The herald., 1895-12-29


this extravagant pretension and ac-
cepted the parallel of 40 degrees as our
northern boundary, showing that we
did recognize the right OF other gov
ernments to acquire territory on this
continent, and even some that we sup
posed ourselves entitled to.
How then did Adams and Monroe
understand this broad statement in the
message, and how has it been under
stood by our leading American states
men since its announcement?
John Quincy Adams succeeded Mon
roe in the presidency and Henry Clay
became his secretary of state. In
special message to congress on Decem-
Der 26, 1925, Mr.. Adams announced
that the Spsnish-American republics
resolved upon congress to meet
on the Isthmus of Panama, in which
they should ali be represented; that
they had invited the United States to
send plenipotentiaries and that the in
vitation had been accepted. in the
course of his message President Adams
quoted from Monroe's message of 1923,
the policy that had been declared, and
explained it. In speaking Of the OBJ
jects of the Panama conference he said:
An agreement b tweer the parties repre-
| sented at the meeting, that each Will guard.
| by its own means, against the establishment of
any future European colony wi thin its bor-
defs, NAV be found advisable. This was more
than two years since announced by my prc ie'
ccssor to the world as II principle resulting
from the emancipation of both American con-
tnents.
Such WAS the doctrine" as construed
by the statesman that first declared 1t.
Each nation was to guard by its own
means against the establishment of any
future European colony within its bOr-
ders."
President Adams never dreamed that
the United States assumed guardian
ship over the other American states.
We proposed to guard against ally col
onization of our territory, and it was
hoped that the South American states
would do the same. President Adams
advocacy of the Panama congress
rested on that ground, and that it
would result in the adoption Of such
policy by all the American states.
In the debate that followed as to the
eXpediency of sending representatives
to Panama the whole subject OF the re-
lation of the United States to the South
American states was discussed, both in
the senate and the house. But not
even the strongest advocates OF the
mission limited at the idea that the
|
cumstances exercise guardianship over
the Central and South American re-
puplics or in any way protect them.
Although in the outcome represent
atives to Panama were appointed by
our government, the conference itself
proved to be failure. But what the
whole historical passage is noted for ls
the exposition OF the "Monroe oct
rine" by John Quincy Adams, its I'M
doubted author, to the effect that Eu-
ropeau exclusion from the western
hemisphere was to be the work, OF of
the United States solely, as champion
of the two Americas, but of each
American republic primarily, as policy
might dictate.
1t has already been intimated that
when the question arose between this
country and Great Britain as to the
very territory concerning which the
original utterance had been, that the
United States receded from its conten-
tention, and, instead of insisting on
"a 40 or fight" which had been a cam
paipn cry in the presidential election
of 1874, accepted the parallel OF 40 for
the Oregon boundary, thus giving up
the whole of what is now British Col
umbia.
Yucatan, and the white government of
that country offered to cede its do
minion to Great Britain, Soain or the
United States. President Polk made
this offer the subject of message to
congress, in which he urged that such
measures should be passed as would
prevent it from becoming colony OF
any European power, which, he said,
would be in contravention of the Mon
roe doctrine But John G. Calhoun,
who had been member of Monroe g
cabinet at the time the doctrine WAS
| announced, and had taken part in the
cabinet discussions OF the subject,
rose in his place in the senate
and opposed any action on the
part OF the United States. In the
, course of his argument he proved that
the Yucatan case did not come within
the terms Of any part Of Monroe's mes,
sage, and that under the circumstances
Yucatan might be acquired by any Eu-
ropean power. President Woolsey, IN
his able work ON international law, III
:, dorses Calhoun's position on this sub.
ject; and says "to lay down the princi-
, pie that the acquisition of territory OF
!, this continent by any European power
cannot be allowed by the United State:
| WOUlu 10 lat CD NV
tated by the system Of the balance @
!, power, for the rule of seif-DreservatioI
is not applicable in our case"
: Senator Cass, who certainly was
=. never accused of any lack of stron1
American feeling. iii a speech delivered
! in the senate in January, 1896, said. re
ferriny TO ;he Monroe doctrine:
/ To colonization By purchase, treaty or Lawful
: conquest the Monroe declaration was not IN
0 tended to apply, however it may have come t
: be conside ed in these latter days. IL
SUPPOSE that this ieclaration was intenueu q
Il promise, pledge or engagement mat IN
United Staies would uard from European en-
| croachmeut the territory OF tie whole bound
1 less continent is greatly TO ms oncelVe III
/ purpos. OF is promu gator. hnd TO mlscoh
/ struc the explicit Interpretation published 4
the world bv its author, Mr. Adams let ha'
ambgiuous lerms it could hardly have beel
more misun .crstopd than 1t would seem TO b'
nj the pr sent day.
Congress has never adopted any
resolution on the subject of tho Mon
roe doctrine in either of its phases
though it has twice refused to aoop
resolutions that tended to give 1T sup
port.
The more recent constructions giveI
it by newspaper writer's mainly, bu
not by statesmen, have no foundation
in history. They are in effect new
enunciations of policy, which may o.
may not be adopted by congress or b.