The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1897-01-09


compelled Republicans to have declared
Tor the free coinage protection of silver
1T 1G to l.
The primary questions asking serious
attention are:
Is it the fixed legal ratio enacted be-
t..een the coins which governs the rela-
tive value of the metals in bullion? or
IS Il the relative value of the metals IN
bullion which governs the relative value
of the coins? And in view OF the recent
excursion of Senator Wolcott, allegedly
on an international monetary question,
the question comes naturally after the
foregoing. If a single separate nation
cannot maintain a fixed legal ration be-
tween the metals when coined in unlimlt-
ed quantities, how can an international
agreement of any number of nations
maintain Il fixed legal ratio between the
metals? The real object of the Wolcott
invasion of European finances may pos
Slbly be for the purpose or holding with
in his party a number of voters who
have been promised Wolcott silveriSm
with protection by international agree
ment, instead of Teller SilveriSm on a lone
hand basis and without regard to any
other nations. and now impatiently await
the fulhllment. These Geluded disciples
await the miracle of an international
conference with power to declare and
maintain the proposition that 16 ounces
of silver shall equal one ounce of gold in
coin, Notwithstanding the fact that IL
takes 80 ounces of silver in bullion to buy
one ounce Of gold in bullion. BimetalllSm
has been printed in the statute books of
many nations, and in not one has it been
effective
The attempt to establish bimetallism
has been made and abandoned by every
government in Europe. 1t is wisdom, II
seems to me, for the honest money DEM
ocrats of the United States to follow the
teachings of great philosophers. thinkers
and statesmen, together with the lessons
drawn from five centuries of experience,
than TO be guided by the vaporlngs and
delusions of those eXtemporaneous econ
IN
all parties. are attempting to lower the
standard of value in the United States.
1T WAS FLATTERING.
Hon. Henry Watterson was given
fattering reception when he arose to
speak to the sentiment THE Future of
Democracy"
Mr. Watterson said:
If Old Hickory were alive and could
look in upon us at this moment, | have
an impression that he would conclude
that the Democracy of which he was the
embodiment is not only not dead, nor
sleeping, but that it lives and moves and
has its being, and is scheduled to stay.
Let US assume that he is here that his
spirit hoverS over us, and likewise the
spirits of all the Democratic Sages, from
jefferson and Tilden to that bravest OF
the brave, that Incompatible cavalier or
the old Bay state. who gave up his young
life that Democracy might live on the
very Threshold of the last battle for
honor. country and truth. During one
night at least, let us consecrate this no
bic theatre a temple of Democracy, of
Democracy unterritied and undefiled, the
only kind of Democracy which Jefferson
taught and jackson practiced. 1t was
said during the political campaign which
closed the 3rd of last November, that
what we call American institutions were
on trial; and, in a sense. ii may be said
that what we call government is. more
less ALWAYS trial Estimated nv
the vote of the people of the United
States in the late presidential election,
the country was divided by two ex-
tremeS ranged in opposite camps and en-
gagged in a death struggle. But figures
do not always tell the truth. at least, the
whole truth. Millions of patriotic men
voted for Mr.. Mckinley who are not pro-
tectioniStS, and millions of patriotic men
voted for Bryan who had no thought of
striking at the public order or of repudi-
ating dollar of public or private in
debtedneSS.
TWO DANGERS:
The country was assaiIed by two dan
gers. the greater and more imminent for
the moment overshadowing the lesser.
The voters had to choose between Repub-
licanism. which they had tried and con-
demned and q combination OF factions.
with its positive menace to the public
order and credit and it's unknown guam
titles of evil. They wisely chose to post
pone the day of execution.
Gentlemen, no party can stand, or
Ou-ht to stand, which so much as seems
to set itself against the integrity of the
American Union. That, with the last po-
litical year of American history before
its eyes. any considerable section of the
Democratic party could have thought
that success lay anywhere near the line
of equivocation on that point. will amaze
the historian of these times. OF all
parties, the Democratic party could least
afford to eQuivocate- Nor did it need to.
.fraln # laGa
greatest good to the greatest number,
was on the eve of fulfillment, when the
reactionary elements of the party-the
very men over whose protests and in
spite of whose opposition all this prog
reSs had been made-got possession of the
party machinery, and by methods which
you very well remember. proceeded to
set the clock back 20 years, and to re-
verse the movement of the wheels of
time. Sir. there was nothing left for you
and me TO do except to fall back upon
the line of Democratic truth and entrench
ourselves. and this we did AS far as |
can go back of mine, though ] got it of
jefferson and Jackson, and not of Till
man and Altgeld-whenever good morals
against bad morals, good money against
bad money. government against the mob.
are the issues I shall so with that party
which stands true to the public credit
and order. no matter where it takes me.
But, following this law of my being in
the campaign just ended. [ surrendered
ncne of my original. individual opinions.
ONE ISSUE.
To my mind. one issue absorbed all
other issues. The public credit was at
stake, and. with it. the public order. The
defeat of Mr.. Bryan. the election of Mr..
Mckinley, for the time being secures us
both How shall we make them secure
for all time? That is the question, and
on that point | shall speak with defer
ence TO the opinions of others, though L
have opinions of my own.
M Chairman, We are about to close a
hundred years of party warfare in the
United States. In 1900 we were few mil
1897 we are S9.0000 900 of people, and we love
money. In 1900, the issue lay between the
old order of Englishmen who had si-ned
the Declaration of Independence, led the
continental armies and framed the con-
stitution, and the new order of Amer
leans who suspected every conservative
of beinc a monarchist and were in turn
denounced by every conservative as a
rabble, plotting the excesSes of the
French revolution In 1900 unless we
can order otherwise the issue will be be-
tween the forces of organized capital and
the forces of organized anarchy. The
task which Jefferson set himself was the
unification of liberty and order. The task
before us is the reconciliation of caDital
and labor, which are. and of right ought
to be- convertible terms. Can We effect
this reconciliation? | think we can. But
not by the agency of rampant partyism
binding good men to the truth; array
ing class against class section against
try in state of agitation year in and
year out, with the danger of Il revolution
at the end of every four years. If that
be the fate ahead of us. God help free
institutions; because. if it be. it is only
question of time when one of the two
drunk with power. reckless