The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, 1895-05-01

ism; SO are the public schools; so is
every exercise Of the general power to
make the lives Of men better and hap
pier: SO is the Declaration Of INDIE
pendence when it declares for the
right Of the individual to pursue
happiness and catch up with it II he
can; so is the constitution of the
United States when it makes one Of
the chief ends OF government the pro-
motion Of the general welfare" The
Omaha platform is socialistic when it
declares that it would be better for
the American people to own the rail-
roads instead of having the railroads
own the people, as at present.
But when the Populists Of Chicago
declare for ''the collective ownership
OF all means of production and distri-
button" they assert a doctrine for
which the public mind is not pre-
pared; and when they say that such a
plank must be put into the Peoples
Party national platform they require
that which would destroy our organi-
cation. We would be placed on the
defensive, from the start, to explain
what 1T all meant; and we would be
whipped out'of our boots before we
got past the first chapter. Fancy the
S10a-day-stump-speakers, of the old
parties, addressing an audience of
farmers. Look at that" they would
cry, 1.-THE Populists demand govern
ment ownership of all the means of
production; therefore If they win they
will take your farm! For surely the
land is a means of production"
Then in the cities they would say:
behold the results. II these men win
the government will own all the mills,
factories, machinery, steam engines,
materials and tools, down to the trowel
of the mason and the last of the shoe
maker, for all these are means of pro-
duction."
Wouldn't we have royal time try
ing to get votes under such circum-
stances? And how monopoly would
grin, and hold its sides, to see us drop
the beef-steak Of practical, possible
reform, while grasping at the shadow
of impracticable theorizing!
1t is not necessary to ask whether
the theories of these gentlemen are
reasonable or right. The great fact
stares us in the face, that if Plutocra-
cy had the drawing of our platform 1T
would load it down with just such pro-
positions. No one can object to those
who believe in them getting together
and organizing party, and establish
ing newspapers, to advocate their
views; but for heavens sake don't pile
them onto the Peoples party. when
you know very we'll that not one in
thousand of the people will vote for
them: and that the attempt will de-
stroy the hope of any real reform in
this generation, and leave the enc
mics OF the common people triumph
ant. The report that we have quoted
shows that right in Chicago itself the
workingmen are split squarely in half
on this issue. How must those not
workingmen look at it? A few months
ago the Chicago Populists resolved,
half way, in favor of 'plank No. TO-"
"the collective ownership of all means
of production" and the other day, at
the city election, the Peoples Party
vote fell off one-half! Mr.. Thomas
Lucas, in Minneapolis, is trying to
make division in our ranks over the
same issue. He says "fee-silver"
amounts to nothing, that the question
is ''the collective ownership of the
means Of production" Well, Tom
may be honest: and whether he is or
not, he has perfect right to adyo-
cate that or any other doctrine; and
to organize party to represent it;
and time may demonstrate that he is
right, and it is to be the next great
step of civilization forward; but every
one knows that at this time it could
not command one vote in one thous-
and; and that to inoculate the Peo-
pies Party with it would simply send
that organization to the smallpox
asylum Of universal reputation.
Let us be reasonable. Without prac-
tical good sense nothing can be &C
complished. This old world has stood
for 1907 years, and it will probably
endure for 100000 more. Surely that
will give time enough to discuss the
most radical methods for the refor-
nation Of society, without insisting
on putting them all into the Peoples
Party platform in 1895.