The Wilmington daily Republican. (Wilmington, Del.) 1890-1902, 1897-01-09


rose to his feet. The ringing cheers that
greeted him made it impossible for sew.
eral minutes for the eloquent Kentuckian
to proceed with his remarks His address,
which was received with enthusiasm, was
In part as follows:
ut was said during the political cam.
paign which closed the Sd Of last Novem-
Der that what we call American institu-
tons were on trial; and, in o sense, it
may be said that what we call govern
ment is moro or less, always on trial. II,
In the creation of the world, God had
meant to make anything perfect, he would
have begun with man, whom we are as
sured he designed after his own image.
But man, at once the source and resource
Of government, is, among living things,
most fallible, and, as nothing can rise
above its own level-except Populism and
rotection-human institutes are apt to
sink somewhat below that level. Tho
strife to fix it high or low arises out of
Emergencies in opinions among the COM
batants My reading of history, however,
Is wholly at fault If the good of man be
not tho final result of every conflict; for
/ truly believe that in the long run, truth
Is mighty and will prevail,
'In the late presidential election the
country was assailed by two dangers, the
greater and more imminent for the mo
ment overshadowing the lesser. The vot.
ers had to choose between Republicanism,
which they lNld tried and survived, and
combination of factions, with Its positive
menace to the public order and credit,
and it's unknown quantities of evil, They
wisely chose to postpone the day of execu-
ton. But in doing this they did not
mean to revitalize any of the abandoned
policies of Republicanism, or to commits
sion the Republican party with any new
policies. They simply restored 1T to power
and put it on its good behavior.
"As far rs am concerned, and no mans
Democracy can go back Of mine-though
! got it of jefferson and jackson, and not
Of Tillman and Altgeld-whenever good
morals against bad morals, good money
against bad money, government against
the mob, are the issues, l shall go with
TINT party which stands true to the public
credit and order, no matter where 1t takes
me. But, following this law of my being
In the campaign just ended surrendered
none of my original, individual opinions.
To ny mind one issue absolved all other
Issues. The public credit was at stake,
and. with 1t, the public order. The defeat
Of Mr.. Bryan, the election Of Mr.. McKin-
ley, for the time being, secures us both.
1--WE are about to close hundred years
Of party warfare in the United States. In
1900 we were few millions Of people, and
we loved liberty. In 1897 we are eighty
millions Of people, and we love money. In
1900 the issue lay between the old order Of
English gentlemen who had signed the
Declaration of Independence, led the Con-
tinental armies and framed the constitu-
ton, and tho new order Of Americans,
who suspected every conservative with be-
ing monarchist, and were in turn de-
nounced by every conservative as rabble
plotting the excuses of the French revolu-
ton. In 1900, unless we can order other
wise, the issue will DO between the forces
of organized capital and tho forces Of or
ganizing anarchy
II use the terms organized capital and
organized anarchy with advisement and
in perfect good faith. They represent not
merely the forces back Of the present
array Of forces, but the changes wrought
by century of national development. In
the late campaign the Chicago platform
stood for 'orgenized anarchy the Repub-