Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1894-10-26
How Far Can Mr.. Cleveland Help the
New York Situation2
DEMAND FOR ACTION ON Els PART
Some of His Friends Think He
Should Keep His Peace.
THE ANTI-SNAPPER REVOLT

To what extent is 1t In The power OF the
President in existing circumstances 10 IN
fiuence the situation in New York;
This inquiry propounded in political cir
cles has not superseded the Inquiry as TO
how he really feels on the subject,but grows
out of that, and naturally and properly ac-
companies II. A demand for some express
sion or some action on Mr. Cleveland's part
which would put his position and desires
beyond all doubt has filled certain news
papers and been repeated by certain demo-
cratic leaders for weeks past. In some In
stances it has been expressed with energy
and in others 1t has taken the form of
delicate suggestion, but in all instances
the fact has been made entirely apparent
that in the opinions of many democrats
the party outlook In New York would be
materially improved by a friendly word
spoken or written by Mr.. Cleveland in Mr..
H!ins behalf That Mr.. Hill himself desires
this has been made only too plain. No
other explanation Is possible of his repeated
complimentary references on the stump to
the President, and of his putting the Cleve-
land men forward at the public meetings
he is addressing. He has, in fact, made
every overture possible for peace and CO.
operation in this fight short Of formal
solicitation of the President in person.
What is Cleveland's Powers
Whatever the Presidents power may have
been four weeks ago, the pith Of todays in
quiry is, What is his power now? To whom
shall he address himself, and with what
hopes of success?
To Mr.. Fairchild and his friends, who are
running a third state ticket, with the con-
fessed and pronounced object in view Of
defeating Mr.. Hill? The reply opposed to
this Is that those gentlemen have gone too
far to turn back. The letter of Mr.. Fair
nd "a ha nm nf a
third ticket, and that of Mr.. Wheeler. in
accepting the nomination to head that tick
ct, commit both Of them against Mr.. Hill
irrevocably. The same Is true of Carl
Schurz, who, both In public speeches and in
leading editorials, has declared that Mr..
Hill must be beaten. They are the head and
front of the democratic opposition to Mr..
HILL and their followers. in whatever Num-
bers they may exist, will stand by them
against an appeal even from Mr.. Cleveland.
And more than this. 1t is pointed out that
some of the anti-snappers are not now on
personal good terms with Mr.. Cleveland.
Mr.. Fairchild Is not He has not met Mr..
Cleveland since his present term in the
White House began, and holds no cor
respondence with him. A discussion of this
very question OF snapper and anti-snapper,
and what part the Hill people should be
permitted to play in New York affairs, is
said to have brought their intimate rela-
tons to a close. 1t is argued therefore that
the anti-snappers in revolt against Hill are
not now within range of the President S
fowling piece.
The Regulars Need No Incentive.
How stands the case with the regulars
The reply to this is that the regulars need
no additional incentive to action. They are
in the field, and have been from the start,
working and shouting fer HILL with an
energy born of the most sincere devotion
| They are all going on record On election
day. Tammany is willing even to temper
| ariy efface itself If Necessary to insure
| Hill success. The TamInany judgment is
that Hill once more in the governors chair
at Albany Is absolutely essential to the ex-
lstence OF the party in the state, and that
organization is willing to so all lengths to
help put him back there. The regulars
| therefore are neither desiring nor expecting
any appeal to them.
Some of Mr.. Cleveland's friends insist
that both prosperity and party safety coun-
sci his keeping his peace altogether. Regis
tering and voting might be all very well,
but no formal pronunciamento should be is
sued in any circumstance. The reference
made to the Folger campaign in support
of this proposition is not thought to be a
happy one. The interference of the national
administration in the Folger matter began
with the nomination. The charge made
| was that Folger had been forced upon the
party as its candidate for governor by a
forged telegram; that the convention other
wise would have made a different selection.
The republicans sul<ed and resented this,
and Folger was slaughter ell. The present
case is altogether Of another kind. Mr..
Hill was not forced upon the democracy
by anybody. The democracy with a unanim-
ity and enthusiasm unparalleled drafted him
for the conflict. He accepted the situa ton,
went at once to the front and took COIN
mand. There never was a moment when
that convention could have been imposed
upon and misled in the interest of anybody
else.
A ream of forged kilograms could not
| have brought about a different result The
only question now is to whether that
spontaneous and altogether enforced action
shall be ratified at the polls.
Many Curious Questions.
From these views, which may be heard
in any knot of cogtating politicians, 1t is
made plain enough why even the most ex-
perienced party manager finds the New
York situation a most perplexing problem.
There is no feature of 1t that does not wear
a doubtful and dangerous aspect. What
about harmony? What can he do? How
far ought Hill to go? How far can he go?
How many men has Fairchild In his masked
masked whose position is so widely adver-
whole argument is made to resemble Jug
gler's chain of rings, which may be inter
locked, or separated one for one, at
| pleasure. The only sure and constant
| things seem to be the solid front of the re-
| publicans, and the game fight that Hill is
making.