The gold leaf. [volume] (Henderson, N.C.) 1881-1911, 1896-02-13

Ject, and surely with all this mass Of
material before the public of both
countries it will be hard indeed if the
common sense of the Anglo Saxon
race (hear, hear) is not able to settle
any point in dispute without the arbi-
trament of war. (Cheers.)
But should not be Consulting nv
own feelings in this matter were | 10
avoid touching Upon another aspect of
this controversy with AneIiea, ich
confess, comes nearer to my heart
than any technicalities with regard
to the Venezuelan boundary or the in
depreciation of President Monroe's
doctrine. / have been deeply and
painfully impressed by the different at
tltude, the different mode in which we
on this side Of the Atlantic look at the
question Of war from that which ap-
pears to be taken by some sections of
the American population upon the
other side. 10 us-I speak for myself,
and think l speak for those whom
am addressing-the idea of war with
the United States of America carries
with it something of the unnatural
horror of civil war. (Hear, hear J
War with any nation is a contingency
to be. avoided at..almost all costs, ex-
cept the cost of dishonor, but war
with the United States appears 10 have
an additional horror of its own born
OF the fact that those whom we should
be fighting are our own flesh and blood
(Hear, hear), speaking our own Ian
guage, sharing our own civilization.
(Cheers.) | feel, SO far as | can speak
tor my countrymen, that our pride in
the race to which we belong is a pride
which includes every English speaking
community in the world. (Hear,
hear.) We have domestic patriot
Ism as Scotchmen or as Englishmen
or as lrishmen, or what you will. We
have an Imperial patriotism as citizens
OF the British Empire. But surely, in
addition to that we have also an Anglo
Saxon patriotism which embraces with
in its ample folds the whole of that
great race which has done SO much in
every ~branch of human effolt, and
above all in that branch of human eff
fort which has produced free institu-
tions and free communities. (Cheers. J
l have sorrowfully to admit that this
view does not seem as yet TO be
shared by the English-speakng people
in the United States of America.
Large; sections of them, at all events,
if l may judge from the reports in the
which is all that have
to judge by-large sections of them
seem to regard war with this coun-
try as a thing to be lightly INDUCED
in, an exhilarating exercise, a gentle
national stimulous. TO me that is
a terrible, distressing, and a horrible
point of view, and l do not believe,
that 1t is the point of view that will
be permanently adopted by any large
section in the United States (Cheers. }
We may be taxed with being idealists
and dreamers in this matter. | would
rather be an idealist and a dreamer;
and l look forward with confidence to
the time when our ideals will have
become real an our dreams will be
embodied In actual political fact.
(Hear, hear.O 1t cannot but be that
those whose national roots 60 down
into the same past as our own, who
share our language, our literatu, e, our
laws, our religion-everything that
makes a nation great-and who share
IN substance our inslitutions-it can
not but be that the time will come
when they will feel that they and we
have common duty TO perform,
common office to fulfill among the ma
,ions of the world. (Chee1s.) The
time will come, the time must come,
when some one, some statesman of au-
thorlty, more fortunate even than
President Monroe, will lay down the
doctrine between English-speaking
people that war is impossible, and
then 1t will be seen that every man
who by rash action or hasty word
makes The preservation Of peace diff
cult, or If may be impossible, has COM
mtted crime, not only against his
own country, not only against that
other country to whom he has invited
war, but against civilization itself.
May no English statesman and no
English party ever have the response
hility..of that crime heavy upon their
souls.
have been almost inevitably com
pelled 10 dwell tonight upon topics,
dIsqueting topics, topics it may be
full of difficulty and of mehace for the
future; but think not, beseech you,
that l at this moment take pessimis-
TIC view Of the future of the country
Speaking for myself, | do not believe
that public opinion on either side of
the Atlantic or in Europe will permit
the outbreak of war whose end no
man can foresee. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) | would not have you, there
tore, leave this room under the impres-
sion that am prophet of evil things,
or that | look forward 10 dark days
for the Empire Of which we are citi-
zens. That is not the case. (Cheers. }
We, after all, have no cause of quarrel
that can discover with any nation,
large or small, powerful or insignifi
cant, upon the face of the world.
(Cheers.) We desire no mans terri
tory. We wish not to interfere with
any present interest or any legitimate
ambition which any State may pos
sess. Oar own work within our own
sphere is sufficient tor us. (Cheers.) }
That will tax our energies to the Ut
most, and that will supply to states