The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1896-08-27

companies and their policy holders: upon
savings banks and their depositors; upon
building and loan associations and their
members: upon the savings of thrift; upon
pensioners and their families, and upon
wage earners and the purchasing power OF
their wages.
THE silver question is not the only issue
affecting our money in the pending con-
test. Not content with urging the free
coinage of silver, its strongest champions
demand that our paper money shall be is
sued directly by the government OF the
United States. This is the Chicago Demo-
cratic declaration. The st. Louis Peoples
party declaration is that our national
money shall be issued by the general gov
ernment only. without the Intervention of
banks of issue, be full legal tender for the
payment of all debts. public and private.
and be distributed direct 10 the people and
ernment. Thus, in addition TO the free
coinage of the worlds silver. we are asked
10 enter upon an era of unlimited IRE
deemable paper currency. The quesIon
which was fought out from 1866 10 1872 Is
thus to be reopened, with all its uncertain
ties and cheap money experiments or every
conceivable form foisted upon us. This In
dcates a most startling reactionary poiicy,
strangely at variance with every require
ment Of sound finance, but the declaration
shows the spirit and purpose of those who
by combined action are contendlng for the
control of the government. Not satisfied
would inevitably follow the free coinage of
silver at 10 10 /. they would still further de-
grade our currency and threaten the public
nOnOT Dy the uHlliilttu ISSUE VI Oil hiS
deemable paper currency. A graver men
ace to our financial standing and credit
could hardly be conceived. and every pa
triotic citizen should be aroused to promtly
meet and effectually defeat il.
1T is a cause for painful regret ana So
licitude that an effort is being made by
those high in the councils of the allied
parties TO divide the people OF this coun-
try into classes and create distinction
among us, which in fact do not exist an j
are repugnant to our form or government. {.
These appeals to passion and preJudlce ara
beneath the spirit and intelligence OF y
free people, and should be met with stern
ence and believe they will be. Every at
tempt to array class against class, tire
classes against the masses, section again 81
section. labor against capital, the poor
against the rich,' or interest against intel
est in the United States. is in the hiShes
degree reprehensible. 1t is opposed TO the
national instinct and interest and should
be resisted by every citizen. We are not a
nation of classes. but of sturdy. free inde-
pendent and honorable people, despisinS
the demagogue. and never captivating TO
dishonor. This eVer-recurring effort en-
dangers popular government and is men
ace TO our liberties. 1t is not a new cam
paign device or party appeal II Is as ola
as government among men. but
was never more untimely and unfortu-
nate than now. Washington warned us
against ii, and Webster said in the senate.
in words which l feel are singularly ap-
propriate at this time: i admonsh the
people against the object of outcries like
these | admonish every industrious la
against such delusion. j tell him the at
tempt is to play off his passion against his
interest and to prevail on him. in the name
of liberty, TO destroy all fruits of liberty.