The weekly Thibodaux sentinel and journal of the 8th Senatorial District. [volume] (Thibodaux, Lna. [i.e. La.]) 1875-1898, 1896-07-25

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apo the mind Of the student is that
there are tw" kinds OF protection :
protection which protects the manu-
at the expense Of all others,
includidg the laborer employed in the
protected industry, and protection
which, protects both the manufacturer
and the labOrer. at the expense of all
others.
High protect M is that which pro-
tects the manufacturer at the expense
all others, including the laborer. 1t is
protection for the sake nf protection.
This is the Republican theory. 1t
found it's highest realization in the
enactment Of the Mckinley Bill. The
higher the duty is the better it pro-
tects the manufactures, and it attalns
perfection when it reaches the p0ln1
where foreigners cannot import their
goods in competition with ours
without loss. The nearer it comes T."
this point Of perfection, the less it
protects the lahnrtr. for the more ii
puts it in the power of the manufactu-
Itrs t" combine. and to regulate the
productions and to control the wages.
The higher the protection, the more
the protected industry is stimulated
and in proportion as it is stimulated,
labor is attracted tn it at first. until
the supply Of labor exceeds the
demand, and tile wages are in time
lowered.
AS IL practical illustration of the
correctness of these propositions we
refer to the many strikes. l%nck-onts,
and labor troubles which followed
qnick in the wake Of the Mckinly
Bill. These events are vet too fresh
TO have passed from the memory Of
of th~eaveIage voter.
Dut tliis is not all. under high pro-
lection. manufacturers are empowered
to cnrner the market. to regulate the
production, and to fix tie prices at
which their goods will be sold IN the
home market.
The manufacturers being actuated
by a spirit of greed, and having prac-
ticallv Il monopoly Of the home mraket
never fail to fix the prices at the high
est notch.
AS a consequence, Americans have
to pay twice as much for American
manufactured goods, as these same
goods sell for abroad. The laborer
who is Il consumer has to bear his
share Of this extra burden in the cost
OF the very goods, which lie is told
are so highly protected for his benefit.
Nay, more, as a consumer. he requires
other goods equally highly protected.
and the prices Of which have been
likewise artiticially raised to a high
point. and he must pay the advanced
, prices Of those goods, too. There is
still another danger staring him ia the
face the stimulus impaired to the
highly protected industry attracts
foreign labor, and there is no ade-
quate provisions made and there can
be none. unless VT build up a veri-
table Chinese Wall all around our
coast, to protect him against the COM
petition Of these foreigners.
High protection, then. protects the
manufacturer at the expense of .le
labnrers employed by them. as we'll as
of the agriculturisrs and the vast class
of consumers employed in other avo-
cations of life, u~uconnected witt.
manufacture.
This extreme in the practical ap-
pllcatiOn of the tariff to everyday life
and its r~esnltantevil effects were recog
nized and condemned by so distin-
guished a Republican Statesman as
the late James A. Garfield. who in a
speech on tariff revision delivered in
1870, said:
"We have seen that one extreme
school of economists would place the
price of all manufactured articles in
the hands Of foreign producers by
rendering it impossible for nur manu-
factnrers to compete with them /:
while the other extreme school. ~
making if impossible for the foreigner
t" sell his competing wares in our
market. would give the people no
| immediate check upon the prices which
our manufacturers might fix for their
products. | disagree with both these
extremes.
| hold that a properly adjusted com
petition between home and foreign
products is the best gauge by which
to regulate international trade. Dn-
ties should be 50 high that our mann
%facturers can fairly compete with the
foreign prodrct, but not 50 high IS to
enable them to drive ont the foreign
article, enjoy a monopoly Of the trade
and regulate the prices as they please.
This is my doctrine of production.
If Congress pnrsues this line of policy
steadily ac shall year by gear approach
more nearly to tie basis Of FREE TRADE
because ace shall be more nearly able to
compete mH other nations on equal
| terms. ON for q ur0fecfinn lcLicL