had taught Abraham Lincoln that
inflated prices mean immediate loss to labor
and ultimate loss TO all. He had mastered
first principles. He knew that a govern
ment cannot make money: that the only
way a government gets money is to take
it by taxation, or to get it by borrowing
that if the government can make money,
all taxation is a crime, and that II 1t can
not make money, its credit is it's chief con-
Germ. And, taking first principles for his
promises, he stated the necessary conclu-
sion-for Lincoln was logician and did
not stop on the road of his reasoning to
refresh himself with his own rhetoric
and - become Intoxicated on mixed iS,1
latter-day logic which eliminates the con-
clusion from a syllogism, substitutes a phil
ippic for the sylogism itself, calls the whole
process oratory and writes "quod erat dem
onstrandum beneath a jeremiad. But he
stated his conclusion with truths simplicity
and said: "A return to specie payments at
period should
view. Fluctuations in the value of currency
are always Injurious, and to reduce these
fluctuations to the lowest possible point will
always be a leading purpose in wise legis-
latiOn." That is not the language of Wall
street, gentlemen--it is the solemn warming
of the savior of his country. And Abraham
Lincoln said all this, too, when the angel
Of war sowed fire and death throughout
the land and the Nation bound up it's
wounds with the money of emergency. Shall
we depart from his principles now, after u
generation of prosperity and In time or
wisdom, no. We appeal from his misinter-
prefers to Lincoln's very words. We appeal
from passion unto reason. We appeal from
sectionalism TO nationality. In the name of
Lincoln, we appeal to that infallible judge
the conscience of the conservative masses
whom our hero loved to call the plain peo-
judge, whose voice is indeed the voice Of
God, we fearlessy leave the rendering of
this decree of destiny.
Abraham Lincons party stands at the
daybreak of the twentieth century and tells
free institutions to take courage. With his
principles inspiring us, with his life a
guide, we will we can know no defeat
We fight a battle of patriotic affection
Even our opponents are our brOthers-kins-
men by liberty. We appeal to them as did
our master, with malice toward none and
charity for ALL In our hearts there IS no
hate Truth can afford to be serene. We
elk no partisan victory which does not
mean a healing to the Nation and a hope
to all mankind We are enlisted in the holy
crusade OF patriotism. We go forth as our
fathers did at Lincoln's call to preserve
and not destroy. We fight because we love
and not because we hate With past
filed with memories so heroic and so glo-
rous SO sacred and SO sweet, that the
world has set next to the memory of the
cICss--memories which the sword that faith
er left us calls up from our full hearts
memories of Vicksburg and Donelson, Of
Mission Ridge and AppomattoX, and all
those immortal fields of glory; and finally
memories Of him whose name brings loving
tears to every patriots eye-of him, our
leader master. friend and friend OF all
mankind; with memories like these 10 chas-
ten, ennoble and direct, we turn our faces
full to the morning, ready to perform the
mission he gave into our keeping-"to bind
up the Nations wounds to care for him
who shall have borne the battle, and to
SEQ that government of the people for
the people and by the people shall not per-
ish from the earth.