St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1896-01-04
WORTHLESsNESS OF HIS
CONVENTIONS.
He MUST SUBMIT OR SUFFER.
AND WILL NEVER
YIELD.
ARBITRATION THE ONE COURSE
He Must Accept 1t if He Would
Escape the Grave Situation
He Has Created.

LONDON, Jan. 3.-The special COM
missioner of the London Daily Chron-
icle, who is now at Washington, sends
the following important dispatch:
Il am at length able to speak with con-
fdence of opinion in the highest American
quarters. The only condition on which the
men whom especially desired to see would
speak has been my personal pledge not even
by a hint to betray their names; therefore. 1
can only give you my word that am not ex-
aggerating my authorities. President Cleve-
lands message to congress has done several
things, good and evil. First, it has destroyed
/ every chance of saving the Armenians. Sec
ond, 1t has given strong impetus towards
closer ties between Great Britain and her
colonies. Third, 1t has enormously empha-
sized the line Of cleavage, always existing but
discreetly ignored, between East and West in
the United States. The West today regards
the East as practically a European annex.
and New York bankers as allies of the money
sharks Of Europe. Fourth, 1t has rendered
certain the creation of great American navy,
which the next generation will be almost ire
sistibly tempted to use for aggression. Fifth,
and most important, 1t has, unless foolish
words or unforeseen events bar Its natural
consequence, paved the way for better future
relations, because Americans, having expert
ence of the consequences, will cease their ig-
norant denunciations and the Englishmen will
learn how to show much greater respect to
American national opinion, knowing that
force is behind it, and will therefore refrain
from provoking it by utterances and acts Of
rendered possible the avoidance of far vast
er danger, namely, the question of the-Nica-
ragua canal man who would be very
near the head of the American army in case
of war said to me: 1t is blessing the Vene-
zuelan affair has happened, because spe-
cific solution of this will point the way to the
same thing over Nicaragua, concerning which
otherwise the two nations would certainly
have fought
WORTHLESS CLAIM.
Every paper reprints my yesterdays dis
patch with striking headlines. Great surprise
is expressed here that it should have been
necessary for English journalist to come
to Washington in order to secure the publica-
ton of official British correspondence so
vital to the issue. Passing over the compli-
ment, the fact is certainly curious, and the
significance not altogether pleasant How
ever, the Schomburg line is now proved des-
titute of any quality of permanence, and 1T
therefore remains to consider the situation
as affected by its removal. can affirm posi-
lively that the American government is above
everything anxious for arbitration. Whatever
may have been it's actual result, the inten-
ton of President Cleveland's message was
amicable. The close encourage of the presi
dent today scouts the idea that it was not
message of peace. But behind 1t has sprung
up national sentiment which it would be
utter madness on the part of the English peo-
pie to disregard or underestimate. The Mon
roe doctrine is not worth discussing. All the
learned pamphlets, the professors opinions
and the newspaper discussions of it are labor
lost. The fact is that if Venezuela does not
come within the four corners of the Monroe
doctrine, then the new doctrine-the Olney
doctrine-covers it, and American opinion
overwhelmingly favors its general principles.
Moreover, America demands arbitration as
sacred right and for this she will fight If
needful. While allowing all due weight to
the Eastern press, you must remember the
line of cleavage mentioned above Remember,
also. to what extent the South found support
in New York before the War of the Rebel
lion. The man who perhaps did more than
any other single individual to make Lincoln
t1l1r L
fore war seemed inevitable: The trouble Is
the people of the South have their creed,
which they hold and we have ours, which we
hold. Their principles are as sacred to them
as principles are sacred to u.s.
ALL OF ONE MIND.
1.-The same words apply to England and
America today. Absit Omen. 1 am aston
ished at the depth and character of American
feeling this question. Men experienced
staid, elderly conservative, many holding ju-
dicial positions of great responsibility, frank
ly declare their uncompromising support of
this American doctrine. And while it is
clear that President Cleveland was too clever
and devoted to his own party not to see that
his message would deal knockout blow to
the two groups of his political enemies, Re-
publicans and free silver men, still, no greater
mistake would be possible than for England
to regard the message mere party man.
ouver. If this latter view gains acceptance,
the consequences of the mistake may be aw-
full. When l reflect on the possibility of
this, and know what l know of American
opinion, | am profoundly depressed. Arbitra-
ton is demanded by every consideration dear
est to civilized mankind.
Now. how shall arbitration be reached?
The best way of all would be for Lord Sails
bury to come to an arrangement direct with
Venezuela. The cabinet here would much
prefer this course l understand upon high
authority that the Venezuelan government
would express it's regret at the Yuruan out
rage, pay all the additional indemnity de-
manded. and request England to resume
diplomatic relations, if in return England
would agree upon reference of the whole
question to any competent tribunal she might
select. And America would bring every pres
sure to bear to this end if Venezuela hest
tated; All American interests would cease in
stantly before the fact Of arbitration between
the parties owning the soil. Lord Sails
bury's dispatch intimates that the absence
or diplomatic relations constitutes a bar to
negotiation. The above suggestion removes
this, and as America will defend the British
right to an apology and indemnity, no loss of
dignity would be involved by acceding
ANOTHER GOOD WAY.
the second method is, if Lord Salisbury
will say he believes the commission fair and
competent 10 consider the historical question:
and ask If the American government would
permit him to name British commissioners to
join 1t, without committing himself to abide
by the result, l can assert that the cabinet
would instantly welcome the proposal 1t is
certain that the dual commission would reach
some acceptable conclusion
The third method is, supposing the Amer
the territory England is willing to arbitrate
and reports there is a prima facie case for
considering the larger question at the Same
time, will Lord Salisbury then consent to
submit that question to either the single or a
dual commission?
There is a fourth method for have every
reason to believe that Mr.. Bayard will inform
Lord Salisbury of the constitution of the com
mission, and say that if England is willing to
lay her case before it without prejudice
America will be very glad to receive the
documents. Indeed the request for the Brit
ish case may be more direct and pressing than
this. 1t is impossible to see how Lord Sails
bury can refuse, and equally impossible to
see how, having acceded, he can wholly dis
regard the finding. Here again arbitration
appears the inevitable and natural result
By declining arbitration in any shape Lord
Salisbury is counting for England the ill-wiIl
of two continents. Most weighty of all and
this is my serious but confident conclusion. if
he does, the American people will consider
fighting for arbitration as fighting for peace
Il beg your attention to one other urgent
matter. The Boring sea commission declared
that America should pay sac, 900, or appoint
commission to determine the damages. Sec
rotary Gresham made it clear that the assent
OF congress was essential to the payment
Congress, in spite of President Cleveland's
pressure, refused. The presidents message
of December last said that if congress still
declined to affirm the award, it Certainly
will hardly dissent from the proposition that