The herald. [microfilm reel] (Los Angeles [Calif.]) 1893-1900, 1895-02-10
A NewNYork View of Hunting
TONS Monopoly ,..
coRRUpTS THE ELECTIONS
The Foundation Of Political Power in
the Golden State
What IN Eastern Journal Thinks Of the Power
Of the Southern Pacific Of Ken
lucky In California.
FROM THE NEW YORK WORLD.

The World in recent articles exposing
the iniquities of the Pacific Railroad
monopoly, which the Reilly Funding bill
is designed to continue so years, has told
how the Pacific roads in California have
dominated the commerce and enslaved the
people of that state, and how the monop-
oily has gained and perpetuated its power
by manipulation of Congress. The follow
ing throws some light upon its political
power and methods in the state of Califor-
mia:
The railroad employees are the founda-
tion of the political power of the railroads
in California. These employees number
not less than 16, 600 men. No Governor
has recently had majority in California,
and the pluralities have ranged from less
than 1000 to 1000 or 5000. The railroads, if
they can control 49, 00G votes, can, of
course, neutralize a natural majority of
SO, 600. They thus have four times as many
voters as are needed to decide state cleo
ton, and own the state politically. They
have done so for the last 25 years
or more. AS the railroads have prac-
tically been the Republican party during
that period, the State has with very few
exceptions gone Republican. The Austria
liam Ballot law, so-called, has been sturdily
opposed in California by the Republican
party Chat is, by the railroads), and
its most damaging opponent in the State
Legislature was a-man named Dibble, who
was member of the notorious Louisiana
Returning Board at the time of the Tilden-
Hayes controversy. The reason of this OPP
position is obvious. The Australian law
is strong protection to the real secrecy of
the ballot, and accordingly, it prevents
the railroads from knowing whether their
operative has voted as he was ordered.
AS in the case of the Washington lobby
work, so in California the railroad political
business has been managed with all the Sc
crecy of crime, and circumstantiai evidence
must more or less be depended on. There is,
however, single piece of this which alone
will Justify full belief in the pervadng po-
litical corruptionism of the railroads.
This is the evidence given by Senator Le-
land Stanford and his chief managers
when, on August 10, 1887, and afterwards
at San Francisco, they refused to answer
the inquiries of the Pacific Railway Com
mission.
The accountants of the commission, as
has been told in preceding articles, report
ed that the amount of "a, S18 35567 had
been expended by the Central Pacific Rail
road, for which no vouchers, or only I'M
satisfactory ones, had been found. Out of
this total it appeared that Mr.. Stanford
had paid or ordered paid thirty or forty
different amounts of from 800 up to SILL,
ISL. SIN all the sum of $3.50, 942. 80. The
commission asked Mr.. Stanford whether
any of this money had been paid to infiu-
ence legislation. Mr.. Stanford refused to
answer.
Now, if this money had been paid for
honest and lawful purposes, Mr.. Stanford
would have said so and would have proved
it, both for the sake of his personal rep
utation and for that of the railroad His
refusal to answer does not legally prove
that any OF the money, in question had
been used to influence legislation, but it
does morally prove it. The commission
asked the United States Circuit Court to
order Mr.. Stanford to answer. Judges
Field, Sawyer and Sabin decided that he
need not, and there that inquiry end ed.
Judge Ogden Hoffman wrote dissenting
opinion, but that did no good.
The power to require such information as
the commission asked from Mr.. Stanford
is expressly given in the act creating the
commission. 1t is clear that if such in
formation may be refused, any such in
vestigation as that of the commission is
liable to break down just as this one
broke down with regard to Mr.. Stanford.
The reasoning of the three Judges
amounted to this: That the courts could
compel a witness to testify only in a case,
and that this investigation was not case.
This argument may satisfy a lawyer, but
hardly any one else.
w. W. Stow and Stephen T. Gage availed
themselves of the same decision to refuse
to answer questions like that put to Mr..
Stanford. They had been notorious lob
byists and political managers for the rail-
road for a generation, Mr.. Stow, in par
ticular displayed what somebody has
called ''the virtuous indignation of a
guilty conscience, and on one occasion
cautioned the Chairman not to push his
inquiries too far, evidently intending to
frighten him. Mr.. Gage was affable, talk
alive and jocular.
As in other cases, positive legal proof is
not forthcoming that Mr.. Stanford bought
either of his elections to the United States
Senate. But everybody in California who
is in the way of knowing about political
affairs is convinced that Mr. Stanford paid
about $75, 600 for his first election to the
United States Senate, and for his second
election very much more-between 500, 900
and 100000.
Most of the railroad political work in
California was done or supervised by
Messrs. Stanford Stow and Gage. But
whenever Mr.. Huntington thought fit, he
reached 1000 miles across the continent
and took a hand He wrote to General
Commission within % days, in 1877, the
following solicitous looking series of re-
minders:
March 7.-'I notice you are looking af-
ter the State Railroad Commission.
think it is time"
March III am glad you are looking
after the State Railroad Commissioners.
March 24.--'I am glad to notice you are
paying some attention to the State Rail
road Commissioners.
March 31.-'I am sorry to learn that the
receipts are so very poor south of San
Francisco, but it is good time to take the
State Railroad Commissioners over the
roads. l am glad to notice that you are
looking after the Commissioners. think
it is very important.
1t is no wonder that the care of these
was considered important.
Their subservicncy to the railroads was
the king-post of the whole system of
freights and fares. That is, upon
them the railroads depended for
S. 600, 600 or more year unJustly
extorted from the people of Cali
fornia. The board referred to in Mr..
letters just above was
formed under the old State Constitution.
The present board of three Commission
ers was provided for in the Constitution
OF 1879, with the special intention that it
should protect the people against the rail
roads by establishing Just freight and pas
tion is express and precise on this point.
1t says:
power, and it shall be their duty to estab-
fish rates of charges for the transportation
n ,.c.son 0oru nd frei chit bv railrcad and