The daily morning journal and courier., 1894-07-05
THE FOURTH ATW0ODSTOCK
Continued from first page.)


 gressmen Is of serious concern. It il most singular that the contributor have, apparently, secured what they want, exactly where they wanted it. by contributions to causes which could give to them nothing under any con Fceivable circumstances. Let no one bt ileceived. State and national cam, paigns are conducted always slmul, ,taneously in thirty-nine out of ths 'forty-four states. In them congress. men, legislators and a president in al states are elected every four years Practically, one treasury receives all the money for all these campaigns, in each stHe. The shallpwness of seeking to suggest a difference between con- tributions for state and those for na- ,tional campaigns is transparent.
 The number bought to sell law in tho making Is enough to form community lof themselves, but the barbaric style of Living they adopt betrays the character ms well as the measure of their means. The suddenness of their money and the mystery of It's sources stamp them, in stamping 1t. No one should suppose that the vulgar and dangerous method -of money In hand is employed by those who sell or by those who buy law, in the making. That could be traced. The proceeds could not be carried on the person. If kept at home 1t would be insecure and would not draw interest. If banked the employees of the bank would know and might tell the fact. The way is more business like. The stock to be voted up or down, or both, according to the points desired, is credited to some fictitious name. The name is an alias of the venal legislator. When the transaction Is concluded the devices of bookkeeping on each side are found adequate to the covering up of the process and to the placing of the goods.
 SELLING LAW FOR LAW.
 Law can be and is sold for votes as well as for money. The sale of sections 1n a law can be and is effected as the prices of votes for other.sections of the same law. The pending income tax section, looking westward, involves Ia trade of northern votes now fo. the promise hereafter of populist votes. Hooking southward it involves the ex- change of northern votes to sats ex- rrebel dislike of national pensions, for Southern support of sugar schedules. PThe coalition in each case is certain to lend in disappointment and betrayal to bboth sides.
 The scale of law is the making, to be reflective, must be by money among rthOse who hold the balance of power in a party narrowly divided on policy or who hold that balance of power be- tween two parties nearly equal in nu- smerical strength.
 CITY AND COUNTRY POLITICS
 The cities are the battle ground for better methods of governmental con- duct. The salvation of the union, and the freedom of the slave were demanded by the rural sentiment of the United States. City sentiment seconded that demand, but did not originate it. There lis, however, little call for reform meth ,ods in rural regions. Political abuses m the country are relatively few and rarely rank ssf=sss-+a tfi- \. z s7-
 Suffrage in cities touches extremes of wealth and poverty and all between. The prizes contested carry great power or great wealth. Politics becomes the business of class, but the contesGs go on with other contests. Those contests comprise the battle of the poor for bread and the competition of the rich for more and more. Mems wants null tiply out of all proportion to their num- lbers when their habitations "dioin.
 We're city popu ions arbitral tro. ken up into country settlements the prizes of each subdivision would be so small that abuses and contentious would largely cease. That this is so all can realize on sight. Few evils that cannot be redressed aff1iot country communi- dies. City politics is replete with such | evils as special law or long education must eradicate. While the country has been the birthplace of political morals, the city is the seat of political abuses. and must, therefore, be the seat of re- 1 form methods in government. Of these abuses the sale of the administration of l law is the sum. It includes all the I others. All the others run into it. BALE OF. LAW IN ITS ADMINISTRATION,
 New York protects life and property | lwell-but its protectors enrich them selves out of the violators of law. There the finest driveways for the rich | and the best chain of small parks for 1 the poor in America are maintained. | Tbnt businesses licensed by law are | D1ackmailed, pursuits forbidden by law arc taxed for revenue only and general business is permitted. to trespass on public rights and public grounds for consideration. Men who avoid brawls | and keep sober are as secure by night or day on most of New York's streets as in their own homes, yet a system of robbery, ransom and revenge, if rob bery or ransom be refused, prevails ill New York equal to any piled by Sicilian bandits or Greek or Cuban brigands. Murderers and burglars are relentlessly run down and punished by policemen who guide cOuntrymen to the dens of dealers in counterfeit money. Pickpockets know that the city is simply pr son for them, in which they can W .lk. around if they do not practice lneir profession, but gamblers also know that they will be considerably warned in advance by the authorities that will sensationally raid the rooms from which all compromising evidences have been removed, Justices will suspend the work of sentencing brawlers and wife beaters long enough to write notes to police captains to accept straw bail for