New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1897-02-04
SOME Bad REASONS.

II General Tracy had no better reason 10
give for the creation of a municipal assembly
with two chambers of large membership TO share
in the government of the Greater Newly ork
than that without il the people are pOwcTleSs
"to a degree that should not exist anywhere in
"a prOfeSScd democracy: that they have no
medium through which they can effectively in
"huonce and direct their municipal government,
but must submit themselves TO unreprcsentative
bureaucrats he might better have followed the
advice given TO the country justice TO make his
decisions and say nothing for If lie began TO
give reasons for his action he was lost General
Tracys reasons are of the kind that call at
tenton to all the weaknesses of a municipal as
semby and add to the conviction that it IS an
experiment-as he himself admlts-and, more
over-as he fails TO note-an experiment which
all experience shows will not be successful.
We are asked 10 intrust n mass of municipal
functions to two bodies of cOuncilmen, on the
ground that the government will thus be brought
nearer to the people. Otherwise they are COM
peeled to stand aloof voiceless, while their funds
"are appropriated, their taxation decreed, and
"their streets torn up at the will of Commits
"sloner Of Public Works" 1t is for fear OF this
awful tyranny that General Tracy says a mu-
nicipal assembly lis the only feature Of the char
Ter TO which am irrcvocaby committed" Such
a conclusion cannot have been reached without
a study Of precedents, but it would be interest
ing TO know where these great virtues Of an
assembly have been seen. Certainly not in New
York or Brooklyn, which It IS proposed TO govern
with this new body. In both Of these cities bit
| ter experience has compelled us to deprive coun-
cilmen of their powers and has led us 20 turn
to "bureaucrats" as the only refuge from popular
| representatives who made II their business 10
run counter TO popular sentiment in the promo
ton OF jobs
General Tracy says that with the bureau
Gratis the people, having cast their votes, have
mo further share in the control Of public affairs
until the return of the same privilege at the
next election" 1t Is difficult 10 see how they
have any greater share in the dongs Of cOun-
cilmcn. Neither history. nor logic, nor analogy
throws any light on the question. our Alder
men in the past have been more irresponsible
and defiant than any Mayor, or even than any
! appointed department chief. There is no rea-
son to expect that an Alderman will be more
sensitive TO public opinion than a Mayor; in fact.
every reason TO expect the contrary. for the
! Mayor must act in the open, and assume reSpOn-
! slbilily for his deeds and answer for them 10
| the whole community while the Alderman can
work in secret. make others share his respOn-
| sibility and work a small district for re-clcc-
ton. And if an argument from analogy Is need
ed, the New-YOrk Legislature furnishes 1t with
special emphasis just now. Does General Tracy
think the State Senate paid much attention to
popular sentiment when il confirmed PGyn
against The protests Of the most thoughtful vOt-
ers in the Republican party? He cannot be igno-
rant Of the fact that the general public in This
and other States has come 10 look upon Lcgis-
latureS, though necessary because of the essen
tal governmental functions they perform. as
dangerous because inrustcd with power which
may be and frequently is exercised from selfish
motives in cool defiance Of those they are sup
posed 10 represent. Year after year we see the
moral sentiment OF this State having no more
influence in Albany than upon the deliberations
Of foreign Parliament. and yet neral Tracy