The Laurens advertiser. (Laurens, S.C.) 1885-1973, 1897-01-05

oility; but more especially so when
such State has forcibly separated it.
| self from another of which il had
formed an integral part, and which
| still claims dominion over it. A pre-
mature recognition under these cir
cumstances, If not looked upon as justi-
liable cause OF war, Is always liable to
be regarded as a proof of an unfriendly
spirit to one OF the contending parties.
| All questions relative to the govern
ment OF foreign nations, whether Of
the old or new world, have been treat
ed by the United States as questions of
TACT only and our predecessors have
cautiously abstained from deciding
upon them until the clearest evidence
was In their possession to enable them,
not only to decide correctly, but to
| shield their decisions from every un-
| worthy imputation. In all the con-
| tests that have arisen out of the rev.
| olutlons OF France, out of the disputes
| relating to the crowns of Portugal aud
| spain out OF the revolutionary move
nents OF those Kingdoms, out of the
| separation OF the American posses
| slons OF 9TH from the European gov
ernments, and out of the numerous and
constantly occurring struggles for do
| mlnlon in Spanish America, so wisely
consistent with our just principles has
been the action of our government,
That we have, under the most critical
circumstances, avoided all censure,
! and encountered no other evil than
that produced by transient estr nge-
ment OF good will in those whom we
have been, by force of evidence, COM
PEELED to decide.
II baS fbnS boo, ,,,lo
world that the uniform policy and
practice OF the United States is, to
avoid all interference in disputes
which merely relate to the internal
government OF other nations, and even
tually to recognize the authority of
the prevailing party, without reference
to our particular interests and vicws.
or to the merits of the original con
troversy. Public opinion here is so
hrmly established and so we'll under
stood In favor Of this policy that no
serious disagreement has ever arisen
among ourselves in relation to it, al
though brought under review in n
variety OF forms, and at periods when
the minds of the people were greatly
excited by the agitation OF topics
purely domestic in their character.
Nor has any deliberate inquiry ever
been instituted in congress or ia anv
of our Legislative bodies, as to whom
belonged the power of recognizing
new state-.a power the exercise of
which is equivalent, under some cir
cumstances, to a declaration of war
power nowhere expressly delegated,
and only granted in the constitution, as
1T is necessarily involved in some of
the great powers given TO congress in
That given to the president and ~guatc
to form treaties with foreign powers,
ana To appoint ambassadors and other
public minister's; and in that conferred
upon the president to receive ministers
from foreign nations.
In the preamble to the resolution of
the house OF representatives, it is dis
tinctly intimatcd that the pxpediencv
OF recognizing the independence of
Texas should be left to the decision of
congress. In this view, on the ground
OF eXpcdiency, | am disposed to CON
cur, and 90 not, therefore, consider it
necessary to express any opinions as
to the strict constitutional right of the
executive, either apart from or in con.
junction with the senate, over the sub
Ject. Ii Is to be presumed that on no
future occasion will dispute arise, as
none has heretofore occurred. between
the executive and the Legislature in
the exercise OF the power of recogni-
tion. 1t will always be considered
consistent with the spirit Of the con-
stltntion, and most safe, that it should
be exercised when probably leading to
war, with previous undcrs tandinr
with that body by whom war can alone
be declared, and by whom ali the bro.
visions for sustaining its perils must
be furnished. Its submission to con
gress, which represents in one OF its
branches the States Of this Union, and
In the other the people Of the United
States. whore there may be reasonable
ground to apprchcnd so grave a con
sequence, would certainly afford the
fullest satisfaction to our own country.
ana perfect guarantee to all other
nations, OF the justice and prudence Of
the measures which might be adopted.
In making these suggestions, it is
not my purpose TO relieve myself from
own opinions Of the course the in
tcrcsts of our country prescribe, and
Its honor permits us to follow.
1t is scarcely to be imagined that q
question OF this character could be
presented, in relation to which it would
be more difficult for the United States
TO avoid exciting the suspicion and
jealousy OF other powers, and main
tain their established character for
lair ana impartial dealing. But on
this, as on every trying occasion, safety
is TO be found in u rigid adherence to
principle.
Ia the contest between Spain ana
her rcvolted colonies we stood aloof,
and waited. not only until the ability
oi the new states to protect them
selves was fully established, but until
the danger OF their being again sub
jngatcd had entirely passed away.
Then, and not until then, were they
recognized. Such was our course in
regard to Mexico herself The same
policy was observed in all the disputes
growing out Of the separation into dis
tlnct governments of those Spanish
American States who began or carried
on the contest with tie parent country,
united under one form of government.
we acknowledged the separate indc-
pendcnce OF New Granada, Of Venczucla
and OF Ecuador, only after thcir indc.
pendent existence was no longer a sub.