Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1895-12-10
AMERICA FOR AMERICANS
Mr.. Cullom's Speech to the Senate on the
Monroe Doctrine.
Great Britain's Vast Possessions in
the United States-Time for a
Pronounced Policy.

on the joint resolution heretofore intro
duced by him, providing for legislative
affirmance of the Monroe doctrine. He said
that In order that the United States should
maintain the national honor, with Its pres
emit unity and integrity, 1t must have an
affirmative policy of such unQuestioned pro-
priety as to receive the universal sanction
of the people. In his judgment, the United
States could no longer delay the proclama-
ton of the American policy. known as the
Monroe doctrine The governments of the
old world should know that seventy million
American citizens were unit in main
tanning that doctrine. Instead of remain
ing merely an edict of the President, the
doctrine enuncated by President Monroe
should bear the definite approval Of Con-
gress, and thus become permanent ordi-
nance. Other nations seemed to regard the
Monroe doctrine as impotent In guiding the
conduct of the government, and hence they
proceeded to the accomplishment of their
purposes without much reference to it.
come when. the nation should put the ques-
ton beyond cavil by congressional
declaration of the doctrine. The nation
had played diplomacy lcrg enough and
without much effect. Great Britain had
been disregarding polite requests, protests,
arguments, etc, upon her policy to reach
out further, until. if left alone, she Will
finally dominate Venezuela. The time had
the Monroe doctrine by Congress, and then,
if necessary, plain, positive enforcement of
1t against all corners.
Mr.. Cullom referred to the penchant of
the great European powers for the occupa-
ton and absorption of the territory of weak
foreign nations. whose productions were of
Importance to their trade and commerce.
The United States, he said, was the first
great nation which had declined to estab-
lish any scrt of protectorate or to maintain
distant colonies. The United States, he
said, drew the line exactly where it existed
at the time when President Monroe made
his memorable declaration, and where the
people believed it should remain. While
the United States had no concern with for
eign usurpa items in the eastern hemisphere,
1t could not permit the possession OF the
Independent governments of America
North or Sou:h-to become subject to Eu-
ropean domination.
Does Not Want the Earth.
The United States did not claim the world
as its own, but that it did insist on its right
to be consulted as to affairs pertaining to
the American continents. 1t did not go
prancing about the world seeking for some
struggling nation to set free, but it ac-
knowledged kinship in degree with all the
republics of America The United states
could not sit indifferently by when the ter
ritorial integrity of any of these neighbor-
ing countries was questioned by foreign
nation. 1t would always be awake to any
such attempt, and it was it's business to see
to 1t that their possessions were not ma
terially curtaied from the just lire estab-
lished years ago by treaty stipulatons.
The Senator said the United States could
not consent to leave open. even to the
slightest possibility of misconception. the
position of the United States 1t could not
allow any European country to Obtain an
unrighteous sovereignty over any addition
al American soil. Neither would the Unit
ed States ever allow, by diplomatic manipu-
lation, with or without the concurrence OF
Ant
that any additional territory should. by the
assumption of a disputed boundary line,
become tributary to or part of any Euro
pean sovereignty.
plainly said Mr.. Cullom that the way of
the future executives, prime ministers and
ambassadors of our country will be I'M
doubted. Let it be so clear that no states
man of the future can find, as Mr.. Calhoun
did in the Senate, any ingenious theory
to weaken its force and value Let 1t be so
certain and emphatic that no Secretary of
State can hereafter become willing party
to a treaty yielding a share of the control
and supervision of any inter-oceanic canal
to any European country, as in the Clayton
Bulwer treaty. And let it be so straight and
practical that no American ambassador to
the British court shall feel at liberty to
question thespolicy of his own government
or, possibly, apologize for the Declaration
of Independence and the Monroe doctrine
of 1922
The Senator called attention to the fact
that while the United States has an area,
including Alaska. of 100000 square miles,
there were 3,5S0,OOO square miles of terri
tory on this hemisphere over which fioated
the British flag, showing that a great for
eign power already possessed, at our very
borders, a territorial area nearly equal to
ours. Whether that power was warlike or
peaceful, it's presence was an actual fact,
and the experience of this country with
Great Britain in the past had been that
long the United States could command
peace, 1t could have peace. For a good
many years the nations of the world, said
the Senator, had been chary about leaving
any unoccupied territory or any scattering
islands unprotected over night, for fear the
morning would find them under the paw
of the British lion.
Toward the close of his remarks Mr.. Gull
lcm adverted to Cuba, and said that this
government had already indicated that the
control of Cuba by any other European
power than Spain would be inimical to the
welfare of this country, and that the only
alternative to which Americans would con-
sent was tie absorption of Cuba by the
United States. That policy regarding Cuba
was probably well understood by the world,
and was in fact. nothing more than re-
iteration of the Monroe doctrine as applied
to conditions but slightly modified.
The Control of North America.
In conclusion, the Senator said:
11OW luOIt important ana Sig
nifcant to the United States than in any
of the exigencies noted where the Monroe
doctrine or it's equivalent has been asserted
by our statesmen is the existing and now
present condition in which our former rival
completes with us for the control of North
America? This great area of British ter
ritory may or may not be menace to our
country. AS is sometimes said, that de-
ponds. One thing, however, is manifest
that the United States must look after the
United States. We are old enough and
strong enough to stand alone, to walk alone
and to hold our ground among the nations
of the earth. Shall we dc it? Shall we
always be ready and prepared to meet great
questions when they arise; to take every
precaution against surprise, and to bear
always the American standard to the fore?
In my judgment it is the bounden duty of
the legislators of the United States to be
on the alert for every indication of the
growing power and increasing significance
of every foreign nation whose future sit
uation may benefit or injure our own coun-
try.
THE growing Industrial power of Eng
land in America is of quite as great signifi-
canoe to as her territorial expansion