The news & observer. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1894-current, 1895-11-17

Feeling of the Injustice ana am.
policy of slavery-His Views on The
National ssai king Act, and the Lib'
crafty at share holders and Private
Indy duais.
written for Sunday News and Observer
WASHINGTON, d. c., Nov. 16.
have met with no writings relating
to American history SO interesting and
fascinating as Mr.. Jefferson's autobl-
ography and correspondence. AS a
writer of the English language, he has
had few equals, and, among our states
men. | know of but one, VIZ, Danei
Webster His style was at once elevat-
ed, strong and racy; not so femarka-
able for the force of reasoning, as tor
the trenehant statement of his opln-
ions. And yet, he could present his
reasons for the conclusions to which
he came with great power. The lm~
mortal Declaration of Independence.
alone would be sufficient to attest his
mastery power of diction for all time,
He was born April, End old syle, cor
responding to April, 18th, of our day,
in the year 1743. He was we'll grounded
in the Mathematics and the Latin.
Greek. and French languages, before
going to William and Mary college:
but he only remained there two years,
and it NAV be inferred that he did not
graduate He then went to read law
with George Wythe. He entered upon
the practice of law in the year 1867,
and continued at it until, as he says,
THE revolution shut up the courts of
justice"
Mr.. jefferson, although born slave
holder, and heir TO a large estate in
land. was a thorough Democrat by ma
ture. His early career was disting-
uished by his intense feeling of the in
Justice and impolicy of slavery: and
this sentiment is embodied in his
Notes on Virginia in language which
has never been surpassed by modern
Abolitionists; and l know of but one
passage comparable with it which oc-
ours in a speech of Lord Brougham.
But as time advanced, and the insti-
tuition of slaves entered into national
politics as sectional question, Mr..
jefferson greatly modified his views
of the institution, as was shown in
1908. when he purchased Louisiana,
including the vast territory beyond the
Ocean. He prepared constitutional
amendment authorizing the purchase,
which he held to be an extra constitu-
tional measure, forced on the country
by necessity: and in the same amend
ment he provided for the organization
of the territory south of a parallel pass
ing through the mouth of the Arkan-
sas river, as slave territory, while all
L. II. =
advancing tide of emigration. for the
permanent abode of the Indians, to
which those east of the river were to
be removed. And when the Missouri
controversy arose, he took strong
ground, in his correspondence, against
the anti-slavery party, and even favor
ed the extension of slavery as means
of mitigating its evils. This was fall
ing far away from his proposition in
1884, when he drew the first ordinance
for the exclusion of slavery from all
the territory of the United States,
which embraced Kentucky, Tennessee,
Alabama and Mississippi, as well as the
territory north of the Ohio riyer-the
first anti-slavery ordinance law, or res
olution that was ever drawn by the
pen of man. Still to the day of his
death he spoke of slavery as a great
moral and political evil, but saw, no
longer, any remedy for it.
The author Of the Declaration OF
Independence, in his young manhood,
not only denied the right to hold
slaves, but he held some very radical
ideas in regard to land tenures. In a
letter to Mr.. Madison he denied the
right of dead men to will away prop
erty; and that at death their property,
real and personal, reverted to society
to the State. And these opinions he
held to the day of his DEATH.
He also denied the right of nations
to contract public debts to bind pos
terity. He estimated that half gen
eraIion passes away in the course OF
nineteen years; after which time new
generations begin to acquire the as
tendency, who had no hand in con-
tracing the debt, and should not be
bound for its payment. This idea, too,
he maintained in his old age. Mr.. JEFF
ferson, in putting forth this theory,
had in mind the dynastic wars of Eu-
rope. in which the people have no 9th
er interest but to stop them. 1t was
not the customs of nations in his day
to go in debt for the means of estab-
fishing useful institutions, public
schools and the like, whose greatest
benefits are reaped by posterity. He
certainly would not have repudiated
such obligations. It is true that he
did not favor the idea of redeeming the
Revolutionary bills of credit at par,
after they had deprecated down to the
point of being worth forty in one hum
dred to one; but he was sustained in
that respect by everybody; for the
thing was impossible as well as un-
reasonable But he would not have
repudiated an honest debt, contracted
in support of liberty. There was lit
tie reason to complain in the case OF
the holders of the deprecated bills OF
credit. They had passed through
many hands, and the last holder was
probably the least Of the sufferers
from their constantly declining value
Mr.. Jefferson wrote a series Of reso-
buttons which were adopted by the
Kentucky Legislature in 1898 in con.