The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1897-04-03
Looking to the Senate.

When the United States Senate, as 1t had
right to do, undertook to recast the Wilson
bill in accordance with their judgment, a great
clamor was made by certain Independent
journals and alleged statesmen who professcd
to monopolize all knowledge concerning
tariff for revenue. These Independent jour-
nails and alleged statesmen regarded the Viii
son bill as perfect, as holy, and seemed to thiAk
il sacriligious for the Senate to change line.
They did not want the bill discussed. Debate
they thought was useless, waste of time.
Action was what they wanted, and speedy
action-the passage Of the Wilson bill just as
il was sent over from the House. Everybody
knew, except these alleged statesmen and in
dependent journals, that such demands were
not based upon reason. They knew the bill
was by no means perfect, and as the schedules
were framed would not produce enough rev.
enue to meet the legitimate expenses of gov
eminent. The Senate had a right to alter
and amend the bill, or there was no use in
sending it TO that body, and they exc rcised
their judgment in changing it to a revenue
measure. 1t may not have been perfect when
they completed it, but one thing is certain.
had the bill been passed as it left the House
the government would now be issuing bonds
TO get money to pay the expenses of govern
ment.
The Senate may have been tardy in passing
the bill, but slow and sure is better than haste
and waste. But during all the time the SEN
ate was considering the Wilson bill certain
Journals of Baltimore, Philadelphia New
York and Boston were wild with rage at the
Senate. 1t was called the 'milionaire's
club they said the highest legislative body
of the land had degenerated; certain members
were denounced as the attorneys and friends
of trusts. All sorts of abuse was heaped upon
the Senate, and much falsehood printed, and
deliberate falsehood. The public mind was
poisoned and misled, Democratic detection
was produced, former reliable Democratic
states went Republican and later the whole
government was turned over to the Republic
can party. The Senate, conscious of its recti-
tude, relied upon time and experience to vim
dictate their bill That time has come. The
Wilson bill, with Senate amendments and al
terations, has proved to be very fair bill,
and under normal business conditions would
be a bill for revenue in fact
But Democratic division, created by the
alleged tariff for revenue journals, the late
President and his followers, has resulted in
bringing Mckinley, the High Priest of Pro-
lection, to the White House and the filling of
the halls of Congress with Republican ma
iority In the House, with Gar Reed in
charge, bill of denominations, called a tariff
bill, has been rushed through with haste
unknown in the history of tariff legislation.
General debate was limited, debate under the
five-minute rule was stifed, and before one
half of the measure had been read and con-
sidered it was placed upon its passage and
passed.
During the two weeks the bill was before
the House, the same press that so roundly
denounced the Senate in 1894 were calling
upon the Senate for relief. The people were
told that their only hope from the unjust ex-
actions Of bill was in the Sanate, where de-
liberation and discussion were not stiied,
where the enormities of the measure coHld be
pointed out and remedied. The Senate three
years ago was "A hot bed of treason, of iniquity,
of allies of monopoly. Now the denunciators
of the Senate of three years ago are looking
to the present Senate, practically the same
body, to save the country from the Dingley
bill of denominations. They are relying upon
its custom of freedom of debate to uncover
and expose its inequalities, to the conserva-
tism and wisdom of the Senate to protect the
people from further favors to trusts and mo-
nopolies Three years ago the Senate was
urged to hasty action, like the Reed House
passed the Dingley bill; now full latitude for
debate is asked and careful deliberation.