The San Francisco call., 1896-06-28


erty," Mr.. Lecky, who established his fame as
historian of the eighteenth century, has
undertaken an elaborate and exhaustive re-
view of the political and social conditions of
our own time. The work has been carried out
on an extensive scale and forms two octave
volumes OF 600 pages each. The number of
subjects treated is almost equal to the number
of factors and forces in modern life, and the
variety includes everything from the consti-
tutions of nations to the N inu:iee of recent
legislation and the strength and the weak
nesses OF the new woman.
The work is not Intended as a mere descrip-
ton of existing conditions nor formal sum
mary of contemporary developments. It is not
written in the clear, white light of impartial
history. Mr.. Leeky has philosophy to pro-
pound and a cause to uphold, and as g conse-
quence every passage of his treatise is colored
by the light which radiates from his philoso-
ply, and every event and tendency of the age
is exhibited under the aspect which most ac-
cords with he cause he has set up to defend.
This Characteristic of the work must not be
regarded as defect. Mr.. Lecky's philosophy
is always well reasoned, and in his treat
ment OF them the facts of history, however he
may color them with lighter or darker shades,
are never misrepresented. We may in fact re-
gard the eoloring and the philosophy as valu-
able qualities of the work, inasmuch as they
enable US to see how the developments of our
modern life are regarded by one of the most
studious, rejecting and penetrating intenects
OF the time.
One advantage resulting from giving the
work the color of a particular cause and the
form of an argument for q particular creed is
that this mode of treating current events
arouses antagonism and provokes criticism.
Even the most indifferent reader will hardly
read this work with Indifference. He will find
in every chapter and on almost every page
l.
ton and make him q rejecting as well as an
interested reader. Whether he agrees or dis
agrees with the writer, he will feel himself
moved by the book, as if it were campaign
document. Indeed, in broad sense of the
phrase, il is a campaign document, and was
undoubtedly designed TO influence the minds,
and indirectly the vOt tes, of men in the per-
petual struggle going on in every civilized ma
ton between democracy and all other forms
OF government whatever.
Whenever q man says Alexander Hamilton
was the greatest statesman and wisest thinker
among those who founded our Republic and
framed its constitution we know at once what
his attitude is toward democracy and what he
is going to say about the effects and the ten
dencies of universal suffrage. Mr.. Lecky is
Hamilto1iian. He says: Hamilton, who was
the greatest political thinker America has
produced, was in the essentials of his political
thought quite as conservative as Burke, but he
never concealed his preference for monarch
ieal institutions. Democratic government he
believed must end in despotism, and be in the
meantime destructive OF public morality and
TO the security of private property" Whether
this is a true statement or not of Hamiltons
political philosophy it is the conception Lecky
has OF it, and we can form fair judgment of
Leckys philosophy from the fact that with
this conception in his mind he considers Ham
iIton wiser than Jefferson.
salient feature of the argument of the
book is the proposition put forward, with great
emphasis and wealth of illustration, that
governments cease to be representative" ex-
actly in proportion as they become popular.
He cites the conditions of politics and society
in many countries to prove this but his chief
illustration is drawn from our own country.
We have nearer approach to absolute uni
versal suffrage than any other people, and
there is also, he says, greater contrast be-
tween our society and our government than
is to be found IN any other nation. American
society, broadly speaking, is about the mos
intelligent, the purest and most honest in the
world. but our politicians are the most ignor-
ant, the least honest and the most corrupt to
be found in any country that can be said to
have anything like an enlightened govern
ment.
By overlooking this feature of Lecky's argu-
ment, John Morley who is at once the most
falls into an obvious blundAr. he points out
that Lecky shows in his book that the national
character of all civilized peoples Is improving,
that the welfare OF the poorer classes is more
abundantly provided for than ever, that men,
tally, morally and physically, modern society
in Europe and America is be tier than ever be-
fore; and yet at the same time asserts that the
tone of politics has been lowered, the strength
of parliaments weakened and governments
everywhere conducted with less honesty, less
firmness and less wisdom than in the days
which preceded universal suffrage.
Mr. Morley declares this to be 'a tiss ue of
incoherence and inconsequence." The critic,
however, is wrong. So far from being incon-
sistent, the contrast between the Improvements
going on in society at large and the deteriora-
ton going on in parliamentary governments
is the strongest argument that could be pos
sibly urged in support of the theory that gov
ernnents cease to represent the better and
improving elements of the social organism
when they are composed OF delegates elected
BY the majority that vote being mainly COM
posed of the worst and least improving class
OF people
Starring then with the theory that govern
ment by universal suffrage is not truly rep
resentative government Mr.. Lecky reviews at
great length the tendencies of democratic gov
ernment in our time and finds that these are
everywhere adverse 10 the true liberty of the
citizen and the just rights of property. The
sggressions made on liberty and property have
as yet nowhere gone far enough to justify
volt; but in one or two European coun tries
this is sufficiently imminent to occasion no
little anxiety. America he regards as virtually
safe from danger By reason OF the wise pro-
visions of our constitution which, in his judg-
ment, are sufficient TO prevent unjust laws
from being enacted or enforced so long as the
Supreme Court stands to declare unconstitu-
tional any law which violates the rights of
any class of citizens.
The admiration which Lecky has for our
constitution is not given to everything Ameri-
can, nor is it our politicians only that come in
for condemnation. The American millionaire
as well as the mob is regarded as one of the
evils of the country and of the time. Mr..
Lecky says:
OF all forms that great wealth take know
of none that gives greater opportunities of or
temptations to abuse than that Of the railway king
who controls for his selfish purposes the chief
lines Of communication In the country. In no
other country has this class of men been so promi-
nent as in America, and in no other has their
power been more hldeously abused. Nowhere