Goldsboro weekly argus. [volume] (Goldsboro, N.C.) 1885-1909, 1896-12-10

THAI we SuOu1o O0 JuS6luSd- Oy
every law, human and Divine, in
wrestling the island from SPAN,
if we have the power"
The words last quoted occur
in effect in the manifesto. but
the suggestions to our govern>
ment as to selling the island are
coupled with contingencies. The
document does not mince mat
ters, but there is iu it, SO to
speak, a big diplomatic III. )"
After arguing that the IN oney it
was proposed to pay Spain fer
tie island could be used by Spain
IN a way that would make that
country blossom like a rose, the
"manlfesto" says:
"Our past history forbids that
we should arquire the Island of
Cuba without the conse-t Of
Spain, unless justified by the
great Jaw of self>preservation.
We must in auy event preserve
our own conscious rectitude and
our own self respect.
while pursuing this coarse,
we can afford TO disregard the
censure of the world. TO which
we have been so often and SO un-
Justly exposed After we shall
have offered Spain price for
Cuba far beyond its present val-
ue, and this shall have been re-
tfused, it will then be time to
consider the question, Does Cuba
in the possession of Spain seri>
ously endanger orr Internal
peace, and the existence of our
cherished Union?
stShould this question be an
swerel in The affirmative, then,
by every law human and divine,
We shall be justified in wrestling
it from Spain, if we possess the
power, that would justify q n in
, dividual in tearing down the
burning house of a neigC Dor. il
there were no other way Of pre-
venting the flames from destroy
ing his own house.
Under such circumstances we
ought neither to regard he cir
cumstances nor count the odds
which Spain might enlist against
US. We fCrbear to enter into
} the question whether the present
J condition of the island would
Justify such a measure. We
would, however, be recreant to
our duty, he unworthy Of oul
gallant forefathers, and commit
base treason against our poster
ity, should we permit Cuba tc
become Africanized and become
a second Domingo. with all at
7 tendant horrors to the white
race, and suffer the flames to ex
tend to our own neighborine
shores, seriously to endanger OF
actually to consume the fair fab
ric of our Union.
1--WE fear that the course an6
current of events are rapidly
tending to such d catastrophe
e We, however, hope for the best
7 though we ought certainly tc
5 prepare for the worst"
Though our government to al
/ intents ignored the "manifesto,
= the Cuban question remained ir
a measure an issue in party pol
t itlcs until it was obscured by the
? excitement just antedating tne
civil war In view of the fac
] that it was contended that the
: authors Of the 'manifesto''-twc
Q of them were Southern mer
< were inspired in d measure by
: fear that the conditions in Cubs
, might affect perniciously the
: slave population OF the Southern
1 States, the Republicans in THEN
/ platform of 1856 denounced the
f "manifesto" as follows:
t Resolved, That the highway
] mans plea that might make
2 right embodied in the Ostenl
3 circular was in every respect un,
/ worthy Of American diplomacy
and would bring shame and dis
honor upon any government ane
( people that would give it theil
7 sanction.
. The Democratic platform ot
> that year did not allude to the
: manifesto IN terms, but c0m-
: mitted the party to some Of the
: broader. and more general prin>
} ciples involved in it, and in 1866
: the party declared for the acquis,
3 ition of Cuba by purchase From
:. this presentation it will be seer
' that in the post>bellum advances
r of the Cuban question to the
1 front history has simply in {
: sense repeated itself, and tha
{. although the civil war eliminated
!, some Of the phases of the issue
) our policy regarding the island,
S irrespective Of the Monroe ooc.
t trine in its most comprehensive
t scope and our sympathy will
a the Cubans have been PRACTICAL,
{: continuous.
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