The Princeton union., 1895-12-26
TO FIGHT ]. BULL
PRESIDENT CLEVELAND TAKES is
SUE WITH SALISBURY.
He Sends IL Special Messnxe to Com
Eress in Which He Says That the
PrfncipIc of the Monroe Doctrine
Must BE Maintained Even Mt the
Cost of u Set-TO With Our Eng
lish Cousins. .-

Washington, Dec. 19-The president
sent to congress the answer OF Lord
Salisbury, prime minister of Great
Britain, to Secretary Olney's note on
the Venezuelan boundary dispute. In
connection with this he submitted a
special message on the Monroe doc
trine. This message is a document
which will doubtless become one of
the historic state papers centering
around the famous pronunciamento Of
President Monroe. The message of
the president is as follows: 1e5 g~.t
In my annual message addressed to the congress
on the third instant. l called attention to the
pending boundary controversy between Great Brit
ain and the Republic Of Venezuela and recited the
substance of representation made by this gov
enment to her Britannia majesty's government,
suggesting reasons why such disputes should be
submitted to arbitration for settlement and inqur-
ing whether it would be so submitted.
The answer of the liritism government, which
was then awaited, has since been received, and,
together with the dispatch to which it isa reply.
is hereto appended. Such reply is embodied in two
communications addressed by tho British prime
minister to Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British an
bassador at this capital. 1t will be seen that one
OF these communications is devoted exclusively to
that in the present instance new and strange
extension and development Of this doctrine is in
sisted on by the United States that the reasons
Justifying appeal to the doctrine enunciated by
President Monroe are generally inapplicable Ito
the state of things in which we live at the present
day. and especially inapplcabe to controversy
involving the boundary line between Great Britain
and Venezuela.
Without attempting extended arguments in reply
to these positions, it may not be amiss to suggest
that the doctrine upon which stand is strong
and sound because its enforcement is important to
81
II the integrity of free institutions and the
tranquil maintenance of distinctive form OF
government. 1t was intended to apply to every
stage of our national life and cannot become obso-
lets while our republic endures If the balance
among the governments of the old world, and a
subject for absolute non-interference, the
less Is an observance OF
The Monroe Doctrine
OF vital to people and their govern
ment. Assuming, therefore, that may prop
erly insist upon this doctrine, without regard to
changed conditions here elsewhere, it is not
apparent why, its application may not be invoked
by an extension of its boundaries, takes posses.
sion of the territory of one Of our neighboring
republics against its will and in derogation of it's
rights, it is difficult to see why, to that extent,
such European power does not thereby attempt
to extend it's system of government to that por
tion Of this continent which is thus taken. This
is the precise action which President Monroe de-
clared to be dangerous to our peace and safety"
and 1t can make no difference whether tho Enro-
pean system is extended by IN advance OF
frontier or otherwise.
1t is also suggested in the British reply that
we should not seek to apply the Monroe doctrine
to the pending dispute because it does not en-
body any principle of international law, which
and that mo statesman, however eminent, and no
nation, however powerful, competent to in
principle, which was never recognized before and
which has not since been accepted by the govern
mfqs ft other the prnene which
has peculiar, 1t not exclusive, relation to the
United States. 1t may not have been admitted
in many words to the code of international
law, but since in International councils every
nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it,
something may justly claim, it has its place
in the code OF International law as certainly and
and when the United States is suitor before
the high tribunal that administers international
not we claims % Wch tine sica of tbo
code of law can find to be right and valid. The
Monroe doctrine finds its recognition in those
upon the theory that every nation
Shall Have Its Rights Protected
and its Just claimh enforced. OF Course this gov
ernment is entirely confident that under the sane
ton of this doctrine have clear rights and un
doubted claims, nor is this ignored in the British
reply. The prime minister, while not admitting
conditions, states:
''1n declaring that the United States would re-
sist any such enterprise If it was contemplated
President Monroe adopted a policy which received
the entire sympathy Of the English government Of
declares: Though
Language of President Monroe is directed to thf
attainment Of objects which most Engshme1
would ssa agree to be sautary it is impossible t
Again he says: ::They (er majesty's government govern M
roe apparently entertained that that any S dsturbanc. @
OF the existing territorial distribution in tina
hemisphere by any fresh acquisitions on the par
Of any European state would be highly ine1pe
In the belief that the doctrine for which W,
founded upon substantial considerations and in
volyed our safety and welfare that it full.
state Of the e word aDd ba it to
directly related to the pending controversy ant
without any conviction as to the final merits o
and conclusive manner whether Great Britain
sought under a claim of boundary to extend he
possessions this continent without right o
whether she merely sought possession of territor!
fairly INCLUDED within her lines of ownership thi
government proposed to the government Of Grea
means Of settling the question, to the end that
vexatious boundary dispute between the two con
testants might be determined and our exact stand
ing and relation in respect to the controvers
might be made; clear, 1t will be seen from tn
ostion has been declined by the British govern
ment, upon grounds which under the circumstance
seem to me to be far from satisfactory; 1t i
deeply disappointing that such appeal. actu
ated by the most friendly feelings towards bot
nations directly concerned, addressed to the sens
OF justice and to the magnanimity of one Of tn
great powers of the world and touching its re
1ations to comparatively weak and small
should have produced no better results.
The Course to Be Pursued
by this government, in view Of the present condi
tion, does not appear to admit Of serious doubts
Having labored faithfully for many years to induc
Great Britain to submit this dispute to impartia
arbitration, and having been now finally apprise
OF her refusal to do so nothing remains but to ac
espt the situation, to recognize its plain require
ments and deal with it accordingly. Great Brit
aims present proposition has thus far bee
regarded as admissible, by Venezuela, though an
adjustment of the boundary which that countr
may deem for her advantage and may enter int
OF her own free WILL cannot, of course, be object
ed to by the United States - 81 Z p
Assuming, however, that the attitude Of :Vcnezue
III la will remain unchanged the, dispute has reache
such stage as to make it now incumbent upo
the United States to take measures to determin
with sufficient certainty for its Justification wha
Is the true divisional line between the Republi
Of Venezuela and British Guiana. The inquiry t
that end should Of course, be conducted carefull
all available evidence, records and facts in sur
port of the claims of both parties f"771
In order that such examination Should :,
prosecuted in thorough and So tsfactory manner
I suggest that the congress- make an adeuuate m
preparation for the expenses Of a commission to b
appointed by the executive who shall make tn
necessary investigation and report upon the mat
ter with the least possible delay. When such
report is made and accepted, it will in my opir
ion be the duty Of the United States to resist b
every means In its power, as willful aggresso
. upon It's rights and interests the approprf1 On b
Of onv or tba