The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1895-12-19
c. c. BENGENER \ BRO
HARDWARE DEALERS.

half century striven for arbitration.
Fifth-Great Britain has continually
refused, except upon the renunciati0n of
large part of Venezuela's claims.
Sixth-The United States has made 1t
clear to Great Britain and the world by
frequent interposition of good Offices that
the controversy is one in which its honor
and its interests are involved, and the
continuance of which il cannot regard
with Indifference.
This status, the secretary says. compels
those charged with the interest of the
United States to follow the matter
closely.
On the other hand, their due exercise
and discharge will not permit Of any
action that shall not be efficient, and
that II the power of the United States
is adequate shall result in the accom-
plishment of the end in view.
The question thus presented as a mat
ter of principle and regard being had to
the unsettled National policy does not
seem difficult of solution. Yet the mo-
mentous practical consequences depend
ent upon its determination require that
it be fully considered and that the grounds
of the conclusion arrived at should be
fully and frankly stated.
The secretary lays it down as canon
of international law that a nation may
justly interpose in controversy between
other nations whenever what Is done or
proposed to be done is direct menace
to its integrity, tranquility or welfare
The propriety of the rule when applied
in good faith will not be questioned In
any quarter, though he says 1t has been
given wide scope and too often made
nln l. for af NH la ott
and aggrandizement.
This leads him up to an elaborate re
view of the Monroe doctrine, and Secreta
ry Olney in stating that the proposition
that America Is in no part open to col
onization has long been conceded, says
that our present concern Is with the other
practical application Of the Monroe doc
trine, viz: that American non-intervei-
ton in Europe necessarily implies Europe
non-interventon in American affairs, tie
disregard of which by European powers
is to be deemed an act of unfriendlineas
towards the United States. On this point
the secretary says:
''The precise scope and the limitations
of this rule can not be too urgently appre-
hended. 1t does not establish any gem
eral protectorate by the United States
over other American states; 1t does not
legations as assisted by international law,
nor prevent any European power directly
interested from enforcing obligations or
from infiictng merited punishment for the
breach of them. 1t does not contemplate
any interference in the international af-
fairs of any American State or in the re-
lations between 1t and other American
States. 1t does not justify any American
attack on our part to change the estai-
| I..l.o - 80 Ag,aats
ican State or to prevent the people of such
State from altering that form according
to their own will and pleasure. The rule
in question has but single purpose and
object 1t is that no European power or
country shall forcibly deprive an Amer
ican State of the right and purpose Of self
government and Of shaping for itself Its
own political fortunes and destinies.'
The secretary says 1t is manifest that a
rule which has been openly and uniformly
acted upon by the executive branches Of
the government for years mus have the
sanction of congress. Nor, he adds, II
the practical results Of the rule be sought
for is the record el her meagre or obscure.
far reaching. 1t was the component fact
| in the emancipation Of America and to IT
are the independent States largely. In
debted for their existence. Since then,
| the most striking single achievement to be
credited to the rule Is the evacuation Of
Mexico by the French. But we are also
| indebted to it for the claim to Clayton
Bulwer treaty, neutralizing any inter
oceanic canal across Central America and
excluding Great Britain from any domi-
nation there.
American questions are for Ameri-
can decisions" says Secretary Olney,
and then, in application Of this doctrine
in the reverse, he says: "If all Europe
was suddenly to fly to arms over the
fate of Turkey, would 1t not be prepos-
ferrous that any American State should
] find itself inextricably involved In the