Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1897-12-24
RULES OF THE HOUSE
10
They Are Powerful Only to Bind the
Minority.
o.;
fHE MAJORITY ARE UNRESTRICTED
1T
Speaker Reed Possesses OnIyWhat
Has Been Yielded to Him.
DECEIVING THE PUBLIC

men of long public service actually
deceive themselves and live lives made up
largely OF false pretenses. The public UNI
doubtedly believe that legislation is blocked
in the House by the restrictive rules under
which that body operates. The tyrannical
power of the Speaker Is the subject of fire.
qnent complaint among members of the
House. Their excuse for not doing what
their constituents demand of them is that
the rules hinder or that the Speaker will
not let them
This Is all disingenuous. No rules can
bind majority. and the Speaker has no
power except that given by a majority, and
the duration of his power is subject to their
WILL a majority can override the Speaker
and the rules permanently or on occasions
at their discretion. What actually holds
them in check is either dissemination to 90
or else fear. There is no power and there
are no rules that could stand for day
against determined majority. The Speak
er-eVen Speaker Reed-would not attempt
10 noid such majority in check except by
the power of persuasion. When he rules
with an iron hand it is because a majority
want TO be so ruled, else have not the
courage to assume the responsibility for
legislation which they want or which their
constituents demand. To avoid this respon-
sibility majority build up a barrier of un-
held in confinement.
Proposed Changes in the Rules.
A great number of propositions for
changes in the rules have been submitted
by members and the committee on rules
are going through the formality of consid-
ering them. 1t is well known that none
Will be adopted which would change the
method of legislation or increase Tie i'm
N no ind;
men VINO propose the liberalizing of the
rules know well that no new rules are nee
eSsary to enable them to do what they
want to in the way of legislation. The
trouble Is not with the rules, nor is it win
the Speaker, but with the members them
selves This they know, but they count on
the public not knowing it. They run their
hands into spider web and cry out: Be
hold, am bound!" .,f
Power of the Majority
The rules do rot permit amendments to
appropriation bills if. the amendment in
wolves some additional expenditure of
money, but majority of the house can
put such an amendment on any BILL
Amendments to all bills must be germaine
but If a majority of the House choose to
do so they can add to a private pension
bill measure for the recognition of the in
dependence of Cuba. BY an appeal from
the chair they can override any rule or anv
ruling. But without fesorting to such vio-
lent methods, they can, by making their
wishes known, compel the committee on
rules to make a special, order of any meas
ure that may be on the calendar, whether
1t be private claim. financial measure
or one for Notifications and defense All
this can be done under the present rules or
any other rules that may be devised. No
Speaker can long resist the will of a major
ity If that majority really has a will The
true inwardness Of the Speakers seeming
power under the rules Is that a ma jority
often do not really want what they pre-
tend to. They are simply hiding behind
the Speaker, and one of the contracts ,en-
tered into by a Speaker when elected is
that he will cast shadow large enough for
all towards to find shelter in. Reed casts
a big shadow. But he compels none to
crouch in it who have the inclination to
stand erect. Many men in Congress believe
that the public is not capable of judging
what legislation is best, and that public
sentiment is something to be distrusted and
rejected. They have not, however, the
courage to either say act this sentiment
of theirs. They therefore take the popular
side publicly and seek privately for some
means of escape. They fail to do what
their public professions promise, and then
they lay it onto the Speaker. In order that
they may do this, they place in his hands
great nominal power
Dccciving the Public.
When Crisp was Speaker there was a
great cry raised because the committee on
rules would not report special order for
measure which large majority had pc
titioned for. The reason of the obstinacy
OF the Speaker and his committee was not
known to the public. 1t was this, that a
very large number of the members who
signed the petition went Immediately to the
Speaker and stated that they were COM
PEELED to sign the petition, but that they
he ped he would pay no attention to it.
Each man who thus repudiated his own
act was stricken from the petitioner
rather, recorded as stricken off, for the
petition had to remain intact-and when
the number was cast up 1t was found that
the majority had shrunken to considera-
Bile minority, and the request was not
granted.
Their Weakness Protected.
Speaker Reed knows the difference be-
tween the public and the private wishes of
members 1t happens often, perhaps, that
a majority are rather in favor of meas
ure which they are permitted to vote on.
This is simply because a considerable mum.
Der of that majority are willing to take
the advice of the Speaker, and not insist
on action. If they were an insistent major
ity they would have what they wanted.
They let the Speaker have his way because
they lack confidence in their own position
Restrictive rules serve simply because they
afford members protection against their
own weakness. There is an exact ratio be-
tween the strength Of the rules and the
weakness of the personnel of the House.
The desire to avoid is almost Il para
mount passion with a certain portion of
Congress. This is why the apparently
overwhelming majority in the House for
the recognition of Cuban belligerency does
not lead to action. This, too, is why there
is much opposition toIiany attempt at
financial legislation. There are few who
feel that any injury could come to the
country from the agitation. Such fear Is
not what holds them back. 1t is chiefly
the fear of having their own personal po-
sitions exposed. While there is nothing
presented for them to act upon, they can
occupy with safety an equivocal or uncer-
tain position. If action is taken they are
compelled to stand up on one side CT the
other.
One of the international-agreemen
metallic senators innocentIy revealed this
inspiring motive in an interview the other
day, in which he srg1ed that 1t was unwise
for the administration to seek action at
this time. He argued that Mr. Cages
proposition being pressed was unwise and
inopportune. because 1t would array num-
Der of western republicans against the
measure and prevent legislation. Next ses-
sion. he thought, might be a more oppor-'
tlne occAslon.