New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1895-07-07

The men subsequently most prominent In the
Southern Confederacy not the ones most
eager for rebellion at the outset DAVIS ana
Toombs are always classed among the conspira-
tors yet Davis was in favor OF delay; ana
Toombs In spite Of his vehement talk at Wash
ington could not keep pace with the secession
movement in his State" Davis foresaw some OF
the contingencies OF the struggle TO which others
vere blind He was convinced from the outset
that slavery was in danger. whatever might ne
the result Of the struggle among the States He
was aware that in fighting for slavery the South
was not merely opposing the majority at the
North but was treating with contempt the COM
mon sense. the religious convictions. and the
scientinc opinion Of Europe. where he knew that
the Shareholders must look for assistance. II ne
had lived til the present day he might have
observed symptoms Of change In scientific
oninion on the subject that he would welcome.
hut in his day the verdict Of Western Europe
xas practically unanimous against every form OF
serfdom Moreover he had the affection OF an
old soldier for the flag under which he had
fought. In view OF the high-wrought rhetoric OF
the times there seems no good reason to charge
him with insincer!ty for hoping in the Senate TO
he hardened II he who in his boyhood was
given 10 the military service. and who had follow
ed under tropical suns and northern SHOWS
the flag OF the Union" suffering from 1t as 1t
became him not 70 say expressed the deep sor-
row which always overwhelmed him when he
thought OF taking last leave Of that object
OF early affection and proud association. feeling
henceforth that It was not 10 be the banner
which by day and by night he was ready to
follow TO hail with the rising and bless with
the setting sun.
As against his view Of the matter. which Is
also substantially that OF Professor Won Hoist
and Mr.. Schouer Mr. Rhodes adduces the sus-
picion OF fraud In the Louisiana count dwelt on
in Greeley's american Conflict" and the In
definite postponement in the Georgia secession
convention by a vote OF lGs TO l21 Of resolution
asking the Governor FOR Information concern
ing the number Of votes given by the people at
the election for delegates 10 this convention
But there is also a social fact 10 be considered.
namely the readiness with which secret move
inents involving great numbers OF people could
be carried on at the South. contrasted with the
necessary publicity Of all such movements at
the North. Proceedings which seemed quite
legitimate In the narrow and to use CON
venient word without necessarily attaching TO IL
an odious meaning oligarchical citizenship OF the
South, would have been viewed with suspicion
by Northern men. This secrecy ~ movement
which necessarily implied preliminary under
standing could not have been the outcome OF a
sudden plot. Mr.. Rhodes comments wholly IN
the modern scientific manner on the process by
which the recusant element gained control TX
pressing doubt as 10 the charges of wholesale
intimidation by which II was said loyalty 10
the Union was sternly suppressed. he ndds; Ihe
evolution OF the secession movement proves that
the employment OF such force would have
been superfluous. a great leader had at the
proper moment Joined together the two ideas Of
the rightfulness Of slavery and the sovereignty
OF the States. ideas which In that conjunction
had been hitherto the property or aRltators. OF
writer's for the newspapers and the magazines.
The ground being In measure prepared. some
at once received the doctrine gladly. while others
accepted II because It was advocated by Calhoun
Then ensued In the Cotton States the forming
OF a public opinion which making allowance for
the difference between the two communities
was very like the development OF the anti
slavery sentiment at the North. and when the
provocation OF Lincon's election came. this
opinion shaped the course OF these seven states
| Thus the South was compact and united. with
sentiments that had been forming and crystal
lizng for nearly thirty years. Almost the only
| thing II was In doubt about was whether or not
the North would fight. o., this point and on
nearly every other except that slavery was
wrong the majority In the North was still unde-
! cded In 1860. The passing months witnessed the
failure OF the proposed Crittenden Compromise;
| OF the proposition Of the committee headed by
Corwin. which would have s1fe-guarded slavery
| In the States. done away with the Personal Lib
| erty laws. and admitted w-Mexico ostensbly
as slave State; OF an almost unnoticed plan for
the gradual colonization OF the negroes; OF the
Peace Convention in Washington. February.
1861 which at least sufiiccd to prove the lingering
| loyalty OF the border States: Of Stewards plan OF
a foreign by way Of divertng the people
from broodng over their differences: Of Greeley
peace: OF Thurlow Weeds proposition to assess
on offending counties the value OF slaves who
| were enabled to run away. and TO renew the Mis-
souri, Compromise. extending the line to the Pa
c!fc Oceanin short. every possibility OF coercion
| and non-coercion. the conclusion Of the whole
! matter being put at last by President Lincoln in
just five words: physically speaking we cannot
| separate"
In that pregnant and emphatic sentence Lin
| coin embodied the unspoken thought Of the mul.
| titudes whom he represented more completely
than any other man Of his time. 1t put aside all
| subordinate issues. Men might differ as TO every
thing else, but they must agree about the preser-
walton OF the Union. Lincoln's first inaugural
embodied this truth In q wider formula Ma