New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1897-11-07
No CAUSE For IFlAR.

Another war scare IS extant. or an attempt at
one Conflict with Spain is facttiously repre-
scented TO be impending. with the result that
business is somewhat disturbed, popular appre-
hension excited and-of course. most incidental
ly-attention is diverted from the unpleasant
features of the late election. The present Day
of Peace is good time for examination Of this
scare, and for exposure of its emptiness. So
far as ii is based upon the uterances Of the
late United States Minister to Spain, 1t may
quickly be dismissed. Mr.. Taylor is now pri-
waite citizen, and his words have no more au-
thority than those of any other citizen. His
statement that duplicity was exercised by the
late Prime Minister Of Spain may create an
unpleasant impression; but, coupled as it IS
with confession of It's authors similar con-
duct, 1t can have no material effect upon inter
national relations or sentiments. AS for his
views Of the progress of the war and Of General
Weylers success in subdung the instruction,
they are obviously of less importance than
those, widely differing from them. of compe-
tent observers at the scene of conflict.
Danger of war. then, must rest upon some
thing more stable than this. But what else Is
there? The tales of General Woodfords "ul-
tlmatum" were long ago proved 10 be idle The
text Of the Spanish reply to his representations
is not yet published, but there is no good reason
for supposing 1t TO be belligerent or menaclng.
On the contrary, there are grounds for believ-
ing that negotiations between the two Govern
ments are proceeding on friendly and hopeful
lines. Senior Sagasta is certainly no less peace
ably and amcably disposed than was his Ia
mented predecessor, and the recall of General
Weyler from Cuba removes by far the most
serious cause of friction. Whatever the SEN
sational press may say and whatever may be
officially said as a matter Of form, the Spanish
Government realizes that the United States Gov
eminent is and has all along been scrupulousy
observant OF the obligations of neutrality, and
that, instead OF offending It is really ingratiat
ing itself with Spain by It's vigilance and en-
ergy in preventing flibusering
There remains OF course. the possibility Of
some action by Congress which Spain may re-
gard as hostlle-the possibility, but not the prob
ability What Is most talked of is recognition
OF Cuban belligerency. Why any friend Of
Cuba, or any one regardful OF American in
terests. should desire ii is past all finding out.
II would cause incalcuable detrlment TO the
Cuban insurgents by shutting off supplies of
arms and ammunition from tMs country, and
II would be utterly disastrous TO the interests
of American property-owners in Cuba who may
suffer loss from the ravages Of war. But, grant
ed that such action be taken, II certainly
could give Spain no valid pretext for declar-
ing war Spain recognized the belligerence of
the Southern Confederacy In 1851, but the
United States did not reckon that cause for
war. 1t is not TO be conceived that Spain
would go 10 war over act clearly within the
pacific rights OF any nation, and in this case
clearly TO SPANS own advantage.
The only danger would lie In occurrences
growing ont Of such recognition There Is no
doubt that causes Of friction and opportunities
Of offence would then be greatly multiplied
Spain would begin stopping and searching
American vessels and selling all articles contra
band Of war which they might be carrying She
would have perfect right 10 do So right
conferred upon her by this country In that very
act of recognition Nevertheless her doing so
would be resented here and irritation between
the two countries would be vastly increased.
so while recognition Of belligerence would not
be cause for war 1t would make the occurrence
OF such cause far more easy than at present;
and that is another reason for the utmost de-