Washington standard. [volume] (Olympia, Wash. Territory) 1860-1921, 1895-12-20
AT LAST ON 4
POPULAR THEME,
He SUSTAiNS THE MONROE DOG.
TRiNE.

Plain aud Vigorous state Paper
on The International Couplica.
sio".-iiow st Was Received In
tongresS-rrcss COmnlcnts.
NASHINGToN, Dec. l1.-The Presi.
dent submitted the following mes
sage To Congress. to-day:
/" Congress: In my annual mes
sage addressed to Congress on the Sal
INST, | called attention to the mend.
ing boundary controversy between
Great Britain and the Republic OF
Venezuela, and recited the substance
CT the representations made bv this
government TO her Britannia males
tvs government suggesting the rea.
sons why such disputes should be
submitted to arbitration for settle
ment, and inquiring whether it will
be so submitted. The answer of the
British government, which was then
awaited, has since been received, and
together with the dispatch to which
it is reply, is hereto appended. Such
reply Is embodied in two communica-
tons addressed by British prime
minister to Sir Julian Pauncefote,
British ambassador ut this capital. 1t
will be seen that one of these com.
munlcations is devoted exclusively to
observations upon the Monroe doc
trine, and claims that in the present
instance new and strange extension
and development of this doctrine is
insisted on by the United States
that the reasons justifying an appeal
to the doctrine enunciated by Presi-
dent Monroe are generally inapplica-
BILE to the state of things in which
we live at the present day" and es-
pecially inapplicable to the contro-
versy involving the boundary line be-
tween Great Britain and Venezuela.
Without attempting extended argu-
ments to reply to these positions, it
may not be amiss to suggest that the
doctrine upon which we stand is
strong and sound, because its enforce.
ment is important to our country and
safety as a nation, and essential to the
integrity OF our free institutions and
the tranquil maintenance of our dis
tinctive form of government. 1t was
intended to apply to every stage OF
our national life, and cannot become
obsolete while our republic endures
If the balance of power is Justly a
cause for jealous anxiety among the
governments of the old world and a
subject for our absolute non.interfer.
ence, none the less is the observance
OF the Monroe doctrine of vital con-
Germ to our people and their govern
ment. Assuming, therefore, that we
may properly insist upon the doctrine
without regard to "the state of things
in which we live" or any changed
conditions here or elsewhere, it is not
apparent why its application may not
he invoked in the present controversy
Ii European power, by the extension
OF its boundaries, takes possession oil
the territory of one OF our neighbor.
ing republics against its will and in
derogation OF its rights it is Difficult,
to see why, to that extent, such Euro.
pean power does not thereby attempt
to extend its system of government
10 that portion of this continent
which is thus taken. This is the pre-
else act which President Monroe de-
clared to be " dangerous to our peace
and safety" and it can make no diff
ference whether the European system
is extended by an advance of frontier
or otherwise. 1t is also suggested in
the British reply that we should moi
seek to apply the Monroe doctrine tc
the pending dispute because ait does
not embody any principle of interna
tional law which is founded on the
general consent Of nations, and tina,
no statesman, however eminent, and
no nation, however powerful, j.
competent to insert into the code o.
international law a novel principle
which was never recognized before
and which has not since been accepted
by the government of any other
country"
Practically the principle for which
We contend has peculiar if not ex
elusive relation to the United States
1t may not have been admitted in sc
many words to the code OF interna
tionsl law, but since in internationa
counsels every nation is entitled to
rights belonging to it, if the enforce.
ment Of the Monroe doctrine is some
thing we may justly claim it was, its
place is in the code OF international Law
as certainly and as securely as if i,
were specifically mentioned. and
where the United States is a sutton be.
fore any high tribunal that admins.
tiers international law. the question to
be determined is whether or not we
present claims which the justice Of
that code of law can find to be RICH,
and valid.
The Monroe doctrine finds its recog.
milton in those principles of interna.
tional law which are based upon the
theory that every nation shall have its
rights protected and its just dues en-.
forced. Of course this government is
entirely confident that under the
sanction of this doctrine we have clear
rights and undoubted claims. Nor ia
this ignored in the British reply. The
prime minister, while not admitting
that the Monroe doctrine is applica.
BILE to present conditions, states that
in declaring that the United States
would resist any such enterprise if it
was contemplated, President Monroe
adopted policy which received the
entire sympathy of the English gov
eminent of that date.
He further declares that though
the language of President Monroe is
directed to the attainment of objects
which most Englishmen would agree
to be salutary, it is impossible to ad
nit that they have been inscribed by
any adequate authority in the code OF
international law" Again he says
They Cher maiest's government) fully
cencur with the view which President
Monroe apparently entertained that
any disturbance of existing territorial
distribution in that hemisphere by any
fresh acquisitions would be regarded
as an act of unfriendliness to this gov
eminent" In the belief that the doc
| trine for which we confond vyos cloo