New-York tribune., 1897-07-25
INDTSTRJaL INDEPENDENCE

The massage of the new Tariff bill closes an
era Of disaster and despondency, much the worst
that Americans have had to endure since the
fearful depresslon which followed the compro-
mise tariff with its yearly reduction of duties
until 1S42. Early records are vague and dim,
and it is questionable whether even in leil
there was greater propOrtionatc proStratlon Of
industries than in 1896. With the lapse of more
than ffty years the men had passed away who
had learned by suffering the consequence OF
refusn., defence 10 home industries. Their chill
dren and grandchildren have been obliged to
learn the same lesson. and the tarh OF lN9'
gives proof. as the tariff of 1872 gave proof, that
q burned child breads the fire. The tariff which
the people elected William Mckinley 10 sign,
by the largest majority ever given TO an Amerl-
can President with all the States voting is the
tariff which now takes force.
Ii is n genuine Republican tariff in spirit and
scope frankly intended to fOrtify American in
dustvcs against injuries from foreign competi-
ton Nor does it care only for industries which
already exist, hut aims with patriotic purpose
to encourage the development and growth of
manufactures which have as yet no root on
American soil. Even as the Mckinley tariff
created In this country important industries
winch now give employment ~ Hihu9 'IouShHu
workers so the tariff which he now makes law
by his signature will by strong specific duties
establish here others, perhaps even more impOr-
tant The specific duties on linen goods If as
successful rs the duty Of 1890 on tnplatcs. will
save the people more money and provide en-
ployment for a greater number Of workers.
Wisely lowering duties wherever an Industry
has grown strong enough 10 warrant that course.
nopoly is the aim, the new tariff does not hest
tate to beckon forward the enterprise and labor
of the country to new industrial fields 10 be
taken and held.
The tariff OF 1890 as The Tribune said when
It passed, was the braveSt ever framed II man
fully risked. for the public good. the loss of
power and defeat which followed Mr.. McKin-
ley himself was swept into private life-and
then the people made him Governor and Prcsi-
dent. 1t cost something then when the people
had not learned how wages and profits depend
upon tariffs and how new industries could be
created by protection. TO face that risk. 1t re-
quires less courage now. when the working mill
Ions have found what Democratic tariffs mean
for them. their wages and their families, and
when Democratic men Of business and OF fortune
no longer dare to trust lawmaking to the incom-
petencc and dishonesty Of Democratic Con
gress. But the new tariff is in principle the tar
lf Of 1890. adapted wisely to a change Of condi-
tions. TO tread again the path which led the
country 10 the highest prosperity it ever attained
may be easier, but IS not less patriotic duty
than Il was seven years ago.
II is not n perfect measure. No tariff ever
has been, and probably none ever will be, free
from mistakes. Many Of the errors which have
oraJ tn tha cf
corrected. Other points of difficulty have been
adjusted by compromise, the results Of which
have yet to be realized. But 1t is not venture
some TO predict that Americans in future years
will associate this tariff also because Of It's
beneicent results, with the name Of Mckinley
&s with that Of Chairman Dingcy, who has de-