New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1897-01-24
THE BRITISH TREATY.

Ex-senator Edmunds has made very strong
argument in favor Of the Arbitration Treaty,
ms have other distinguished statesmen. 1t is not
10 be denied that educated public opinion gen
orally favors this treaty though without much
attention it must be confessed. to the provisions
81 II which elicit most criticism in the Senate
/rhe least satisfactory part Of the whole business
is that this same outside public opinion seems
inclined to PREJUDICE the case. to treat every
Senator as an enemy Of righteousness who qnes-
tons any part Of the treaty, and TO assume that
some mean and despicabe motive must lie be-
hind any criticism of its provisions. This sort
Of spirit which Is so often evoked by any act
or criticism Of the present Administration. has
become insuferaby tiresOme to most people, and
tends strongly toward public and Congressional
defeat of any measure which the Administration
Is disposed to favor.
There has never been treaty which more
sorely needed close and accurate criticism in
the Senate and elsewhere than this treaty with
Great Britain. If it is to be basis Of perma-
rent peace between English-speakine nations. as
many people make haste to infer, it is by far too
important to he carelessly approved. and the
constitutional requirement that the Senate shall
by a two-thirds majority approve any treaty no
go,ated was not placed in the supreme law of
the land I'm mere wantOnness or without
definite purpose. 1t was deliberately intended
that the Senate should do precisely what the
r,.ople who camor for instant ratification in
sist II shall n0t do. The solemn and sworn OBJ
legation Of the Senate is to scrutinze this and
every other treaty as closely and independently
as II Il had never been seen by the Executive
Department. The man who shrieks Tor instant
action without such conscientious and thorough
examination knows nothing OF the Constitution
II NAV he presumed that the Senate will insist
upon performing its duties with all reasonable
care. That body is sometimes more than prop
erly Jealous Of its privileges and power. 1t is
hardly 10 he supposed that it will fooishly per-
nit popular clamor to decide a great interna.
tional question. deprving the Senate of the right
and the duty of careful consideration OF that
matter. Foolishly. 1t may be said with the ut
most deliberation. because every Senator knows
that the people who are in hot haste for action
on this matter have not. as rule. given to The
subject a thousandth part of the examination 1t
requires. Most of them do not know what the
pending treaty means, or what it involves. and
have very little idea to what extent II would
affect the relations Of this country with other
Powers.
The treaty has some most admirable pro-
visions. which it is to be hoped may become part
OF permanent International law. There are other
provisions which are less clearly satisfactory.
and possibly less carefully considered by the con-
tracing Powers. Every broad treaty IS liable
TO have that defect. Plain in terms as to the
points which go directly TO the main purpose Of
the contracting nations. such treaties are ex-
tremely likely 10 embrace clauses which neither
nation seriously considered or had in mind when
II was framed, and such ill-consldered or I'M
considered clauses. in almost every instance have
proved the cause Of ultimate rupture or disap-
pointment. 1t is not the part OF good sense 10
insist that the Senate should give no attention
to details or minor provisions, because the main
object Of duty Is heartily approved. For that
very reason II ought TO labor more carefully TO
remove from the treaty any part which may
cause distrust and defeat In years to come the
whole object OF the negotiation.