St. Paul daily globe., 1895-12-18


come obsolete while our republic en-
dlIreS If the balance of power Is
justly q cause for Jealous anxiety
among the governments of the Old
world, and a. subject for our absolute
nori-interference, none the less is an
observance of the Monroe doctrine of
vital concern to our people and their
government
Assuming, therefore, that we may
properly insist upon this doctrine,
without regard to the state of things
in which we 1--we or any changed con-
ditions here or elsewhere, it is not ap-
parent why it's application may not
be invoked in the present controversy.
If a European power, by an extension
of it's boundaries, takes possession Of
the territory of one of our neighbortng
republics against it's will, and in dero-
cation of it's rights, it is difficult to
see why to THAT extent such European
power does not thereby attempt TO eX-
tend its system of government to that
portion of this continent which is thus
taken. This is the precise action which
President Monroe declared to be dam
gerouS to our peace and safety and
it can make no difference whether the
European system is extended by an
advance of frontier or otherwise.
1T is also suggested in the British
reply that we should not seek to ap-
ply the Monroe doctrine to the pend
ing dispute, because 1T does not en-
body any principle of international
law, which is founded ON the general
consent of nations and that no
statesman, however eminent, and no
nation, however powerful, are compe-
tent to insert into the code of inter-
national law a novel principle, which
was never recognized before and which
has not since been accepted by the
government of any other country
Practically the principle for which we
contend has peculiar, II not exclusive,
relation to the United States. 1t may
not have been admitted in so many
words to the code of international law,
but since, in international councils,
every nation is entitled to- the rights
belonging to 1t, the enforcement of the
Monroe doctrine is something we may
justly claim has its place in the code
of international law as certainly and
as securely as if it were specifically
mentioned, and when. the United
States is a suitor before the high tri-
bunal that administers international
law, the question to be determined is
whether or not we present claims
which the justice of that code of law
can find to be right and valid.
THE Monroe doctrine finds its recog-
milton in those principles of interna-
tional law which are based upon the
theory that every nation shall have its
rights protected and it just claims en-
forced. OF course this government is
CHIlTGly COllllUSllt lLdl, uIluSI llS SduC-
ticn of this doctrine. we have clear
rights and undoubted claims, nor is
this ignored in the British reply. The
prime minister, while not admitting
that the Monroe doctrine is applicable
to present conditions, states: In de-
claring that the United States would
resist any such enterprise if it was
contemplated, President Monroe adopt
ed a policy which received the entire
sympathy of the English. government
of that date He further declares:
Though the language of President
of objects which most Englishmen
would agree to be salutary, it is impos-
sible to, admit that they have been in.
scribed by any adequate authority in
the code of international law. Again,
he says: They cher maiesty,s, govern
which President Monroe apparently
entertained that any disturbances of
the existing territorial distribution In
that hemisphere, by any fresh acquIs1-
state, would be a highly inexpedient
I'm the belief that the doctrine for
which we contend was clear and def1-
mite; that it was founded uISn SUBJ
stantial considerations and involved
our safety and welfare; that 1t was
fully applicable to our present condi-
tions, and to the state of the worlds
progress, and that it was directly re-
lated to the pending controversy ana
without any conviction as to the final
merits of the dispute, but anxious to
learn in a satisfactory and conclusive
manner whether Great Britain sought,
under a claim of boundary, to extend
her posse essions on this continent with
out right, or whether she merely sought
possession of territory fairly included
within her lines of owenrship, this gov
ant
of Great Britain resort to arbitra-
ton as the proper means of settling
the question, to the end that VeXa-
tious boundary dispute between the
two contestants might be determined
and our exact standing and relation in
respect to the controversy might, be
made clear.
''It will be seen, from the correspond
ence herewith submitted, that this
proposition has been declined by. the
British government, upon grounds
which, under the circumstances seem
to me to be far from satisfactory. 1t is
deeply disappointing that such an ap-
peal actuated by the most friendly
feelings towards both nations directly
concerned, addressed to the sense of
justice and to the magnanimity of one
of the great powers of the world and
touching it's relations to one COM
paratively weak and small should have
produced no better results. The course
TO be pursued by this government, i'll
view of the present condition, does not
appear to admit of serious doubts
Having labored faithfully for many
years to induce Great Britain to sub
nit this dispute to impartial arbitra-
ton, and having been now finally ap-
prtsed of her refusal to do so, nothing
remains but to accept the situation, to
recognize its plain requirements and
deal with it accordingly.
Great Brltatn's s present proposition
has never thus far been regarded as
admissible, by. Venezuela, though any
adjustment of the boundary which that
country may deem for her advantage
and may enter into of her own free
will, cannot of course be objected to
by the United States. Assuming. how
ever, that the attitude of Venezuela
will remain unchanged, the dispute has
incumbent upon the United States to
take measures to determine, with suffi.
cient certainty for it's justification,
what is the true divisional line between
the republic of Venezuela and British
Gu ana The inquiry to that end should,
of course, be conducted carefully and
Judicially, and the weight should be
given to all available evidence. rec
ords and facts in support of the claims
of both parties.
In order that such an examination
should be prosecuted in thorough and
satisfactory manner, suggest that the
congress make an adequate appropria-
tfon for the expenses of a commission
to be appointed by the executive, whe
shall make the necessary investigation
and report upon the matter with the
least possible delay. When such re,
port is made and accepted, it will in
my opinion be the duty of the United
States to resist. by every means in it's
power, as willful aggression upon it's
rights and interests the appropriation
by Great Britain of any lands or the
exercise of governmental Jurisdiction
over any territory which. after inves-
tigation, we have determined of right
belongs to Venezuela
I'm making these recommendations,
[ am fully alive to the responsibility
incurred and keenly realize all the con-
sequences that may follow. I am new
ertheless firm in my conviction that,
while it is grievous thing to eontem-
plate the two great Epglish-speaking
peoples of the world as being other
wise than friendly competitors in the
onward march of civilization, and
strenuous and worthy rivals in all the
arts of peace, there is no calamity which
a great nation can invite which equals
that which follows. a supine submission
to wrong and injustice, and the conse-
quent loss of national self-respect and
honor bpsnadth which ic ctiaIflad opd