Condon globe. (Condon, Gilliam Co., Or.) 189?-1919, 1897-12-17


ing 10 the law OF nations. That II has
successfully prevented the departure OF
single military expedition or armed vessel
from our shores In violation OF our laws
would seem to be "a sufficient answer
But on this aspect OF the Spanish note It
Is not necessary to speak further now.
Firm In the conviction OF wholly per-
formed obligation, due response TO this
charge has been made in diplomatic is
sues. Throughout all these horrors and
dangery 10 our own peace, this govern
ment has never in any way abrogated It's
sovereign prerogative OF reserving TO IT.
self the determination OF its policy ana
course, according to its own high sense OF
right and In consonance with the dearest
interests and convictions OF our own peo-
pie, should the prolongation OF the strife
so deIsand.
OF the untried measures there remain
only:
Recognition Of the insurgents as bellig-
erents; recognition Of the independence Of
Cuba; neutral Intervention to end the war
by imposing a rational compromise be-
tween the contestants, and Intervention
In favor Of one or the ether party"
Not n Question of Annexation.
1 speak not Of forcible annexation. for
that cannot be thought OF. That, by our
code OF morality. weuld be criminal ag-
gression. Recognition Of the belligerency
OF the Cuban insurgents has often been
canvassed as a possible II not inevitable
step. both in regard to the previous 10
years struggle and during the present
war. / am not unmindfuI that the two
houses Of congress- In the spring Of 1886,
expressed the opinion. by concurrent reso-
luton, that a condition OF public war ex-
listed requiring or justifying the recogni-
tion OF a state OF beillgerency In Cuba
and during the extra session the senate
voted Joint resolution OF like import,
which, however was not brought to a
vote In the house. In the presence of
these significant expressions Of the sent!
ment Of the legislative branch. II behooves
the executive soberly to consider the con-
ditions under which 80 important a
measure must needs rest for Justification
II Is TO be seriously considered whether
the Cuban insurrection possesses. beyond
dispute. the attributes OF statehood which
alone can demand the recognition OF bell
ligerency in its favor. Possession short
of the essential qualifications of sover-
eighty by the insurgents, and the conduct
OF the war by them according to the rec
ognized code Of war. are no less important
factors toward the determination of the
problem of belligerency than are the in
fiuences and consequences Of the struggle
upon the internal policy OF the recogniz-
ing nation. The utterauces Of President
Grant In his memorable message of 1875
are slgnally relevant to the present situa-
ton in Cuba. and II may be wholesome
now 10 recall them. At that time
serious conflict had for seven years wasted
the neighboring island. During ali those
years an utter disregard of the laws OF
civilized warfare and OF the just demands
OF humanity, which called forth express
sions of condemnation from the nations
of Christendom. continued unabated.
Desolation and ruin pervaded that pro-
ductiye region, enormously affecting the
commerce Of all commercial nations, but
that OF the United States more than any
other. by reason OF proximity and larger
trade and intercourse.
Not q Time for Recognition.
Turning TO the practical aspects of
recognition of belligerency and reviewing
its Inconvenience ard possible danger.
further pertinent considerations appear.
In the code OF nations there is no sucn
thing as naked recognition of belliger-
sncy unaccompanied by the assumption
of national neutrality. Such recognition
without neutrality will not confer upon
either party TO n domestic conflict status
not therefore actually possessed, or af-
feet the relation of either party to other
states. The act of recognition usually
takes the form OF a solemn proclamation
of neutrality which recltes the de facto
condition of belligerency as its motive. 1t
announces domestic law of neutrality
in the declaring state. 1t assumes the in
ternational obligation of a neutral In tbs
presence Of public state OF war. 1t
warns all citizens and others within the
jurisdiction of the claimant that they vio-
late those rigorous obligations at their
own peril and cannot expect TO be shield
ed from the consequence. The right OF
visit and search and seizure OF vessels
and cargoes and contraband OF war un-
der admiralty law must under interna-
tional law be admitted as legitimate
consequence Of a proclamation OF belliger-
ency. While according equal belligerent
rights, defined by public law, to each par
ty In our ports, disfavor would be impos-
sible to both. which, while nominally
equal, would weigh heavily In behalf of
Spain herself. Possessing navy and
claiming the ports OF Cuba. her maritime
rights could be asserted, not only for
the military investment of the island.
but up 10 the margin OF our own terri
torial waters, and condition of things
would exist for which the Cubans could not
hope to create a parallel; while aid from
within our domain would be even more
impossible than now. with the additional
obligation of international neutrality
which We would perforce assume
VIII Intervene when Necessary.
Sure OF the right, keeping free from all
offense ourselves. actuated only by up
right and patriotic considerations, moved
neither by passion nor selfishness, the
government will continue Its watchful
care over the rights and property or
American citizens and will abate none OF
its efforts to bring about by peaceful
agencies peace which shall be honorable
and enduring. II it shall hereafter be a
duty imposed by our obligations TO our
selves, to civilization and humanity to
intervene with force, 1t shall be without
fault on our part. and only because the
necessity for such action will be so clear
as to command the support and approval
of the civilized world.
ANNEX ALTON OF HAWAII