The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1895-08-10

UNIVERSAL suRPRAaF I'T b az a EVIL



grants to the franchise. The ideal elec-s
toral conditions would exist, we are told,
provided only those persons should be
allowed to vote who were possessed OF a
freehold estate, or had in other words,
a stake In the country, and provided
moreover, in their choice Of ofticeholders
they should be restricted to voting Tor
mon of more substance than themselves.
That is to say, a graded oligarchy would
be a nearly perfect system, under 6, which
the. chance of. The npgrowth Of the pres
emit forms Of alleged political corruptin
would be reduced to minimum, says the.
New Yory Sun.
4 In the current number of the Atlantic
Monthly, Mr.. John Bach McMaster shows
that in all the frauds and tricks that go
ID make UP the most obnoxious kind OF
practical policies, the men who founded
our state and national governments were
our teachers and masters. This, too, all
though the graded oligarchy, above de-
scribed, existed in most Of the American
commonwealth and NOTABLY in the state
Of Network, up to the adoption Of the
state constitution in 1921. Almost every
where the franchise was guarded not only
by property. but by strict religious quail
hcations. For instance, in New England
ninety years ago a voter must have an
annual income of sf3 or freehold estate
worth EGO. In New York seventy-fve
years ago he must be possessed OF an es-
tate valued at EGO York money, or rent
q house for which he paid 40 shillings
annually. In New Jersey the qualifica-
tion was ESQ. But many man who could
vote was hcpeless1y debarred from ever
holding office. In New York he must have
more property than a mere voter to be
eligible for the Assembly, and still more
TO be eligible for the state senate. In
Massachusetts or in North Carolina to be
a governor a citizen must own real estate
worth $1,000. Religious restrictions also
were, as we have said, almost universal.
1t is doubtful if Thomas Jefferson could
have held state Office I'M any Of our COM
monwealths except Virginia and New
York. In almost all the states the mem-
beers, of legislatures, the governor and the
chief administrative officers must be
Christians; IN many they must be Protest.
ants; In two they were expressly required
to believe In the inspiration Of the Old
and New Testanlents; I'M one Ehey must
believe in a future state of rewards and
p,mishmsnts, and In another in the doe
trine OF the Trinity. We should add that
during the interval between the achieve:
ment of American independence and the
adoption Of THE New York state oonsfi-
tuition of 1921, the additions to the num-
ber OF inhabitants through immigration
had been incDnsiderable.
Yet this ideal regime, under which the
voters were all protesting Christians,
native Americans and owners Of prop
erty, while the Office holders were all
relatively rich men, was as Mr.. McMas-
ter demonstrates, q period of much po-.
litical corruption. The politicians Of
that Utopian period proved themselves
inventors and adopts in the arts Of fill
clustering, gerrymandering and coloniz-
ing: in distributing patronage among
members Of the successful party; and IN
stealing governorships and legislatures.
The assent of the Pennsylvania assem-
bly, to the call of a state conventions to
consider the proposed Federal conyen-
tion was blocked up to the last moment
r.. ~
part of the anti Federalists. The Fed
eralists were no better, for they sup
pressed the reports of the debates in the
ensuing Pennsylvania convention, lest
their publication should furnish terial
for opposition in other states. In the
New York legislature Of 1883 so bitter
was the quarrel between the Federal
lists, who dominated the assembly, that
no agreement could be reached as to the
method Of choosing United States sem
ators and presidential electors; N the re-
suit was that the state had no senator's
during the first session Of the First con-
gress, and cast no electoral vote for Pres
ident 1882. Three years later In New
York the governorship was stolen from
John JOY, the votes of two FedeFalist
counties being thrown out by the can
tassing board, OF which the Clintonians
or Republicans had a majority. In 1901
John Jay, then governor, induced the
legislature to call convention that
amended the state constitution and gave
every member ofthe council Of appoint
ment q right to nominate to the multi
tudinous aud lucrative state, county and
municipal Offices then in the gift Of the
council. Thus it was, as Mr.. McMaster
shows, that the spoils system was In tro
dueed In. New York, for thencefofth a
change In the political composition Of
the council was sure to be followedsby 81
prescription Of Office holders. 2ss. fS35 !,
81 10 Massachusetts we owe the inven-t
h ton Of the disgraceful trick known as.
gefrymandering or the distributing OF ia
atateaf for partisan purposes, wit out re-
gard to natural boundaries or the con-s
Venlence OF its citizens. This precedent
set BY Republ icans in the spring 81 1872
was promptly followed by the same par
i IN In New York and by the Fe1eralists,
! ii New Jersey aud Maryland. III was
the Federalists who, In 1916. undertook
sto carry the Maryland stats senate by
ii peculiarly Infamous EDITION To there
sources at Illicit party nachdnerys The
year before the Rgpub cans 1iasf stolen
] the New York assembly by refusing W.
ertiflc1tef of election to the Eederalistss
selccted by the town Of Pennin gt0ns son
sf1Sesafound that certain ballot had bean
q kt sf0r Hen. llows instead of Henry
Il 1oWs a Having thus Obtained control
Nh he nssembly and DC the conn IL of aps
syb( ntme4t with the patrOnh8e
9fiiE fos he latte Hold q stiie SRK