Wheeling register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1878-1935, 1898-03-22
Causes and Possibilities Of War.

upon what basis the cause for action
rests and to carefully consider all that
may result therefrom.
In view of the present warlike con-
dition, it is well to divert this exciting
question of all irrelevant surroundings
and carefully attempt to discover what
cause we have for war.
~
In order to justify resort to arms
we must have positive wrongs-such
as violation of territorial rights, yio-
lation Of treaty, invasion of the rights
of our citizens, our commerce, our
country, or our laws. When such
wrongs exist and cannot be adjusted
by diplomatic and peaceable inter
course, it is then in accordance with
the usages of nations, through a sense
of self-preservation and just defense,
to engage in war.
The laws of nations accords the right
to every nation to regulate it's own IN
ternal affairs as it chooses. 1t does
not sanction the interference Of others
unless it is clearly evident that such
measures of government seriously in
terfere with the rights of other ma
lions. Natural boundaries, which, up
on coasts, shall extend three miles to
sea, must be respected.
In view of these established princi-
pies, upon what shall we Justify our
clamor for war?
We cannot have it upon the explo-
sion of the battleship Maine. Con-
corning this most unfortunate and APP
palling occurrence, it may be safely
asserted that it could not be made a
cause for war, even though it trans
pired that some scoundrels had inten-
tionally caused her destruction That
this was the cause, however, has never
been held by the Executive or our Of
fcials.
This whole story originated with
some INSCRIPTIONS New York jour
nails, which have attempted to main
tain it by the most palpable falsehOod
and degradation of truth and decency.
1t is very probable that the report OF
the investigating committee of the
Maine will be, explosion from cause
unknown" But were it otherwise, it
would resolve itself into a question
of indemnity.
The great cause of disturbance, how
ever, is the Cuban question. 1t is urged
by some that we have in this, suffi-
cient aggravation to justify us in a
declaration of war against Spain.
We are enjoined from this by the
simple fact that it is not our territory
ard its government is not a matter
tbat ac q anncidnr
We have always strenuously held
more particularly than any other ma
tion on earth--the idea of non-inter-
yention.
The Monroe Doctrine is the crystal
ization of this IDEA. BY it we pledge
to refrain from interference in Euro
pean affairs, and oppose the interfer-
ence of Europe in the affairs of this
continent" 1t must be borne in mind
that the word continent does not mean
the Western Hemisphere, as some con-
strue it. In point of international US
age Cuba is as much an integral portion
of Spain as though physically attach
ed to her-and in point of law she is
as distant from us as Madagascar.
The deplorable condition of many of
the inhabitants of Cuba may appeal to
our sympathies as individuals and as
such we may assist them in their dis
tress. But interference as nation will
at once subject us to the rebuke of
other powers. For, mo nation is per-
mitted to act as a policeman to other
nations"
The only shadow of right upon
which we may base interference is III
jury to commerce, but even this has
not been held sufficient cause for w1r-
like demonstrations.
Thus as it stands at present, to pre-
cipitate war it would be necessary for
Spain or the United States to take the
initial step.
1t is evident that Spain will not do
this. She is both unable and unwIll
ing to engage in war. 1t would Their
remain for the United States to make
the first move, and this highly improb-
able thing could only occur through
some demand upon Spain relative TO
Cuba, which Spain might refuse.
This would expose us to the charge
of interference violation of the law
of nations-a point upon which the
European powers have expressed
selves-protesting against our
right to do this.
The point of war being reached what
are the conditions that would face us?
The following is more than a posi-
bility.
Spain would probably appeal to Eu
rope for intervention. Austria, its
ruling house related to Spains, would
assist her, and probably the other Two
powers of the Triple Alliance-Ger-
many and Italy. Bismarck comedies
Spanish assistance from Italy and
France, but discreetly remains silent
concerning Germany. Everyone knows
what amount of affection William has
for the United States. Russia is in a
certain way obliged to stand with
France. and would probably do so.
Would England support us? When
did England ever support u.s. 1t
would offer her an opportunity of
again establishing her ancient and
only safe policy-that of alliance, by
readily acting in concert with Eu-
rope.
Monarchial Europe has not that
great love for republican institutions
that we have nor does it see things
in the light that we do.
In our recent trouble with England
over the Venezuelan boundary. we had
fine expressions of her opinion. Al
though little sympathy was expressed
for Great Britain the tone that per-