Saint Mary's beacon. [volume] (Leonard Town, Md.) 1867-1983, 1894-01-04

aSaiuce ~. ut non. Atexauuel
Rice, of Massachusetts,, said i'm the
House: "The manufacturer asks
no additional protection. He has
learned among other things that
the greatest evil next to ruinous
competition from foreign sources ID
an excessive protection which stim-
ulates like reinous and irrespon-
sible competition at home. Com
gressiOHal Globe, lS59-'60, page
1857.
MIR. Sherman, of Ohio, said /:
"When Mr. Stanton SAYS the man
ufac.nrers are urging and pressing
this bill he says what he must ccr-
tainly knew is not correct; the
manufacturers have asked over and
over again to be let alone. ibid,
2053. Mr.. Morrill, himself has since
said that the tariff Of 1861 was not
asked for. but coldly welcomed by
the manufacturers. Congressional
Globe. 1S69-'7O, page 3295. Sena-
tor r.. NJ. L. Hunter, of Virginia,
then chairman of the Senate finance
committee said: 4: "IIave any of the
manufacturers come here to com
PLAIN or ask for new duties Is il
not notorious that If We were to
leave it to the manufacturers Of
New England themselves. to the
manufacturers of hardware. textile
fabrics. &c. there would be a large
majority against any change? Do
we not know that the WOODEN man
ufacture dates its revival from the
tariff of 1857. which altered the
duties on wool ?" The history of
American industry shows that du-
rlng no other period has there been
more healthy and rapid develop
ment of our manufacturing indus
try than during the 15 years of low
tariff from 1916 to 1851, nor more
healthy and harmonious growth of
agriculture and all the other great
industries of the country.
No chapter in our political expe.
rience carries with it more salu-
tary lesson than this. and none
could appeal more strongly to law
makers to establish a just aud ra-
tional system of public revenues,
neither exhausting agriculture b,
constant blood-letting. nor keeping
manufacturers alternating between
chills and fevers by artificial pam
prring. In this direction alone lies
stability. concord of sections and of
great industries. We have already
said that public discussion may dis
close errors of minor detail in the
schedules of our bill. To escap,
such errors would require so minutc
md thorough u knowledge of all the
divisions, subdivisions, complex
and manifold mazes aud involutiohs
of our chemical, textile, metal aud
other industries that no committee
If Congress, no matter how extend
ed The range of their personal
knowledge or how laborious and
painsfaking their efforts could hore
TO possess.
We have not forgotten that we
represent the people, who are the
many. as well as the protected in
terests, who are the few, and while
ge have dealt with the latter in no
spirit of unfriendliness, we have
felt that it was our duty and no:
their privilege to make the tariff
schedules. Those who concedc the
right of beneficiaries to fix their
pwn bounties must necessarily COM
nit to them the framing and word
ing of the laws by which thes.
bountIes are secured to them. A
committee of Congress thus be-
comes merely the amanuensis OF tn.
protected interests. Ii has beer
shown so clearly and so often in the
debates of this House that nearl,
every important schedule of the ex-
Istlng law was made in it's yery
words and figures by representatives
of the interests it was framed to
protect that it is unnecessary in our
report to present therecord proof
of this fact, but it may not be amiss
to cite further evidence 20 show that
this is not only the necessary rule.
but the open and avowed method of
framing protective tariffs.
The BILL OF THE FIFTIETH Cox
GREss.
Wien the Senate substitute for
the bill passed by this House in the
Fiftieth Congress, which substi
tute is real basis Of the existing
law, was being prepared, Senator