Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1897-08-06


free with committee reports, az with any
other matter. and upon the open floor or
the Senate no man Is master. The Vice
President Is an outsider, not the leader
OK his party. even II his party have the
majority I'm the Senate. and generally not
a very influential outsider. timid about
asserting even the natural powers OF a
parliamentary moderator. Among the
senators themselves there Is an equality
az absolute as the equality OF the sove-
reign States which they represent.
The Government OF the United States
as We use Sc, besides IS not the Gov
eminent OF the United States az they
used 81. Why Is II that this leaderless
character Of our government did not
disclose Itself TO an earlier generation
as 80 has disclosed Itself TO US? The
government has tho same formal struc-
ture now that II always has had why
has It's weakness been so long concealed?
Why can It not serve the new time az
well as 10 served the old? Because the
new time Is not like the old, for Us or
any other nation, the changes which we
have witnessed have transformed us.
The tasks set the government now differ
both in magnitude and in kind from
those set It in days gone by.
SECTIONAL LINES.
I rejoice to believe that there are no
longer any permanent sectional lines in
this country. But there is an unprcce-
denied liberalization OF interests, and
for the time. no doubt differences Of
interest mark also differences Of region
and Of development. And these differ
ences Of condition and Of economic
growth as between region and region,
though temporary, are moro sharply
marked than they ever were before.
Moreover there IS n confused variety:
region differs from region I'm an almost
incalculable number Of significant de-
tails. And there IS added 10 this every
where a swift process OF change.
shifting Of elements. n perpleXing vicis-
sltude in affairs Here and there com
munties have q fixed life and are stll
and quiet as Of old; but these lie apart
from the great forces that are making
the nation. and the law is change.
And where conditions are comparative
~ simple and uniform constructive,
leadership is little needed. Men readily
see things alike and easily come TO
common opinion upon the larger sort
Of questions: or. at any rate. 10 two
general opinions, widespread and definite
enough to form parties on. For we'll
nigh a generation after the war, more
over. the problems which the govern
ment Of the Union had 10 settle were
very definite problems. indeed, which no
man could mistake and upon which opin-
ion could readily be concentrated.
Since then. how has the scene changed
II IS not now fundamental matters OF
structure and franchise upon which we
have TO centre our choice; but these gem
eral questions Of policy upon which every
nation has 10 exercise its discretion; Tor
eign policy. our duty to our neighbors'
customs. tariffs coinage. currency lfnHl-
oration the law Of corporations. and OF
trusts the regulation Of railway traiiic'
and Of the great Industries which supply
the necessaries Of life and the stu1s OF
manufacture. Who Is to reconcile our IN
terests and extract what is national ana
liberal out Of what is sectional and sell
fish? II IS infinitely difficult to effect a
general enlightenment of the public mind
I'm regard to their real merits and signi-
0cance for the nation. as whole. They
cannot be settled justly by a mere COM
pounding Of differences, a mere unguided
interplay Of rival individual forces. with
out leadership and the courage Of definite
party action.
l. for nv part when ! vote at a critical
election. should like TO be able 10 vote for
a definite line Of policy with regard 10 the
great questions OF the day, not for plat
forms. which, Heaven knows, mean little
enough. for the men known and tried in
tho public service: with records open TO
be scrutinized with reference 10 these
very matters; and pledged TO do this or
that particular thing 10 take this or that
definite course Of action. AS il is, vote
for nobody l can depend upon to do
anything, no, not if / were to vote for
myself.
What would have? l feel the embar-
rassmcnt of the question. If | answer IL,
1 make the unpleasant impression Of pos
ing as a statesman. and tempt those
who wish to keep every man in his place
to remind me that i am only college
professor. whom it would better become
to stick to his legitimate business of de-
scribing things as they are, leaving IL to
men of affairs to determine what they
ought to be.
My studies have taught me this one
/ thing with a defniteness which cannot
be mistaken; successful governments
| have never been conducted safely i'm the
midst of complex and critical affairs,
/ except when guided by those who were
responsible for carrying out and bring
| ing TO an issue the measures they pro-
/ posed; and the separation of the right
! 10 plan from the duty to execute has
always led 10 laundering and inefiiciency.
| The Roman Senate. the only efficient ad-
ministrative assembly that / know Of in
the history of the world, was a perma-
nent body, made up for the most part
Of men who had served their terms as
executive officials through a long success
sion Of Offices. 1t undertook actually to
direct the affairs of the State, as our
houses do; but its members had had
varied executive experience, and what
was OF still more significance. its mis-
takes came back upon itself. The shame
of failure fell upon IT, and not upon those
who were merely its agents. More
over. II was a thoroughly national power;
IL stood for no constituencies; in its days
! of success it represented, not a divided
but a thoroughly homogeneous State. If
/ YOU would have the present error of our
system, in a word, it is this, that Con-
| gress Is the motive power in the govern
ment. and yet has In ii nowhere any
| representative of the nation as a whole
| our Executive, on the other hand, is
national; at any rate, may be made so.
| ana vet has no longer any place Of
| guidance i'm our system. 1t represents
no constituency, but the whole people;
! and vet. though it alone is national 1t
/ has no originative voice in domestic ma
| tional policy.
TO A DANGEROUS LENGTH
We have carried the application Of the
notion that the powers OF government
/ must be separated 10 a dangerous and
unhcard of length by thus holding our
| national representative, the Executive,
at arms length from Congress, whose
very commission it seems to be 10 repre-
/ sent not the people, but the communi-
/ ties into which the people are divided.
/ We should have Presidents and Cabinets