The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1896-11-19

reason to be dissatisfied with their lot.
lnere exists ut the present time so great
Il desire for peace, increased by the gen
eral system of obligatory military SER
vice ana dread of the effects of modern
warfare, that every government which
resolves TO make war will use every
effort for the sake of its people to avoid
the odium of being the aggressor. There
Is more freedom nowadays to discuss
tne question as to who is responsible
for war a treaty can only be effective
IN case of attack on the attacking parties.
rms suggestion, however. is only
valuable as an illustrations: When the
Austro- German treaty of 1879 was CON
Guided a special provision stipulated that
IN spite of the secrecy of the treaty it
mlsht he communicated confidentially TO
RUSSIA. This communication was duly
maze IN order to avert possible difficulties
and misunderstanding arising out of IN
conditional secrecy. If Caprivi took an
other view of the reinsurance, if be
scented dangers in unconditional secrecy
or considered it even doubtful whether
the guarantees of peace might lot
thereby be lessened there might lie
ground for criticisng. his opposing this
view. But l maintain the conviction
that this experienced and conscientious
man is above. the attack which has been
made. upon him. The notion that Eng
lish influence was the inconceivable
ground which induced Caprivi on that
account not to renew the treaty with
Russia is unintelligible. The course of
time has taught us that the omission TO
renew the treaty has not led to dimn-
I Ri% . peace guarantees for Germany.
Dld the acute. danger of war arise at
any, time of those years? No. 1t is
said that the policy embittered our rela-
lions with Russia. | resist the tempta-
tlon to compare our relations with that
country before and after 1890. Com
parlson Is unnecessary and useless, and
| 1t will always rebound to the honor of
Prince, bismarck that he knew how, in
difficult times, to maintain our relations
with Russia ON good and friendly foot
ing; make them useful in case Of war
and serve indirectly to the maintenance
| of peace. History will place these SER
vices in a still clearer light than | have
done today. (Cheers) But it seems
like attempting to deprecate and under
value Prince Bismarck's services TO as
sert that prior to 1890 these relations
agreements which needed to be renewed
from time to time. Our relations now
with Russia rest upon frmer basis.
upon the friendship of the reigning fami-
lies, on the love of peace of the sover-
eigns, on the governments observance of
treaties and on the mutual desire TO see
them respected. When our archives are
German policy successfully strove 10
maintain relations with Russia on this
basis and that no serious political differ
ences have arisen.
1T was said that we were strong
rampart of the west in 1890. But |
would remind you that in 1887 Boulang-
gerlsm had powerful hold and that the
dangers then threatening have since re-
turned. That Russia never supported an
unproyoked disturbance of the peace |
holds good now, as then. Nor is there |
any ground for the attempt to make Ger
many's policy in 1880 responsible for the
present Russo-French relations. The |
suggestion that Prince Bismarck's treaty |
had the power TO drive n wedge between |
great nations having many interests in |
and beyond Europe is gross exaggeration. |
Moreover, if the dreibund did not him
der Germany from concluding conven-
ton with Russia, why should the latter
be prevented from seeking reapproach-
ment with another power and thus secur-
ing reinsurance for itself? If Russia
had made an alliance with France we
have no cause for establishment. The re-
lations between Russia and France do
not date from 1890, but began in the '70s.
They developed since and cOncurrentIy
with the consolidation of the French
system of government and even before
1890 this development had not been sus-
pended. In fact, it then attracted more
attention in political and military circles
than it does now. The idea that the
duty of Germans is to divide two great
nations never existed. 1t would cost us
sacrifices that we could not afford
"Our oversee interests especially com
pei us to cooperate in the future with
the same powers as heretofore.
Germany will faithfully and undevi-
atingly adhere to the dreibund and will
friendly relations with the 9TH
er powers by respecting their rights in
the same measure that they respect ours,
and being ever ready on our side to ,
throw our influence into the scales for
peace. i
Taking our stand on this policy with
full confidence in our defensive strength,
we were always resolved to proclaim
abroad the unity we owe to our great
emperor and his great chancellor"
Herr Liebnecht, the socialist leader, a.,
responded to Count Won Mirbach's re-
saying that as little was J
known of the subject of Bismarck's :
'evelations as those underlying the prac- !
ice of a confirmed criminal. q
He concluded by saying: eve abolish /
he old diplomacy which was so powerful
factor in shaping events when Bis i
narck took an active part in politics."
Count Won Karsdorff declared his con- !
idence in Prince Bismarck, from whom,
he said, people were accustomed to ex-
,ect startling words and startling deeds.
rhe liberal conservatives were convinced
hat Bismarck had only in view the veal a
II woe of the fatherand. left cries of =
voe) o
Count Won Karsdorff continued that I
Prince Bismarck doubtless recognized
he necessity for the revelations. But
nemies might not see this, but his fol-