The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1897-06-21
CONDITION OF THE NATION
THINGS THAT ARE NECESSARY TO
RESTORATION OF PROSPERITY.
Wide and Beneficial Effects Flowing
from Application of Republican
Principle of Protection.
TO the Editor of the indianapolis Journal:

time for a careful and unbiased considera-
ton Of some of the conditions necessary
to the return of prosperity to this country
In fact, the need is urgent that some of the
surface ideas now going the rounds be ex-
ploded, because error, tenaciously fondled
by prejudiced and unthinking minds, be-
comes seeming truth in time, which is just
as potent to the possessor as gospel itself.
An educational campaign carried on now
would be much more effective than at a
time when an eleoti is pending, and dol
lars so expended would be worth more
than hundreds in the heat of party strife.
Just now our Democratic friends with silver
propensities are morally certain that no
signs of returning prosperity have yet APP
peared, and evidently they would be fright
ened out of several years growth at the
account of a factory resuming work, of
wages being restored to the old schedule.
Many of them, from MIR. Bryan down to
the crossroads editor, are ready to exult
over the fact that the country has not sud
denly jumped back to the good days of
1892 and are busy sowing the seeds of dis
content by the insinuation nat Republican
incapacity has been fully proved already.
And yet, if prosperity has not returned to
the marts of trade it only proves two
conditions descended under the rule of the
party of their faith; and, second, that con-
ditions have not been restored, as vet, that
have brought prosperity in the past. The
campaigns of 1896 and 1892 are not so old
that the American people have forgotten
that hard times were synonymous win
Democratic rule, or that business depression
was co-eXiStent with the fright given our
business men when 1t was known That non
protective ideas We're to be carried into Ell
the tariff is a chestnut, and to none more
so than to the man or TIE party that mas
been whipped into submission by defeat
consequent upon the erroneous construction
placed upon the needs of the American
business man and wage Garner. But no
false cry OF 'chestnuts or slde issues 3r
should be allowed to turn the pubic MIND
from the real issues involved IN
the return of prosperity to the
people, The Republican, press must
not forget, just new, the doctrine taught
in the campaign of 1885, and there must
not be any failure to answer properly the
teachings of the Bryan school that fall TO
reach the real cause for the ndustlal con-
dtions of the past four years.
1t cannot be too strongly urged that the
Republican campaign OF 1876 was 3,,, pIeoi-
negative one, that monetary condltonsi aS
regards the character of the money, hau
nothing to do with the hard times; second,
a positive one that interference with the
protective idea had wrought the havoc IN
Industrial life, and that only a return TO
protective
dition wherein a return to prosperity would
be possible The first position taken ought
to be self-evdent to any thinking mind, IN
asmuch as both prosperity and adversely
have prevailed with the monetary standard
the same in each instance. The basis for
the second position is found both IN the
history of the Republic and in the existing
social and industrial conditions of the peo-
pie If, then the position of the party be
correct (and the majority of the American
voters thought 1t so, no reasoning man
ought to confidently expect return OF
prosperity until protective conditions are
again restored. and no just man can cen
sure the party until protection is again
fully tried and its merit or demer1t abSo5
lutely established. lnasmuch also as bust
ness is not creature OF law directly, 1t
must occasion no surprise that the volume
of business does not increase rapidly,
especially until conditions are restored UNI
der which business prosperity is made pos
of government. Governments are not.
established for the purpose of making or
unmakng business directly, but to create
by law such conditions that trade will find
untrammeled the natural elements for de-
velopment, that every citizen shall be guar
anteed equal rights and protection in COM
petition with his neighbor, and that every
man may have a chance to make success
of life.
Business and trade are subject to GER
tain natural laws fixed by the varied wants
Of the people. and government has full
ed s bc so tar s1 as sfss
will protect and strengthen these natural
laws, instead of hindertng or distorting
them in other operations.
WHY PROTECTION IS NEEDED.
1t is claimed that protection is an alb
normal attempt to nul1ify the natural laws
of trade. Were the conditions, both So
cially and industrially. the same in all
countries, then there would be weight in
the argument. But so long as conditions in
this Republic are different from those ex-
icfin in VIZ
to require only patriotic mind to see that
some arrangement must be provided by
which our people will not be at the mercy
of others. The system which attempts to
equaliZe these conditions without lowering
the standard of our social and industrial
life. is the true American doctrine of pro-
lection. based upon the idea that self
preservation is the first law of nature
Hence, to preserve a normal situation
there must be this system of equalization
else the abnormal situation will prevail of
preferring a foreign competitor in trade.
To be more explicit, inaSmuch as the cost
of production abroad is less than here,
necessitated by the less amount of wages
paid the foreign workmen-and- let IT be re-
membered that this is practically the only
reason for a less cost in professionalism
there must be enough tariff laid on the i'm
ported article to equaliZe at least the cost
of production in the competing countries,
else one of two things must result: Either
the American must close his place of bust
ness and yield the field to his foreign COM
petitor, else he must pay the same
wages for the labor employed in produc-
ton. In addition to this system of equali-
cation there is nothing unjust or un-
patriotic. in order to avoid the incentive
to lower wages on the part of the for
egner, in levying, in many instances. lit
tie higher tariff than that required to
equalze normal conditions. There is moth
ing wrong in this, and much to be gained.
1t gives double assurance to the American
business man in his investments, and
whenever the man of wealth must really
have the foreign-made article 1t brings a
little more revenue into the national
It is a chief contention of the enemies
of protection that the tariff is tax
with what holy horror do our silverite
brethren in the Democrats vdmp raise
their hands at the suggestion Of such an
idea! When every mothers son of them
that prices were too low and must be raised
with what consistency do they now pro-
fess so much friendship for the consumer?
Is ii that their faith is suited to take adj
vantage of every bad situation in the body
polite? Were they wrong in 1896 or in
1897? Who will answer? Or is 1T possible
that in 1895 they wanted no real increase
in price but desired to perform the magic
act before a gullible public of making a
visionary increase by cutting the standard
in two?
TARIFF AND PRICES.
But what of the argument that the tariff
increases the price? The protective tariff
merely makes it possible for the American
to do business, and the price ought to be
such that remunerative wages can be paid
to the workmen who produce the article.
The man who is not willing to pay that
much ought not to be willing to buy. IN
der a proper protective system competition
between home producers will regulate the
nf IN ts