The Norfolk Virginian. [volume] (Norfolk, Va.) 186?-189?, 1896-07-03
In MEMORY OF DAVIS
Concluded from First Page
HOW THE coNFEDERAcY BEGAN

HOW THE CONFEDERACY BEGAN.
The future historian will note with
astonishment that the Southern strug-
gle for independence began not with
committees OF public safety. with decla-
rations OF the rights of man, or enuncia-
ton of the mighty doctrine that gov
ernments derive their just powers from
the consent Of the governed, but 1t be-
gan with public statutes, general cleo
lions, and constitutional convictions.
Mr.. DAVIS himself rested. in his inau-
Sural the case of the new nation at the
par OF the public opinion of the world
not upon revolutionary, but upon legal
right. He said: The rights solemnly
proclaimed at the birth of the States,
which have been affirmed and renffirm-
ed in the bills of rights of States sub
sequently admitted into the Union of
10y. invariably recognize in the people
pne power to resume the authority del
egated for the purposes of government.
Thus the sovereign States here repre-
sented proceeded to form this Con-
federacy and 1t is by abuses of Ian
mated revolution" He might also
have said that the very Constitution
of the United States was adopted by
acts OF secession, violating the articles
of confederation.
The South learned it's constitutional
law from Jefferson Madison and Cal
houn; not from Hamilton and Marshall
They considered secession a conSti-
tutional remedy In 1861. They believed
separate confederacy with their con-
stitutional rights retained, better than
q union with these rights trampled
upon and ignored, or held together by
physical force.
The Junior Senator from Massachu-
setts has written these words: When
this constitution was adopted by the
votes Of the States at Philadelphia, and
accepted by the votes of the States in
popular conventions. it is fair to say.
that there was not man in the coun-
try, from Washington and Hamilton
on the one side, to George Clinton and
George Mason, on the other, who re-
garded the new system as anything but
an experiment entered upon by the
States. and from which each and every
State had the right to peaceably with
draw. n right which was very likely to
be exercised The Southern States
only exercised right which had often
been threatened by New England, and
which was generally conceded to be u
constitutional right But in 1861. the
Union had grown with the growth of
the American people, and strengthened
with it's strength, until like a young
oak ii had burst the old constitutional
rocks asunder. The South was fighting
ngainst the stars in their courses. But
standing on this sacred spot. should
be false to the memory of the dead, II
did not remind you, that he, the man
we all adore. battled for the censti-
not for revolution, not for slavery
that the war was fought upon legal,
not a moral issue, and il is significant,
that slavery is not mentioned either In
the Confederate inaugural. or in Lin
coins Gettysburg address.
1T Is a pleasant reflection to-day tnal
the feeling: which human nature onn-
not repress in the sad hour of defeat
have found the gentle and sure medi-
cine OF time. 4 new generation has
risen underneath the healing wings OF
peace. that are strangers 10 the di:cord
OF their fathers. and the gray-haired
veterans of Gettysburg and Chicamau-
ga conscious of their rectitude of pur-
pose and lofty patriotism. now yield
loyal allie glance to the government. not
having d.sowned their manhood, or with
servility confessed that they Were wrong
They have reserved their self-respect
and won the respect of the nation.
Fer what then shall this monument
stand? jefferson Davis was truly
through his life, the representative of
his people. and the monument repre-
serts the love of the Southern people
for him. Such a sentiment hoEors them
even more than Il honors him. 1t de-
monstrates the faithfulness of the
Southern people to their leader, for bet
ter or for worse Rather than suspected
is that people to be honored, and trust
ed. whose attachments defy the v!cis-
STUDIES of time and fortune. and reach
In loving fortltude beyond the grave.
WHY DO WE LOVE DAVIS.
Let us consider ON this occasion the
reasons for our love for jefferson Davis
and why we honor him. First, above
all, he is dear to us for the Incompatible
beauty of his character. 1t is a joy to
the South, that its great typical figures
of generation ago, such as Davis, Lee
and Jackson, were men who wore the
white flower OF u blameless life-men of
clean lips and spotless names. L.. will not
surprise you when add, they were each
OF them of strong Christian faith. Per-
nit me to quote the words of two dis
tinguished men who knew Jefferson
Davis most intimately in official as
well~as private life. Standing here by
his open grave, and in all probability
not far from my own" said George
Davis, of North Carolina. Attorney
General of the Confederacy, II declare
TO you, that he was the most honest
truest, gentliest tenderest, manifest
man ever knew" II knew jefferson
Davis as 1 knew few men," said Ben.
Hill. Georgia's great Senator. ~ have
have been near him in his public duties
l have seen him by his private fireside;
l have witnessed his humble devotions.
and challenge the judgment of history
through the fiery struggle for liberty
carnage OF war and the trials of public
life never revealed n purer or more
beautiful Christian character"
loft Nov nc ~, 80