The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1897-10-29

formers" 10 either the reduction or destruction
OF the power of the State Legislature over mu-
inequalities.
But Mr.. Godkin thus becomes an involuntary,
as we'll as an il.naturcd, witness to the close
ness OF the relations between the State and tho
municipal government on the one hand, and, on
the other hand. to the ~futility OF any attempt at
non'partisan government Of municipal affairs
so long rs the Legislature remains uncontrolled.
His policy and that of his fellows is practically
to sever the city from tho State. Surely this is
one OF the grayest of Issues, on which even he
might permit n difference of opinion.
Let us SEQ what Prof. Goodnow and DIR. VIII
cox have TO say on this same point. The former
writes: THE city IL treated by the Legislature
merely as one Of the long series of administra'
tive authorities. Its powers and competence
arc delimited from time to time by the law
making power OF the State in the same way
as 1t dclimits the powers Of the well-recognizcd
State authorities. Municipal administration
has thus come to be regarded as almost part
OF the general State administration.
Whenever possible, tho State has made use OF
the city authorities for tho transaction OF State
business lp. 81.
Dr. Wilcox puts 1t in this way: with the full
development OF the modern State. the city has
come to occupy chiefly the position OF a mere
municipal corporation, based upon ordinary
statute, and controlled, altered or abolished at
the pleasure and convenience Of the general
Government. In this category the city has no
constitutional status, but is simply n local MEM
Der OF the central governmental system" 1927.
Now, that is exactly what the City OF New
York is-that and that only-the government OF
onc.half OF the people Of the state in everything
which interests the entire State most vitality.
but that government delegated by the State to
the local authorities, the state Government,
nevertheless, preserving absolute and complete
ultimate control. as it necessarily must.
Almost all OF what at first sight and to the
uncducatcd appear as municipal functions are,
in fact, State functions. The maintenance Of
public safety by physical force" 1.-The protec-
ton OF public health" 1.-The administration OF
public justice, the care OF the defective and
the dependent class. 1.-THE promotion OF eco
nomic activity and thrift. 1.-THE rendering OF pub
lie services of a monopolistic nature" tho en-
enlargement OF public education" and the
promotion Of public morality, are all matters
primarily OF state and not OF local interest, and
all questions OF policy concerning them are ques-
tions of State politics in the largest and widest
sense. And since all OF these functions can be
performed either by the officials of the State d.
rectly. or indirectly by municipal officers, how
is it possible to assert that they raise no question
OF politics. and that the political parties OF the
State should take no part. os such. in their con-
siderationl Nothing but dogmatism run mad,
or running for office, could account for such q
contention.
No metropolitan city in any country has ever
yet been freed from its subordination to. and
control by, the central Government OF the State.
Comparisons which are made between the Gov
eminent OF New York city and that Of London.
Paris, Berlin. and Vienna, for example, are all,
so far as questions OF administration are con.
,orlad ~ Ia r,ra1v y,talaa1inr honaraa ~ thu
fact that in all of these European cities. most OF
those functions which with us are dele
gated by tho State to the municipality
arc there performed directly by State
officials. Our own charter distinctly recognizes
the administrative subordination of the city to
the State not only in the power OF interference
constantly enjoyed and constantly exercised by
the Legislature, but In the fact that the Mayor
and Comptroller are removable from Office by
the Governor In the same way In which Sherifs.
who are distinctly State officers, are removable.
and the Mayor Is not permitted after the expira-
ton OF the first six months Of his term to re-
move the President of q borough or the head OF
o department without the Governors approval.
Mr.. Godkin says: American city has ever
been administrated with reference to its own
int ests. In not one until our own time has
there been even a pretext OF non.partisanship-
that Is, the filing OF Office solely with q view to
efficiency and the discharge of their duties"
Here we have q definite assertion of exhaustive
knowledge. a palpable error. and a misleading
definition. There is quite as much truth in this
assertion, and no more, as in that recently
made by Mr.. Godkin's paper. the Erening
Post, which startled US with the proposition
that national parties have nothing to do
with national business; that the problems
Of national government have now become
wholly legislative. and that 1t is only in
questions OF national legislation, and not ques'
tions Of national business that national parties
H. G., the people in their party divisions) arc In
terested. He and his friends would now have
us understand that the parties which exist for
the determination OF State and national poll
cies have nothing TO do with the determination
of local policies; that, therefore, local policies
should be determined apart from the considera
ton Of any questions other than those Of local
ity. and that State and national parties are dis
qualified, because of their very character. from
taking part in such discussions.
Our city contains a population OF practically
three million and a half OF people. 1t includes Q
territory OF 800 square miles. Its population II
larger than any State In the Union, save foul
only. To say that there Is no politics in the affairi
OF such a population is absurdity itself. II W.
were told that there is no politics in the affair
of the State OF Indiana or the State OF Missouri
or the State Of Kansas or the State OF Georgia
we should simply smile at the assertion anc
wonder why the man who made 1t was out o
Bedlam. Yet, here, with a population large
than any OF these States, with an annual ex
penditure exceeding the expenditure Of all oil
them put together, with problems OF the utmos
difficulty. and most far-reaching consequences
we are told that there is no question save tn
question of business.
All questions of politics are questions o
. .nIi,- .~l to r,au yyit bout On ipr that uaatio
OF policy are questions OF politics, and not O
business. Once the policy has been decided upol
the carrying of that policy into effect becomes
,, business question, but it is not n business quei
: ton in the sense in which the affairs of an oil
!, binary corporation are business questions, but
. a question of political business after all. TIL
!, primary function Is tho political one. the on
7. which decides the policies. The secondary on
: Is the administrative one. the one as I
. the manner in which the policies shout
= be carried out. What do we care II W
y 49,. -a.l ,,fnoas a1rnfp;at .atIa a-l . -i