The watchman and southron. [volume] (Sumter, S.C.) 1881-1930, 1895-04-17
% BROAD STREET,
CHARLESTON, April II, 1880. J

CHARLESTON, April IL, 1885,.
Mr.. John Grimball, Broad Street
My Dear Sir: Professional business
has prevented an earlier reply to
yours of the 4th inst with which |
have been honored.
I am much grati6ed that have
been thought of by you and others as
a probable and desirable delegate to
the coming convention There is.
however, a difficulty in the way Of
my becoming such which may as
well be frankly stated at once. If the
proposition that no one shall be
chosen by the people who does not
subscribe in advance to a pledge as
to what he shall do aud how he shall
vote in that body, if elected, is adopt.
ed I for one will not be eligible. |
can and will give no such pledge
Beyond the pledge of more than
forty years spent in the service OF
my State. beyond the pledge of life
offered in her defence and blood shed
in her cause, beyond the pledge OF
arduous labors in her councils, the
results of which are now upon her
statute book, have none to make.
II, therefore, that condition is to be
required it is needless further to con-
slider me in looking around for proper
representatives.
I trust, however, that such a pledge
will not be demanded. Let us con.
slider for a moment now such a re-
ouirement must be carried out. The
pledge proposed, as I understand. is
that the person, if elected, shall,
among other things, pledge himself
that he shall vote for some q%uaiihca-
ton of the ballot by means of which
white supremacy shall be preserved,
while at the same time no white man
shall be disfranchised except for
crime. Before considering whether
this a be done at all uuder the re-
strictions Of the constitution Of the
United States let us confne ourselves
to the consideration how it must be
done if at all practicable.
/ have given the general statement
of the proposition, but no such loose
terms of pledge will be sufficient
The terms of a pledge to bind the
members Of the convention in order
to accomplish its purpose must be
plain explicit and o%funiversal applica-
ton. To be effective it must be
specific and not general. Else each
member will be free to consider aud
decide for himself what will preserve
white supremacy, and the pledge
will be evaded. 70 be generally and
equally binding it is evident that the
pledge must be formulated so that it
will be subscribed in exactly the
same terms by every person chosen.
Now, who is to formulate this pledge!
Is it to be formulated by the execu-
tive committee of the Democratic
party? Certainly not. That COM
mittee has no authority to act in the
matter. And if it had, the chairman.
who is opposed to the whole scheme,
would not cali it together for the
purpose.
Is it to be formulated by a news
paper debate? And who is to put the
question? Who to vote? Who to
take the votes? And who to declare
and announce the result?
Is it to be FORMULATED by the lead
ers of the different factions? If so,
how are these leaders to be appoint
ed and authorized Or are selfcon-
stituted parties to meet in secret eau
Gus 10 do so?
This vital difficulty lies at the very
threshold Of the plan.
He who formulates the plegde
dictates the constitution.
Is the test of ones loyalty and fit
ness as a representative of the people
in the convention to be his readiness
to bolt and swallow provisions for the
constitution 80 dictated without on
sideration: Consideration presumes
doubt and results in alternative de-
c;sion
No. The people, | feel assured,
want no such representatives. They
desire in this election to secure the
services of those, whether Conserva-
tives or Reformers, best fitted for the
high and responsible duties OF tram
ing the organic law Of the State.
They wish to send such men to
Columbia to meet there others like
themselves, who come to consider,
discuss and study together the prob
lem of what is best. They do not
wish to send men simply to record
what some one or some others have
declared to be so. Why talk OF send
ing men of high character, lntelll.
ELoroEtv re fh0uOht If