The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1897-01-09
Mr.. watterson's Address.

AS Mr.. MacVeagh took his seat Mr.. Wat
terson, who was to address the company on
1.-The Future of Democracy" rose to his
feet. The ringing cheers that greeted him
made it impossible for several minutes for
the eloquent Kentuckian to proceed with
his remarks. He said, in part:
I'm 1860. unless we can order otherwise,
the issue will be between the forces of or
ganized capital and the forces of
Jefferson set himself was the uni
fication of liberty and order. The
tai and labor, which are, and of right
ought to be, convertible terms. Can We
effect this reconciliation? L think We can;
but not by the agency of rampant party
ism, binding good men TO the truth
raying class against class, section against
section, keeping the people and the country
out, with the danger of q revolution at the
end of every four years. If that be the
fate ahead of us, God help free institu-
tions; because. IL it be. it Is only question
of time when ore of the two extremes,
drunk with power, or reckless of conse-
quences, will find Itself able to repeat the
grim story of the ages, losing In a dec
ade of passion and folly the accretions of
a century of wisdom and virtue.
Il use the terms organized capital and
organizing anarchy with advisement and
in perfect good faith They represent not
merely the forces back of the present ar
ray of forces, but the changes wrought by
d
the late campaign the Chicago platform
stood for organizing anarchy the Repub-
lican platform for organized capital. On
this latter platform, can the vote that
elected Mr. Mckinley be held together? If
i thought so L would not be here tonight.
L do not tnink so. on the contrary, L think
that vote will so to pieces if it be not ce-
mented by something more cohesive than
the protective theory of tariff legislation
and a Republican fiscal policy which to
say the best that can be said of it, is
vet hl1+ a hridpVrQnm "a
riags feast -
has no right, constitutional or equitable
to levy and collect collar of taxation
except for its own support; and. whenever
the Republican party goes 10 the country
. on the negation of this proposition. and
on that alone, it will go to certain disas-
ter. 1t was saved in the last election be-
cause the issue of the public order and of
sound currency stood between the voters
and protection. the father OF paternalism
and the godfather of Populism. Ii the
rich manufacturer can go to Congress and
demand legislation in the interest of his
business. so can the poor agriculturist: so
can the poor mechanic; and il is here
where the evils of anarchiSm took their
start and have their fertilization. Justice
10 all is the only common ground for pa
triotic Americans TO stand on; the only pos
sible ground at once high enough and
broad enough TO draw from each OF the
two extremes votes enough to compel both
TO behave themselves.
For these votes 1 do not look to the
Il
common personal interest They are joined
10 their fiesh-pots.s But back of them are
twelve millions of patriotic Americans, who
love their country, who want To do right
and who Will not willingly see free institu-
tions-involved m the money of the people
and the integrity of the government
wrecked by body OF place-seekers and
place-holders. using every device. appeal
Ing TO every passion, that seems TO promise
TO set or to keep them office:
To such of those twelve millions Of hon
est Americans as may he directly interested
in protected industries. have grown up
under the teaching and influence OF pro-
tectionist ideas | would appeal with an
my soul and with all my strength to un-
learn the fallacy that has msled them and
10 revise their position before II be too
late. Mr.. Clay never dreamed of protection.
except temporary expedient TO foster
cur infant industries. Nobody. down TO this
present political epoch. ever thought OF her
aiding protection a a fixed tenet Of party
faith. II was always regarded as a simple
question OF policy TO be regulated accord