The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1897-09-08

In the timely compilation which Mr..
ROOSEVELT, Assistant Secretary of the Navy,
has lust made of the passages in the mes
sages of the Presidents with respect to the
fostering of the navy, no mention is made of
the position of THOMAS JEFFERSON on this
patriotic question. This is an oversight on
the part of Mr.. ROOSEVELT, for JEFFERSON
was not Indifferent to the welfare of that
arm of the national defence, and his mes
sages to Congress prove the interest that
he took in it. There was an appreciative
reference to the nav in his first annual
communication to that body, and, in his
second message, n year later, he made
recommendations for the appropriation of
money to preserve the few ships we then
had, to build new ones and to provide dock
yards in which they should be preserved
under cover. The latter suggestion was
ridiculed at the time, but it is a noteworthy
fact that some OF the European powers
made the experiment which he had sug-
gested. Again, in 1907, he sent a special
message to Congress on the subject of gun.
boats for harbor defence.
The alleged hostility of JEFFERSON to the
navy was one of the charges that used to
be made by the Federalists against the
founder of the Democratic party, who had
driven them from power and defeated their
plans and purposes. The historical truth
is that JEFFERSON was In favor of an ade-
ouate naval force even under the confedera-
ton. While Minister to France 1t was the
subject of repeated official communications
to Mr.. JAY, and of consultation with his col
league, JOHN ADAMS. "a naval force
alone" he wrote to Mr.. JAY, in 1855. "can
countenance our people as carriers on the
water Again, 81 look forward with hor-
ror to the very possible case of war with
a European power, and think there Is no
protection against them but from the pos
session of some force on the sea-" Still
further he wrote :"How dreadfully shall we
suffer on our coasts il we have no force on
the water, former experience has taught u.s."
The Colonies at the time were jealous on
the question of placing too much power
in the hands of their Congress. JET
FERsoN sought to allay their appre-
tensions by impressing on Mr.. JAY that
ga naval force can never %endanger our
liberties, nor occasion bloodshed a land
force would do BOTH" At this period our
commerce in the Mediterranean was suffer
ing severely from the depredations of the
Barbary piratical powers. JEFFERSON urged
that war on them was preferable to tribute,
which every power in Europe was then pay.
ing to that nest of outlaws. He conceived
the idea of forming an alliance of the pow.
ers against them, but the Continental Con.
gress was deferred by its straitened fnan'
cial resources from entering into the com
pact and furnishing its quota of the neces'
sary naval force.
But if evidence of the highest and most
unguestionable character were required tc
prove ~JEFFERsoN's zeal in the interest Of
the navy, it is to be found in a letter writ
ten to him by JOHN ADAMS, his predeces
sor in the Presidency, in October, 1892
less than four years before the death o
these two great men, who had been so lonl
and so fiercely antagonistic in politics
"You remember" says Mr.. ADAMS, "th'
four ships ordered by Congress to be built
and the four Captains appointed by WASH
INGToN-TALBoT, and TRUXToN, and BAR
RY. &c.-to carry an Ambassador to Algier
and protect our in the Mediter
ranean. have always imputed thism ea
sure to you, for several reasons"
These reasons are set forth at length b.
Mr.. ADAMS, and they show that THoMA
JEFFERSON is, as some of his biographer
have claimed, better entitled to be Gale
the father of the navy than is any other c
the revolutionary statesmen.