The Laurens advertiser. (Laurens, S.C.) 1885-1973, 1897-05-18
MEMORIAL DAY.

following is q Drlet synopsis
of Mr.. Adams splendid grafton,
and however much we would like
to give the Address in it's entirety,
time and space will only permit
this brief synopsis which, however,
may give the reader an idea of
some of the leading thoughts and
facts contained in this excellent
effort
"ITmcs change, and Men often Change With
Them, bit Principles Neccr."
Mr.. Chairman, Ladies and Gentle
men Il believe in honoring the Con-
federate dead. There is nothing to be
ashamed of in the fact that they fought
under the Stars and Bars, and not I'M
der the Stars and Stripes. To demon
strate this will be the burden of my
remarks to-day.
Let no one say, that i'm taking this
position, | lay myself open to the
charge of disloyalty to the flag of the
Union.
He is most loyal to what that flag
represents who is most loyal to the
principles for which the seeding states
~contended.
The war settled the policy Of the
government as to secession. Under
that settlement, which is accepted by
the South, no state can now withdraw
from the Union. But the sword can
not determine n question that belongs
to a different arena from the battlefield.
| speak the sober truth of q %convic-
ton founded upon a study of history,
when | say, that South Carolina and
her sister states had the right to secede
from the Union at the time when Sc
ccssion took place. The stubborn facts
upon which | base this affirmation, [
wish now to enumerate.
Prior to 1776, there were upon the
| American continent thirteen colonies
subject to the English crown. On the
fourth Of July in that year, represen.
tatives of these colonies, 'in General
Congress assembled issued to the world
their manifest, known as the ID, clara
ton of independence. In that instru-
mcnt they declared that "these United
Colonies are, and of right ought to be,
free and Independent States; that they
are absolved from all allegiance to the
British crown, and that all political
connection between them and che state
of Great Britain is, and ought to be,
totally dissolved"
When final victory had perched up
on their banner, King George, naming
each state, from New Hampshire to
NcoISia, achnoWlcuSeu IIeHl TO De
free, sovereign an independent
States" just what they had declared
themselves to be.
1t is important to observe the mean
ing of the word estate" here We are
accustomed to apply to it n localized
meaning, peculiar to America. We
think of it as indicating simply an in
tegral part of a nation. But its true
Specification in diplomatic litera-
ture is that of commonwealth, or body
polite, or Nation. You notice that
the Trainers of the Declaration of
Independence, in the language quoted
above, called Great Britain a state,
and they were right in doing so. When,
therefore, they declared each one of
these thirteen colonies to be n state,
and when King George granted their
contention, they and he meant that
each of them was a commonwealth,
possessing absolute sovereignty, just
as Great Britain. Now, the all-impOr-
tant question is, "Did they part with
their sovereignty when they became
united under a federal governments"
This question can be answered only by
the history of thattimc. What answer
does that history give? Is it %equivocal,
or is it definite? If definite, what is its
character?
One fact alone, it seems t. me, is
sufficiently decisive, though there is
a b u II dant corrobOrative testimony.
This fact is, that when they gained
their independence, and the sovereign
ty OF each was acknowledged by King
George, and his acknowledgement ac-
ccptcd by them, they had already
formed Il federal government. In l777,
they had adopted al instrument, des-
ignated by them as the "Articles of
confederation and perpetual union be-
tween the states Of New Hampshire,
Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and
Providence Plantation, Connecticut,
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia..
These articles were the basis of the
Constitution, under which we are now
living. After a few years they were
found to be inadequate for the objects
contemplated by the confederation.
AT the instance of the legislature of
Virginia, n convention was called,
which met in Philadelphia, May 18th,
1857, "for the sole and express pur-
pose" IS stipulated in the call, "of re-
vising the Antilles of Confederation"
The result of that convention was our
present Constitution, except
amendments which have beer adopted
since This instrument was submitted,
v uuOpUloH OF IcJcCUlOl, nOU 10 lllc
people of the whole country as a unit,
but to the several States, with the pro-
vision that when nine states should
ratify it, the union should be formed
between them. If four states chose to
stay out of the Union, there was no
claim of authority to compel them to
enter it.
TIL. debates held in the various con-
vcntions adopting the Constitution, 50
far as they have been preserved, show
how Jealous were the men of that day
in defending the rights of the states.
John Marshall, afterwards Chief JUS
ticc OF the United States, when fears
were expressed i'm the Virginia conven-
ton that the government was about to
become a consolidated republic, voiced
the general sentiment of the day when
he said, at is the people that give
power, and car take it hack"
The adopting acts Of those conven-
tons are very instructive Massachu-
sets, in order to "guard against an I'M
due administration Of the Federal gov
crnment," proposed certain amend
ments, the first being, "That it espec-
tally declares that all powers not
expressly delegated by the aforesaid
Constitution, are reserved to the sever
al states, to be by them exercised"
This afterwards became, with some
changes of phraseology, the Tenth
amendment.
Tho oct oc tho convention ,r co,th