The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1896-10-25

and put them in good repair. Hands and
teams were to be employed in the loc3I
counties and paid with government ISSUES
of paper money. The only difference be-
tween this and Mr.. Bryan's plan Is that
Coxey's mind was directed to the highways
and Mr.. Bryan's to the waterways. Inc
one reform was to be worked out by land
and the other by water. 1t is too bad that
Mr.. Coxey has not been given a more con-
spicuous place I'm the combination. He
should at least have been made th1rd wee
President. or perhaps he is to be made Sec
rotary of War. where he could ind a feld
for exploiting his curious scheme.
1t is too late now to enter upon a serl-
/ Gus discussion of the feasibility of govern
ment paper money, but the fact is that IN
til the late civil war there never was a
proposition made in either prancn OF ooA-
gress to issue legal-tender paper money.
It was always before then believed to be
unconstitutional At that time the con-
| stitutionaiity was denied by every Demo-
crat In Congress and afterwards so held
| by every Democratic judge to which the
question was submitted. In fact. it APP
tional convention that the trainers of the
Constitution. supposed that they mad Tor,
that so much were they opposed to the
exercise of that power by the federal gov
eminent that had it been insisted upon the
Union would never have been established.
It is a wild, visionary and dangerous
scheme. Among the abuses abuses to which 1t IS
tied business and gross extravaganza in
public expenditures. 1t is worse. and if
any different, less honorable than free sill
yer itself.
MANY OTHER REASONS.
/ am opposed to Mr.. Bryan because he
was unwilling to indorse the action of
| President Cleveland in the suppression of
! those disorders in the city of Chicago
| which interfered with tbs government
| mails and with interstate m His
| position is undeInocratic and un-American.
I believe with Thomas jefferson in the
| preservation of the general government in
" =
with Andrew Jackson, and indorse his
brave and heroic defiance of the nuIlifers
of South Carolina; and 1 believe with those
who shed blood in the late civil war in or
der that the supremacy of the general
government might be recognized in every
part of the Republic.
L am opposed to Mr.. Bryan because he is
in favor of State socialism, as declared by
his Populist allies. in their proposition to
and control of the railroads and telegraphs
and telephones Of the country.
! am opposed to Mr.. Bryan because he is
trying to divide this country into sections.
and to inhame the minds of the people Of
one portion Of the Union against their fell
low-citizens who happen to reside in some
other portion of the Union. / have not
time nor language to property characterize
and condemn this unwise and unpatriotic
course.
1 am opposed to him because he teaches
that our country may be properly divided
into classes, whereas we all know that of
an the countries upon the globe, We are
freer from class distinctions than any
other; and at last 1 am opposed to him be-
cause he seems 10 be in a mad chase after
the presidential office, and is willing to
make any kline of sacrifice of dignity. Of
principle and of honor to obtain that place.
L know il Is impossible to succeed III the
election of Palmer and Buckner. and my.
only hope is that we shall be able to make
that movement so respectable and so pow
erfql that it will be hereafter recognized
as the true Democracy.
This movement is both a protest and a
promise. 1t protests against the surrender
OF tie oid Democratic party into untried
and untrustworthy. hands. 1t protests
against the suppression of Democratic prin-
ciples and the substitution therefor of an
aggregation of personal grievances as n
predicate for national dishonor. 1t promises
first of all the defeat of those who have
turned their backs upon the tried and true
VlouS and dangerous paths in quest of ALI
anee with stray bands OF political adven-
turers. And it promises that after inevi-
table defeat and disasters shall have fol-
lowed this evil-starred and ill-omened
by you. an imoregnable fortress, a citadel.
70 which they can retreat and from which
so forth to battle. to victory and to honor.
MR.. HUMPHREYS SPEECH.
Mr.. Cooper was followed by Alexander
Humphreys, of Louisville, who made a Wit
ty and logical address:
when l was on the other side OF the
e 1hp When = nA1 ! crossed @iS into 3 S this staI LENS This
morning L found that my name had been
changed. and it has occurred to me that, If
your good Governor has the power TO
change our name. we may suggest some
other changes to him. I would suggest an
emblem for his party. / would suggest as
appropriate the lnOOn-not because there is
any lunacy about the moon. My reasons
are simple. First. the moon Is a lurninary
which SHINES by borrowed light. and / find
there is no light in your Governors party
that is not borrowed from the Popuiists.
Another reason is the popularity of the
moon--that it changes every month. Then,
as there is n courtship going on now. L can
see your Governor sporting by the light of
the moon with the Populist young lady.
The most cogent reason for my suggestion
will be apparent to the Populists if they
Will consult that to them most familiar
book. the almanac. They will see there that
on the Sd of November the moon is abso-
lutely dark
Judge Humphreys discussed the nomi-
nees of the National Democracy. eulogizing
Generals Palmer and Buckner in eloquent
terms. Fe then took up the Chicago plat
form and tore it to pieces, plank by plank,
Showing wherein it had departed from the
principles and traditions of the Democratic
party. His defense of the Supreme Court
and of President Cleveland was most elo-
quent. and his denunciation OF Bryan was
most bitter.