The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1895-12-20
SENATORS DECIDE TO GO SLOW
(Continued dom First 20

way. but ne LnOuGnL InaL acklOn taken
by the Senate, in its ordinary and usual
way, after the report of a committee
would have Tar more weight and would
meet much more certainly with the ap-
prooatlon or the whole American people
than II the bill was passed now without
having consideration from the apprO-
pirate committee. II il were referred to-
gay II could be reported back tomorrow
and passed by the Senate. Let con-
gresS, Mr.. Lodge exclaimed, remain in
session until the bill is disposed of. Surely
az this time the senators are not going
10 set the question Of a holiday
against dealing with a matter which in
NolVes principle on which are staked the
interests and safety of the United States.
ana which may bring hOstlities between
the Two great English speaking nations of
the world 1t is of the utmost Importance
1nat we shall show to the world that we
are united, without distinction of party or
OF section, IN support of the policy which
the Presidents message outlines. We shall
be able to say, as Webster said. that our
politics stop at the waters edge, and that
when we come to deal with n foreign qucs-
ton, We are all simply Americans. 1t has
been freely charged in the English press
pQDllShed in London. and in that small
edition of it published in the city of New
York, that this whole thing is a matter
of politics and that it is being used by the
PRESIDENT for electioneering purposes. This
IS the most mistaken view ever uttered.
believe that the American people, with
out distinction of party, believe in the
Mr. Voorhees, said that he could see no
reason why action on the House bill could
not be taken at once. He was not con-
templating war or peace. He was con-
templating what was right in the case.
He was not in haste: and the English
government had not been in haste, when
IL took five months to make up its minG
what answer to give to Mr. Oney's dis
patch, or whether ii would answer it at
all. He had no fear of war. He looked
upon war as horror, and hoped that
every, Christian man did so. But there
would be no war over this matter. There
IS a hostage Mr.. voorhees, exclaimed,
vehemently, ION this continent north OF
us. And the English will not fight on an
issue of this kind. She does not not dare
to do so. The commerce Of the world is
in English bottoms No, there will be an
adjustment and a settlement. Let us
have that understood, and we will go
along peaceably. Let us now go forward
and settle the question for ourselves, so
far as our responsibility is involved. Let
England have what belongs to her, and
no more. / trust that we will waste no
further time on this great question, but
dispose of 1t, pass the bill and let the
President appoint his commission
Mr.. Allen objected to the second read
ing of the bill to-day, 50 that the motion
to refer could not be entertained There
was no doubt, he said, that there was a
unanimous agreement in the Senate on
the subject of the Monroe doctrine. No
body inexperienced the force of that
doctrine, or what it was. but there might
be grave question as to its application
to this particular case. He looked upon
cept so far as it was rule of national
self-defense.
Mr. Hawley said it was not wise to as
sumo that great people will not fight, and
he regretted the exceedingly war-like tone
of the speech of the senator from Indiana.
What the Senate of the United States
wanted was the facts and they could be
had only through a commission. The bill
should go to the committee for careful
consideration. If the Senate should act
upon the bill without it's having received
the mature consideration of the commit
tee on foreign relations, it would be re-
preached with having departed from it's
usual course. On the other hand, if Al
were sent to the committee varioIN
amendments would be offered to it; for
instance, that the commissioners should
be nominated to and approved by the
Senate; and that a time for final report
should be fixed in the bill.
Mr.. chandler, rep, of New Hampshire
obtained the floor, but his contr button
to the discussion consisted in having read
from the clerks desk the memorial sub
mitted to congress and the President last
February on the part of an English gem
tleman to have a system of international
arbitration and board to prevent war
Mr.. Teller commended that in ordinary
deceny the Senate ought to wait until the
Dill was reported from the committee on
foreign relations. The President, he said
had the power to appoint a commission
without the consent of congress, but if
ne wanted the assistance of congress, he
was entitled to it, The Presidents mes
sage, as a whole met with his hearty ap-
proval; but he had expected 1t. No Pres
ident and no Secretary of State he said
had reached a point where he would re-
tire before the assertion of the Monroe
doctrine. 1t was, however, not merely the
Monroe doctrine IL was the American doc
Urine 1t was a doctrine which grew out
of the right of self-defense IF" said
he, we believe that the establishment of
colonies on the western hemisphere is
contrary to our interests and threaten
ing to our institutions, Ii is our right to
say, that they shall not be es-
international law for our defense;
we resort to tire right of every
nation to say that no other nation shall
aggregate to itself so much power as to
the committee, and il the COMMITTEES
wants two weeks to consider it, or a
month, let the committee take that time
NoUhing will be lost by delay. Great Bril-
tain will not misunderstood our attitude,
and does not misunderstood 1t now We
know that we are not willing to abandon
the Monroe doctrine or to permit Europe
an governments to interfere improperly
in American affairs. If war should break
out ii will be a universal war We would
not be without European allies. The in
terest of certain European nations would
be that we destroy the prestige of Great
Britain, not only on the sea, but on the
land. Great Britain knows that. We
know it. And the world knows it. The
great Russian government, patiently
waiting to get its advent to the sea, would
find an opportunity which it has never
to take it? Russia is waiting to crowd
her domination on the line
or British India. Do you
suppose she would fail to do it?
She is waiting to complete her commenced
domination over China. Do you suppose
she would fail to take the opportunity?
In my judgment there is no danger OF
war over trivial question like this The
consequences would be more serious to
Great Britain than to us. But 1 do not
wish to say that in the way of a threat
do not believe that that is the way TO
discuss this question Neither Great Brit
ain nor we can afford to go to war unless
there is a great principle at stake and a
great necessity for war. 1t would be the
most inhuman thing in the world for these
two great English-speaking people to go
to war There is no haste in this mat
ter. 1t is a question involving the friend
ship, peace and prosperity of the two
greatest nations of the world. Let us ap-
proach it as statesmen and senators ought
Let us not be impatient, and, above all
let us not be anxious only to get politi-
cal advantage one side of the other II