The Saint Paul globe., 1897-05-30

The Dingley bill was the product Of the
committee of ways and means Of the
last house Of representatives. A hear
ing was given to all interests, and the
bill was carefully, if not conscientious.
ly, prepared by the Republican major
ity Of the committee. The various
schedules were referred to subcommit-
tees, under the general supervision Of
the chairman Of the ways and means,
and their product was mortised into the
bill In the senate it was different.
Messrs. Aldrich, Allison and Platt, Of
Connecticut, had charge of the meas
ure They gave no hearings, but ap-
peared to have devoted their time and
attention to the reconciliation of con-
flicting interests. How we'll they have
succeeded will be shown by the action
of the senate. Each committee spun
its share Of the web, and the spinning
was done, not at the capitol, but in
the private parlors Of well-knoWn hO-
tells.
One thing is certain-the house will
not knuckle under as 1t did in the
Fifty-third congress. 1t is in arms and
will assert It's constitutional rights.
It cannot be- threa tened or cajofed
into q concurrence with the amend
ments proposed by the senate finance
committee It's feelings is shown in
the remark Of well-known Republican
statesman, who openly declares that
the bill as amended by the senate COM
mittee destroys more industries than
it protects.
On the other hand, the senate very
likely regards the prompt action Of the
house on the bill as an effort to force
prompt action upon the more august
body.
The feeling may be intensified by the
occasional appearance Of Speaker Reed
in the senate chamber The settees
are more comfortable there than those
in the house, although the debates are
hardly as entertaining. Stolid and un-
emotional. Mr.. Reed occasionally oc-
cupies settee, listening mechanical
ly to the interminable flow Of words.
A man with metallic tympanum
would display far more interest. His
warmest friend is Henry Cabot Lodge,
Of Massachusetts,, who always gives
him hearty greeting,
The real secret Of the action of the
house was the desire to put the bill
through congress with such rapidity
as to save the revenue that might be
lost by excessive Importation. The re-
troactive clause was a second thought.
The inaction Of the senate was ap-
parently foreseen. and an attempt to
discount 1t made. Everybody today
agrees that the retroactive clause will
|
such action. Indeed, the general opin-
ion is that the supreme court would
declare it unconstitutional. Meantime,
the action Of the senate committee
has spurred the importers to activity
anew. They are adding to the revenue
under the Wilson bill by robbing the
Dingley bill Of it's proposed revenue
for year or two to come. Altogether,
the situation looks ominous. Men who
ought to know do not hesitate to de-
clare that the bill will not reach the
president till September.
Afar off is heard the hoarse murmur
! Of popular discomfort. Every business
man feels as though his hands were
open, and the era Of stagnation con-
tinues. It pervades the commercial and
manufacturing interests Of the coun-
try, and depresses those who are in
want Of employment. All agree that
the passage Of tariff bill would at
least remove the uncertainty that now
mildews the industries of the country.
While there are outcries against the
Dingley bill, as well as the amendment
proposed by the finance committee of
the senate employers and employees
seemingly desire that action should be
taken as speedily as possible and the
matter settled for four years to come
one way or the other. This will at
least change uncertainty to certainty
| and open the way to better times If it
does not restore the full tide of pros
perity. Amos j. Cummings.