The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1896-06-28

Copyright, 1896, by S. S. Mcclure Coz
1t is difficult for an American mind to
grasp the idea that the foundations OF
the Fourth OF July were ever less impreg-
nable than today, and yet only forty
years ago-in 1S56-not only the popularity
but the very existence of the great holi-
day was seriously threatened.
THE ISSUE OF 90.
1856, like 1885, was presidential year;
but while the country today is divided
on matter of pure financial policy, a
matter which calls into question none of
the fundamental principles of our govern
ment, then the country was agitatlng the
very foundation on which the Fourth of
July itself rests. The greatest clause of
. The declaration of independence, All men
are created free and equal was in dis
pute. What did it mean? ''An men,"
without regard TO rank, condition or
color? or was it All white Protestant
men9"
The disputants had gone so far as to
organize parties and put up presidential
candidates who stood for these various
interpretations. First there were the Re-
p4Iblcans with Fremont for president.
They came out squarely for literal in
depreciation Of the clause. Second, there
were the Democrats with Buchanan at
their head. who insisted that equality was
confined to white men. Third, the Know
nothings with Fillmore as leader, who re-
stricted equality to white Protestants.
While the politicians wrangled over the
meaning of the declaration of independ-
ence, the people naturally were regarding
the day which celebrated the document
with suspicion. a part of them declaring
with Hosea Biglow:
Folks don't want Fourth of July t in
terfere
With the bushes consarns O. the rest of
the year"
Another part repeating a sarcastic COM
ment OF Abraham Lircoln:
The Fourth of July has not quite
dwindled away; ii is still a great day
for burning fireworks
The debate had grown so warm in the
month before the Fourth that in con-
gresS an advocate of the first interpre-
tation, Charles Sumner, had been beaten
over the head by an advocate of the sec
end. In Kansas the Two parties were in
an actual state of civil war. one side con-
tending that the territory must admit
Only free men. the other that it must re-
ceiVe slaves. In New England Garrison,
in disgust a the idea that the constitu-
ton OF the United States protected slav-
cry in the south, had even burned this
sister Of the declaration of independence
and a chorus of ardent ''amens had
greeted the smoke. In the south there
was an incessant abuse of abolitionism,
combined with threats of disunion.
HOW PROMINENT AMERICANS
SPENT THE DAY.
1t is curious to see how the country
and its great men spent the Fourth. the
1lrSt after Democrats, Know-nothings and
Republicans We're fully organized for the
fight which was to decide what the day
did really mean; was TO decide, in fact,
whether il was to exist any longer. In
Washington it was spent orninousiy. Con-
gress was still in session and before ii
lay the reports OF the committee that had
investigated affairs in Kansas. The de-
bates were stormy and men who had been
friends for years were beginning to break
apart Particularly bitter We're the friends
OF Sumner, who was still lying in Wash
ington Cthe assault on Sumner occurred
on May -. William H. Seward spent his
Fourth in visiting the sufferer. He is
much changed for the worse" he wrote
after he got home. His elasticity and
vigor are gone. He walks and in every
way moves like a man who has not alto
gether recovered from a paralysis, or like
a man whose sight is dimmed, and his
limbs stiffened with age"
Many another great mans thoughts
turned to Sumner that day, even the gem
tie LonSfellows. The poet was a Nahant
nursing lame knee. He had hurt it just
as he was on the verge of going to Eu-
rope but so excited was he over the poll
tics of the country that he even declared
he was glad TO stay at home to save his
vote. Il have great respect for that now.
though l never cared about il BEFORE" he
wrote.
Jefferson Davis, soon TO take so promi-
nent a, part in the contest, was secretary
of war To him it fell TO keep order in
Kansas. a task which required no little
discretion on this critical Fourth of July.
That he did it without boodshed is to
his credit. Douglas, Toombs, Stephens,
were all in congress. struggling with the
theoretical part of Kansas as Davis was
with the practical, and succeeding not so
well it should be noticed. John Brown
was in Kansas with his hands still wet
with the blood Of the massacre of the
Pottawatomie. urging constantly on the