Middlebury register. (Middlebury, Vt.) 1886-1937, 1897-02-26
nance on the part of the person or per-
sons making them.

nance on the part of the person or per-
sons making them.
That this position of the Herald is both |
anti-Christian and anti-democratc can
not admit of a doubt. unless the words,
sin lawful way" Onserted by our
selves), are given the broadest construc-
ton. These words we inserted because
we knew it was impossible that the Her
aid should uphold the use of money
by the individual for grossly immoral
purposes. But this necessary postulate
assumed, the whole question may be re-
solved into what is unlawful or illegitl
mate use.
In regard to this point, we believe that
all or nearly all will agree that,
strictly speaking, any use is illegitimate
that isn't in harmony with the public
good. This, then, is the question that
everyone about to use money, especially
large amounts OF it, should first decide.
And in as far as he considers and an
swers this question wisely, will his
status in this particular be that of good
and desirable citizen.
But he is not the only one that is con-
cerned with the public good. This is
matter that concerns everybody, and
therefore everybody is interested, and
legitimately so, in all expenditure of
money.
Bnt any interest that any man holds in
anything, we think it will also be ad-
mtted by all, he has the right to pro-
tect. In the case supposed, it is i'm
possible for the public to protect their in
terest in the expenditure of money with
out the right of criticism, and therefore
all legitimate criticism, that is, criticism
in the right spirit and for right pur-
pose. is proper.
In a republican gOvernment-and it is
a republican government with which we
have to dealt is more than proper. 1t
is duty. For in order to perform ones
whole duty as citizen and voter. in a
republic, one must or should consider as
far as possible everything which con-
Germs the public good.
1t is the public good that should in
huence and decide his vote. Every citi
2 zen in a republic through his ballO
' becomes a part of the lawmaking power
and therefore has the right not only tC
t criticise what may concern the public
2 good, but also a certain power to enforce
his criticism.
l Thus in the particular case under dis
cussion, the use made of money by indl
: viduals, should it be found out that larg
e properties held by individuals wer
/. habitually or were ordinarily expended
n y in immoral use, or any use that wa
} detrimental to the public good, it woul
r. Immediately become a duty if not
, necessity to governments unless it wshe
II to be party to its own destruction, t
Y interpose laws to prevent the large ag
d gregation of property in the hands o
d individuals.
=. =. This can be readily accompllshe
; by laws of taxation as we'll as in Othe
e ways. And it is very evident at thi
81 3l time that the attention of the people c
this country is being largely called
II the consideration of this subject Wi
1t ness in this paper accounts of legislativ
re investigation of trusts and proposed il
Id vestigation of department stores by IL
s, republican legislature of New Yorl
n- The position of the populist party O
a this and kindred questions is well know
We as is also that taken by the democrat
~ party at the last election.
to The moral of the whole condition, as
ly seems to us, is that those who hay
as money, especially large amounts,
spend, should habitually and always e
deavor to so spend it as to carry out al
o. promote the public good. If they
he this, they will meet with but little crit
at cism except that which is favorable, al
of the disposition among our people
a. institute laws looking to the limitatiC
as of property will be reduced to mir
ms mum. On the other hand, if they pc
slst in offending the public feeling
de this matter, by action detrimental to Il
re public good, they may expect, as
ppyy matter of course, that the public W
in. protect itself in any way that it thin
necessary.