The herald., 1898-12-25

the Union lines were returned to their mas
ters. And when General Phelps, who COM
manded the land forces operating with Ad
miral Farragut, harbored slaves who had
escaped and put them to work, he was re-
proved and removed irum his command.
And it was many months later, when General
Butler, wlo relieved him, conceived the idea
of calling the slaves contraband of war and
thus refused to turn them back to their mas
ters. Still later, and entirely as war meas
ure, followed the emancipation prociama-
tion. So that, so far from Englands taking
an attitude in favor of slavery, and therefore
to be condemned for it, we have to confess
thai we ourselves, in all our early notions
about the rebellion, never contemplated any
attack upon that institution. Britain was
divided as to the peoples attitude on the re-
bellon and so was the world divided or un-
certain-not excepting some of our own peo-
pie.
1t may be asked how il has happened that
we have entertained such jealousies against
Great Britain; it may be asked why vt is that
such men as Charles Francis Adams, Prot.
Phelps, James Russell Lowell and the late
Thomas f. Bayard all had such difficulty IN
squaring their conduct with the American
notion about England while they represent
ed this country at the court OF st. James!
1t may be asked why it was that such out
crieSaganst these men were made by Amer
leans who claimed that they were "toady-
ing" to British sentiment! The sufficient
answer is that there was political prejudice
to satisfy in this country. There was and Is
a large class Of politicians who. on account
of their sympathy for Ireland and their de-
sire to help her and incidentally to retain
votes, felt it constant necessity to refrain
from expressing friendship towards English
men; and the abuse that has from time to
time been heaped upon our ambassadors to
England for their attempts to establish cor
dial relations between the two countries
forms one OF the most unfortunate and dis
graceful chapters OF our history. But le Gus
rejoice that this is all past now and that
latterly there have been no two opinions on
the propriety OF establishing good feeling and
good fellowship between the two nations.
And thus a glance at the salient points ot
American history shows that there is no rea-
son and never has been any good reason Tor
suspecting any deeply Lud hostility between
the two countries, while, on the other hand,
from the first manifestations OF individual
liberty, both in Eng land and III tins country,
every substantial quality has belonged to
the common purpose OF both, al d the matter
of an Anglo-American alliance, when looked
at In the light of history and reason, appeals
to every lust sentiment as well as TO every
interest OF the two~nations. 1t is an alliance
about which there is nothing artificial,
strained or unnatural. The alliance which
practically exists between the two nations
now needs no formal expression, but is a
ouet. legitimate, irresistible instinct, and
purpose and existing force, and is adequate
to every need.
It is plain that while we have five great
nations on the earth, we have but four peo-
pies. and that the English and Americans
are one family and always must be one lam
iy. Let us hope that it will never become
over.ambtious or aggressive, but always
keeping the old faith, and imbued with the
highest patriotism possible to people-the
patriotism of family and race If there is now
a better understanding OF our English family
it comes of no strange and sudden new hap
penings. and therefore there is no need OF
cush over its final Towering. Let us accept
il and welcome it as a great but natural con-
summation. and do what the world has in
store for us, as race and family. Let us
heed thc call of the strong new voice in our
literature which has said to this great race
everywhere:
"Stand to your work and be wise, certain of
sword and pen.
Who are neither children nor gods, but men
in a world of men"