The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1898-03-20

reached that state of mind in u,hich he is
willing to make the salvation of the people
of Cuba the price OF TIE Names destruc-
ton.
bring this feeling to the front Mr. Proctor,
in a way, went to Cuba as the Presidents
representative. The President approved his
going, was willing TO see conditions in that
island through Mr.. Proctor's eyes. and APP
proved the senator's speech before it was
delivered in the senate chamber. Senator
Proctor's calm. careful narration of Cuba
story of suffering and wrong has produced
a great impression in Washington as we'll
as in the country. Not the least of the
places where it has exerted influence is the
White House. 1t has made a record on
which the President is willing to take his
stand 1t constitutes an arraignment of
Spains inhumanity, failure and hopeless
ness of ever regaining control of the island
which is sweeping enough to afford basis
ton.
The following statement was made to me
tonight by a gentleman who is thoroughly
familiar with administration views discus
sions and politics: Whether we shall in
tervene now or few weeks later depends
upon the report of the court of inquiry.
When we intervene 1t will be upon the legal
ground that our commerce and interests
are suffering. We shall demand of Spain
that the war be stopped, that the ports be
opened to our commerce and we be freed
from further loss and annoyance. If Spain
refuses compliance we shall proceed to take
possession of her ports with our fleets, and
that will doubtless be regarded by Spain as
equivalent to a declaration of war. In GER
tain contingencies it may be necessary for
us to recognize the independence of Cuba,
and in that event the President will ask
the cooperation of Congress. The main
point is that the administration is de-
termed to press rapidly on toward a solu-
ton of the Cuban problem, either next week
or soon afterward. at any cost"
| am also informed the President, instead
of wanting Congress II adjourn prefers the
national legislature shall remain in session.
In the event that it becomes necessary to
recognize the independence or Cuba the
with Congress. The suggestion will be made
that joint resolution be passed, which the
President will sign.
proposes it is not designed to dictate what
sort of a government shall be maintained in
Cuba after the war is stopped. The ground
upon which Intervention is to be pas ed is
that longer continuation of the Cuban hor-
ror is intolerable to the United States but
it remains for Spain to work out the prob
lem of retention of her sovereignty If she
can. That question can be disposed of after
the plague spot shall have been wiped out.
In making such a demand as this the
United States would be within its rights ac
cording to international usage. IT is not
our right to say what form of government
our neighbor shall maintain. but it is our
right to demand that he shall be a good
neighbor and, under some government,
avoid making himself nuisance to us.
This is the automatically correct surface,
but deeper down is the conviction, now
quite general in the Cabinet, that there is
but one solution of the Cuban problem, and
that independence If Spain stops the war
by evacuation of the island or by declara-
ton of an armistice to pave the way for
negotiations. independence will follow. In
no event-and this statement is made with
great emphasis-will the United States in
tervene for the purpose of compelling the
insurgents to accept autonomy. Our inter-
vention will be for the purpose of protect
ing ourselves from loss and annoyance, and
the reorganization of government in Cuba
will then have to follow its natural course,
which makes for independence. If Spain
refuses to accept neutral intervention, rec
ogntion of independence is weapon OF
last resort.