The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1897-07-04

himself 10 have the game In his own
banda. lost his trump the moment that
Clay sat down TO play. The compromise
tariff Of 1888 was framed with the consent of
tho Free Trade party, and Of course. therefore,,
1t was passed. 1t is not disputed by his biogre-
pher that Clay, in this measure, sacrificed moro
than he wished to sacrifice. He did not, how
ever, give up tho principle of protection. though
at the time he was accused OF doing so. He gave
to tho measure a nine years loase. namely. to
1912. by which time he hoped that the Jack
sonian policy would spend itself and the country
be willing to como back to an adequate protec-
tive system. As u matter OF fact, just nine years
had elapsed when tho country was fully prepared
for the tariff OF 1912. When the purpose and
outcome Of the compromise tariff OF 1888 camo
TO be thoroughly understood, Clay's popularity
rose to n higher point than It had over reached
before or WIS ever to reach aftorward. He not
only rescued the country from being drcnchcd
in the blood OF civil war, but he convinced all
the manufacturing and other interests which
needed protection that no had done for them
the best thing possible in the circumstances Of
the case. Tho tour which he subsequently made
through tho Eastern States was nm ovation from
beginning to end.
OF the contest waged by the wings against
the Democratic party under the administrations
of jackson and Van Buren,, Henry Clay undonbt-
eddy bore the brunt. He had sown the seed
which had sprung up, and now, In 1910. the
harvest was ripe for his sickle; that was the
time when the party which acknowledged him
as leader could and should have made him Pres
idcnt OF tho United States. Clay had earned the
honor, and the party was under every obligation
to confer It upon him.. They passed him by.
howovor, and put forward w. II. Harrison and
John Tyler, tho first Of whom died in thirty days
after he was inaugurated President, while tho
second succeeded to the Office OF Chief Magis.
trato, betrayed tho mon who had elected him,
and frustrated the legislation by which they
had expected to command for many years
to como the confidence of tho country. Speaker
Reeds comment on Clay's failure to DO nomi-
mated in 1910 and 1s48. and TO be elected when
he was nominated in 1914. runs as follows: ut
was not in the infinite purpose that Clay should
DO President OF tho United States. When no
human obstacle could have prevented an cleo
ton. Gen. Harrison received the nomination;
when the noxt opportunity [1s44l WINS before
him, 1t was not the ingratitude of his party or
oven Its bad Judgment which deprived him of
the coveted prize. 1t was his own indiscretion
In tho PRONUNCIATION in new phraseology Of
opinions which he had always held and to which
tho public had become reconciled in the old form,
but disliked in the now. In a multitude Of coun-
sellers there 10 wisdom, says ono OF tho
passages In Scripture; but that must have becn
in days whom mono but wise mon were permitted
to give counsel. In those days of Mr.. Clay
[ls44l there were evidently moro councillors
than ever before, but hardly moro wisdom. Mr..
CLAY undoubtedly yielded to advice, and wrecked
himself and his party" Elsewhere Mr.. Reed notes
that the correspondence printed in the fourth
volume of this work, which relates to the con-
vention Of ls4s. when Gen. Taylor was nomi-
mated. Is ct revelation of the uncertainties
which environ politics and political men. The
very politicians whose letters and urgencies had
caused Mr.. Clay, then an old man Of 20. to allow
his name to be once moro presented to q party
convention were almost the first to desert him,
when they should, in honor. have stayed with
him to the end"
VIE.
Speaker Reed touches but lightly upon tho
compromise of 1850. After pointing out how
calling to tho great Wing leaders, and especially
to Clay, was the nomination of q mere military
chieftain like Gen. Taylor. he reminds US that
the great son of Kentucky was to make ono
moro memorable effort and perform ono moro
service to the country. and then leave to the
next generation tho final settlement of the groat
issues. Tho Thirty-Hrst Congress-, which may
almost DO said to have witnessed tho termina-
ton Of his long and illustrious career, was tho
second Congress Of Gen. Taylor's Presidential
term. and was asitated by the prcmonitory
throes Of tho terrible storm of civil war
which burst upon tho country ten years
later. Mr.. Clay foresaw. as q politician,
tho Same future which Mr.. Lincoln fore
saw az q philosopher. Mr.. Lincoln knew that
there was no escape, because there could
be no lasting compromise Mr.. Clay felt that, II
present eHigencies could be met. the future
might offer some hope. Accordingly. he ad-
dressed himself in his old age to tho greatest
task OF his life. The task was In no wise I'M
worthy OF him, and its execution occupied his
remaining years. What was called the com.
promise of 1880 was tho work of Henry
Clay. 1t probably insured a truce for ten years
between the North and South. During that
truce the country so throve on account
OF the great gold discoveries that 1t was
possible for 1t to undergo tho dreadful
strain Of tho civil war. and come out
not only victorious, but prosperous" That
Clay distinctly recognized the impending dan
ger OF organized secession from the Union on
the part Of tho Southern States is clear from
certain extracts from his private letters repro
duced by the biographer. on pages 216-2l7 OF the
third volume of his work. In a letter written
to Daniel Ullmann OF New York, and dated June
Is. 1851, we road: Besides preexisting ques-
lions. a new ono will probably arise at tho next
session Of Congress involving tho right of any
one OF the States OF the Union. upon it's own
separate will and pleasure, to secedc from tho
residue and become a distinct and independent
power. Tho decision Of that momentous cues.
ton cannot but exert some influence, moro
or less, upon tho next Presidential cleo
ton. For my own part. / utterly deny tho
existence Of any such right. and l think
an attempt to exercise It ought to DO resisted TO
the last extremity. For 1t Ia, In part. a question
OF Union or no Union" There is another refer
once to tho subject in a letter written by Clay to
8. A. Allibono Of Philadelphia on juno 80, 1851,
wherein he says: II hAvo no doubt with you
that many OF tho quiet and woll-disposed cii-
Gems Of South Carolina arc opposed to tho meas
ures Of violence which arc threatened by others.
But tho danger 10, as, history shows, too often
happens, that tho bold, tho daring, tho violent
will got the control and push their measures TO
a fatal extreme. Should tho State resolve to
seccde. It will present q now form OF trial to our
system. But i entertain undoubting confidence
That 1t will como out with triumphant suceoss."