The Scranton tribune. [volume] (Scranton, Pa.) 1891-1910, 1896-12-24
The Problem OF the Trusts.


In number of places the suggestion
by the president in his recent message
that the several states provide supple
mental legislation against trusts Is
bearing fruit at least in a vigorous ana
in the main wholesome discussion OF
ways and means. There are localities
of course,-and these chiefly Populistic
where this discussion is in the form
of a passionate and indiscriminate as
sault on all forms Of accumulated
wealth. Participants in such a cru
sade are not unlike those savage tribes
that cure their sick by process of
summary assassination. But because
they so to illogical and dangerous eN-
tremes is not Il reason why Intelligent
public sentiment should hesitate to at
tempt to remedy an admitted economic
evil along common sense lines. AS one
commentator on this subject--Mr. Hen
ry Wolman-pertinently remarks,
"N hat We want to stop Is not the
growth of wealth but the growth OF
wealth by Illicit and inequitable
means"
1t is out of the power of legislators,
as it would also he contrary to wis
dom. to stop the cooperation of capital
wording under laws Of partnership or
incorporation. No rational man who
gives heed to the truths about him
would wish to see society turned back
to the period of individualsm. Civili-
2ation is corporations; it is only in
n state of savagery that there can be
a complete realization of the principle
of "everv man for himself, and perdi-
tion seize the hindmost." The largest
single combination that we have in this
country today, and perhaps the largest
in the world-the Pennsylvania railroad
is an example of intelligently direct
ed "o-oneration without which Ameri-
can civilization would be inconceivably
poorer There is always reinsurance
against an excess of commercial! COM
binations i'm the natural law which or
dGins that when the field is overcrowd-
ed the weaker ones must go to the wall.
But there are some things that can
be and ought to be done by legislation
for the protection of consumers and the
public generally. The law which gives
life to corporations can with reason in
terpose against overcaptaliZation. 1t
can call for a fair appraisal of actual
investment and decree that capital
stock shall not exceed that amount. 1t
can indict for conspiracy any officer of
a trust who can be proved to have
caused an artificial increase in the
prices of public necessities. 1t can pun
ish as well as fine for arbitrary restric
tion of labor. In other and more gem
eral words, it can say that the men
who ask the state for charters giving
them certain public privileges must
not afterward consider that their use
of these charters is an unfit subject for
public scrutiny, and if necessary, public
regulation. 1t need not be feared that
in such regulation the wealthy combi-
nations would get the worst of it. There
is nothing III the record OF existing
governments to show that capital can
not upon the whole take care of itself.
These generalzations must sooner or
later be enacted into law. and when
enacted must be enforced. The will OF
the people points unerringly in this di
rection. There will be many practical
difficulties in the way: and ii is pos
sible that roguery will prove sharp
enough to got at least partly around
the most skilfu!ly devised plans which
can be laid for the public's protection:
but this must be the general tendency
of law-making and Acknowledgement,
and there must be sincerity in its work.
ing out. Demagoguism will always ex-
list, but it cannot indefinitely nor even
for long prevail against the growing
enlightenment of the American people
At its depth this agitation against
abuses of special privilege is a moral
problem. and II has passed into an aXi-
ON that in a democracy like our own
no moral problem is ever put aside un-
til it is solved on the side of right.