The San Francisco call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1895-1913, 1895-12-18
ROAR OF THE LION WITH THE TWISTED TAIL.

Impartial OOSeTVerS. Lie poiitiCdi SS sIcih
of the allied powers is essentially differ
| ent in this respect from that OF America.
This difference proceeds from that which
exists in their respective governments.
And to the defense of our own which has
been achieved by the loss of SO much blood
and treasure and matured by the wisdom
of their most enlightened citizens and
! under which we have enjoyed unexampled
| felicity, this whole Nation is devoted.
We owe it, therefore, to candor and to
| the amicable relations existing between
| the United States and those powers to de-
clare that we should consider any attempt
on their part to extend their system to
| any portion of this hemisphere as danger
Gus to our peace and safety. With the
existing colonies or dependencies of any
European power we have not interfered
and shall not interfere. But with the
| Governments who have declared their IT.
| dependence and maintained it, and whose
independence We have on great considera-
| ton and on just principles acknowledged,
we could not view any interposition for
the purpose OF depressing them or con-
trolling in any other manner their destiny
| by any European power in any other
light than as the manifestation of an un-
friendly disposition toward the United
| States. Our policy in regard to Europe
| which was adopted at an early stage of
wars which have so long agitated
that quarter of the globe neverthe-
| less remains the same, which is
not to interfere in the internal
concern of any of its powers; to consider
the Government de facto as the legitimate
Government for US; to cultivate friendly
relations with it and to preserve those re-
| lations by a frank, firm and manly policy,
meeting in all instances the just claims of
every power, submitting to injuries from
none. But in regard to these continents
circumstances are eminently and conspic-
uously different. 1t is impossible that the
allied powers should extend their political
system to any portion of either continent
without endangering our peace and hap
piness; nor can any one believe that our
southern brethren if left to themselves
would adopt it of their own accord. 1t is
equally impossible, therefore, tnat we
should behold such interposition in any
form with indifference
Mr.. Olney sets forth at length our posi-
ton under the Monroe doctrine. He says
it does not establish general protectorate
by the United States over other American
states and does not relieve any American
state from obligations fixed by inter-
national law. 1t has but single purpose
and object. 1t is, that no European
power or combination of European powers
shall forcibly deprive an American state
of its right and power of self-government
and of shaping for itself its own political
fortunes and destinies."
Mr.. Olney states that every administra-
ton since that of President Monroe has
indorsed the doctrine, that it was the con-
trolling factor in the emancipation of
South America that to il must be credited
the evacuation OF Mexico by the French at
the end of the Civil War and the relin-
quishment OF the proposed protectorate by
Great Britain over the Mosquito Coast
He continues:
eff, however, for the reasons stated, the
forcible intrusion of European powers into
American politics is to be deprecated-if
as it is to be deprecated, it should be re-
sisted and prevented, such resistance and
prevention must come from the United
States. They would come from it, OF
course were it made the point of attack.
But, if they come at all, they must also
come from it when any other American
state is attacked, since only the United
States has the strength adequate to the
exigency. Is it true, then, that the safety
and welfare of the United States are so
concerned with the maintenance of the
independence OF every American state as
against any European power as to Justify
and require the interposition of the United
States whenever that independence is en-
dangered? The question can be candidly
answered in but one way.
To-day the United States is practically
sovereign on this continent and its fiat is
law upon the subject to which 1t confines
it's interposition. Why? 1t IS not because
of the pure friendship or good will felt for
it. 1t is not simply by reason OF its high
character as civilized state, nor because
wisdom and justice and equity are the in
| variable characteristics of the dealings of
the United States. 1t is because, in addi-
! ton to all other grounds, its Infinite re-
sources, combined with it's isolated posi-
| ton, render it master of the situation and
practically invulnerable, and this superb
| ority is at once imperiled if the principle
! be admitted that European powers may
| convert American states into colonies or
provinces of their own. The principle
would be eagerly availed OF, and every
| power doing so would Immediately ac-
quire base OF military operations against
| u.s."
Mr.. Olney says in conclusion:
''In these circumstances the duty OF the
| President appears to him unmistakable
and imperative. Great BrItain's assertion
of title to the disputed territory, combined
with her refusal to have that title investi-
gated, being substantial appropriation of
that territory to her own use, not to
| protest and give warning that the transac-
tion will be regarded as injurious to the
interests of the people of the United States,
as we'll as oppressive in itself, would be to
! ignore an established policy with which
the honor and welfare of the country are
closely identified. While the measures
necessary or proper for the vindication of
that policy are to be determined by an
other branch of the Government, it is
clearly for the executive to leave nothing
undone which may tend to render such
determination unnecessary.
"You are instructed, therefore, to pre-