The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1897-06-23
COHORTS OF THE LOST CAUSE
Continued from First Page)

49, -
and death between people of the same
country, the same race, and in a general
way of the same political and religious
opinions?
My answer is that it was an inheritance
from the governments of Europe and from
our ancestors, which raised a question in
volving too much of the social and indus
trial structure of society, and too much
OF property values, to admit of adjust
ment in the ordinary methods of negotia-
ton and compromise. And its decision
was, therefore, submitted to the arbitra-
ment of war.
Those who defended the institution of
slavery quoted the Old Testament scrip
lures, and the device of Christ our Sa-
vior, as given in the New Testament, and
the example of the nations of the past
in justification of its existence.
From early times there were those who
questioned the rightfulness to slavery
possibly without sufficient considerat ton of
the character of the different races of peo-
pie. This feeling grew first with the phil
anthropic and religious classes until at last
it was seized upon by political demagogues
as an individual method of political agita-
ton and defamation by office-seekers.
1t grew until mobs, legislatures and courts
repudiated the constitutional provisions
and the laws of congress and the decis-
ions of the supreme court of the United
States, which protected slavery in the
states where it existed. and required the
rendition of slaves when they escaped in
to other states.
Whatever may have been said in he
past in the defense of the institution of
slavery, and whatever may now be
thought of the means by which it was
abolished in this country, the spirit OF the
present age is against it, and it has passed
away, and l suppose no one wishes its
restoration, if that were practicable. Ger
tainly 1 would not restore il if / had the
power l think il better for the black
race that they are free and l am sure
it is better for the white race that there
are no slaves.
In later times those not familiar with
the facts to which 1 am referring have
asked the question: "Why was this great
question not compromised stating that
If would not have cost a fifth of the money
to pay for and liberate the slaves that
the war cost, and that in that way the
tens of thousands of valuable lives of good
men might have been saved, and all the
attendant suffering prevented.
The first answer to that question is, that
the slaves in the United States at the
beginning Of the war were estimated to be
of the value of three thousand million
dollars and if they were to be liberated
common honesty required that 1t should
have been at the expense of the nation
which was responsible for its existence.
The republicans and the anti-slavery peo-
pie We're then a majority of the whole
people and had full possession of the fed
eral government, or were ready and au-
thorized to take possession of it. And they
demanded thar the whole loss to arise
from the freeing of the slaves should fall
on their owners and on the southern
not have consented for the federal gov
eminent and the northern people to pay
any part of the cost of freeing Of the
slaves.
The second answer to II is that the in
dustrial and social systems of the south
ern states we're so interviewer with the
interest of slavery that the people then
believed the freedom of the slaves, with
out compensation, meant the bankruptcy
OF the people and states where il existed
to be followed, probably, by a war OF
races.
In this connection I desire to say that
it has been frequently asserted of late
years that at the conference between
President Lincoln and Secretary Seward
Of the federal side, and Messrs Stephens.
Hunter and Campbell of the confederate
side, at Hampton Roads, on the Sd OF
January, 1865. that President Lincoln Of
fered the confederates 40O,O0OOO0 for the
slaves IL they would abandon the war and
return to the union. / wish 20 assert
most solemnly that no such offer IN any
form was made. All the papers relating
to the Hampton Roads conference are
given in 'McPherson's History of the Re-
bellion." as he calls It. They show that
the joint resolution for amending the
constitution Of the United States was
passed by congress, submitting TO the
states the question Of abolishing slavery
In the United states. two or three days
before the date OF that conference. Tho
report OF the commissioners on the part
Of the confederacy, which was published
an the time, shows that no such offer
was made or referred 10 In that confer
ence. The statement OF President Davis
and that OF President Lincoln and OF Sec
rotary Seward. show that no such offer
was made or talked OF az that conference
II Is disproven by every man who was
there, and by every paper which has been
written by or for the men who were there
Neither President Lincoln nor any other
man on the federal side would have dared
10 make such an offer at that time IL
was stated at the time, and I believe the
statement 20 be true that the congress
hurried the joint resolution above named
through so as 10 fOreatall the possibility
Of any such proposition. The object OF
this untruthful statement was no doubt
10 cast odlum on the confederate Preal-
dent and authorities by trying TO show
that they would accept no terms OF peace
and were responsible for the continuance
OF the war. President Davis appointed
Vice President Stephens 10 40 to Wash
ingtOn Al 1864, ostcnalDiy to secure a re-