The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1896-12-22

After tracing the uprising In Mexico. vene-
zuela, Chile and Argentine Republic against
Spanish rule, the report says:
1.-The question of Intervention began in 1917.
The Spanish government appealed to the
European powers for aid. The car openly
took sides with Spain, and when, in Septem-
Der, 1917, the Spanish government asked per-
mission to build several ships of war in the
Russian dock yards. the car suggested that
Spain should buy five ships of the line and
three frigates belonging to the Russian navy
This was done, and the ships were sent to
the seat of war At the same time, in Oc-
t0ber, 1877 the Russian government instructed
its ambassador in London to press on the
British government the great Importance Of
European Intervention. President Monroe de-
cided as early as April, 1878, to discourage
European mediation. In August he made
formal proposal to the British and French
governments for a concerted and contempor-
airy recognition Of Buenos Ayres, whose de
facto independence made that country the
natural object of the first step toward the es-
tablishment of general policy. In December
he notified both governments that he had pa
tiently waited without interfering in the pol
icy of the allies but they had not agreed
on anything and as the fact Of the independ-
enee of BuenoS AyreS appeared established,
he thought that recognition was necessary.
In January, 1873, IL announced to them that
he was actually considering the measure.
Thus all parties had agreed, as early
1877 and 1918 upon the propriety of interven
ton between Spain and her colonies. Both
the United States and Europe asserted that
the time had come; they disagreed only as to
the mode. When Lord Castlereagh at the
congress of Aix-La-Chappelle, in October,
1878, proposed to the four other powers, ito
intervene in the war between Spain and her
American colonies by addressing offers of
mediation to the Two belligerents, Russia en-
ergetically opposed and rejected the scheme,
not because 1t was intervention, but appar-
entity because it was mediation, and to that
extent recognized rights in the insurgents.
When President Monroe interposed his fiat.
mat no interference could be countenanced
by him except on the basis of independence,
ne dictated in advance the only mode of in
PREVENTION which he meant to permit If he
waited before carrying It. out, 1t was only
because in the actual balance of European
and American power, he felt that isolated
action might injure the cause he had de-
termined to help.
He waited in vain. Neither England nor
any other power moved again.
After delay of four years. from the time
when he began mis- policy, the Greek revolt
in Europe, and the military successes of Boil
var, and Iturbide in America gave the de-
sired opportunity, and Monroe sent to con-
1877, recommending the recognition Of all the
revolted colonies Of Spain, Mexico Colombia
Chill and Buenos Ayres.
CLAIM ADMITTED
These countries asked no more They
based their claim their independence de-
facto, and Monroe admitted its force. isThe
provinces, he said, (which have declared
their independence and are in the enjoyment
| OF it, ought to be recognized
He added that 1.-THE measure is proposed I'M
| der thorough conviction that it is in strict
accord with the law of nations"
In reality, 1T created the law. so far as its
action went, and its legality was recognized
| by no European power.
Nevertheless Monroe's act which ex-
tlnguished the last hopes of the holy alliance
| In America, produced the deepest sensation
among European conservatives, and gave to
the United States extraordinary consideration.
England used it as a weapon at the congress
| OF Verona to threaten the other powers when
| they decided intervention in Spain. Slowly
Canning came wholly over to the side of
Monroe, as France and Austria forced his
hands in Spain.
The principle thus followed by Canning add
| ed little to the European law of intervention
but the principle avowed by Monroe created
an entire body of American Jurisprudence As
| an Isolated act it meant little, but in Mon
roe's view it was not isolated; it was part
or system and wholly American.
Monroe lost time in doubts or hesita-
tons. In his annual message of December
1923, he announced the principle (the Monroe
doctrine) that the new nations. which his act
alone had recognized as independent, were
| by that act placed outside of the European
| system, and that the United States would re-
gard any attempt to extend that system among
them as unfriendly to the United States.
From thatd ay to this the American people
have always and unanimously, supported and
approved the Monroe doctrine. They needed
safety
In the case of the recognition Of Texas the
report quotes from report made June 49,
1886, by Mr.. Clay, from the senate commit
tee on foreign relations which says 1.-THE
recognition of Texas as an Independent power
may be made by the United States in various
ways: First, by treaty; second, by the pass
age of a law regulating commercial inter
course between the two powers; third, by
sending diplomatic agent to Texas with the
usual credentials; or lastly by the executive
receiving and according a diplomatic repre-
sentave from Texas, which would be recog-
milton as far the executive only
is competent to amake it. In the
first and third modes the concurrence
of the senate in its executive character would
be necessary. and in the second in its legis-
latiVe character.
1.-The senate alone, without the cooperation
Of some other branch of the government is
not competent to recognize the existence of
any power.
President Andrew Jackson, In his Texas
message of Dec. 81, 1884, said: I'm the pre-
amble to the resolution of the house of rep
resentatives it is distinctly intimated that the
expediency of recognizing the independence
of Texas should be left to the decision of
congress. In this view on the ground of ex-
pediency, | am disposed to concur and do
not therefore consider it necessary to express
any opinion as to the strict constitutional
right of the executive, either apart from or
lsin conjunction with, the senate, over the sub
ject. 1t is to be presumed that in no future
occasion will a dispute arise, as none has
heretofore occurred, between the executive
and the legislature, and the exercise of the
power of recognition. 1t will always be con-
sidered consistent with the spirit of the con-
stitution and most safe, that it should be ex-
erctSed, when probably leading to war with
a previous understanding with that BODY by
whom war can alone be declared and by
whom all the provisions for sustaining its
perfls must be furnished. It's submission to
congress- which represents in one of its
branches the states of this Union and in the
other the people of the United States where
It may be reasonable ground to apprehend so
grave consequence, which certainly afford
the fullest satisfaction to our own country,
ana a perfect guarantee to all other nations
OF the justice and prudence of the measures
which might be adopted
CONCEDED RY JACKSON
The initiative thus asserted by congress
and conceded by President Jackson to con-
gress in the case of the recognition Of Texas
was followed, in the of Hungary by
President Taylor, which authorized his agent
to invite the revolutionary government of
hungary to send to the United States
diplomatic representative, since the president
entertained no doubt; that, in such case at
the next meeting of congress, cher indie
that enlightened BODY
Until now no further question has been
raised in regard to the powers of congress.
So much space has been taken by this his
torical summary that the case of Texas must
be, passed over without further notice and
the cases of Hayti and Santo Domingo NAV
De set aside as governed Dy peculiar inf1u-
ences. The record shows that in every in
stance, except Poland down to 1850 where
any people has claimed independence by right
OF revolt, the right of Intervention has been
exercised against the will of one or the other
party to the dispute. In every instance the
only question that has disturbed the inter-
vening powers has regarded neither the right
nor the polley SO much as the time and
mode of action. The only difference be-
tween the european and American practice
was that the United States aimed at modern
ing, or restricting, the extreme license of Eu-
ropean intervention. and this was the differ
ence which brought the United States nearly
into collision with Europe in 1861 and 1862.
Lord PalmeTston and Lord Russell, as well
as the Emperor Napoleon and his ministers
entertained no doubt of their riph+ 10 {ntor