New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1896-03-22
MP GRJGGS AND TIE LAWMAKERS.

The New-Jersey Legislature. which Will al
iourn finally at Trenton next Wednesday. Will
mo regarded as useful body largely because
instead Of exercising its power of passing laws
froe,v # has spent more time In Its not less
,mnortant function Of killing them off and pre-
venting new ones from going on the stature
hooks To Governor Griggs belongs great
share Of the credit for this condition OF aHalrs.
Tn his inaugural address he laid much stress on
the fact that recent Legislatures had passed
entirely too many laws, and that the people Were
being governed more than was good for them'
and he intmatel strongly that he would be far
more inclined to veto than 10 sign bills II too
MANY should be presented for his consideration
or ~ those that were presented should he OF
merelv ordinary or less than ordinary moment.
Az tbe Governor is we'll known to be man OF
his word the members OF the Senate and As
sembly have needed his warning. and the result
,s that the session laws OF 1896 Will be COM
paratively small job for the printer
Tbera is wholesome lesson for the peop"
Of New-York State in this little chapter Of New
Jersey history, for il New-Jersey has been cursed
with too much lawmaking. what shall we say
If this Commonwealth in which nothing seems
TO be either too great or too small. too pressing
or too remote to be thrust upon the attention
Of the Legislature? Only those persons whose
husncss compels them to examine closely the
records of the proceedings Of the two houses
of Albany are likely to have any conception OF
the number and extent OF the absurdities that
are wrought into the form Of bills. Every little
grievance that arises in crossroads or ham,
lot every fanatics within, every demagogues
bid for public favor. every desire Of every puny
special interest finds expression in bill. The
dog tax on an Indian reservation, the use OF
American cheese among the ratiOns at the State
Camp the establishment Of fruit stand ut one
end OF the Brooklyn Bridge-these and dozens
OF similar picayune matters are proposed as the
subjects of legislation and, though most OF them
die an early death in the committcerooms, a
| proportion much too large finds its way through
the Assembly and the Senate. The majority or
| them are literally not worth the cost OF print
| ing and none Of them are entitled to the atten-
| ton of the members Of the Legislature.
| In dealing with this particular kind OF nu,-
| sance New-Jersey possesses distinct advan-
tage over New York, for her Constitution forbds
the enactment Of what are called special laws
that Is to say, laws which are not sufficiently
! general in their application to include in each
| one a group Of municipalities or corporations
or persons classified for some reasonable pur-
nose: and it is also unconstitutional for the
Legislature to interfere with the Internal affairs
OF cities SO 1t happens that 1t is difficult to
frame a measure to serve some trivial local
purpose and have it hold water when 1t comes
before the courts. The theory Of the New
Jersey government Is that only affairs OF large
and general interest belong to the State, while
the counties cities, towns, townships boroughs
and villages (for they have all these different
forms there are to look after the smaller and
| purely local concerns. 1t is system which has
worked well, and without it Governor Griggs
| could not have carried out his reform as easily
| as he has been able to do 1t. Governor OF
New-York would have no such constitutional
provision to help him If he should undertake
to reduce legislation TO a minimum. but he
would have a veto which it would require two
thirds of the Legislature to overcome while a
bare majority Is enough to defeat the veto OF
New-Jerseys Executive. The conditions, there
fore, are not very unequal, and II Governor
Griggs could breathe more Of his spirit into the
powers that be at Albany world Of good might
be accomplished