The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, 1897-11-10
THE MILK IN THE COCOANUT.
And How to Get 1t Out.

cific closed out land consummated with
| rush?
Mr.. Twitchelli told us, the other day,
in these columns, part of the scheme.
| But it seems that all the railroads CT
the United States were interested in
rushing the thing through. They were
afraid of the Populists-the great pion-
GERS of thought in the politics of this
country-they were afraid of their rails
ing the ID in the next congress!
| Here is what one of the st. Paul pa
pers, the Globe, has to say:
Had the proposed motion of the gov
| eminent to postpone the sale of tbs
| Union Pacific railway until December Is
| been pressed and granted, there would
| have been an immediate revival in con-
| gress and about the country of agitation
| for the purchase and operation of the road
by the government. The more or less dor
mant sentiment in this country in favor
| of governmental ownership and operation
would have been stimulated, and we would
| have had winter in which, in and out
| of congress- this would have been the
| leading question. 1t is more than probable
| that that large and industrious body Of
| gentlemen, whose occupation it is to select
! what they term issues which to con-
| ing, would have imagined they in
the naturalization of railways a winning
! card and divided parties on it in the COM
I ing campaigns. Fortunately that chance of
| a further plunge into state socialism is
past.
| But the idea still remains, and some one
| In an eastern state has prepared a bill,
which, he says, will be introduced as
! substitute for the Foraker bill permitting
| pooling. Whatever the future may develop,
9C 1iv,,l,e, elo
| capacity for actual self government.
! there are several serious matters to be
considered now when any such proposition
! is preached. First and foremost comes the
| getting into ownership. No one yet has
| had the hardihOOd to advocate the con-
| fiscation of the railways, and were one to,
| there is a little provision in all constitu-
lions prohibiting the appropriation of pri-
| Vate property for public without COM
| pensation to the owners being first paid
or secured. We that is, All of Us, who
| constitute this government will have to
| buy them and pay for them. Their stock
and bonds amount now to about $11 900. OO0,-
! OOO Grant, for the argument that this Is
| part water and would not be paid for
there will remain many billions which
must be paid. We have not the money and
| must go in debt for it and pay interest
| on that debt until it is paid, The money
! to pay this principal and interest. must
| come out of our pockets, those of All of
| Us, for governments cannot make money.
| Are we ready to- incur a debt nearly three
times that incurred in the Civil war.
| This is very significant article.
! 1t shows that the railroad corpora
tions believe that time is rapidly and
inevitably approaching when the intel
ligent people of the United States will
insist on owning the railroads of the
country, or enough of them, at least,
to regulate the tariff of charges on all
| the rest
| They see that this, principle of govern
ment ownership has risen out of the
clouds Of overwhelming ridicule, which
greeted it when it was first proposed
at Omaha, in 1892, to a position which
threatens to displace all other issues,
free silver included. Fearing the pos
| sible action of congress, at the ap-
| preaching session, they raised money
enough to practically pay the debt of
the company for the main line; and
thus avoid all necessity or excuse for
a general discussion of the issue, in the
coming congress.
But the question will not down. The
very fact that the states find themselves
unable to control the corporations in
creases the demand for national action.
The roots of this issue penetrate into
every part of the body polite.
The Globe asks: How could the gov
eminent secure these roads?
How did the road secure the right of
way from private parties, on which to
lay their tracks? BY BORROWING
FROM THE PEOPLE THE RIGHT
OF EMINENT DOMAIN" and taking
private property for quasi public use.
In this way they were able to run their
lines over the farmers farms and
through the urban homesteads. Why
cannot the people, the source Of all
power, use the right of eminent domain,
likewise, for the good of the people
themselves?
Suppose it was determined that the
nation should own three transcOntinent-
al limestone from Norfolk to Los An
geles; another from New York to San
Francisco; and a third from Boston to
Puget Sound. These would regulate
rates all over the continent. and reduce
them to a reasonable and proper level,
sufficient to pay interest, operating ex-
penses and wear and tear. Let the ma
ton condemn roads over these three
lines, just as the railroads condemned
the right of way originally over private
property. Then let them take possess
sion of the roads, and appoint COM
mission to determine the actual value
of the same; and issue to pay for the
same, special United States bonds, to be
paid, principal and interest, out Of the
earnings Of the road. "The pig would
then afford fat enough to fry itself. y
THE ROADS WOULD PAY FOR THEM
SELVES, and the nation-the people
WOULD SOON OWN THEM FREE OF
COST.
When the roads were thus bought for,
say, half their. cost, the rates would
be reduced one half, and all travel and
business would be doubled.
| Instead of a score of separate roads,