The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1896-11-02

III the Ire OF a natlOn, ard WOulu
come out OF the struggle at the end Of
that time defeated in arms and conceding
independence 10 successful revolution than
to purchase present peace by the concession
OF a principle that must inevitably explode
this Nation into small and dishonored frag-
ments." That blast set the Nation In bat
ment until the last day OF his life did he
falter in his faith, swerve in his duty. or
ADMIT doubt 10 paralyze his effort in the
| task OF demonstrating to ourselves and to
the world that We are one people, one
nation-undivided and indivisible." That
| supreme IDEA dominated his mind and
| heart. He gave himself unreservedly TO his
country with all the passion OF his great
nature. On the roll or the Nations hon
ored and heroic dead no name speaks or
greater sacrifice. or more exalted and de-
| voted service.
His courage was superb. He knew no
Tear. his lie was nothing TO him. IL was
| often imperiled: but he paid little or no at
| tention TO threatening danger. he felt Sc
| duty TO which he had devoted all his DOW
| ers Dut him under protection that ban
ished the possibility of fear. He had moral
| happened TO fall on Sunday. There was
| much public discussion whether the exer-
eises should be held on that day or on the
| following Monday. the plea being that 1t
| would be desecration of the Christian
| Sabbath TO have the parade and puohc ex-
| erciSes over the graves of the dead on that
| day. Opinion was so divided that, az a re-
| suit, two celebrations were held that year.
| But Governor Morton. reused at what he
I
| min joined the parade that went out to
| Crown Hill on Sunday himself making the
| address. thus asserting that no day was too
| holy, and no hour too sacred for the annual
| tribute TO the memory of those who had
made ii possible for their survivors TO wor-
| ship God in peace and honor.
Carlyle says the word "koenig' comes
| from the German word "koennen''-"can"
and adds: He is most a king who makes
| the strongest impression the age in
which he lives. though his scepter be d
walking stick" Governor Morton once
said: Il want man who can do "a thing"
| 1t was the expression OF his own intense.
| impetuous, achieving nature. He did
| things; impressed the age in which he
! lived. and under the definition of Carlyle
was a king of men. Sitting one of the
! sofas of the Senate chamber. a friend
| listened to the late Judge David Davis
acterization of several of the leading Sem
! ators they came to their seats. When
Morton hobbled in on his canes-the scep-
! ters of his kingship-the Judge said:
There comes the bulldog OF the Senate"
1t was neither an unfair nor an unkind
| epithet. In fidelity to trust. in tenacity of
| purpose, in strength of action and in un-
| conquerable force. he was bulldog. When
| Morton was on guard the people felt Sc
cure mo labor discouraged him, no con-
| dismayed him, no defeat disheartened
| him. In the forefront Of every battle was
seen his FURNISHED mail and in the gloomy
rear OF every retreat was heard his voice
| OF constancy and courage"
| AS. A POLITICAL LEADER.
| AS political leader he was intense
partisan. He cokid not be less. or have
done less" said Senator Morgan. of Ala
bama. His partisanship. however. was q
partisanship of lofty patriotism and well
| coined to its ranks all men of whatever
| former faith or affiliation, who were
moved. alike with him, by supreme devo-
\ ton to the government. Morton knew
that in the throes of war there could be
but two parties. Stephen y. Douglas
knew it-one of patriots, the other traitors.
| For the time the Republican
| party represented TO him the
| only force that could be used for
the preservation of the Union. IN the fig
| ure of Frederick Douglas-in those days
| or storm and tempest, the Republican
| party was the ship, all else was the sea-
and unless all abode in the ship neither
ship, nor crew, nor passengers could be
| saved. With this key all his political life
and actions are readily solved in harmony
with the highest patriotism. He cared
| nothing for the consistency, so-cailed, OF
| his acts. His only care was for the con-
| sistency of his motives, let them lead TO
| any course of action, however that of to-
| day might seem to contravene that OF yes
terday. In 1866 he feared the introduction
OF the newly emancipated slaves into the
| body of the suffrage, but later changed
| his opinions with changed conditions nor
| hesitating to say that the man who ha Il
learned nothing during the six years sue
| ceedinS the close OF the war was like an
| ancient milepost by the side of a deserted
| highway" Putting the opinions of 1860 be-
| hind him, by IL vigilance that never slept.
and force that dominated q reluctant
| Congress and compelled the acquiescence
| OF hostile States, he wrote into the Con-
sutution the fourteenth and fifteenth
lS16-'s he resolutely and with impassioned
zeal opposed the constitution of the mixed
| commission. believing, as a majority of
that tribunal! afterward decided that the
voice of the States whose votes were in dis
pute had been legally given to the Repub-
| lcan Candidates. Wien the commission
| came 10 be organized he accepted member
ship upon it, and, despite his physical dis
ability. rendered most conscientious, pains
taking and arduous service. When Sena tor
| Thurman was confined TO his room by ILL
ness and the work of the commission liable
TO be seriously hindered, it was at Senator
Mortons suggestion that the commission
| held an important session i'm the sick
chamber, so that no undue delay i'm their
decision should intervene. After the inau-
! guration OF President Hayes. when the Re-
publican party was threatened with inter-
nal discussions because of the Southern
policy. Senator Morton held his own con-
vlctionS In allegiance and urged upon all
Republicans the necessity of a united sup
port of the administration. No voice could
have been so potent with the discontented
as his The letter he issued on the 2Ith
of May. 1877, had immediate and powerful
effect He let the President know by let.
ter that he should give TO his administra-
ton cordial and earnest support from his
seat in the Senate chamber, where he
hoped to be In the following December
Hayes called upon him in Richmond and
the two held their last interview almost
| in the very presence of death. From his
chamber at his home. i'm this city there
came frequent appeals through the medium
OF the press for party harmony, and almost
the last thing the Senator did was TO die
tate TO me an earnest message of the like
| character to the Republicans OF the Nation
| which was published in tho columns of the
| indianapolis Journal.
| HIS INTELLECTUAL. FORCE
| The intellectual force of Senator Morton
was as remarkable as was his genius fol-
political leadership. He had power Owe,
things. and he had power over men. He
compelled everything TO work together fol
the accomplishment of his purpose while
| his control over men was unparalleled
Your memories will recall innumerabe in.
stances of this. not less in the case of in.
dividuals than when he addressed himself
| TO masses OF people. His power on the
| hustings has never been exc filed, and In
the calm de.iberation of the Senate his in
|. | fluence was alike incompatible. Not gifted
with the rhetorician's art. his speeches un
, | embeliiShed with the graces of what /;
called oratory he convinced the judgment
| by masterful logic and held men enthralIcS
| by the intensity Of his speech.
The physical infirmity that forced hin
TO remain seated when speaking for any
| length of time only seemed to add to the
! power he exerted over an audience. NJ
one who heard him deliver his Masonic
. | Hal speech, upon returning from Europe
| In 1867. will ever forget the occasion or the
man. / recall another instance when :
| vast multitude was held as in leash by the
might and majesty OF his words and man.
ner. 1t was at Urbana. o., where ht
| opened the campaign in that State i'm IN,