Saint Mary's beacon. [volume] (Leonard Town, Md.) 1867-1983, 1894-01-04

s6"saSN sss AnS AAtu. AtcAouuCl
Rice, of Massachusetts, said i'm the
House: THE manufacturer asks
no additional protection. He haa
learned among other things that
( the greatest evil next to . ruinous
competition from foreign sources j,
an excessive protection which stim.
nlates like ruinous and irrespon.
sible competition at home. Con-
gyessionai Gis5e. 1s59-'60, page
1867.
Mr.. Sherman, of Ohio, said
when Mr.. Stanton says the man
ufacturers are urging and pressing
This bill he says what he must GER
tainly know is not correct: the
manufacturers have asked over and
over again to be let alone. Ibid,
2053. Mr.. Morrill, himself has since
said that the tariff of 1861 was not
asked for, but coldly welcomed by
the manufacturers. "-Congressional
Globe, lS69-'70, page 3295. Sena-
tor X. NJ. L. Hunter, of Virginia.
then chairman of the Senate finance
committee said "Have any Of the
manufacturers come here to COM
plain or ask for new duties !? Is it
not notorious that il we were to
leave it 30 the manufacturers Of
New England themselves, to the
manufacturers of hardware, textile
fabrics. &C., there would be a large
majority against any changea Do
we not know that the wooden man
ufacture dates its revival from the
tariff of 1857, which altered the
duties on wool ?" The history of
American industry shows that du-
ring no other period has there been
more healthy and rapid develop
ment Of our manufacturing indus
try than during the Is years of low
tariff from 1916 to 1861, nor A more
healthy and harmonious growth of
agriculture and all the other great
industries of the country.
No chapter in our political expe.
rience carries with it more salu-
tary lesson than this. aud none
foeuid appeal more strongly 10 ia~-
makers to establish just aud ra-
tional system of public revenues,
neither exhausting agriculture by
constant ood-letting. nor keeping
manufacturers ALTERNATING between
chills aud fevers by artificial pam
pering. In this direction alone i;es
stability. concord of sections and of
great industries. We have already
said that public discussion may dis
close errors Of minor detail in the
schedules Of our bill. To escape
such errors would require SO minute
and thorough a knowledge of all the
divisions, subdivisions, complex
and manifold mazes and invOlutions
Of our chemical, textile, metal and
other industries that no committee
of Congress, no matter how extend
ed The range of their personal
knowledge or how laborious and
paipsfaking their efforts could hope
to possess.
We have not forgotten that we
represent the people, who are the
many, as well as the protected in.
terests, who are the few, and while
we have dealt with the latter in no
spirit of unfriendliness, we haze
felt that it was our duty and no.
their privilege tc make the tariff
schedules. Those who concedc the
right of beneficiaries to fix their
own bounties must necessarily COM
NIT to them the framing and word
ing Of the laws by which these
bounties are secured to them. A
committee of Congress thus be-
comes merely the amanuensis OF the
protected interests. It has been
shown so clearly and so often in the
debates of this House that nearly
every important schedule of the ex-
isting law was made in its very
words and figures by representatives
OF the interests it was framed to
protect that it is unnecessary in our
report to present the record proof
of this fact, but it may not be amiss
to cite further evidence TO show that
this is not only the necessary rule.
but the open and avowed method of
framing protective tariffs.
The BILL OF THE FIFTIETH Con-
GREss.
Wien the Senate substitute for
the bill passed by this House in tn.
Fiftieth Congress, which substi
tutc is q real basis Of the existing
law, was being prepared, Senator