St. Johnsbury Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1867-1919, 1896-08-21
Prohibitionists In Politics.


tegrity and their proved purpose tc
sacrifice personal and party interests
for the good of the nation over which
they preside. The presumption is
that they who are least anxious for
the office are worthiest of the trust
The prohibition reform movement in
the beginning was moral not politi.
cal. Why has the basis been changed
Temperance workers should use per.
suasion rather than force. To reason
with and convince men of the evil and
wickedness of drink is a noble thing
it is, indeed, the only thing that true
temperance workers ought to do.
To nominate and elect prohibition
candidate for president; to amend
the constitution Of the United States
prohibiting the Importation, expor-
tation, manufacture and sale of alco
holic liquors as high crimes against
society, is visionary and impracti-
cable, and is, moreover, too antago.
nistic to the spirit of the constitution
to be even seriously attempted.
In order to promote the best in
terests Of the country during the
next four years the man who is
elected president ought to fill up the
treasury. During Harrison's admin
istration the national debt was de-
creased several million dollars; DUR
ing Cleveland's administration it
has been increased many million
dollars.
say that the platform of the pro-
hibition party is altogether too mar
row to run the government of the
United States. The financial and
shipping interests have suffered under
democracy, they would suffer still
more under prohibition. When the
platform of party becomes so mar
row that its own members disagree,
it is not in the best condition to elect
president. On June 20, 1896, the
prohibition party was divided, the
seceders forming a new party which
they called the national party. By
this act the prohibitionists lost a
third or more of active workers, one
OF the severest blows that organiza-
ton has ever received. They are not
to be blamed, however, because their
party has not the faculty for public
business, and has failed to show good
sense, since they consider only one
plank and that this plank is sufficient
to form national platform. So l
think that the election of either a
democratic or prohibition candi.
date would be to increase the hnan.
cial and commercial difficulties of the
country, for neither the one party
nor the other is wholly independent.
In 1892 the prohibitionists cast
264,06 votes which helped to elect
Cleveland president. Their delibera.
lions at Pittsburg imply that they
are satisfied with their latest effort :;
but it would take great many pro-
hibltion parties to elect another
democratic president this year or
even to elect their own candidate.
1t is, indeed, difficult to see their
exact object in nominating candi-
date, for prohibition is as yet alto.
gether outside of the domain of
national government, and in all our
history it has been deemed an issue
in state politics alone. If temper
ance reformers are to act in politics
as separate party state enactments
are certainly far enough to go.
Look at Maine the original great
prohibition state, as much, and |
have heard several people say that
more liquor, is sold yearly to the
people in proportion to their mem.
bers, than in some of the other states
which are less enthusiastic. This
being so l don't think we want any
national laws which cannot be EN-.
forced and which will not be obeved.
A few years ago little town in
Massachusetts, voted for prohibition
and against license by vote of SO
to 1, and people appropriated five
hundred dollars to enforce the law.
In that village, during the ensuing
year, three houses were opened where
liquor was freely sold. Could law
do more for he.people? Public senti-
ment was strong enough to enact
law, but not strong enough to en-.
orce it when enacted; strong enough
to forbid selling but not strong
enough to prevent drinking. AS
long as men will to drink, drink they
will, and the only remedy for drunk