The Saint Paul globe. (St. Paul, Minn.) 1896-1905, 1896-10-12
as that which is involved in the political

as that which is involved in the political
campaign Of today.
The question of free and unlimited coinage
of silver Is put in the foreground. This
question had its Importance; but it is of a
minor Importance, in presence Of other ques-
tions which are brought into issue.
The movement which had Its expression In
the Chicago convention ana which now seeks
by means of popular suffrage to enthrone
itself in the capital of this nation, is in its
logical effect rebellion against the United
which our soldiers believed they had con-
signed to eternal death at Appomalox, but
which demands again recognition from the
American people. Tne 9eclanauon OF the Ghi-
meaning: I'VE denounce arbitrary interfer-
enee by federal authorities in local affairs as
violuation of the constitution az OF me united
The words point to the act oe arover Cleve-
land, sending United States troops to pro.
tect national properly ana , enforce ,Saa patonai
those words there is the old secession doctrine
that states are Independent Of the national
government at Washington; there Is the an
nulment of the Union; there is notice served
upon the flag of America. that outside the
District Of Columbia It Is without power OF
elf-assertion or Sc sehsaefense, ct The me, pres
to enforce national laws and pro-
tect property he cannot march his troops
into any state without the authority OF the
governor OF that state One Of the chief
speakers at the convention OF Chicago under
stood the significance of the convention, and
voiced Its spirit. II came from state which
was the home OF secession said Senator
Tillman Of South Carolina. I say" he con-
tinued. 'ft is a sectional issue. and 1t will
prevail" And fitting was 1t that the speaker
voicing the spirit of the Chicago conven-
tion should be the represen tative OF South
Carolina. Thrice, now, has South Carolina
spoken for secession-when 1t passed in 1882
the notification ordinance, when in 1861 1T
fired upon Fort Sumter, when in 1896, IT
cries out: ut is a sectional issue. and 1t
will prevail"
The platform of the Chicago convention
threatens the country with destruction Of So
cial order, with
LAwLEssNEss AND ANARCHY.
The personifcation Of law and of social
order in America is our courts-and the
the prompt obedience of the people to those
courts And now the courts are to be shorn
of their power-and shorn OF it in favor of
mobs bent ON riotng ana the destruction Of
Chicago platform, ito government by in
junction as new and highly dangerous form
OF oppression" Here reference Is made to
the action OF the courts during the Chicago
riots-without which action there is no cal
culating how much ruin would have come to
the city. The palladium of American hber-
ties is the supreme court at Washington
the counterpart Of which in majesty and in
power to enforce absolute justice does not
exist among the nations Of Christendom.
Put, as far as 1t Is possible TO human in
genuity, outside of partisan politics, inde-
pendent of all political influences through
their life tenure Of office, the judges of this
nation. and expound the law in all It's in
fexibilty, no matter who or what must yield
to it.. And now convention speaks
be hereafter constituted" intimating
unmistakably the intention, If the party rep
resented in that convention come to power,
the intention to constitute the courts, by the
popular election OF the judges, by the short
ening of their term Of Office, or otherwise,
as to make it insensible to the stern voice
of the law. and responsive to the passing
whims of political parties.
Worse to my mind than all this is the
spirit of socialism that perneates the whole
movement which has issued from the conven-
ton of Chicago. 1t is the International
Of Europe, now taking body in America. OF
this one cannot but be convinced. when the
movement is closely observed. the shibboleths
Of It's adherents listened to, the discourses
of it's orators carefully examined The war
of class against class is upon us, the of
the proletarfat against the property holder.
No other meaning than this can be given to
the appeals to the common people, /" ito the
laborer," Ito the poor and down -trodden,"
and to the denunciations against pluto
bers." and bankers Many of the adher-
ents Of the movement do not perceive its full
nearing; but let them beware. They are
lighting torches which, borne in the hands
of reckless men, may light up in the country
the lurid fires Of "commlne.'' America,
heretofore. has been free fromF soclalistic ha-
of opportunities for all men, and 1t has given
TO the laborer a livelihood higher and better
than is afforded him in any other country of
the world. Is this all to be changed? Is
social chaos, gloating over ruins, to be the
method of social elevation of the masses.
There may be room in some things for peace
full amelforation through a well-informed
public opinion and orderly legislation; but
class hatred and angry passion never lead to
aught but general misery and suffering. The
people of America must today look warily
around mis-
leading war cries, avoid giving any counte-
nance to socialistic or anarchistic tendencies,
and know that the first condition of pros
perity to any and all classes of the people
is peaceful commonwealth and assured So
cial order.
The monetary question is, indeed, sec
ondary issue In the campaign. / have, how
ever, my convictions in this matter. The
free and unlimited coinage of silver dollars
at the ratio of Is to 1, by the United States.
independently of the great commercial ma
tions. into dollars which shall be made legal
tender will disturb the whole business of
the country. and bring upon Il a financial
are now experiencing.
/ am confronted with the pamphlet of
Archbishop Walsh, of Dublin. on bimetallism,
as reply to my objection to the silver reso-
luton of the Chicago convention. The
pamphlet of Archbishop Walsh has no bear
ing whatever On the situation in America.
The archbishop discusses bimetallism VS..
monometalhsm-and that only from one point
of view, the effect OF monometallism upon
farmers contracts under the land purchase
act in Ireland. He expresses no opinion as
to the ratio in which silver is to be coined,
and he manifestly presupposes that bimetal-
ism would be brought about under an inter-
national agreement. He explains that India
was unable to keep up silver currency In
dependently of European nations. 1T was
impossible for India to obtain the loans that
are absolutely necessary for the development
of the country" and the reason was "the
fuctuation in the relative value of the ru-
pee" 1T is the silver currency Of China
he adds, that stops the making of railways
in that country" Walshs pamphlet is
throughout a solid argument against the
Chicago platform. To what heYsays we might
add that France and all the countries Of the
Latin union together were ultimately COM
PEELED to give up bin etallism so long as other
countries of Europe would not cooperate
with them
The question before the people Of America
today is the coinage Of silver by this country,
independently of the great commercial ma
tions of the world, at the ratio of 16 to l.
This ratio is the double of the present com
mercial value of silver. The consequences of
unlimited coinage In these circumstances are
easily perceived.
The one hope of the silver party is .that
under free coinage we will raise the value of
silver to 81. 29 an ounce, measured in gold.'
On what authority is this said? On that Of
the mere men who make the assertion. The
experience of our own country contradicts the
assertion. The purchasing Of $50, COO coo worth
OF silver bullion per year under the Sherman
act was not able to prevent the fall in the
value of silver from over dollar an ounce
to its present low value. The experience of
France contradicts the assertion; France,
with all the countries OF the Lation union
had to give up the coinage of silver lest,
overloaded with the silver of the world, 1t
should lose all it's gold. Common sense is
against the assertion. Silver is now produced
in such quantities at such small expense of
production that it's value cannot be kept up
to it's former standard. And is the whole
business Of America to be fmperiled by a
leap into experiment, which those very
men who advocate it confess to be only an
experiment, and which experience and COM
mon sense condemn?