The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1896-08-21

however eminent, nor the the usages of indi-
vidual states-none of these, nor all combined
constitute international law.
But, while maintaining this position
agree with Woolsey when he says that If in
ternational law were not made up OF rules
for which reasons could be given satisfactory
to mans intellectual and moral nature It
would not deserve the name of a science
Happily. those reasons can be given. Happily,
men and nations propose to themselves higher
and still higher ethical standards The ulti-
mate aim in the actions of men and of COM
munities ought and l presume will be ad-
| mitted to be to conform to the divine precept:
DO unto others as you would that others
do unto you"
have said that the rules of international
law are not to be traced with the comparative
d1stinctness with which municipal law may
pe ascerta1ned-although even this Is not
always easy. l would not have it, however un-
derstood that I should today advocate codi-
ncation OF international law. 1t is in state
OF growth and transition. To codify it would
De to crystalline it; uncodified 1t is more
nexlble and more easily assimulates new
rules While agreeing, therefore, that inde-
terminate points should be determined and
that we should aim at raising the ethical
! standard do not think we have vet reached
the point at which codifcation is practicable,
or II practicable would be a public good
turning to the later tendencies which
characterize International law, which,
ne said, were their greater humanity,
Lord Russell said:
When Menelek, emperor of Abyssinia was
recently reDorted to have cut off the right
arms and feet of 500 prisoners, the civilized
world felt thrill of horror. Yet the time was
Wnen to treat prisoners as slaves and perma-
nently disable them from again bearing arms,
were regarded as common Incidents of bel
hgerent capture. Such acts would once have
excited no more indignation than did the In
hlumanities Il Of the African slave trade before
the Gays or ClarkSon and Wilberforce.
| Let us hope that it is no longer possible to
| do as Louis XIV. did in his devastation of the
palatinate, or do as he threatened to do-break
| md I1o1-1,
the low countries. Let US hope, too that no
modern Napoleon would dare to decree as the
nrst Napoleon did in his famous or infamous
Seront brulees edict of 1910. The force of pub
! lie opinion is too strong and it has reached a
higher moral plane.
A bare recital of some of the important re-
spects IN which the evils of war have been
mitigated by more humane customs must sllf-
nee. Among them are: a. the greater i'm
munlty from attack of the persons and prop-
cry OF enemy subjects in hostile country !;
" the restrictions imposed on the active op-
eratlons OF a belltgerent when occupying an
enemy's country; (3) the recognized distinction
Det"een subjects Of the enemy, combatant and
non -combatant; (D the Difference accorded to
carteis, safe conducts and flag of truce: () the
protectIon secured for ambulances and hospit-
aus aus ana 1or all engaged in tending the sick
ana Wounded-of which the Geneva Red Cross
convention of 1864 is notable Illustration; (6)
the condemnation of the use of instruments of
WARFARE which cause needless suffering.
In the Held of humane work the United
StateS TOOK prominent part. When the
civil War broke out President Lincoln was
prompt In lntrusting Prof. Franz Lieber the
outy OF preparing a manual of systematized
rules Tor the conduct of forces in the field
rules aimed at the prevention of those scenes
Oh cruelty and rapine which were formerly a
ulsgrace to humanity. That manual has T
Deleve, been utilized by the governments of
England, France and Germany
Even more important are the chanpes
wrought IN the position of netutrals in war
times; who, while bound by strict oblieations
OF neutrality, in great measure left free
ana unrestricted in the pursuit of peaceful
trade. p"eoiui
SPIRIT OF WAR.
But In spite of all this who can saw that
these times breathe the spirit of peace? There
is war in the air. Nations armed to the teeth
prate OF peace, but there is no sense of peace
Our sovereign burthens the industry of his
people TO maintain military and naval arma-
ments at war strength and his neighbor does
tne ike and justifies it by the example of the
otner; and England, insular though she he
with ner imperial interests scattered the world
over, follows, or Is forced to follow In the
wake. II there be no war there is at best an
armed peace. Figures are appalling I take
those for 1885. In Austria the annual cost of
army and navy was in round numbers. Els :
OVO,U0O; IN France, f37. .000 90; in GERMANY f27 :
uVo,UUU; IN Great Britain, f36, 900, 900; in italy
tl5,Ooo, 600, and in Russia. f52, ,0O0 0O0
IL is no wonder that men-earnest men-en-
tnuslasts II you like, impressed with the evils
OF war, have dreamed the dream that tbe
millennium of peace might be reached hy es
taDlshlng universal system of international
arpitration- The. cry for peace is an old
world cry. 1t has echoed through all the ages
ana arnitration. has long been regarded as the
nandmaiden of peace. Arbitration has indead
venerable history of its own Accordino ~
|. Continued ON Sixth PAGE