Idaho County free press. [volume] (Grangeville, Idaho Territory) 1886-current, 1895-11-15
MONROE DOCTRINE
Congress VIII Enforce It, and if
N,csssary Fight.
C0NGRtSSMEN OF ONE MIND
significant Symposium Published by
the Chicago inter-Ocean--Niews
OF the West.

II 1t be true. as has been stated. that
the congress OF the United States in
years past has carefully avoided an
endorsement of the Monroe doctrine.
that sense of tinidity can not be said
to govern the present congress. A few
days ago the Chicago Inter Ocean ad-
dressed the following query to the SEN
ators and members of the house of rep
resentatives:
l. What do you construe the Monroe
doctrine to mean?
2. Should the United States. IL neces-
sary, enforce it by war?
To these queries a large number OF
replies have been received, and, as the
Inter Ocean points out. they show a
unanimous conviction in the minds of
congressman, both east and west that
the Monroe doctrine must be enforced.
From the long list of replies The
Spokesman-Reviewh has selected the fol-
lowing:
GEORGE L. SHOUP. IDAHO.
l construe the Monroe doctrine to
mean:
l. That it is the policy of our govern
ment not to interfere with European
powers in wars or strife relating to
| their governments, reserving the right
to protect American citizens and their
property in all parts of the globe, and
| to resent and indignity to our nation
| or flag on land or sea.
2. That we consider an attempt by
| any European government to acquire
new territory, or to extend their system
| of government to any portion of this
| continent, not only dangerous to the
| peace and safety of the United States,
/ hut TO oil OH in, be. or
hemisphere; and any move made in
that direction should be regarded by our
government as unfriendly to us: and
any European nation attempting to en-
large their territory to the detriment
| OF neighboring governments on this
| continent, should be warned through
| the state department in a firm and dig
| nified protest. Should such protest be
disregarded. the United States should
enforce its views IL it required our ar
my and navy to do SO. This is the Mon
roe doctrine as l understand it, and of
which l am an earnest advocate.
GEORGE L. SHOUP.
Boise, Idaho. oct. 81
LEE MANTLE. MONTANA.
1 construe the Monroe doctrine in the
language in which 1t was written, that
Is to say, that this government will re-
gard it as manifestation of unfriend-
illness for any European power to at
tempt to extend it's system to any por-
ton of this hemisphere. The declaration
of President Monroe was patriotic in
the extreme, and breathed the true
| American spirit. There is no doubt that
the great majority of the American
people approved and Endorsed it's senti-
ment in 1923, nor is there the slightest
doubt in my mind that an overwhelm-
Ing majority of the American people
today indorse and approve the Monroe
doctrine, and construe It as a declara-
ton that the United States will never
permit any European power to obtain
any additional foothold upon this con-
tnent; in other words, that our govern
ment, conceived and born in the name
and for the sake of liberty, stands
pledged to protect and guard that lib
erty for the two Americas. The Ian
guage of the Monroe declaration does
not convey this meaning in terms, but
this is the broad definition which the
American people have placed upon 1t.
War is a serious business. have nc
fear that we shall be forced to such an
extremity to sustain the popular def.
milton of the Monroe doctrine on ac-
count of any existing difficulties. These
1
At the same time the American people
are as brave as they are patriotic. and
not even war will deter them from an
insistence upon every just and war
rantable demand, and the maintenance
of every national policy and principle
LEE MANTLE.
Butte, Mont. October 81.
THOMAS CARTER. MONTANA.
For rs years all parties and all ad-
ministrations In this country have ad-
hered to the Monroe doctrine. That
doctrine has become a cardinal princi-
pie In the foreign policy of this nation.
The doctrine Is inherently right. The
question is. shall we proclaim the doc
trine as a mere sentiment, or shall we
insist that it embodies a vital principle
of national policy? IL it is to be treat
ed as a mere sentiment, its invasion by
foreign power might be viewed as an
act of discourtesy. If. on the contrary
there IL a vital. substantial national
policy involved in the doctrine, the
foreign government violating our rights
as We understand them should be held
to prompt and strict accountability.
believe the government should by its
strong arm resist any invasion of this
Monroe doctrine. If the issue involves
war we may deplore. but we can not
avoid, the consequences. The wonder
ful progress OF the nation during the
last 70 years has amply justified the
position announced by President Mon
roe. We have the strength, intelligence
ana patriotism to comprehend our
rights and duties, and to enforce and
respect for them. All foreign powers
have ample notice of the position of the
United states with reference to this
hemisphere, and IL with such notice
and in defiance of our government any
foreign power attempts to treat any
portion of either North or South Amer
lea as legitimate field for alien con-
quest, 1t should be understood that the
army and navy of the United States
will be on hand to resist the invasion
THOMAS CARTER.
October 81. 1895.
IL. c. HANSBROUGH. N. DAKOTA
There can be but one construction OF
the Monroe doctrine so far as the In
terests of this country are concerned
Words could not make the meaning OF
President Monroe palmer when he laid
down this propositions: We shall con-
slider any attempt on the part of Eu-
ropean nations to extend their systems
to any portion of this hemisphere ms
dangerous to our peace and safety. y
Some or the most pernicious systems
OF Europe have been extended to this
country. Could anything be more
dangerous to our peace and safety
| N Ey,r lax II a..