The Universalist. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1884-1897, 1895-12-28

property. Thus we count him in as
a part of the body polite.
We have determined also that the
Indian shall have every opportunity
to be educated, and we seek to per-
suade him to leave his squalid GUS
toms for the habits of life we are ac-
customed to call civilized. We have
settled these elementary principles
or think we have-but somewhat
curiously we have not only not con-
sidered principles enough, but have
stopped half way in the interpreta-
tion of them.
Take the first of these, the funda-
mental principle, that the Indian is
to be assimilated, not overpowered.
1t is indeed true that the nation has
determined upon this policy, but it
is still hateful to the large majority
of the people among whom the red
man lives. They do not wish him as
simulated; they only hesitate to over
power and exterminate him because
of the fear of the national govern
ment. Many of them are still afraid
of the red man, perhaps, but this is
not the difficulty with most of his
neighbors. They do not fear him "a
fact which they would only be too
glad to demonstrate), but they do
hate him. 1t is a continual irritation
to them that such opportunities for
money-making by the undrilled In
dian should be thrown away upon a
race they thoroughly despise. Until
a majority of the Western people ac-
cept the fact that the Indian is to be
assimilated, not overpowered, we can
accomplish little in the first direction.
The very moment that, willingly or
unwillingly, the Westerner accepts
that doctrine, the battle is more than
half won.
Again, in determining that the In
dian shall possess and exercise the
rights of citizen, and the rights of
property, that he may become part
of the body polite, we have omitted
to secure for him either these politi-
cal or legal rights, and we have neg
lected to ask from him either the
duties of citizen or property hold
er. Thus, although he is part of
the body polite, he is not an integral
part of it, and has no vital connec-
ton with it. The right to vote the
allotted Indian possesses, but we
have made no effort to see that he
understands or exercises this right.
A small measure of education and
protection and assistance on this
point will go far toward accomplish
ing that temper of mind in the white
man which is the first essential to the
solution of the problem. 1t would
go still farther with the red man to
reconcile him to that loss of power in
other directions which he feels 80
keenly, and how to secure him his
legal rights in community deter
mined that he shall not have them, is
part of the problem so complicated
and so difficult that it is not for the
layman to discuss. but that it must
be done, and done at once, and done,
too, through the ordinary and usual
channels common to the locality,
and so justly common to white and
red men, is sine qua non for any
process of assimilation.
Perhaps still worse half help is
given to the Indian in securing for
him the rights of property without
its duties. This, although the dream
of the nationalist, has proved
stumbling-block to the progress of
the community in every place where
it has been tried. Witness that
great experiment in the Indian Ter
ritory. Privilege without responsible
ity breeds carelessness in the possess
or, envy and hatred in the outsider.
Every sort of burden that property
bears elsewhere the Indian property
must bear; any danger that besets
property elsewhere must be allowed
to menace the red mans land. There
is no such spur to ignorance as dan
ger. The Indian must be an integral,
vital part of our body polite if he is
to be assimilated.
We come to the third point-the
question of the education of the In
dian, and his habits of life.
On the first of these there is the
widest difference of opinion as to
methods, difference so wide that it
amounts almost to contradiction.
But here it is not necessary to say
more than that all who wish their
country well, believe the Indian must
be educated in some fashion and to
some extent. But the second-his
habits of life-must be discussed