The Prince George's enquirer and southern Maryland advertiser. (Upper Marlborough, Md.) 1882-1925, 1895-09-27

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pie purpose of practicing Il deceit that
| would not have decided and was not in
tended to deceive anybody.
Receiving my nomination in this way,
upon the first ballot, from unpledged and
uninstructed delegates, without personal
solicitation on my part, it would naturally
be expected to carry with it an absolute
freedom from entanglements and obliga-
tions, and for this reason be entitled to
the support of all the members of our par
ty who desire their candidate to occupy
such an attitude of manly independence.
Such a position, standing here looking
you, my fellow citizens, squarely in the
face, | declare to you | occupy.
The Office of Governor of Maryland is a
high and dignifed Office, well worthy of
the ambition of any honorable man, but
high as l hold it to be, should scorn to
reach it by the surrender of one jot or
title of the priceless possession of my in
dependence of thought or action, and,
though | feel almost sense of personal
degradation in being constrained to make
this public declaration, in order to repel
the ungenerous assaults that have been
made upon me, wish the people of Mary
land to know that If they shall see fit to
make me Governor of this State, they may
rely upon it that no man shall rule or
govern or dictate to me, but that up to the
full measure of the faculties which pos
sess, shall execute all its functions with
the most absolute independence.
had hoped that the letter of my accept
ance would have put at rest all unworthy
suspicious upon this aspect of my candi-
dacy had hoped that life time of lab.
orious toll and selfreliance passed under
the eyes of my fellow citizens, would, with
out such language, have been regarded as
a sufficient guaranty that in a new, even
though far more exalted sphere of action,
l could be expected to exhibit the same
qualities that had earned for me the good
will and respect of those who knew me.
had hoped that my career as mer
chant would have secured me against the
offensive imputation that in any position
of responsibility or trust to which might
be called, | would allow any man to think
and act for me or submit myself to the
guidance, control, or dictation of any man.
1t seems, however, that when man quits
the walks of private life and becomes
candidate, he may justly be charged with
having lost his individuality and however
contrary to the character he may have Sc
cured for energy, self-reliance, and indie
pendence-however clearly he may have
earned a reputation for qualities in which
servilitv and subservience have no place,
he may yet properly be branded as a figure
head-his public assurances of his
entire freedom from pledges and commit
tails of every kind be ridiculed as untrue
and his election opposed because of the in
solent and gratuitous assumption that, if
elected, he will prove a plant and super
serviceable tool in the hands of others.
Against such assaults upon me and my
candidacy | enter my solemn protest. and
if, in the fcce of these personal assurances
that, in the event of my election, shall be
wholly free to act without obligation or
sense of obligation to any man or set of
men, such assaults shall be continued, /
shall leave them to the contempt that they
deserve.
Having thus made my personal position
so clear that nobody can fail to understand
it, l turn to brief allusion to the political
issues of the campaign.
Upon the national questions of the cur
rencv and the tariff, | subscribe heartily
to the declarations of our platform.
We cannot ignore these questions in this
contest, and although the Republicans are
trying to shut them out from view, they
cannot blind the eyes of our people to the
fact their consideration necessarily enters
into the campaign.
Already Republican leaders in other
States have made them paramount audover
shadowing issues, and are fighting their
battles for State control upon them. In
proof of this l will only refer you to the
utterances of Senator Sherman, of Ohio,
and others, in their respective campaigns.
We cannot forget that if we lose Mary
land in 1895, there will be great danger
that we will lose her in 1896, and our duty
to our party supremacy throughout the
Union demands that we should not expose
her to such peril.
Upon the question of assessment stand
squarely upon the letter and spirit Of our
platform, and renew in all sincerity and
solemnity, the assurances of my letter of
acceptance.
AS the Republican platform and ours
agree upon this question, and is, in fact,
only an adoption of ours, there is no occa
sion for further statement from me upon
the subject
The people need have no fear that l
shall be lukewarm or indifferent in my ad
vocacy of this great measure of relief,
have pledged my word, that if elected,
| shall aid, to the very utmost, in securing
the prompt passage of an assessment bill
AS Il business rather than political
measure and | mean what l have said and
what now emphatically say again.
No Democrat can fully prefer Mr..
Lowndes to me upon this question, and
while accord to him perfect sincerity in
his declarations, claim equal value for
my own.
shall have occasion during the cam
paign to address my fellow citizens in all
parts of the State, and shall spare no pains
to make my position upon all the issues
involved in this contest clearly understood.
| especially wish Democrats to feel as