The Saint Paul globe., 1897-09-26

was able, on that basis, to carry with
New York city and Brooklyn. He SIM
ply gave the word, and the voters
obeyed. They would have cbeyed with
equal submissiveneSs and aiacrlty II
he had instructed them to vote for Low
instead. Platt chose lis delegates and
is ready for his convention. With Il
bare and open contempt lot often ex-
hibited for the supposed rights and
privileges of delegates, Mr.. Platt then
proceeds to select candidate fos the
convention to nominate. There is TO
pretense of freedom ..f action on their
part. There is no hint that the dec
gates have will of 1heir own, Or that
there is anything Cor the convention
to settle except the Endorsement Of
Platt's nominee.
Acting on this we'lgfoulded theory,
the local representative IF the Platt
machine has asked Secretary Tracy
if he would consent tc run. TO his ev-
erlasting shame be it said, he has de-
clared his willingness to act rs Platt' S
tool and understrapper. This man.,
once a cabinet officer of the United
States, is not ashamed 70 be the chief
instrument in an attempt to turn over
the government of The metropolis Ct
litical combination that our politics
has produced Personally he is
bound to Platt by business ties.
He is the senior member of a law firm
whose junior member is Platts son.
Yet he has name and renown enough
to make it a burning disgrace that
he should act the role assigned 70 him.
! He knows, as we all know, what
Platt's programme is. re has failed TO
use Seth Low for his purpose. He be
lieves that the combined vote of Tam
many hall and the Plat Republicans
is greater than the indepaNdent vote
that will be cast for Low. Between
Platt and Croker an understanding has
always existed, so that either one can
swing the number of votes necessary
from his machine to the otner.
Low is to be beaten. Whether the
benefit is to accrue to Platt's men or
| to Croker's men is not revealed, and
is not at all important. In either case
New York will be robbed for the ben
eft of a boss, and the greatest city
in the country will be turned over to
all the abuses known to American To-
cal politics. This scheme, he it OBJ
served, leaves the people altogether
out. They count nothing. They are
supposed to vote-that is, majority of
them-eXactly as Platt OF Croker tells
them, whether it is for Benjamin F.
Tracy, or Seth Low, or Dick Croker, or
the devil. That they will Go 1t appears
quite probable from their cordial &C
ceptance of Platt's order to carry the
primaries against Low AS far. then,
as the two great political organizations
are concerned in the city Of Greater
New York, the citizen has abGir';ted.
The people have no right and 30 duty
to perform except to do what Platt and
Croker tell them.
Is this American citizenship? Is this
the best product of Amer1can ideas
and the American system? Are we 10
settle down to this as the final result
of Americanism, where our institutions
have had room to develop? Is there
manhood enough, is there dec+ncy
| iDI 7,
is there enough reverence for all that
Americans have held dear in the great
city of the East to reassert American
liberty and conscience and overthrow
the boss? Thus far the outlook is Lot
hopeful. Yet the answer to these CUES
tions will be full of moment for The
American people and for their future.
COMMON SENSE OF STRIKES.
The wiser men among labor leaIers
have discovered that strikes are not
entirely a matter of sentiment, and
that common sense principles regulate
victory and defeat much AS in othar
affairs of life. This discovery, which
! tive council of the American Fedora
! ton of Labor, was stated more frankly,
even if less formally, during the prog
ress of the coal strike by the secretary
| of one of the great trade unions. in an
| interview, given out for publication,
when things seemed to be going against
| the men. This interview, which con-
tanned no clap-trap rhetoric, put the
matter in the plainest of English. The
truth was, the secretary said that
when labor was engaged ia a conflict
it talked too much and acted too Ii! tie
+ The loss of strikes was due not so much
fact that inexperienced men We're Dit
ted against trained minds; minds
sharpened in the school of keenest
strife, with the survival CT the fittest
recognized as the universal law. Brains
combined with action would, he argued,
win in labor troubles as in any other
competition.
This view strips labor's cause cf all
sentiment, but coming from a labor
leader it may be emphasized without
fear Of offense. Sentiment alone, in
time, may right the wrongs against
which labor protests. but in any spe-
cific case it is a very poor weapon upon
which to depend. So long as the great
er business ability is upon the side tt
capital when capital and labor clash
labor will be at a disadvantage. In any