The Monitor-register., 1896-08-28
McKinley's Letter of Acceptance.

The letter of William Mckinley, for
mally accepting the Republican Presiden-
tial nomination, was made public yester.
day. 1t is a lengthy paper, yet not more
so than a proper discussion of the issues
with which it deals calls for. 1t is Just
such a statement of the sound none side
of the present political contest as was to
be expected from a man of Major McKin-
ley's ability and observation-disclosures
like, sound and convincing in its argu-
ments, without being abusive of those
who may differ from the positions he
assumes.
In speaking of the letter, the Philadel-
phia Ledger says ''that if it is long, those
whose interest in the great public cues.
lions ofthe day will induce them to read
it from beginning to end, will frankly
acknowledge that its length is wholly
justified, not only by what it's author
says, but by his manner of saying it. We
confidently believe that they who most
carefully read and consider it will be
most earnest in ~commendation of it. IT, il
a remarkable deliverance, not only in
respect of the mastery presentation of
the principles and policies of the Repub-
lican party, but 10 it's fidelity to the
truth"
This has been aptly termed a campaign
OF education, and no ADLER or more CON-
elusive contribution to the campaign
literature has been made than this letter
of Major Mckinley. His expositions of
the truth on the financial question, saws
the Ledger. made in long arrays of un-
q~uestionably accurate official statistics:
in such objac lessons as are to be found
in silver standard countries; in the hun
dreds of millions of silver coin and bullion |
lying idle in the vaults of the Treasury, |
because rejected by the people; in the
Kidding of fallacies and sophistries, and |
in the clear exposure of the fatuous
Ignorance of the underlying truths of the
great contention which is now 80 serious.
ly disturbing the country-has had no
counterpart in convincing forcefulness
since the campaign of education was in
augurated." And a perception that these
interests, says Mr.. Mckinley, "~vitally
affect our strength and position among
the governments of the world, and our
morality, integrity and patriotism as
citizens of that Republic which for a
century past has been the best hope of the
world and the Transportation of mankind"
We have room but for a couple of par.
agraphs, but the entire letter should be
read by every thoughtful man, and its
utterances carefully pondered. The two
paragraphs follow
"The character of the money which shall
measure our value and exchanges, and
settle our balances with one another ADD
with the nations of the world, is of such
primary Importance and so far.reaching
in its consequences as to call for the most |
painstaking investigation, and, in the end,
a sober and unprejudioed judgment at the
polls. We must not be misled by phrases |
nor deluded by false theories. Free silver
would not mean that silver dollars were
to be freely had without cost or labor. 1t
would mean the free use of the minis of
the United States for the few who are
owners of silver bullion, but would make
silver coin no freer to the many who are
engaged in other enterprises. 1t would
not make labor easier, the hours of labor
shorter or the pay better. 1t would not
make farming less laborious or more pro-
ftable. 1t would not start a factory or
make a demand for an additional days
labor. 1t would create no new oceupa-
tions. 1t would add nothing to the COM
fort of the masses, the capital of the people,
or the wealth of the nation. 1t seeks to
introduce a new measure of value, but
would add 10 value to the thing measur-
ed. 1t would not conserve values. On
the country, it would derange all existing
values. 1t would not restore business
confidence, but its direct effect would be
to destroy the little which yet remains"
"If there is any one thing which should
be free from speculation and fuctuation
it is the money of a country. 1t ought
never to be the subject of mere partisan
contention. When We part with our labor,
our products, or our property, we should
receive in return money which is as stable
and unchanging in value as the ingenuity
of honest men can make it. Debasement
of the currency means destruction of
values. No one suffers SO much from
cheap money as the farmers and laborers.
They are the first to feel its bad effects
and the last to recover from them. This
has been the uniform experience of
all countries, and here, as elsewhere, the
poor not the rich are always the greatest
sufferers from every attempt TO debase
our money. 1t would fall with alarming
severity upon investments already made;
upon insurance companies and their
policy holders; upon savings banks and
their depositors; upon building and loan
associations and their members; upon the
savings of thrift; upon pensioners and
their families, and upon wage-esrners
and the purchasing power OF their
wages"