The San Francisco call., 1896-06-19
lpted wish he had let Nc

A remarkable episode in his Congress
sionaI career was the following:
Samuel ]. Randall of Pennsylvania was
Speaker when Mckinley entered Congress
and they became warm friends. There
was one memorable scene in the Fiftleth
/ Congress, in which both figured. It oc-
CURED on May IS, 1888, the day ON which
the general debate closed on the Mills
bill. Randall opposed this measure and
incurred the displeasure of the rampant
! free-trade element headed by. Mills OF
| Texas. He took the floor to speak against
! the bill. In feeble health, his voice at
times almost inaudible, the great leader
labored under serious disadvantages
in this, his first fight for pro-
tection. Before he was through his
time expired amid cries Of "Go onH
Mr.. Randall asked for an extension, but
Mills, with discourtesy almost incred-
! ible. walked to the front and said: 81 OBJ
| iect" The cry was repeated by nearly
| fifty Democratic members.
1t was sad sight to witness this great
Democratic leader thus silenced upon
momenIous question by his own party
friends. There was an exciting scene.
Members and spectators, for the galleries
were crowded, joined in making the tu-
multi. Amid it all the chairman an
nounced that Mckinley of Ohio had the
| floor. The latter was to close the debate
on the Republican side. His desk was
piled with memoranda and statistics.
"Mr. Speaker" he cried and his voice
stilled the din about him, II yield to the
| gentleman from Pennsylvania, out of my
time, all that he may need IN which to fin
ish his speech on this BILL"
! Cheer after cheer arose from the House
and galleries. and by the courtesy of the
Republican leader the once leader of the
Democracy was enabled to finish his speech
| in a body over which he had thrice pre-
sided as Speaker.
As public speaker Mckinley stands in
the front rank. Even those who say that
! he can make only one speech must admit
that he can make that one we'll But such
criticism is not fairly taken. The truth
is that few men in political life have de-
liYered speeches upon such variety of
subjects as has Mckinley.
IL his speciality, the tariff, he stands the
undisputed master. His attractiveness in
the presentation of this question is only
equaled by the consistency and tenacity
of his views thereon.
| McKinley's strength as a speaker upon
the tariff seems to be-frst his evident
sincerity, and secondly, his simplicity in
the presentation of his argument. There
is very little of the ornate in his style, but
still it is graceful. 1t is eminently epi-
grammatic, yet not mosaic; for the SEN
tences are not only we'll rounded, but are
! well connected and forcefully arranged, so
that the climax stands upon broad and
I firm foundation of argument and fact.
Not only has he splendid voice, but his
pronunciation is charming.
| McKinley's tariff speeches in Congress
began with his speech on the Wood tariff
| bill, delivered in the House of Representa-
tives April Is. 1878, and closed with his
speech in favor of the tariff bill of 1890,
which, as chairman of the Ways and
| Means Committee, Mckinley reported to
the House, and which was subsequently
| passed, and is known throughout the
world as the Mckinley tariff cf 1890. He
fought noblv against the Morrison hori-
zontal bill in 1884 and led the opposition
to the Mills attack on our industries in
1888. Some people contend that McKin-
ley's speech on the Mills tariff bill, May
18, 1888, was one of the ablest, if not the
ablest, ever made in defense of the policy
OF protection. Here is an extract:
What is a protective tariff 1t is tariff
upon foreign imports so adjusted as to secure
the necessary revenue, and iudiciously inn
posed upon those foreign products the like of
which are produced at home, or the like of
which we are capable of producing at home.
It imposes the duty upon the competing
foreign product; 1t makes it bear the burden
or duty, and, as far as possible -luxuries only
excepted-permits the non-competing foreign
product to come in free of duty. Articles of
common use, comfort and necessity, which we
cannot produce here, it sends to the people un-
taxed and free from Custom-house exactions.
Tea, coffee, spices and drugs are such articles,
and under our system are upon the free list. It
says to our foreign competitor: If you want to
bring your merchandise here, your farm pro-
ducts here, your coal and iron ore,
your wool, your salt, your pottery, your
glass, your cottons and woolens, and sell
alongside of our producers in our markets. we
will make your product bear duty-in effect,
pay for the privilege of doing 1t. Our kind of
tariff makes the competing foreign article
carry the burden, draw the load, supply the
revenue; and in performing this essential
Office 1t encourages at the same time our own
industries and protects our own people in
their chosen employments. That is the
mission and purpose of q protective tariff
That is what we mean to maintain, and any
resist; and if beaten on this floor, we
will appeal from your decision to the people.
before whom parties and policies must at last
be tried. We have free trade among ourselves
throughout thirty-eight States and the Terri
tories, and among sixty millions of people.
Absolute freedom of exchange within our own
borders and among our own citizens, is the
law of the Republic. Reasonable taxation and
restraint upon those without is dictate of
enlightened patriotism and the doctrine of the
Republican party.
Free foreign trade admits the foreigner to
equal privileges with our own citizens. 1t in
vites the product of foreign cheap labor to this
market IN competition with the domestic
product, representing higher and better paid
labor. 1t results in giving our money, our
manufactures and our markets to other ma
tions, to the injury of our labor, our trades
people and our farmers. Protection keeps
money, markets and manufactures at home for
the benefit of our own people.
Taxation upon foreign competing product
is more easily paid and less burdensome than
taxation upon the non-compet1ng product. In
the latter it is always added to the foreign
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