New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1896-09-25
MR. BRYAN AT BROOkLYN.

Mr.. Bryan really Improves, dS Wv Wv ""''
cation of his supporters and the dis'h'egra'ion
of the force behind him become more COM
plete. He did not dispense his audiences In
Brooklyn, which were not merely OF the sieh'-
seeing kind. and were evidently in sympathy
with him. and he actually approached reasoha-
able argument more nearly than In any other
speech for some weeks. 1t is compliment 10
him to say that some of his points merit notice
As long az he confined himself TO open OF
scarcely yelled appeals to the prejudice of pow
erty against wealth, workers against EN-
ployers, or section against section he deserved
nothing but contemptuous silence or indignant
censure
The carefully studied defence of the Chicago
platform may deude some minds not familiar
with the rIghtful distinction between Interior
ing with the domestic affairs of State and
the execution of the laws of the United States
1t was adroit in Mr.. Bryan, but amazingly i'm
pudent. to quote Abraham Lincoln as an OPP
moment of the enforcement Of United States
laws within State limits. as II every step taken
Nv Mr.. Lincoln in suppression of the rebellion
had not been met by seceSsOnists and their
sympathizers with exactly the same plea which
Mr. Bryan now sets up. Wherever United
States laws are violated it is the sworn duty
of the President to enforce them. though every
man in a State from the Governor down par
ticpates In the violation. That is not Interior
ING with the domestic affairs Of a State which
the Republican platform of 1860 cersured. and
Mr.. Bryan Is pitifully ignorant Of history and
of law If he does not know 1t.
Not more sound Is Mr. Bryans attempt to
make public condemnation Of the fancy dec-
sion regarding human slavery an excuse for
the Chicago proposal TO reconstruct the SUI
preme Court in order to rcpudiate National ana
private obligations and debase the currency.
The Republicans of 1860 rightly denounced per
versions of judicial power, because no ques-
ton before the Court at the time gave it even
decent excuse for the sweeping decision which
it rendered in the interest OF pro-slavery
political party. Mr.. Lincoln rightly held that
such a perversiOn of power could In no way
Obligate the voters of the country in the exer-
else of their political rights. Neither does any
body now claim that these voters are In the
least restrained from seeking to elect Congress
men who will endeavor to devise n mode OF
taxing incomes which the courts will regard
as not unconstitutional. But the proposal to
reconstruct or pack the Court by act OF Con-
gress, so that it shall reverse its decision, is a
very different matter If Mr.. Bryan does not
know that, he is amazingly unfit to hold any
high office, and If he does, he is as unscrupu-
lous in trying to deceive the people as any
demagogue in the country.
When Mr. Bryan crticises the sale Of United
States bonds through a syndicate Of bankers,
he finds many who agree that the method was
erroneous, although the object Of the sale was
honorable. But this campaign does not turn
upon the question whether Secretary Carlisle
or President Cleveland erred in judgment
1
employ the aid of the syndicate in order to
place the bonds. Whether they were mistaken
or not has nothing to do with the question
whether 1t Is or Is not reputation TO pay SO
cents for every 100 cents borrowed by the Gov
eminent and promised to the lender. Whole
volumes Of harsh language about the course
chosen by the Administration will not in the
slightest degree affect the decision Of ntei-
gent men respecting the only issue that now
remains namely that Of National good faith
and integrity, and 1t is not the part Of an hon
est man to excite popular feeling against the
mode Of selling bonds, as a pretext for getting
voters to favor their population.
Mr.. Bryan's defence of his free-coinage plat
form more bold, more unguar1ed, more
calculated 10 catch the ears Of an excited audi
ence not too we'll Informed, than any other he
has made in the campaign. He does not even
attempt to deny that the silver mne-Owners
would be enriched, but declares that they bless
the country by pouring out the metal. He
does not attempt to deny that there might be
an enormous increase in the production of sill
yer, but contents himself with saying, THAT is
"guesswork; we do not legislate on possb-
ties But, Mr.. Bryan, this is not the truth.
Exactly what you propose Is to act on the
guess that free coinage will make silver worth
81 30 per ounce In gold. This great Nation,
with the livelihood and happiness Of many
millions of families and workers, is asked 10
stake the whole upon Mr. Bryan's unsupported
guess. He may rest assured that the people
will not take crazy risk.