The Irish standard., 1895-12-28

nlembered how in 1876 we receded from
this extravagant pretension and excepted
the parallel of 49 degrees as our northern
Boundary Showing that we did recognize
the ,Iighspf other governments to acquire
territory on this continent, and even some
that we supposed ourselves entitled to.
How then did Adams and Monroe under
stand this broad statement in the mes
sage, and how has 1t been understood by
our leading American statesmen since its
announcement?
John Quincy Adams succeeded Monroe
in the presidency and Henry Clay became
his secretary of state. In a special mes
sage to congress on Dec. &c, 1926 Mr..
Adams announced that the Spanish-Am-
orleans resolved upon a congress to meet
on the lsthmus Of Panama, in which they
should be represented; that they had in
vited the United States to send plenipo-
tentiaries and that the invitation had
been accepted. In the course OF this mes
sage President Adams quoted from Mon
roe's message of 1923, the policy that had
then been declared, and explained lit.
In speaking of the objects of the Panama
conference, he said:
An agreement between the parties rep
resented at the meeting, that each will
establishment of any future European
colonies within it's borders, may be found
advisable. This was more than two years
'sineean nbuneed by. my predecessor to the
world as a principle resulting from the
emancipation of both American conti-
nents.
Such was the doctrine as construed
by the statesmen that first declared it.
Each nation was to 'glard by its own
means against the esta blishment Of any
future European colony within it's Dor
ders'
President Adams never dreamed that
the United States assumed a guardian
ship over the other American states. We
proposed to guard against any colonial
ton of our territory. and it was hoped
that the South American states would do
the same. President Adams advocacy of
the Panama congress rested on that
ground and that it. would result in the
adoption of such policy by all the Amer
lean states
In the debate that followed as to the
expediency Of sending representatives to
Panama the whole subject of the relation
of che United States to the South -Ameri-
can states was discussed, both in the SEN
ate and the house. But not even the
strongest advocates of the mission limited
at the idea that the Unied Staes would
under any circumstances exercise guar
dianship over the Central and South Am
erican republics. or in any way protect
them
Although in the outcome representa-
tiFes to Panama were appointed by our
government, the conference itself proved
to be a failure. But what the whole his
to,.fro ir~t o4cI0 In for 10
position of the Monroe doctrine by
John Quincy Adams, it's undoubtetl auth
or, to the effect that European exclusion
from the western hemisphere was to be
at the idea that the United States would
as champion Of the two Americas, but of
each American republic primarily, as pol
icy might dictate.
It has already been intinated that
when the question arose between this
country and Great Britain as to the very
territory concerning which the original
utterance had been, that the United
States receded from its contention, and,
instead Of insisting on "54 40 or fight,
which had been a campaign cry in the
presidential election of 1874, accepted the
parallel of 40 for the Oregon boundary,
thus giving up the whole Of what is now
British Colubia.
In 1S4S a revolution occurred in Yucca
tan, and the white government Of that
country offered to cede its dominion 20
Great Britain, Spain or the United States
President Polk made this offer the sub
ject of a message to- congress, in which he.
urged that such measures should hs
passed as would prevent it becoming
a colony Of any European power, which
he said would be in contravention of the
Monroe doctrine. But John G. Calhoun,
who had been a member of Monroe's
cabinet at the time the doctrine was an
11ounced, and had taken part in the cabi-
net discussions of the subject, rose in his
place in the senate and opposed any &C.
ton on the part of the United States. III
the course Of this argument he proved
that the Yucatan case did not come with
in the terms of any part Of Monroes mes
sage, and that under the circumstances
Yucatan might be acquired by any Eu-
ropean power. President Woolsey, i'll his
able work on international law, Endorses
Calhoun's position on this subject, and
says tto lay down the principle that the
acquisition of territory on this continent
by. any European power cannot be al
lowed by the United States would go far
beyond any measures dictated by the sys-
tenn of the balance of power, for the
rule of representation is not applicable
in our case.
- Senator Cass, who certainly was never
accused of any lack Of strong American
feeling, in a speech delivered in the SEN
ate in January, 1856, said, referring to
the Monroe doctrine:
To colonization by purchase, treaty or
lawful conquest the Monroe declaration
was not intended to apply. However it
may have come to be considered in these
latter days. To. suppose that
this declaration was intended as a prom
ise pledge. Or engagement that the
United States would guard them from
European encroachment the territory Of
the whole boundless continent is greatly
to misconceive the purpose of its promul
gates and to misconstrue the explicit
published to the world by
its author, Mr.. Adams. Yet, had this in
terpretation been couched in the most am
biguous terms it could hardly have been
more misunderstood than it would seem
to be at the present day.
Congress has never adopted any reso
luton on the subject of the Monroe doc
trine in either of it's phases, though it
has twice refused to adopt resolutions
that tended to give it support.
18Th he omore.&recent5 constructions given
it by newspaper, writer's mainly, but not
by statesmen, have no foundation in his
TORY They are in effect new enuncia
tions of policy. which may OR may not
be adopted by congress or by the eXecu=
tive. But they are not Monroe's doctrine.
Of COURSE mn Enrnl1ean government has