The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1894-07-26

on tEat radical plank. Mr.. Claye-
lands letter was looked forward to
with anxiety. In it Mr.. Cleveland de-
clared specifically against the destruc.
ton OF any industry and in favor
OF "freer," not free raw material
That letter, Mr.. German said, changed
the tide and elected Mr. Cleveland
president. Reverting again to the
duty on coal Mr.. German argued that
~ cents ton was purely a revenue
duty. Free coal would give to a single
corporation all the coal trade from
Boston. Free coal would not benefit a
single man or woman in the country.
VINO demands itY he asked The pro,
tesslonal theoretical tariff reformer
said it would cheaper the cost of
manufacturing, yet free coal would
not give the New England manufac-
turer more than 3>4 of per cent of
manufacturing.
There was but one great firm on the
face of the earth that wanted free
coal. In Nova Scotia there was a
deposit of coal as broad and as rich as
any on the face of the earth,
The government of Canada had con-
trolled it. Five years ago the
dominion government was induced to
change its policy. The small leases
we're wiped out. The Canadian Pa
citic, that great artery of Great
Britain, together with men from the
United States associated themselves
together and secured 80 years lease
of these coal fields on condition that
they should pay into the Canadian
| treasury II cents a ton royalty. If
coal was free the coal of Nova Scotia
would displace that of the United
States in England and the treasury of
Canada would be enriched by money
that ought to go into the treasury of
the United States. God knows we
have enough trusts, said Mr.. German.
l will never consent to allow this
mammoth foreign corporation to in
wade our territory and take the sub
stance away from our people.
Mr.. Germans reference to the sugar
trust schedule was in the following
words: Mr.. President, there is only
one other serious proposition as l un-
derstand it involved in this contro-
versy and that is the subject of sugar
Our friends on the other side. with
great generalship, saw the weak point
in our line from the beginning. In
the construction of the Mckinley bill
they made free sugar the pivot so that
they might increase the duties of their
own ware and the output of their
factories. They attempted to secure
free sugar by fighting When we at
tempted to reverse their Mckinley act
they outwitted us by going back
and putting upon the dutiable list an
article which they put upon the free
list. They managed it well. They
knew enough to stir up the animosi-
ties and the feelings which are nat
ural with us against duties on any
thing whatever. They used the press
OF their party to charge all sorts of
bad motives against the men who
were in favor of putting sugar on the
dutiable list. They twitted us upon
the streets. It had scarcely gotten
into the consideration of the bill be.
fore they wanted to investigate and
see whether we were not selling out
to trust. The men made the trust
become suddenly virtuous for the pur.
pose of killing our bill. They man
aged it so astutely that the
bill really lost many honest mans
favor inside and outside of the cham
ber. This was a battle between the
two sides. You have conducted it, if
not upon the highest planes, as we'll
as Modoc Indian ever conducted
campaign. Laughter. That you
demotalized some of our forces and
made them run to the bomb proof
house where they might be safe, is
true. L have seen honorable men de-
nouncing, or rather correcting, In the
papers, the orrlble statements which
have been put forth to demoraliZe
them, and it is but natural that they
should have done so. But the major
ity OF us are accustomed to shot and
shell but have never yet flinched, be
cause we knew that no matter how
dissgreeable to us personally, the
votes of the Louisiana senators were
necessary. We know more than that,
that fair duty on sugar was the first
consideration OF the treasury. Your
Legislation has left us bankrupt, until
we have been compelled ID sell bonds.
We do not intend when we get our
bill through to increase the bonded
debt. If we do not get our bill
through, that may and probably will
happen.
Again reverting to the president, he
said: Mr.. President, 1 speak of the
president Of the United States with
nothing but the kindest feelings.
nave never In my life had anything
but the kindest feelings for him. /
/ believe he is one of the most remark.
able men ever in public life In the last
30 years in any civilized country on
the faceLof the earth. To elect him
the first time he was a candidate L
gave my constant, unremittant labor.
| stood by him when there were but q
few who had the moral courage to
walk through the slime and filth and
uphold him. L supported his nomi-
nation for the second term, though
not agreeing with the policy of his
declarations In the message of 1887,
and stood by my friend, the senator
from Ohio (Mr. Brice), who gave to
the nomination of Mr.. Cleveland his
substance and his time, and every
thing that man could give to serve
great cause. stood with him from the
beginning OF the campaign to the end.
l was not In favor of Mr.. Cleveland's
nomination In 1892 as a matter of poll.
cy, but l, with the distinguished SEN
ator from New York (HilD, who car.
ried the battle flag in that state, and