The record-union., 1896-11-12

We are now told that we must not
say anything about Mr.. Sewall; we
must not explain to the people wherein
he is AN Objectionable candidate, and
we must not mention the fact that he
is a national banker, bondholder, a
railroad magnate, Il corporation mill
lonalre, an enemy to organized labor
beneficiary of trusts, seeker after sub
sides for the merchant marine, and
protectionist OF the Mckinley variety
These things must be kept from the
people, | am told. Why? Have not
the voters the right to know for whom
they are voting?
Both Kansas and Colorado are Pop
ulist States, and yet the Populist NOM
inees are not to receive a single elec-
toral vote in either State. The Demo-
cratic ticket, Bryan and Sewall, will
receive them all In Kansas the peo-
pie have been soothed by the assurance
that the Sewall Electors will vote
for Watson, provided Watson gets more
votes elsewhere than Sewall gets Thus
the Populists in Kansas and Colorado
have been disfranchised; worse than
that, they have been delivered to a
fusion where none of their votes count
for the Populist ticket. They might as
we'll vote for Sewall, and thus violate
their principles.
In North Carolina, where fusion had
been arranged with the Republicans on
the State and county ticket and with
the Democrats on the national ticket,
Mr. Sewall gets a majority of the Ellec-
tors. North Carolina is supposed to be
a Populist State. Upon that idea she
was allowed ninety-five votes in our
national convention. The fact that in
North Carolina we have now conceded
a majority Of the Electors to Mr.. Sewall
would indicate that our vote in North
Carolina has undergone a disastrous
Shrinkage since our national conven-
tion adjourned, or that the national
ticket has been used for mercantile pur
poses.
Senator, reform party has no right
to exist, if it has no valid complaint to
make. Populsts cannot denounce the
sins of the two old parties, and yet go
into political partnership with them.
| The moment we make treaty the war
must cease. And when we cease our
war upon the two old parties we have
10 longer any excuse for living. When
ever right compromises with wrong it
is the right which suffers.
The Democratic managers seem to
resent as a strange piece of imperti
nence the fact that the Populists dared
to nominate a ticket differing at the
rear end from theirs. Coming to them
With two million they were begging for
ana piteously needing, l can say with
a perfect assurance of telling the un-
qualified truth that my arrival on the
/ field of battle has not been welcomed
as heartily as Blucher was received by
Wellington at Waterloo. They want
my reinforcements, but they do not
want me to lead them. They need
Blucher's troops, but they draw the line
at Blucher. That was hardly fair either
10 BIucher or his troops, nor was it the
lest way to defeat Napoleon
For this attitude on the part of the
Democratic managers, believe that you,
Senator, are largely responsible. I be-
lieve that you made no effort 20 have
me recognized. You publicly stated
that l would not be notified of my
nomination. You went into the fusion
policy. over my written protest, with
all the zeal of a man who wanted to
elect the Democratic ticket. In this
think you We're wrong. AS Chairman
of the Popu1ist party. you should do
all you could to elect the Populst. You
should demand the withdrawal of Mr.
Sewal.
Il have a letter of yours in which you
state that the Democratic Committee
expected you to make the demand, but
you did not make it. Their double pur-
| pose is to couple the election with the
complete destruction of the Peoples
! party. They mean to elect both Bryan
and Sewall-both or neither. They
cannot endure the thought that the
victory shall be shared by Populism
They are willing to use the Populist
nominee as lever to move popular
votes, but not as an ally who had any
rights they are bound to respect
The st. Louis compromise ticket
should have been insisted upon for two
reasons: First because Mr.. Bryan
cannot be otherwise elected; second
/ because the triumph of silver cannot be
otherwise assured.
1t is hardly necessary for me to say
! that | heartily indorse the platform
upon which / was nominated. In speech.
In pamphlets, / have for several years
indorsed every issue Populism raised
/ and my belief in them is so Well known
that L need not go into description Of
them here
THE pathway of duty is rarely car
peted with flowers. BY making myself
and the great party 1 represent mere
! foOtmat for Democratic managers to
/ wipe their feet upon / could win much
applause from that quarter But if
We're now lacking in the loyalty which
was expected of me when chosen,
would grieve the men who have honored
me, trusted me, defended me and loved
me. In this reform movement, to which
have devoted eight Of the best years of
my life. l have lost much-but my own
self respect has not been lost nor the re-
spect Of those principles ] represent and
" hose battles ] have fought
I did not seek this nomination, nor
desire 1t. Had / asked the Presidential
nomination 3f the Peoples party. and
gone to st. Louis to claim IT, no power
of the Democratic emissaries could
have kept it from me. 1t was out of
heartfelt desire to help unite all the re-
form forces. and at the same time to
save my party and its principles from
wreck, that | agreed to accept second
place on the compromise ticket. I
stood ready to join hands with Mr..
Bryan, and TO aid him in harmonizing
Populists and silver Democrats, and i'm
Nniting the South and the West to the
end that we might achieve a victory
against Mckinley and Mckinleyism.
Fusion with Bryan meant no sacrifice of
principle. Fusion With Sewall does.
No one regrets more profoundly than
I do that the Democratic managers have
81 sbarlad the On NINA ;.r,, th,4 - c.,.t,