The Scranton tribune. [volume] (Scranton, Pa.) 1891-1910, 1897-10-20

POWER AND POLICY.
Mr.. Stevens analysis of the Kaiser's
actual power and policy is somewhat
startling, but 1t is impossible to ac-
cuse him of serious eXaggeration. STU
dents of the European political situa-
tion will do well to consider carefully
what Mr.. Stevens says
80 far his ten years of reign have
been as completely successful as even
his own inflated Imagination could de-
sire. The desire is notorious. My
course is the right one he has in
formed his people, and that course
shall still be steered' There is only
one law he observed on another oc-
casion, and that is my law But 1t
may not be so generally realized that
I the notorious desire is now fully ac-
complished. The Kaiser is fully as alb
solute as the Emperor of Russia-less
so in theory, more in practice. The
only sovereign who can compete with
him in fulness and irresponsbility of
| authority is his friend the Sultan; and,
| curiOusly. both have gained their posi-
| tion in the same way.
Germany has a constitution; Ger
| many has Parliament; Germany has
almost universal suffrage. Germany,
| furthermore, Is disContented from Metz
| to Memel, from the Alps to the Belt.
| Yet against the will of the Kaiser Ger
| many is quite impOtent. Why? Be-
cause Germany is hopelessly disunited
| The Kaiser's system is simple enough
and it is as old as tyranny itself. He
| found the ReiChstag divided into at
least six groups; the corollary was
| simple enough. Keep it divided. Di-
vide it more A crumb for this frac-
tion today, a crumb for that tomor-
row-but no steady Countenance for
any. So that today there are eight
main groups, without counting sub
| divisions and Independents: after next
years election there will probably he
| more still. The strongest party-the
| Catholic Centre-commands only just
over a quarter of the Reichstag. To-
day the majority is made up of this
! combination. tomorrow of that. Today
| this fraction is voting with the govern
ment, tomorrow against it.
HIS WILL SUPREME.
When parliament is thus weak the
ministry cannot possibly be strong Be
tween the extremes of Agrarian Con-
servatives, who want the state to fix
and maintain high price for wheat,
| and Social Democrats, who would like
| the state to fix and maintain a low
one, the minister finds no party, no
| fraction which he can call his own. He
may have belonged to a party before he
| took office, but he cannot command its
votes afterward, and must pick up his
majority by cajolery and little con-
cessions, or by threats. wherever he
can find it. A minister in this position
is hardly the man to keep his end un
against his sovereign, even were he a
strong man at one with his colleagues
But the Kaiser makes it his business
to pick for ministers weak men, and to
see that they do not agree among
| themselves. Can you recall off hand
the name of single one of the Kaiser
ministers? Except Prince Hohenlohe,
| probably not one. a few of them came
into monetary European repute through
the squald Won Tausch case, but they
| have since lapsed into obscurity again.
| Many of them are worthy men, but in
| the qualities required for governing SO,
OC0,0o0 people they are conspicuously
lacking. They say in Berlin-and they
ought to know-that one minister or
another is always setting Won Tausches
| at his colleagues to backbite and en-
| snare and Vilify them. OF course, as
there is no party government in Ger
| many, the ministers do not go in and
ont in a body. Each owes his place to
the kaisers choice When the Kaiser
has done with him he goes on sick leave
for a While--and then goes outright
Each naturally tries to keep the Kais-
er's favor and with it his place. as
long as possible. Each works for his
own hand, not for the ministry, there
is no ministry, only ministers. And
not for the country.
Even Prince Hohenlohe, the Chan
cellor, is better known for his high sta
ton than for any high qualities. But
even Prince HohenlOhe is too much OF
an Independent statesman for the Kai-
ser, and his retirement cannot b. long
delayed. like his predecessor, Count
Caprivi, he will probably be glad to
| lay down an Office whose dignity is
doubtful, whose troubles are unnum-
hered. His successor will probably be
Won Bulow, late ambassador in Rome
Won Bulow is said to have many fine
qualities. Put he is comparatively
young and comparatively ineXperienc,
ed; he belongs to a good but unintlu.
entail family; he is not rich; he COM
mands no public support of any kind
| whatever. He must depend for his
career on the Kaisers grace alone; hC
will be more unquestiOninEly the Kai-
sers man than any of his predeces-
sOrs.
PRIVATE ADVISERS.
"A divided impotent Parliament.
divided, impotent Ministry-but that il
not all There has grown up an extra
constitutional, but very powerful sec
ond ministry, consisting of the Kaiser!
private cabinet and his private friends
When he asks advice from anybody h,
asks it from them. The chief Of tn,
private cabinet is Il DR., Lukanus,
man whom nobody appears to love bu
everybody to fear When the Kaise
has anything to communicate to tn,
Reichstag he communicates il through
a Baron Won Stumm, a rich but no
popular, employer of labor-he forbid
his workpeople to marry without hi
leave, to drink i'm beerhOuses of whlcl
he does not approve, and he is popu
larly called King Stumm'-who hold
no official position whatever. The mem
bers of this Camarilla, who have n,
responsibility to anybody in the worlC
but their master, are the most power
full men in Germany.
Yet one more cleavage in the EN-
pire the Kaiser sedulously widens-th
gulf between civil and military. In
country like ours, where soldering 4
a profession like the church or tailor
ing, you could understand the all-im
portant distinction; in country lik
Germany, where all men must TAX
their turn at soldering. the arm!
ought to be the people. The Kaise