The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1896-03-26
VERY PERPLEX|NG ENIGMA.
THE QUESTION IS HOW ARE
THEY GOING TO BEAT
M'KINLEY.
some Think THAT He IS A winner
Lead Off on the Anti-McKinley
Move-Reed for the Vice
Presidency.

Washington, March 19.-Presidential
politics continues to be the absorbing
topic of conversation in the National
capital. Just now interest is divided be.
tween the onslaught which is being made
on Mckinley, as the leader in the Repub-
lican contest, and the semi-official an.
nouncement of Secretaryq Carlisle's can
didacy. On the Republican side the
Dor is: "How are they going TO beat
Mckinley" The answers vary accord.
ing to the prejudices of individuals. Here
and there is man who still has faith in
the bosses, who still believes in the magic
power of manipulation. But as l have
already announced, the conservative
nOn-partisan opinion here is that Nc
Kinley has the prize practically within
his grasp. l am aware that anyone who
makes statement of this sort must ex.
pect to be set down at once as q "McKin-
ley boomer" Unjust as this accusation
is, it is what one has to face when he
courageOusly gives the truth of a situa-
ton as it is viewed by prominent men of
po,h pai.ieS WIN MAKE STUDY Oh pOlltl-
cal conditions. The writer certainly is
not Mckinley partisan, and if he be-
lieved Mr.. Allison or Mr. Reed was going
to win, and found conditions which war
ranted such belief, he would be quite
as free to say so as he is in the present
instance to predict the nomination of Mr..
Mckinley. from the facts ,as they are
known today. The writer has had fair
share of success in forecasting the action
| n M Of n L.
not think he is making mistake now.
AT the present moment the chances for
Mr.. Mckinley to beat the field are as
good as two to one.
1t is apparent to every one here that
Mckinley is the probable almost the
sure, winner. because he represents the
idea of protection in the minds of the
people, and because protection they want
one of Mr.. Reeds conspicuous friends.
lie spoke very frankly, though of course,
not for publication in connection with his
name He took a rather gloomy view of
the outlook for his favorite candidate,
and said: "The trouble is that every
man who has felt the pinch of hard
times wants Mckinley for president.
This is as true of the manufacturer and
business man as of the man who works
for wages. We have found it to be as
true of one part of the country as of
another. The people think they will
surely have good times again if they get
Mckinley in the White House. This ex-
plains Mr.. McKinley's wonderful popu-
larty in all sections. We think this is
mistake. We believe the people are
running wild at an idea which is not
practicable nor defensible: Mckinley
will no more bring good times or good
wages than any other Republican and he
is no better representative of the protec-
ton idea than Mr.. Reed or Senator ALI
son. But the craze for Mckinley and
McKinleyism his reached such a pitch
that it is impossible TO argue with the
people. Enthusiasm for Mckinley
springs up from the ground, and dele
gates for him are elected with the great
est ease. If this craze continues 60 days
longer Mr.. Mckinley will be nominated
on the first ballot"
These remarks were made 10y as sincere
and manly man as the speaker is able
to count in his list of friends. They tell
the whole story, so far as the Mckinley
side is concerned. The other part of the
story is the desperate efforts which are
being made to change the current. There
is concerted movement here to attack
Mckinley at every possible point. 1t is
a spasm of desperation-the desperation
of men who feel that they have lost their
fight because they could not wait 10 ascer-
tain what public sentiment was before
making their plans. Plat, Quay & Co.
set out upon the assumption that public
sentiment did not amount to anything,
that there was no need of finding out
what it was, and that the only requisite
of success was the combination of enough
political bosses to gather in a majority of
the delegates. The wonder is that these
experienced politicians should have made
such a blunder after their disastrous eX-
pertinent in the same line four years ago.
There seems to be no force in the adage
that the burnt child breads fire.
Senator Chandler was easily induced
to become the first spokesman of this
organized attack upon Mckinley.
Chandler likes nothing so much as n
light. He likes to keep things stirred
up all the time. When he can find no
one in the opposition to direct his bat
teries upon he selects some one in his
own party. If there is nothing else to
light with. he picks out Il railroad COM
pany and makes war on that. When
the anti-McKinley decided to start up
open hostilities, to make an effort to
create bitterness between the factions
which might prevent McKinley's sue
cess, they naturally turned to Chandler
as their orator. Chandler liked the role
and accepted it eagerly. But his fulmi-
nation has met with so little response,
is so generally frowned upon by con-
servative Republicans. that it is doubt
full if any other prominent man will care
to follow his example. There are plenty
of men who would like to do so, but few
of them dare. 1t is the intention of the
combination managers to attack Nc
Kinley on the ground that his personal
financial affairs are open to criticism,
if they can only find any one mean
enough to make the assault Their
hope and scheme is, as they say them
selves. ito work up a feeling against
Mckinley as bitter as that which beat
Blaine in 1876 and Grant in $780,
Senator Carter of Montana, who is
chairman of the National Republican
committee. was asked today what he
thought of this effort to work up a fac
tional war within the party. Il think
it is very reprehensible," said Mr.. Car
ter. 1T is poor politics. desperate pol
tics. and | am surprised to see promi-
nent Republicans engaging in it, The
attack upon Mr.. Mckinley because some
of his personal friends and admirers are
having the legitimate expenses of his
is ridiculous. 1t is puerile.
1t is a matter to be laughed at and not
taken seriously. l do not think the
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