The Laurens advertiser. (Laurens, S.C.) 1885-1973, 1895-10-08

| bSCblOnS anu Vi Unl
article be construed as prohibiting tn
the incorporation of the manufactul
ing towns of this State, under sue
restrictions and regulations as shal
protect the rights OF the citizens an,
prevent unjust encroachments upo
property"
Mr.. b. II. Tillman offered this sub
stitute: Provided, That class t,
be known as the manufacturing town
shall be provided by the general as
sembly. aud shall be incorporated
wherever the population OF such com
munity shall number 1000, under suct
restrictions and regulations DIS shall
| protect the rights of and prevent un
| just encroachments upon the property
of the citizens. In such towns no pro
perty qualifications shall be required
to vote in municipal elections for Of
ficers"
This precipitated the debate OF the
day. NJ. Tillman explained his
object Ia. Offering this amendment
The manufacturing towns were practi-
cally owned by the company. AS the
law stood the citizens-employees OF
the mills-could not obtain charter
or have the town Incorporated if the
factory presidents objected. If they
petitioned for o charter against the
wishes of the bosses they would be
told to "get out" He wanted to put
it in such shape that When a factory
town reached a certain size it would
I be Incorporated.
Mr.. Johnstone asked whether Mr..
Tillman would incorporate q town
against the will of its Inhabitants.
Mr.. Tillman--I want to force an in
corporation when the towns reach ,OGO
inhabitants. II they have to sign a
petition to be Incorporated they will
be told by the mill owners: "Sign
that and you must get out" and you
know it.
Mr.. Johnstone with great emphasis)
Mr.. President, arise to ask a cour-
teous question, and l hope | asked it
in courteous manner, and | do pro-
test against the kind of answer have
received. The gentleman has no right
to impute such knowledge or motives
to me or any one upon this floor. |
earnestly protest against it.
Mr.. Tillman-I meant no reflection,
and if anything l said was so construed
l withdraw it.
Mr.. Johnstone-I am very happy to
hear the gentleman make that de-
claration.
Mr.. Prince considered himself com.
petent to speak for factory employees.
He lived among factories, had friends
and relatives employed in them and
he knew they did not wish this kind OF
legislation. Speaking for the factories
of Anderson and Greenville counties,
Mr.. Prince asserted that they we're
the best governed communities in the
State. Their schools were open for
nine, ten, and if they waited them they
could have them for eleven months
in the year. This convention, it
seemed to him, was inclined to be
paternal. The other day they were
trying to protect the women, now they
wanted to protect a certain class of
laborers.
Tillman-What kind of government
Is that OF the factory towns, if it is not
he most paternal They are white
slaves, that's what they are.
Mr.. Prince-Those in my county are
manly citizens and they would spurn
the imputation that they were ruled
by any man. If these people are not
free and independent 1 would like
some gentleman on the floor to say so.
Mr.. Stanyarne Wilson, never saw
a class of people living under such op-
preston as the factory people of Spar
tanburg.
Mr.. Prince | was speaking OF those
people in the factories of Anderson
and Greenville, who would scorn to be
considered slaves. regret very much
to know that the same spirit does not
prevail among those of Spartanburg,
as indicated by my friend.
Mr.. Prince then declared that if this
amendment was passed it would be
the death knell Of factories in South
Carolina. Not because it would have
n off hn x,f
these towns, but it would frighten off
northern capital. 1t would not ac-
complish What it was seeking to do
and would result in driving away
those who had money to invest.
Mr. Tillman asked Mr.. Prince If he
was willing to have capital come here
under conditions of white slavery.
Mr.. Prince replied in the negative
and declared no factory president in
the county that he came from dared
attempt to rule white people as slaves.
He recited what factories were doing
for the education of the children and
said that was the kind of oppression"
1T seemed they wanted to save the en-
ployes from.
Mr.. Clayton declared that he was
their teeth as if it was the only thing
to be considered. There were higher
rights. There were personal rights,
and he could not vote for the amend
ment. He was here to hold the scales
easily and justly, When the factory
owns all the property they had no
more right to say what that corpora
tion should do with it than they had
to dictate to the farmer working a
thousand hands. They should not inn
pose burden upon u factory that they
would not set on any other property
owned.
Mr.. Burns spoke from the labor
standpoint as he saw it, They must do
something, he said, or capital will rule
South Carolina. He spoke of the la
borer as Il capitalist. For, he said, he
advances the value of his labor until
the end of the month or pay day.
Mr.. Gage thought that this conven-
tion should not attempt to pass on
facts. They were trying to do it, and
what was the result The gentleman
from Edgetield declared that factory
hands were oppressed the gentleman
from Anderson said they we're not; the
gentleman from Spartanburg stated
that they were. Now, the facts were
that none of them knew what they
were talking about; one OF them was a
United States Senator and none Of
| trem went into factory more than
once o year,
T;llman-Do you know anything
about 1T 7
Gage-No, | do not,
Tillman-Then why don't you hush