The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1896-11-12

only do so for the purpose of eXpressin!
my belief that the controversy is at al
end. (Cheers.) 1t is often surprising b!
what voice obvious arrangements of grea
difficulties are solved, and in the continen
which Columbus discovered the traditions
of Columbus and the egg should be re
versed. In the discussions we have haC
with the United States on behalf of thei
friends in Venezuela the question has no
been whether there should be arbitration
but whether the arbitration should hay,
unrestricted application. We have al
ways claimed respecting those who, apar
from historic right, had the right which
| attaches the settled establishment, thai
the settled districts should be excluded
from arbitration. Our difficulty for many
months has been to find how to defend the
| settled districts and the solution has
| come, | think, from the country Mr.. Bay
ard represents. in the suggestion that we
should treat the colonial empire just as
| we treat individuals; that the same lapse
| of time which protects individuals III civic
life from having their title questioned
should also protect the English colony
| from having its title questioned, and
where that lapse of time could not be
claimed, though there should be an eX-
| animation of the title, yet all that equity
| demanded in consideration of such titles
should be granted. 1t is very simple So
| luton and | believe it is not using unduly
sanguine words when ! say'l believe it
| has brought the controversy to an end.
| at is a matter of no small satisfaction
| to this government at a time when
anxious social questions, which are of far
more Importance than political questions,
| are troubling America, and therefore
| troubling the rest of the world. that we
| should remove from the board at all
events any semblancc of political differ
| ence which might hinder our common
action in defense of the common heritage
| of society.
"We have had an anxious year in the
foreign office, but we have tloated into
period of comparative calm. Unfortu-
nately, one matter has not passed by
That is, the troubles in Turkey"
Continuing, Lord Salisbury said that
he believed that the people of Great
Britain were now virtually unanimous
against isolated action; that a worse
course could not be taken to benefit the
Armenans. If it was merely wished to
pursue course to punish or worry the
Turkish government Great Britain mad
abundant means of doing so, but if they
had n higher wish to rescue Christian
people from disagreement they must
seek to draw into cooperation as many
nations of the world as possible. If it
was desired to use force in Turkey, the
fleet would not suffice. Military occupa-
ton alone would not be effective, and the
latter would be large undertaking. He
would not pretend to say what Great
Britain might do in case she exhausted all
her forces, but they wished military
occupation requiring very large army
The talk of Great Britain's exhibition
of incapacity was absurd. Great Brit
ain would not use a great army If she
did not have one: therefore, said the
prime minister, he hailed with great sat
isfacton the indications that public opin-
ion had been aroused by the atrocious
horrors of which the Turkish government
had been guilty. Yet he recognized that
the most fitting instrument of reforms
was not an army on an island 1000 miles
off. 1t might be done by others. There
fore, the only wise course he saw was
an adherence to the European concert.
If the European states were willing to
act, they had means of action which
Great Britain did not possess. If they
were unwilling to act and if they OBJ
jected to isolated action by Great Brit
ain, there was not only great risk of fail
ing in the undertaking, but the risk of
bringing about the frightful horrors of
80, 49, o.. ID ;.; , L,,,,;I;a4oJ
% thao LII t i,nn va" a. ntInm ~
IL snr ctuiu d no. ersuauG rie oemrn ne
pJ Tor5 Soi iI "d dom"rrnJ ontirnlY hc
al So 10 ;'loo th"t tho, r,ara AHA
to bend the councils and forces of gi
gontic emnires to whotevcr course Grcnt
britain thoupbt desirable,
IT, 1o,;o1 .I,,,4 .I,o,. ..;, f,,,
selfish principles in not interfering act
neiy III urhei. my WIZ ,ht .,ue,veS S
oL thc interests ~ hus. pop9ia'i " anu
.ney Will w urrpts '"ip'p ic - i'i T,'
interests were nGsioc'e9. ~ Scnea ,';t n;
I1peun WMt ihisre ih'o ,i ,etii.ori az
GT,nunses' 'i'"''s "hec'''s 'he "'''o'iS Vi
EUROPE
You can not expect these nations
Lord Salisbury, proceeded to say, TO re-
gard the problem in the same philan-
throplc spirit as you in your splendid $50
laton. You may consider them dila-
tory, but you must confess that they
have good motives for prudence. we
have been told by Mr.. Courtney and
Mr.. Morley Opposition leaders, that we
might influence the powers of our way
of thinking by abandoning Egypt. and
Cyprus. That is pretty ana almost
idyllic conception of international policy,
but l do not believe in it.
"And | nav say in connection with the
eastern problem that we see no cause
to abandon the policy hitherto pursued