The daily morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven, Conn.) 1894-1907, 1896-01-22


a resolution as the senate now threatens
to impose upon our land would require
the creation and maintenance of as
| many standing armies as there are
| states in the union, and strain them all
| to a degree not yet tolerated in any sec
| ton of arm-ridden Europe. This dread
| full state of affairs has arisen from an
absolute misunderstanding of the his
| tory, definition and purpose of the Mon
roe doctrine. All the craftsmanship of
| the past has voiced an harmonious
warning, against the assumption Of the
very position now so recklessly advo-
| Gated at Washington. 1t has taken even
Mr.. Cleveland off his feet. Is there no
| senator that dares TO state the facts
with the ability to make them plain?
| The talk about supporting the admins
| tration Is mere twaddle This is a re-
| publican government, and should be
| administered after due elaboration in
a statesnlanlike way. 1t is our inalien-
able right to express our counsel and
| defend it with argument and vote. The
question of support does not yet arise;
| it is still a question of what We may
| have to support and are willing to sup
| port and are able to support. A large
| portion Of the presidents message We
endorse. The irrelevant parts and those
| that anticipated complications we con-
demned. But so far as the east is from
| the west, so far is the Davis resolution
| deeper in the nlire than all that has led
up TO it.
We do not believe that this nation
has the rernotest fiction of right to con-
stitute itself a dictator or the arbitrator
and imperattoro of the west. This aspires
| not only to the height of arrogance and
| indquity, but sinks to the depth of folly
\ in its impotence and bunkum. There is
no power ON earth that could change
I places with us and back up such a reso-
luton. Still less cam we, even if we had
the might, establish our right to enforce
such a principle as is now proposed for
Iratifica ton.
| We are but one of many nations all
equally interested i'm the integrity of
American independence. Only a con-
gress of all the Americans states, and by
Ithis we mean of all the powers that own
sovereignty over single foot of terri
tory on this continent, can, of right,
define a sweeping plan of operation for
the future. No one can make ex post
1
eously, and in keeping with the funda-
mental principles of our own liberty to
settle the policy of the western hemi-
sphere. That is to call general con
venltion of officially accredited delegates
from all the powers that hold any tenure
of domain or sovereignty upon its
shores, and then determine its limita-
ton in a calm declaration of independ.
1 ence.
This matter should be discussed as in
an open senate of the west; the voting
should be by nations, one vote apiece
ITO each sovereign state, no matter how
fully represented by superintendent
according to population. Nothing less
,, than two-thirds majority should rule
in the adoption of general constitution
or the PRONUNCIATION of any doctrine
, and the recommendations should not 90
into effect until at least two-thirds %
the powers represented had ratified tn,
: digested report. In the meantime 1t il
both absurd and desperately wicked fo
any single power, great or small, as fo
!, instance, these United States, to lasl
itself into quasi attitude of assume,
, danger and attempt to lay down an in
ternational law for the whole western
| world
!, Let us begin anew, even IL We hav
= to table the labors of the Venezuelan
!, commission. Let us have such a senat
= of the nations called. If We must fail il
:, the effort to unite in a generous com
;, pact of perpetual arbitration with Grea
= Britain alone, let us at least attemp
20 meet her with all the others in such
J, congress and determine just rule %