The Corvallis gazette. [volume] (Corvallis, Or.) 1862-1899, 1896-10-09

to use the federal power to queII the
inSurrection and restore tranquility.
The whole tenor of the Chicago plat
form and of Mr.. Bryan's letter leads
irresistibly to the conclusion that in
case the conditions of July, 1894. were
repeated, if he were president, he
would regard the disturbance as a
purely local affair aud would, there
fore, refuse to intervene.
The fundamental error of Mr.. Bry
ans position is in regarding such an
insurrection as that of 1894 as a 80
caP' affair. In no sense was it such. 1t
was part of a vast conspiracy, which
extended over dozen or more states.
The disturbance was merely central
lied at Chicago and some other points.
1t was a conspiracy, not against state
authority, but against the authority of
the United States. The mob violence
which ensued was in violation of both
state and United States laws; but it
was more directly in violation of the
latter, because it's larger results were
the detention of United States mails
and the stoppage of interstate COM
merce. The violation of these laws of
the United States was the cause that
UTOuSul Tic lcuCId1 dulhOIlly ihIo az
ton, and backed that authority up
by federal bayonets.
The contention of Mr.. Bryan and of
the unstable platform upon which he
stands is untenable, illogical and abb
surd. 1t is also in the last degree dan
gerous. If that be the correct inter-
probation of the constitution, our fed
eraI authority is but myth and our
national government is but an empty
name. OF what use is it to pass Unit
ed States laws if the executive officers
of the United States are not clothed
with power to enforce those laws?
The action of President Cleveland in
the grave crisis of 1894 established
and defined principle which will en-
dure-which must endure, if this gov
ernment is to stand and constitutional
liberty is to be maintained. 1t estab-
fishes the principle that every foot of
the soil of the United States is subject
to the authority of the government of
the United States; that no portion of
the national territory is too sacred for
the exercise of federal power to en-
force the national laws; that the enact
ment of United States laws necessar-
lily implies the possession of authority
and power by the national government
" COllDG1 ODeuI0ITCG To llOS6 laws, 10
use force if necessary for that pur-
pose, and to punish violations of those
laws.
Propositions SO plain as these should
hardly seem to require the emphasis
of an object lesson. They appear to
be automatic. The fact that eonsid-
cradle number of persons-Mr. Bryan
among them-deny the truth Of these
propositions makes the danger and
menace of the situation.
There was no arbitrary interfer-
ence," nor any Interference whatever
with local affairs by President Cleve-
land in 1894. In no sense was the fed
eral authority brought into conflict
with state authority. The sovereignty
of the state of Illinois was in no man.
ner violated nor even menaced by the
presidents action in sending troops to
Chicago. Troops were sent there be-
cause United States laws were violat-
ed, United States property was being
destroyed, and the authority Of the
United States courts was set at de-
fiance. National sovereignty and state
sovereignty can coeXist, each within
it's sphere. The sphere of the one does
not necessarily clash with that of the
other. The same territory is subject to
UOlu lcuCTdl anu SIdte authority, anu
each sovereignty is clothed with power
to compel obedience to it's laws.
This question, as Major Mckinley
has said in one of his speeches, is of
the first Importance. Social order and
the supremacy of law must be assured; |;
all else can wait.
This matter gains additional import
ance from the practical certainty that
the election of Bryan would precipitate
| labor disturbances in all sections of
the country. The misguided men who
| will vote for free coinage under the
mistaken idea that their condition
would be improved by the adoption of
that policy would speedily find out
their error if Bryan were elected.
Finding their wages reduced, instead
of increased, they would inaugurate
strikes on every hand in the vain hope
that they might thus save themselves
from the consequences of their own
folly. Thus we would be speedily con-
fronted with crisis similar to that of
1894, but much more serious With
Mr.. Bryan in the presidential chair,
pledged to a policy of non-interference
with mob law, what would be the har-
vest but revolution?
This nation could Withstand free
trade and free coinage, but not free
riot.-Los Angeles Times.