The Columbian. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1910, 1896-02-13
LIVE QUESTIONS.
A1series of Articles Contributed TO These
Columns by Advanced Thinkers.
NUMBER IIL-PRoPoRTIoNAL REPRE-
sENTATIoN.

sENTATIoN.
In the development of our popular in
stitutions members of legislative bodies
are elected from districts" because
people do not yet realize that there is a
better way to secure representation.
That this system was a clumsy con-
trivance was evident from the begin
ming; it gave no security that the popu
lar wishes would be represented at all;
a popular majority might be so dis
tributed that it would not corSol ma
jority of the districts. The case is often
bad enough, even when no effort is
made to prevent fair representation.
but it is infinitely worse Whenever the
party in power seeks to intrench itself
by purposely dividing districts in such
q manner that the opposition cannlt Sc
cure control of the legislative body,
even if a majority of electors demand
a change. Again, the different sections
Of the state or city continually change
in population hence frequent readjust-
ments Of the districts become necessary.
But we want a system by which con-
stituencies shall readily adapt them
selves to new conditions. If there were
a few large districts, the need Of reap
portionment would be greatly reduced,
while if there were no districts at all
apportionment would be unnecessary and
impossible. The palpable defects of tho
district system might be illustrated in
various ways.
Popular government Gas we know it
today is merely government by politi
cal parties Men who think alike would
naturally act together, and their union
would form a party, but the district
system, while it forces men into parties
with whose principles they do not agree,
tends to prevent the natural, healthy
union of persons who think alike and
who desire to vote alike. A large ma
jority of all popular elections turn upon
questions which apply to the whole
country rather than to any particular
locality. A man votes with this party
or with the other merely because he be-
Heves or does not believe in free trade,
free silver, prohibition, etc., and this
is equally true even when the real is
sue is purely local. The district system
separates those whose interests are iden g.
tical, while uniting those who have moth
ing in common.
Another evil of the district system
arises from the facilities afforded for
vote buying. The system Of dividing the
state and also the city into districts,
from each of which a representative is
to be chosen, usually results in doubtful
closely contested districts, where the
change of few votes must change the
representative and may consequently
change the legislature and ultimately
the national senate
Naturally the vote buyer confines his
operations to such pivotal localities, but
if districts were abolished he could
never secure any larger number of law
makers than were fairly represented by
the votes thus bought. Again, even if
electors were perfectly free when casting
their votes, if the votes thus cast ex-
pressed the real sentiments of the voter,
it is obvious that, under present condi-
tions, large numbers of votes are really
thrown away and large proportion of
voters are systematically disfranchised.
Equally obvious is the fact that small
districts tend almost inevitably to the
production of small men in the halls of
legislation, men of narrow mental cali
ber, who almost invariably lack the
courage of their convictions, and who
remain perched upon the fence, touch
ing all questions where the constituency
is divided This district system really
fastens servility upon the representa-
tive, while proportional representation,
on the other hand, encourages the selec-
tion of men of character and principle
it stimulates independence and leader
ship, for the representative who can re-
tain the support Of even a single quota
can afford to remain true to his convic-
tions. The proposed reform is sometimes
objected to for the alleged reason that it
would be dangerous to allow the adyo-
Gates of wild, impracticable schemes
even single representative in the halls
OF legislation, but moments reflection
will convince the reader that anarchists,
for example, are no more dangerous
to society when they are represented
than when they are not represented in
tho lawmaking body.
II is the confined explosive that is
MOST deadly; give truth and error fair
chance to fight their battles in the open
field, and the former will take care Of
itself. The objection most strongly
urged against the proposed reform is
that if each phase of popular sentiment
was allowed its proportional representa-
ton, the chances are that legislative
bodies would divide into groups that
no one group could control or would be
responsible for the legislative policy.
We are told, in other words, that ma.
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