The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1898-04-12

emu tle war DIV imposing rational com
promise between the contestants. and in
teiVentlon in favor of one or the other
party. L speak not of forcible annexation
for that cannot be Thought of Thai nv
our code of morality, would be criminal
aggression"
Ihereupon, l reviewed these alternatives.
IN the light of President Grants measured
words, uttered in 1875 when. after seven
years OF sanguiuary destructive and cruel
hostilities in Cuba, he reached the con.
ciuslon that the recognition of the indie
Pehoehce OF Cuba was impractlcable and
lndefensible; and that the recognition of
belligerance was not warranted bv the
facts according 10 the tests of public law.
L commented especially upon the latter as
pect OF the question, pointing out the in
convenience and positive dangers of a rec.
ognttion of belliserence which, while add
ing TO the already onerous burdens of neu,
| trality with our own jurisdiction could moi
IN any way extend our influence or effec-
| tive offices in the territory of hostilities
| Nothing has since occurred to change my
view in this regard-and 1 recognize as
| fully now as then that the issuance of
| proclamation of neutrality, by which pro-
| cess the so-called recognition of belliger-
| ence is published could, of itself and unat-
| tended by other action, accomplish nothing
| toward the one end for which we labor, the
| instant pacifcation of Cuba and the ces-
| sation of the misery that aff1cts the island.
Turning to the question of recognizing
| at this time the independence of the pres.
ent insurgent government in Cuba, we
| find safe precedents in our history from
| an early day. They are well summed up
| in President Jackson'S message 10 Con-
| gress, Dec. q, 1896, on the subject of the
| recognition of the independence of Texas.
He said: I'm all the contests that have
| arisen out of the revolutions of France,
| out of the disputes relating to the crowns
| of Portugal and Spain, out of the separa-
| ton of the American possessions of both
from the European governments, and out
| of the numerous and constantly occurring
| struggles for dominion in Spanish Amer
| lea, so wisely consistent with our just
| principles has been the action of our gov,
eminent that we have, under the most
| critical circumstances, avoided all censure
| and encountered no other evil than that
produced by a transient estrangement of
good will in those against whom we have
been by force of evidence compelled TO
| decide.
at has thus made known to the world
that the uniform policy and practice Of
| the United States is to avoid all Interior
| ence in disputes which merely relate to
| the internal government of other nations,
and eventually to recognize the authority
| of the prevailing party without reference
to our particular interests and views OF
to the merits of the original controversy.
But on this. as on every other trying
occasion. safety is to be found in a rigiu
| adherence TO principle.
I'm the contest between Spain and the
revolted colonies we stood aloof and wait
ed not only until the ability of the new
states to protect themselves was fully es-
tablished, but until the danger of their
| being again subjugated had entirely passed
away. Then and not until then were they
recognized. Such was our course in re-
gard 10 Mexico herself.
ut is true that with regard to Texas
| the civil authority of Mexico has been ex-
PEELED its invading army defeated, the
| chief of the republic himself captured, and
all present power to control the newly
| organized government of Texas annihil-
ated within its confines. But on the other
hand. there is in appearance, at least, an
| immense disparity of physical force on the
side of Texas. The Mexican republic un-
der another executive is rallying its forces
| under a new leader and menacing fresh
| invasion to recover its lost dominion.
'ITpon the issue of this threatened in
| vasion the independence OF Texas may
he considered as suspended; and were there
| nothing peculiar in the relative situation
| of the United States and Texas, our ac-
acknowledgement of it's independence at such
a crisis could scarcely be regarded as con-
sstent with that prudent reserve with
which we have hitherto held ourselves
| bound to treat all similar questions"
| Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded
| to consider the risk that there might be
| imputed to the United States motives of
| selfish interest, in view of the former
claim on our part to the territory OF
Texas. and of the avowed purpose of the
Texans in seeking recognition of indepen-
dence as an incident 10 the incorporation
of Texas in the union, concluding thus:
| prudence therefore, seems to dictate
| that we should still stand aloof and main
| tain our present attitude if not until Mex
| leo itself or one of the great foreign pow
ers. shall recognize the independence OF
| the new government at least until the
| lapse sof time or the course or events
| shall have proved beyond cavil or dispute
the ability of the people of that country
to maintain their separate sovereignty and
TO uphold the government constituted by
them Neither of the contending parties
can Justly complain of this course. By
pursuing it. we are but carrying out the
long established policy of our government,
a policy which has secured to us respect
and influence abroad and inspired conf
Qence at HOIilc.
These are the words of the resolute and
patriotic jackson. They are evidence that
the United States, In addition to the test
imposed by public law as the condition of
the recognition of independence by
neutral state, to wit that the revolted
state shall constitute in fact body pol
itic, having a government in substance
as well as in name, possessed of the ele-
ments of stability and forming de facto,
eff left to itself a state among the ma
tons, reasonably capable of discharging
the duties of a state" has imposed for its
own governance in dealing with cases like
these the further condition that recogni-
ton of independent statehood is not due
to a revolted dependency until the danger
of its being again subjugated by the pa
rent state has entirely passed away. This
extreme test was i'm fact applied in the
case of Texas. The Congress to whom
President Jackson referred the question
as one probably leading to war" and,
therefore, proper subject for "a pre-
vious understanding with that body. by
whom war can alone be declared, and by
whom all the provisions for sustaining
its perils must be furnished" left the mat
ter of the recognition of Texas to the dis
erection of the executive, providing merely