The Abbeville press and banner. [volume] (Abbeville, S.C.) 1869-1924, 1895-02-27

for an instant that we can do more
than advise. We must convince oul
friends that what we advise is best be
| fore we can expect them to follow. II
a word, then, in that meeting we triec
to arrive at All understanding, which
will unite the people of the State once
more without any surrender of princl
pie OH the part of anybody, and pre-
vent any struggle over the convention
and we realize very fully the delicacy
and difficulty of the task. The more
radical and unreasonable elements o.
both factions will necessarily be dis
gruntled and endeavor to antagonlze
the scheme. But we cannot give any
serious consideration to the opposi
ton of such men as these. We must
appeal to the patriotism and good
sense of the large conservative mass
of both factions to make the conces
sions which are requisite to bring them
together. As the victors and the rul'
ing majority, the concessions mustne-
cessarily come from the Reform side,
the conditions must be subscribed to
by the other side"
"What concessions do you allude
to-"
ITO begin with, Iwould say that the
one overpowering and essential idea
which made the convention necessity
was the preservation of white suprem-
acy by such qualification of the suf-
frage as will save us from negro DOM
ination in future under any and all
conditions. If this essential and fun
damental requirement, shall be sub
scribed to by all those seeking admis-
sion to the convention, along with a
very few other changes in the present
Constitution, the other questions like
ly to arise in the discussions before the
convention will inevitably be decided
on their merits as general propositions
in government and cannot by any pos
sibility excite any factional debate. 1t
follows then that if the factions can
unite in formulating the basic princi-
pies to be incorporated in the Constl-
tuition by common consent, the ques-
ton as to whether the convention
shall be composed of a majority of
Reformers or Conservatives is of mi
nor consideration. But for the suspi-
cion and distrust which exists as to the
good faith and honesty of each side
towards the other, have no earthly
doubt that the Reformers would read
lily grant to their opponents equal rep
1t will depend entirely
on the attitude and utterances of the
Conservative faction and the newspa-
pers which represent them whether
such an arrangement can be consum-
mated. If the charges of fraud and
ring rule and the bitter sneers which
have become to be the daily theme of
the newspaper writer and scheming
office-seekers are continued, it is ut
terly impossible to ask the majority to
trust those who show so much distrust
and who, while claiming
to be honest themselves, accuse all
who oppose them of being dishonest.
is the first requisite to
compromise"
Are we to understand you to say
that you are willing for the Conserva-
tives to have half of the delegates to
the conventions"
provided, we can be assured on GER
tain points, yes. I can conceive of no
harm that could result and of great
benefits that might accrue therefrom.
To illustrate: A purely factional con-
vention would be misfortune, and if
the delegates to the convention are
as they should be, because of
high character, intelligence and liberal
ty of thought, the attrition of such
minds against such 1flinds in intellec-
tual combat seeking after truth and
the best Constitution possible, would
make the convention an ideal one. If
the convention was composed of fac
ton or dominated absolutely by fac
tional feeling, it would be far more
radical and likely to incorporate unrea-
sonable provisions in the Constitution,
and we must never forget that we are
to live under the Constitution to be
framed, as we'll as our opponents, and
that we would hurt ourselves as badly
as we would hurt them by making a
bad Constitution. A sense of fairness
should compel us to give them a fair
share of representation, or even more
than fair share if they will let us. A
Constitution is different from an act
of the Legislature in that it cannot be
repealed by the Legislature, but con-
trolls the Legislature. hence its import.
ance. All classes and all interests of
the State should, therefore, have rep
resentation in the convention.
"How is it to be brought about and
how would the Conservatives get their
half?"
There's the question. If our peo-
pie could by common consent forget
the factlonal strife which has divided
them and elect delegates without re-
gard to factional lines, it would be far
better, but that is a mere theory and
we are confronted by a condition. The
factions are here, the bitterness is here,
the distrust is here, and last and most
threatening, all the negroes a: here to
create dread on the one side and to
produce temptation on the other. I'm
derstand me, if the fight has to come,
have no fear of the result. White
and Anglo-Saxon civiliza-
ton will inevitably triumph, but it
will be the saddest day in the history
of the State when it shall be recorded
that sensible practical, patriotic men
would not meet on such common
ground as exists, and cease their strife
for time in the interests of the State
and of posterity.'
You have just spoken of conditions
to which the Conservatives must SUBJ
scribe. What are they2'