The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1896-11-19
NEW PERILs ARE AT HAND.
VAST WEALTH AND CULTIVATED
CASTE MAY RIPEN INTO
WHIRLWIND,
MKINLEY's ELECTION is NOTHING
Dragon of Reputation Dead. but
the GorgOn of Agrarianism
Is Still Abroad.

ooulHti, VINO was prominently urged
fer the nomination for the presidency
at the Indianapolis convention, but
whose name was formally withdrawn.
has remained in this city since the
election. His views upon the result of
the national campaign just closed have
been furnished in the following revised
interview
!, The election of Mr.. Mckinley is but
the beginning of the end of the strug-
gle which, one way or another, has been going
on in the United States for twenty years It
began In the West and South with a de-
mand for fiat money. No sooner was the
Silver party took it's place. Other questions
Deing at the front and few of our public men
Delng experts in coinage, free silver was able
70 commit TO the new monetary delusion many
men who, except for their ignorance of this
particular question, could never have been
reached, and who were sound to the core as
to the national credit and safe, stable cir
culating medium. Among these public men
was Mr.. Mckinley himself.
The leaders of the fiat money movement,
reinforced by the silver mine owners finally
made an incision into the Republican party,
and got possession of the machinery Of the
Democratic party. This eliminated in the
nomination and defeat of Mr.. Bryan. With
that defeat ends the free silver frenzy and
the danger Of a 16 to 1 kind. But the ele-
ments Of disorder which it has called into
being and the agrarian issues it has set into
motion are left upon the scene and we may
be sure that these will continue their as
saults upon the life of the nation and the
integrity of the people until they are swept
out of existence in 1900 Mr.. McKinley's cleo
tion settles nothing. 1t merely removes fiat
money and deprecated silver dollars from
among the rocks ahead.
Mr.. WatterSon was asked If the union
between the gold Dem ocrats and the
Republicans could last. and he re-
piled:
a
are too doctrinal and radical. Mr.. Mckinley
is an extreme protectionist. The sound money
Democrats are sincere revenue reformers.
Certainly craftsmanship is largely an affair
OF compromise. But to be effectual and bene-
fcial the compromises must be logical and
just. Nothing could be more desirable than
union among all law abiding, orderloving
citizens against. whatever and whoever threat
en- the interests of the country. The Bryan
menace did not produce such a union. Bry-
anlsm was simply mobism, and before such
an issue, whenever raised. party distinctions
must vanish from the minds of patriotic men.
But the immediate danger over, the original
disagreements are bound to reappear.
but, Mr.. Watterson, has not the Re-
publican victory been SO overwhelming
as to carry all before it?"
For the time being, yes. The Republican
party has had in it's time great good fort
une. 1t has shown itself clever opportunist,
but it cannot rest its upon the doctrine
Of protection. Neither a policy, nor as a
theory, nor as a keynote, can protectionism
hold its own or, stand alone. 1t is at war
with the genius of American institutions. 1t
should be no longer necessary, il it ever
was truly necessary, to the American manu-
facturer It Is the father of paternalism and
the godfather Of Populsm. 1t sets examples
to those who imagine that wealth may be
created by legislation. 1t imposes grievous
burdens on the agricultural classes. During
periods of depression, it serves both as an
instigation and a pretext to the discontented
elements. 1t is the occasion of
CONSTANT CORRUPTION
in congress. The manufacturers themselves
ought to lead the movement to discard it.
They could If they would, have the question
settled by statesmen and save it from the
hands of the mob. On such line, all con-
servative men could unite to rescue the peo-
pie from anarchism. But with Mr.. McKin-
ley in the presidency this seems impossible
and l confess l dread to think of the at
tempt to which he is committed to bring back
the Mckinley duties under the mere pre-
text of supplying deficit which is not likely
to exist at the close of the fiscal year.
"And what do you think all these
things portend with respect to the
future of the country?''
l think that the country is safe for the
present. That the future of the republic
will be equally assured l devoutly hope but
thoughtful men should not be lulled into
fancled security because we have overcome
the dragons of reputation. The Gorgon of
agrarianism is yet abroad. The Bryan
movement most dangerous because it
affected to speak in the name of the people
The whole people must come to see that
there have been mighty changes going on in
the world before such a government as ours
can be both safe and free.
"How do you mean, Mr.. Watterson 2"
In 1900 and under the leadership Of Thomas
Jefferson, the principle of Democratic govern
ment began its real fight for life The issue
then was care the people capable of self
government" If Jefferson had failed the
Federal marty would have OO
ing individual liberty and consolidating the
central power until we should have had a
republic in name only-a Florentine common
wealth, perhaps line Of Medean princes.
But jefferson succeeded, and the written law
Of the land strictly construed was secured to
the people. In 1900 we shall have to face
the same general question in a new form,
and the issue will be under existing condi-
tions: Are orderly government and popular
government concurrent possibilities If we
are to have many presidential campaigns like
the one just ended they are not. Unless
the body of the people can be brought to
realize the changes of a century of progress,
every four years will witness a party taking
the field in support of the alleged rights
of humanity whose very existence Is a men
ace to the public order, the peace of society,"
the Just balance between the sections of the
Union, the money Of the people, the credit
of the nation and every other good and per-
feet thing. supposed to emanate from our
republican system.
What do you regard as the most
In 1900 we were few millions of people
and we loved liberty. In 1900 we are nearly
a hundred millions of people and we love
money. Moreover, individually and collect
lively, we have a great deal Of money. Most
of this money is invested in what are called
corporations. From a handful of individuals
we have become nation of institutions The
individual counts for less and less; organ
iZation for more and more. We may tear
down the house, but cannot at one and the
same time destroy it and occupy it. That is
what Mr.. Bryan and his followers are pre-
tending that they can do. Meanwhile must
a man lose his individual rights of property
because he has invested his accretions in a
bank railway even trust company?
That is the question We have to meet and
settle as against the
CLAMoR OF THE MOB
before we can feel entirely sure about any
thing.
What of the sectional spirit and ten
dency?"
He who knows the wZole country and Is
familiar with the people from the Canada
line to the Mexican border, and between the
two oceans. needs not to be told that judged
by other nationalities, the popular homo
geniety in America is little short of amaz-
Austro- Hungarian empire, neither France nor
England nor even the Swiss Confederation
can boast of anything like the oneness of
origin, character, ties, aims hopes, manners
and customs which mark the inhabitants of
the United States of North America. But the
demagogue is always around and there is
ever a chance to stir up strife between rival
communities He finds work to his hand,
and, particularly to his mouth, it being with
him usually a hand d-to-mOuth affair. IF man