The times., 1897-03-29

a
ready In this direction are the postal ser,
ice taiready nationalized, and the FIRE
quent proposals from respectable source
lor government to assume control OF tin
telegraph and the railways So. aIsl
Wheh all sugar or rubber goods, or dresse
Deer or Kerosene, or any other coinInodit
mas come, by ordinary business methods
under the management of one busin es
concern, then it is suggested that III,
state appropriate it. The chief objection
TO this is the corrupt condition of politics
10 WoHid enormously increase the spoil
OF office. Every step in civil servic,
reform tends to remove the objection. an,
it is probable that thus widening The
sphere OF politics to take in many REFORM
OF business would tend to attract superior
men 10 become professional politicians
Indeed, the socialistic program looks for
ward to all men being politicians serving
the State iii honor.
Third, revolution. And instead of !oin
any good the effect of revolution would
he reactonary, and we should fly to the
arms OF any government, no matter how
| autocratc, that promised order and peace.
Violence is always step backward
However, have 10 fear of violence. for
| l heartily agree with these words Of ouu
| inspiring, too, 10 remember that no great
| emergency i'll the los years Of our eventfuI
national life has ever arisen that has not
been met with wisdom and courage by tie
American people
! There is a great deal Of thinking going
on over these matters Probably a vast
majority OF the people OF America are
in favor OF republicanizing wealth and
removing all special privileges, tut they
| are split into innumerable factions and
no genius has yet arisen 10 harmonize
them The recent campaign profoundly
| agltated these themes. Thousands voted
| for Mckinley, not because they belived
in the laissez faire stand taken by the
Republicans, not because they would not
have voted for a just, clear and practical
platform proposing TO limit the Iower of
wealth, but because the American people
viii never uphold any party in reckless
appeal 10 discomfort.
AS the proposition to tax the. big stores
| by license, by the way il seems to me
to be very unsatisfactory way of deal
ing with the subject. | have no use for
licensing anything If thing is wrong
prohibit and punish tiff right, let II
alone License is a makeshift, the most
ulsgraceful means OF getting money, for
1t gets its force from the public conscience
ana would appease moral conviction by
revenue The cigarette license law |
do not believe VIII lessen the sale Of the
offensive article, and it viii increase the
business Of the few large stores at the
expense Of the many small ones II any
body is to make money out Of running the
health Of our boys, why not let the small
grocer have a share in the precious bus:-
ness The whole license idea is thor
oughly rotten ethically, absurd politically
and impotent practically.
It an idea peculiarly fitted 10 match the
convolutlons Of the average lawmakers
brain, Now, we have 10 right whatever
to impose fine OIL the department store.
neither legally nor morally. Legally, it
is class legislation. Morally, it is simply
tax On success. The department store
has only done what every small merchant
would 90 If ne could. While there may
be abuses ana inadentals in the big
store that are wrong. Just as abuses are
liable To glow up in any business. Yet
In It's main idea the big store S nothing
but the application Of capitaliza ton and
combination TO business methods. II they
every successful man in ans business on
earth freeze out the unsuccessful Is it
not a fair fight? Have they any special
privilege. and are they enriching them
selves on the gifts of the people like
street car and railway companies? Are
they exploiting msound bon Us on the
market? Are they not simply applying
BRAINS ana money to the retail business.
asking no favors of anybcdy? If their
method of business is injurious, then it is
your whole business - stem that j. wrong,
and not those few conspicuous examples of
1t, for they are the normal flower Of modern
Instead Of enviouAy turn
ing TO cripple these men that rave won in
the scramble for success, better ask YOUR
selves whether tie scamble is right in the
first place. Itisnot the victOrSin the game,
it is the rules of the game that are wrong
One thing that applies not only to de
paTtment stores. bat to offices and stores
generally seems TO me to be really worth
fighting about and that is the employ
ment Of children and women. child es-
peeiany has no business earning living
If there are no parents to support it the !
State should do so. The only place for |
the child is the school and the home. !
Considerable legislation has already been |
successfully applied to prohibiting child |
labor, and it ought to be extended. We |
have no right to thrust the child among |
the chariot wheels of the great battle |
for bread.
II this is largely true of women. Why |
are big stOres-and little ones, tOo-and |
offices filled with women who do the
ClerkinC and type writing and so on? |
There is only one reason-because they
are cheaper As a rule, they are par
TALLY supported by their family and work
out at a cut rate to assist the home
system of women clerks is based upon
the disruption Of home. Some work thus
because thay must, many because they
love the rattle and glare of business"
better than the humdrum of housewifeIy
care.
Here is what we are coming to: The
home of the next generation Will com
prise, first, the mother whose health has
been ruined by close air and long hours
Of standing during the formative period
of girlhood, whose mind has run to weeds
from lack of schooling. whose soul has |
been developed in the mire of business"
when it should have been haSking in the
quiet beams of a gentle mother and
washed in the May dews of maiden piety
and purity. The father, second is forced
to pit bis labor against women and chill
dren and cannot make enough to support
lis household. So the children are cash