The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1897-05-01
ANDREW JACKSON A REPUBLrcAN.

Bryanites and free-silver men who are
incorporating as Democrats and conjuring
with the name of Jackson do him as great
injustice as free-traders do. If to be a
sound-money gold-standard man and in ia
vor Of a protective tariff constitutes a Re
publican, then Andrew Jackson, if he We're
alive now. would be a Republican. 1t was
during Jackson's second term as President
that the act of June 2S. 1894. was passed,
changing the legal ratio between gold and
silver, which had been fixed in 1892, and
making it conform to the commercial ratio.
Jefferson had insisted in his day that the
legal ratio between the two metals should
conform to the commercial ratio, and jack
son held to the same view. Discussion of
the subject, extending through several
years, eliminated in the passage of the act
of 1894, establishing a new ratio for the
avowed purpose of keeping gold and silver
in circulation together at their commercial
values. Jackson signed the bill, and the
hard-money Democrats of that day pointed
to it with pride. There was no boy ora
tor at that time to contend that the legal
ratio between gold and silver coin should
be fixed without any regard to the CONNER
cial ratio, and the Nebraska school of
finance, founded on fiat money, was not yet
established.
That Jackson favored protective tariff
legislation is shown by the following ex-
tract from his second annual message to
Congress, Dec. 6, 1880. He said:
Among the numerous causes of congratu-
IdllO1, the COnQlllOn OF our lmnOSt revenue
deserves special attention, inasmuch as it
promises the means of -extinguishing the
pubic debt sooner than was anticipated,
ana furnishes a strong illustration of the
practical effects of the present tariff upon
our commercial interests. The object of
the tariff is objected to by some as uncon-
stitutional, and it is considered by almost
all as defective III many of it's parts. The
power to impose duties on imports original
~ belonged to the several States. The right
TO ADJUST those duties with a view to the
Encouragement of domestic branches of in
dustry is so completely incidental to that
power that it is difficult to suppose the eX-
1Stence of one without the other. The
States have delegated their whole authority
over imports TO the general government,
without limitation or restriction. This au-
thority having thus entirely passed from
the states. the right to exercise it for the
purpose of protection does not exist in
Them, and, consequently, if it be not pos
sessed. by the general government, it must
be extinct. Our political system would thus
present the anomaly of a people stripped
of the right to foster their own industry
anu 10 cOunleTdcI the most SelTlSh and de-
structive policy which might be adopted by
foreign nations. That surely cannot be the
case. This Indispensable power thus sur
rendered by the States must ba within the
scope of the authority on the subject ex-
preSSly delegated to Congress. In this con-
clusion l am confirmed as we'll by the opin-
ions of Presidents Washington, Jefferson,
Madison and Monroe. who have each re-
peatedly recommended the exercise of this
right under the Constitution, as by the uni
form practice Of Congress, the continued
acquiescence of the States and the general
understanding of the people.
This extract has been overlooked and has
not appeared in the political discussions of
recent years. 1t is an argument in favor of
both the constitutionality and the policy of
protective tariff legislation, and it will be
observed that Jackson cites Washington,
Jefferson, Madison and Monroe in support
of his position. Free-silver men and free
traders who attempt to coniure with his
name insult his memory. Jackson was the
original Republican.