The daily morning journal and courier., 1896-08-20

they would nave become US advocates and defenders I do not believe It. The principles upon which slavery rest ed were incompatible with the funda- mental principles of Puritan belief, Slavery did exist in early New England, but she arose above it and discarded it, not simply because 1t was profitable, but because it was odious and hateful to the reli- gious faith of her people, condemned by their spirit of independence, and op- posed by the teachings of her common schools and colleges. And if the people of New England throughout all their history, have been distinguished by one characteristic more than by anoth- CT, it is by their willingness to sacrifice material interests to what they believe to be right. Slavery comported with the habits, the training and the more seductive life of the Cavalier, but it could not fasten its roots In the soil of New England, to whose sons, then as now, wealth, ease and position come, If they come at all as the reward of per- sistent personal effort. Even if slavery had become one of the fixed institutions of New England, she would have out grown it and thrown it off, as it was thrown off by England whose soil, long before our own, became too sacred for the footsteps of the slave.
 Religion, liberty and education, these were the forces waich dominated the colony founded by the agreement which bears the name of our honored ances- tor; and these were the forces which sustained her sister colonies, and which to-day characterize the descendants Of New England wherever found The creation of the political institutions by which liberty Is maintained in this country will forever stand as the crowning glory of the work of the men of colonial days.
 Two hundred and f1fty-seven years have passed since the first written in- strument creating a government was signed at Hartford. This, says Fisk, Marked the beginning of American democracy" Within that time, short as it may seem compared with the age of the leading nations of Europe, or with those of antiquity, mighty peo- pie have arisen, and throwing aside the theories of the nations that preceded them, established a government upon principles never before recognized as the basis of civil power, confidence in the multitude, in its honesty, it's intel ligence, it's patriotism, confidence, in short, in the dignity of man, Marvel ous has been our growth, and grand our achievements; but does continued prosperity await us. T share In no de- gree the fears of those who see nothing but clouds above our heads. and hear, no sounds save those of convulsions be- meath our feet I believe that the re- public of America was never so strong in all the clements of life and power as 1t is to-day. But society both in this country and in the old countries Is en- tering upon period of intense unrest produced by the spread of education and the demand for a solution of those problems which have been called forth by the material and industrial progress of the present generation. The liberty of speech which our institutions allow, and the fact that our population to-day comprises all grades and conditions of mankind, must make the discussion of these questions with us especially re- lentless and bitter. AS If to put democ- racy to the most severe test that could be devised, we permit all who will to come, and almost upon their arrival clothe them with the sacred rights of citizenship. Tke idle, the worthless and the criminal, even he who sees only in social chaos his ideals of human ex- istence, and would suppant the em- blem of liberty by the flag of anarchy, Is allowed an equal voice with him whose ancestors and kindred sleep in the unmarked graves upon every bat tletield of the republic From the adoption of the constitution to 1920, period of thirty-one years. the total immigration to this country was one 250,000 persons. From 1880 to 1890 1t ex- | ceeded five and one-half millions. During single year In that decade it reached the startling figure of 7S9,00O Certainly it could not have been con- templated by those who framed the constitution that we should ever re- ceive within so short a time such an enormous influx of people who are strangers to our laws and customs and in no way prepared for our social and political life. Every attempt to modi- fly our naturalization laws or to restrict immigration arouses the opposition of the politician and the demagogue and awakens the fears of party leaders: while every extension of the right of suffrage, or the removal of a barrier to immigration, is applauded as an act done in the name of humanity.
 The growth of private fortunes Is creating in many of our people an ann bition for the social distinctions and privileges which exist under other forms of government, and exciting in the poorer classes feelings of envy and bitterness, while labor carelessly de- mands before the doors of corporate power it's real or fancied rights and re- wards.
 Perhaps the greatest danger to our system of government and liberties lies in the growing indifference to public affairs of large portion of our we'll meaning and educated citizens. The day when the caucus and primary voiced the verdict of the party in the choice of candidates is gone, and be- lieve gone forever, and they serve now only to record the wishes of the profess sional politicians.
 Other causes of discord and discon- tent exist, and other dangers which threaten us might be named, had not the discussion of them long since been rendered familiar to those I address, by the secholors, writers and statesmen of New England. For here, as in no other section of our country have the teach ing and wise counsels of the fathers