The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1896-05-23

the report Those on the subject of re-
ligious liberation, the Monroe Doctrine,
and the advantage of our pursuing our old
policy of maintaining friendly relations
with all powers, 'entangling alliances with
none, were most forcibly and clearly pre-
sented.
The committee dissented from the Pres
ident ON his right to institute the mission
without the previous advice and consent
of the Senate. Tie President contended
that he had the right, but deemed it ad-
visable to waive the right and ask advice.
The committee continded the right of the
Senate to decide directly upon the expe-
dience of this neac mission, eontending
that while ac,o mission was instituted it
was the creation of an Office, not the filling
of vacancy, and that the Senate alone
had the right to decide the expediency Of
the Office itself
Such is partial review of the Panama
Mission. No question of its time excited
more heat and discussion, or more feeling
between President and Senate, than this
proposed mission to the congress of Amer
lean nations at Panama and no heated
question ever died cut as quickly. The
chief benefit derived from it, the frmness
maintained by minority, of the old policy
of the United States, the avoidance of
complicated alliances, and the view of the
Monroe Doctrine, from so complete a
source as President John Adams.
THE SEIZURE OF CUBA.
In the rupture between Spain and
France in the year 1923, which we have
noted in the commencement of this article,
and the year of the births of the doctrine,
rumors became prevalent that it was the
intention of France to wrest Cuba from
the former country These rumors ex-
cited the American people to such de-
gree that John Quincy Adams, then Sec
retary of State, wrote the United States
Minister in Spain, informing him of the
concern felt in this country in the question
of the possession of this important island,
and directed him to thoroughly investigate
the matter and to look after the interests
of the United States in regard to this sub
ject.
In the hands of a weak nation like
Spain, Cuba was no menace to America,
but once in the possession of strong power
like France, it became radically different,
and Adams plainly intimated that Amer
lea would never allow Cuba to change for
eign ownership, or otherwise pass into the
possession of any other European power,
as such procedure would be clearly vio-
lated by the power of purchasing or seiz-
ing the island, thereby extending their
territory"
In the month of June, 1913, and the
last year of the Polk administration, the
United States, fearing that perhaps some
foreign power would find pretext to wrest
Cuba from Spain, through her Secretary
of State, James Buchanan, directed the
American Minister at Madrid to offer tho
Spanish government 800, 600, 900 for
the island The proposition was promptly
rejected by the Spanish Ministry. A year
later, upon the accession of the Wing
party to power, John NJ. Clayton, Sccre-
tary of State, wrote to the United States
Minister in Spain, that the offer for the
purchase of Cuba would not be renewed,
as the country was divided upon the sub
ject of the acquisition, the South favoring
it upon the account of the increase in slave
area which it would bring, and the North
opposing it for the same reason.
In the meantime, number of filibus-
tiers. believing that its annexation would
prove advantageous to the United States,
and that its inhabitants only awaited for
an opportunity to throw off the yoke of
the mother country, prepared to make an
armed descent upon the beautiful island,
now nearly all that remained to Spain of
the grand empire in the West Indies.
President Taylor, in a proclamation
issued August l1th, 1949, cautioned his
fellow citizens against violating the neu-
trality laws of the nation by engaging in
any such enterprise.
His warning, however, was disregarded
by number of men who had planned the
expedition under the leadership of Gen.
Lopez In May, 1850, the first body of
filibusters landed on Cuban soil, but find
ing neither the Cubans or the Spanish
soldiers disposed to join them, they reem-
barked and made their way to Key West,
Florida, closely pursued by Spanish
steamer.
In 1851 the attempt was again made,
and Lopez again landed in Cuba with a
large force of men, This time the Span
ish authorities were ready for him. He
was attacked, defeated and his army dis
persed, and he himself with number Of
his followers we're executed at Havana.
These attempts made on Cuba created
great anxiety in England and France that
the United States should seek by force to
annex the island to her domain They
accordingly proposed to America, in 1852,
to unite with them in 'triparite treaty,
by which each power should 'disclaim all
intention, both now and hereafter, to OBJ
tain the possession of the island Of Cuba
Edward Everett, Secretary of State at
that time under President Fillmore, de-
clined to enter into the proposed agree
ment, and in an able and forcible reply
took occasion to set forth the Monroe Doc
trine in the strongest terms, declaring that,
while the United States had no intention
of violating her good faith toward Spain,
she did not recognize in any European
powers the right of interferingin questions
that were purely American
Here the question rested; but there is
liability of its renewal at any date, if any
power should seek to obtain Cuba either
by force or purchase as such an exchange
would be an extension of their system and
territory on American soil The idea of
many of our extreme jingoists that we
should apply the Doctrine to Spain in the
case of the present rebellion in Cuba, is a
most absurd one, as Spain is in no wise
seeking to extend her territory but is hay
ing all she can do to hold on to her old
possessions.
The sympathies of the American can
justly and do go out to Cuba in her right
eous STRUGGLE for lust and humane gov