New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1896-08-23

snare III II was denied by kings and statesmen
and doubted even by philosophers. The result
was that the people the ultimate critics Of all
that was done In their behalf were never salts
fed, while under cover Of the principle of balance
OF power the diplomatic plotting Of the various
courts marks the lowest depths arrived at In the
history of the relations of European States to
each other" What each of the disputants In
given case desired was to Justify his own acts by
exposing the plans Of his opponent. For this pur-
pose a plausible suspicion was enough In default
of positive evidence. on these grounds the late
Professor Tutte, in the posthumous volume OF
his History OF Prussia" has based defence or
Frederick's conduc- in beginning the destructive
Seven Years War What the Prussian King did
was to lead his army into Saxony and to take mill
tary possession Of a country supposed to be al
peace with him. This proceeding was followed in
due course by conflict which involved not only
Austria and Hungary, but the whole Of the En-
pre- France England, Russia and Sweden Fred
erick posed as the exemplary royal philosopher Of
his time He was the friend Of Vota're, and Vol
taire was teaching all Europe the lessons which
he had learned from Hobbies and Locke. Those
lessons were rather meagre on the side Of Inter-
national law. but they were explicit enough upon
the duty of a King toward his own people and his
own State Apparently Frederick's political con-
science was dutiful only toward his own realm
His will made at time when the event Of the
war was uncertain, provided that in case of his
death the affairs of Prussia. and particularly the
war; should be carried on as If nothing had hap
pened But above all. If he were taken prisoner
no concession must be made for his liberty. lie
was to be looked on as dead. and the plans for the
defence and enlargement Of the State must be full
filed in every particular He was not the state
but simply the highest servant Of the State
There was not much of prevalent scepticism
nor even OF Fredericks own assumed cynicism
in this earnest Willingness to be sacrificed for
his kingdom. The conflict was fair one be-
tween a man who felt as he did and other
rulers who for the sake of their own States
wished to repress his ambition. 1t is in episodes
of another sort that the heartlessness of the
eighteenth century and Of Frederick true i'm
perso nation Of his age. Is evirced. The invasion
Of Saxony revealed both sides of the Kings char
acter and all the customary treachery OF his
time Nobody believed Frederick when he an
nounced his determination merely to march
through Saxony, for that would have been quite
consistent with the laws Of the Empire. Saxony
might still have remained neutral on the other
hand. Frederick did not believe in the neutrality
Of SaxOny except under the pressure OF his own
armies But on the face Of the thing there was
no reason for his march through that country
The sequel showed that he was In pursuit of
the documents which. by inference at least
would Justify movement which everybody
knew meant war for all Europe-and. as II
turned out. for other parts Of the world also
When he occupied Dresden. one of his first pre-
cautions was to seize the Saxon archives with
the aid of papers secured in this way there was
prepared the following winter an elaborate de-
fence Of the Prussian policy. The intrigues or
Austria with SaxOny and Russia were traced
with minute care. All the evidence which Fred
erick required he found. But the memoir neither
FASTENED nor retarded the war. 1t would not
even have got the help Of England, If English
statesmen had not seen that the interests OF
their country were in harmony with those OF
Prussia It's greatest value was, perhaps, in the
proof II gave of the growing necessity for plead
ing national causes before the bar OF public
opinion.