The progressive farmer. [volume] (Winston, N.C.) 1886-1904, 1897-10-05

dollars to any one person; also
cd Government may issue paper
federal money for government purpo
ses, especially in aid Of the purchase or
construction of public improvements,
such as railways, telegraphs' etc; also
(e) Government may issue paper
federal money as a public loan to any
State, county or municipality for like
public purposes upon Unidentified
bonds at cost Of 1 per cent, per an
mum.
% The period of personal loans shall
not exceed five years and public loans
shall not exceed ten gears and rene walls
shall be optional with the Government
and ween such il sues or loans are re-
funded to the government either In
gold, silver or paper money, b Sc
curity being lifted, iE shall destroy and
! put out of existence "a equal amount
Of paper money, and when government
is compelled to realize on securities,
they shall be sold publicly to the high
est bidder and never bought in by the
government.
(0) Government shall establish Sub
Treasury repositories for convenience
of the people in all counties or Wher
ever there is q demand and business
justifes it.
N) In the iesue of paper. federal
money for any purpose, the credit Of
the government, together with It's &C
quired securities shall constitute the
absolute basis value Of such issue;
therefore the Issue shall not exceed one
| fourth the taxable value of the prop
erty which forms the basis value ex
cept in case of personal loans at not
over so per cent. Of taxable value.
CD Congress shall direct and control
the aggregate amount of ell money is-
sued, judIciously, so as to preserve it's
stable value Is an exchange medium
and for the public good"
If the American" or any person can
show us one principle or policy in
these nine sections that ia not inten
~tionally set forth in the Omaha Plat
form we will be greatly obliged to it or
him.
| know this is not what f%usionists
nor party, especially old party leaders,
nor party Wreckers, nor bankers, nor
money loaners nor all monopolists
want; pardon me, among these is
Uhere chaos eGi8t8) but it Is what the
Alliance and other labor forces" Uni
ted on and wanted in 1892 and it is
what the rank and file Of the Peoples
party want yet, even if they have been
forced by leaders" to vote fusion
tickets since that time.
I know that the most humble voter
can read and understand these nine
sections more fully and readily than
he can the money plank in the Omaha
or St. Louis platforms. By these he
can understand exactly what he wants
done, what he wants to vote for and
what he wants his elected servants to
do. He needs no great ''leader" to
follow in this for he is, according to
our constitution, a sovereign, and this
constitutes his nine commandments in
financial economy and he will under
stand IL whether he be ignorant (so
called) as &C keys Army" folio wers, or
wise (so called) as MsKjaley's Cabi
net.
The true Populist believes that this
will bring order and financial liberty
out Of the present monetary oppres
sion.
Does The American believe this and
endorse iu2 1t refers to 1.-The aouse of
our monetary system" Why 1 have
been trying for more than fifteen years
to abuse it by overthrowing it entirely
and in 1892 joined a million more to
overthrow it and substitute in its place
the principles set forth in the Omaha
platform and reasserted at St. Louis in
1896, understanding them to mean as
more fully explained in the above quo
ted sections.
The issues that loom up before the
eyes of a true Populist to day are not
any greater nor is there any more of
them than there Was in 1892: neither
does he have any new remedies for
them. He may want them more
plainly formulated for the benefit of
those whom he invites to join his party
and he wants them more honestly ad
vocated and then be is as ready to
stand on them and for them as they
all were then.
This article is long enough and yet 1
have not reached the other issues
referred to in The American, but, with
your leave I will continue in next