New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1897-02-17
TIE FATE OF THE TREATY.

The practical shelving Of the Anglo-American
Arbitration Treaty. probably for the remainder
Of this session Of Congress, Ia to be regreueo.
Tho general principle of the treaty Is commend
able. and the adoption Of some such conven-
zion would doubtless be for the good or DOTH
nations and for the advancement OF peace ana
civilization throughout the world. 1t would
have been pleasant and profitable, also. to have
this done promptly without more delay than
was required for a careful and dgnfcd con-
sideration Of the document by the Senate. That,
however. il was seen some time ago. was not 10
he. Much legitimate criticism Of the treaty
was made and various amendments were Of
fered for its Improvement and some factious
and unworthy opposition to 1t, and even to the
general principle of arbitration, was disclosed
legislative business Of imperative Importance
had to be finished before March 4. And so the
document on which Mr.. Olney and Sir Julian
Pauncefote had expended so much thought and
IN which the attention Of the civilized world
was so intensely fixed. had TO be laid aside TO
be disposed of by the new Administration and
the reorganzed Senate.
II is well TO keep clearly and constantly IN
mind who is responsible for this delay, and
who is. il any one to be blamed for 1t. There
are those who will blame the Senate; who, in
u
decd are and have for some time been doing
so with all possible vehemence Of vltuperatlon
They demanded at the outset that the treaty
should be damned through without an hours
consideration or the change Of so much as q
comma. In their view the Senate exists only
70 ratifv unhestatingly the sovereign will Of a
Consecra,ed Executive, and for II to decline or
DELAY 10 do so is aggravated leze-majesty, for
lrou nd would
punishment. But they who think and talk
tlus do not wisely. The Senate Of the United
States IS not the Roman Senate OF the later En-
pre. 1t is a part Of the supreme Government
coordinate with the President himself. and es-
peciallv invested by the Constitution with equal
authority and responsibility in the making of
treaties To say that it must subordinate its
Judgment and its functions to those of the occu
pant of the White House is to say we are no
longer 10 have a Federal Republic, but an abso-
lutte Dictatorship.
II the Senate has regarded this treaty with
less confidence than suspicion, and II the Ex-
ecutive influence has been powerless to secure
for 1t prompt and favorable action, the fault
lies, to speak plainly. with the President him
self more than with any one else. His con-
duct OF foreign affairs from the Hawaiian
paramount" scandal down, with few excep-
lions, has not been such as 10 inspire conf
dence in his diplomatic wisdom. His attitude
toward Great Britain as manifested through
his own chosen Ambassador to that country,
has not been such as to assure Americans that
their interests are superior TO British interests
in his regard Certainly his arrogant, dornineer-
ing, contemptuOus air toward Congress when
ever he has had that body, as he expresses 1t.
ION his hands," has not been such as to entitle
him to any unusual cOurtesies from the Legis.
lative branch Of the Government
Congressional resentment toward him per.
sonally ought not Of course, to affect Congress.
sional action on matters Of grave public I'm.