Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1896-05-20
NOT TO BE VETOED
Gov. Blacks Plan of Pledging a
Presidential Candidate.
He ANSWERS some CT His CRITICS
He Claims There is Nothing Revo-
Iutionary in His Proposition.
WHAT ISTORY SHOW S

In an interview with a representative of
The Star several weeks ago, ex-Gov.
Chaurcey F. Black tf Pennsylvania, while
avowing himself sound money man, stat
ed that ii the democratic party at Chicago
should declare for free coinage of silver he
would abide by the decision. He reprobated
the bare suggestion of bolt hy either fac
tion, and proposed, as a measure to obvi-
ate such thing, a declaration by the ma
tional convention committing the nominee
of the convention, if elected President, 10
the signing of any bill covering the use of
silver as morey which might pass Con-
gress with majority of democratic votes
in it's favor. The deliverance attracted
wide attention, and in some quarters Gov.
Black was accused Of proposing the entire
elimination of the veto from the Constitu-
ton by party action. In a further discus
sion of the subject with The Stars repre-
sentative Gov. Black adheres to his prop
csitiou and replies to his critics. He says:
Here Is a simple proposition to declare
only that to veto measure formally de-
manded by majority OF the people after
its due submission to them, and upon full
consideration at general election, and
then passed into the form Of law by Con-
Sress elected for the express purpose, would
be an ahuse of the power confded to the
President for the protection of the people
ard not for their suppression. Is this start
ling? Is it revolutionary? Those who
chose to regard it in that way must have
given the subject very little intelligent ex-
animation. The startling and revolution
ary proposition is lot mine, but theirs,
ramely, that the rule of the people must
be suspended when it comes to a question
of silver coinage. VIII any CT those who
have written and spoken so fippantly in
q he "
plicit declaration tina: the will of the ma
jority, legally ascertained at the polls,
ought not to be regarded ard shall not be?
The veto was locked Upon by the franz
crs of the Constitution and by the genera
ton which adopted it with extreme jeal
ousy. 1t was put into the instrument, even
in the qualified FORM with marked reluc-
:ance and grave misgivineS. In the -atify-
ing conventions it was challenged as an
obvious menace to the independence Of the
people and of their Immediate representa-
tives. and apolosetically explained and
softened. The reason and purpose of it, s
set out by the advocates of the Constitu-
ton in the state conventions, and by Ham
iiton in the Federal;st, were TO preserve
the balance between the several depart
nisnts of government and to defend the
executive and the Judiciary from antlci-
pated enCroachments of the legislature.
No one denied that ii might be abused. Its
advoca tes proceeded avowedIy only on the
probabilities that it would not be. But
when it was considered that the executive
was to BE chosen by electors fresh from
the people, and would be answerable to the
people at frequent intervals, and when,
also, the character of the genuine :ep~bli-
can statesmen, who were likely to be
chosen first, was taken into account, the
danger supposed to be minimizad. 1t
was promised and believed that it would
be spariIsly used, and only in great emer
gencieS. But for that common understand
!ng the Constitution could not have been
adopted. If Hamilton, who of all the
statesmen of that period was most inclined
to dlstrust and curb tn" people, took that
view Of it, we justified in supposing
that there was no dissent whatever at the
time. He held that 1t could be fairly used
oI'ly ir defense of the Constitution or as
temporary check to plainly corrupt and
m2rifcstly injurious legislation, in order to
give the people time to correct the errors
of their representatives in Congress. But
member of the federal convention or of
any state convention, in fact, no man of
that generation, except those who dreaded
and opposed the power as a kingiy prerog-
ative, ever suggested that it might be en-
ployed to set aside the deliberate de crees
of the people, or to forbid measures which
a majority of the Congress had been
chosen fer the express purpose Of enact
ing
The First Presidents.
Accordingly, acting, as Mr.. Blaine said,
in the spirit of the convention the first
Presidents evinced the anticipated respect
for the judgment of the people and Of their
representatives, in Congress by practically
refranirg from the use Of the power,
which had been given the executive,
they knew, for defense and not for aggres-
sion. Over against the names of the first
SIX Preside1 is history recorded but six
vetoes. In all of his eight stormy years
Thomas jefferson never saw an occasion
which, according to his invincible republi-
can views, justified the employment of the
Veto"
But there was Jackson, Governor
Black
'Yes, there was Jackson. another demo-
cratic sage. He was a sturdy vetoer, it
is true! But he was confronted by those
very constitutional Questions, those very
emergencies and those unqUestionably cor
rupt and vicious measures, which the con-
vention contemplated remotely posi-
bile when it granted to the executive this
tremendous and, at the time, popularity
odious power. He used it fearlessly, hon
cstly, juStly-not at the behest of class
or for the benefit of confessed minority
He defended the Constitution. He crushed
monopolies-the money power of his day
with the veto, because no other resource
was left to him or to the country, but he
did it as the tribune of the people them
selves, chosen to know and do their will
alone. Between that brave swing of the
peoples AK, in the peoples name and the
peoples cause, and the proposition that
future executives shall hold themselves in
readiness to obey only the so-called bust
ness interests and to veto at their in
stance the will of the people expressed at
the polls, the contrast will be readily seen.
Rare Use of the Veto Power.
eff Jefferson the first democratic Presi-
dent. was guitless of single veto, so also
were John Adams the first federalist Pres-
dent, and his son, John Quincy Adams
Mr.. Lincoln, the first and greatest of re-
publican Presidents, is almost In the same
category, with but a single direct veto
chargeable to his illustrious name. What
would that son of the people, who made
the immortal phrase, government of the
people, by the people and for the people,
have thought of a suggestion to veto the
will of the majority? In view of these
examples l am not surprised that re-
publican leader so evidently in touch with
the republican people and so plainly out
of touch with the republican bosses as
Major Mckinley, should have taken the
same position as to the rghtful use of
the veto power. Every circumstance
every development of the republican cam
paign for weeks. especially the concurrent
Instructions Of gold standard and free sill
yer conventions for Mckinley, show that
this is his position. But all doubt was
removed by Mr.. Platt's specific personal
l