The united opinion. [volume] (Bradford, Vt.) 1881-1970, 1895-12-20
UPON VENEZUELA
The President Submits a Mes.
sage to Congress.

Doctrine, Even to the Extent OF Going
to r-UnmistalxabIe Utterances From
the Nations Chief Executive.
WASHINGTON, Dec. 1S.-The president
sent to congress yesterday the Venezuelan
correspondence, accompanied by the fol.
lowing significant message:
To the Congress-In my annual message ad
dressed to the congress the 3D. inst called
attention to the pending boundary controversy
between Great Britain and the republic of
Venezuela, and rocite1 the substance of rep
resentation made by this government to her
Britannia majesty's government suggesting
| reasons why such dispute should be submitted
TO arbitration for settlement, and inquiring
whether it would be so submitted. Ths
answer of the British government whi,k was
| then awaited, has since been received.
| Such reply is embodied in two communities.
| lions addressed by she British prime minister
| TO Sir Julian Pauncefote, tho British ambas-
sador at this capital. Ono Of these eommuni-
| cations is devoted exclusively te observations
| upon the Monroe doctrine, and claims that in
| the present instance psw and strange extern
sion and development Of this doctrine is in
sisted on b. the United States; tina. the rss-
! sons justIfying appeal to the doctrine
| enunciated by President Monroe are generally
| inapplicabe "to tn, state Of things in which
we live at the present day." and especially in
applicable to a controversy Involving the
| boundary line between Great Britain and
| Venezuela.
| 1t is also suggested in tho British reply thst
We should not seek to apply the Monroe doc
trine to the pending dispute. because it docs
not embo1y any principle of international law
| which is founded on the general consent OF
nations" and that mo statesman, however
| eminent, and no nation, however powerful,
| mr. N in To the code of inter
national law n novel principle which was never
| recognized before and which has not since
been accepted by the government Of amy other
country"
Monroe Doctrine Is just.
| Without attempting extended argument in
| reply to these positions IL may not DO amiss to
suggest that the doctrine upon which we
stand is strong and sound, because its enforce
ment is important to our peace and safety as a
| nation and is essential to the integrity Of our
| free institutions and the tranquil main
| tenance of our distinctive form Of government
1t was intended to apply to every stage of cur
| national life and cannot become obsolete
while our republic endures II the balance of
power is justly a cause for jealous anxiety
| among governments Of the Old World, and a
| subject for absolute non-interforence, none
| the less is an Observance of the Monroe doc
/! trine of vital concern to our people and their
government.
Practically the principle for which we con
tend has peculiar, if not exclusive, relation ia
the United States. 1t may not have been ad
mitted in so many words to the code of inter
national law, but since in international coun
ellis every nation is entitled to tho rights be
longing to it, il the enforcement of the Monroe
doctrine is something we may justly claim II
has its place in the code of international law
as certainly and as surely as If 1T were specit
| cally mentioned, and when the United States
L.. al I'D
ministers international law the question to be
determined is whether not we present
claims which the justice Of that code OF law
can find to be right and valid The Monroe
doctrine finds it's recognition in the principles
of international law, which are based upon the
theory that every nation shall have its rights
| protected and its just claims enforced
| OF course this government is entirely conf1-
| dent that under the sanction of this doctrina
| we have clear rights and undoubted claims.
Nor is this ignored in the British reply.
In the belief that the doctrine for which we
contend was clear and definite that it wai
founded upon substantial considerations and
involved our safety and welfare, that it waa
fully applicable to our present conditions and
TO the state of the worlds progress and that
it was directly related to the pending contro
versy, and without any conviction as to the
final merits of the dispute, but anxious ts
learn in a satisfactory and conclusive manner
whether Great Britain sought under q claim
of boundary to extend her posse ssions on thii
continent without right or whether she
merely sought possession of territory fairly
included within her lines Of ownership. this
government proposed to the government OF
| Great Britain resort to arbitration as ths
proper means Of settling the question to the
end that vexatious boundary dispute be
tween the two contestants might be deter
mined and our exact standing and relation in
| respect to the controversy
Night BE Made Clear.
This proposition has been declined by the
| British government upon grounds which in the
| circumstances seem to me to be far from salts
factory. 1t is deeply disappointing that such
an appeal, actuated by the most friendly feel
ings toward both nations directly concerned
| addressed to the sense Of justice and TO ths
magnanmity of one Of the great powers of the
world, and touching its relations to one com
| paratively weak and small, should have pro
| duced no better results.
The course to be pursued by this govern
ment in view of the present condition does not
| appear to admit Of serious doubt. Having
labored faithfully for many years to induce
| Great Britain to submit this dispute to i'm.
| partial arbitration, and having been now
| finally apprised of her refusal to do SO, nothing
remains but to accept the situation, to recog.
| nize It's plain requirements and deal with II
accordingly. Great Britain's present PROPOSE
ton has never thus far been regarded as adj
| missible by Venezuela, though any adjustment
| of the boundary which that country may deem
| for her advantage, and may enter into her own
| free will, cannot of course be objected to by
the United States.
Assuming, however. that the attitude OF
Venezuela will remain unchanged, the dispute
has reached such q stage as to make it now in
| cumbent upon the United states to take meas
| ures to determine with sufficient certainty for
it's justification what is the trus divisional line
between the republic of Venezuela and British
Guiana. The inquiry to that end should, of
| course, be conducted carefully and judi
ciously, and due weight should be given TO all
| available evidence, records aud facts in sup
! port of the claims of both parties.
In order that such an examination should
| be prosecuted in a thorough and satisfactory
| manner, l suggest that the congress make an
| adequate appropriation for the expenses of a
| commission, to be appointed by the executive,
| who shall make the necessary investigation
| and report upon The matter with the least pos
| sible delay.
| When such report is made and scceped it
| will, in my opinion, be the duty Of the United
States to resist by every means in its power,
| as a willful aggression upon its rights and in
| terests the appropriation by Great Britain OF
| any lands or the exercise of governmental
| jurisdiction over any territory which, after
| investigation, We have determined of right be
| long to Venezuela
In making these recommendations am fully