The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1896-10-05
sPEAEz our. arR. M.KrNLagY.

Beneath the noise and smoke Of the
campaign the quiet, steady progress of
fusion recorded from time to time in a
paragraph hidden among columns of
political speeches has attracted little at
tention. Yet it now presents a very diff
ferent aspect from that of a few weeks
ago. Then Republican hope was high on
account of Democratic and Populist dis
sensions. Now that hope has dwindled
to a few faint and fading glimmerS from
a. few states that are normally Demo-
cratic by large majorities.
Fusion has TO reasonable certainty
added Alabama. Kansas, Nebraska, North
Carolina, and nneSSee-fifty-IWo cleo
votes of Arkansas, Colorado, Idaho, Ms
sissippi Montana, South Carolina, Utah,
Washington and Wyoming that were al
ready assumed to be reasonably safe for
silver 1t has presumably given $4,000
Populist votes in Illinois, goo in Indiana,
$4,000 in Iowa, 200G0 in kentucky, 40,U0t
in Missouri, $4,000 in Virginia and 5000
in Minnesota towards making good the
losses from the detection of sound money
Democrats and towards swelling the &C
cessions of free silver Republicans.
Wmle 1t has not yet been consummated in
Georgia and Texas, those states are any
thing but certain for honest money In
brief. fusion has made it necessary that
there shall be enormous Democratic de-
fections from the free silver ticket if Mr..
Mckinney is to have even a respectable
if he gets every state east of the Mis-
sissippi and north of the Ohio and the
Potomac, which includes Delaware and
Maryland, and gets West Virginia also,
he still needs two votes to make the
necessary majority.
This is the campaign at a glance-the
peril of free silyer's success, the peril
of free silver's bare defeat.
Suppose Mr.. Mckinley gets only
enough states to just elect him.. and
| those states all in one section of the
country, what will be the net result o!
election? The silver heresy will have
carried ten or a dozen more Sta-,s than
did Mr.. Harrison in 1892. 1t VIII contiii le
its absolute control of the senate. 1t will
control The machine of a national p1.iti,al
party 1t will be intrenched as never te-
fore. 1t will organize immedia ely fCi
the congressional election two years
hence and for the presidency two sais
after that.
Is not this common sense?
Mr.. Mckinley can prevent this. The
honest money president must not be a
man chosen by section or by a political
party He must be the expression of the
nations overwhelming reputation OF the
doctrine of reputation. The wave that
sweeps him in should sweep out free sill
yer forever.
Is not this common sense?
Mr.. Mckinley cannot accomplish this
work of sound public policy without the
aid of hundreds of thousands of hesitat-
ing voters in the states that are or may
be made doubtful. THESE voters, whom
Mr. Bryan'S free silver repelS and whom
Mr.. Mckinley does not attract, are
thinking of the insolent aggressions of
the law-defying, law-perverting, corrupt
trusts and monopolies. They. wish to
know what Mr.. Mckinley thinks and
feels about that subject. Mr.. Bryan has
spoken. We gladly give him credit for it,
| although we cannot agree with him that
| the trust evil may be cured by creating
a rapacious silver trust whose unjust and
universal levies would double the cost OF
living and halve wages and savings. But
! in his seventy speeches Mr.. Mckinley
has not said word to indicate that he
even knows of the existence of the
trust evil. To speak means to win the
support of this multitude of voters who
take his silence as a danger signal. He
must not remain silent. He must not put
| in jeopardy the overthrow of free silver
| Is not this common sense?
| What do you think about the trusts?
Speak out. Mr. McKinley!-New Yorl
| World, Oct. l, 1896.