New-York tribune., 1896-01-12

There must be unceasing vigilance in de-
Tending every Imperial interest. There must
be resoute determination in retaining every
advantage of position. There must be un-
broken continuity Of traditions ana poll
cies. From sheer force Of circumstances there
is concentration of purpose upon enlight-
ened self-interest. The preservation of the en-
pire is the one supreme cause of public concern.
The respect of the colonies must be commanded
by Jealous unhinching guardianship of local in
terests which are never to be sacrificed through
timorousness or expediency. These are the Eng
lishman's ruling motives Inevitably his self
absorption promotes habit Of cynical indiffer-
ence to the conflicting interests and insensbity
TO national susceptblities.
LABOUCHERE HITS THE MARK.
Mr. Labouchere may not be a safe guide on all
questions, but when he reverts TO John Bright S
well-known views of non-intervention and peace.
and tells homely truths about the English char
acteristics. he may be quoted with respect. I'VE
are apt to fancy" he writes this week. that the
entire world looks upon us with eyes OF adlnira-
ton tempered with awe--a nation whose mission
is to guide to restrain and to serve as an example
to all others. This is not precisely the feeling
of the rest of the world toward u.s. but other
nations deem us (wrongfuy of course) the
wealthy inhabitants of island. apt at COM
merce, but given to take advantage of our insu-
lar position; predatory in our politics. and often
masking our predatory instincts under cover
of philanthropy and desire TO benefit other
peoples by introducing them to the blessings of
our rule Our action in regard 10 Egypt has
cut away the last straw Of confidence in US. and
our avowed intention to build fleet porten-
tous in size that il Will enable u.s. without any
great risk to ourselves TO lombard and destroy
the seaboard cities of any country with which
We may fall out, and TO destroy their commerce.
smacks too much of universal empire to render
IL popular outside the confines of our own en-
pire."
That is a trenchant statement Of the case. II
serves to illustrate the natural effects of intense
concentration of purpose upon Imperial inter-
ests IN exciting unfriendliness and anagonism
abroad.
1t is unnecessary to refer to any special causes
of American resentment such as the Alabama
raids on commerce. the construction Of menac-
ing chain Of fortresses and naval arsenals from
Halifax and bermuda to Port Royal and st.
Lucia, the Behring Sea depredations, the CO.
rinto affair." and systematic obstruction Of an
international agreement in favor of bimetallism.
one does not need to go outside Lord Salisbury 5
reply to Secretary Olneys elaborate argument
in the Venezuela case in order to find the char
acteristic English method of defending on hard
and-fsst lines Imperial interests without consd-
Grafton for the susceptibilities and reasonable
demands of friendly nation. which was chiv-
alrously interposng its good offices on behalf
of a sister republic Whatever might be the in
terpretation of the Dutch treaties and the read
ing of the original maps and surveys, it was in
contestable that the Schomburgk frontier was
nd ho. = had
been introduced tentatively by Great Britain
and rejected from the outset by Venezuela. Ii
was also true that from the occupation OF Brit
ish Guiana nobody had known where the 'front.'
ier was; that various lines had been proposed by
Lord Aberdeen, Lord Granville. Lord Rosebery
and others: and that Lord Granville in 1885 prac-
tically agreed to submit the entire TO arbi-
! tration and that this policy would have been
carried out if a change OF Government had not
| occurred in England. Yet with all these facts
confronting him, Lord Salisbury set up the ex-
parte Schomburgk line as the historical una-
terable frontier. which the British Government
could never submit to arbitration; and he con-
temptuously dismissed the Monroe Doctrine as
having no direct bearing upon the case. although
for twenty-five years 1t had been the basis or
appeals from one American Administration after
another for an equitable settlement Of the con-
troversy
! Nothing could have been more irritating TO
Americans than Lord Salisbury's method OF scor-
ing points by special pleading. and his assump-
ton that the cherished canon OF American d.
/ plomacy, which the English themselves embody
in their own policy in India, Egypt. South Africa
+ and Australia was purely academic. If not obso-
/ lete. and Of no validity whatever as interna-
/ tional law. Yet his reply has been pronounced
calm, dispassionate, diplomatic and admirable In
! tone by the English press; and every English
man in his moments of leisure is unable to un-
derstand why there has been any excitement in
| America: and every moralist. who makes up a
record of the year ending. is unable to eX-
/ plain the existence, never before suspected. OF n
considerable body OF unfriendly and hostile opin-
! ion in the United States. Have not the Ameri-
/ cans come over in swarms every season. some
times as many as hundred thousand Of them
| in a single year to tramp up and down the Eng
q lish cathedrals TO pay their vows at the shrine
Of genius in Stratford Church. to inspect the
historic landmarks Of London. 10 explore every
stored spot in the kingdom and to I'll the tills
of every honest and thrifty tradesman? They
have seemed to like the English very much; and
the English have certainly not disliked them.
Yet suddenly there is across the sea revela-
ton of deep widespread, resentful, bitter feeling
against England. The Englishman does not re-
! cprocatc 1t and he cannot comprehend It. 1t IL
for him the inscrutable mystery of the year:
and he never thinks Of looking for the solution In
his own unique character.stics-hs self -absorp-
tion in what concerns himself and his insensi-
bility TO what deeply interests OTTER nations.