The San Francisco call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1895-1913, 1897-01-09
books of many nations and in not one has it

been made and abandoned by every Govern
ment in Europe. 1t is wisdom, II seems to me,
for the honest money Democrats of the nited
States to follow the teachings OF great phlloso-
piers thinkers and statesmen, together with
the lessons drawn from five centuries OF eXDe-
riences, rather than TO be guided by the raw
jngs ana decisions of those eXtemp oraneous
financiers and anarchists OF all parties VINO
are attempting to lower the standard OF
value in the United States.
Hon. Henry Watterson was given flat
tering reception when he arose to speak to
the sentiment, 1.-The Future OF Democ-
racy." He said:
If Old Hickory were alive ana could look in
upon US al this moment have an impression
that he would conclude that the democracy
of which he was the embodiment Is NOT only
not dead, nor sleeping, but that 1t lives and
moves and has its being and is scheduled to
stay.
Let us assume that he is here; that his spirit
hoyers over US, and likewise the spirits OF all
the Democratic sages, from Jefferson and Til
den to that bravest of the brave, that lncom-
parable cavalier of the Old Bay State, who
gave up his young life that Democracy might
live on the very threshold OF the last battle
for honor, country and truth. During one
night at least, let US consecrate this noble
theater as a temple of Democracy-of Democ-
racy unterrified and undefled-the only kind
OF Democracy which Jefferson taught ana jack
son practiced.
1t was said during the POLITICAL campaign
which closed on the Sd of last November that
what we call American institutions were on
triai; and in sense it may be said that what
we call government is, more or less, also on
trial
Estimated by the vote of the people OF the
United States in the late Presidential election
the country was divided By TWO extremes,
ranged in opposite camps and engaged IN
death struggle. But figures do not always tell
the truth at least the whole truth. Millions
OF patriotic men voted for Mckinley who are
not protectionists, and millions OF patriotic
men voted for Bryan who had no thought OF
striking at the public order, or OF repudlNting
a dollar either Of public or private indebted
ness.
The country was assailed by two dangers,
the greater and more imminent for the mo-
ment overshadowing the lesser The voters
had to choose between Republicanism, which
they had tried and survived, and comblna-
ton of factions, with its positive menace TO
the pu bile order and credit and its unknown
quantities OF evil. They wisely chose to post
pone the day OF execution.
Gentlemen, no party can stand, or ought TO
stand, which so much as seems to set Itself
against the integrity OF the American Union
That, with the last forty years OF American
Democratic party could have thought that
success lay anywhere near the line OF equlvo-
cation on that point will amaze the historian
of these times. OF all parties the Democratic
party could least afford to equiyocate. Nor
did it need TO. The essential principle OF It's
heing-the greatest good to the greatest num-
ber-was on the eve OF fulhllment when the
reactionary elements OF the party-the very
men over whose protests, in spite of whose
opposition, all this progress mad been made
got possession OF the party machinery, ana by
methods which you very well remember pro-
ceeded 10 set the clock back twenty-five years
and to reverse the movement OF the wheels OF
time.
Sir, there was nothing left for you and me to
do except to fall back upon the line OF Demo-
cratic truth and entrench ourselves, and this
we did. AS lar as / am concerned-and no
mans Democracy can go back OF mine, though
got it Of Jefferson and Jackson and not OF
Tillman and Altgeld-whenever good morals
against bad morals, good money against bad
money, Government against the mob are the
issues l shall 60 with that party which STANDS
true to the public credit and order, no matter
where ii takes me. But following this law OF
my being i'll the campaign just ended, sur
rendered none of my original individual opin-
ions To my mind, one issue absolutely ab-
sorbed all other issues. The public credit
was at stake, and with it the public order.
The defeat OF Mr.. Bryan and the election OF
Mr.. Mckinley for the time being secures US
both. How shall We make them secure for all
time? That is the question, and on that point
l shall speak with difference to the opinions OF
others, though have opinions OF my own.
Mr.. Chairman, we are about to close g hun
dred years of party warfare in the United
States. In 1900 we were a few millions OF peo-
pie and we loved liberty In 1897 we are So
600, 600 of pie and we love money. In 1900
the issue lay between the old order OF English
men, who had signed the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, led the continental armies and
framed the cons titution and the new order OF
Americans, who suspected every conservative
of beng q monarchigt and were in turn de-
nounced by every conservative as q rabble
plotting Tor the success OF the french reYolu-
ton.
In 1900, unless we can order otherwise, the
issue will be between the forces OF organized
capital and the forces of organizing anarchy.
The task which Jefferson set himself was the
unification of liberty and order The task be-
fore us is the reconciliation OF capital ana
labor, which are, and OF right ought to be, con-
Vertible terms.
Can we effect this reconciliation I think
we can, but not by the agency OF rampant
partyism, binding good men TO the truth, ar
raging class against class, section against sec
ton, keeping the people and the country In
state OF agitation year in and year out, with
the danger of revolution at the end OF every
tour years. Ii that be the fate ahead OF US,
God help free institutions, because II 1t be 1t
is only question of time when one OF the two
extremes, drunk with power or reckless OF
consequen ces, viii find Itself able to repeat the
grim story of the ages, losing in a decade OF
passion and folly the accretions OF a century
OF wisdom and virtue.
l use the terms organized capital" and
"organizing anarchy" with advisement and
in perfect good faith. They represent not
merely the forces back OF the present array OF
forces, but the changes wrought by century
of National development. In the late CAM
paign the Chicago platform stood for "organ-
izing anarchy" and the Republican platform
for "organized capital"
On this latter platform can the vote that
elected Mr.. Mckinley be held together? If l
thought so 1 would not be here tonight. do
not think so. On the contrary, l think that
the vote will go to pieces if it be not cemented
by something more cohesive than the protec-
tive theory of tariff legislation and a Repub-
lican financial policy, which, to say the best
that can be said OF 1T, is yet but specter
bridegroom at the marriage feast
The Government of the United States has no
right, constitutional or equitable, TO levy and
collect dollar of taxation except for its own
support; and whenever the Republican party
goes TO the country on the negation of this
proposition, and on that alone, it will go TO
certain disaster.
Ii the rich manufacturer can go to Con-
gress and demand legislation in the interest of
his business so can the poor agriculturist;
so can the poor mechanic; and it is here
where the evils of anarchlsm took their start
and have their fortifcation. Justice to all is
the only common ground for patriotic Ameri-
cans to stand on-the only possible ground at
once high enough and broad enough to draw
from each of the two extremes votes enough
to compel both to behave themselves.
For these votes do not look TO the leaders
of either extreme. They have a common per-
sonal interest; they are joined 10 their flesh
pots. But back of them are twelve millions of
patriotic Americans who love their country,
who want to do right and who will not
willingly see free nstitutlons-involved in
the money of the people ard the integrity of
the GovernmenI-wrecked by body IF place
seekers and place-holders, using every device,
appealing to every passion that seems to
promise to get or to keep them in office.
To such OF those IL ,000, 900 of honest Amer
leans as may be directly interested in pro-
tected industries or have grown up under The
teaching and influence OF protecnonist ideas
would appeal with all my soul and with all
my strength to unlearn the felIacy that has
misled them and to revise their position be-
fore it be TOO late. Mr.. Clay never dreamed of
protection except as a temporary expedient TO
foster our infant industries. Nobody, down to
this present political epoch, ever thought of
heralding protection as fixed tenet of party
faith. 1t was always regarded as simple
question of policy, to be regulated according
q a. lQQ n.