Crawford avalanche. (Grayling, Mich.) 1879-19??, 1895-12-26

same time Great Britain denies the valid
ity of the Monroe doctrine. The United
States now must take two steps, IL need
be; one forthwith. President Cleveland
asks Congress to make an appropriation
for n judicial commission to investigate
on behalf of this country the merits OF
the contention concerning frontier be-
tween British Guiana and Venezuela. If
that commission shall find that Great
Britain is right in her claims the decision
to stand and be upheld by us; if the COM
mission of the United States shall find
that Great Britain's. claims are unfounded
any attempt on the part Of Great Britain
to enforce sGch claims by arms to be re-
sisted with arms by the United States.
This is the essence of President Cleve-
lands message. *tps
After reviewing the early details of the
controversy and referring to Salisbury
disinclination to admit the force of the
Monroe doctrine and resort to arbitration,
the President says: .o.
Without attempting extended argu-
ments in reply to these positions 1t may
not be amiss to suggest that the doctrine
upon which we stand Is strong and sound
because it's enforcement Is important to
our peace and safety as nation, and Is
essential to the integrity of our free in
situations and the tranquil maintenance
of our distinctive form Of government. 1t
was intended to apply to every stnge or
our national life and cannot become OBJ
solete while our republic endures. If the
balance of power is justly a cause for
jealous anxiety among the governments
Of the old world, and a subject for our
absolute non-interference, none the less
is an observance of the Monroe doctrine
Of vital concern to our people and their
government.
Assuming, therefore, that we may
properly insist upon this doctrine without
regard to 1.-The state of things in which
we live" or any changed conditions here
or elsewhere, it is not apparent why its
application may not be invoked in the
present controversy. If European pow
er, by an extension of its boundaries,
takes possession of the territory of one
of our neighboring republics against its
will and in derogation of its rights, 1t is
difficult to see why, to that extent, such
European power does not thereby at
tempt to extend ito system of government
to that portion Of this continent which is
thus taken. This Is the precise action
which President Monroe declared to be
dangerous to our peace and safety" and
Il can make no difference whether the
European system is extended by an adj
vance of frontier or otherwise.
Practically. the principle for which we
contend has peculiar, If not exclusive, re-
lation to the United States. 1t may not
have been admitted in 80 many words to
the code of international law, but since,
In international councils, every nation Is
entitled to the rights belonging to II, if
the enforcement of the Monroe doctrine
Is something we may justly claim, 1t has
its place in the code. of international law
as certainly and as surely as IL IL were
specifically mentioned, and when the
United States is a suitor before the high
tribunal that administers international
law the question to be determined Is
whether or not we present claims which
the justice of that code of law can find
to be right and valid.
Monroe Doctrine IL just.
The Monroe doctrine finds Its recogni.
ton In those PRINCIPLES of international
law which are basel ipon the theory that
every nation shall have its rights pro
tected and its just claims enforced.
or course this Government Ii entlfe3y
confident that under the sanctioned Sifll
doctrine we have clear rights andtsun'
doubted claims. Nor Is this ignored n