The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, 1896-11-11
OOO-$250. O0O, 900 for European sharks,
and 0,OOO,0 900 for American sharks.
That's gold bugism. Times.

O00-$250. 000, 900 for European sharks.
and SOC, 900 900 for American sharks.
That's gold bugism.-Railway Times.
BUSINESS MEN.
A good deal is made in this campaign
of the alleged fact that the business men
are pretty solidly &rxyed against Bryan
and in favor of Mckinley. This is held up
to the workingmem and is put before the
employee of all Jlslnass houses as proof
that the Mckinley side of the argument
is right. 1t is contended that the BUSH
ness man who employs labor has neces-
sarily a larger horizon and broader
view of the affairs of the nation, and
when he takes his stand in favor of the
continuance of the present policy of the
government it should have great weight
with the men who are in his employ.
This is not suggestion of coercion Of
but an appeal to laboring men to listen
to those who are in the nature of things
better informed than themselves.
The Times would not minimize the le-
climate influence in the community of
the business man. But at the same time
1t feels In duty bound to assert that this
is campaign in which every man
should think for himself, and when he
should not be bound by the opinions Of
any man. The money question is par
tally sentimental and partly practical.
In Its dual relation to the people. the
money question strikes every fair mind
ed man In these two aspects-its imme-
date relation and what may be denomi-
mated Its temporary aspect and it's fu-
ture or permanent relation. Now, on
the first of these the business man
has been loud and vociferous, but he has
had little or nothing to say of the latter
The Times is of the opinion that the la
boring man Is better qualified to look
into the future and picture to himself
logically the permanent effect of the
adoption of bimetallism than the BUSH
ness man. AS to the immediate effect
he is equally with the business man ca
pable of forming judgment. Neither
party needs to deny that the change Of
the money standard would cause some
confusion and readjustment. 1t is not
necessary to assume that even success.
full b1metallism will produce the millen-
1um on the instant. AS to the future or
permanent effect the business man will
never arrive at logical conclusion be-
cause, first, he does not wish to, and
because, secondly, all his interests and
all the traditions of his class are bound
up in the present.
The business man is naturally and in
evitably the opponent of change. He is
the ballast of society, and it sometimes
happens that society has taken on board
too much ballast to permit it to rise; it
also happens that at such periods the
opinions of the business man must be
discounted. It is almost unnecessary
to refer to historical examples of the
failure of the business man to grasp
great moral problems. Our revolution
airy fathers found themselves at variance
with the business element when they
proposed to fight. That was natural.
The business men did not want their
warehouses burned, their stores bonn
barded, and their carrying trade ruined.
However, the common people and the
theorists were perfectly willing to risk
their entire stake for America, and they
fought the war of the Revolution to a
glorious close. If they had sat down to
think of the perils of war, the liability
OIL seeing their houses burned, and their
crops overrun by cavalry they might not
have gone to war.
When the rebellion broke out in this
country and Abraham Lincoln followed
UP his original proposition that this re-
public could not exist half slave and
half free, the commercial classes
thought he might possibly be wrong. The
commercial class of New York was not
enamored of war. The city was not
threatened, as the confederacy had no
navy, but the commercial relations be-
tween New York and the South were
threatened, and good many represent
alive business men put that in the bal.
ance against the very existence of the
republic.
The English house of commons a few
years ago passed measure of home
rule for Ireland, which was afterwards
defested in the house of lords, and it
is notorious that the commercial classes
threw their influence against the meas
ure because they saw, or thought they
saw, wrenching of trade relations be-
tween the two islands, and possible re-
adjustment. They were willing to bind
themselves to an essential justice of
freedom to Ireland by holding close to
their eyes the comparatively insignifi-
cant issue of trade relations. This was
SO much the case that Gladstone himself
declared his campaign to be one of the
masses against the classes.
No one thing has given more impetus
to the cause of free silver in this coun-
try than the action of the government
in buying gold through the Pierpont
Morgan syndicate. There was an in
stance where the supposedly great BUSH
ness man had an opportunity to do his
country an inestimable service. He did
it, and charged his country commission
of eleven million dollars on the transac-
ton. It is not questioned that this
gold transaction has given more color
to the bitter Iaunts that are heard ev-
cry day that the country is in the
hands Of the money power than any
thing else that has transpired in recent
years. 1t was a demonstration that the
business man who is now appealing to
his employees to take his judgment en-
tirely on the money question under
stands it fairly we'll for himself But
/ his understanding unfortunately does
not strengthen the confidence of the
employee in the disinterested character
of that understanding The business
man is all right in his place. He is gen.
orally shrewd, clear headed and alert.
It is not we'll authenticated, however,
that he is any better read on these SUBJ
iects than his employee, neither is it
demonstrated that he has any more gen.
erous or patriotic instincts than his en-
~ T..