The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1896-08-28

freSluent who DelleVeS ne must ASK toN-
ernor Altgeld or any other Governor of any
other State permission 10 enforce the laws
of the United States We have surrendered
the victory the boys won In lSol- tGre$'
applause.)
"Once we were told grave question was
raised whether the United States could
pass its troops through Kentucky 10 meet
a rebel army in Tennessee. My friends,
this constitutional question this division
between the general and local arthoritles.
is plain and easy one. A disturnan.e
which is purely local in a State is a State
affair. The President cannot send troops
or lend any aid unless the Legislature caiis
upon him for help. or the Governor, IL the
Legislature is not In session. But when
law of the United States is invaded and
broken 1t is the sworn duty of the Presi-
dent TO execute il. and this convention ar
ragns the President for doing what his
oath compelled him to do. (Applause)
THE ATTACK ON THE JUDICIARY.
Comrades of the great war for the
Union, sons of those who went out 10 bat
tie that the flag might not lose its lustre.
will we consent after these years (cries OF
NOD that that doctrine that was shot 10
death in the great war shall be revived and
made victorious in civil campaign? (Cries
of 'No!) But this assault does not end
there. The Supreme Court Of the United
| States and the federal lower courts are ar
| raigned because they used the familiar writ
| of injunction TO suppress violence, TO re-
| strain men from breaking the law. and that
| platform plainly means-I will show
| you that IL was understood in the conven-
| ton and in the committee on resolutions
| that the Democratic policy was that when
| the Supreme Court, exercising its constitu-
| tional power and duty. gave an lnterpreta-
| ton to law of the United States that was
| not pleasing to Congress. they would in
| crease the number of judges and pack the
court to get decision TO please them.
| Applause)
My friends, our fathers who framed this
| government divided its great powers be-
| tween three great departments-the legisla-
| tive, the executive and the judicial. 1t
| sought to make these independent. the one
| of the other, SO that neither might over
| shadow or destroy the other. The Supreme
| Court, the most dignified judicial body in
| the world tapplause). was appointed TO in
| terpret the laws and the Constitution, and
when that court pronounces n decree as to
| the powers of Congress or as TO any other
constitutional question. there is but one
| right method If we disagree. and that is
| the method pointed out by the Constitution.
| to amend IL to conform to views. That
| is the position to-day. Mr.. Hill said in his
| speech of this assault upon the court That
| the provision. if il means anything. means
| that it is the duty of Congress to recon-
| struct the Supreme Court of the country
| 1t means and now note his words. and it
| was openly avowed. that 1T means the add
| ing of additional members 10 it or the
turning out of office and reconstructing the
whole court; 1 will not follow any such
revolutionary step as that
| You are to answer then, my fellow
citizens, in all the gravity of great crisis.
| whether you will sustain a party that pro-
poses to destroy the balance which our
fathers instituted in our system of gov
| ernment, and wherever a tumultous Con-
gress disasrees with the Supreme Court
and subservient President is in the
| White House. that the Judgment Of the
| court shall be reconsidered and reversed
by increasing the number of judges and
packing the court with men who will de-
eide as Congress wants them 10. / cannot
eXaggerate the gravity and the Importance
and the danger of this assault upon our
constitutional form Of government.
| mating critics who ever wrote with a for
| eign pen about American affairs Mr.
| Bryce, in his American Commonwealth.
pointed out this danger: That the Consti-
| tuition did not fix the number of the Su-
! premc Court judges. and IL was possible
| for a reckless Congress and reckless ex-
| ecutor to subordinate and practically de-
| stroy the Supreme Court by the process
| L have just described. and the Englishman
after speaking of this says: What pre-
| vents such assaults on the fundamental
| law? Nothing but the fear of the people.
/ whose broad sense anu attachment TO the
| Constitution may be generally relied on to
condemn such perverSion OF its powers.
| (Applause)
Our English friend did not msjudge. /
| think. the sound good sense of the Amer
lean people when an issue like this is to
| be presented. Whatever the question is,
whether Mr.. Bryan's view of the constitu-
| tional question shall prevail or that of the
august tribunal appointed by the Consti-
| tuition TO settle IL. the courts are the de-
| have other resources. but the poor have
| not. The high-mnded. Independent judi
| ciary that will hold to the lines I'm question
rich and the poor. is the defense and Sc
| urity of the defenseless (Applause)
THE TARIFF QUESTION.
II do not intend to spend any time in
| the discussion of the tariff question. That
debate has been won (applause) and need
not be protracted. 1t means that 1t might
run on eternally upon theoretical lines.
We had had some experiences, but they
were historical, remote and not very in
structive to this generation. We needed an
| experience of our own, and we have had
it. Uaughter) IT has been hard lesson.
but very convincing one and everybody
was in the schoohouse when il was given.
Qaughter.) Mr.. Depew applause and
laughter). whose absolute accuracy and
| verify when he tells story you can
all bear witness to, in telling that story Of
| our talk on the White House steps. did
an unintentional injury to my modesty.
pose that any OF those influences that have
elevated American prosperity until the
| other record that had been made was at
| all significant or OIL consequence. As
have more than once said IL was con-
| troversy not of men-it was not question
| of what men controlled the government-it
| was wholly a controversy between Demo
| cratic followers and Republican followers.
and in this tariff debate IL IL is to 20 on
| we have history so fresh and recent his
| tory so indelibly written on the hearts and
| minds of our people. that certain things
| must be admitted and among those things
| is this historical fact: That in 1892 we had
| the most prosperous times the most gen.
| eral diffusion CT prosperity. the most uni
| versal participation Of prosperity and the
| highest mark o. prosperity we have ever
attained as a nation. tApplause) Now,
what has happened since? Then our busi-
ness prosperity was like the strong cur
rent of the mighty river: now IL js like a
fading spring I'm an August drouth. A
| panic in 1898 OF most extraordinary char
drying up. less and less and less, until uni
versal business distraction and anxiety
| prevails all over our community.
II do not believe that there has ever been
time. except. perhaps. in the very heat
of some active panic. when universal busi-
ness fear and anxiety and watchfulness
even to the point OF desperation. has char
to-day. (Applause.) Men have been afraid
TO go away for a vacation. They have felt
that they must every day, in this burning
heat, come into the city and watch their
business. That is the situation. What has
brought Ii about? Gentlemen. who is there
IL is good tariff measure n voice: No
bodytD j don't believe a Democrat can be
found to say that IL is. Mr.. Cleveland re-
pudiated il. IL was so bad that he would
not attach his official signature to 1t. and
it became law without il. he
said il was full of incongruitles and ine-
Qualities. and il Was better one than he
plause.)
RESULT OF DEMOCRACY'S LAW.
What has been the result OF that meas