Delaware gazette and state journal., 1896-01-02


her to make u similar declaration. To
US the threatened extension of the sys-
tom OF the allies to this hemisnhere
was very grave peril. 1t is difficult
for Americans day to realize the
position of our government 20 years
ago. We were distinctly weak power.
Our safety lay in our isolation, rather
than in our strength. Our government
was still in the experimental stage.
We were the only republic in the world,
and republicanism in Europe had just
been crushed out by the allies, who
now threatened to extend their opposi-
tion to republicanism to this hemis-
phere. Mr.. Calhoun, who was mem.
ber OF the cabinet at the time, has
stated that il was felt by the govern
ment to be almost certain that IL the
allies extended their system to the
spanish colonies, they would then ex-
tend it to this country. Nor can we
say that their fear was groundless. 1t
IS apparent that the objection to the
interference was not that it was an in
terence with the affairs OF this hemis-
phere, but that ii might be preliminary
to an attack on this country.
With the foregoing facts in mind,
tho message may be read understand
ingly.
The following sentences taken from
the Presidents message of December
I'd, 1928, embody the so-called "Mon-
roe doctrine:"
"* y The occasion has been
Judged proper for asserting, as a prin-
ciple in which the rights and interests
OF the United States are involved, that
the American continents, by the free
and Independent condition which they
have assumed and maintained, are
henceforth not to be considered as sub
iects for future colonization by any
European powers "
In the wars of the European
powers, in matters relating to them
selves, we have never taken any part,
nor does ii comport with our policy so
to do. 1t is only when our rights are
invaded or seriously menaced that we
resent injuries or make preparation for
our defence. With the movements in
this hemisphere we are, of necessity,
more Immediately connected, and by
causes which must be obvious to all
enlightened and impartial observers.
The political system Of tho allied
powers is essentially different in this
respect from that Of America, This
difference proceeds from that which
exists in their respective governments.
And to the defence Of our own, which
has been achieved by the loss of so
much blood and treasure, and matured
by the wisdom of their most enlight-
ened citizens, and under which we have
enjoyed unexampled felicity, this
whole nation is devoted We owe IL,
therefore, to candor and to the amicable
relations existing between the United
States and these powers, 10 declare that
we should consider any attempt on their
part to extend their system TO any por-
tion of this hemisphere as dangerous to
our peace and safety. With the existing
colonies or dependencies of any Euro
pean power, we have not interfered and
shall not interfere but with the gov
ernments who have declared their in
depence and maintained it and whose
independence VIC have on great consid-
GRAFTON and on just principles acknowl-
edged, we could not view any interposi-
tion for the purpose of opposing them,
or controlling in any other manner
their destiny by any European power,
in any other light than as the mani
festation Of unfriendly disposition
toward the United States. "
1t is observable that there are two
distinct and unrelated protests here.
The one has reference to future coloni-
zation; the other to interference in the
affairs of this hemisphere. They were
the outcome of very different circum-
stances, and were introduced for differ
ent purposes. Their connection in this
message was purely fortuitdua. Con
cerning the Introduction Of future
colonization little need be said. At
the time, Russia and England were
claiming that there was territory in
this hemisphere still unoccupied ana
subject to acquisition by right OF dis
coyery and original occupation !" i. O.,
colonization. Monroe's declaration
was simply a denial OF these notorious
claims and was aimed particularly at
| the claims of Russia TO large territorial
| rights in the northwestern portion OF
| this continent. II is apparent that
| this declaration has long since ceased
| to be operative.
As to tho declaration against Euro
pean interference with tine affairs of
this hemisphere, it is to be particularly
observed that President Monroe was
careful to state the grounds upon which
he based his rights 10 protest. Ger
| tain forms of intervention were inter
| dicted, and why? Not because they
were interferences with the affairs of
| this hemisphere; not because they vio-
| lated any assumed right of the United
States to control such affairs: not be.
cause they were unjust to the Spanish
colonies; but because our government
considered that the threatened inter
ference was dangerous to our peace
and safety" The danger lay in the
probability that a successful attack on
the Spanish colonies would lead to an
attack on this country Tho extent oil
the introduction must be measured by
the grounds asserted therefor. The
reason of the doctrine failing, the doc.
trine itself fails. Tho inhibition does
not extend to all forms of intervention
but only to such as are dangerous tt
our peace and safety" We did moi
warn off Europe for the protection o.
anybody but ourselves; our attitude
was wholly self-regarding. We PLACED
our protest solely on the ground o
self-defencc, and it ia only ON tha
ground that the Monroe doctrine is do
fensible at all. The doctrine takes itl
rise and finds it's limitations in the
necessity for self-defence,
1t follows that each case of interfer
ence must be decided on its merits
The mere fact that it is an interference
does not close tho question of our duty
1t must be such an Interference that
from all the circumstances of the case
it would be Dangerous to our peacr
and safety' 1t is owing TO failur,
to keep in mind this necessary imita
tions Of the doctrine, that much con
fusion OF thought has arisen, and tina
wholly unwarrantable extensions of th'