The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, 1895-08-28
HOW MONEY GOVERNS.
SOME INTERESTING POLITICAL
HISTORY.
1t Costs Million Dollars To Make a
Campaign-The Price of
the Presidency.
Chicago Time-Herald.)

(Ch1cagO Iime-Herald)
| The disclosures made in this journal a
few days ago as to the cost of political
campaigns suggests the thought that it
has come to such pass in this country
that the firt consideration, too often, with
political managers is whether proposed
nominee has the money to put up for cam
paign expenses, and if not who is to foot
the bill in his behalf. This is true Of con-
gressional candidates and candidates for
gubernatorial nominations, but even
more true as to aspirants for the Presi-
dencY.
Time was when presidential election
was decided on some great question of
principle or theory of government on
which the people were honestly divided
in opinion, or upon varying estimates Of
the character, ability and patriotism of
the respective candidates. moderate
expenditure was necessary to put the
nominee fairly before the people, but no
body ever stopped to think whether an
aspirant for the nomination was rich
enough or had friends wealthy enough
to put up half million dollars or more
on the presumption that the office win go
to the highest bidder and that the oppo-
sition will put up at least that much.
The money required to elect any Presi-
dent from George Washington to u S.
Grant would not be enough nowadays to
carry congressional district, no, not
even to carry ward in some of our big
cities. William Waldorf Astor spent as
much money as General Washington was
worth in an unsuccessful attempt to win
seat in congress from New York, and
Governor Flower, who defeated him,
spent a small fortune in the effort. Many
congressman spend their salary for the
term-ten thousan dollars-in making
their calling and election sure and SEN
atorships have sold as high as half a
million dollars. For a Presidency, then,
a million nut be in sight.
For what? Of course there are legiti-
mate expenses, and they are not small;
but they cannot reach any such figure.
Tickets must be printed when, as is not
often the case now, the state does not
provide them. There must be a distribu-
tion of documents. But here the Congress
sional Record is available, and the frank
ing privilege greatly lessons the bill for
postage. Halls must be hired, bands of
music engaged, banners painted, and
there are numberless items coming under
the head Of advertising. But these things
are usually cared for by local committees.
Public speakers are necessary, and so
long as men of the Carl Schurz type take
that view of the case they must be paid
for but with so much oratorical ability
available and with so many we'll
equipped speakers as candidates for the
minor Offices, they ought to be within
reach for the good of the cause, or at most
for their travelling expenses. Allow a
good deal more for sundries and still the
question is unanswered-for what?
Why was it that when Hancock, poor
man, was nominated for President the
second place on the ticket had to be sold
for one hundred thousand dollars to a
miserly Indaniah, who afterward repu-
dated the contract and had to be taken
literally by the throat by w. H. Barnum,
chairman of the national democratic
committee, to secure payment Of the
price? Why was it that when Garfield
was nominated. Arthur, with his backing
of rich New York friends, had to be
coupled with him? 1t does not alter the
case chat Arthur then unknown except
to politicians, and to them only as a
spokesman, afterward made one of the best
of Presidents Why was it that Morton,
who also turned out WE'LL was tackled on to
Harrison in 1888, that Harrison was
charged with failing to milk his rich
friends that Morton's S one hundred thou
sand was not enough, and that according
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