The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1897-10-19

uz to consider as q practical people Ii
whether taxation Is eqaitabiy distrib-
uted as nearly as possible as eireum-
stances will admit Of
Il win De as vel 10 start out with
the positive understanding that the
United States constitution stands In the
way OF any system which Ia calculated
to impose q tar upon one interest and
let another entirely escape. II viii be
observed that the memoriaIists divide
property into two CLASSES. namely. land
and railroad tracks, and personal prop
srty and improvements. This seems 10
indieate-and the idea is still further
borne out in the summary-that the
people Of the state are also divided
into two classes. The memorialists
ask: ''Is IL not time that we cease tax
ing industrious laboring men for the
benefit of idle. n-producing specu-
Iators7"
This is the idea presented by the
memorial II is very unfortunate that
this should be so, because the need OF
an improvement in our taxing system
il generally conceded, but any move
ment toward 1t will be checked by the
fear that II may result In such a dis
tinctlon as the memorial suggests.
To show the injustice OF the proposed
division, let US cite the cases OF James
J. Hill and Russell Sage. The FIRST has
invested his money In the construction
of railroad tracks. which have made
more valuable every acre belonging to
the farmers and town lot owners along
their line. The construction OF rail-
road adds value to every cultivated
acre, every farm building, every head
OF stock, without costing the farmer
one cent more. II Is proposed TO tax
the land and the railroad tracks; Mr..
Hill is to be regarded as an enemy
and heavily fined for his impertinence
in creating these new values.
Russell Sage is worth $4,000, 600
some say 10000 900. lie never bought
land TO improve: he never built rail-
road for the profit that traffic would
bring him; he has nothing TO tax un-
der the proposed system, because all
his property Ii personal. He would be
in the class with the industrious labor
ing men," who have no land or railroad
tracks 10 tax
The quotation from Judge Benson
presents a phase OF the case which
probably appears To every taxpayer as
theoretically correct He says: 1T is
hard to make anyone believe that 1t is
just that he should be periodically
taxed heavily because he is industrious
and honest. and less heavily In pro-
portion as he is unthrifty and dishon-
est" There Is no doubt 10 make taxa
ton just IL must reach everything OF
the class on which IL is levied.
The thriftless do not benefit so much
by the advantages Of government which
taxation insures as the thrifty; the
man who has gold watches and keeps
money in the house has more use for
the service OF police officers than the
thriftless and dishonest citizen who is
lying In wait TO rob him. So the hon
est and industrious citizen has more
need of water mains. and sewers. and
lights and street cleaning, than the
thriftless tramp who has not aecumu-
lated any property. Citizenship i'm
poses burdens while 1t secures advan-
tages. Every man who has devoted
any attention 10 the subject OF taxa
ton looks forward 10 the time when a
more systematic plan will be devised.
but IL he knows enough about taxation
to entertain that hope. he knows
enough about IL TO regret that an at
tempt should be made to inspire "in-
dustrious laboring men" with the idea
that they bear the heaviest burden.
and that they alone are entitled TO ex-
emption. AS a matter OF fact. the only
industrious laboring man" who pays
an unjust proportion of taxes is the
man who has purchased a lot and put
home upon Il; not him who has been
content 10 roam from place 10 place
with no more possessions than he can
carry about In a wagon.
The principle should be ineulcated In
every citizen that among his most inn
portant civic duties are 20 vote az cleo
lions and TO bear his share in the cost
Of government No man In the state
should be exempt; the system should
deal equally with all. but there should
bee 40 privileged class.