The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1896-10-15

institutions is the prompt obedience OF
| the people to these courts. And now the
courts are to be shorn of their power
and shorn of ii in favor of mObs bent OF
! rioting and the destruction of property.
I'VE especially object, says the Chi
cago platform. TO government by in
junction as new and highly dangerous
form of oppression.
| Here reference is made 10 the action
of the courts during the Chicago riots
without which action there is no calcu-
lating how much ruin would have come
to the city. The palladium of American
| liberties is the supreme court ut Wash
| ingtOn. the counterpart of which III power
! to enforce absolute justice does not exist
| among the nations of Christianity. Put
rs far as it is possible by human in
gcnuity outside of partisan politics, i'll
dependent of all political influence,
| through their tenure of office. the judges
of this court rule congresses and preSi-
| dents. states and nations, and cXpound
the law in all its intleNibility. no matter
who or what must yield to il. And
now II convention speaks of the SUI
prcmc court AS it may hereafter conSti-
tutc, intimating Enthusiastically the in
tention of the party represented III that
convention
Worse. to my mind than all this is
the spirit of socialism that pcrmratcS the
whole movement which has issued from
the convention at Chicago. 1t is the in
tcrnational of Europe. now taking body
in America. OF this one can not but be
convinced when the movement is closely
observed. the shbbolcthS of its adhcr-
cntS listened to. the dScourscs of its
orators are carefully examined. The
war of class against class is upon us. the
war of the prolctariat against the prop
crty holder. No other meaning than this
can be given TO the appeals To the COM
mon people. Ia the lahOrcr. to the poor
and dOwn-troddcn and to dCnunciationS
against 'plutocratS' and corporations and
'mOnry-grabb erS' and bankers. Many
adhcrcnts of the movement do not per-
cciyc its full meaning. but let them be-
ware: they are lighting torches. which.
borne in the hands of reckless men. may
light up in the country the lurid fires of
a commune. America heretofore has
been free from SoCialiStic hatred and war
fare; it has been country of opportunity
for all men, and il has given To the Ia
horcr livelihood higher and better than
is afforded him in any other country of
the world Is this 10 be changed: Is
social chaos gloating over ruins IL he the
method of social elevation of the mass
cSt There may be room in some things
for peaceful ameioration through
wcll-iuformcd public opinion and orderly
legislation. but class hatred ana angry
passion never led To aught but general
misery and suffering. The people of
America must today look guardedly
around, guard against catch-words and
misleading war cries. avoid countenanc-
ing SocialiStic or anarchiStic tendencies
and know that the first condition of pros
pcrity Ia any and all classes of the people
is n peaceful commonwealth and assured
social order.
The monetary question Is indeed y
secondary issue in this campaign. |
have. however my convictions in this
matter. The free and unlimited coinage
of silver dollars NJ the ratio of Ii Ia |. by
the United States independently of the
other commercial nations. into dollars
which shall he made legal tender will dis
turh the whole business of the country
and bring upon it financial depression
far beyond anything which we are now
experiencing.
Il am confronted with a pamphlet of
Archbishop Walsh of Dublin ON himctal-
liSm Is a reply 10 my objection 10 the sill
Yer resolution of the Chicago convention.
The pamphlet of Archbishop Walsh has
no bearing whatever on the situation in
America. The archbishop discusses hi
metalliSm versus recommendation. and
that only from point of view foreign
10 America, the effect of recommendation
upon farmers contracts for lands pur-
CHASED in Ireland; he expresses no opin-
ion a> 10 the ratio in which silver i 10
h. coined, and he manifeStly prGSuppoSeS
that himctalliSm would he brought about
under an International agreement He
explains that India was unable L. keep
up silver currency independently Of Eu-
ropean nations.
1T was impossible for India To Oh
tain the loans that are absolutely ncceS-
>ary for the development Of the country
and the reason was the tiuctuatiun in
the value of the rupee. IL i the silver
currency Of China he adds. tina. stops
the making Of railways in that country
"WIlSh'S pamphlet l. thoroughly
against the Chicago platform. To what
he says We might add that France and
nh countries of the Latin union were
10 give up bimetalli>m - long
rs other countries Of Europe would not
cooperate with them. The question be-
fore the people Of America i the coinage
ri silver by this country independent Of
the great commercial nations Of the world
NJ the ratio Of Ii u l. This rather i the
doubt of the present commercial value II
silver, The consequences ri unlimited
coinage are easily perceived. The one
hope al the silver party i that under free
coinage they will raise the value Of silver
10 Sl1l an ounce. measured in gold.
"Ou what authority i this said: On
that Of the mere word Of the men who
make the assertion: The purchasing II
81 .n.G"n IL b;!!l;o!, tc- wear under he
Sherman act was not able 10 prevent the
fall in the value ot silver from over I
dollar an ounce IN is present. low value.
The experience Of France CCntradjct> the
assertion; France. with all the countries
NJ the Latin union. had 10 give mp the
coinage Of silver lest. overloaded with the
silver III the world. il should lose all its
gold. Common sense : against the a.
>crtiou. Silver j now produced in such
quantities ~ such small expense NJ pro
iuction that its value can uur BE- kept mp
10 il former standard. And Is the whole
business Of America 10 bC iWperil@! by $
leap into al experiment. which those very
men who advocate i confess 70 bS only
an .Nrsa-7.',.vr and which aN-r.a~-ts'r.-a a-,'