The record-union., 1896-01-04
Asserts That Cleveland's Message Has
Done Good and Evil Things.
IF the Venezuela Question Does Not
Come Within the Four Corners of
Doctrine Promulgated by Secretary
Olney Does, and American Opinion
Overwhelmingly Favors It's Princi-
pies.

! Il am now able to speak with confidence
of the opinion in the highest American
circles. The only condition on which
| the men whom / specially desired to see
would speak has been my personal
| pledge not even by a hint to betray
their names, therefore I can only give
my word that 1 am not exaggerating
my authorities.
| President Cleveland'S message to
| Congress has done several good and
| evil things. First, it has destroyed any
chance of saving the Armenians; Sec
ond it has given a strong impetus to-
ward closer ties between Great Britain
and her colonies; third, it has enor-
mously emphasized the line of cleavage
always existing, but discreetly ignored
| between East and West in the United
| States. The West to-day regards the
| East as practically an European annex
and New York bankers as allies of the
money sharks of Europe; fourth, it has
| rendered certain the creation of great
American navy which the next genera
| ton will almost be tempted to use for
| aggression; fifth, and most important
| it has, unless foolish words or unfore-
! seen events bars it's natural conse-
quence, paved the way for better future
relations for Americans having ex-
perience of the consequences, will cease
their ignorant denunciation, and Eng
| lishmen will learn to show much greater
respect to American national opinion,
knowing that force is behind it, and will
therefore refrain from provoking it by
utterances and acts of contempt.
Finally, the message has rendered pos
| Cih1p tho oU0i6or10n ~ q fo xvo Cfn n
ger namely, the question of the Nicara-
guam Canal.
"The Schomburgk line is now proved
destitute of any quality of permanence,
and it therefore remains to consider the
situation as effected by it's removal /
can affirm positively that the American
Government is, above everything, anx-
ious for arbitration. Whatever may
have been its actual result, the inten-
tion of President Claveland's message
was amicable. The close encourage of
President to-day scouts the idea that it
was not a message of peace. But behind
| it has sprung up~a-national sentiment
which 1t would be utter ma dness on the
part of the English people to disregard
or to underestimate.
"The Monroe doctrine is not worth dis
OUSS1OH 4 lAS lbs that IL CICLQGld
does not come within the four corners
of the Monroe doctrine, then the new
doctrine, the Olney doctrine covers it,
and American opinion overwhelmingly
favors its general principles. Moreover,
America demands arbitration as a sa-
cred right, and for this she will fight, if
needs be.
while allowing all due weight to the
L
| line of cleavage mentioned above. Re
member, also, to what extent the South
found support in New York before the
war of the rebellion.
Now, how shall arbitration be
reached? The best way of all would be
for Lord Salisbury to come to an ar
rangement direct with Venezuela The
Cabinet here would much prefer this
course. l understand upon high au-
thority that the Venezuelan Govern
ment would express it's regret at the
Yuran outrage, pay all the additional
indemnity demanded and request Eng
land to resume diplomatic relations, If
in return England would agree upon a
reference OF the whole question to any
competent tribunal she might select,
and America would bring every pres
sure to bear to this end, If Venezuela
hesitated. All American interests would
cease instantly before the fact of arbi-
tration before the party owning the
the soil.
''The second method is that if Lord
Salisbury will say that he believes the
commission fair and competent to con-
slider the historical question, and ask if
the American Government would per-
nit him to name British commissioners
to join it, without committing himself
to abide by the result.
'eThe third method is, supposing the
American Commission devotes its at
tention first to the territory England is
willing to arbitrate, and reports that
there is prima facie case for consider
ing the larger question at the same
time, will Lord Salisbury then consent
to submit that question to either the
single or dual commission?
There is fourth method. for / have
every reason to believe that Mr.. Bayard
will inform Lord Salisbury of the con-
stitution of the commission, and say
that if England is willing to lay her
case before it without prejudice Amer
lea will be very glad to receive the docu-
ments."
Commenting editorially on the above,
the Chronicle" will say: I'VE hope
there is abundant promise that in one
or another of the alternatives the
United States suggests lies the hope of
settlement. Lord Salisbury is master
OF the situation He will have public
opinion behind him in resisting claims
that are not consistent with the honor
of the empire, but he will have to take
into account such immediate diplomatic
proposals as we have submitted to the
country. We ask, therefore, for cool
and quiet preparation of the national
mind, putting aside every passion and
prejudice for considering simply how
peace may be kept and the nations rea-
sonably satisfied. Above all, let us
have Behring Sea treaty at once as All
earnestness of the settlement of the
Venezuelan problem
The Pail Mall Gazette says it has
no reason to doubt that the dispatches
which the Daily Chronicle quotes are
the official unpublished correspondence
exchanged by Great Britain and Vene-
zuela during November. 1871, when Sir
Robert Schomburgk was appointed to
limit the frontier of British Guiana, and
in April, 1912. when England reviewed
the boundary posts set up by Mr.
Schomburgk are genuine The Ca
zette" presumes that Secretary Olney