The herald., 1895-07-23

of men who are not in politics for their
health This is their own unconvention al
| phrase for confessng venallty. These
men when honest look mainly to salaries
for their profit; when dishonest, mainly to
pickings. These pickings consist of COM
mission on the salaries of subcrdinates
on public supplies. on contracts, in dou-
ceurs for accepting inferior quality in
such supplies or inferior work in such
contracts. Blfckmail forms no small ele-
ment in their iliegitimate gains. In the
conduct of granting of public franchises
and in the police such gains are often
very large. This is also the case in the
making of laws and ordinances affecting
| large interests, corporations or certain
! lines of business like that of the retail
liquor dealer.
Public spirit and the public interest are
constanstly subordinated to personal
gam. Men become politicians to make
money. Fitness for the duties of the office
is distinctly secondary consideration.
Often it plays no part whatever in the
manipulation of our political machine to
gain office. We then see places requiring
| technical ability, such as those of a fire
| chief. park superintendent. street super
| iltendent, city engineer, city auditor, or
bookkeepeI, filled by second rate men of
poor capacity, or no capacity, and abso-
| Iutely ignorant OF their duties. Not only
this. but our system of practical politics
in forcing men to make deals and dickers 8
| to obtain even nomination, tends to
keep men of character and capacity out
| of the public service and handicap a good
man when he does get in.
The result OF this condition of politics
ic ba St stafu ipi 10 r
public service, and at worst one of Doodle,
| debauchery and blackmail.
My personal experience in the investi-
| CATION of both federal and local govern
ment is that the men in public life rank
with the average of our citizens, that
that the indifferent conduct of the public
business is due mainly to the defective
| system. In fact. the men are often bet
ter than the system.
| The fundamental defect of our political
system is that it treats the subordinate
Officer as plunder. Consequently public
office is gained by political activity and
| political pull. The dominating ques-
| tion is political capacity, and not char
acter and capacity for the duties OF the
| office.
This political capacity is not that of
| the statesman but that of the heeler.
| The growth of our system has been
| gradual and unncticed. 1t was not till
| about 1910 that anything approaching our
present political conventions was held in
this country. From that time until now
| the political machine has been incre asing
its scope and power. Today the poll tcal
! machine is a permanent fixture. 1t is a
| growth outside of any constitution and
| largely entirely independent of the law.
| 1t is self-constituted office distributor.
| A good and capable officer is handicap
| ped under this system by the necessity he
! e TT 10, HI in
| the selection of his subordinateS. This
political system forces upon the people
| incompetent chiefs of departme ents, or
when q competent chief is seiected forces
on him incompetent subordinates.
The federal government at least has
| unity force and harmony possible only
one executive officer is elected, the pres-
dent and he can under the law maintain
efficiency, unity and discipline in the
federal subordinates from secretary OF
state to letter carrier. No such posi-
bility exists under our state or III unicipal
government.
There is under these forms no unity of
action or OF responsibility. There is
in fact no real executive head in either
our state or city system. The officers cor
responding to the federal cabinet are in
our state and city elected independently
of the governor or mayor and are IN no
| way dependent on them. Such subordin-
ernment must act are often unknown to
him, of different political factions or even
of different political parties.
If it was proposed TO apply our city plan
to the federal government the proposal
would be laughed out OF consideration.
The ridiculous and impotent character
of a federal government with elective
| subordlnates is patent to the most in
different thinker. We can imagine what
federal government would be with, let
us say, a Democratic president whose
policy was fear or favor to none. No
taxes for private or corporate enrichment.
Public lands for the people and not tur
corporations Local f-government to
the limit of the general interests OF the
country. y sound money. such Il presi-
dent with Republican secretary OF the
interior tavoNng land grants to railroads,
water companies and constituting the law
in their favor, with a Prohibition onist at
torney general using or seeking to use his
power to advance his party views, Pop
ulst secretary of the treasury seeking to
found currency or money on land or
produce loans, a secretary OF war living
up to Quaker doctrine, and we might even
imagine postmaster-general elected
solely on account OF his affiliations with
some secret political or criminal order
ike the Sicilian Malta, who would use his
power to open all correspondence to pro-
mote persecution and the assassination of
character II not OF persons.
Such d government could do nothing
well. No single policy could have fair
trial and federal politics would inevitably
fell INTO the cabals. self-seeking, incom-
potency and corruption which is now the
general character OF our city govern
menets. While it is plain that the fair
trial OF any policy and the efficient ad-
ministration of federal affairs could not
be had with such a headless government
we can not seem to get our American
application of that. situation to city
affairs. Our city government is of this
detective kind. 1t has no head. 1t is all
tail-in fact q strictly "bum" govern
ment.
Besides this radical defect OF form. the
large increase in the number of persons
to be voted for at elections makes the
primary political machine work more
and more dominant. and substitutes fac
tionai or private gain in politics for the
public interest. citizen now goes to an
election with no knowledge OF the
larger portion of the candidates foI sub
ordinate offices. for some of whom be
is practically forced to vote, and as a rule
he is forced to choice in ten or more i'm
portant places, between representatives
OF this or that boss or machine. none of
whom would be even thought OF by a
really representative gathering OF citizens
for place, say like that of mayoralty OF
Los Angeles
A single elective executive in city
| could and would be representative. The
| citizens political duty in making up his
mind on the proper man for mayor alone