The herald., 1894-04-10

try ana lmpuuentlY demanding ltS con
fiscation through every means which
their devilish ingenuity can invent.
1.-The public should not be misled
into the belief that only those whose in
comes exceed $4,000 are affected by this
bill. That ia o mistaken idea. In the
first place, all those having incomes less
than $4,000, but more than $500, are
put to the annoyance OF making sworn
returns and they neglect it at their
peril.
"In the second place. it may be rea-
sonably apprehended that some portion
OF the tax paid will reimburse itself by
an increase in rents, where the income
was derived from that eource.
$50 poor tenants may be affected In
some degree as well as rich landlords.
The bill seriously affects the rights and
interests of the building and loan associ-
ations throughout tine country, incorpo-
rated under state laws. The senate
amendments do not cure the defects
complained Of"
Inquiring ss to the source of the de-
mand, be said: Nothing was heard in
its behalf on the part of the two great
political parties N the campaign Of 1892
Neither the Republican nor the Demo-
cratic platform proposed any sucn
method of raising funds. No prominent
Democrat or Republican suggested any
such measure. Its approval was limited
to the platform Of the uniformed Popu-
list party and its advocacy was restricted
to Populist orators"
TAIL OF TIE PoPULIsT KITE.
He protested against the Democratic
party being made tail to the Populist
kite, and denied the right of q Demo-
cratic congress to make new principles
for the party not sanctioned by its rep
resentatives in national convention duly
assembled.
The substitution of internal or direct
taxes for customs house taxation meant
the reduction of wages OF American
workmen to the European standard. 1t
meant the degradation of labor; it
meant the deprivation of our workmen
of the comforts and luxuries of life to
which they have been accustomed.
In outlining his position, he said that
not one dollar OF tariff taxation should
be imposed whers it was not necessary
for the needs OF the government econom-
Ically administered, but whatever those
needs are, the necessary revenues there
Ior should be supplied from tariff taxa
tion and that alone. save and except the |
taxes upon liquors. oieomargarine and |
tobacco, to which the country has long
been accustomed, and which for obvious
reasons need not be disturbed.
To show the sectional discrimination |
,i the tax, he referred to the income
ak of 1S6373, which extorted from the |
people the aggregate sum of $347 ,229, |
'97.06. Oi this sum the eastern states
paid Is per cent, the middle states SO |
1er cent, and together they paid II per
,ent. New York alone paid 81 per cent.
1t had not been claimed that the per-
'entages will be materially changed if
his bill becomes law.
For my own part, as a Democrat"
le said. 81 prefer indirect taxation and
Rritf reform above direct taxes and tariff
l prefer taxing foreign pro-
lucts rather than taxing home products.
follow Jefferson in regard to even the
pecies oflindirect taxation on home
PRODUCTS by internal revenue taxes, ae
not good to be extended, and the srst \
to be rid OF when their need is past.
TWO KINDS OF SOCIALISM.
"If McKinleyism is socialism for the
benefit of the rich and income tax is
for the benefit of the poor, no
true American will look to the hair of
the dog to cure his bite. Americans
will reject socialism of both kinds. If
my counBels were needed, | would sur
prise and satisfy the country by the
in our progress in revenue
reform. The Mckinley bill lost the
to our opponents by its extreme
features ln one direction, and we should
avoid the opposite extreme"
He quoted from the speech OF Senator
Voorhees,, that the passage of the bill
would produce q surplus, and said that
according to this statement the bill has
Jumped out OF the frying pan into the
fire."
From deficiency there had arisen an
immoderate surplus. One extreme has
been succeeded by another. The COM
taking of sugar, iron, coal
and other articles from the free liet and
making them dutlable, and providing
Tor tax upon sugar, was estimated by
official experts to realize $4l, 822 623. 81.
There was an additional tax on spirits,
from which $4,000, 900 ia anticipated.
Yet, knowing these large additions of
revenue ources to the bill, the commit
tee still retained the income tax.
In conclusion he defined his position
IN these earnest words: 81 stand ready
to support any reasonable measure for
tariff reform framed within the lines and
baaed upon the principles which | have
here partially indicated and which were
fully set forth in my speech in opening
the political campaign in Brooklyn on
September 10. 1892. | will chesrfully
vote for the Mills bill and join you in
making any material reductions of du-
ties therein. | am ready to waive ell
minor reference of details which do not
involve question of principle.
AN IMPORTANT CRISIS.
''Mr. President, this is an important
crisis in the history of the Democratic
party. The failure OF the tariff revision
means the defeat of the Democratic po-
sition, ii not the revision and annihile-
tion of our party. Moreover. it means
in Jury to the best interests of the coun-
try. Let those who insist on injecting
into this bill this odious and undemo-
cratic principle OF an income tax, pause
and reflect upon the possible conse-
quence Of their demands. They should
realize that it means the loss of the con-
troll of this senate, now nearly equally
divided between the two great parties;
it means the ioss of tho next house of
representatives; it means the loss of
electoral votes of New York, New Jer-
sey. Connecticut and probably every
northern state. and finally, it means the
loss of the next presidency and ell it
implies.
''They should consider whether there
ls anything about an income tax 80
llprad @ 1oairublo un ,1nnt1lnr