New-York tribune., 1896-03-31
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NO RIGHT TO INTERFERE
EDWARD J. PHELPS's INTERPRETATION
OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE.

THE Ex-MINIsTER DELIVERS A LECTURE IN
BROOKLYN AND SAYS AMERICANS SHOULD
TEND TO THEIR OWN BUSINESS AND
LET VENEZUELAN AND CUBAN
DISPUTES ALONE.
Edward J. Phelps. ex-Minister to England. de-
llvered an address on The Monroe Doctrine"
before the new law department of the Brooklyn
Institute OF Arts and Sciences last evening. IT
was the first meeting Of the new department,
and Mr.. Phelpss visit to Brooklyn was also made
the occasion Of reception by the Bench and
Bar Of Brooklyn at the Hamilton Club. The big
hall Of the institute was filled with women and
men, who listened with close attention TO all
that the famous lawyer had to say upon the sub
ject with which ne is so familiar. Mr. Phelps
arrived at the institute about 7:30 o'clock. He
taken in charge by Flamen B. Gambler.
president OF the law department; Secretary
Elmer G. Sammis A. Augustus Healy, presi-
dent of the Brooklyn Institute Trustees and
others who conducted him TO the directors
room. where Mr.. Phelps held an Informal re-
ception. At about o'clock Mr. Phelps appeared
upon the platform where he received most
hearty greeting from the large audience A Au-
gustus Healy called the meeting to order. and
IdlIeI H. 1dHuler pItSlu'u anu IitiOuuS'N -'A''
Phelps. The speaker said in part:
The Monroe Doctrine heard of by many people
for the first time only recently, and TO most men
not conveying any very definite idea, has peen
last hree four months. 1t has brought US near
to the verge Of war with Great britain a. ,,, Is
Spain 1t has operated as paralyHs upon .iin pus,
ness. and has induced loss that no arithneticlah
been brought into controversy are those with which
perfectly friendly. and from which we
fear, with which we have no quarrel; ana the eH-
plana,ion given TO somewhat astonishe1 peSp.' p,n
Is that this Is the result OF the Monroe Doctrine
Now, a proposition which contains such conse-
quences should be carefully examined. II behooVes
in its limits. II II has any The Monroe Doctrlhe
to Congress in 1923 You VIII bear wIih me- II
read or two significant paragraphs ior me pui-
pose OF showing what is contained IN that message
Mr. Monroe in that message says:
"In the wars OF The European powers, IN matters
Teans nor 10 5oss comor With our policy 70 do so
II is only when rights are invaded OF seriously
SaSsa ion foT our nha deence Win the IN
hemisphere we are. OF necessity more iiniheuiatey
connected and by causes which must be OBVIOUS 70
all enlightened and impartial Observers we owe
It. therefore 10 candor and to me acaDlHe H hos
Powers TO declare that we should consider any AZ a..
tempt their part 10 extend thslr syson' ~ %,y 2
ppeace and safety with the existing colonies or de-
tendencies Of any European Power we hsvs 70, not i M
rnmon.s Who have declared their Independence and
maintained H. ana whSse & m ,s, prnciples ncknoTi.
edged we could not View any interposiiion ior N.
other manner their destiny by any European Power
IN any other light than as the manliestation OF a..
unfriendy disposition toward the United Siates; u
is Impossible that the allied Powers should extend
their political system 10 any poruon OF & &etnyr
continent without endangering our peace ana halp-
nose. nor can any one believe that our southern
brethren II left to themselves. would adopt u OF
ther Swn ,So SeeoFS @ Should behod Such nerposn in
any eran continents by the and ,ndependon;
nositions they have assumed. are hcnceiorth not 10
be considered az subjects io' 'u'u'' =
any European Power.
SIrRSTAN NTIALLY ALI. THAT HE SAID
That Is what Mr Monroe said Substantially 1t
T. all that he said In this message. what was tho
occasion of Il? What was he talking about? ~
that time certain nations In Europe had combinel
under an agreement called tho Holy Alliance ana
proposed join Spain IN recovering the JURISDICTION
over certain South American Governments which
had achieved their Independence They deemed 1t
important 10 the principal OF monarchica! govern
ent TO endeavor TO pu, down the idea OF republican
government a opposed TO that OF monarchical gov
ernment. That was the proposition Win "hlch MI.
Monroe was dealing. We all rccOllcct that our own
Government was then in It's infancy. 1t was an un-
tried experiment. the first the world had ever see
and was based upon own theory OF government.
What its result would be the subject OF anxious
consideration Ia statesmen In those Gays Nhht Mr.
Monroe said with regard to colonization may be dis
missed with single word. That is "A subject mat
has passed away forever The South American con-
tinent is occupied There Is room for the - alb
iisbment Of a new government No such hing is
now proposed or ever will be That part OF his mes
feg sheula be defended is no now worth While dis
cussing We have living issues 10 face without hav-
ing dead ones
The other passages had reference to this fear the
fear that there would be combined effort on the
part of some OF the monarches Of Europe to put
down the republics OF South America ana restore 20
Spain the authority It had lost That is ,hnr What Mr.
ject with which the country at that time had any
thing to do What was the principle that ne IN
voked? II the right OF self-preservation In
herent In every nation. and not only Inherent but 1t
Is It's frs; paramoi-n duty the right OF se-defence
Of all s essential interests against all dangers Tor
the present menaces for the future.
NOT DERIVED FROM MIR. MONROE.
That was the principle. and II derived from
Mr. Monroe 1t the necessary fundamental idea
in international law. lie could have added any
thing to international law II ne tried. He merely
aludes to the application he proposed to make OF IT,
and that was the fundamental and universal ack-
nowledgment that any nation where a new acquisi-
ton OF territory by another nation to set up a new
government did actually constitute serious danger
or menace to the interests OF the country OF future
interests. then that country had right to interfere
at the outset to make themselves heard or TO inter
fere with such acquisition. Now. this message was
very warmly attacked in Congress II was thought
to transcend some Of the rules OF international u mai
of the most interesting speeches he ever deliv-
cred and he took It upon him to state the principles
which / have endeavorcd perhaps impcrfectly. 10
state and In that luminous style that character
ized anything he ever said upon any proposition OF
law He said:
Our right interfere in any such case is but the
exercise of the right OF reasonable ana necessary
self defence 1t Is high, delicate exercise of that
right. one not to be made but grounds OF strong
ma ntfee, reason tustlcc and necessity The
general rule OF nterna tional law Is unquestionahle
against Interference In the transactions or other
States There are. however ACKNOWLEDGED excep-
tions growing out OF circumstances and founded IN
these circumstances The ground of these
exceptions Is have already stated, self-preser-
va ton IL Is not slight injury 10 our interests
IT is not even a great Inconvenience that makes out
n case There be danger to our security. or
danger manifest, inmica danger TO our essential
rights and essential interests"
TIE TRUE DEFINITION
That is his definition OF what 1t is customary
now TO call the Monroe Doctrine. the true deini-
tlon OF II Ia my humble estimation. az far as II
goes 1t is the right OF n nation TO defend itsei.