The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1898-01-30

NAAa - INV RI0VUNNy kunn II y HguHNNO VI Nno
North; and when Il IL remembered how unhest-
tatingly we all use cotton and sugar and share
the profits OF dealing in them. IL may not be
quite safe to say that the South has been moro
responsible than the North for its continuance.
II, then. for q common object, this property IL to
b sacrificed, 10 It not Just that IL DO done at a
common charged And II, with less money, or
money moro easily paid. we can preserve the
benefits OF the Union by this means than we can
by the war alone, IL II not also economical TO do
itr'
In his third annual message. dated Dec. g,
1858, Mr.. Lincoln referred to the results Of the
emancipation proclamation, which had been
Issued on the LIST day Of January in that year.
1t will be remembered that among the support
ers OF tho Union opinion was divided both as to
tho constitutionality and expedienoy Of tho
measure. It is this state OF things to which Mr..
lincoln refors In the following paragraph: Tho
policy Of emancipation and Of employing black
soldiers gave to the future q new aspect,
about which hope and fear and doubt contended
In uncertain conflict. According to our polit-
zeal system. as q matter Of civil admins
%tration. the General Government had no law
full power 10 effect emancipation In any State.
and for q long time It had been hoped that tho
rebellion could be suppressed without rosorting
to 1t as q military measure. It was all the
while deemed possible that tho necessity for 1t
might come. and that. II II should. the crisis of
tho contest would then DO presented. It came.
and. as was anticipated. 1t was followed by
dark and doubtful days. Eleven months having
now passed. we are permitted 10 take another
review. Tho rebel borders are pressed still
further back. and. by tho complete opening o fthe
Mississippi, tho country dominated by tho rebel
lion 10 divided into distinct parts, with no practi-
cal Accommodation between them. Tennessee and
ArRapoaa hava haap understandable clcarad ~ IN.
surRent control, and influential citizens in each.
owners OF slaves andtadvocates Of slavery at the
beginning Of the rebellion. now declare openly
for emancipation in their respective States. OF
those States not included In tho emancipation
proclamation. Maryland and Missouri. neither
OF which, threo years ago, would tolerate any
restraint upon the extension of slavery into new
territories, only dispute now as to the best mode
Of removing 1t within their own limits"
It will be recalled that the proclamation, be-
sides freeing all slaves in certain designated
States and parts Of States, provided for the em.
ployment Of freedmen. physically qualified. in
the army Of the United States. Tho outcome OF
such employment is stated and tho effect Of the
emancipation measure upon public opinion at
homo and abroad ie summed up in a few sem
fences: "Oft those who were slaves at the begin
ming Of the rebellion full 100000 are now in the
United States military service, about one-half
of which number actually bear arms in the
ranks, thus giving the double advantage of
taking so much labor from the insurgent
cause and supplying the places which other
wise must be filed with SO many white men.
So far as tested. It is difficult to say they are
not as good soldiers as any. No servile insur-
rection or tendency to violence or cruelty has
marked the measures Of emancipation and arm
ing the blacks. These measures have been much
discussed In foreign countries. and. contempora-
ry with such discussion, the tone Of public SEN
timent there is much improved. At home, the
same measures have been fully discussed, sup
ported, criticised and denounced. and the annual
elections following are very encouraging to
those whose official duty 1t is to bear tho coun-
try through this great trial. Thus we have the
new reckoning. The crisis which threatened to
divide the friends Of the Union il past"
In Mr.. Lincoln's fourth annual message. dated
Dec. 9. 1854, the most interesting passage is
that in which the conviction is expressed that
no attempt at negotiation with Mr.. Jefferson
Davis, the President of tho Southern Confed-
eracy. could result in any good. The reasons
for tho conviction were the following: HE
would accept nothing short of severance of the
Union, precisely what We will not and cannot
give. His declarations to this effect are explicit
and oft-repeated. He does not attempt to de-
oeive us. 10 affords us no excuse to deceive
ourselves. He cannot voluntarily reaccept tho
Union we cannot voluntarily yield it. Be-
tween him and us the issue is distinct, simple
and infexible. 1t Is an issue which can only be
tried by war and decided by victory. II VIC
yield, We are beaten ; II tho Southern PEG.
pie fail him, he Is beaten. Either way.
it would DO tho victory and defeat following
war What IA frua howevar NJ him WIN heada
the insurgent cause is not necessarily true of
those who follow. Although he cannot reaccept
the Union. they can. Some of them. we know.
already desire peace and reunion. The number
Of such may increase. They can ct any moment
have peace simply by laying down their arms
and submitting to the national authority under
the Constitution. After 90 much. the Govern
ment could not. IL it would, maintain war
against them. The loyal people would
not sustain or allow 1t. II questions
should remain. we would adjust them by
the peaceful means of legislation. confer
ences. courts. and votes, operating only in con
stitutional and lawful channels. Some certain
and other possible questions are and would be
beyond the executive power to adjust: as. for
instance. the admission of members into Con-
gress. and whatever might require the appro-
priation Of money. The executive power itself
would be greatly diminished by the cessation of
actual war. Pardous and remissions Of for
FIXTURES. however. would still be within execu-
tive control. In what spirit and temper this
control would DO exercised can be fairly judged
Of by the pnst."
Notwithstanding the views above set forth
regarding the futility OF negotiations. Mr.. Lin
coin did have an interview on Feb. 3. 1865. with
three representative of the Southern Confed.
eracy. Messrs. Alexander 8. Stephens, J. A.
Campbell. and r. NJ. P. Hunter The conference !
ended without result. AS Mr.. Lincoln reported
in a communication to the Senate on the sub
ject. the conferoes on the part of the seeding
States refrained from saying that, in any event.
or on any condition. they ever would consent to
reunion, and equally omitted to declare that
they never would 30 consent. They seemed to
desire q postponement of that question and the
adoption OF some other course first, which, ss
some Of them seemed to argue. might or might
not lead to reunion. but which course Mr.. Lin
coin thought would amount TO an indefinite
postponement.
Mr.. Lincoln's second inaugural address WAS