The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1896-01-26

Ulysses must always remain strung. There
must be iafexihle firrnness in dealing with
every controversy. There must be TN
ceasing vigilance in defending every I'M
perzal interest. There must BE rsSolute de-
termination IN retaining every advantages
OF position. There must be uabroken con-
tf1uity OF traditions and policies. From
sheer force OF circumstances there Is con-
csntration OF purpose upon heightened
self-interest. The preservation of the en-
pirs Is the one supreme cause OF public
concern. The respect OF the colonies must
be commanded by jealous. un-iinchBg
guardianship OF local interests which are
never 20 be sacrificed through timorous-
ness or exped-ency. These are the English
mans ruling motives. Inevitably his self
absorption promotes a habit OF cynical in
difference 10 Tire conflicting interests and
insensibiIity 10 national suscep..biiities.
Iabouchere d fits the Mark.
Mr.. Labouchere may not be a safe guide
on all questions. but when he reverts to
John Bright's well-known views of non-
Intervention and peace. and tells homely
truths about the English characteristics.
he may be quoted with respect. I'VE are
apt TO fancy" he writes this week. "that
ths whole world looks upon us With eyes
OF admiration tempered with awe-a ma
ton whose mission is 10 guide. 20 restrain
and 20 serve as an example 10 all others.
This Is not precisely the feeling OF the rest
of the world toward US, but other nations
deem us twrongfully, of course) the
wealthy inhabitants OF an island. apt at
commerce. but given TO take advantage OF
our insular position: predatory in our
politics, and often masking our predatory
instincts under cover OF philanthropy and
desire TO benefit other peoples by intro
ducfIg them to the blessings of our rule.
Our action IN regard to Egypt has cut
away the last straw of confidence in us.
and our avowed intention to build a fleet
so portentous in size that it will enable US.
without any great risk TO ourselves. 10
lombard and destroy the seaboard cities
OF any country with which we may fall out
and to destroy their commerce. smacks too
much Of universal empire TO render it pop
ular outside OF the confines Of our own
empire"
That IS a trenchant statement OF the
case. 1t serves to illustrate the natural
effects OF intense concentration of purpose
upon imperial interests in exciting I'M
friendliness and antagonism abroad.
It is unnecessary torefer TO any special
causes of American resentment, such as
the Alabama raids on commerce. the con-
struction OF menacing chain of fortresses
and naval arsenals from Halifax and Ber-
muda to Port Royal and st. Lucia, the
Boring sea depredations. the Corinto af-
fair, and systematic obstruction OF an in
ternattonal agreement IN favor OF bi-metaI-
Ism. One does not need TO go outside Lord
Salisbury's reply to Secretary Olney's
elaborate argument in the Venezuela case
in order to find the characteristic English
method OF defending on hard-and-fast lines
imperial interests without consideration
for the susceptib.lities and reasonable de-
mands OF a friendly nation which was
chiva1rously interposing its good offices
~ "a ~ iutr liz 10.
might be the Interpretation of the Dutch
treaties and the reading of the original
maps and surveys. IL was incontestible that
the Schomburgk frontier was the work OF
British agent, and that Il had been intro
duced tentatively by Great Britain and re-
1ected from the outset by Venezuela. It
was also true that from the occupation of
British Guiana nobody had known where
the frontier was; that various lines had
been proposed by Lord Aberdeen, Lord
Granville, Lord Rosebery and others: and
that Lord Granville IN 1885 practically
agreed to submit the entire case TO arbitra-
tration, and that this policy would have
been carried out II a change of govern
ment had not occurred in England Yet
with all the facts confronting him, Lord
Salisbury set up the ex parta Schomburgk
line as the historical, unalterable frontier.
which the British government could never
submit to arbitration, and he contemptu-
having no direct bearing upon the case
although for twenty-five years It had been
the basis OF appeals from one American
administration after another for an equit-
able settlement OF the controversy.
Nothing could have been more irritating
to Americans than Lord Salishury's meth
cd OF scoring points by special pleading
and his assumption that the cherished can
on Of American diplomacy, which the Eng
lish themselves enbody IN their own policy
In India. Egypt, South Africa and Austria
liza, was purely academic, II not obsolete
and OF no validity whatever as information
al law. Yet his reply has been pro-
nouned calm. dispassonate. diplomatic
and admirable IN tone by the English press:
and every Englishman In his moments OF
leisure Is unable to understand why there
has been any excitement in AI~erica; and
every moralist who makes up record OF
the year now ending is unable TO explain
the existence. never before suspected of a
considerable body Of unfriendly and hostile
opinion I'm the United States. Have not
the Americans come over In swarns
every season, sometimes as many as
hundred thousand of them in a single year,
TO tramp up and down the English cathe-
drals, to pay their vows at the shrine OF
genius in Stratford church, TO Inspect the
historic landmarks of London. to explore
every storied spot in the kingdom, and TO
fill the tills OF every honest and thrifty
tradesman? They have seemed to like the
English very much; and the English have
certainly not dsiIked them. Yet suddenly
there Is across the sea n revelation of
deep. widespread, resentful, bitter feeling
against England The Englishman does
not reciprocate II and ne cannot compre-
bend IT, II IS for him the inscrutable mys-
terry OF the year: and he never thinks OF
looking for the solution IN his own unique
characteristics-his self-absorption IN what
concerns himself and his insensibility 10
what deeply interests other nations.