The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1897-10-17

nent Of class distinctions, for tho reason
thai mon,6shy was thoroughly rooted in the
history OF that country, in her social and ro!it-
,cal institutions. in tho sentiments Of her poo.
plo, and because It's abrupt and complete de.
struction would violently wrench the whole
social fabric, tho slow product Of centuries OF
GROWTH; would dislocatc all existing relations
and carry In its train injustice, turbulence. and
anarchy. lie saw no m,gic. however. In The word
monarchy, any more than ho bchcld n mystic
| spell in the word republic. Disposed to be Gym
ical md contCinptuous. Morris never thought OF
hurting such indiscrininatc, wholesale anuthc-
mas against II particular class OF men as canc
scorching from tho pen OF the mild humanita-
rian, Jefferson. Morris, indeed. might lind this
or that king worthy OF n mordant cpithct, and he
did criticiso individual monarchs ms freely and
unspnringly MS no did democratic nobs, but IL
would be In every case because the character OF
the individual could be most accurately eN-
pressed in such Terms, not because OF his king.
ship. Morris has left harsher criticisms nj the
King OF j France than has Jefferson. but ho was
far from regarding the destruction of tho mon
archy and the execution OF the monarch with tho
same Indifference. No special form or scheme
seemed to him the last word in the science
of government. No man, in truth, could see
more clearly that every form has the defects OF
its qualities. The best" he wrote, lis that
which has the fewest faults, and the excellence
of even that depends more on its fitness for
the nation where it IL established than on in
trinsic perfection" In regard to the basis OF
every government. Morris's Vows were clear
and rational. That basis. he said. is property.
The prosperity and power OF a nation depend
upon the amount Of security given to property.
Morris believed that in n republic, even more
than elsewhere, property must be rendered i'm
prcgnablc behind intrenchmcnts Of legal rights
and guarantees. II property is not safeguarded
the cupidity Of the masses will be unchecked. and
lawlcssncss. violence. and disregard of obliga-
tions may ensue. eliminating in the weaken
ing or overthrow of political institutions and
tho looscning or swapping asunder of the
bonds that hold society together. The en-
CINE he said. "by which n giddy p%opulacc
can be most easily brought TO do mischief. is
their hatred of the rich" This passage shows
Morris's attitude toward democracy. or pure
democracy. he had never a word OF praise, but
only constant and dceprooted distrust. He told
Lafayette, soon after leaving Paris. that he was
opposed to democracy from regard to liberty"
lie urged the French not to go too far in that
direction in their new Constitution. He thought
Mr.. Jcffcrson's ideas in many respects too
democratical." Later in life he called dcmoc-
racy that disease OF which ell republics have
persisted. except those which have been over
turned by foreign force" lie would not even
describe democracy as a bad species Of govern
ment. 1T is" he says. mo government at all,
but. in fact, the death or dissolution of other
systems"
1t was Morris's belief that, In n purely demo-
cratic State, the greed and envy OF the poorer
classes would exercise a dismal sway. Hence
he came eventually to be regarded in France as
an aristocrat, and was taunted with aristocratic
proclivitics at home. He never hesitatcd to
| pNnrpSs IN members Or tho Renuhlican marty IN
France his entire lack of faith in the possibility
or desir ability of a successful realization OF
their aims. This, of course, was unwelcoInc.
Hence the current description of him US a rest
less and annoying busybody, the plague OF the
good party" Fostering them with irony at the
expense Of their enthusiasm. Because Morris
did not join IN the crusade against kings, which
on this side Of tho Atlantic was pcrfunctory
and verbal, but in France was actual and
deadly, he was called a monarchy man In the
Senate Of the United States, and his rumored
assassination in Paris Mt the hands Of the mob
was announced with serenity and complacency
by the Republican section Of the American
press. The truth regarding Morris is undouht.
eddy stated by the author ofthis book, when It 10
affirmed that he loved freedom. and was, indeed,
dcvotedly attached to tho liberties of man.
kind. although he regarded progress toward lib.
erty ms necessarily slow and as demanding re.
ahu sooilcly iToh tnOSe VINO would enjoy
it. Habits Of political action are those most
slowly acquired. and mus; almost be bred into
the race before they become safe supports OF
the State. Morris saw that experience, and e1.
perience alone. is able TO train men to an intelli.
gent use OF their rights. He thought that. after
France had once developed the principles OF
her now constitution. tho lifetime Of a genera.
tion would be required to render the practice
familiar. Morris also believed that for the en-,
joyment OF liberty we must first have morals.
Without them. II is but an empty sound. Al.
though. moreover. he never pretended to have
any religion himself. he held that religion Is
favorable to morals. Its destruction, he said
loosened the bonds of duty, and those Of allie
glance must ever be weak where there is n de.
feet both of picty ana morality" Whatever
Morris's attitude toward morality and religion
in the concrete may have been. he undoubtedly
believed in them in the abstract as eminently
conservative. social, and political forces, and
their subversion in France appeared to him, as il
did TO many other Americans. as. OF all %portents,
the most menacing. OF course. such opinions
were not popular among the more advanced re.
formers of France at the time. Morris appeared
to many on both sides OF the Atlantic as a false
representative of tho dominant ideas of his
country, as lukewarm in a faith that demanded
fervor, as a republican of the Venetian type, If q
republican at all. as. In fine, an aristocrat with,
out even the thinnest disguise. Thus the sus.
picion arose that he was q determined opponent
OF the Revolution from tho beginning and from
principle. a suspicion to which much color was
given by his social relations with arlstocratic
circles in France. The d~istrust. however, was
but partly justified. Tho personal attitude
Of Morris toward France at tho outbreak OF
tho Revolution was that OF a grateful citi
zen Of a grateful sister nation. He consid
cred France the natural ally - OF his country
and he wished her well. Repeatedly doe,
he reveal in his letters a thorough sym
pathy with her In her struggles FOR freedom an,
reform. Writing to President Washington h,
says: "Wo have, / think. every reason to wisl
that the patriots Lafayette and men of tina
classl may be successful. The generous wisl
which a free people must form to disscminat
freedom. the grateful emotion which ~rejoices IL
the happiness of a benefactor. and a stron.
personal interest us we'll in tho liberty as i,
the power OF this country, all c~onspire to max,
us far from Indifferent spectators. I saw tina