Delaware gazette and state journal., 1896-02-06
JEFFERSON TO MONROE.

rug Days bctned Whht He Considered TO
,Be the True Policy for This Country to
'pursns.
The following is copy OF a letter
written by ex-President Thomas Jeifer-
son to President James Monroe, in the
early part of the latter's second term
of Office:
Monticello, Oct. "a, 1923. To the
President-Dear Sir: The question
presented by the letters you have sent
me, is the most momentous which has
ever been offered to my contemplation
since that OF Independence. That made
us nation, this sets our compass and
points a course which we are to steer
through tho ocean of time, opening on
us. And never could we embark on it
under circumstances more auspicious.
Our first anu fundamental maxim
should be, never to entangle ourselves
in the broils Of Europe. Our second.
never to suffer Europe to intermeddle
| with cis-Atlantic affairs. America,
| North and South, has a set of interests
distinct from those of Europe, and
| peculiarly her own. She should there
| fore have a system of her own, separate
and apart from that of Europe. While
| the last is lahoring TO become the
domicile of despotism, our endeavor
should surely be to make our hemis-
| phere that OF freedom. One nation,
most Of all, could disturb us in this
pursuit; she now offers to lead, aid,
and accompany us in II. BY acceding
| to her proposition, we detach her from
| the bands, bring her mighty weight
into the scale of free government, and
emancipate the continent at one stroke,
which might otherwise lnger long in /,
doubt and difficulty. Great Britain is
the nation which can do us the most
harm of any one, or all on earth and
with her on our side we need not fear
the whole world. With her then, we
should most sedulously cherish a
cordial friendship; and nothing would
tend more to knit our affections than
to be fighting once more. side by side,
in the same cause. Not that | would
! purchase even her amity at the price
Of taking part in her wars. But the
war in which the present proposition
might engage u.s. should that be its
consequence, is not her war but ours
Its object is to introduce and establish
the American system, of keeping out
| OF our land all foreign powers of never
permitting those Of Europe to inter-
medde with the affairs of our ma,
tions II is to maintain our own prin-
ciple not to depart from it, And IL, to
| facilitate this, we can effect division
in the body of the European powers
and draw over to our side its most
powerful member, surely we should do
| it, But | am clearly of Mr. Canning's
opinion, that it will prevent instead OF
provoking war. With Great Britain
withdrawn from their scale and shifted
into that of our two continents, all
Europe combined would not undertake
such war. For how would they pro-
pose to get at either enemy without
superior fleets? Nor is the occasion to
! be sighted which this proposition
offers, of declaring our protest against
the atrocious violations of the rights
OF nations, by the Interference of any
one in the internal affairs of another,
SO fiagitiously begun by Bonaparte,
and now continued by the equally law
less alliance calling itself holy.
| But we have first TO ask ourselves q
| question. Do we wish to acquire TO
our own confederacy any one or moro
of the Spanish provinces? / candidly
confess, that | have ever looked on
Cuba as the mosi interesting addition
which could ever be made to our eys-
tenn of States. Tho control which,
| from Florida Point, this island would
give us over the Gulf of Mexico, and
the countries and isthmus bordering
on it, as well as all those whose waters
flow into it, would fill up the measure
Of our political well-heing. Yet, as
! am sensible that this can never be-
obtained, even with her own consent,
but by war; and its Independence,
which is our second interest, iand
| especially it's independence of Eng
land, can be secured without it,
have no hesitation, in abandoning my
| first wish to future chances, and accept
ing its Independence, with peace and
the friendship of England, rather than
it's association, at the expense of war
and her enmity.
could honestly, therefore, Join in
the declaration proposed, that we aim
not at the acquisition of any Of these
possessions, that we will not stand in
the way of any amicable arrangement
between them and the mother country;
| but that we will oppose, with all our
means, the foreible Interpolation of any
other power, as auxiliary. stipendiary,
or under any other form or pretext,
and most especially, their transfer to
any power by conquest, cession, or
acquisition in any other way. ] should
think ii, therefore, advisable, that the
executive should encourage the British
| government to the continuance in the
| dispositions expressed in these letters,
| by an assurance of his concurrence
with them as far as his authority goes;
and that as it may lead to war, the
| declaration of which requires an act
of Congress, the case shall he laid be-
fore them for consideration at their
first meeting, and under the reasonable
aspect in which it is seen by himself.
have been so long weaned from
political subjects, and have so long
ceased TO take any interest in them,
that | am sensible | am not qualified
to offer opinions on them worthy of any
attention. But the question now pro-
posed involves consequences SO lasting,
and effects so decisive of our future
destinies. as to relsindle all the interest
l have heretofore felt on such occa-
sions, and to induce me to the hazard
of opinions, which will prove only my
wish TO contribute still my mite
towards anything which may be useful
to our country. And praying you to
accept it at only what il is worth, |
add the assurance of my constant and
aifectionate friendship and respecg
Thomas Jefferson.
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