The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1896-09-09
WORK OF A DEMAGOGUE
BRYAN'S INFAMOUS GAMBLING OF
ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S WORDS.
How the PopOcrat Has CuIIed and
Patched Phrases for the Purpose of
BOIsterfng Up a Bad Cause.

Several years ago one of the conscience
less tricksters who have been laboring to
stir up strife between labor and capital, in
the hope of getting Office thereby, published
in a magazine what purported to be an ex-
tract from one of the messages of Abraham
Lincoln. AT that time the Journal showed
that the alleged extract was made up of
sentences taken here and there from the
message, so to entirely pervert the
meaning of MIR. Lincoln. On Monday in
his address at Chicago, Mr.. Bryan used
part of the same garbled extract as a quo
tation from Abraham Lincoln, as if speak
ing of labor and capital, when. in fact, he
was speaking of free labor opposed 10
slave labor. That the baseness of this per-
Torrance of the Popocratic candidate for
President may be made clear in this mat
ter, his alleged quotation is given as fol-
lows:
Monarchy itself is sometimes limited at
possible refuge from the power OF the
people. Iii my present position / could
scarcely be justified were | to omit TO
raise a warning voice against this approach
of returning aespotism. 1t is not needed
nor fitting mere that a general argument
should be made in favor OF public Instlru-
lions, but there is one point with its con-
nection not so hackneyed as most others,
to which | ask brief attention. 1t is the
effort to place capital on an equal footing
with if not above, labor in the structure OF
available only IN connection WIN capltal'
that nobody labors unless somebody else
commanding capital, somehow, by the use
of it, induces him to labor.
And then said Bryan, Mr.. Lincoln added:
Labor is prior to and independent of
capital. Capital is only the fruit OF labor;
and could never have existed II labor had
not first existed Labor is the superior OF
capital, and deserves much higher consld-
eration Then ne ADDS dd fhan fhna
who toll up from poverty, none less IN
clined to make or touch augnt which they
have not honestly earned. Let them be-
of surrendering a political power
which they already possess, and when, II
surrendered will surely be used TO close
the door OF advancement against such as
they, and to fix new taxes and burdens
upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost.
Those sentences are in Mr.. Uincoln's first
annual message to Congress. He is talking
of the causes which inspired the leaders of
the rebellion. The sentence in the forego-
ing beginning Monarchy ITSELF is the
last in paragraph the whole of which is
as follows:
1t continues to develop that the insurrec-
ton is largely. il not exclusively, war
upon the tlrst principle OF popular govern
ment-the rights of the people. Conclusive
evidence of this is found in the most grave
and maturely considered public documents,
as we'll as in the general tone or the IN
surgentS. In those documents we ma the
abridgmert OF the existing rights OF SUI
frage and the denial of the people to par
ticiDate in the selection of pubic officers,
except the Legislative, boldly advocated
with labored arguments to prove that large
control of the people in the government IS
the source of all political evil. Monarchy
itself is sometimes limited at as a possible
refuge from the power OF the people
BY whom is monarchy limited at?' Very
clearly bv the leaders of the Southern Con-
federacy, who were then making war on
the Union Nevertheless, Mr.. Bryan would
have the people believe that Abraham Lin
coin at that time charging capital in
general with a conspiracy to establish
monarchy This sort of thing would be
contemplate in an ordinary man; in a can
didate for the presidency it is simply in
famous.
In the message as revised and printed,
the next paragraph begins: In my pres
ent position" but used by Mr.. Bryan 1t
is made a part of the same paragraph
which begins with monarchy That the
villainy of this garbing of that portion of
the message from which the sentences
quoted by Mr. Bryan are taken, may be
shown the entire text is given as follows:
In my present position I could scarcely
be justified were | to omit raising d warn
ing voice against this approach of return
ing despotism (meaning the despotism pro
posed by the Southern leaders.)
1t is not needed nor fitting here that
general argument should be made in favor
of public institutions but there Is one point
with it's connection not so hackneyed as
n ost others. to which ask brief attention.
1t is the effort to place capital on an equal
footing with, if not above labor: in the
structure of government. 1t is assumed
that labor is available only in connection
with capital; that nobody laborS unless
somebody else commanding capital, some
how, by the of it, induces him to Ia
Dor.
Here Mr.. Bryan says that Mr. Lincoln
adds" but what the Popocratic candidate
saws that Mr. Lincoln adds does not fol-
NH Mr.
Lincoln followed the sentence ending I'm
6uces him to labor" with the following:
This assumed it is next considered wheth-
er it is best that capital shall hire labor
ers. and thus induce them TO work fystheir
own consent, or buy them, and drive them
to it without their consent Having pro-
ceeded so far. it is naturally concluded
that all laborers are either hired laborerS
or what are called slaves. And further, it
is assumed that whoever is once a hired
laborer is fixed in that condition of life
Now, there is no such relation between
capital and labor as assumed; nor is there
any such thing as a free man being fixed
for life in the condition of hired 1aborer.
Both of these assumptions are false, and
all differences from them grourdless.
And now follows as the beginning of
rev para graph, the words which Mr.. Bryan
says MIR. Lincoln added:
Labor is prior to and independent of cap
ital Capital is only the fruit of labor and
could never have existed If labor had not
first existed. Labor is the superior of cap
ital. and deserves much higher considera-
ton.
Here. again. Mr.. Bryan says Mr.. Lincoln
adds but, as in the former instance.
something very necessary follows before
the words used by Mr.. Bryan came in. In
the same ragraph, following the words
higher consideration" Mr.. Lincoln pro-
ceeded as follow S:
ECapital has its rights, which are as wor.
thy of protection any other rights. Nor
is it denied that there is, and probably al
Ways will be. relation between labor and
capital producing mutual benefits. The
error is in assuming that the whole labor
of community exists within that relation.
A few men own capital. and that few
sist labor themselves. and with their CAPT
tai hire or buy another few to labor for
them A large majority belong to neither
cIass-neither work for others, nor have
others working for them. In most of the
Southern States majority of the whole
people of all colorS are neither slaves
masters: while in the North arn large
iority are neither hirerS hired. Men
with their famlieS-WiveS. sons and daugh-
ters-Work for themselves on their farms
and in their houses and in their shoDs. tax
ing the whole product to themselves and
asking no favors CT capital en- the enc hand
ror of hired laborers or slaves the other
1t is not forgotten that considerable num-
Der of persons mingle' their own labor with
capital-that is, they labor with their own