The herald., 1895-08-25
ON CITY GOVERNMENT
by ABBOT KINNEY

was found so valuable that. in the inter-
ests of good municipal government, it is
herewith published:
The American citizen is already con
vinced that municipal matters in tins
country demand modification. 1t seems
consequently less advantageous to dwell
on the abuses admittedly needing re-
moval than on the mode OF action to ac-
com plish the remedy.
The large British cities have achieved
important results under plan OF city
government entirely different from our
own. The British cities have. recon-
structed Considerable parts of their
crowded CITY area in the interest of NOR
ais. health and humanity; they have
built street car lines libraries. canals
water works, lighting plants, and, what
is perhaps more surprising to us, I'M =
mense, costly harbors, like those of Liv-
erpool. Manchester, Stafford, Glasgow,
etc. such harbor works in America are
only undertaken by the federal power
The construction and carrying on OF these
great works has been honest and efficient.
The police in British cities have Tho
confidence of the public. There is in the
police force no such system OF blackmall
on crime as we see existing in most
American cities.
The British cities have had scandals in
at times been weak, but the general re-
suits of their system have been great
public works, we'll constructed and etfici-
emily managed; their city business is
honestly and economically administered.
1t is we'll worth our while to examine the
methods that have produced such results
This we will now proceed to do.
The plan of British city government is
substantially that of the British empire.
1he city council unites the legislative
and executive, as in the house of commons
The check upon any possible extreme or
urtimely legislation in the house OF COM
mons provided by the house of lords has
its analogy in the British municipal gov
ernment in the local government board.
This is a board to which all municipal
undertakings requiring the borrowing OF
money must be referred. Without its ap-
proval the city's credit cannot be drawn
upon. One general method for checks on
city borrowing is to refer the bond issue
to the people of the place interested.
The English system causes delay and ad-
ditional cost to the city. but on the other
hand the experts and specialists OF the
board prevent the different cities from
making unwlse investments, and often
when favorably passing on large projects
make valuable suggestions that reduce
expense while increasing the worth OF
the work.
In the cities there are several separate
and special elections. Parliamentary
elections have no connection with city
elections. Members of the school board.
of the board to help the poor, and. as in
Glasgow. of directors of the Clyde Navi-
cation Trust. are elected at particular
times and in sill these cases under diff
erently limited franchise as to each other
and the city council. That is. the elect
ors are not entirely the same body in any
of these cases. The franchise is based
on property and the taxes paid. Taxes in
English cities upon which tbs franchise
is based are largely on rents and are paid
by the tenant. This mothod OF taxing is
another surprise for us. The taxes on
rents OF less than 81 month ($l.66)
opens the door to vcters in some cases.
and in no case is the limit high. To
make this point clear, | will add that on
a rent OF $50 per year (school franchise) a
tax is levied, and that the payment of
this tax. several months before an cleo
ton. places the renter named on the reg
lister OF voters, and that the voters are in
greater or in less number in different
elections because the property or rent
paying qualifications differ. AZ logical
sequence of property representation, wo
men are voters in English munlclpil
affairs. So also taxpayers nonresident
of the city, but residing not farther than
seven miles from the city limits. are en-
titled to the franchise, and city taxpay
er residing within fifteen miles may hold
elective office. There is no residence
limit on appointive office. So also in sew
eral of the franchises. voter may vote
in each ward where he has property.
OF the different classes of voters. the
women show the greatest variation in
nun bers who vote. On some questions
the registered women voters come out in
full force, and on others their represent
alton is meager.
While even the most restricted British
property limit permits very broad fran
chise, it has been found to have the prac
tical effect of disfranchi sing all this float
ing labor population, nearly all unmar-
ried men and about the whole servin 2
class, and, what is important, all the orth
less and vicious. On the other hand.
business men, mechanics and all organ
ICED labor are not only fully provided for
but are constant and active participants
in city elections of all kinds; condition
strikingly in contrast to that in Ameri: :
can cities. With us reputable business
men. mechanics and the best class of la
Dor take only exceptional interest in poll
tics. Our politicians and their heelers
belong generally to the irresponsible part
OF the population. Instead of being men
in whom the publ!c has confidence. they
are the last who could get employment
except IN q dive. gambling room or as
pmps. fences or in other unsavory occu
pations. Few practical politicians of our
cities meet, outside OF government affairs,
either in society or business, the respon
sible men OF the community.
The council is the center of city power
in Great Britain. This body is composed
of three councillors from each city ward,
one of whom goes out every year, ,and one
OF whom is electei every year, on Novem
ber 1st. Thus one-third of the council i:
elected annually, and each one has q
three-year term. The nominations FOL
these councillors are made on the Austria
Ian plan. A nomination requires one
pruposer, one seconder and eight indors
ers or ten in all. There are no primaries
or conventions; in fact, .hs extraordinary
factional machinery OF our politics is un
known to the rest of the world, past oil
present. Whatever may be said OF pri
maries and conventions in our politics,
we can assert as a matte of comm or
knowledge that city primaries and con-
ventions never represent the highest as
piratons of the people. their true bus!-
ness interests nor their moral sentiments
Years ago, in my advocacy of the presen
Australian ballot, | endeavored to secure
the adoption of that system OF nomlna
ton. Had this been done the convention
would have been ignored absolutely in the
law and would have lost its presen
potency to enforce upon local publicsbus!
ness an irrelevant pretended partisan
fury and to dump our highest civic aim
into .he garbage and refuse of poltlca