The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1896-11-19
DANGEROUS ROCKS AHEAD
THAT WILL REQUIRE CAREFUL AND
sKILLFUL STEERING TO AVOID.
An Appeal to the Wealthy Enst to Gull
tivate Friendship with the Agrari-
an West-The Battle of 1900.
special Correspondence Associated Press.

WHO was prominently urged Tor the nOml-
nation for the presidency at the Indian
apolis convention, but whose name was
withdrawn. has remained in this
city since the election His views on the
result Of the national campaign just closed
have been furnished in the following re-
vised interview:
1.-THE election of Mr.. Mckinley" said Mr.
Watterson to-day, ''is but the beginning of
the end of the struggle which one way and
another has been going on in the United
States for twenty years. 1t began in the
West and South with a demand for fiat
money. No sooner was the Greenback
party disposed of than the Free-silver
party took it's place. Other questions be-
ing at the front, and few of our public men
experts in coinage. free silver was able to
commit to the new monetary delusion
many men who. except for their ignorance
of this particular question, could never
have been reached, and who were sound
to the core to the national credit and a
safe, stable circulating medium. Among
these public men was Mr.. Mckinley him.
self The leaders of the fiat-money move
ment, reinforced by the silver mine own-
ers, finally made an incision into the Re-
publican party and got possession of the
machinery of the Democratic party. This
eliminated in the nomination and defeat
OF Mr.. Bryan. With that defeat ends the
free-silver frenzy and dangers of the 16-
to-1 kind. But the elements of disorder it
has called into being and the agrarian
issues it has set into motion are left on
the scene and we may be sure that these
will continue their assaults on the life OF
the Nation and the integrity of the people
until they are swept out of existence in
1900 McKinley's election settles nothing.
1t merely removes fiat money and depre-
ciated silver dollars from among the rocks
ahead"
Mr.. Watterson was asked If the union be-
tween the gold Democrats and the Repub-
licans could last, and he replied: II do
not see how 1t can. The differences are too
doctrinal and radical. Mr.. Mckinley is an
extreme protectionist. The sound-money
Democrats are sincere revenue reformers.
Certainly craftsmanship is largely an affair
of compromises. But to be effectual and BEN
eficial the compromises must be logical and
just. Nothing could be more desirable than
union among all law-abiding. order-lov-
ing citizens against whatever and whoever
threaten the interests of the country. The
Bryan menace did produce such a union
Organism was simply mobism, and before
such an issue. whenever raised, party dis
tinction must vanish from the minds of pa
triotic men. But the immediate danger
over the original disagreements are bound
to reappear."
DOESN'T LIKE "M'KINLEYISM."
But, Mr.. Watterson. said the inter-
viewer, has not the Republican victory
been so overwhelming as to carry all be-
fore it?'
For the time being, yes was the re-
ply. ''The Republican party has had in it's
time great good fortune. 1t has shown it
self a clever opportunist. But it cannot
rest its case upon the doctrine of protec-
tion. Neither as a policy, nor as a theory,
nor as keynote can protectionism hold its
own or stand alone. 1t is at war with the
genius OF American institutions. 1t should
be no longer necessary, if it ever was truly
necessary, TO the American manufacturer.
IL Is the father of paternalism and the god
those who imagine that wealth may be Gre
ated by legislation. 1t imposes grievous
burdens on the agricultural classes. Dur
ing periods of depression it serves both as
an mStgation and preteXt TO the discon-
tented elements. 1t is the occasion of con-
slant corruption in Congress. The manu-
movement 10 discard it, They could. il
they would, have the question settled by
statesmen and save il from the hands of
the mob: On such a line all conservative
men could unite to rescue the people from
anarchism. But with Mr.. Mckinley in the
presidency this seems impossible. and ]
confess dread to think OF the attempt to
Mckinley duties under the mere pretext of
supplying a deficit which is not likely to
exist at the close of the fiscal year"
And what do you think all these things
portend with respect TO the future of the
country"
Il think that the country is safe for the
present. That the future of the Republic
will be equally as secure i devoutly hope
But thoughtful men should not be lulied
into fancied security because we have over
come the dragon, reputation. The Gorgor
of agrarianism is yet abroad. The Bryan
movement was most dangerous because II
affected TO speak in the name of the peo-
pie. The whole people must come 10 see
that there have been mighty changes going
on in the world before such a government
as ours can be both safe and free"
How do you mean, Mr.. Watterson?"
I'm 1890 and. under the leadership OF
Thomas jefferson. the principle of demo-
cratic government began its real fight fol
life. The issue then was, Are the people
had failed the Federa'ist party would have
gone on suppressrg individual liberty anC
consolidating the central power until we
should have had a Republic in name only
a Florentine commonwealth, perhaps
line of Medician princes. But Jefferson
succeeded and the written law of the land
strictly construed. was secured to the peo
pie. In 1900 we shall have TO face the same
general question in a new form and the
issues will be under existing conditions
Are orderly governments and popular gov.
ernmentS concurrent possibiities?' If we
are to have many presidential campaigns
like the one just ended they are not. I'm
less the great body Of the people can hs
brought to realize the changes of a cen
tury of progress. every four years will wit
ness a party taking the field i'm support o.
the alleged rights of humanity whose very
existence is a menace 10 the public order
the peace of society, the just balance be.
OF the people, the credit of the Nation anf
every other good and perfect thing sup
posed to emanate from our republican sys
tenn
THE QUESTION TO BE MET.
What do you regard as the most radi
cal change OF the century,"
I'm 1900 we were few millions of people
and we loved liberty. In 1900 we are nearl,
a hundred millions OF people and we Low,
money. Moreover. individually and col
lectively, we have a great deal of money
Most OF this money is invested in what ar,
called corporations. From handful of In
dividuals we have became Nation of in
stitutions. The individual counts for les.
and less. organization for more and more
1t is the idiosyncracy OF the age we liy.
In We may tear down the house, but can
not at one and the same time both destro,