Oakes weekly Republican. (Oakes, Dickey County, D.T. [i.e. N.D.]) 1883-1898, 1894-08-07
Tho Profits of the Sugar Trust.

American wages for the working people
of the United States.-New York Press.
Tho Profits of the Sugar Trust.
Gen. Samuel Thomas of New York.
practical business man, and not par.
tisan. speaking of the sugar trust and OF
it's greed and power, says: LAS PLAIN,
independent American citizen, without
reference to party, say it is shame to
give the sugar trust the bonus presented
by the Senate programme. 1t is an out
rage that this trust should own enough
senators to hold Congress by the throat
and say: You shall give us what we
want or there shall be no tariff legisla-
would be ample for the protection Of re-
fineries; yes, a thirty-second would be
enough. But this bill gives one-eighth-
clear gift of $12,OOO,O0O for the benefit.
not of a widely diffused industry. but of
dozen men in New York city. 1t is an
enough men at Washington to be able to
have it's will, or kill any other tariff meas
ure There is no worse example of stock
watering than this sugar trust presents.
A plant and property that everyone
knows were not and are not worth more
capital of $50, 900, 600 preferred and $35,
OOO,OOO common stock, besides $1O,OOO,-
600 or so of bonds Even a protective
duty of one-thirty- second Of cent would
give profits that would enable this CON
cern to pay Is to 20 per cent. on the ac
rage, and yet indignation will not avail
against the purchase Of legislation by the
trust.''
The entire course of the Democratic
party on the tariff question has lisgusted
the financial world. The long delay of
Republican members of the conference
committee has excited indignation. The
general comment was we'll expressed by
George B. Gibson, who denounced their
action as "a piece of unparalleled political
insolence;;" il! Mr. Gibson compared the
ment Of ie4S." 9This commttee ae Of a't,n con-
ference" he said, sis in reality IL con
densed form Of the two houses, an epit-
ONE of both, for expeditions work. and a
rump committee is as offensive as a rump
congress itself would be-"
About the scarecrow of Glass Legislation.
Here is an extract from the speech of
the Hon. George B. Shaw of Eau Claire,
delivered in the House of Representatives
when the Wilson bill was under discus
sion:
is it any wonder that the people
of my district, regardless of party, be-
lieve that the scarecrow of class legisa-
ton should not be set in place in the corn
field OF public opinion by the representa-
tive of a cotton-growing district who
used in baling cotton, while insisting that
the bands on the farmers pail, or on
the bunch of shingles he buys to roof his
granary shall be subject to tariff tax?
rs it surprising that the enlightened
people Of Wisconsin do not understand the
modern idea of political economy which
affords the rice-grower of the Carolinas
a protective tariff of 81 per cent. while
conceding the barley grower of Wiscon-
sin protection of only 20 per cent?
hat answer can be made to the in
telligent farmers of Wisconsin who find
that their potatoes are protected from
the vegetable e-growers of Canada by a
duty of 20 per cent, while the tooth
some peanut of the Old Dominion is
sheltered by. protection of 7:5 per cent.
and who ask if this favoritism is not
fairly good example of class legislation"
A Few Important Facts of History.
w. s. Manning of New York makes
contribution to the tariff history of This
country which is profitable reading at
this time, as showing why Calhoun
changed from radical protectonist to a
bold free-trader, The main points of the
article are as follows:
"Orig ginally John G. Calhoun was as
radical a protcctionist as was Henry
Clay. In the early period of Mr. Cal
houn's political career, as our congression-
al records show, no man advocated our
protective policy more intelligently or
with more vigor than he did. His pow
erful mind grasped and solved that polit-
ical problem so clearly and so conclusive
ly that no point was left upon which to
hang an adverse argument.
"At the time when Mr.. Calhoun pro-
claimed himself, in and out of Congress.
and sealed by his votes, prior to 1920, his
honest support and advocacy of our pro-
tective system, the country was by a vast
majority pro-slavery. The slave power
then controlled both houses Of Congress:
in fact, the legislative. the executive and
the judiciary was dominated by them.
After the enactment of the protective
tariff of 1924, which followed that terri
BILE period of ruin, distress and misery
similar to our present deplorable condi-
for revenue only not for protection
the industries throughout the land sprang
forward with gigantic strides, as they re-
Gently did under the Mckinley act.
ut was then that Mr.. Calhoun per-
celved that the protective system was
driving the slave power to the wall.
State after state repudiated slavery, and
unless something was done to check the
growing political power produced in the
North by our protective industrial sys-
tenn, Mr.. Calhoun and his followers knew
that their political supremacy and the
slave power could not exist. Not salts
tive free-trade policy and bitter hostile
opposition to any protective system, de-
signed wholly to cripple if not to destroy
Northern prosperity, Mr.. Calhoun and his