The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1896-09-12

wise Interfere with the exercise of it's law
full powers The fact that there are within
that territory other governments, exercis-
ing sovereignty over all matters not so
committed to it can make no difference
under double form of government. the es-
sential principle of which is a partition Of
powers to be exercised Independently over
the same territory.
This sovereign right of the United
States necessarily follows its officers and
agents everywhere they go, protecting and
1r.aintaining them in the discharge of their
duty. Congress has accordingly, by Section
5z97 of the Revised Statutes, authorized
the President to use the armed forces or
the government in aid of State authorities
when requested by them. as provided IN the
Constitution, and has also by the following
section, 529s authorized him to employ such
forces upon his own Judgment alone,
against unlawful distractions, combina-
tions assemblages of persons, in what
the United States may be forcibly opposed
or the execution thereof forcibly OBJ
structed.
A. DANGEROUS DOCTRINE.
ut was under the power conferred by the
section last named that the late rebellion
was suppressed. Mr.. Bryan's doctrine that
this law is unconstitutional is more danger
Gus than that of secession. The latter, at
least, left the government some power and
authority in the territory Of the States
which should choose to remain. Mr.. Bry-
ans would reduce it to the idle mimicry of
the stage.
1T was no more intended to make the
general government dependent upon the
States with respect to the matters commit
ted to it than to make the States subject
to the general government with respect TO
the rights deserved to them. As the gem
eral government is authorized to maintain
regular army and navy. which the States
cannot do, and as the mill ia of all the
States is subject to the direct call of the
President, ii was natural chat the States
should be made to call on i for aid against agar e
should call or wait on tnem for protection
to itself.
What have said is well known to law
yers and students of the Constitution 1t
IS chiefly intended for the people at large
before whom the subject has now been
brought.
II will recall in this connection the fol-
lowing resolution proposed by the Hon
John w. Daniel, of Virginia, who was presi-
dent of the convention which nominated
Bryan, w wis was passed by the Senate
July II, 1894 Congressional Record, page
5000, without apparent dissenal:
. Resolved, That the Senate indorses the
prompt and vigorous measures adopted by
the President of the United States and the
members of his administration 20 repulse
and reDress, by military force, the inter-
ference of lawless men with the due pro-
of the laws of the United States with
the transportation of the mails OF the
United States and with commerce between
THE action of the President and his ad,
ministration has the full sympathy and
people of the United States, and he will be
supported by all departments of the gov
of the entire Nation
lit must be that Mr.. Bryan; amid the
has fallen into inadvertence. / cannot
believe that he really thinks the President
has no power under the Constitution and
laws to maintain the government intrusted
TO his charge. Nor can L believe that Mr..
Bryan means to promise, to make.
permit others to think he has promised not
to interfere. if he should be elected and the
situation of the riots of 1894 should arise
during his term will not lightly question
either his knowledge a lawyer or his
sincerity as a pubic man. Certainly his
letter is generally misunderstood, unless it
means either that Mr.. Bryan thinks the
President has no power or that he would
himself not use it If elected.
''JUDSON HARMON"