The Louisiana populist., 1897-09-17
LET THE PEOPLE RULE
DIRECT LAWS-AND PROPOR-
TIONAL RESENTATION.
An Explanation of an Important Plank
In the Peoples Party Platform and
the Arguments in Its Favor as Viewed
by Democrat.
BY Francis R Cole III D.


nave lille to say about it. Their repre-
sentatives are the masters and do as
they please; no matter how treacherous
10 their constituency, or to what extent
they violate the pledges on which they
secured election, they cannot be re-
moved. When another election comes
around new questions arise and COM
mand attention. old wrongs are forgot
ten or lost sight of and other untrust-
worthy men sneak into office, to again
40 the bidding of monopoly and neglect
measures that would promote the gen.
erai good. In discussion over the Off
clal conduct of legislator, one neigh
Dor asked OF another what he really did,
anyhow, and was answered, What has
ne done? Why, he built two houses
ana started a store" Is not this about
all the general run of them do? Local
ana special interests are served, the
public domain freely granted in chunks
as large as principalities without con-
sultlng the owners, the people, much
less gaining their consent. The policy
OF government should be to make it as
easy as possible to do right; to make
dlsnonesty and bribery as hard as posi-
ole and remove unholy temptation.
Our present system throws the doors of
fraud wide open and sets premium on
dishonesty and perfdy. The people
should have the veto power over special
legislation and franchises. The talk of
sending rich men to Office because they
don't need bribe money is all bosh.
Ihey may be honorary (onerary) and
cnaste, but are not the common people
intelligent and chased? The patches
on their trousers seem to say so The
dogs OF special legislation are ravenous
and cunning. Under normal conditions,
such as existed in the early days of the
republic, when the country could boast
OF sterling charactered yeomanry, and
before property was exalted and labor
degraded, when wealth was fairly we'll
distributed and ere Mammon and his
whitening creed held sway DER the ma
tlon, 1t was not so much needed; but
now, since manhood has been so under
mined, wealth 50 centralized, and cor
porate interests 50 inimical to the COM
mon welfare, 1t is crying demand of
the times. There will be no bribery
and deals when there are no franchises
to give away, and no. selling of votes
when the votes do not insure the deliv-
cry OF the goods. No, let people take a
hand In legislation. They have been
frozen out long enough. Adopt that
statesmanlike, scientific, efficacious re-
form, the initiative and referendum, by
which the people can initiate beneficial
legislation by popular petition, and al
SO, when desirable, compel the submis-
sion OF any law to the great jury of the
people for approval or rejection. Then
no such lobby poetry as the following
would be inspired:
Midas, they say, possessed the art. of
old.
OF turning whatsoe'er he touched to
gold;
Modern monopolists reverse it with
ease,
Touch with gold and turn 'em as they
please"
Campaigns would then reach a maxi.
mum of education and minimum of
personalities. This law should be sup
plemented with the imperative mandate
by which obnoxious officials could be
recalled during their tenure of Office.
1t should also be supplemented by civil
service and proportional representation,
by which the legislature and govern
ment would be true counterpart of the
people. Each party would be repre-
sented in the halls Of legislation to the
force and extent manifested in the
elections; no more, no less. No i'm
aginary lines Of district boundaries are
to be allowed to disfranchise minorities
and rob them Of voice in the govern
ment. The senate committee on repre-
sentation once reported, Proportional
representation is a system Of great
merit" Our system of districts you
readily see can be so arranged by the
party in power at the time of districting
so as to capture for the party as many
Of the districts as possible. II 100000
votes are cast and say 20 senator's are
to be elected, 5000 should be sufficient
to elect one. If there are four parties,
the Republicans casting $4,000, the
Democrats 10000, the Populists 25,OOO,
and the Prohibitionists 10000 votes:
the Republicans under our present
system would likely elect all the
senators, while the other $4,000 people
wouldn't be represented at all, whereas
an equitable division would be seven
Republicans, six Democrats, five Popu-
lists and two Prohibitionists. Garfield
showed in the lower house. in 20, the
non-effectiveness Of the vote and an
initiation Of. the freeman's will: "In
my Judgment 1t is the weak point in
representative government, as now or
ganised, that q large portion Of the peo-