The Princeton union. [volume] (Princeton, Minn.) 1876-1976, 1894-03-29

1885, resulted, yeas ia, nays 95. OF those
voting in the negative Fl were from the
South, including such leaders as Garrett
Davis of Kentucky, Meredith r: Gentry Of
Tennessee James Graham o. Morfh Caro-
Robert Toombs and Alexander H. Stephens
Of Georgia. These able men Joined heartily
with such prominent and no less distin-
John Quincy Adams, George Ashmun and
Robert G. Winthrop Of Massachusetts,
Charles J. Ingersoll and James Black Of
Pennslyyania, Jacob Gollamer Of I'VE Vermont
Hunt of New York and Columbus Delano,
Robert c.. Schenck, Joshua r. Giddings,
Samuel F. Vinton and Joseph Vance Of
the pending bill. 4
In the senate the contest is still more
memorable. Vice President Dallas proved
to 70 MS x @ of @
pending measure. The test vote was taken
on July %, 1916. Twenty-seven senators
voted for the bill and twenty-seven against
seventeen were from Southern and ten
from Northern states. In the negative vote
the numbers from the different sections
North and ten from the South. For the
first time in the history of tariff legislation
the country seemed to have
Divided on Sectional Lines,
yet even in this fierce struggle many Of the
strongest leaders Of the South stood side
by side with Daniel Webster, Thomas Cor
win, George Evans and Simon Cameron in
eloquently -upholding the cause of protec-
ton; Among them were such men as John
M. Berrien of Georgia, the Claytons Of
Delaware, Reverdy johnson Of Maryland,
Willie P. Mangum of North Carolina and
John J. Crittenden OF Kentucky. Inc bill
IN direct appeal to the country In 1s4S it
was repudiated by the people in the cleo
ton Of Gen. Taylor to the presidency.
-t-,t<> fNSn
decisive to secure a change In the tariff,
and other questions crowded to the front
and imperatively claimed public attention.
So it transpired that there was no further
legislation on the subject until the enact
ment known as the tariff Of 1857. BY this
law the duties We're reduced to- lower
the war of 1912. The direct result of it's
passage was the disastrous financial panic
which soon after swept over the country
ness, involving alike ali our agricultural,
| commercial and manufacturing interests.
This was the last tariff legislation pre-
| ceding the secession of the Southern states,
and brings this review to a period within
| the recollection Of many Of my hearers. 1t
| will be seen that in the early days of the
country the tariff was not only not sec
| tional question, but had among its firmest
supporters the leading. statesmen. of the
South. Then this question was as broad as
our country and as national as our flag:
May we not confidently hope that it will
be again so held in the near future?
Is history worth nothing? Are experience
and it's lessons to be forgotten? Are the
Is the national distress, the business de-
preston and the universal poverty of the
people, which have relentlessly followed the
| enactment of every revenue tariff measure
in all our history, to be lost upon us in the
calm consideration of this economic sub
ject? Are all these to be discarded in the
to study them without bias, for they will
steady your judgment in reaching right
| eOuS conclusion.
The Wilson Bill
| is not like any of the early tariff measures
but is one in which the changed condition
of the country and its plarvelous growth
and development are utterly ignored ant
forgotten. Its promoters forget that slavery
no longer exists. They do not recognize MOI
appreciate the independence and dignity q
labor, and cannot understand that the pro
tective policy under which we have hat
termined by geographical lines. The hi
is narrow. sectional and provincial meas
ure, unworthy the great party which pro
poses 1t, and wholly unsuited to the need
The wilson bill turns to the past; ava,
from the e, present It is for the plantation
the house it had for it's foundation princi
pie free raw material. It's authors argue
that with free coal, free iron ore, free lea
United States would be placed on an equal
ity with the manufacturers of free trad
countries and we therefore could not onl
markets ' of the World Based s upon upon thi
argument, which believe to be false the
+ declared that with these great primar
ployment for all the workingmen Of til
| country at good wages. And so in this for1
the bill passed the Democratic house {
representatives, and is now the dread sui
f ject of angry contention in the Democrat
+ senate.
n An examination of the bill by the Dem,
n cratic members of the finance committee, {
n the senate evidently convinces them thu
q Mr.. Wilson's bill and his argument in SUI
: port of the same are alike based upo
i false principles. So coal goes back to tt
tariff list, iron ore to the tariff list an
n lead to the tariff list, leaving free wo
e alone, the only product of agriculture
i support, the false theory of the house Bill
a Even Mr.. Cleveland is disregarded, for
y his Madison Square Garden speech, after h
= nomination in 1892, he said: eve belle,
= that the advantages Of freer raw materia
e We propose, therefore, to stimulate o,
= domestic industrial enterprises by freeir
from duty the imported raw materia
!, used in our home manufactures, thus e
l. tending the markets for their sale and De
~ hitting an increased and steady productit
u with an allowance of abundant profits.''
10 Internal Taxes.
ID I have looked with some degree of ca
Is through the bill. I find nothing hut irrit
" ton and aggravation to the great industri
t. of the country. No interest suffers by
st more severely than agriculture, and lab
of all kinds seems to have been singled 0
IN as its foremost victim. I have examined
s. carefully to find some section, paragrap
Is clause or line removing the "great burden
d, tariff taxes from the shoulders of the pc
tn ple,' about which we have heard so mu
Of for so many years from the Democratic OF
n tors and have read so frequently in Den
H. cratic newspapers and platforms, but ha
It. been unsuccessful in finding any such pl
err vision. 1t is true that sugar, an article
)s prime necessity to every household, a
IL which the law Of 1890 made free to the ps
y Pc, has been fairfield at from to IA Gel
to per pound, every cent of which will be pa
ty by consumers of the United States. b
IL doubtless in compensation for this add
be burden of upward of $4,000, 600 and becau
of it, they lowered the tariff on tobacco
Oh extended the bonded period for the wa
Iy housing Of whisky and giving to the dist
We lers eight years in which to pay the tt
ed They restored the tariff on coal. but then
BY fairness they should be credited with TAXI
g. the tariff off of diamonds. They reason Il
rs the manufacturers are few, forgetting tt
n the workmen are many. They look to
k. interests Of importers, ignoring the farm
of and oblivious to the fact that the agricult
Ia. list is everywhere. Their blows are direc
ty against the welfare of the masses of
ng people, but from them the country will
as hear. for this is still a government of