Evening star., 1897-04-17

diidiu. II mas never 0een thought neceS-
sary for us to raise up a bogey American,
otherwise we should, perhaps have done
So however that may be, here is the broad
fact: the Americans recognized the pru-
dentiai value OF sentiment, and therefore
carefully fostered that kind of sentiment
:" "hich seemed best calculated to keep their
own people together and prevent them
from going over to the English 1t is need
.ess 20 say tna1 no such sentiment is at
tempted or encouraged In the American
school books as regards Frenchman, Ger
man or Russian. The young Americans
imagination is thus carefully provided with
TWO ngures. One OF them Is the fairy
goddess, Liberty. She bears the stars and
stripes In the left hand and a victorious
sword In the right. The other Is a fallen
despot: In one hand is broken sword: in
the other a fag-the union iack-beaten
down and disgraced.
symbol of Liberty. 49,
Again, for the better maintenance of the
american federation 1t is recognized that
'he symbol should represent 1t. and that
the symbol should everywhere be in evi-
dence Just as outside every Roman Cath
olic church and most Anglican churches.
the cross proclaims the faith that is up.
held within, 80 outside every public building
in America. the flag proclaims the country
and reminds the people Of their loyalty. 1t
is not. as the shallow traveller believes,
hoisted for mere show and display it is
there for deliberate purpose; with intent,
and with wisdom. They like to see the
flag everywhere: they love the flag because
1t Is their symbol In foreign countries,
Americans have told me- the sight of their
nag lying at masthead most strangely
moves their hearts. 1. is the force of SEN
timent.
We. too, have a flag. Except at seaside
places you may march from end to end of
the country and never see 1t. Where does
IT fly in London? l believe that a child
born. say at Mile End, might live out the
whole of a long life and never see the union
jack. AS for regarding the union jack as
the symbol Of his country, as for reading IN
Its flying folds a reminder of loyalty to the
crown and of pride in his country it never
occurs to him; he has never been taught
so to regard his flag Neither loyalty itself
nor the symbolism of his flag has ever been
taught that child.
There IS yet another method of creating
sentiment which the Americans have prac-
ticed, also with the greatest success. 1t is
to hold day of the nation, holiday, q
Gay of rejoicing and of fasting and Of
speechmaking. They have instituted two
such days-the day of Independence and
the day of THANKSGIVING. They are days, I
the minority. who love not multitudes or
noise. but move profoundly the many who
love nothing so much as PROFESSIONS flags
bahds of music, scarves and decorations
and perfervid orations. These, however
are the people whose imagination, whose
sentiment. the state most desires to move
and to influence.
What days have We? In one respect we
are better off than Americans. because we
have six days to their two. We have two
holy days and four bank holidays, two
which commemorate events in our sacred
DOCKS. four which are avowedIy days of
rest from labor. These days have nothing
to do with the empire or with the nation.
what day Of celebration have we? None
yet surely we have a history as great and
glorious as the United States. Surely there
rn2 for
ment of national pride as for our cousins
across the sea.
A Contrast.
How can an average English lad learn
his duty to his country; the extent of his
country; the meaning and bearing to him.
OF that extent? They do not teach these
things at school: he cannot learn them
from any national institution. If he is a
lad of East London-where there are two
millions of people like himself-he sees no
soldiers even-there are 10 barracks al
l suppose, that the fighting instinct-the
martial sprit-of the lads might be
awakened and encouraged: he never sees
the gallant spectacle of a regiment march,
with soldiers who can tell him of India
and Egypt and the far east.
Put yourself in the place of that east end
lad and ask how he will arrive at any
heritage and his own duties. There is no
way for him. except slowly and painfully
TO read up the subject for himself And
who is to tell him what books he should
call for?
The American lad gets it from every quar-
ter: his school book teaches him; the uni
Ve1sal presence of the flag teaches him; the
days Of celebration teach him: the spread
eagle" speeches teach him. All these things
foster and develop in him the sentiment of
loyalty 10 the flag.
l have tried to show the power of SEN
timent and the wisdom of fostering some
form of sentiment. 1 am not speaking,
again. of the class to whom enthusiasm
and noise are abhorrent They are, after
all. q very small class: 1 mean the huge
mass of the people, those who read no
history and know little about the extent,
or strength, unity of the countries and
colonies forming that federation which we
call. our empire. Considering the immense
force of sentiment. how the fostering of
sentiment Is recognized by every govern
ment except our own; how enormous are
the interests at stake. 1t is surely, surely,
high time to reconsider our ways.
In our own case, moreover, there are
conditions which make this duty far more
urgent than for any other people. These
conditions fill one with pride; but they are
also charged with perils.
England and Her Colonies.
It is quite certain that the time will come
when the present relations between this
country and the colonies VIII be changed.
No one. it is acknowledged. would de-
sire the present relations to last a day
longer than is felt by the colonies to be
desirable. We wish them to continue nomf-
nally as colonies, only so long as we caS
help each other; we are determined IL we
must part, to part in amity. The danger
before us is not in fact SO much that the
mother country shall become to her former
colonies land and a people which their
young children, in the states, must be
taught to hate and to despise; but that the
colonies, when they become independent
states, may fail to recognize the claims,
the arguments, for creating a perpetual
friendship and alliance between each other. |
In word the danger Is that there will be
presently witnessed five great nations, in
stead of one, and that these states instead
of supporting each other by alliance not
to be broken: by federation of mutual
and perpetual support. may be as ready to
quarrel as II they were French and Ger
man, and as willing to settle their dis
putes by wars which must be as bitter and
as desperate as civil wars always are.
Therefore we cannot too earnestly set
about the task of creating such senti-
ment Of race as may play an effective part
in preventing this most desperate and fatal
result; we cannot too earnestly advocate
federation between all these five states