Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1895-03-08
MAINE LEGISLATURE.
CONTINUED from page 81
slowed upon woman, then we make out
at least prima facie case.

slowed upon woman, then we make out
at least q prima facie case.
But we are met by the old arguments
sent forth by the opponents OF this meas
ure. They say among other things that
woman should not have the ballot be-
cause she cannot fight or bear arms-one
of their strongest arguments. But when
wa consider that all OF those chill
dren who afterwards become soldiers
were born of woman and that in the
birth of these children the woman
irnperils her life, and when we fur
ther consider the thousands OF women
who did SO well for us in the late Rebel
lion, in the camps, in the hospital and
even at home, when we consider all OF
these things, it seems to me that in these
times of trials woman indeed may posi-
bly contribute her full share. But l say
to you that do not belive that bullets
and ballots go together. do not see any
necessary relation of one to the other.
Were there any, force in this argument, 1t
would disfranchise large portion OF the
male yoters--I think somewhere one-fourth
or one-half Of the male voters are said to be
EXEMPT or disqualified from military SER
vice. But cannot believe, sir, there can be
any force in this argument. AS have al
ready said, l do not think bullets and bal
lots 20 together. We do say that let the good
influence of woman come forth and be
used in the ballot and the day Will be
nearer when might ceases to make right
when force will yield to reason and when
cruel and terrible wars will be averted by
wise and just arbitration. Applause.
Another argument which the other side
bring forward is that If woman is given
the ballot, it will tend to degrade
her. Now, Mr.. Speaker, if / believed
that giving woman the ballot would take
from her that modesty, that purity, that
refinement which now enables her to com
mand SO much respect from men, l would
be the last one hope to raise my voice in
support of this measure. But l think our
common everyday experience shows us
there can be no danger Of anything of
this sort. In our schools, in our colleges,
in our stores, in our factories, in our
offices and in the professions we have
women mingling with men; it does not
tend to drag women down, but on the
contrary common experience has shown
that it has tended to refine the coarser
conduct of men and elevate them. 1t is
not the ballot that debases man, it is the
man that debases the ballot. Wherever
this experiment of woman's suffrage has
been tried, the best women have voted,
and / believe that while they have exerted
an influence on politics, they have at the
same time been just as good sisters, just
as good mothers, just as good wives and
just as good women as before Applause.
Another strong argument brought for
ward by the opponents to this measure Is
the claim that women, or the majority OF
them, do not want the right of suffrage.
How is it on this point in respect to the
measure before us? What meant this hear
ing in this hall the other day? What meant
this crowding of women from one end OF
this State to the other and why, sir, did
the women of this State so many of them
come here and speak for it and SO well
and so earnestly? Will you tell me why
the voice of not one was raised here
against it? The report of this committee
shows that more than 5000 want this
measure, and will any one say that the
women of this State do not want it after
that? Why has there been not one single
remonstrance sent here against it? | ask,
Mr.. Speaker, If this, be matter of prin-
ciple, if it be a matter of principle, what
matters it whether one woman wants this
right or whether they all want it? II l
am entitled to the use of the ballot as a
matter of right, as matter of principle,
what matters it. sir, if my neighbors do
not want it, If, as matter of right l
am entitled to the ballot should be de-
MED that right simply because my neigh
bors do not want it? The adjustment of
v,rincir1a
Pray tell me would there have been any
sense or reason in saying it should not be
abolished because a majority of the slaves
did not want 1t abolished
This matter is not new. 1t has been
agitated for many years. We find among
its advocates many of the most thought
full and eminent men. Among them we
find Abraham Lincoln, William Lloyd
Garrison, Charles Sumner, Wendell Phil
lips, Ralph Waldo Emerson, George F,
Hoar, Henry l.. Dawes, John ID. Long,
and am happy to say, last but not least,
our own distinguished member of Con
gress from this State, whom we hope be-
fore long to place in the Presidential
chair, Thomas b. Reed. (Applause.)
Now, Mr.. Speaker, what l have said
upon this matter may perhaps pertain
more to general suffrage. The question
now before us is that of municipal suf-
fragc. think, however, that the
remarks I have made in general
are applicable to both. But the question
now before us is question of municipal
suffrage only. ask my friends who OPP
pose this, is not this a conservative way
in which to try the question of woman's
suffraKeg We can try it in our municipal
elections and if it is not found to work
we'll, then any succeeding Legislature can
change the law. I say, is not this con-
sentative and safe way in which to try
this measure? 1t is a question, as l have
said before, only of municipal suffrage.
viii you give that woman who submits
herself to the government of your law,
who owns property, who is your equal in
intelligence, who has equal interest with
you in your homes, in your children, in
society, in charities, in the church and in
general public good, the right to elevate
herself from the present condition of the
pauper and the idiot and help you to
keep good municipal affairs by giving her
the right of the ballot in municipal
elections? (Applause)
n