The Independent. [volume] (Honolulu, H.I.) 1895-1895, 1895-05-01

contamination, otherwise devout-
ly to be wished for. Of course,
these hesitations may be justly
construed as q demonstration of
his superior craftsmanship, and
they probably are. But they are
at the same time a convincing
proof that dynastic considera-
tions were far stronger with Bis
marck than national ambitions.
If the scions OF the noble house
of Hapsburg had been imbued
with national spirit and aspira-
ton, instead of being tenderlings
as they are, Bismarck would
have led a war to the knife with
the Austrians instead Of treating
them after Sadowa with so much
indulgence and patience. He
would have led column after
column of Sound Pommeranian
bones" to certain destruction be-
fore giving his consent to the
formation of united Germany
with anybody else but Hohen-
zollern at the head.
If in the fuce Of the great ma
tional work effected by Bismarck,
the reproach that he was insin-
cere should seem bold. it would
be as we'll to recall the words
with which Bismarck explained
his motives for refusing the
establishment of national unity
under comparatively peaceful cir
cumstances. When in 1S49 d de-
putation Of the National Assembly
from Frankfort on tEe- Main,
headed by tho Germa II patriot
and poet, Arndt, urged the King
of Prussia to accept the imperial
crown, which the Assembly offer
ed him, and to establish German
unity. Bismarck said: "No; be-.
fore the King of Prussia degrades
himself to become a vassal to
those radical Utopians who be-
lieve in German unity, let Prussia
remain Prussia. The constitu-
ton fabricated in Frankfort,
which upholds the damnable prin-
ciplo of the sovereignty of the
people, is nothing but constitu-
tional anarchy. 1t is bound to
demolish the glorious Prassian
state edifice which has been
cemented with the blood of our
forefathers. The imperial crown
rendered from Frankfort may be
brilliant, but the gold which will
lend truth to this Utopian bril-
liancy must first be Cotton by in
fusing the splendor of the Prussian
crown" And in 1850 he said, in
combating the unionistic scheme
of Radowitz:
"Prussian honor demands frs
that Prussia hold aloof from al
Infamous connection with the de-
mocracy, and secondly, that
never shall anything happen in
Germany without the supreme
consent of Prussia"
1t will be hard for the future
viewer, who, uninfuenced by the
present glamor of national prosp
Gritty in Germany, looks calmly
upon the historic figure Of Bis
marck to reconcile these views
with the later purely nationa
attitude of the Chancellor. AS |
matter of fact, the nationa
chauvinist, Bismarck, may hav
been born only during the event
full battles of 1866, though Charles
, Lowe, in his book on the Chan
cellor, tries very hard to furnish
evidence that Bismarck began t.
lay his national plans during tn
Crimean war.
, "It is evident argues Lowe
"that Prussia policy during ant
after the Crimean war, with al
| it's ambiguousness and seeming
/, falsity, harmonized with the view
of Bismarck" (Bismarck entere
the Prussian Cabinet only in Oct
, ober, 1862. "But who would hay
dreamed that certain Herr vo
Bismarck had begun to take tn
fate of Europe in his hand ?
And who would do so to-day
subseouent historic events dl