St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1896-03-20
A TRUE INDICTMENT.

The ebullition of wrath, stirred by
Ambassador Bayards Scotch address,
subsidized from q demand for his i'm
parchment to resolutions of censure,
which are now under debate in the
house. They will be adopted, not be-
cause what he said is censurable in
public officer, for the president has
said as much in his Wilson and Catch
ings letters, but because a presidential
campaign is impending. The situation
was happily hit off by Senator Hoar
the other day when he said that the
attitude of Sherman and others remind
ed him of the charge of a Massachu-
sets judge to a jury in which he said:
Gentlemen of the jury, circumstantial
evidence is where fact that is known
proves to be a fact that is not known
If you see great activity over there
in the navy yard tomorrow it is not
proof that war is approaching, but
that an election is approaching
The real question is whether Mr.. Bay
ard spoke the historic truth or not
Whether it hurt or not is outside the
question. If what he said is true, he
was justified in saying it. If not, he
was not What did he say? He said
that protection is state socialism; that
it fostered class legislation, created in
equality of fortune, corrupted public
life, banished men of independent mind
from the public councils, blunted pub
lie conscience, familiarized the public
mind with reliance on state aid and
guardianship of private affairs. di-
Vorced ethics from politics and made
politics mercenary scramble. Is this
all true? If it is, then it should be
said not only abroad, but at home until
the public conscience is awakened to
its dangerous tendencies. Praise, not
censure, should be awarded the man.
private citizen or public representative
who directs public thought toward it.
We rejoice when a Pasteur discovers
the test that tells of danger of con-
tageon in milk and meats; why
should we not be glad when an econ
Omist points out the poison in our So
cial system?
Does it not foster class legislation?
What else was the significance in 1890.
of the manufacturers going down to
Washington and writing into the sched-
ules of the Mckinley bill the taxes on
competing imports they wished levied /?
What was the bounty on sugar if not
legislation in favor of a class? What
else is this demand of some farmers for
a tax on wool? What were the silver
purchase acts of 1878 and 1890 if not
class legislation? What else is our
seal fisheries policy? Does it not
create inequality of fortune? When
some are permitted to make con-
sumers of their products pay more
than their normal value, can there be
equality of fortune? Go over the list
of millionaires in this country, and how
many will one find W hose wealth does
not find its source in some act of gov
eminent creating unequal conditions Z?
The fingers of one hand will suffice for
their counting.
AcCS II IlOl OdIllSH Tile independent
from public councils? 1t was the sac
rifice of his independence that retained
Webster in public life after his free
trade speech in 1924. Knute Nelson
retired from public life in 1889 because
of his vote on the Mills BILL because
as he said, it made him a black sheen
in congress, and he regained his sta
ton only by surrendering his indie
pendence. Read over the opinions of
Sherman, Allison and other Repub-
lican leaders on protection back In the
sixties and seventies and ask if thew
could have held those views and re-
manned in public life? Read the plat
forms Of Minnesota Republicans down
to 1886 and the editorials in the lead
ing papers of that party, and compare
them with platforms and editorials in
the same papers now and learn how
independence has been banished. Look
at the long row of bowed heads if YOU
would see how this phase of state So
cialism has Slapped manliness, dry-rot-
ted character blunted conscience Lis
ten to the appeals everywhere to the
state for its intervention, and see how