The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1895-03-20
GREAT BRITAIN AND NICARAGUA.

0HEAp BRITAIN AND NICARAGUA.
Another opportunity has offered for
the administration to make an interna-
tional blunder. and it's aptitude in that
direction renders ii highly probable that
1T will embrace the opportunity. The
Washington dispatch announcing that
the British government has demanded
from Nicaragua a cash indemnity of
5000 for the recent expulsion of the
British consular agent at Bluefields,
together with the appointment of a
commission to adjudicate damages to
other British subjects, and that a
British war ship is now or her way to
Nicaragua to enforce the demand, is
accompanied by the following statement:
The administration is evidently about to
pc put IN a position where 1t must
lay down a new construction of the Monroe
doctrine. or else abandon all concern in the
future of the smaller republics OF Central
and South America. Or the whole. it is
more probable that the President will inter-
pose to secure at least an amelioration of
the terms OF the ultimatum by an appeal
to the British government, representing the
great hardships that il would work to- Mic
aragua under the present depressed condi-
ton of her finances to prefer a demand for
so large an indemnity as $4,000.
This government has no right whatever
to protest against Great Britain demand
ing indemnity and reparation from
Nicaragua, and if the administration
offers even a mild protest it will get
snubbed and be politely requested to
mine its own business.
The extent to which the American
people have been miseducated, misin-
formed and misled in regard to the i'm
port of the so-called Monroe doctrine is
amazing. The prevalent idea, even
among those who consider themselves
well informed. is that the Monroe doc
maintenance of a sort of political pro-
lection or guardianship over the west
ern hemisphere, and that any sort of
European Interference in the affairs of
North or South America must be re-
sented by this government This is far
from being the case. The so-called Non
roe doctrine is not susceptible of that
construction. Following is the declara-
ton as it appeared in President Mon
roe's message in 1928:
We owe it to candor and to the amieable
relations existing between the United States
and the allied powers to declare that We
should consider any attempt on their part
to extend their system to any portion of
this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace
and safety. With the existing colonies or
dependencies Of any European power we
have not interfered and shall not interfere;
put with the governments which nave de-
1t, and whose independence we have, on
great consideration and just principles, ac-
knowledged, we could not view an inter-
position for depressing them or controlling
in any other manner their destiny by any
European power in any other light than as
a manifestation of an unfrfendly DISPOSE
ton toward the United States.
AS there was a disposition at the time
to m~isconstrue the declaration the House
of Representatives in 1926 passed the
following resolution:
That the United States ought not to be-
come a party with the Spanish American
republics or either of them to any joint
declaration for the purpose of preventing
interference by any of the European pow
ers with their independence or form of gov
ernment or to any compact for the puro
continents of America. but that the people
of the United States should be left free to
: act in any crisis in such a manner as their
feelings of friendship toward those republics
and as their own honor and policy may at
the time dictate.
This was a distinct declaration that
the so-called Monroe doctrine cid not
bin the United States to any uniform
policy, but tina in every case the gov
eminent should he left free to act as
occasion might require. The idea that
the United States is pledged to exercise a
sort of police protection or big brotherly
guardianship over the entire western
hemisphere is absurd, belittling and in
defensible.
If Nicaragua a expelled the United
States consul at Bluefields this govern
ment would have a right to demand a
cash indemnity for the insult and to en-
force the demand at the %cannon's mouth.
Great Britain has the same right, and
no one can doubt she will enforce it.
Any protest by the United States will
either evoke a pronounced snub or be
treated with polite contempt, just as a
like protest from Great Britain would
have been by this government when it
demanded indemnity and reparation
from Chilli for an insult to the flag and
the killing of American sailors.
There is a possible phase of British
aggression in Nicaragua that might call
fos some action on the part of the
United States. viz, such an establish
ment of British power as would threaten
the control of the prospective Nicaragua
canal. That would be a more serious
matter, but there are no indications of
it at present.