The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1897-09-05
INVITATION TO REBUKE
SHOULD BRITAIN TRY TO GAIN con-
TROL OF NICARAGUA CANAL.
Secretary Blaine Laid Down the Law
ON the Subject to European Pow
ers Way Back In 1851.

pletion would be regarded with Indifference
at Washington. The construction of the
Nicaragua canal seems to have been re-
solved upon by the Mckinley adninistra-
ton. The ownership of a controlling in
terest in the canal even by the British gov
eminent would give Great Britain no more
political or naval power over it than she
has in the Suez canal. 1t would be even
less as the treaty with Colombia, under
which the canal concession was granted
absolutely neutralizes the canal itself. Any
attempt on the part of Great Britain to
obtain undue political advantage in the
canal would be met by as prompt and en-
phatic a rebuke by the United States as
would be administered should it suddenly
be discovered that Great Britain had OBJ
tanned by secret treaty with Spain control
of the Island of Cuba Secretary Blaine
took cognizanoe of similar rulHors in 1881
relative to the canal, and promptly indicted
a note to the American diplomatic re2vs-
sentatives abroad. That note so forcibly
and clearly states the position which the
United States would Immediately assume in
the event of a serious threat of foreign
control that its important features are
given herewith:
Department of State,
Lowell, London: Sir-It has fallen I'M
der the observation of the President
through the current statements of the Eu-
communication that the great powers of
Europe may possibly be considering the
subject of jointly guaranteeing the neu-
trality of the interoceanic canal, now prof.
ected across the Isthmus of Panama. The
United States recognizes a proper guaran-
tee of neutrality as essential to the con-
struction and successful operation of any
n
and in the last generation every step was
taken by this government that it deemed
necessary in the premises. Necessity was
forced and abundantly provided for long in
advance of any pc ssible call for the actual
exercise of power.
'In 1886 a memorable and important
treaty was negotiated and signed between
the United States of America and the re-
public of New Granada, now the United
States Of Colombia. BY the thirty-hfth
tain concessions made to the United States
we guaranteed, Positively and efticacious-
ly' the perfect neutrality of the isthmus
and of interOceanic communications that
might be constructed upon or over 1t, for
the maintenance of free transit from sea
to sea; and we also guaranteed the rights
of sovereignty and property of the United
State of Colombia over the territory of
the isthmus as included within the borders
of the State of Panama. In the judgment
of the President this guarantee, given by
the United States of America, does not re-
quire reinforcement or accession or assent
from any other power. In more than one
instance this government has been called
upon to vindicate the neutrality thus guar
anteed, and there is no contingency now
foreseen or apprehended in which such vim
diCatiOn would not be within the power OF
this Nation.
There has never been the slightest doubt
on the part of the United States as to the
purpose or extent of the obligation then as
sumed, by which 1t became surety alike for
the free transit of the worlds commerce
over whatever landway or waterway might
"a
protection of the territorial rights of CO.
lombia from aggression or interference OF
any kind. Nor has there ever been room to
question the full extent of the advantages
and benefits, naturally due to its geograph-
zeal position and political relations on the
States obtained from the owners of the
Isthumian territory in exchange for that
far-reaching and responsible guarantee.
THE TREATY OF 1916.
eff the foreshadowed action of thu Fnro-
pean powers should assume tangible shape
it would be we'll for you to bring to the
notice of Lord Granville the provisions of
the treaty of 1916, and especially of its thir-
ty-ffth article, and to intimate to him that
any movement in the sense of supplement-
ing the guarantee contained therein would
necessarily be regarded by this government
as an uncalled for intrusion into a field
where the local and general interests of the
cred before those of the United States of
Colombia alone which has already derived
and will continue to derive such eminent
advantages from the guarantee of this gov
eminent. 1t is not the wish or the purpose
of the United States to interfere with any
commercial enterprises in which the citi-
zens or subjects of any foreign power may
see fit to embark under a lawful privilege.
The fact of the stock and franchises of
the Panama canal or the Panama railway
being owned in Europe. either in whole or
principally, is no more a subject of COM
plant on the part of the United States than
is the circumstance that the stock of many
of its great lines of railway is largely held
abroad. Such ownership, with its attendant
rights, is in the United States amply Sc
cured by the laws of the land, and on the
isthnus Is doubly secured by the local
laws Of Colombia, under the superior guar
antee of the United States
cit is as regarded the political control of
such a canal as distinguished from its
merely administrative or commercial regu-
lations that the President felt called upon
to speak with directness and with empha-
sis. During any war to which the United
States of America or the United States of
Colombia might be a party the passage of
armed vessels of a hostile nation through
the canal at Panama would be no more ad-
missable than would the passage of armed
forces of hostile nation over the railway
lines joining the Atlantic and Pacific shores
of the United States or of Columbia. The
United States of America will insist upon
her right to take all needful precautions
against the possibility of the isthmus tran
sit being in any event used Extensively
against her interests upon the land or upon
IF the proposed canal were a channel of
communication near to the countries of the
old world and employed wholly or almost
wholly by their commerce 1T might very
properly be urged that the influence of the
European powers should be commensurate
with their interests. With the exercise of
such influence the United States could find
no fault, especially If assured of equal par
ticipation in the peaceable enjoyment of
commercial facilities so afforded. The case,
however is here reversed, and an agree
ment between the European states to Joint
ly guarantee the neutrality and in effect
control the political character of a highway
of commerce remote from them and near
to us, forming substantially a part of our
coast line and promising to become the
chief means of transportation between our
Atlantic and Pacific States, would be
viewed by this government with gravest
IN THE INTEREST OF PEACE.
1.-THE guarantee entered into by the govern
ment in 1916 was manifestly in the interest
of peace, and the necessity imposed by cir
cumstances upon the United States of
America to watch over a highway between
its two coasts was so imperative that the
resultant guarantee was the simplest JUS
tice to the chief interests concerned ANY
attempt to supersede that guarantee by an
agreement between European powers, which
maintain vast armies and patrol the sea
with immense fleets, and whose interest in
vital and supreme as ours, would partake
of the nature of an alliance against the
United States and would be regarded by
this government an indication of UNI
friendly feeling4 1t would be but an made
Quate response to the good will we bear
them and to our cheerful and constant
recognition OF their own rights Of domestic
policy as well as those resulting from
proximity or springing from neighbOrly in