The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1896-09-10

| convention. We are passing through 4
crucial period. In the eloquent speeches
| that were made last night, references
| were made by scholarly orator concern,
ing the action of the president of the
United States about .he Chicago strike
We hardly knew what was the value OF
| that action during those days. Great
| loss of property, violation of law. strug-
giles of unemployed laborers were the
| things which met our eyes, but under
meath them there was a great develop
ment of our institutions. The CIV. wal
showed that we had the most wal ike
machinery of government that the world
| had ever seen. In the midst of pro-
found peace pastoral people. ilhabiting
| thirty states. had suddenly, found them
selves confronted with that terrible
problem. Eleven states seeded. and
without a jostle, organized Il government,
with its executive, judicial and lcgis-
lative functions unimpaired, and by the
mere power of these complex but subtle
and powerful institutions which our
fathers had formed put into 'he field an
arm larger than its entire adult popula-
ton, and history will tell of the glorious
struggle which that army, under that
government, made during those four
years.
There came another strain. Nearly
thirty years had passed away. Was the
machinery of government in time of war
SO powerful, able in time of peace to pre-
serve public order and compel obedience
to the law! Could it. with its peculiar
government and its duplex states and
general government without martial law.
without II despot on horseback riding to
the front; could it not compel obedience
to the law. preservation of public order
and demonstrate to the world that of all
governments this is indeed the strongest?
ChCcrsl 1t was done and in such II
way that every philoSophic thinker ac-
knOWlcdgCd the American government
the most powerful that the world has
ever seen.
Nov. we come to the crucial test of
sustain the law? Are the people yet
to be trusted with universal suffrage and
sovereignty? Are we today. in the name
of the true dcmOcracy-Of the cOnScrYa-
tive, radical dcmOcracy-tO construct Il
new system of government! We are
here to see that no party name and no
party of maSqueradcrs using an honOrcd
name and an honOred flag can take from
the ballot box the authority of law. and
uphold liberty. keeping anarchy under
foot. tApplause) 1t is not even Il ma
tional question. AS great as is the re-
public, it is an international and world
wide question. We are here to uphold
the principles of liberty and peace to
which we have been accustomed. We
are here to maintain liberty i'll the midst
of order. The world has tried the rX-
pertinent by three fierce lcmocracieS like
Athens. with forms of lcspOtSm such as
have not been before in the worlds his
tory. Are we to try the same expert
mcnts here upon our own continent and
i'll the midst of the world. the cynoSure
or all the nations. to try to work out
again the great problems that have been
evolved for the experience of other ma
tons by trying to establish form of
government that can not maintain peace
fully law and order:
MY fellow democrats. we are radicals
rather than conservatives. We are the
men who have changed the whole politi-
cal history of the world. We have
taken the thin fringe along .he Atlantic
coast and in less than 100 years we have
extended our dominion to the Pacific
slope. And has it come to this, that at
the end of the Nineteenth century we are
to rc-discuss all the problems of the last
twenty-five years? Are we again to dis
cuss agrarianism and the vagalies of
Ricnzi and the foolishncss of Jack Cade?
Are these questions again to he presented
for disputation and settlement at the
bar of American public opinion? Shall
IL few of the half-cducatcd people of this
country. who have the gift of eloquent
speech, reopen all these problems that
craftsmanship has at this time put be-
hind it: (Applause.) The convention
ut Chicago and the convention. like two
unequal parts of one story, of which the
introduction is ut Chicago and the con-
cusion of the story at st. Louis. is Il
story of destruction and dissatisfaction.
1t is the doctrine of hate and Giscord; it
is the doctrine of dissatisfaction and dis
sension, and he who stands upon these
platforms, honestly saying that he
stands upon the one at Chicago, teaching
the doctrine that the people have suffered
Il loss of their liberties and the other
teaching the principles of dissatisfaction,
dissension and discord, occupies Il part.
Is it true that in America there are
divisions which might be called Il division
of the classes against the masses? Are
we not rather all American citizens. with
equality before the law? (Applause.)
is it true that we have come to coun-
tcnancc caste and that we must or
ganizc the democratic party to wipe out
these caste regulations? Is it not true
that everybody in America has a fair
living chance for everything that life can
give when he is frugal. honest, brave and
wise! The democratic party has always
been the preacher of the gospel of fra
ternity. Our great founder-no. he is
not our founder-our great apostle. JET
ferson, taught that whenever Il man felt
in his heart that he was free and could
look up into the face of God and. with
the aid of his intellect. understand what
God had told him, that he was Il free
agent and that he was endowed with
equal rights and that he could accept or
reject any political doctrine, he taught
that he was Il democrat. | say to you,
wherever there is free man there is
the democratic party. (Applause.) We
must uphold the Judiciary of this coun-
try and of an independent judiciary; with
us it is sentiment: with us it is liv-
ing reality. burned into our hearts by the
disasters of the past and, standing in
the midst of Il reunited democracy, in
the name of the south | plead that the
last refuge of an oppressed people, an
upright Judiciary. be left sacred from
the polluting touch of party and corrup-
ton.
1T is destructive in its assault upon
our monetary system. If free silver
would make silver go up to Il par with
gold the leaders of that movement would
be the most disappointed lot of gentle
men that ever lived. (ApplauseD 1t
is their desire to destroy our present
monetary system. to draw from under it
the foundation of gold. | hear of gold
being the money of pre-eminence. 1t is
not so; it is the burden-bearer of civil
lied nations. (Applause) 1t is the