The aegis & intelligencer. [volume] (Bel Air, Md.) 1864-1923, 1895-12-20
ASPECN OF VAR.

dispute between EIlSiftllu bhu thS
South America republic of Venezuela,
has again struck a chord that has
evoked a responsive thrill in the pop
ular breast in the United States. For
some time past carping critics have
censured the President for being ap-
parently unmindful of the dignity and
honor of the country in its relations
with foreign powers. These critics
have been silenced by one vigorous
sweep of the Presidents pen, and the
entire country appiauses Mr.. Cleve-
lands bold and patriotic assertion OF
American policy with regard to en-
croachments on this continent by
foreign governments.
The present contention with Great
Britain has grown out of a long stand
ing controversy over the boundary
line between British Guiana and Ven
ezuela. The line does not appear to
he clearly defined and England, from
time to time. seems TO have claimed
more and more of Venezuelan terri
tory. Our own government, while
not directly interfering, has tried to
make it plain to England that in pur-
suance of the principle laid down by
President Monroe in a message to Con
press in 1923, our British cousins would
not be permitted to absorb more ter
ritory in America than they already
hold. The doctrine enuniciated by
President Monroe, upon which the
pending controversy hinges, and ac-
uuiesced in ever since as settled pol
lev of the United States, was that OF
neither entangling ourselves in the
broils of Europe nor suffering the
powers of the old world to interfere
with the affairs of the new. In his
famous message President Monroe de-
clared that any attempt on the part
of the European powers to extend
their system to any portion of this
hemisphere' would be regarded by
the United States as dangerous TO
our peace and safety" and would be
accordingly opposed.
In order to end the dispute peaceful
ly President Cleveland says he had
suggested to the British government
reasons why such dispute should be
submitted to arbitration for settle
ment. Lord Salisbury, the English
Prime Minister, declares in effect that
England will not accede to the pro-
position for arbitration and criticlser
the Monroe Doctrine as being map
plicable Ito the state OF things in
which we live at the present day"
and especially inapplicable to a con-
troversy involving the boundary line
between Great Britain and Venezuela.
President Cleveland, in commenting
upon the reply of Lord Salisbury says
the Monroe Doctrine is important to
our peace and safety as nation. lit
was Unattended he adds, to apply to
every stage of our national life, and
cannot become obsolete while our re-
public endures. If the balance OF
power is justly a cause for Jealous
anxiety among the governments OF the
Old World, and a subject for our abso-
lutte non-interferance, none the less is
an observance of the Monroe Doctrine
of vital concern to our people and
their government"
With regard to to the suggestion OF
Lord Salisbury that the Monroe Doc
trine does not embody any principle
of international law which is founded
on the general consent of the nations,
President Cleveland replies that the
principle for which we contend has
peculiar if not exclusive relation to the
United States, but although it may
not have been admitted in so many
words to the code of international
law, but since in international councils
every nation is entitled to the rights
belonging to it, if the enforcement of
the Monroe Doctrine is something we
may Justly claim, it has its place in
the code of international law as GER
tainly and as securely as if it were
specially mentioned.
The point made plain to England
by President Cleveland is that since
the United States has adopted the
principle of non-intervention in the
disputes of foreign powers concerning
aggressions upon their weaker neigh
bors, we will not brook any interior
ence by the countries beyond the sea
in the affairs of our own or nefghbor-
ing republics, and especially will re-
sist such interference as would result
in the establishment of monarchical
governments on the continent OF
America.
A war between England and the
United States would be an appalling |
calamity to the civilized world, but |
crises arrive in the lives of nations as |
of individuals when bold and vigorous |
self-assertion is the only honorable |
course. President Cleveland has |
gravely weighed all the consequences |
that could probable grow out of the |
stand he has taken, and his message, |
while temperate and dignified in tone,
is explicit and firm enough to satisfy |
the most advanced advocate of social
ed american rights"
1t remains to be seen whether Eng |
land will, in defiance of President |
Cleveland's strong protest, insist upon
Selling a portion of the territory
claimed by Venezuela, or will submit
the decision of the question 10 the
arbitrament of neutral powers. The
alternative will be an appeal to the
court of last resort for nations-a call |
to arms.
Our navy is scarcely able to cope |
with that of England upon the high |
seas, nor are our seacoast cities provid-
ed with adequate means of defence;
but the resources of our country and |
the energy of our people are SO great |
that our army and navy could be
put upon an efficient war footing in |
incredibly short time. We do not |
want a war with England, but as
President Cleveland's message init |
mates, we do not allow ourselves to |
be trampled on to avoid it.
President Cleveland in his message |
recommended to Congress the APP
pointment of a commission to ascer-
tain definitely the boundary line be- |
tween British Guiana and Venezuela, |