The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1896-10-30

purgatory. Nor do I believe that any
nation ever started upon such q road
without going to the end of it; ever got
upon such hill without reaching the
bottom of it. The free coinage Of silver
does not mean hfty-cent dollar for all
time. Having broken down the middle
wall Of partition between integrity and
fulf1llment of contract upon the one
side and dishonor and reputation upon
the other, it will not be long before we
will have twenty five-cent dollar, a
ten-cent dollar and then a dollar OF
such abundance that it will ultimately
be consigned to the ragheap.
1t is just as true Of nation as it is
of an individual that it is the first step
that costs, and no man ever put blot
upon his conscience without finding it
easy to make 1t a smear
Strip this republic of our respect and
it can not long hold our affection; strip
it Of our pride, and our reverence and
patriotism may continue to be virtue
but it will cease to be an enthusiasm
The Athenian Commonwealth suggests
beauty, the Roman strength the Amer
lean freedom, virtue integrity If we
take this step 1t Is because we believe
it expedient, but then, it is not just
Because it is gainful, but then it is not
honest. It will mark not an epoch Of
glory, but a day of shame. This move
ment to a debased currency has not
even the excuse of domestic turbulence,
or foreign war. 1t was begun in a
period Of unexampled prosperity and
profound peace. 1t finds its argument
in the distress it has itself produced. If
not checked now it will find it's end, as
history records the end of all similar
movements, the Mississippi scheme Of
John Law, the Assignats and Mandats
of France, the continental money of the
American colonies, in debasement so
complete that no further debaSement
is possible.
have alwaysr been and always eX-
pect to be a Democrat; that is, be-
lever in those principles of govern
ment which have for their expounder,
Thomas Jefferson; their exemplar, An
drew Jackson, and their preservers,
Samuel J. Tilden and Grover Cleve-
land. I do not believe in the Chicago
platform, because I look upon 1T as at
war with all the principles of Demo-
crazy and of good government. AT the
same time I can not subscribe to the
declaration Of principles put forth by
the Republican party. | think the as
semblage of the Indianapolis conven-
tiOn was necessary in the condition or
the country as it then confronted US,
and that it's labors will be of perman-
ent value to this people, and that his
tory will speak Of 1T IN increasing
praise We are firm believers in the
American people. We are far from
thinking that all, or even a majority,
or even more than small portion Of
those who follow the Chicago leaders
and stand upon it's platform do so from
other than patriotic motives. We know
that the National Democratic party is
in minority, but we believe that it's
declaration Of principles are those of
men in close touch with the objects Of
good government, and conductive to
the welfare of all the people. We have
proposed for the high offices Of presi
dent and vice president men Of tried in
tegrity and fully capable Of perform
ing the duties of these exalted stations.
If we do not succeed, we have at least
the consolation of knowing that we are
following in the footsteps of Washing
ton. / conclude by quoting from him
these words, used in writing upon what
should be done in framing the .Constitu-
ton of the United States:
'It is too probable that no plan that
we propose will be adopted. Perhaps
another dreadful conflict is to be sus-
tanned. If, to please the people, we offer
what we, ourselves, disapprove, how
can we afterwards defend our work?
Let us raise standard to which the
wise and honest can repair. The event
is in the hand Of God"