The herald., 1895-10-19

1880. Following the account of his own
struggle for the nomination. he says: "In
time l became thoroughly advised OF
what occurred at the Chicago convention
and had become entirely reconciled Il
tho result, though frequently afterwards
l heard incidents and details which occa-
stoned me great pain anu which seemed
to establish the want of sincerity on the
part of some of the delegates and extnded
to show that for some time before the
meeting OF the convention the nomina-
tion of General Garfield had been
agreed upon"
The sting felt by MIR. Garfield's defec.
ton in 1880 is inadvertently shown by @
sediment expressed during the discussion
OF the national convention of 1892, where
the senator remarks. .From later devel.
opments l became satisfied that Harrison
could not be.elected, that PlatG and pow
erful New York influence would defeat
him if nominated. therefore preferred
the nomination OF a new man such as
William Mckinley. but he had com m tilted
himself to Harrison, and, according to
my code of honor. could not accept q
nomination even If rendered him.
When it is remembered that Blaine
was also a candidate for the presidency
before the convention that nominated
Garfield, the significance of the follow
ing explanation on the part of Senator
Sherman of why he was not reappointed
treasury is readily understood.
I'm the latter part of November, 1880,
General Garfield came to Washington and
called upon Mr.. Blaine who, it was under
stood, was TO be secretary Of state. Gar
field came to my house directly from
Blaine's and informed me ne had ten
dered that Office to Blaine and that it
was accepted He said Blaine thought it
would not be polite to continue me as
secretary OF the treasury, as 1t would DO
regard ed as AL upfrienGl y- discrim ination
by other mem bers of Hayes cabinet. l
promptly replied that l agreed with the
opinion of Blaine, and was u candidate
Tor the senate
Again the author refers to the Chicago
convention in discussing the character of
President Garfield. Of his personality
and eloquence be speaks in the highest
terms. His will power, be says, was
not up to his personal magnetism. He
adds that lis opinion changed easily.
In this connection he says:
t'When l proposed to him to be a dele
gate at large to the Chicago convention he
no doubt meant in good faith to support
my nomination"
Something of the political scheming
that agian resulted in the defeat of the
Ohio statesman in the national conven-
tion of 1888 and brought the nomination
of ex-fresident Harrison can be easily
read between the lines in that part of the
work devoted to this struggle. In dis
cusslng the result Mr.. Sherman SAYS he
became satisfied one delegate from New
York controlled the entire delegation
from that state, and between Saturday
night, when the n nomination seemed GER
tain to go to Sherman, and Monday
morning, when the tide turned in favor
of Harr ison, a corrupt bargain was made
in the interest of the latter which Sc
cured him the support of New York and
gave him the nom iflatiOn.
Continuing, the author states in fair
ness to the ex-pres1dent:
"But it is to the credit of General Har-
rison to say that if the reputed bargain
was made, it vas without his consent at
the time" l-.,
On the eve of another national cam.
paign, in which ex President Harrison
Is expected TO figure prominently, Mr..
Sherman does not hesitate to state that
in 1892 he did not consider Mr.. Harrison
abrupt manner he attributed his unpopu-
larity at that time.
MIR. Sherman says Grants adm in stra-
ton was period of scandal and SANDER.
Perhaps the severest criticism of General
Grants craftsmanship is found in the
following extract fiom Mr.. Sherman's
work:
During the entire period of Grants
administration l was chairman of the
committee on finance of the senate and
had to act upon all questions of debt,
taxation, banking and finance, and had
occasion to talk with the president upon
such matters, but he rarely expressed an
opinion or took any interest in them
At the age of II Senator Sherman recalls
the affair over the attem ot to remove
Chester A. Arthur from the collectorship
of the port of New York with much feel
Ing. The co rrespondenee bearing on the
controversy, never before published, is
IL H. ,,tI
secretary of the treasury is stated in de-
tail. Arthur is shown up in an unenvi-
able light. and the attitude of Roscoe
Cokling toward the presider is caustic-
ally mmented upon The formers
nomination as president, Mr.. Sher.
man says, was the vhim OF Conkling to
annoy President Hayes.
Throughout that part of the work relsl-
Ing to President Hayes Mr.. Sherman
speaks in the highest praise of the CHIEF
executive.
There is less OF personal narrative in
She book than might he expected. Mr..
Sherman speaks modestly of his bow.
hood Gays, of his family and of his first
appearance in public life. Many of his
important public addresses during the
slavery agitation and during the political
campaigns in which he took part are en-
booied In the book. His account of the
civil war and OF his association with
=
narrative and as historic of that period.
In writing about himself Mr.. Sherman
is candid to to the point of self criticism
For instance, he states that at the age OF
: 10 years he got into bad company and
was on several occasions conscious of be-
ing intoxicated. To his mothers kind
ness he attributes his resolution to never
repeat the condition.
The views of Mr.. Sherman on the
financial question are so well known
that 1t is not necessary to repeat them.
1t is sufficient to say he is consistent.
All of the legislation subject during the
last half century is carefully recited and
analyzed, the details concerning the pass
age of the act of 1873 are recorded. In
1887 Mr.. Sherman prepared and delivered
. speech on the repeal of the resum ptiun
act of 1887, which he says is the best pre-
sentatlon he has ever been able to offer
in support of the financial policy of the
government and especially in support OF
the resumption OF specie payments.
These extracts from the address are
quoted as Indicating Mr.. Sherman's the
DRY OF money:
''All intelligent men agree that every
great comm ercial nation must have both
q metallic currency and a paper cur
yency; the one as the standard of value
by which all things are measured, which
daily measures your bonds and notes as
s 1t measures wheat. cotton and land: and
Y