The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1895-12-25

s Praoti ically the principle for which we
contend has peculiar II not exclusive re-
jlation to the United States. It may not
have been admitted in so many words to
the code OF finternation law, but since in
international law counSels every nation
sis entitled to the rights belonging to%it, If
the enforcement OF the Monroe doctrine
:is some ething we may Justly claim, It has
its place III the code Of international law
las certsinlys and az securely as IL it were
mentioned, and when the
United States is a suftor before the high
tribunal that administers international
law, the question to be determined is
whether or not We present claims which
the Justice of that code of law can find to
bel right and valid.
The Monroe doctrine finds its recog-
milton In those principles Of international
every nation shall have it's rights protect
ed and It's just claims enforced.
OF courae this government is entirely
confident that under the sanction Of this
doctrine we have clear rights and un-
doubted claims. Nor Is this ignored in
the British reply. The prime minister,
while not admitting that the Monroe doc.
5trine Is applicable to present conditions,
states I'm declaring that the United
States would resist any such enterprises
ifitwas contemplated, President Monroe
adopted q policy which received the entire
sympathy of. .!the English government Of
that date" He further declares: "Though
the language OF President Monroe is d.
rected 70 the attainment of objects which
most Englishmen would agree to be
salutary, it is impossible to admit that
theyihsye been inscribed by any adequate
authority In the code of international
law Again he Gays "They Cher ma
jesty's government) fully concur with
the view which President Monroe appar-
emily entertained, that any distur banoe Of
the, existing territorial distribution in
on the part Of any European State would
be q highly inexpedient change"
In the belief that tho doctrine for which
we contend -aB clear and definite that it
Wasfu6nded upon substantial considera.
tions and involved onr safety and well
fare; that 1t was fully applicable to our
present conditions and to the state Of the
worlds progress, and that 1t was directly
reS3a6S.to the pending controversy and
WI onyictions as to it's final
men the dispute, but anxious to
learn satisfactory and conclusive
msnieryRheth Great Britain sought
under claim Of boundary to extend her
possessions on this continent without
right, or whether she merely sought
possession Of territory fairly included
within her lines of ownership. this gov
ernment proposed to the government Of
Great Britain q resort to arbitration as
the proper means Of settling the question
to the end that vexatious boundary
dispute between the two contestants
I,~ oOt
standing and relation In respect to the
controversy might be made clear.
= Il will be seen from the correspondence
herewith submitted that this proposition
has been declined by the British govern
ment upon grounds which, In the cir
cumstancss, seem to be far from salts
factory. It is deeply disappointing that
such an appeal actusted by the most
friendly feelings toward both nations d.
recsly concerned, addressed to the sense
of Justice and to the magnanimity OF one
of the great powers Of the world and
touching its relations to one comparative
" weak and small, should have produced
no better results.
The course to be pursued by this gov
eminent In view of the present condition
does not appear to admit Of serious doubt.
Having labOred faithfully for many years
to induce Great Britain to submit this
dispute to impartial arbitration, and hav.
ing been now finally apprised of her re-
fusal to do 80. nothing remains but to
accept the situation, to recognize its plain
requirements and deal with it according
~.
Great Britain's present proposition has
never thus far been regarded as admissi-
bic by Venezuela, though any adjustment
of the boundary which that country may
deem for her advantage and may enter
into Of her own free will cannot, OF
course, be objected to by the United
States.
Assuming, however, that the attitude
of Venezuela will remain unchanged, the
dispute has reached such stage as to
make it now incumbent upon the United
States to take measures to determine
with sufficient certainty for its justiica-
ton what is the true divisional line be-
tween the republic Of Venezuela and
British Guiana. The inquiry to that end
should, of course, be conducted carefully
and judioially, and due weight should be
given to all available evidence, records
and facts in support Of the claims of both
parties.
In order that such an examination
should be prosecuted in thorough and
satisfactory manner, I suggest that the
congress make an adequate appropria-
ton for the expenses of 8 commission to
be appointed by the executive, who shall
make the necessary investigation and
report upon the matter with the least
possible delay. When such report is
made and accepted it will, In my opinion,
te the duty OF the United States to resist
by every means within its power, as q
willful aggression upon its rights and in
terests, the appropriation by Great Brit
ain Of any landa or the exercise OF gov
ernmentai Jurisdiction over any territory
which after Investigation we have deter
mined OF right belongs to Venezuela. In
making these recommendations am
fully alive to the responsibility incurred,
and keenly realize all the consequences