The herald., 1898-06-28
THE new CHARTER
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| The movement for a new charter now il
action originated in the Jeffersondan soci
ETY.. No thought nor effort for partisan ad
! vantage had any place in the movement.
| The component parts of the city popuia
ton and its interests were examined, and
meeting was called on the new charter, tt
which were invited representatives OF th'
mercantile, public-spirited and political or
ganizations. 1t was sought to make the
meeting fair and honest representative
one of Los Angeles and it's people.
| The invitations We're accepted and tho
meeting was held. All took part and con.
sented to what was done. No protest mol
even suggestion was made that everything
was not entirely fair. The teachers of the
city sent delegation, asking for participa-
ton, and they were admitted. The meeting
determined the representation proper and
fair for each interest in the city for the
freehoders to make the charter. 1t ap-
pointed committee to wait on the council
and ask that body to call an election OF
freeholders to frame charter. The meet
ing was then adjourned to the call of the
chair. This call, 1t was understood, was to
be made as soon as the council called the
election. This was done, and the various
organizations, so far as represented made
their nominations for freeholders.
Two organizations were not officially rep
resented, but sent no explanation of their
action. These were the Better City Gov
ernment league and the partisan Repub-
licans. In both cases the meeting nominal
ed representative men from their ranks, as
h4t1 ;,,ct
ganizations were represented at the first
meeting and agreed to the action there
finally taken and to the representation ac-
corded to them.
1t was said by one leading Republican
that the Republican machine considered
the movement for the charter contained too
little politics, and that what politics there
was was favored with too much Jefferson
ian society. To remove this objection, the
Jeffersonian society did not nominate a
representative as freeholder. The JET
fersonians wished, and now desire, that the
new charter shall be fair, modern, non
partisan and effective in securing an honest
efficient and economical city government
This society recognizes the abuses that
exist in city government and the tempta-
tons that surround the public officers. Ii
recognizes also the resulting low and venal
standards of political life. that at once in
jure the public service, invite corruption
and waste and destroy the character and
morals of so many men in public life.
These defects we should all unite to end.
The trouble with the Republican machine
was that the charter movement was really
fair, honest and non-partisan movement.
1t was movement that no coterie of poll
ticians could control or sell out. This polit-
ical machine saw. hold-ups and corporation
tips and all the plunder of contracts and
patronage would be at a low ebb after such
q truly representa- tive body of freeholders
had enacted a new charter. The machine
also perceived that a charter so framed
would command popular approval, just as
that in San Francisco has recently done,
and that all the low politicians and corrup-
tionsts united could not prevent it. Hence
the kick 1t was not an open fight against
the movement. The machine men merely
sulked and refused to stand up to what
they had been surprised into agreeing to.
The advocates of one of the protesting
petitions for candidates other than those
agreed upon stated that the Democrats
ought not to have part in making charter
for the city. because they had no interests
in 1t, and We're, in fact, the riff-raff of the
town.
ance, for it contains it's own refutation.
The homes and interests in Los Angeles
owned by Democrats are too considerable
TO admit of denial. But, indirectly, this
reason as advanced indicates lamentable
and narrow prejudice against the masses
of the people. 1t is the equal right of all.
as distinguished from special and class
privilege. that this statement resents.
These people do not want fair deal and
an honest charter. What they want is some
sort of a trick whereby coterie to which
they belong shall control the city. They
want to nullify majorities and juggle with
districts. They hold the masses in con-
tempt and even in adherence, and seek
their advantage in special privileges or fa-
vors from those holding such. This is an
unfortunate feeling to have in free coun-
try. 1t is the logical outgrowth of the
wide departure of Republican leaders from
the doctrines of the originators of that
party. AT first they stood for human rights
and denounced slavery upon every ground
of economics or morals, and demanded
equality for all. Now, infatuated with priv
ileges granted by law, seeking riches by
government interference in their behalc,
taxing the people for their bountes and
protection, doing to the American masses
what Spain has done to her colonies, these
people have lost their moral sense.
They no longer see that the use by force
of law to one class to enrich another is an
economic and a moral crime. They are
blind, and so in their blindness they can
not even see the Stimson block on Spring
street, because it was built by Democrat
a man who asked only fair deal for all
and special privileges for none.
The Republican leaders, originally
against human slavery, have now drifted
into doctrine that must finally compel It..
They say that the cheaper the individual
wage the cheaper the product The indus
trial conqueror must then be the slave
holder who pays no wage at all. To that
we must come in competition. If free gov
ernment continues, 1t must, strangely
enough, bring slavery as the outcome of
individualism. Either that, or a socialism
for the masses in place of the Republican
socialism for the few.
The Republican leaders hate socialism
with a bitter hate, and yet they are the
Socialist party of America. 1t Is they who
pretend to use the power of all for the
benefit of the few. 1t is a short step to use
the power of all, under a social despotism,
for the good of all. We know that the slave
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