The times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1890-1903, 1898-07-13

and protection against "once'W sf,,- --<<'
are provided. here IL no mint OK as6fe7>
sion or domination.
The clause TO provide for the gcne-
raj welfare which Is often appealed 10
Is not mentioned in the body OF the con-
stltution except as one OF the purposes
for which taxes may be levied. Ono %
the strongest arguments against the
adoption OF the instrument, advances ny
George Mason and others. was that Fn's
clause gave unlimited authority 10 en-
ploy the powers granted 10 do Whatever
Congress might think best for the couns
try A kings could be no greater. bus
since Jefferson and Hamilton agreed that
II merely related 10 taxation, 40 rccox- (
nized authority has claimed more for ".
1t was taken from the articles OF Con-
federation where II certainly had M
such royal scope as some have soushs
TO give ii in the constitution.
NOT SO INTENDED.
"If those who drew and adopted the
constitution meant to grant the power OF
ACQUISITION at all, II was only by smph-
cation and every expression. every CIR
cumstance of its history show II WAS
merely 10 mako room at homo Tor our
own people-for growth TO the vsiole
boundaries which nature marks TOT every
great nation. outside OF which II can
only 60 as a condueror Mere expansion
may nt,sh across the seas but we cannot
grow there. Elephanasis Is not an un-
known form OF national maladys and mas
alwavs proved fatal. There are etiit
CHAPTERS OF English history to DO writ
ten.
THE power 10 govern territory ana
that for the admission or new states arc
Joined In section by themselves. Inc
former was plainly intended as an emerr
H.
OF the latter.
This implied authority TO acquire; ana
this express authority to govern acoui-
sition or 10 admit to statehood, are tne
only possible foundations for the new
career proposed FOR our country
AN IMPERIAL POLICY.
I'VE should have TO change both tho
name and the nature OF our nation 20 adj
nit anv State out OF America. especial-
ly II It be populated by allen races. rev,
AZ any. are now bold enough 10 advocate
this To get dominion over strange peo-
pies for the mere purpose OF governing
them. not admitting them as equals In
family OF states stretching into preman-
ency for that purpose power meant 10
no Temporary and occasional only and for
that reason left Unrestricted Is rightly
called an imperial policy. IL would be-
lie and discredlt the declaration or inde-
pendence. and convict of us OF hyproc-
risy. We cannot under our system
govern any people without letting them
helm govern us The reaction would be
su,ift and sure We should see what
Patrick Henry meant when he said In his
famous resolutions OF 1865 that such gov
eminent OF the colonies by Great Brit
ain has a manifest tendency 10 destroy
British as well as American freedom
IAN imperial policy Will lead as surely
some day 20 an emperor.
HE may assume some softer name "
our constituencies survive. as Is often the
case. But an imperial policy and a re-
publie make a contradiction I'm terms.
The nolicy must go or the emperor In
some form must come. The British
nroperly or added Empress Of In
dia." TO the titles Of the Queen. When
his Office outgrows the descriptive name
given him by the constitution what shan
we call the president OF the United
states OF America?
"The derision with which such alarms
are commonly met will not serve here.
A moment OF thought will show that our
form of government was intended and Is
ADAPTED for the discharge OF It's simple
and limited functions at home, with the
support and under the eye Of people
friendly to II and bound TO each other by
every tie. Set it to work under condi-
fiOnS
and multiply all the hazards which nave
always beset free institutions.
WE WILL WANT MORE.
lone acquisition will whet the appetite
for more. and Asia and Africa have be-
come tempting hunting ground for the
nation. The pride which shrinks from
failure will lead TO the gradual strength
ening OF our government for Its work
abroad. It will not long remain weaker
at home. with the Monroe Doctrine
abandoned as II must be. WEAKNESS OF
the Increased burdens Of expense which
will be sure to come. the glamor OF
schemes OF private interest artfully given
a national aspect. the pressure or einer-
gencies which are likely enough 10 arise
among people under foreign rule and
which viii be multiplied by the enemies
we shall make-all these will unite In
appeals not 20 let mere theories stand IN
the way of practical results
THAT our government could not long
remain what II Is, follows as effect from
cause. We are not political immunes.
The course proposed must be honestly
presented as involving an essential change
I'm our Institutions and not as a mere
matter OF policy.
But what are we 10 do with countries
we take2 III where our flag Is carried In
battle IL must remain as tho emblem or
permanent authority. victory will be-
come more perillous than defeat. There
IS no dlshonOr Ina bringing home our vic
torious banners. as we did from tie
walls OF Mexico. There Is dishonor. and
danger too I'm pulling down the land
marks OF tho Union. No obligation. legal
or moral, prevents our leaving such
countries as we find them. or giving their
people control OF their own affairs II We
think best Desire only. not duty, sug-
gests the assumption of authority over
them.
III we must provide fuel for our SHIPS
we want coal bins, not provinces or colo
MES We can hold them as property.
We need not broaden them into domain.
II they must be fortified and guarded so
we may fight our way 10 and from them,
let US keep them as England does CT
braltar. She does not have TO rule Spain.
II we must have purely national property
abroad. we can at least keep our politics
at home where we can have close eye
on them.
CONQUEST FOR TRADE
Congress was authorized merely to
regulate commerce. Our ancestors knew
commerce can DO captured and kept only
by better goods and lower prices. Yet II
Is more than limited that IL would be u
proper exercise OF this power 10 conquer
foreign nations in order TO make them
trade with us.
Conquest is even suggested as means
OF spreading the Gospel
"Our merchants and missionaries must
indeed be protected wherever interests or
duty call t1em. there ~ ample authority
10 do H. II for this or any other reason
we ought now 10 become moro active IN
the worlds affairs if the precepts OF our