The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1895-02-28
MORE war HISTORY.

called to an editorial in recent issue
of the Journal commenting on a pas
sage in his eloquent address at Chicago
on Lincoln's birthday The entire ad-
dress was in the most admirable spirit,
and the Journals comments on the pas
sage in question were not conceived in
any spirit of censorious criticism. They
were as follows:
Henry Watterson is always interesting,
generally dramatic and sometimes sensa-
tional. In his address at Chicago Tuesday
night on Abraham Lincoln, after stating
that Mr. Lincoln had intimated that pay
ment. for the slaves was not outside
possible agreement for union and peace,
he said II am not going to tell any tales
out of school. l am not here for contro-
versy. But when We are dead and gone
tho private men orabila- of those who knew
federacy-within ninety days of its total
collapse-will show that in the individual
Judgment Of them all the wisdom of the
been adroitly framed to imply more than it
asserts 1t implies that Mr.. Lincoln made
within ninety days of it's total collapse"
the purport of which was not and is not
yet known to the world, and that Mr.. Wat
concerning the matter which he is
not at liberty not inclined TO make pub
lici This is g grave implication To some
Lincoln by intimating that he engaged in
peace negotiation with the leaders of the
Confederacy, the details of which. If not
suppressed, were at least not made public
and that the truth of history has been
marred by this continued suppression. If
Mr.. Watterson has any information bearing
on this subject beyond the current talk of
the times. any knowledge that belongs to
history, h ne should disclose i and let the
affect a mysterious knowledge by assuming
to be in possession of facts of historic in
terest which he is not at liberty TO dis
close.
Concerning this Mr. watterson said
to the interviewer:
The writer of that article is obviously
mistaken as to the meaning and import of
what actually. said. In treating the char
acter and opinions of Mr.. Lincoln 1 adj
hered rigidly to the record 1t is of record
that Mr.. Lincoln. in the winter Of 1876
drew joint resolution to be offered in
the Senate and House appropriating four
hundred millions of dollars to be paid the
States then in rebellion for the slaves in
case they laid down their arms and resumed
their allegiance. He also made the draft
of a proclamation. to be issued by him
ton should be passed by Congress. His
Cabinet was a unit against him, and for
the time being. he yielded his Judgment.
But he told the Confederate commissioners
at Fortress Monroe that such movement
was contemplated, and, If there had been
a response to th.s-as there was not-there
Is no doubt that he would have brought it
up again and have carried his point. This
Indianapolis writer refers to something l
none. said that time will show that the
best judgment of those who knew what
terms were offered the South within ninety
days of the cola ose of the Confederacy was
that they ought to be accepted: and this
is true, though there is nothing mysterious
my critics seems to be that I have studied
Lincoln closely, and upon his own words
ana works. whilst TIT, they depend either on
The Journal would not consciously
mis- vi OF
so esteemed friend as Mr.. Watterson.
Its original article did not misquote
him. but as the passage quoted from is
interesting it is here given entire. After
speaking of Mr.. Lincoln's early ac-
quaintance with Alexander Stephens, of
Georgia. in the Thirtieth Congress. of
which they were both members. Mr..
Watterson said
After the formal interview at that famous
Hampton Roads peace conference when
bell and Hunter had traversed the field of
discussion with Mr.. Lincoln, the President,
Mr.. Lincoln, the friend, still the old Wing
colleague. though one was now President
President Of the Southern Confederacy. took
the slim, pale-faced, consumptive little
man. aside, and. placing his arm over his
shoulder. pointed to a sheet of paper he
held in his other hand and said: stephens,
write Union at the top of that page, and
you may write below 1t whatever else you
please
In the preceding conversation Mr.. Lincoln
had inlmated that payment for the slaves
reunion and peace. He based that state
ment upon proposal he already had In
hand. to appropriate. s4OoOCo,OCo to this
purpose. am not going to tell any tales
out of school / am not here for contro-
versy. But, when we are dead and gone,
the private memorabilia of those who knew
what terms We're really offered the Con-
federacy-within ninety days of it's total
collapse-will show that in the individual
Judgment Of all of them the wisdom of the
situation said accept"
If Mr.. Lincoln did what is here stated
it is an interesting fact and should ap-
pear in history. If Mr.. Watterson got
it direct from Mr.. Stephens the story is
authentic, otherwise it is hearsay and
not very reliable. 1t is inherently inn
probable that. being there as the rep
resentative Of the United States gov
ernment to confer concerning terms of
peace, Mr. Lincoln would give the Con-
federate commissioners carte blanche to
name what terms they pleased if they
would write union at the top of the
page
Mr. Watterson makes a serious error
as to the date of Mr. Lincoln's joint
resolution in favor of emancipated COM
pensation. That resolution was sent to
Congress March 6. 1862. instead of lin
the winter of 1885, His proclama-
ton of warning was issued Sept. %,
1862 and the emancipation proclama-
ticn Jan. l. 1868. He never wrote or
uttered a word in favor of paying for
the slaves after the latter date, and
there is not the slightest reason to be-
lieve that he would at any time after
that date have entertained any PROPOSE
ton for peace that did not involve the
unconditional abandonment Of slavery.
The documentary history of the Hamp-
ton peace conference shows that Mr..
Lincoln had by that time got far be-
| yond the idea of paying for the slaves.
In his instructions to Secretary Seward,
| dated Jan. 81. 1866. before Mr. Lincoln
| decided to attend the conference in per-
son. the said
You will make s-nown to them tthe Con-
| federate commissioners that three things
| are Indispensable, to wit: First, the restor-
alton OF the national authority throughout
all the States; second, no receding by the
executive of the United States on the slav-
! cry question from the position assumed