Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1895-09-06
One Of the Problems.

Bluefeld CIV. ya) Telegraph
Writers OF strike history will find IN
the Pocahontas-F, Top field some OF
the most interesting facts which the CEN
fury has developed.
The principle Of using the military not
only to suppress but TO prevent disorder
has been discussed and illustrated In all
It's phases here. Now that the strike is
entirely over and passion allayed, people
are better qualified to judge OF these
things than they were during the LABOR
troubles.
This field is pretty thoroughly convert
ed to the policy of promptly throwing
armed protection around works which
are In danger from mob violence. The
class In this community who hold to the
theory Of waiting until violence has actu-
ally been committed are greatly dimin-
ished In number. and probably reduced
70 minority. Dropping out OF the cal
cuiation that portion Of the labor element
which was directly concerned, or In close
sympathy with the recent strike, II Is
safe to say that a large majority OF people
in this region favor the plan Of pro-
cedure adopted and pushed TO such sue
cessful results by Governor OFerrall. Of
Virginia. In a recent letter to the Daily
Telegraph, Justis Collins. one OF the rep
resentative coal managers on the West
Virginia side Of this field. used these
words: ut seems we are fast drifting
to point In this State where. II per-
son Wishes to operate a coal mine. II
would be well for him to fortify his place,
and hire a garrison"
Nothing could better illustrate the radi-
cal change in sentiment on this subject
than the above quotation. Mr.. Collins.
Mr.. Cooper. and other influential men in
the local field earnestly advised Governor
MacCorkle at the opening OF the strike
not to send troops, declaring that no con-
ditlon of affairs would be likely to arise
which would justify their presence. Some
lckspittle at Bramwell. voicing a sentl-
ment which was prevalent there at the
time. drew a cartoon insulting Governor
O'Ferrall in connection with the military
order. This carlcature was circulated by
thousands and paid for almost wholly by
the West VirginL, coal operators. At the
same time James w. Lawless was permit
ted to stand on West Virginia soil and In
the presence Of multitude denounce
OFerrall as a rebel dog. This disgrace
was not wiped out, but sentiment changed
so radically within sixty days that score
or more Of the men who had circulated the
O'Ferrall cartoon were strongly petition
ing Governor MacCorkle to send troops;
in fact, to adopt the OFerrall policy. in
order that they might conduct their opera
lions in peace and safety.
These facts have all gone into history.
They furnish an extremely interesting
study. The two policies were placed side
by side-the policy of preventing violence
on one hand and that OF waiting for vio-
lence before acting on the other. Those
who watched the developments from day
to day are able TO testify that the mill
tary policy was by far the cheaper. The
Virginia plan cost that State $500; the
West Virginia way cost this State easily
$4,000.
This article Is not written TO censure
Governor MacCorkle. The Governor would
have sent troops at the outset, when
Governor O'Ferrall sent them, had our
operators asked for them. Furthermore.
to point out the truths and draw useful
lessons from the situation, II Is not neces-
sary to censure the operators. The facts
are of rare value TO students OF the labor
problem, and IT is only on this ground
that they are presented here.
One vital fact established Is that labor
ers must accomplish their ends by peace
full methods-wlthout threats-or they
cannot accomplish them at all.
Another idea made conspicuous by the
experience here is that the moment life
and property interests become insecure
by reason OF threats mob demonstrations,
or incendiary speaking or writing, the
public authorities should step in and per-
form the functions Of government. The
necessary protection should not be at
private expense. That Is a governmental
duty.