The Indianapolis journal., 1894-11-05

that he came to be in the same way that
the average young man OF the rising gen.
a career of distinguished usefulness and
honor-by patient and persistent study, by
the conscientious use of the opportunities
which presented themselves, by strict adj
herence to right and justice and by habits
OF temperance and economy. / will not
great career had he been the child Of wealth
and been afforded easy facilities for his
education and start in his profession.
as we and the people of Indiana knew him,
nor possessed Of the same sturdy qualities
as those for which we honor him to-day:
THE men OF great genius, OF precocious
and brilliant qualities or of inherited wealth
are not those who usually make the most
statesmen and public men. The man of all
our history, who was first in war, first In
peace and first in the hearts of his country
brilliant quality. think 1t fortunate for
our State and Nation that Morton came
from the lowly ranks Of life, that ne en-
education was grounded on the bedrock
of manual labor and that he attained his
ssu9s and 1ny s
appreciated more fully than he how well
adapted our free institutions are for the
mon people, as Lincoln was so accustomed
to style them. This is most conspicuous fin
his early speeches, in which he pleaded SO
earnestly for the preservation Of our ter
ritories to free labor and as homes for
our people, uncontaminated by slavery.
when the older States should become
overcrowded. AS Lincoln. was one product
of the plain common people. so we had in
Morton a compeer of the same stock, and
and it's priceless institutions as a heritage
for the many millions of the race to come
after them.
Because Of the qualities and services to
which / have briefly alluded do I present
Morton to you and to the people of the
State. as the typical Indianian. Those who
70 1ior yxyfth n v,anS
and proclamations and were conversant
with his motives and aspirations know full
we'll how near to his heart he held the
reputation of his native State. He was
man inspired by a strong personal ambi-
ton. but he always held it subordinate TO
none of its sons labored so assiduously
for its welfare or brought to 1T greater
glory or honor. The calamity which so
near the close of has administration was
as clearly the result of his herculean la
bors, in behalf of his State as the shot
or shell which struck down the soldier in
battle bore testimony to his service to
his country. 1t is therefore fitting and
right that when we come together as In
great war for the Union we should place
the name of Morton first on the list, and
hold him up to the emulation and honor
Of all coming generations.
AS A SENATOR.
'I have been asked to say something of
Morton's career in the United States SEN
ate. The thought naturally suggests itself
that his transfer from the office Of Gov
ernor to that of Senator in the national
Congress was a legitimate outcome of
events. The war had terminated with the
complete suppression of the armed rebellion.
He might have continued to discharge the
duties of Governor with usefulness, but
after the stirring scenes through which he
had passed his restless spirit would have
found the peaceful occupation dull and
but there yet remained bitter contest be-
fore the Nation should resume it's normal
condition of peace, orderly government and
economic administration. Three important
questions of national concern awaited set
tlement, and In which Congress would be
trolling part. to-wit: The reconstruction of
the rebel States, the establishment of the
public credit and the adjustment OF our
difficulties with foreign governments grow
ing out of the war.
Probably no one ever entered the Sem
ate under more favorable personal auspices.
His conspicuous career as the war Governor
had given him national reputation, which
would have secured for him great Difference
among his new associates, but would hard
ly have been sufficient to justify him III
nonobservance of the practice which as
the first years of his senatorial life. But
he had already attained national reputa-
ton as public speaker and as a states
campaigns Of 1856 and 1860 attracted atten-
ton far beyond the confines of Indiana,
as the man for the hour and the one states
man who grasped the full significance of
the threatened secession of the slave
q, 1850 when he pronounced in favor of
maintaining the Union by force Of arms,
nons y shf fba If s 'e
gets out Of the Union, / trust that it will
| be at the point of the, bayonet. after our
best efforts have failed to compel her to
submission fho 1awgt And ha addad RI
his reputation as a political orator Of the
first order. in his speech Of 1866, in which he
arraingned with all the vehemence of his ma
ture the Presidents. policy of reconstruc-
| ton. The people Of Indiana Endorsed his
views IN that speech q 6y the election Of
| his personal and political friends. and he
| was triumphantly chosen to the Senate OF
| ognized as a leader by being assigned to the
| craftsmanship of one important committee
and given positions on two others of prom
| "He entered the Senate at the time when
the antagonism between that body and
! training in Indiana and the bent of his mind
| made him an intense party man. He could
| not understand how person elected to 9
| high office by the Republican party could
| in time of such great national peril, hon.
estly change his party relations. He con
serving of public condemnation. 1t wa:
natural that he should at once array him
| sell against the fTeSluenl pollcy IOT tnt
| reconstruction of the rebel States, and very
| soon he found himself drawn into the thick
| est of the contest in the fierce debate.
| which attended that struggle.
HIS PATRIOTISM.
Morton has been charged with being
strict partisan. If by that term It is in
tended to imply that he was not states
| man and patriot, the charge does hin
an injustice. No man ever occupied a sea
| I'm the Senate who was actuated by a high
er sentiment Of patriotism or was bette
prepared to defend his course of conduct b!
cogent appeals to reason and experience
He was, from his early manhood, person
of strong convictions. 1t was from con
scientiouS feeling that great wrong ha
been committed by the violation Of tn
compromise respecting the Territories tha
he was impelled to break off his connection
ade Of his political life. The terrible ex
periences Of the war had wrought him III
to an intense devotion to the nationa
Union. His contact with disloyalty an
conspiracy in his own State had led hir
to distrust those who had arrayed them
He felt that the reconstruction of the rebe
States should be intrusted to loyal hands
If they could be found and he reached tn
conclusion that 1t could only be safel
I brought about by conferring upon tn
former slaves the right of suffrage. Thi
radical measure developed the most rancor
Gus debate. Morton's whole heart I
was not more intense in his convictions o
more earnest in his manner at any tim
during the dark days of the war. In tn
first session after he took his seat he de