The San Francisco call., 1896-06-19
1t Was Born in the Midst of Slavery, and Many Of
Its Heroes Gave Their Lives on the Altar
of Freedom and Equality.
History Rich in Lofty Aims, Noble Principles and Glowing
Atainments for the Beterment of Humanity-Its War
cry Still Protection to American Labor
and Home Industries.

brief description of the origin, rise
and growth of the Republican party nee
essarily excludes much of great historical
interest, but in the allotted space it is pos
sible to outline its career from its incep-
ton and TO point out its glorious achieve
ments. The reader will find herein facts
sufficient to show why the members of
the great political organization are so
proud to say, 81 am Republican"
The Michigan State Convention, held in
Jackson in June, 1854, was the first State
representative body to take the name of
Republican in the present acceptation of
that term, and it has been claimed that
this resulted from a suggestion offered by
Horace Greeley. A few weeks later it was
adopted by State conventions in Maine,
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and
Iowa.
In most of the New England States, in
Pennsylvania and in the entire South the
Wing party still kept alive and ran tickets
that year. In the same year the Republi-
can party was so extended and strength
ened it succeeded in electing enough Con-
gressmen TO secure its first National tri-
umph in 1855, when Nathaniel P. Banks
of Massachusetts was elected Speaker of
the House.
Most of the Northern States were won in
a single year to the banner of the new
party and a controlling influence had been
secured in the lower house of Congress.
"Its leaders" writes Eugene n. Smalley in
his history of the organization, "were
mostly men of anti-slavery convictions
from the old Whig party, like Fessenden.
Summer, Greeley, Seward, Chase, Wade
and Chandler, but there were among them
yeral former Democrats. No account
was made of old political affiliations, how
ever, and the only test of membership was
oppusit ion to the encroachments OF the
slave power"
Charles Sumner wrote from the Senate
chamber of the United States to a Massa-
chusetts committee, under date of May %,
1854, in the spirit which actuated those
who thought as he did, and who were
largely instrumental in bringing the new
party into existence:
The despotism of the slave power is to be es-
tablished, "While you and 1 and all of US from
the North are to bow down before it. For my
self, will not bow down; but, gentlemen,
you Will understand that no individual can
effectually oppose these schemes. This can
only be done in one way. AS all at the South,
so all at the North, without distinction of
party, forgetting vain differences of Whig and
Democrat, must unite for freedom, and, rising
in majesty and might, take control OF the Ma
tional Government"
In 1870 the famous missouri compro-
mise'' had been adopted by Congress.
This measure form
ally appeared in Con- What Brought
gress in the month of TIE Party
Decem ber, 1878 Into Existence.
When the bill pro-
posing to admit Missouri as slave State
came before the House James Tallmadge
Jr. of New York moved to amend it by pro-
7iding that "the further introduction of
slavery be prohibited in said State of
Missouri. and that all children born in the
State alter its admission to the Union shall
be free at the age of 25 years." The House
passed the bill, but the Senate rejected the
amendment. The story of what followed
has been told by James G. Blaine in his
Twenty Years of Congress-:
Mr.. Clay, then an accepted leader of Southern
sentiment, which in his later life he ceased to
be, made an earnest, almost fiery, speech on
the question. He wanted to know whether
certain doctrines OF an alarming character
of new States west of the Mississippi were to be
sustained on this floor. He wanted to know
what conditions Congress could annex to the
admission of q new State, whether, indeed,
there could be partition of its sovereignty?
Despite the eloquence and the great influence
of the speaker the Southern representatives
we're oyerborne and the House adopted the
anti-sIavery restriction. The Senate refused to
concur, united Maine and Missouri in one bill,
and passed it with an entirely new feature,
which was proposed by Jesse B. Thomas, a
Senator from Illinois. That feature was simply
the provision, since so widely known as the
Missouri compromise, which forever prohibited
slavery north of SO deg 80 min. in all the ter
ritory acquired from France as the Louisiana
purchase.
The House would not consent to admit the
two states in the same BILL but finally agreed
to the compromise, and in the early part OF
March. 1850, Maine became q member of the
Union without condition. separate bill
was passed permitting Missouri to form
constitution preparatory to her admission,
subject to the compromise, whlch, Inoeeo,
formed one section of the enabling act. MIS-
souri, was thus granted permission to enter the
Union as slave State But she was discon-
tented with the prospect of having free States
on three sides-east, north ana west.
The Missouri compromise was set aside
by Congress on May 80, 1854. mo preyl-
GUS anti-slavery excitement" says Mr..
Blaine, 'tbore any comparison with that
which spread through the North as the
discussion progressed, and especially after
the bill became law. Tt did not merely
call forth opposition; it produced frenzy
OF wrath on the part OF thousands and tens
of thousands in both the old parties who
had never before taken any part whatever
in anti-slavery agitation. The most strik-
ing result in the political field produced by
the repeal of the Missouri compromise was
the utter destruction of the Wing party.
The majority in the North came to see
that it was in reality nothing but a
struggle between the slave States and tho
free States, growing more and more in
tense and more and more dangerous day