Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1895-12-24
The Monroe Doctrine. by G. T. S.

The question has been asked what IS
the history, and what are the principles
enuncated in the Monroe doctrine,
which we have recently heard So much
about! Its history in brief as We under
stand it is as follows: In 1928 when
James Monroe was President of the
United States the question arose as to the
propricty and expediency Of recognizing
the independence of the South American
states. 1t was rumored that the so called
''holy alliance, a league formed by Sew
cral European nations to preserve the
power and influence of their existing
dynastieS. was about to interfere to pre-
vent the establishment Of republican
liberty in the European colonies in South
America, MIR. Monroe after corresponding
with his intimate and life long friend
Thomas Jefferson, in his annual message
| to Congress said, "lt was stated at the
commencement of the last session that Il
great effort was then making in Spain
and Portugal to improve the condition of
the people of those countries and it
appeared to be conducted with extraor-
binary moderation. 1t need scarcely be
remarked that the result has been, SO far,
very different from what was then antici-
globe with which we have SO much inter
course and from which we derive our
| origin, we have always been anxious and
| interested spectators. The citizens of the
United States cherish sentiments the
| most friendly in favor of the liberty and
happiness of their fellow men on that side
| of the Atlantic.
| In the wars of the European powers,
| in matters relating to themselves we have
| never taken any part, nor does it comport
with our policy to do so. 1t is only when
| rights are invaded or seriously menaced
| that we resent injuries or make prcpara-
ton for our defense. With the move
| mcnts in this hemisphere we are of neces-
| sity more immediately concerned and by
causes which must be obvious to all en-
| lightencd and impartial observers The
| political system of the allied powers is
| essentially different in this respect from
| that of America. This difference proceeds
| from that which exists in their respective
governments. And to the defense of our
own which has been cherished by the
| loss of so mucn blood and treasure and
maintained by the wisdom of their most
| enlightened citizens and under which we
| have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this
whole nation is devoted. We owe it
| therefore to candor and TO the amicable
relations existing between the United
| States and those powers, to declare that
we shall consider any attempt ON their
part to extend their system to any portion
| Of this hemisphere as dangerous to our
peace and safety With the existing
| colonies or dependencies of any European
| pnyypr Wa No iDtarfnpal oh
not interfere. But with the governments
! who have declared their independence and
| maintained it and whose Independence we
have on great consideration and on Just
principles acknowledged we could not
| view any interposition for the purpose of
expressing them, or controlling in any
other manner their destiny by any
European power in any other light than
| as the manifestation of an unfriendly dis
position toward the United States.
In the war between those new govern
ments and Spain we declared our neu-
| trality at the time Of their recognition,
| and to this we have adhered and shall
| continue to adhere provided no change
shall occur which in the judgment of the
competent authorities of this government
shall make a corresponding change on the
part of the United States Indispensable
| to their security
The late events in Spain and Portugal
show that Europe is still unsettled. OF
this important fact no stronger proof can
be adduced than that the allied powers
should have thought it proper on a prin-
ciple satisfactory to themselves to have
inrerposed by force in the internal con-
Germs of Spain.
To what extent such interposition may