The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1896-10-07

free coinage of both gold and silver. hut
practically that of silver alone and not sill
Yer by international agreement, for to that
tney are opposed but solely. exclusively
ana definitely, if you please. the free. in
.1iPenaent ana unrestricted coinage OF lhe
silver of the world, regardless of conse-
quences and despite the certain distress and
ruin in which it would involve US all. Con-
Siderations of prudence, faithful regard
for our obligations and proper respect for
the rights of our citizens as individuals.
are all left out of the question and we are
blindly to follow wherever they may dare
10 lead. 1t is not leap in the dark, for
we know from sad experience. what a de-
preciated currency means to every invested
interest; what it means to wages, to labor
itself.
ignoring all existing conditions among
the great commercial nations of the world
and the requirements of sound finance; OBJ
l!vious to every consideration of prudence.
care. thrift and national integrity, their
proposition would enguf us in a system
of absolute silver monometallism. for they
unqualified monometallists in the United
states. Our policy insures the use of both
gold and silver at var an edoay They dek
cate what they call financial Independence,
and in the name of independence they APP
peal to us to debase our currency and re-
pudate in part or whole all our debts and
sully our national honor. This we decline
forever to do, This is not the character
of independence which the American peo-
pie love and sustain and are accustomed
to exercise. 1t is independence. with honor
which attaches Gau a taint int Of disRonor. we
would not want that distinction at any
price.
1T is neither dignified nor justified in
public debate that we indulge in harsh
names. 1t is not becoming to any one to
do it, nor does 1t help the cause which is es-
poused. 1 prefer to treat my felow-citzens
as being honest in their convictions and de-
sirous only of what they believe will pro-
mote the public welfare, convinced that if
they are wrong they will eventually es-
ponSe the right when at last they see the
rjpht iS fhaiT infailipepCe wv fo
reach; 1t is their sober Judgment we invoke;
it is their patriotism TO which we appeal.
the object of rightful public discussion. In
that spirit / address my fellow-citizens and
abjure them to reflect before they add
either dishonor to our credit or our cur
rency. Let the words of the revered states
men of all parties OF the past dissuade
them from putting any stain upon the
financial honor and hitherto good name of
this Republic.
Syracuse is not only deeply interested
in the rightful settlement of the money
question. but she is interested in a true
American protective policy: You had $17,-
2Q7 086 of capital invested in your numer-
Gus manufacturing establishments. with
annual product exceeding 2500o.0o0 in
value by the census of 1890. So great
was your prosperity under protective sys-
tenn that your city more than doubled in
population from 1870 to 1890 and practical
~ quadruple the value of her manufac-
tories. What her condition has been since
1890 you know better than /, but your
beautiful city is indeed most fortunate if
it has escaped the business depression and
wreck of trade in common with every
other industrial center of the country We
must return to that policy which gave us
such wonderful triumphs in manufactur-
ing and registered such mighty progress in
all that goes to make the Nation great
strong and powerful and the people pros
porous. contented and happy. May we wise
ly use the ballot. my fellow-countrymen
to secure these much desired ends.
Il thank you for this call. | would be
glad to remain longer, but another delega-
tion awaits me and [ regret that you should
have come on what proves SO disagree
able a day that our people are deprived of
the opportunity of meeting you and extend
ing to you a warmer and brighter welcome
/ bid you all good afternoon