The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1897-01-15
LABOR ARBITRATION
MEASURE INTRODUCED IN HOUSE BY
REPRESENTATIVE ROOsE.
Two Commissioners and the Circuit
Judge-Hon. r. 5. Taylor's Argu-
ment for the Measure.

labor commission for the arbitration and
investigation of labor troubles.
1t provides for the creation OF a labor
commission 10 consist of two members, 10
be appointed by the Governor, with the ad-
vice and consent of the Senate, one Of
whom is to be, in his experience. life and
affiliations a representative of the labor
interest, and the other or the employing
interest, the two not to be of the same
political party. 1t is made the duty of
these commissioners on receiving informal
ton of a strike, boycott or lockout any
where in the State. affecting the employ
ment Of not less than fifty persons. TO go
at once to the place and tender their good
offices as mediators. Failing TO bring the
parties together in that way, they are to
endeavor to induce them to submit their
differences to arbitration. If they agree TO
do so an arbitration board is to be made
up of the two labor commissioners and
the judge of the Circuit Court of the coun-
ty where the dispute exists. To these the
parties may each add one more, If they
SO elect, and SO make five in all. The ar
bitrators are to hear the case, make an
award in writing, which is TO be recorded
on the order book of the Circuit Court.
After that any party to the proceedings
INDY COiAc .ilO COull dliu Tie a PtllliOi
showing that another party is not obeying
the award. On this the court shall grant
a rule against the party so charged to
show cause why he should not obey the
award. On a return to the rule the court
is to hear the allegations of the parties
and make such order as will give just effect
to the award. Any party disobeying such
i order of the court may be punished, as for
| p0nfpmnt hlt lie nOt IN he imnriSOnpd pX-
cept for willful and contumacious conduct.
The main points of the plan are:
1. That the arbitration is voluntary. No
one is compelled to go into it against his
free will.
2. That while the judge of the Circuit
Court is the presiding member of the
board and directs the proceedings and de-
cides on legal questions of practice and
the admissibility of evidence, he has no
more voice in the decision than any other
arbitrator. His vote counts one, the same
as the others.
8. But when the decision of the arbitra-
tors has been made and recorded and any
party to it refuses to obey it. the power
of the court may be invoked to compel
obedience.
4. This, however, is after notice to the
party, and opportunity to give his reasons,
if he has any, why he ought not to be re-
quired 70 obey the award. He is not in
contempt of court until he has been heard
and his objections to the award have been
overruled and he has disobeyed the order
of the court based or the award.
s. If the parties refuse to arbitrate, the
commissioners with the aid of the attorney
general or his deputy, are to investigate
the facts and report TO the Governor. They
are not authorized to pronounce any judg-
ment on the merits of the controversy
only to find out and report the facts. The
parties are then left TO take their own
course.
JUDGE TAYLOR'S ARGUMENT.
A meeting of the committee on labor was
held yesterday evening, at which an arGu-
ment was submitted by Judge r. s.. Tay-
lor in support of the bill. of which the main
points are given. He said:
Il am permitted by your courtesy to
submit for your consideration some re-
marks upon the subject of labor legislation
with reference especially TO the bill now in
your hands: The main thought in my mind.
and TO which i shall proceed at once. is
this: There is n condition of disturbance
and friction between the class of men who
control capital, and with IL the employing
power and the power of control in all large
industrial enterprises on one side. and the
numerically much larger class who work
y NdGtS % LOT themselves III SllflDlS OC-
equations and on a small scale on the other
side. This condition arsts from the claim
persistently put forth by the latter class
that the former class, under existing laws
and customs. are appropriating to them
selves an undue share of the sum total of
the products of human labor. 1t exists in
all the highly civilized countries. In each
of them the dissatisfied class is clamoring
for some change i'm the civil Institutions
of the time and place. In one form and
another this clamOr is so worldwide, so
insistent and SO threatening that ii is not
too much to say that it marks a crisis in
the history of human society. Momentous
events are impending. To repress and sup
press the spirit of unrest that is showing
itself by the strong arm of the
law will require that the worlds freest
governments shall assume powers more
despotic than deSpots have dared TO claim.
To yield to the unrestrained sway of that
spirit is TO invite revolutions so sweeping
that no man can imagine what will remain
after them. The alternative appears TO be
sharply defined. 1t is either to stand upon
the existing order as right and put down.
if you can, all rebellionS against il in
whatever form. or to hear, examine and.
where justice requires II, concede- Eng
land. in advance OF all other nations, has
for years pursued "A policy of conservative
concession. She has listened more atten-
lively to the complaints of her working
men and passed more laws for the redress
of their grievances than any other nation.
Germany stands irresolute, unable to de-
eide whether TO try TO put down her Social
lists or TO attempt to concillate them by lib
eral measures.
REPRESSION OR CONCESSION?
"In our own country the am alternative
co~nfronts us. Shall it be repression or con-
cession? Shall we undertake to stamp out
| strikes and abolish labor unions, or shall
we endeavor to investigate, arbitrate and
| conciliate. taking diligent steps meanwhile
to discover ways to remedy real wrongs by
wise legislation and to disabuse the minds
of men as tC imaginary ones?
I'VE nave been so long accustomed to
regard perfect freedom as perfect govern
ment, and have so long enjoyed what we
have regarded as perfect freedom that We
are a little slow to believe that any radi-
cal change of our laws can be for the bet
ter. But the school of passing events is
teaching us that political freedom and po-
litical equality. once attained, are not ends,
but housekeeping stones toward social
freedom and social equality. And along with
this truth another is maklng its impress
on the minds of men-that the free compe-
tition which we once thought would in
sure universal happiness may become itself
"A source of inequalities and wrongs. All
the work OF the world that can be carried
on upon a large scale and under centralized
control is passing into the hands of cor
porations and great capitalists. With these
no Individual competition il possible. The
very freedom of the competition breeds a
class of competitors SO strong that they
are able TO deVOur all the others. II is the
contemplation of the inevitable fate OF the
weak and helpless millions of humanity in
this fierce and unequal struggle that turns
the minds of men toward socialism. Hope
less of any other solution of the problem
they would abolish competition, put all pro-
duCtiVe property in the hands of the state
and let every man do his fair share of work