Kansas City daily journal., 1896-12-27
Hamilton and Jefferson.

In the closing years of the eighteenth
century, when the American governments
were evolved, the two types of political
evolution were Hamilton and Jefferson.
Hamilton's ideas of government rest on
two propositions-that government is a de-
vice of checks and balances. created by a
few thoughtful men, and, under their con-
troll, supported by many less thoughtful
men. who are protected by the device, and
prospered in their affairs as a compensa-
ton for their support; and, secondly, that
property is the basis of government. The
New England formulation of the Hamil-
tonian idea is: Government shall be one
of the laws, not one of the men,
Jefferson's ideas of government rest also
on two main propositions-that government
is probably a necessary device, of which
the more you have the worse you are off;
and that government is founded on per-
sons.
Between Hamilton and Jefferson Is
Franklin, whose concept of government is
that "a general government is necessary
for US and there is no form of government
but may be a blessing to the people if well
administered"
The eighteenth century was the century
of modern political theories. Their infiu-
ence is seen in the language of all the
American and French constitutions Of that
time. Voltaire set the pace for France,
Jefferson for America: and Jefferson is
commonly called, in this country. the faith
er of American democracy. Hamilton S
and Jefferson's theories of government
have been subjected for century to the
severe test which. in Franklins opinion,
discloses whether a government is bless
ing or q curse to its people-the test of
administration. The nineteenth century
has been spent in administering the poliIi-
cal theories of the eighteenth. The process
has been one of evolution, marked by the
emergence of two administrative types
Daniel Webster and Abraham Lincoln.
When Webster died Lincoln was in his
4ith year. These were the years of Web
ster's influence and fame. His orations had
become part of the worlds literature; his
eloquenCe had become the glory of the ma
ton. Yet no trace of Webster's influence
on Lincoln exists. The man, the voice, the
argument. seem never to have become part
of Lincoln's world. Other public men of
Lincoln's and of later generation have
made study of Webster. 1t is not known
that Lincoln ever read a line of his
speeches. The obscure Lincoln was as uu-
conscious of Webster as Webster was un-
conscious of the plain lawyer of Sanga-
mon county.
Had they known each other. it may be
said, they would have remained strangers.
1t would have been impossible for them 10
know each other as now the world knows
each OF them. Each was type in the ad-
ministrative evolution of popular govern
ment. Webster was admired, but not loved
or profoundly trusted by the people. Lin
coin trusted the people and therefore the
people trusted him.
Webster's reply to Hayne. and Lincoln's
Gettysburg address. the one the longest,
the other shortest, speech of its kind in
our history, are also the most famed. Lin
coins is lofty in sentiment and faultless
in form; Webster's, less perfect in form, is
equally lofty in sentiment, and the senti-
ment of each, dear to every American
heart" is the liberty and union of the ma
ticn OF all utterances in America during
this century we would least willingly let
these two utterances die. We cherish them
because they embody the dominant cause
of the century in America-"Whether the
new nation, conceived in liberty and ded-
iCated to the proposition that all men are
created equal can long endure" This has
been the administrative question of Amer
lean democracy to the nineteenth century
"a question that compelled answer just
as the century had lost its youth and was
entering upon its responsible manhood; a
question which the America of Webster
asked and which. ten years later the
America of Lincoln answered.-From -
Century's Struggle for the Franchise In
America" by Professor Francis N. Thorpe
in Harpers Magazine for January.