The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1896-09-13
will find going to college Is a good oc-
cupation for hard times.
THE ..ANA4onssT, PLANK.

sue nave resented SAlTculcly Tie dp-
pellation anarchist" which people of
violent language have sometimes APP
piled to their forces. They have as
sumed, without any basis, that this
term of reproach was used with refer
ence to the advocacy of free silver.
and have felt an indignation which
would be quite warranted if any man
called another an anarchist" simply
because he believed in free coinage. 1t
has been convenient for these gentle
men to ignore altogether that plank of
the Chicago platform which first gave
rise to the use of this term. They
have skipped over and SKINNED
around it, ana 1t Is never mentioned
in their speeches or debates. except
in the most gingerly terms. Mr.. Bry-
ans recent essay in his letter of ac-
ceptance on the relations of the fed
eral and the state governments, which
was intended to gloss over the out
rageous platform at Chicago, has fur
nished an opportunity, happily, to the
present attorney general of the United
States to handle this question without
gloves. We are glad that he has done
SO; for the issue that is raised is, as
he declares, immensely more vital than
that of free coinage. To make the dis
cussion briefly ineligible to those who
may have already forgotten the exact
language of the Chicago platform, we
fepublish the following plank:
We denounce arbitrary interference by fed
eral authorities in local affairs as a violation
of the constitution Of the United States and a
crime against free institutions, and we es-
pec1ally object to government by injunction as
a new and highly dangerous form of oppres-
sion by which federal judges, in contempt of
the laws OF the states and rights OF citizens,
become at once legislators, judges and execu-
tioners. and we approve the bill passed at the
last session Of the United States senate, and
now pending in the house of representatives
relative to contempts in federal courts, and
providing for trials by jury in certain cases
of contempt.
This plank was put into the platform
because Gov. Altgeld who dominated
that convention insisted upon it.
| The reference to the abuse Of the
power to Issue inJunctions is not now
in controversy. The whole subject mat
ter that this brings before the people
Is contained in the first four lines of
the above plank. It refers to the action
of President Cleveland, in directing the
use of the military forces of the Unit
ed States to prevent interference with
the transportation of the United States
| mails, and to secure the enforcement
of federaiedaws, which the local au-
thorities were either unwilling or un-
able to maintain. 1t is an expression
of censure upon his administration for
this course 1t is tacit avowal on
the part of the men who controlled
that convention that if they should
ever secure adposition Of power they
United States shall be enforced in any
portion of the Union, il the local au-
thorfties do not see fit to do so. The
declaration is to be interpreted, not
merely by its wording, which Is plain
| enough, but by all the circumstances
and the constitution Of the Chicago
convention. The men who were In con-
troll there, with Altgeld and Tillman
at the head of them, had denounced
Mr.. Cleveland in unmeasured terms
for his interference in behalf of law
! and order. They insisted upon a vim
dication Of their position in the plat
form. They secured it, and the utter
| ance which we have quoted is far more
menacing than even it's language
| would imply, because it involves a
thoroughgoing support Of the most
| radical position of A1tgeld and Till
| man. Their position is. in brief, that
| the authority of the federal law and
the power of the federal government
to enforce such law is limited absolute
ly by the disposition of the local au-
| thorit1es. While they claim that the
nation has usurped a power belonging
| to the state, they demand, on their
part, that the state should be allowed
/ to usurp a power belonging to the
nation.
| The line between these two is now
so plainly drawn that no honest man
can mistake it. The intention Of the
trainers Of the constitution is plain, and
| it's observance presents no points of
practical difficulty. Nation and state.
each is supreme in its own sphere; and.
since the War Of the Rebellion and
the decisions of the supreme court that
have followed it, there is little doubt
where the line of demarcation is
drawn, and, we may add, constantly
lessening tendency to overstep It, The
nation is forbidden to interfere in the
domestic affairs of any state. even for
the purpose Of maintaining order there.
until 1t has been requested to do SO
by the duly constituted authorities.
This is right and necessary rule, to
keep sacred the independence Of the
| states, and 1T has not been and will
not be violated. But the power Of the
state to nullify law of the nation is
to be just as vigorously denied as the
| power Of the nation to nullify law of
the state. Hands off, is the rule on
both sides. Where the representatives
| Of the people have enacted a federal
law that Is within the permission OF
the constitution and charged the fed
eral authorities with its enforcement
our whole system of government would
fall to pieces were it to be left within
the power of local authority to say
whether this law should or should not
be executed. Could this happen, the
| nation itself would disappear.