The record-union., 1896-12-20

bore the brunt from inception to COM
pletion.
The road has been running for years
with vast benefit TO the State, but the
rancorous opposition continues to as
sert itself. The gravanen OF offense
appears just now to be what q good
woman of Watsoaville calls that
wicked fundament bill" There appears
to be many who can syllable a better
name, but are scarcely more intelli-
gent with respect To the subject mat
ter. have asked many OF the denunci-
ants to give me the elements of eyn
III the measure, that might enjoy the
luxury Of denouncing it, too. Nineteen
twentieths appear to have no broad
and luminous answer, but content
themselves with glitteping generaEties.
l am far enough from setting myself
up as an authority in such grave mat
ters, but having enjoyed the advantages
of learner on the ground l make bold
to present a plain citizens view OF the
situation.
The core of the funding bill appears
TO be a scheme to fund the debt and
pay it in stipulated installments. with
out interest Whether candid men are
to approve or disapprove depends on
considerations which appear to elude
the hasty eye.
Would anyone be injured, or any in
terest be sacrificed by funding the debt?
Moderate interest with ample security
is as much as ought to be demanded,
when the public convenience is 50 large
ly involved. If the trains should cease
running the fact would be a calamity.
That they should be sure of continu
ance and efficiency is Of more import
ance than a few per cent. Of interest,
more or less. The road is now in the
hands of men who have the advantage
of personal interest and large expert
erce, and It is the conviction Of many
able men in and out Of Congress that
it had better remain SO. 1t is accord
ing to right thinking, that where men
have taken risks for an enterprise
which proves of great benefit there are
equities lodged in the history which
deserves consideration. What is true
under the general rule of justice is en-
phatically true in the case in view. BY
the funding the great public which
Congress represents would suffer no
wrong and the equities lying along the
track of too lightly considered his
tory would be honored.
On the other hand, what would be the
effect of refusing to fund and forcing
sale by foreclosure? Very unlovely
contingencies throng the field Of con-
temptation. Might not the corporation
buy in the road, perhaps with the aid
of foreign capital, and thus enfeeble, If
not nullify, the Governments hold on
this important artery of commerce? Or,
if the present company should vacate,
might not other parties combine to ef-
feet the purchase, much TO the detri
ment of the Governments control?
Suppose Congress should take the
road on mortgage, and undertake to
manage it, what then? 1t must take
upon its hands the trains, the manu-
featuring and repair plants, the settle
ment with Pullman and other parties
not under the sweep of the mortgage,
the thousands of men and interests in
volved, and the whole vast and many
sided array. Then it must purchase all
the other lines to provide against local
jealousies, competition and civil broils.
Then 1t must incur the effect of that
prevalent moral ophthalnlia, that steal
ing from Government is not nearly as
wicked as stealing from private par
ties. 1t must also take account of the
probability that every new line project
ed by 'the Grand Paternal" would
raise q political whirlwind in other Sec
tions clamoring for equal favor Eight
hour laws civil service complications,
and what not, of course, would figure.
Thousands of thousands of men must
be trusted under that opiate of con-
science that they are in governmental
employ. From Swartwout down defal-
cations and peculations have punctu-
ated the history of public service. 1t
would require many figures to state the
number of contributions to the con-
science fund made by men who have
never been detected.
As to practical results, does a sober
outlook encourage lofty expectations?
Would the roads run themselves? Gov
ernmental employment is exceptionally
costly. Civil functionaries, as a rule
work short hours for high compensa-
ton. To begin on a low level, men work
on the streets eight hours for 50 90
While shopmen and farmers toll twelve
hours for half as much money to pay
them. Thousands of clerks in Wash
ington serve from 8 to II and from l
to for three times the wages of young
men Of equal ability in private life
AS we go higher the disparity increases.
Then is it not vaulting assumption to
maintain that Government ownership
would cheaper service?
Perhaps the most deprecab bic element
in any theory of government ownership
Of railroads, telegraph lines, ETC., Is the
vast political patronage inseparable
from any candid view of the scheme.
A hereditary Government over limited
country might possibly afford to incur
the risk, but in so broad an area, with
so wide a distribution Of the suffrage.
the peril would be enormous. The pos
sible, nay probable, evils battle ade-
quate conception. It appears TO me
safer, far safer, and certain to insure a
better, cheaper and more efficient SER
vice. to leave such interests in private
hands.
After all that can be said about the
beneficence of cooperation, competi-
ton, in final results, is the most effect
i've cooperation. The paternal policy.
while captivating to certain casts of
mind, In a vast and free country like
ours would be frghtfully liable to court
revolution and ruin Therefore, in full
view of the history and salient proba-
biltties of the case. see nothing safer
and wiser and more just than the fund
ing bill.
am an American citizen, with a full
complement of inalienable rights, AS
ready as other men to resent any inva-
sion. My father fought to defend the
rights aSsailed by Great Britain, and