The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1897-01-07
NOT VERY LUCID.

The Minneapolis Evening Journal is
somewhat unwise in attempting to dis
cuss the subjects of trusts and how to
deal with them at the same time that
it maintains the orthodox Republican
view of things 1t announces
that ''it has been foreshadowed
that the coming tariff act will
contain stringent clause against
trusts which will keep them from abus-
ing the sterling advantages of the pro-
tective system, and clip their claws
sufficiently to prevent rapacity." This
is very interesting information, only
we wish it had been made little more
definite. Every trust in the country is
looking with greedy and expectant eyes
toward Washington for the imposition
of another bounty to help it rob the
consumer. AS the protective tariff sys-
tenn Is the creator of most Of the trusts
and monopolies that curse this country,
so is it their most effective defender
against the forces of free competition
The sterling advantages" of the pro-
tective system are indeed Sterling to
every monopoly, and run full twenty
shillings to the pound But what we
would like to know is how the friends
of monopolies and trusts, who are di-
recting the formation Of a new tariff
BILL are going to work to ''clip the
claws" of their allies; since, at the same
time, the Journal, which informs us
no xxyil1 he
little further on that it cannot be and
probably ought not to be. 1t says that
1.-The day of small manufacturers is
past. and large combinations of cap
ital have become necessary to work the
larger and more important results in
the industrial world 1t observes that
combinations of capital to produce
needed articles are perfectly legitimate
so long as combination is not abused
| Then it faces about neatly and saws
that while these combina tons cannot
be prevented, the abuses that spring
out OF them should not be permitted.
The Journal will favor us greatly by
stating briefly it's idea of the beautiful
clause in the forthcoming bill that is
to do the claw clipping Where will if
draw the line? How will it define
trust as distinguished from a corpora
ton? Since these large combinations
of capital are in it's view, necessary to
industrial progress, what shall be the
test whether their operations are ex
tortionate or not? Who shall say what
is just use and what an abuse of
their great powers? Just how is this
congress going to work to define
trust and to limit it's strength for evil
when neither the Republican congress
which passed the existing ANTITRUST
law, nor the Democratic administration
that tried to enforce it, has found n
| worth the paper that it was written
on? Neither is there the slightest helm
fulness in the view of Prof. Adams
which the Journal quotes, that all ex
cess OF profits by any corporation
above a reasonable percentage on ac-
tual cost of construction and main
tenance should be taxed. practically
out of existence. Imagine such a statute
on the books today. Who is to executa
it? Some of these concerns are state ana
some interstate in their character. Are
they to be governed by local or by fed
eral law? Who is to estimate the "cost
of construction and maintenance" Of
the Standard Oil company. or the steel
rail pool, or such concerns as the Dia-
mond Match, which has recently gone
to the wall? By whom are their legiti-
mate profits to be calculated. and to.
whom is the taxing power to be en-
trusted?
This. in fact, is only state socialism
| little disguised, the natural remedy
suggesting itself to minds that have
become hopelessly sodden with the idea
of running to the state for everything.
We do not believe that, one line Of new
legislation in state or nation is neces-
sary to the complete control Of trusts
in this country. They are amenable to.
the courts under the common law. The
various circumstances of each combina~