The morning call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1878-1895, 1894-06-02

WASHINGTON, June Hill made no
effort in the Senate to-day to get I'D his
resolution to instruct the Bribery Commit
tee to throw open its d Ors TO the public.
1t went over without prejudice.
DOlph's resolution TO bring E. G. Ed
wards, one Of the cOntumacious witnesses,
before the bar of the Senate for contempt
took the same course.
Hill asked unanimous consent to con-
slider the joint resolution passed by the
House yesterday, giving the Secretary of
War authority under the last sundry civil
appropriation act to institute condemna-
ton proceedings to secure lands near the
Gettysburg battlefield. Judge Dallas, he
. explained, had held that the language of
the act was not broad enough to warrant
condemnation proceedings. COckrell in
sisted that the resolution 60 to the Com
mittee on Military Affairs, and it was so
referred.
When the tariff bill was laid before the
Senate the battle over the sugar schedule
began. The Mckinley law placed raw
sugar on the free list, imposed p cent duty
on refined sugar and gave a bounty Of
@ cents to sugar-growers. The House bill
repealed the bounty and placed all sugars
on the free list. In the first bill reported
from the Finance Committee the Senate
gave a specific duty of l cent TO 1885 per
pound, according TO DoarscOpic test. The
compromise amendment, the one now be-
fore the Senate, made the sugar schedule
go into effect January l, 1925, the rates
being 40 per cent ad valorem on all sugars,
raw and refined; an eighth Of l cent add
ti0nal on sugars above sixteen Dutch
standard, With an additional One-tenth Of l
cent per pound on sugar from countries
that pay export bounties. 1t also continues
the sugar treaty with Hawaii.
Henderson took the floor. The sugar
schedule, he said, seemed to peryade the
whole bill. The bill could not be touched
without laying the hand on sugar. AL
most FIVE billion pounds of raw sugar had
been consumed last year, representing, if
grown and refined abroad, a grand total of
S1S2, coo, 900 to be paid to foreigners. Free
sugar would mean the immediate destruc-
tiOn of the beet-sugar industry and the
gradual extinction of cane-sugaT prOduc-
ton in the Southern States. If properly
protected, he prophesied that before
1895 the beet-Sugar production would have
so developed in the North and cane sugar
in the South that the United States could
supply the full consumption of the coun-
try. Beet-sugar growing, when developed
TO the extent necessary to supply the
home demands, would afford a crop of
100000 acres. Was it any wonder the
farmers of the West wanted the continual
tion of the sugar bounty? They were
enthusiastic over the prospect. 1t was
great boon which they asked Congress to
save to them. No country in the world
was so well adapted to produce beet sugar
as the United States. Beet growing, ul-
timately, would displace cane growing.
Henderson denied that in fostering the
growth of beet and cane sugar any obiga
ton existed to protect the reiners. There
was no connection, he declared, between
the sugar-groweT and the Odious sugar
trust.
Henderson gave notice that at the proper
time he would offer as a substitute for the
sugar schedule the bounty provision of the
Mckinley bill, continuing it in force until
July l. 1906. he argued at length 10 sup
port Of the constitutionality of bounties
quoting extensively from court decisions
and especially frem the decision of Justice
Miller.
"If Congress were to give bounty" in
quired Gallery. ''to a farmer or manufac-
turer, do you contend that the courts
have no right to inquire whether the
bounty is given for a public or private
use?"
II do" replied Henderson. "The de-
cisiOn of Justice Miller is conclusive on
that point"
PETER then proceeded at great length to
support bounty instead of a duty on
sugar. In the course OF his speech he
drifted into the discussion of the silver
question; touched upon his ideas of the
theory of government and the panacea
for the existing ills of the BODY polite.
1t was :45 when PETER concluded, and
Harris then moved that the Senate pro-
coed to the consideration of the executive
business. Before he made the motion he
declared that the country was impatient
over the slow progress made with this
bill, and that business interests every
where were suffering from the utterly in
excusable delay. lie gave notice that
after Monday be would compel the Senate
to endure longer hours until the bill was
disposed of. The Senate at 80 adjourned.