Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1895-12-25


lister to Sir Julian Pauncefote the British
ambassador at this capital: 1t will be seen
that one Of these communications is deyot-
ed exclusively to observations upon the
Monroe doctrine and claims that In the
present instance new and strange extern
sion and development OF this doctrine is
insisted on by the United States; that the
reasons justifying an appeal to the doctrine
enunciated by President Monroe are gen
orally inappicable ''to the state of things
III which we live at the present day" and
especially inapplcable to controversy in
volYing the boundary line between Great
Britain and Venezuela
Without attempting extended arguments
in reply TO these positions, it may not be
anlisS to suggest that the doctrine upon
which stand is strong and sound be-
cause its enforcement is important to our
peace and safety as a nation and is essen
tial to the integrity of our free institutions
and the tranquil maintenance of our dis
tinctive form of government. 1t was in
tended to apply to every stage OF our ma
tional life and cannot become obsolete
while our republic endureS. II the balance
Of power is justly a cause for jealous anx-
iety among the governments of the Old
world and subject for our absolute nom
interference. none the less is an observance
of the Monroe doctrine of vital concern to
our people and their government.
May Properly Insist on the Doctrine.
Assuming, therefore, that we may proper
~ insist upon this doctrine without regard
to the Estate of things in which we live"
or any changed conditions here or else
where, 1t is not apparent why its appllca-
ton may not be invoked in the present
controversy. If a European power, by an
extension Of its boundaries, takes posses
sion Of the territory of one of our neigh
boring republics against its will and in
derogation of it's rights, it is difficult to see
why, to that extent, such European power
does not thereby attempt to extend its Sys-
tenn of government to that portion of this
continent which is thus taken. This is the
precise action which President Monroe de-
clared to be dangerous to our peace and
safety" 1t can make no difference wheth-
er the European system is extended by an
advance Of frontier or otherwise
1t is also suggested in the British reply
that we should not seek to apply the Mon
roe doctrine to the pending dispute because
it does not embody any principle Of interna-
ton law which lis founded on the general
consent of nations" and that mo states
man, however eminent, and no nation, how
ever powerful, is competent to insert into
the code of international law a novel prin-
ciple which was never recognized before
and which has not since been accepted by
the government of any other country
Practically the principle for which we
contend has peculiar if not exclusive, rela-
ton to the United States. 1t may not have
been admitted in SO many words to the code
Of international law, but since in interna-
tional counsels every nation is entitled to
ment of the Monroe doctrine is something
we may justly claim, it has it's place in the
code Of international law as certainly and
as securely as if it were specifically men,
toned, and when the United States is a
sutton before the high tribunal that ad-
ministers international law, the question to
sent claims which the justice of that code
of law can find to be right and valid.
The Monroe doctrine finds it's recognition
In those principles of international law
which are based upon the theory that every
nation shall have it's rights protected and
It's just claims enforced. or course this gov
eminent is entirely confident that under
the sanction of this doctrine we have clear
rights and undoubted claims Nor is this
ignored in the British reply. The prime
minister. while not admitting that the Mon
roe doctrine is applicable to present con-
ditions, states: "In declaring that the Unit
ed States would resist any such enterprise
adopted a policy which received the entire
sympathy of the English government Of
that date"
He further declares: Though the Ian
guage Of President Monroe is directed to
the attainment of objects which most En-
glshmen would agree to be sautary, it is
! inscribed by any adequate authority in the
code of international law Again he says:
''They Cher majesty's government fully con-
cur with the view which President Monroe
apparently entertained. that any disturb
ance of the existing territorial distribution
in that hemisphere by any fresh acquis-
tons on the part of any European state
would be a highly inexpedient change
In the belief that the doctrine for which
we contend was clear and definite, that it
was founded upon substantial considera-
tions and involved our safety and welfare.
that it was fully applicable to our present
conditions and to the state of the world s
| progress and that it was directly related
to the pending controversy, and without
any conviction as to the final merits Of
the dispute but anxious to learn in a salts
| factory and conclusive manner whether
| Great Britain sought under claim of
! boundary to extend her possessions on
| this continent without right. or whether she
| merely sought possession of territory fairly
| included within her lines Of ownership. this
| government proposed to the government OF
/ Great Britain resort to arbitration as
! the proper means of settling the question,
! to the end that q yexatiouS boundary dis
! pute between the two contestants might be
| determined and our exact standing and re-
| latfon in respect to the controversy might
be made clear
! 1t would be seen from the correspondence
| herewith submitted that this proposition
has been declined by the British govern
! ment upon grounds which under the cir
| cumstances seem to me to be far from salts
| factory. 1t is deeply disappointing that
| such an appeal, actuated by the most friend
| ~ feelings toward both nations directly con-
| cerned, addressed to the sense of justice
| and to the magnanimity of one of the great
| powers of the world and touching it's re-
| lations to one comparatively weak and
| small, should have produced no better re-
suits. The course to be pursued by this
government in view of the present condi-
| ton does not appear to admit or serious
! doubt. Having labOred faithfully for many
| this dispute to Impartial arbitration, and
| having been now fully apprised of her re-
! fusal to do so. nothing remains but to ac-
Cept the situation, to recognize its plain re-
! qurements and deal with it accordingly
/ Great Britain's present proposition has