The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1898-05-01

and above the ultimate triumph of
truth and right as the outcome
act On the principle that it is far more
worthy OF a man TO risk his life for a great
and good cause than to save 1t at the ex-
pense OF such a cause. Self-sacriice is thus
lifted into the utmost conspicuousness as a
virtue. This and not mere courage is the
grace that must characterize a Christian
soldier. It Is wholesome for a nation, also,
10 learn that for it there are better posi-
bilities than merely to add to the wealth
and comfort and luxury and cOntentment
of its own people. One temptation has
been, especially IN recent years, to think
100 exclusively Of this side of our coun-
try's we'll being. Our dangers have been
mainly from agitation by questions as to
how everybody can better their situation as
TO material possessions. A nation. no more
than an individual, can live a worthy lie
by bread alone.
Z. am not one of those who are disposed
TO indulge in indiscriminate condemnation
of our public men. The majority of those
who sit in our Congress, for instance, are
neither ignorant nor corrupt AS 10 ability
10 fill we'll the places which they occupy
they probably would ompare We'll with
those who have preceded them, with the
exception of rare intervals in our history.
But they have come up from an atmosphere
which is vitiated by the unwholesome eager
ness to better the situation as to material
possessions that Is so characteristic OF our
time, and they seem to be too much under
its influence Therefore they for years
have been IN a sort of deadlock merely
about such interests. One OF the posslDiil-
ties of the situation in which we now lind
ourselves is that these same men will show
by their action that they are much larger
ard wiser than we had imagined; or, if they
fail. that others will be found to take their
places who are capable of real and worthy
leadership. This would be an immense COM
pensation. Just at present what is known
as popular or parliamentary government
does not anywhere omman the confidence
that is desirable if it is to continue to be eff
fective. For us to lose confidence in any
department of our government, either in its
capacity or its integrity. would be an enor-
q0rrFG dfG0 CfCf To 9GGQnl This even war
may not be too great a price to pay.
REDUCTION OF EVILS.
Be the Justification of war what it may,
be the compeiisations however many or
great, the evils thai inevitably are attend
: ant are sure to be We ought to
see to it that these are now reduced to a
minimum In order to do this several
things are Indispensable. In the first place.
lot us keep the object which we seek to ac-
complish to the high level which our dec
1~aration before the world assigns to it. We
profess to have taken up hostilities in this
case in order to bring to an end a war that
seems to be otherwise interminable, or ter
minable only by the desolation of Cuba;
and by which because of our geographical
position we are so much affected that we
must intervene to bring to an end an in
-tolerable situation. As to the desirability
OF even the necessity III DIlHSlnS " u avs
the struggle over that island. and as to our
duty to insist that this shall be done, we
need not have any apprehension as 70 Ine
verdict of history. The only question tnat
can arise is as to the best method of accom-
plishing his object. Is 1T by the hnal ana
complete withdrawal of Spain from sover-
eighty over the island? Is it by giving the
Cubans freedom and independence! Could
we not nave obtained a satisfactory solu-
ton of these problems by peaceable means?
AS to these questions there was some dit
ference of opinion between the executive
and legislative departments of our govern
ment. Under these circumstances, we ought
.lof TO be surprised that we are thought by
some foreigners to have gone too fast and
far. The situation has been one OF great
perplexity. No course wholly free from OBJ
lection has been open to us. But our deci-
sion is perhaps as little questionable as
any other to which we could nave come.
by it we stand before the world as not seek
ing conquest or vengeance or military glory,
but as driven by stern necessity 10 enc an
intolerable state of things, and to give free-
dom and nationality to q people Wno, TOT
just cause, have for a lifetime, been strug-
Cling for it against overwhelming odds.
30 noble a purpose. When Great Britain.
France and Russia interviewed for the
Greeks in their struggle. with Turkey Tor
independence the plane of action was some
what similar. But this is the first time we
have ever entered in such a line of conduct,
and it marks a new departure for US. Let
us see to it that we do not descend to a
lower plane If the truggle is protracted.
Remember that the great powers which
gave Greece ner 1nQeDenQcDCG nave dSdlH
and again almost been tempted to think
rs is not worthy Of it. The Cubans
Dare not a people like ourselves. Are they
capable of carrying on q national, govern
ment for themselves? Probably they are;
but we must not expect too much or them
at the first, and in our disappointment de-
ecend to some lower attitude toward them.
A party of annexation both on the island
and in the United States will be apt to
Let us say no to any such movement; at
least until some change not now TO be
imagined makes ii compulsory on US to con-
slider such n question.
In the second place. let us limit the desc
1atioaS of war within the narroweSt nelds.
thas are consistent with it's efficiency.
Among all nations Christianity and civiliza--
ton have so operated as TO strip war or
many of its worst horrors that once at
tended it. Prisoners are no longer slaugh-
tered or sold into slavery. The sick and
wounded of the enemy are cared for by the
other side when within their lines. The use
OF implements of war that merely lacerate
and cause suffering is not tolerated. In a
hundred other ways humanity has softened
the barbarities of ancient war. But in spite
OF all that has thus come to be recognized
there are a multitude of spheres where UNI
necessary cruelties can still be inflicted.
Our temptation to fall into some of these.
as we can ~foresee, may for certain reasons
be very great. We, for instance. are at
war with a people who are weaker than
ourselves; and the weak are liable to do
what they would not 10 help their cause if
they were strong. Besides. we are suS-
tanned by history when we say of the Span
LALUS luLL AuGN HdNG - d6C0e bGtiA -
ready to use treachery and barbarism.
They are brave in a certain way, but they
have been cruel. They expelled not only
the M0ors, but their descendants, the
Moriscpes, long after there was no neces-
sIty for the step. The Jews were also
driven out by the same stern hand. Prot
4 e~stantism in Spain was stamped out by the
bloody Inquisition, and the object OF the
Amanda was to do the same thing in Eng
land. In the Netherlands Alva and such
as he carried death and desolation every
where. A Spanish assassin, who was re-
warded for the deed. struck dow the Prince
of Orange. The desolation of Cuba, wrought
the barbarity of the reconcentrado system,
which has destroyed the lives of perhaps
two hundred thousand nOncOmbatants, and
especially women and children, is simply
q ~perpetuation of the old spirit. SUCH a
history makes us more suspicious as to the
all Spaniards are in sympathy with such
things. But under the passions OF war this
minority was unable TO stay the tide. and II
the old spirit does not show itself somehow
in this conflict it will be strange. Then we
will be liable 70 be maddened and to re-
taliate in some unjustihable manner. Let
us beware of such a danger. In fact, from
many quarters already the cry or vengeance
for the Maine is heard, and when by the
landing of an army on the island the veil
IS fully lifted from the horrors of this long
civil strife, that cry will be apt 10 be dam
selves to be carried by our passion into bar
barism.
AS TO PRIVATEERING.
This is likely to be largely a sea war.
On land under modern ideas private prop
erty is protected, except as necessity
requires its destruction or seizure. On the