The times. (Owosso, Mich.) 1882-1897, 1896-03-27
GLADSTONE, THE CHRISTIAN STATES

Rev. w b Matteson began at the Ar
mory last Sunday evening series Of dis
courses on "Great Men Who Are Chris
tians The purpose of this series, Mr.
Matteson said, was to combat the idea
not infrequently met that religion was .
matter that belonged to women and chill
dren rather than to men. This he pro.
posed to do by showing that the leaders
of modern progress, the greatest states
men, soldiers, poets scientists and phil.
anthropists were believers in the chris
tan religion. One example, representa-
tive of each of these several classes would
be selected as typical. The purpose this
evening was to show that great states
manship was not inconsistent with chris
tian faith-the illustration was to be
found in man. equally honored in
America and in the land of his birth, w.
r. Gladstone.
Mr.. Gladstone's public career needs to
be but briefly outlined. He was born in
Liverpool, Dec Goth, 1909. He grew to
maturity at time when men had not
yet recovered from the horror excited by
the excuses of the French Revolution,
while still, in many minds, the idea of
liberty was inseparably associated with
those of anarchy, excess and revolution.
He entered political life in 1882, a tory of
the tories. His first electoral address is
chiefly occupied in expressing his abhor-
renee of the spirit of change then so con-
spicuous-the great reform bill of 1882,
extending the franchise to the English
middle classes had just been passed-and
in defending the institution of slavery.
His first speech in parliament was in de-
Tense of domestic slavery in the colonies.
About this time he wrote book,
"Church and State" the chief object of
which was to prove that the state was
under obligation to provide for the relig-
ious instruction of the people. From
this he drew the corollary that the Eng
lish established church should be main
tanned in Ireland "whefher the Irish
wished it or not" Macaulay describes
him about this time as "a young
man of unblemished character, the rising
hope of the stern and unbending tories"
The process by which this "rising hope
of the tories" was transformed into the
prophet of modern liberalism, by which
he who opposed the extension of
the franchise to the middle class,
| led in its extension to all the peo-
| pie, by which he who would main
tain the Irish church whether the
Irish liked it or not, was the chief instru-
ment in its final sestablishment-into
the details of the process by which all
this came to pass, we do not need to go.
The first step, logically involving all
| the rest was taken when he supported
Peel in 1916, in the abolition of the corn
laws. But the change came slowly, adj
vancing by almost imperceptible steps
In this change, however, his enemies
have found the opportunity for charge
of fickleness and inconsistency. But Mr.
Gladstone thus explains it: 81 was edu-
Gated to regard liberty as an evil. have
learned to regard it IS good. / have
never been lover of change, nor do /
regard it as a good in itself Liberty,
however, is good in itself, and the grow.
ing recognition of that is the key to all
these changes" And, surely, it is key
| that fits the lock. 1t is an explanation
| which explains. Both at home and
abroad he has been always and every
where the apostle of liberty. Free Italy.
free Greece, the free Transvaal, and free
Bulgaria honor him as in no small degree
as the author of their liberties. At home
a free ballot, a free church, free people
attest his apostleship
OF Mr. Gladstone, the statesman, more
need not be said. Mr.. Gladstone was
not only statesman but a christian
From very early years he evinced deer
interest in religious affairs. His convic
i a. -, 20 Al al
dress that "the duties of governors are
strictly and peculiarly religious, and that
legislatures, like individuals, are bound
to carry throughout their acts the spirit
of the high truths they have acknowl
edged" This conviction, in substance
he never altered. AS to the means anC
methods by which the state should exer
else its religious functions, he greatly al
tered his opinion, but never his profounC
conviction that religion was the basis o
national power and prosperity. A col
league once said of him that his most dis
tinguishing characteristic was that IN
"never for a moment forgot that man
moral being" We all know how Mr.
Gladstone is accustomed to read the les
SONS in the church at Hawarden.
But Mr.. Gladstone might do and be
lieve all this and more and still not b
, fifty chosen as the type of christian
statesman. 1t is no strange thing to be
hold professor Of religion united, in tn
same person. with political activity. Nc
uncommonly, however, they live side b
side, in practically independent and ur
related existence. We are careful not t
mix politics and religion. Many ma
has one code of right for his political lif
and another code of right for his person
al or religious life. 1t was not so wit
: Mr.. Gladstone His craftsmanship resi-
ed on and drew its inspiration from hi
religious faith.
This appears in many particulars. w
may note but three.
1t appears in his broad sympathy. NJ
knight of old ever had keener ear for tn,
cry of distress than he. No knight O
old more ready, strong of heart and stou
of arm, to right the prevailing wrong
In 1876, when the Bulgarian outrage
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