Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1897-05-10
MADE ISSUES
Difficulty Of Framing a Satisfactory
Tariff Bill.
MUST Be TAKEN OUT OF POLITICS
Necessity of Yielding to Individual
Demands.
WHAT THE PAST HAS SHOWN

Many wise politicians believe that the
pending measure is likely to be the last
revision of the tariff in many years made
in the name of any party.
The details of a tariff bill, it is coming
to be thought should be non-partisan, and
it is thought that after the experience of
the past several years there will be a.
disposition in Congress to treat the tariff
as a non-Dartisan question whenever the
time comes again for change. AS the
matter stands now and has stood since
the tariff became an ISSUE The great par.
ties divide on the general principle. One
is responsible for the policy of protection
and one for that of tariff for revenue
only. After that, when they have to Geal
with the details, they become involved
in business proposition in which per-
sonal interest and selfish considerations
take precedence over politics, as well as
over broad national questions. The party
charged with carrying out its policies is
held responsible for the measure con-
-structed, but as a matter of fact, party
control over the matter is only nominal.
Departing From the Party Policy.
The party advocating protection cannot
through its representatives, sit down and
dispassionately construct a bill on scien-
tific principles to carry out most effectively
the policy intended. If, on the other hand
the opposing theory prevails the party
advocating 1t cannot construct a theoretic
revenue measure free from other consider
atoms. Both parties have had their eX-
periences in trying this, and one is at it
again. The republicans were not salts
fled with the Mckinley bill The demo-
Gratis were certainly not satisfied with the
wilson bill, nor was the country. The
Mckinley bill was not the most practical
application Of the protective idea. The Will
son bill was by no means a representative
revenue measure.
The republicans as far as they have
gone with the new tariff bill have not pro-
duced a measure which is satisfactory to
them, nor is there any fair prospect that
1t will be when completed. Other consid-
erations beside those of getting sufficient
revenue and affordng adequate protec-
tlon to American industries have to be
regarded. Each interest Clarnors for all
1t can get regardless of any principle, or
OF the consistency of the plan
The injustice of claim does not argue
It's weakness An obviously unjust claim
is seldom made on its merits 1t would
not be made at all If 1t were not for the
feeling of power behind it to compel recog-
milton by coercion. The powerful Influences
are brought to bear to divert things from
their proper channels. The consistent nat
trial, wise and proper things are supposed
to take care of themselves, and, therefore,
they suffer when they come in conflict with
Things tIidt are prOpelled by force.
If the present tariff bill turns out not to
be good one, and it is a problem in aver
ages whether or not the good will over
balance the bad, the republican party will
counted as a failure of the protective
policy not mindful of the fact that protec-
tion is not fairly tried until it has been
fairly presented.
Yielding to Individual Demands.
The fact is that the party power ceases
with the adoption of the principle The
details of the measure to put that principle
into effect should be considered from nom
partisan point of view, and an approx
mately perfect bill cannot be constructed
until they are SO considered. 1t would be
a mistake to say that all the details of
tariff bill are now considered from a party
point of view. Personal demands often out
weigh party considerations, and the bill be-
comes In part personal measure. But the
treatment of the questions is never nom
partisan. If 1t were the personal features
would not, as a rule, get into the legisa
ton. 1t is the necessity of lining up
against an opposing party at every point
which compels the party in power to yield
to individual demands. If the majority of
the republican party in Congress today
could depend upon men in the opposing
parties to assist them in resisting the I'M
Just and improper demands made in the
spirit of selfishness and greed very much
better legislation would result than Is now
possible.
The worse it is the better the opposition
are pleased. The motto of the opposition
is 1.-The worse, the better" They would
not willingly help to do ANYTHING to i'm
prove 1t. This was the case when the NC
kinley bill was framed. So 1t was when
the Wilson bill was made. majority OF
the democrats were in an agony OF discon-
tent when they found how helpless they
IN make a which would be
good according to their own ideas, out OF
the Wilson bill. The republicans. when
they saw what a mess their opponents
were making of 1t, rejoiced that the bill
should be so bad. Their party reaped the
advantage, but the country suffered In
way to almost threaten the stability OF the
nation.
II Party Lines Could Be Ignored.
If party lines could be obliterated now
and the thought of party advantage grow
ing out Of this question be abandoned
pending its consideration. 1t would be
found that there is in the Senate. as well
as in the House, a strong majority who be-
lieve in the principles of protection, and
who would like to see a scientific and bust
ness-like tariff bill passed, which would
secure sufficient revenue and provide ade-
quate and equally distributed protection.
The idea of making party issue, however.
holos men back in their respective ranks,
and individually they sacrifice their prin-
ciples and better Judgment in the hope of
party advantage. From this partisanship
the highwayman profits.
Free Trade Impracticable.
It is obvious to every careful and INTEL
ligent observer. of the sentiment in Con-
gress that the question Of protection or
free trade has practically ceased to be a
party Issue. The democrats have substan-
TALLY confessed the Cleveland-Carlisie the
DRY to be impracticable. They discovered
this while they were trying to frame the
Wilson bill. and they have since had it i'm
pressed upon them. They find that. with
nearly five hundred millions of revenue
needed each year, 1t would be very diff
cult to determine the difference between a
revenue bill and protective tariff bill. They
do not want to fight over that question
any more. They want to drop 1t.
The only sort Of a tariff fight they are
willing to make now Is over the details of
the bill, and in order to do this they would
encourage the republicans to make mis-
takes or would help to place them In the
power of the nercenary individuals In their
own ranks. Practically the principle is no
3co,, &c feSo