New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1895-04-30

HIS INFLUENCE AND HIS M
MENsE REPUTATION.
Nice. April -
Is poss.ble at this distance from London to
see the broad facts of the contest for the Speak
ership more clearly than IN London itself But
they do not gain by being seen clearly. They are
not as a whole Of a kind to do credit to the
House of Commons perhaps TO anybody con-
cerned. The only figure which remains free from
any stain is that of the retiring Speaker, Mr.
Peel. least is innocent Of all share in the
confused intrgues which have been carried on
&ncessantly ever since ii became known that he
was about TO resign his great office. II Is not
known how that secret was prematurcy divulged
II 10 certain that ii not Mr.. Peel who divulged
It. The fact that he had resolved to abd!cate was
known only to himself and to the Cabinet, to
whom it his duty to communicate the tact
Within a day or aft ar the Cabinet knew II,
THE Tines knew it, and announced it. ard
commented on it in a leading article. Other
papers We're, not unnaturally. displeased and set
out in search of some to blame. The search
came to nothing There are sixteen Cabinet Min
sters: all Of course. good Liberals, while the
Journal which got the news is Unionist. A secret
in the possession Of sixteen men. even though
they are all sworn to secrecy, has been known be-
on the offender, but neither he the person 10
whom he betrayed the secret has any interest IN
telling so it remains suspicion and does not
ever get into print. Public opinion In such mat
ters and also the law of libel. are very stringent.
And there is always a chance that some outsider
overheard
But the effect Of the disclosure disastrous.
1t was made so long before the resignation was to
take place to give only too much time 10 set on
foot cabals and to put the Speakership perhaps
the most dignfed office in the Kingdom. up to
auction. If the secret had remained a secret. the
course OF events would have been very different.
and the result different. But day or two would
have interviewed between the announcement OF
Mr. Peel's withdrawal and the election of his
successor. The Cabinet would have been masters
OF the situation. They would have nominated Mr..
Courtney. certainly the ablest and best man for
the post and Mr.. Courtney would have been
elected The Radicals and the other opponents
Of Mr. Courtney would have had no time to or
ganze an opposition. and the House and country
would have been spared the discreiit Of all that
has happened since
The theory is that the Speaker is the choice Of
the whole House and not OF party. The prac-
tice has varied but on previous occasions there
has been to say the least. no scandal and
though the majority may have selected and
elected its own candidate II has not been in de-
fance Of the opinion Of the House as whole
1t is not the fault Of the Cabinet, or was not
originally the fault of the Cabinet. that per
sonal and party wrange over the succession
has occurred 1t was creditable TO Sir William
Harcourt and his colleagues to put forward Mr..
Courtney. He is a political opponent; a Liberal
UniOnist; and VIGOROUSLY the Liberals nate the
Ii6eral-Unionists more bitterly than they hate
Jlr-
court-for ne it is who has led. as it was his
function TO- in this matter-rose above faction.
He like Mr. Gladstone has a respect for the
traditions Of the House. and a regard for its
dignity. He knew that Mr.. Courtney would make
the best Speaker ana chose him for that reason,
POLITICAL opponent though he WA, and Mr.. Court
new was announced as the Ministerial nominee
Sir William naturally expecting that he would
have the support Of his own friends
But the first man 70 turn against Mr. Court
nav was Mr.. Chamberlain. the leader OF the
Iiberal-J-nionists in the House. Mr.. Chamber
lain is not above taking party views. Unless the
current belief in the House does him great in
Justice he looked upon the election Tor me
Speakershp as an occasion for a party deal He
"a accused Of sacrificing Mr. Courtney in order 10
carry Liberal-Unionist In vacant con-
s,ituencv or two. and to keep intact a ,er;ain
Unionists very much 10 the advantage of the
latter But for him it is believed that the Con
sarvatives would have acquesced in Mr. Court
nay against whom presently Mr.. Bafour also
turned: under Mr.. Chamberlain's influence, II IL
said
Mr. Courtney's fault impartiality. While
Chairman Of Committees and Deputy Speaker
he had held the balance even, and some of his
decisions had angered Mr.. Chamberlain and Mr..
Balfour For a similar reason. the extreme
Radicals opposed him. The extreme Radicais
are party men first last, and all the time. They
resented Mr. COurtney's fairness. They clam
ored for a man who would decide points Of order
according u personal and party claims. They
want 10 turn the Speaker into an instrument Of
faction who will enforce from the Chair the de-
crees Of the Caucus. They know that Mr. Court
ney would never do this and 50 they started
out on an INSCRIPTIONS campaign TO defeat him.
and notified Sir William Haicourt that II Mr.
Courtney were proposed from the Treasury Bench
they would vote against him. This fiat
n1utiny but II Radicals are not allowed 10
mutiny or 10 threaten mutny. when they nave
a point to carry how otherwise could they rule
the party as they do? All this left the Liberal
leader undismaycd. lie was willing to take al
the risks and persevere with Mr. Courtney as
candidate. But Mr. Courtney is not as other
politicians are. He is perhaps rather too Rood
for politics. He takes. at any rate, high views
and when he found himself deserted by the
Liberal Unionsts opposed by the Conservatives
and target for Radical resentments. he sent
word to Sir William Harcourt that he was no
longer a candidate.
Sir William had one other resource; a reserve
candidate in the person Of Mr.. Campbell Ban
herman, Secretary Of State for War. lie dd not
choose TO avail himself OF this. M CampDe"
Bennerman is popular, capable, wanted the post
and would probably have been e.ected by inc
unanimous vote Of the House. But his colleagues