New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1896-05-23
STABILITY OF a prompt settlement OF the supreme
question of title, and that on its simple mer''S'
WISE Use or THE VETO POWER.

II Is encouraging Mt times to see Governor
vigorously exercising the veto power az lesi''
mate and essential function OF his ohce' n'
tendency of democracy the world over Is I"
crrtail executive authority in the domain Vi Il"
making In England this has gone so iar 'l'a'
the Royal veto power survives only III 'h'o'''
and oven that of rho second branch Of the Legis-
I,turc has almost entirely vanished and can be
safely used only in exceptional cases. Eariy ia
the century Ohio adopted Constitution witch
,,ve its Governor no voice in legislation. Inc
veto mower has in general, however. been pre-
served intact in American States so far rs law
can preserve 1t. Bun there has been growing
disposition among legislators to resent whn' they
are pleas TO regard ~ executive interference
and a Governor il expected TO sign any bill
which is not manifcstly vicious. We even hear
it seriously proposed by politicians from time
TO time that It be agreed in advance by can
dilatcs FOR office that on debated questions they
will accent whatever measures are sent to them
by the legislative branch of the Government
Against this theory OF the executive province
Governor Griggs, Of New7Jcrsey has taken
wholesome and refreshing stand. His fellow
Governors all over the Union might with profit
adopt his principles. On Tuesday he filed away
without his approval sixty nine bills left In his
ha nds by the Legislature mt It's adjournment anu
kept five bills in his hands for further consid-
Grafton He took this action on the principle
that it was not enough that measure was
harmless or would be of private benefit without
working jury 10 the state. but that measure
must be plainly Of public benefit il Ii was to
have his signature. One bill he objected to be-
cause II seemed to be only for the benefit Of the
court criers Of Essex County" On another he
wrote II don't know the intention of this bill.
Another was badly engrOssed and intended to
take effect before the date on which he received
IT, So he went through the whole sixty-nine. and
found no good reason for signing any Of them.
In contrast with this policy has been that OF
Governor Morton. who on the same day put his
name to lightweight Of the bills still left in his
hands from the seven hundrcd-Odd bills await
Ing his action when the Legislature adjourned.
Acting on the belief that n bill would not pass
both houses of the Legislature unless it had
merit Mr.. Morton has assumed that il bill should
be signed unless some great defect was appar
cnt, and when such defect was seen by him he
has preferred to have members withdraw their
bills for amendment and save him the disagree
able duty OF vctong them. So in New-Jcrscy
we see The smallest possible number of new
laws and in Ncw-York the greatest possible
number.
Under parliamentary system. where a re-
sponsbe ministry proposes legislation and prac
tically directs the course OF the lawmaklng body
there Is reason for the decay Of the veto power
But no such reason exists in the American States
Here legislatures are dominated by no respon-
sible leadership. and the great mass of private
and local measures are put through by agree
ment between promoters OF different schemes.
that each will allow the others bills to pass with
out question in return for a similar courtesy. II
Is against these bills that the Governor most
needs 10 use the veto. and II Is this Use Of the
veto 10 which the politicians most object, for it
Is In this way that they carry ont their most
vicious schemes. Governor Griggs has made a
patriotic Use OF the power vested In him, and 1t
Is 10 be hoped that his rigid refusal 10 sanction
unnecessary legislation will find many imitators.