The evening times., 1896-12-21

IF DatlODS by tHe sore dutHOruS pi tHc
President of the United States, with the
approval Of Congress, two years pa asscd
Iefore the British government consented
even to discuss the subject in Parliament
as a serious measure of policy.
Then, on June / O. 1924, y molten was
made by Sir James Macintosh and Can
ming replied. His speech made no alluslcn
10 the acticn OF the Emitted States. IL denied
The de facto right Of recognition, so FAR as
10 oSaythat' W ought not I q oac kIowledgeth
sepa rate and Independent existence o' any
government which is So dOuDtfully cstab-
ii>hed that the mere effect OF that acknO"i-
edsrnent shall be To mix parties againinln-
ternational Squabbles, If moi in open hos
tilities.' Canning still thought 'that, be-
fore we can act, Information as To matters
of fact is necessary
THE FAMOUS DOCTRINE.
The principle avoided by Canning add
ed little To the European law OF interven-
ton; but the principle avoided by Monroe
created an entire system OF American
jurisprudence. As an isolated act II meant
iittIs. hut in Monroe's view IL was not an
isolated act; il was part OF system, al
together new and wholly American, and
II was To he justified ON grounds Far wider
than itself.
The European law and practice of in
terventioh, extending. as II did, It's scope
and energy with every new steE. IN tu-
ropean development, could he met only Dy
creating an American law and practice OF
intervention exclusive OF the European
within the range OF its influence lhls,
Monroe. did not hesitate To DO.
with holiness which still startles and
perplexes the world, he Topped Off one
great branch of European Intervention ana
empire and created a new system OF IN
ternational relations. His opportunity was
given by Canning, who, in the midst OF ilis
.I,., tVnfN fx.h
that England would be well pleased To see
the United States take ground even more
advanced than in the recognition OF tie
South American revOlted states. Monroe
lost no time in doubts or hesitations. In
his annual message OF December, s23, ne
announced the principle that the new ma
tions which his act alone-had recognized as
independent, were by that act placed out
side of the European system, and that the
United States would regard any attempt
to extend that system among them as un-
friendly to the United States.
with the governments W no have declar-
ed their independence, and maint aimed IL,
and whose independence We have. on great
consideration, and on Just principles, ac-
knowiedged, We CO nd not view any inter
position for the purpose Of pressing them,
| or controlling in any other matter their des-
| tiny, by any European power, in any other
| light tnan the manifestation Of an IN
| 1rlenuly ulSpOSlliOu IDWdiu thc Chitco
| states II is impossible that the
allied powers should extend their polit-
ical system to any portion of either CONT
| nent without endangering our peace and
happiness. Ii is equally Impossible
/ therefore that we should behold such IN
terposition, in any form, with Indifference
VITAL To THEIR SAFETY.
From that day to this continues the
report, 'the American people have al
| ways and unanimously supported and ap-
proved the Monroe doctrine. They needed
! no reasoning to prove that 1T was vital to
, their safety. The enormous and rapidly in
| r-easing force developed 10y Europe In her
| system of Joint action, from the treaty OF
| Verona to the overwhelming authority
| hitherto unknown to mankind, winch was
| exhibited in the treaty OF Berlin the
| ranid extension OF her system over the
rest of the world, and the inc vitable press
| ure of its expansion; her immense supe
| rioriI Y in wealth and commercial resources
| the Irresistible energy OF her enormous
| naval and military ornaments when con
centrated, as under the Berlin treaty, IL
| o single mass, left no doubt that America
! must abandon the hope of independence II
1 she could not maintain system or heI
i own.''
| In the case of Texas further on 1t is
| remarked 1.-The Unite Il States govern
ment, as is notorious, exercised the whole
| right of intervention against an AInerlcan
| power; but the case of Texas did not differ
/! III principle from that Of Colombia, except
| in being wholly an American and domestic
| affair In other instances the Intervention
| rested on the claim of the executive and
the legislature to be absolute and fInal
Judge of the time and mode of interfer-
| euce In no case were other governments
expected to sanction the decision, in order
| to give it validity" The historical cir
attending the rpcppnltlDn of
| Texas as an independent power are very
| closely reviewed in che report, the lengthy
| historical summary thereof including the
Recommendations of the committee:
THAT the independence of Texas ought
Ia be acknowledged by the United States
whenever satisfactory information shall
lie received that IL has in successful opera
| ton q civil government, capable or per
| forming the duties and fulfilling the obi
| cations OF an independent power.
| The letters OF 7 jackson Following
this Initiative are elaborately referred to,
and the the report goes on TO reference
TO the very friendly feeling on the part 81
Great Britain and Mexico with the South
ern Confederacy' during theperiodS S61-6
and to the invitation OF Lord John Russell
to the emperor OF France to cooperate with
England in "joini endeavor" TO obtain
from each Of the bellicerents" certain con
ccssions in favor OF neutrals. On May
/
the views of her maJesty's government
and pledged himself TO the joint action. Or
MAY 13 the British government issued its
formal proclamation of neutrality between
,he United States and certain States styl
ing themselves the Confederate States ol
America"
IN1s61.
Lord John Russell justified this action or
the ground OF the size and population OF the
seceding States,' and the critical condition
| Of cur-British commerce. He deniedth
the British government had any thought ol
| giving assistance to the South.
| Nevertheless, the language OF Lord Johr
Russell showed that he considered the issut
| as decided in adv ance, and that his measures
| were shaped on that assumption. His speech
| OF May 6 characterized the insurgents
| without qualification, as the Southern Con
'federacy of America In his official CORE
spondence with his official agents he uset
| the term Northern or Southern confedera
ton of North America, or the Confederate
States OF America as though their inde
pendence were fully established All hii
expressions and acts warranted the belle
that the recognition of belligerency was
in his mind, only preliminary step to tht
recognition of independence as an already
accomplished fact, and that he had hurried
| the declaration OF belligerency in order u
avoid the reDionstrances certain to be made
by the new American minister about to ar
rive. More serious Still, as a symptom o.
European temper, was the joint action con
| certed between England and France, which
soon proved that England, while waitinl
for the dissolution of the Union. meant, il
recognizing the independence of the South
ern Confcderacy, to revive her old belllgcr
ent claims of 1912, which had never becl
expressly abandoned.
..This threatened wreck of all American
| ny-san mn a m than
III highest officials supI osed. Only by SLOW
deprece have we learned how narrow a