New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1898-01-05
them, or that independents will respect them
any more for having to be converted.
EQUAL RIGHTS ~ ASIA.

II Is supposablc that the British Government
has really made such n statement to China as
that reported IN The Manchester Guardian"
1t Is also supposable that 1t has not done so,
and that the report in that paper Is put for
ward merely as n "feeler." TO ascertain public
sentiment on the subject. Governments some
times do that sort Of thing, even those that are
less sensitive to the popular will thnn that or
Great Britain. If such be the case the state
ment Is most shrewdly framed. 1t Is calculated
to please at once the Jingoes and the Man
chester School The former could scarcely ask
for stronger foreign policy than 1t sets forth,
and the latter will surely be won to Its support
by its obvious intent to keep the markets or
Asln open TO their goods. The whole statement,
down to the closing paragraph Is filled with
big words Of the most peaceful purport. and at
the close the one serious issue Is dexterously
disposed of In a sentence which may mean any
thing or nothing according to the taste and
fancy Of the Interpreter. Equal rights for all
nations in China" is the burden Of the docu-
ment Nothing could be more fair. The most
favored nation" clause Is q common one in
treaties, and It's fitness is generally recognized
Certainly 1t Is properly to be enforced wherever
It exists. And It must be said that Great Brit
should be the case. She has sought no exclu
slve privileges In China. Last year she pre-
vailed upon the Chinese Government to open
the great West River TO commerce. but II was
to the commerce Of all nations and not to that
of Great Britain alone. SO she Is Justified IN
demanding that her ships shall have the right
to find harbor at Port Arthur well as those
Of Russia, and that concessions for railroads
and mines shall be granted to her as well as to
any other nation. 1t is scarcely supposnble
that any nation will seriously dispute the JUS
tce CT such demands. The only criticism that
can we'll be made is that Great Britain Is
trife tardy in her present action. She knew,
as did all the world, n year ago, that Russia
had made a treaty with China under which she
was to enjoy special and exclusive privileges
Why did not Great Britain at once protest
against It? 1t would seem TO have been better
for her TO do so than to give the treaty the APP
parent sanction Of silence and to postpone her
opposition until time when both parties TO 1t
had come to regard It as an accomplished fact.
That, however Is not vital point. What Is
Of prime importance is the issue raised in the
last paragraph Of this Manchester statement
This declaration does not apply to cessions Of
territory" Certainly not. If China sees fit to
cede port or province 10 Germany or Russia
the equarights principle will no longer apply
to It. That territory will no longer be subject
10 Chinese treaties, but TO the laws Of It's new
owner. And there Is reason to suppose that
exactly such cessions are now about to be made,
or perhaps have already been made. 1t does
not matter whether they are made voluntarily
or involuntarily If China acquiesces in Ger
many's seizure Of Kiao-Chau that place be-
comes German territory just ms much as the
city OF Berlin itself. What then, Will Great
Britain do about that? II other nations be-
gin the partltioning Of China, what will she
do? The Manchester statement does not say.
''Graver questions will arise and the Coy
'ernment will then consider the manner in
(which British interests can best be safeguard
ed" Why that is what every one knew be-
fore 1t commits the British Government to
nothing. promises nothing threatens nothing.
In brief the whole document may be cpitomIzed
into this: Equal rights as long as they are not
seriously menaced, and then-we shall see what
we shall see. Not particularly luminous con-
tribution, that TO the literature Of the Chinese
Puzzle.