The herald., 1896-06-04
INTERFERING IN CUBA


take prompt action to that end" Well.
there is IAN apparent reason" and it
is found in the fact that the United
States government was not instituted
for any such purpose as that advocated
by the Examiner and few other jour
nails equally mistaken. The government
of this republic is one of limited and
carefully defined powers, and interfer-
ence in domestic affairs of other govern
ments is not one of them. If the dele
cation of such a power to the federal
government had been made the condi-
| ton precedent to the formation of the
| Union the latter would have remained
! uniformed.
| This government was instituted for
| the purpose of conserving the rightful
interests of its own people, and it has no
constitutional right to interfere in Cuba
or any other part of the world except
| for the sole and urgent purpose of pro-
tecting from immediate peril the lives
or property of its citizens. Neither has
it any right to do anything. because of
sentimental considerations, that will i'm
| peril the lives or property of its citizens
| abroad. Hundreds of Americans
some resident there and some not-have
business and property interests in Cuba
which will be imperiled if this govern
ment interseres directly with the war
fare now raging there or recognizes
either the belligerency or the alleged in
| dependence Of the Cubans. For every
dollar of damage inflicted on the prop
erty of American citizens in Cuba by
either Spanish or insurgents, the gov
| t- 70 i,ta
| national law, liable, so long as we mind
our own business. American citizens
have suffered losses as the result of the
insurrection to the extent of hundreds
of thousands of dollars. and they Will
probably suffer to at least as great an
extent more, before the end comes. Now,
then, the question arises, to whom does
| the United States government owe its
| duty, the Cuban insurgents or its own
citizens? A recognition of the reasons
for the governments existence will
promptly suggest the answer.
There is altogether too much of ten
dency extant to have the federal gov
ernment drift away from its proper
moorings. This is dangerous tendency
and is chiefly cultivated by thoughtless
sentimentalists, swashbuckler orators
and pulse feeling editors ignorant of or
Indifferent to the Importance of adher-
ing steadfastly to sound principle in af-
fairs of government There is a constant
disposition on the part of such people
| to have the government do something
for which it is not intended or not fitted
They are invariably moved by consd-
erations of sentiment or pure expedi-
of ,pI, ,ci1 1n,.o-
tions they would ignore constitutions
| like usurping dictators and fly in the
! face of sound political principle as
though today were the end of time. II
the United States government could and
should interfere in Cuba, it could and
| should do the same thing in similar con-
flicts as they occur in other parts of this
continent, or, for that matter, of the
world, for injustice is injustice and in
humanity is inhumanity in Europe,
Asia and Africa just the same as in
America. Who is to say where the line
shall be drawn and when? Just how
far is the principle of intervention in the
concerns of other people to extend and
to what extent are we to maintain war
/ footing in order to carry out this prin-
ciple?
There has been considerable evidence
to the effect that the Cuban rebels are
not being treated according to the rules
of civilized warfare. 1t is also true that
there has been a good deal of evidence
going to show that the Spanish have no
monopoly of the atrocity business; so it
is probable that honors are not so lop-
sided on that score as is claimed. But
1,.t tlat L,
entered upon their rebellion did so with
full knowledge of the character and the
war methods of the people they rebelled
against. The treatment they receive now
cannot be any worse than that accord
ed them before. They were apparent
ly willing to incur these pains and penal
ties as the price of freedom from Span
iSh rule and there is absolutely nothing
to show that they We're led into rebellion
| by any hope or belief that the United
States would directly or indirectly aid
them.
The best thing the American people
can do is to keep the federal govern
ment to it's original functions-the ad-
justment of the relations between the
different states and the protection, in
their persons and property, of the citi-
zenS of those states, abroad 1t will
have quite enough to do if it accom-
plishes these tasks to the satisfaction
of majority of the people. There can
| be no perversion of governmental power.
| no venture outside the domain of sound
| principle without ultimate disaster to
| the masses; no gain of the present can
| compensate for the loss that will newt
Oh N11r ;,,, .,
| In view of the fact that there is not
| the slightest prospect of the bill prohib-
| iting bond issues becoming laW-there
| being no hope of it passing the house
| and an absolute certainty that if it did
| the president would veto 1.-THE action
| of the senate in adopting the measure
| appears like tritling with public credit
| and private prosperity. 1t is the kind
| Of trifling that is well nigh criminal
| While the mass OF people in this country
| being acquainted with the conditions
| will not be alarmed by the bill's passage
| in the senate, a multitude of foreign in
| Vestors not so well informed and some
| ultra conservative people at home. are
very likely to be subject to agitation
| which, to say the least. can do the coun-
try no good and may do it considerable