The Manning times. [volume] (Manning, Clarendon County, S.C.) 1884-current, 1895-10-16
IRBI On TIE WAR PATH,
ICoNTiyUED FROM PAGE ONE.

dislike very much to have to speak so
plainly. bu. it IS vitallv necessary that
some one should sound a note Of
warning and arouse the Reformers
and the poor men Of this State to the
danger that menaces them. This is
one reason why | was anxious. for gu
| adjournment of the convention-tc
give the people chance to catch their
breath and strangle this political mon
strosity.
Mississippi is held up as an example
to South Carolina THERE'S no analogy
between the political conditions Of
these two States. In Mississippi the
whites are not divided, but working
together. There was rot faction
there standing ready to appeal 10 the
negroes, and use him at the first op-
portunity to crush the power of the
farmers. But in South Carolina our
white people are divided, and will con-
tinue to be divided. Turn 50, 600 ne
gro voters loose upon our State, and
you can t manufacture magnifying
glass large enough to discern the re-
mains of the reform movement.
But let us dive still further into this
report Of Senator Tillman's suffrage
committee and we will find where.
from the hour of its adoption, that
the poor white voters in our towns
and cities are disfranchised. Here is
a clause that speaks for itself.
At any special elections in lncor-
porated cities and towns of this State
for the purpose Of bonding the same,
all resident owners of proper IL said
cities and towns of the assessed value
of $500, who are qualified electors un-
der this Constitution, shall alone be
entitled to vote
1T matters not how honorable and
intelligent and upright he may be, a
voter living 10 Spartanburg city can
have no voice IN voting on theissulng
of bonds unless he is worth 5000.
When you begin to restrict the
sutfra ye Of white men there Is no tell
ing where it will stop. There is where
the danger lies. Only few days ago
Senator Tillman worked for, voted for,
and carried through a measure per-
hitting the incorporated towns to ex-
empt manufacturing enterprises from
taxation for series Of years. The
poor laborers in those mills had no
such clemency extended to them.
They must pay their street and their
poll tax, and even tax upon their
pot, kettle and mattress, while the
rich northern investor is allowed to go
scot free. Now canot see with what
consistency Senator THlman can say
that those Operatives, honestly
sustain the government, shall not vote
in certain election because they have
not $500 worth ofproperty, while the
wealthy stockholders in that mill, and
who were exempt from taxation, have
a right to vote? This is not in keeping
with the addresses that Senator Till
man made upon the stump, when he
wanted Office.
Il have unseathed my sword and
thrown away the scabbard. am in
the battle to the end. No poor and un-
educated white man will lose his vote,
if l have the power to prevent 1t. l
shall denounce this outrage upon the
floor Of the convention, and shall
denounce it upon the stand before the
people. We can preserve white supre-
macy in South Carolina without either
disfranchising or humlliating single
white voter The report of Senator
Tillman's committee certainly vindi-
Gates the position of the Piedmont
Headlight when it opposed the calling
of the Constitutional Convention. 1t
would have been a thousand times bet
ter to have never had that assembly
meet than let it pass the suffrage quail
ifcation proposed by that committee.
You will find every Conservative ap.
plauding and endorsing this plan, for
the simple: reason that it will strike
down the vote that they could never
secure, an0 give them political control
of our State.
II believe that some Of the members
of the committee signed this report,
at the earnest solicitation Of Senator
Tillman without due consideration or
appreciatirg its danger. I do not
know how single member Of the
convention stands upon its adoption,
/ but you can say to the poor and uned-
ucated white voters of South Carolina
that they have in John L. NJ. lrby a
friend who will stand by them to the
end, and will fight this monstroUs pro-
position to the very last ditch.
Senator, why did you vote for the
name of Butler, for the new county,
instead of Saluda!"
Il am glad you have asked me this
question, for l desire to state my posi-
sitiou and my reasons in language SO
plain that all may understand. did
not desire or intend to honor the name
ofex-Senator N. G. Butler, but l had
in my mind at that time the name Of
William Butler, one of the most gal
liant soldiers of the revolution, and a
hero from whose loins sprung a long
line of the ablest statesmen and war
riors that our State has ever produced.
Did William Butler, the founder OF
this illustrious family, today survive
| he would be Reformer. When our
State was bowling wilderness Butler
left Virginia on horseback, his wife
riding behind him, because he could
not hold his own with the rich and
aristocratic families of the old domln-
ion. He built cabin upon the Saluda
river, and when the war of the revo-
luton broke out did heroic battle for
his country. Two of my great uncles
fell fighting in his command, while a
number of the families in the upper
section of our State are linked with
that of Butler. My great uncle mar
ried William Buffers daughter, and
her dust now reposes in the family
burial ground at Red Band, in Sal ada
county. Pierce Butler, another heroic
soldier of this name. fell fighting be-
side brother of Ben Tillmans at
Cherabusco, Mexico Others of that
name have occupied high and distin-
guished positions in our State and
| 4ba-,, ,,oor1o fait f11 |