The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1896-12-23

TIE historical review @ possible prece-
dents FOR rsccgu King the Independence o.
Casz made By TIRE foreign relations cam
rristee cf the senate IS very interesting.
bat nos qusse cozciEsive. Behind sI the
p-etext4 sought b. powerful nations 20
coercs weaker ores. always iay the cues
ton FIRST % sels-ln.ersst AID next or op-
Yors8neresz. The recognizing nation. hav-
ing frs, become convinced that Il was
wise for 4 20 take that step. took -. ard
tsen invented excuses. II an excuse be
all that Is needed. fhis country Is not be-
hind AIRY European government N In
geuuity % phrase0iogy or fertility OF IN
ysntiou. Ire question Is not whether we
should be justified. but whether II would
Be tho best policy.
Even In the citation OF the case Of
England recognizing the civil war.
eansfazces as 10 make Il very In
appropriate. EngIand's act was 90
recognize a condition OF public war be-
tween the United States and certain other
states. That vas a FACT II IS not a fact
that Cuba IS independent Of Spain. In the
other case. too. the states AZ war each
had an organized government. perfect ard
complete. recognized by the United States,
with which they were az war. The recog-
milton Of the beliigerency OF these states
may not have been a friendly act. but II
did not, by resolution. declare something
IN !
srnsnent OF Cuba Is not pretending to act;
the real civil authority directing the Gu
ban movement Is the 5unta IN New York.
Even the pretense OF a government is rot
maintained az any point where other
governments could hold communication
with Il.
The resolution OF Senator Hill is far
better in keeping than that OF Senator
Cameron with the existing conditions. He
recites that cit Is hereby declared that a
state Of public war exists In Cuba. and
that the parties thereto are entitled to
and are hereby ACCORDED bel-iserent
rights. and the United States viii pre-
serve strict neutrality" The construc-
ton is little faulty. 1t would seem bet
ter to recl,e that ''it Is hereby recognized
that q state Of war exists" and then TO
| declare that the parties are entitled to
the rights OF belligerents. This IS pre-
| llminary to recognition OF an indepen-
| dent government when it shall have be-
come an established fact. IL has the adj
| vantage OF being in accord with our pol
fey when the other Spanish provinces
sought to throw OF the authority of
European sovereignty. Such resolution
does no more than recognize q fact which
Is. by its maIefo influence on our COM
merce. forced upon our notice.
But Is it for the interest Of our govern
ment or for the best interests Of Cuba 20
recognise belligerency and declare neu-
does not have to interfere 20 prevent the
departure from our ports OF vessels bear
Ing ammunition. Spain Insists that we
shall be unfriendly II We permit recosni-
| ton OF the bslligerents. IL We are not
| 10 know that a state OF war exists, why
should We seek TO interrupt the commerce
| which has proceeded hitherto without mo-
1 leStAtoDE II. as appears Dy the |tSISlon
Of our own highest court. vessels and mu-
| nltlons Of war may be sold TO either party
to civil war after belligerency IS de-
clared. why should that not oe lawful
when there Is no official cogn!zaRce of q
war;
| II IS urged by the Cuban authorities
| that recognition would enable the Junts
to fcat loan IN this country. But do we
want TO induce our people to lend then
money Ia cause 50 uncertain that we
cannot positively recognize IT'S independ-
emf responsibility for repayment? A
! present, too. Spain can be held TO account
| for damages to American property 81
| Cuba. but under a recogn3ts ton Of belliger.
| ency we would be between two fires. ant
our chances Of recovering damages woull
/ be very slight.
II we are 20 be guided by spirit OF hu
/ man.ty. al such considerations can b,
cast to the Winds. II We are preparet
and wiling 20 risk a sacrifice In the caus,
/ Of freedom. the form of the resolution
! cuts very little figure. But are wei
/