The Scranton tribune. [volume] (Scranton, Pa.) 1891-1910, 1896-10-08
DEVICE OF MANAGERS.

1t was always the device Of party
managers who are corruptly using
their power to charge that the re
formers who would purify the organ
fzation will destroy it. This simply
means that they will either rule or
ruin: but the threat deceives multi
tudes. who cannot see that attacking
false leaders Is not assailing the party.
Tens of thousands Of well-meaning
men believed that to assail slavery was
to endanger the Union. They could
not understand that. while the slave
holders We're shouting patrlotically to
the anti-slavery forces, IF you do not
stop this agitation you will dissolve
the Union," they meant "if you do not
leave slavery where 1t is and permit
its extension where it Is not, we will
break up the republic" 1t was Lin
coins task to make this clear, and
place the responsibility for secession
upon those who seeded and for re-
bellion upon those who rebelled, and
he did it with unequaled eloquence
and power.
Douglas knew the taste and temper
of the prevailing opinion, and played
upon 1t with consummate skill. He de-
clared the doctrine of "house divided
against itself was a declaration OF re-
lentless sectional war" He presented
with tremendous force the Union dis
solved by this crusade. the people and
their institutions buried i'm common
ruin. and peace, prosperity and perpet-
uity with the Union saved by his prin-
ciple of popular sovereignty. enabling
the people of the territories to settle
the slavery question for themselves.
He inllamed popular prejudice by de-
claring that phrase "all men are Great
ed equal in the Declaration of Inde-
pendence did not refer to negroes. and
If Lincoln's contention that 1t did pre-
vail. then there would he universal
negro equality. One of the most ef-
fective devices of the campaign was the
wagons loaded with the lovely girls
from prarie homes plaintively pro-
claiming by their banners that they
would not marry niggers. Lincoln's
answer was memorable and philosoph-
ic. It's calm assertion of a principle
rose far above the catch-penny artitice
of sophistical jugglery. He said: II
do not understand the Declaration Of
Independence to mean that all men are
created equal in all respects. They are
not equal in color. But l believe that
it does pean to declare that all men are
equal in their right to life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness"
As the great debate proceeded the
whole country became the audience.
The discussion RAPIDLY moulding pub
lie opinion. promoting patriotism and
dissolving parties. The people were
eager students in a national university.
with the two most eminent teachers of
their time preparing them for the i'm
pending crisis. Lincoln's views grew
broader and higher. He again sum-
noned his friends and admirers. He
submitted to them whether he should
ask and compel Douglas to answer the
question whether, notwithstanding
the Dred Scott decision had declared
that slavery was lawful in the territor-
les under the constitution. the people
of a territory could in any lawful way
exclude slavery from it's limits prior to
the formation Of q state constitutions"
This nakedly presented the deadly an
tagonism between the bred Scott de-
cision and the popular sovereignty"
of Douglas. LincOln's friends unanl-
mously advised against 1t. They knew
his answer would be that the decision
Of the supreme court could not enforce
itself. and therefore regardless of It
the people of the territories. by un-
friendly legislation and police regula-