The Anaconda standard., 1895-11-02
SATURDAY. NOVEMBER 2. 1895.
The Monroe Doctrine.

During rhe discussion or the Monroe
doctrine IL is we'll enough to keep in
mind the fact that John Quincy Adams
was its author. A lifetime of service
in diplomacy and in the public service
at home had prepared Adams for the
enunciation of this doctrine precisely
at the time when the conditions on
this continent called for 1t. The Amer
lean colonies of Spain and Portugal
had revolted. In Europe an alliance
was proposed for the purpose of as
sisting Spain in her effort to maintain
her authority over these colonies. The
suspicion naturally entertained in this
country was that. in return for the as
sistance thus rendered. Austria, Prus-
sia and other powers would be re-
warded out of Spain's colonial posses
sions in Central and South America.
That result meant new complications
on this continent. of a nature that were
certain to be distasteful to the govern
ment of the United States. England
also looked with disfavor upon the in
tentions OF the alliance-it Is a politi-
cal tradition that Canning sent to our
government a hint that England would
approve what the United States was
about to propose. The announcement
of the doctrine was notice to the world
that the American continent was no
longer open to colonization by Euro
pean powers. This policy was embod-
led in the message President Monroe
m In
John Quincy Adams held at that time
the office of secretary of state. The
best way in which to define the Mon
roe doctrine is to quote salient para
graph from this message. The para
graph reads:
ers, in matters rela ting to themselves,
we have never taken any part nor
does 1t comport with our policy to do
so. 1t is only when rights are invaded
or seriously menaced that we resent
injuries or make preparations for our
defence. With the movements in this
hemisphere we are. of necessity, more
intimately connected. and by causes
which must be obvious to all enlight-
ened observers. owe 1t. therefore, in
candor. and to the amicable relations
existing between the United States and
those powers to declare that we should
consider any ATTEMPT on their part to
extend their system to any portion of
this hemisphere as dangerous to our
peace and safety. With the existing
colonies or dependencies of any Euro
pean power We have not interfered and
shall not interfere; but with the gov
ernments who have declared their in
dependence and maintained it. and
whose independence we have on gem
eral consideration and on general prin-
ciples, acknowledged. we could not
view any interposition for the purpose
of expressing them or controlling in
any other manner their destiny by any
European power. in any other light
than as the manifestation OF an un-
friendly DISPOSITION toward the United
States"
While the Monroe doctrine was at
first designed for no broader purpose
than to apply to a particular situation,
lut AANOiNNu ia II NdS stead
fastly kept in mind. Forty years later
II was distinctly violated when Maxi
milan. backed by NAPOLEON Ill, un-
dertook to set up an empire in Mexico.
II at first this country was slow to
act in the Macmillan affair. the delay
was due TO the fact that we were fight
ing out our own civil war at the time.
With the return of peace, distinct no.
tice was served that the venture in
Mexico would not be tolerated. France
acted on the notice thus given, and
Maximilian's empire collapsed.
1t has become popular in the discus
sion Of international affairs. to make
frequent appeal to rhe Monroe doc
trine. Manifestly the doctrine is
strained in the effort to make IL fit the
Hawaiian troubles the Nicaragua af-
fair and other incidents of recent date.
In the case OF Nicaragua. England un-
dertook TO enforce certain claims
against that republic and. pending set
tIe-nent. took possession of one OF its
seaports. Unquestionably. II from any
cause the United States had a claim
against Germany. our government.
without violating the Monroe doctrine.