The record-union., 1896-12-20

Spain was their suzerain. In our revo-
one side. Great Britain stoutly declared
Paul Jones to be a pirate, because he
was British subject under commission
from revolving colonies, and Denmark
agreed to this. In the South American
revolutions the concessions of belliger-
ent rights were given freely by neutrais,
most freely given by the United States,
and, as for proclamations, our Govern
ment went SO far as to issue one in 1883
for the prevention of unlawful inter-
ference in the civil war in Canada,
where no civil or military organization
had been set up. The true time for issu-
ing such declaration, if it is best to
issue it at all, is when revolt has its
organized Government prepared by law
for war on either element or both, and
when some act involving the open in
tention and the fact of war has been
performed by one or both of the par
ties. Here are two facts, the one po-
litical, the other pertaining to the acts
of political body. The fact of war is
either declaration of war or some
or blockade, or. it may be, actual con-
test"
Inquiry Of competent authorities goes
to show that recognition from a legal
point of view would be of greater value
to them morally than materially.
This moral force probably would man
ifest itself in enabling the new republic
to float a loan in the markets of the
world and thus obtain the sinewS of
war in abundance, for with the power
full backing given by this implied i'm
preston of our faith in the ability of
the insurgents to achieve and maintain
their independence there can be little
doubt capitalists would take up such
an attractive loan.
Then the CubanS would be repre-
sented in Washington. by a fully ac-
credited Minister and Legation in place
of the unofficial representation they are
now obliged to be content with. If the
Cubans could could manage to put forth
warships or even privateers, their flag
would admit them to United States
ports under the protection of the neu-
trality laws, though it is true our Gov
ernment, having in mind the Geneva
award, could not tolerate the fitting
out of such privateers originally in our
own ports. However, the privateers
could. bring their prizes into our ports
and would no longer be kept from the
seas by fear of denunciation as pirates.
Furthermore, as this recognition of
independence would involve the recog
milton of a state of war, neither the
Spanish Government nor the Cubans
would be permitted to equip warships
or military expeditions in the United
States. and this country would observe
strict neutrality toward both parties,
just as it did between China and Japan
in their late war
One i'll effect upon the United States
itself of the proposed action would be
the total loss of all the claims for in
demnity for American property de-
stroyed during the insurrection which
may now lie against Spain. for our ac-
ton would relieve her at once of re-
sponsibility. AS the Spaniards them
selves however, are prepared to prefer
large claims against the United States
for the damage wrought by filibustering
expeditions, this loss in measure may
be offset. OF course, too, by recogniz-
the island we would be able to hold
them responsible for further losses of
this character.
All of these gains to the Cubans,
after all, are largely theoretical in
value What the insurgents undoubt-
edly expect and ardently hope for, in
the opinion of the State Department
people, is the precipitation of war be-
tween the United States and Spain, as
the latter power more than once has in
timated that such action on our part
as the recognition of the independence
of the Cubans would be an unfriendly
act, and such authorities as Wharton
concede that itwould be a sufficient
casus belli
Secretary Olney's statement was re-
ceived in the House of Representative
without any manifestation of surprise.
a few members thought that the Sec
retary's announcement raised a grave
constitutional question, and Pierson of
North Carolina commented on ''its tone
Of infallibility," which, in his judg
ment, was not justified by the first ar
ticle of the Constitution.
Moody of Massachusetts thought that
ton which the Secretary's statement
raises is likely to obscure for a time a
least the consideration of the Cuban
question.
Livingston of Georgia strongly dis
sented from the Presidents position,
and thought that if he maintains it he
may make himself liable to impeach-
ment
Generally speaking, however. the Sec
retary's position was regarded as clari-
flying the atmosphere and throwing
a fresh obstacle in the path of Con-
gress TO interpose in the struggle be-
tween Spain and her colony. A careful
canvass of the House disclosed the fact
that a good many members have no
clear conception of the relative powers
of the President and Congress, and were
unwilling TO discuss hastily that phase
of the interview.
The House is plainly not in belliger-
ent mood What 1t would do If the
Senate resolution came squarely before
ii can only be conjectured 1t is rea-
sonable to assume that it would pass ii
after more or less vigorous debate,
but il is equally clear that the House
at present has little interest in the
Cuban question There is more than a
reasonable doubt whether the Foreign
Affairs Committee would report the res
olution favorably. To-day as yester-
day. members of the committee were
reticent in their speculation as to what
they might do. but there is a strong
probability that a majority would set
their face strongly against any action
which might embarrass President Cleve-
land or prove a handicap to the incom-
ing Administration.