The herald., 1895-12-19
CITY GOVERNMENT
BY ABBOT KINNEY =

CtmpeT, 1880
People with common sense in the United
States are unanimous in the opinion that
the political situation in our cities is I'M
satisfactory. We Americans are of one
mind on this point: We agree that the
American city government is costly and in
efficient. We agree, not because we wish
to agree, but because we cannot help
agreeing But our city government is
worse than expensive, worse than ineffi-
cient. We are obliged and forced to admit
that it is largely corrupt and often Grim
inal.
Here is a unanimous condition of public
opinion that would undoubtedly enforce a
change were there any similar unanimity
as to the remedy to apply. The people are
rather blindly stumbling about, looking for
means to escape present city political
methods. These methods are now dis
gusting to decent people, they have long
been disgrace to free government, and
they have become danger to the whole
body polite.
In the early days of our history, popula-
ton was only in small proportion urban.
Such cities as existed were scarcely more
----t~~A sesAs ssAesh PAOSC-ie VI SCSOhu-
airy provincial centers. The population,
little as we at present realize it, was far
more largely composed of the native born
than it is today. Industry was les special
lied. Communication as now existing, by
rapid and frequent mails and daily publish
ed kilograms from the world, was I'M
known. The conditions of communica-
ton, commerce, labor, transportation,
wealth, manufacture and production have
absolutely changed. In fact about all
that has not changed is human nature.
With all the other changes has come a
change in our political system. While
nominally and legally it has remained
almost exactly as 1t was created, it has in
fact been profoundly modified. If We omit
local matters of compromise in the Consti-
tuition, such as the slave question, we will
find that the character of our government
is without striking change from its
original form. The unit of our politi-
cal system was more or less COM
pletely local government, on the basis
that the freeholders knew each other and
could appoint their legislature and execu-
i've officers and hold them responsible in
dividually, without systematizing and uni
Tying the method of government as in any
ordinary private business. The local theo-
ry was that the people acted as governor or
boss and needed no other. All our local
governments are still on this plan and on
this theory, from the school district, town.
ship, county and city to and including all
state governments. This plan in is purest
and most successful form existed in the old
New England township so justly praised by
De Tocqueville. That township unit con-
sisted OF small body of freeholders, not
too large to hold common meeting. At
these political meetings all the citizens
met, the local affairs were discussed and
settled by general vote. Officers were
appointed, questioned, criticised or praised
as the occasion required. From my in
formation, partisan politics played no part
and patronage or contracts did not exist as
political influences.
One important result of this system was
that elective office was an honor and duty
and not place to gather money. This is
clearly demonstrated by the towns ship or
dinances imposing fines on those elected
at the township meeting who refused to
serve. The theory contemplated the Sc
lection of public officers by the people and
their service to the people as duty, and
this was actually attained. The condition,
under which it was necessary to fine men
for neglecting or refusing to serve the
public when requested. was very different
from our present local condition, where
we are overwhelmed with office. seekers
whom the body of the people have not Sc
lected or even thought of for any office,
and who pretend to no qualification for
the positions they seek except fealtv to
national party or service to pcIisica!
chief.
The entire change of our industrial and
transportation systems and the consequent
concentrations of population have made
the plan of government by general meet
ing OF all the citizens a physical impossi-
bility. Beyond this the necessary increase
OF the public business due to the construc-
ton and maintenance of streets, sewers
md fhar ,l,I liz vi no.
management of lighting, water distribution
and street transportation, together with
the management of the incompetent and
criminal class, more in evidence by the
concentration of population, or perhaps in
creased by the new social conditions and
greater stress of life, have gone beyond the
capacity of the general voters to control on
the township theory. That system was
good when the physical conditions and
simple life and duties permitted all the
voters to discuss public matters together
and then and there decide policies and ap-
point officers to carry them into effect.
But now the popular control is fiction of
law. Popular control in CITY politics is no
more today than an imperfect check on
organized bands of persons who make
their living out of the public business, and
these are under the orders of chiefs who
make great fortunes out of politics often
and generally without ever holding an
office.
The real system of our local political
government has been revolutionized out
side of the law and without any popular
appreciation of the fact. Some steps of
the changes have become intrenched GUS
toms. Amongst these we may mention
our present primaries and conventions.
These are unknown to the constitution and
were unknown in practice to the founders
of the republic.
1t is manifest that the general political
meeting of the old Greek and Roman
republics, like our similar township meet
ing. was only suited to moderate sized
body polite and one of homogeneous
character. The Greek and Roman politi-
cal control by a general meeting utterly
failed as the populations affected became
large and the local business complex, and
so, too, it has utterly failed here.
Our federal government is on an entirely
different theory from our local system.
Under it we, in national affairs, practically
vote for but three persons at any election
"a legislator or congressman from the
district and president and VICE president
The Intermediary of electors is nothing
now but dangerous fiction of law. The
is only an al ernative with
out influence OH affairs and might be un-
counted. On the other hand, state legis-
lators are frequently elected on the ground
of who they will vote for for federal sena-
tor. We can average the vote of the citi-
zens up in natioual affairs as for two per-
sons-one of these is a LEGISLATOR and the
other is the executive. The responsibility
is fixed and the power to make good or
bad laws is in the congress, and the power
10 nod had l..