The herald., 1897-07-07
THE COAL MINERS STRIKE

| Strikes, great or small, are frequent
occurrences in this country. They diffe.
from labor troubles which occurred
many years ago; their tendency
| is now less to commit acts of violence
| than then, though strikes are not alto
gether free from interference with busi-
ness and destruction of property.
Whether rightfully or wrongfully, there
seems to be an irreconcilable antagon-
ism between labor and capital, and as
production is on a larger scale, and in
some branches more concentrated than
formerly, laborers are massed, and the
consequences of strike are more ex-
tensively felt. In the progress of devel-
opment both labor and capital have be-
come organized and are watching eacn
other as are the great European armies.
The right to cease working when terms
are unsatisfactory no one will contro-
vert, but a resort to violence involving
the destruction of property and life. or
interference with business is reprehensi-
bic; more than that, it is criminal. A
worse feature, if possible, is the en-
ployment of force to prevent others
from working on terms which are sat
isfactory to them. Forcibly taking prop
erty from man is no worse in principle
than forcibly preventing him from
earning property. Labor organization is
necessary to protect against the selfish
ness and exactions of capital; it is use
full when employed to promote the ac-
QUESTION of greater skill and more
faithful performance of obligation to
employers. That in this feature good
work has been done will scarcely be de-
MED There is in fact no necessary an
tagonism between labor and capital, and
the suspicion and hostility which exists
are results of want of confidence on
each side. There has not been that
crankness which is necessary to a good
understanding. Capital has often ex-
acted more than it's fair share of wealth
labor organizations have sometimes ex-
acted terms which employers cannot
comply with without loss.
Capital is entitled to a share that will
compensate for the trouble and hazard
Of investment, and reasonable increase
in addition. The fact should not be over
looked that, as the laws are, the capital
lst takes all the risks, for wages are a
first lien upon his property. An un-
changeable scale of wages ought not to
be made, for conditions change, and the
wages which employers may safely en-
gage to pay this year would leave them
without profit next year, and perhaps
drive them into bankruptcy. If employ
ers and employees would be frank ana
fair with each other scales of wages
would be adjusted as conditions seem
to demand.
The great argument for a protective
tariff is protection to American wage
workers; that is to say, it is necessary
that American wages maybe maintained.
Theoretically there seems to be force
in this argument, but in practice it has
not been respected. While Carnegie,
Pullman and the great body of the man
ufacturers have accumulated vast for
tunes, the men whose brains and mus
cles have produced the wealth have in
the main only been able to live on the
wages that have been paid them. In
the pending tariff bill it is proposed to
increase duties on large number Of
manufactures, but it is not supposable
proportionately The manufacturer will
undertake to secure all the profits to
himself. and if labor derives any benefit
lit will be through a resort to coerciva
measures. The idea of protecting labor
by raising duties on imports has been
a delusion and fraud. Trusts and mo-
nopolies do not want higher duties un-
less theycan reap the whole or the lion .
share of the profits, and without their
lobbying opportunities a tariff law for
protection merely would never be en-
acted.
Strikes are to be regretted, and we
hope that the time is not distant when
differences between labor and capital
will be adjusted in good spirit by the
parties themselves, or through the in
tervention of arbitration.