Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1897-07-04


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pr what has been said and done In the
previous reports. your committee now
oeem IL proper to make a new departure
IN THIS report by combining II TO consid
Grafton OF the principles which should
govern writing the history OF the war be-
tween the States. They feel that the
time has come when every citizen OF the
country, whether living in the North or
south, now loves his country with an
unoying patriotism, that the great war
between the States is q thing of the past,
ana that there is honor and glory enough
for every section of this country 70 let
the facts Of history which are undisputed
speak for themselves, and without
being presented 20 the American youth
with prejudice or craftsmanship; that the
one object now should be 10 point our
youth TO their liberty-loy!ng fathers. Syho
stakel their lives and everything upon the
construction of the Constitution of this
country.
STATE SOVEREIGNTY.
The question OF State sovereignty Is
no longer dangerous TO the perpetuity Of
the Union. New constitutions in South
eru States have made 1t part Of their
fundamental law chat there shall be no
secession from the Union. There Is,
therefore. no longer any excuse for
those who would sow certain favored
views" in the minds of the children OF
the country, upon the specious plea that
it Is best for the coming generations TO
believe them. Why should 1t now be
concealed that secession, as practical
measure. was first advocated in New
England. that as was said by dis
tlnguished senator from Massachusetts.
In 1888: 1.-THE Union was never in greater
peril than in 1914. when New Eng
land threatened secession unless the adj
ministration and the ruling party yielded
to her demands; that the Constitution
OF the United States in its original form
was an ambiguous instrument, giving
rise from the beginning TO two conflict
ing constructions. either of which might
be reasonably adopted, that that of JEFF
ferson and Madison, which prevailed at
the South. led logically, as shown by
Calhoun, to the right of secession; that
the southern people, in 1861. grew appre-
hensive of the security of their property
and their domestic peace, and undertook
to exercise what they took TO be their
constitutional rights. as well as the privi-
lege of every free people, to form new
government which suited them better;
that the northern people. believing the
other construction of the Constitution to
be the true one, resisted the under
taking as unlawful and revolutionary;
that both sides fought for their respec-
tive causes with conscientious devotion
and splendid heroism; that the fortunes
Of war went against the South and the
constitutional theory Of the victors has
now been established beyond question by
the new amendments. and by the SUISSE
Of
as well as the practice Of the govern
ment, both Of the Union and of the
States. The truth Is never dangerous
TO anything that is fit to live. If these
propositions are true, they should be
taught-if not, their error should be ex-
pOsed. They do not call upon any Sec
ton Of the country to describe the citi-
zens of the other by opprobrious
cpithets, or deny to the other
patriotism, purity Of purpose or
good name. Surely the time has come at
can be taught throughout the country
without holding either army up TO shame,
but with justice and charity towards all.
imputng to both sides worthy motives
and dwelling with equal praise upon no
BILE, self-sacriiicing conduct. inspired by
love of country, whether exhibited for
the nation or for the State. Something
will be found to condone and something
20 condemn on both sides, but very much
more TO honor and emulate. We rejoice
TO believe that our children will be able,
without losing their faith in their fathers.
TO find very much to honor and admire
in the history of the Union soldier. and
that our children will have no pleasure
or satisfaction In reading treatises, in
which the conduct of the soldiers of Sher-
40, s.u-fn No no
We are sorry for the American youth
anywhere who is brought up in the be-
lief that large proportion Of the Anglo
Saxon population of this country at any
time consisted of traitors" and "rebels."
or that patriotism intelligence, or moral
fly was ever bounded by State lines. Your
committee has no fear that the ultimate
verdict of history, when THE wise years
decide" will be unjust to the southern
lpeople. It's attention is directed simply
TO the temporary clouding of truth by
the prejudlces and passions OF the writer
and reader, and the public misfortune
OF teaching now what coming generations
will consider deplorable error. 1t is
against these prejudices and passions as
exhibited In historical teaching that its
labors have been directed. The time
is not distant. and will be most welcome.
when there shall be no need Of such
labors. when a true national history shall
take the place of histories written TO
please. when writers shall find neither
pleasure nor advantage In condemnation
of any section of the country. or bidding
us restrain the admiration due to noble
and beautiful characters for controversial
reasons There shall not be one history for
Massachusetts, and another for South
Carolina, but Americans everywhere shall
read the same book, not with bushes
of shame or indignation, but kinding
with noble enthusiasm for the patriotism
and virtue of our dead heroes, no mat
ter what state was honored in their birth,
or what blood-stained flag fioated where
they fell.
A NEW GENERATION.
Now that thirty-two years have passed
away since the close of the war, and
new generation has taken the place OF
the one, familiar from actual contact
with the great events of that period,
now that we are compelled to teach the
history OF those times TO our children
the necessity presses upon us to pro-
vide such teaching as will be faithful
presentation of those events. We be-
a statNt ltf. md