The Maryville times. (Maryville, Tenn.) 1884-1944, 1894-01-24


,ause there is no restriction as to
Cody or Chinese labor and the p.o-
lucts of the mines can be put into
the markets of the New England
states at II rate which will make it
for Virginia, Maryland,
Tennessee and Alabama coal to COM
pete.
There is no valid reason whatever
for tree coal. Duitable coal is con-
temporaneous with the Constitution
itself, and if the argument for free
coal be the increased industrial de-
velopment of the country, you might
just as well ask for an abandonment
OF lhe Constitution to aid the growth
Of American institutions. AS the
basis of -Four manufacturing supre-
macy to-day we stand in the produc-
ton of this mighty power for prog
ress practically side by side with
Great Britain herself. The last
available figures show that the pro-
duct of Great Britain only exceeded
that of the United States by two
million tons.
Clearly then, the argument that
the duty should be taken off coal for
the benefit of manufactures is gro
tesque. Is it for the benefit of the
individual consumer? No.
Outside of the immediate vicinity
of coal mines and of the timber belts
where the cheapness Of bituminous
coal or of cordwood decides the mat
ter the masses of the consumers OF
coal in this country used anthracite,
which has been on the free list for
the last generation, and of which we
produced last yer 50, 100000 of tons.
There is no demand whatever
from the masses Of the people for
free bituminous coal. As a matter
of fact no one will be benefited save
possibly a few manufacturers in
New England, who, under the Will
son bill, will receive about so pei
cent ad valorem protection, while
the protection will be absolutely re.
moved from Southern industry.
Is i. to strike Il blow at some mys
terious trust or combination thai
they want free coal? No? The
trust feature of this coal bushes,
lies exclusively in the production O
anthracite coal which is on the fire,
! list.
If Mr.. Wilson's committee hat
devoted their talent in the direction
of reducing the price of anthracite
coal they would have conferred ;
boon upon the American people.
The production of bituminou
coal is carried on in thirty-on,
States of the Union. No one i
making excessive profits from it
The railroads are carrying tn,
freights at less than one-half cen
per ton per mile and most of thi
amount is paid out in labor to thos
who handle it.
Our coastwise vessels are carryin,
this freight from the Southern port
to the Eastern at r phen omenall
low rate, and as the vessels are nc
OF great value the most Of this is
gain to American labor. The mi
ers arc now paid far less than the
should be, but competition is kee
and wages necessarily low. To stiI
further reduce these wages and stil
further unnecessarily cut ther
down and rob others of employment
is mistake and will prove bligh
to the entire Southern section of tn
country, where this blow will b
most seriously felt.
In 1888 Roger q. Mills passed
tariff bill in the House, and, althoug
"a tariff reformer, he wisely saw tn
great danger to a multitude of hare
working coal diggcrs and railroa
employees, and left coal and iron OF
both dutiable at scventy-fve cen
per ton,
When the Mills bill was intro
duced in the Senate, Senator Yes
of Missouri, moved to put coal an
iron on the free list, How man
democrats did he find in the Unite
States Senate ready to confsca
the property and reduce the wages
miners, and to curtail the frcights
the great Southern transportation
tn tho intelliranca and natriotism