Freeland tribune. (Freeland, Pa.) 1888-1921, 1894-04-26

what we mean by tariff rcformE Or are we 10
ask to be again given power in order that we
may reform our own tariff rctormf 10 go /
into the campaign in that way is to 20 TO defeat.
The only hope is to raise, openly ana uhequlNO-
cally, the banner of free trade. If the Demo |
cratic party does not stand in opposition to the /
protective idea it stands for nothing. And it /
must be swept aside by some party that does |.
voice the Democratic principle. If the Demo-
cratic party is to live it must cast all protec-
tionists out of its ranks. There is no room in ii
for II moderate protectionist, or Il local pro-
tectionist, or any other kind of protectionist
as tariff reform Democrats they
can only bring the Democratic party into con-
tempt and defeat. One protectonist party is
enough. That place is already filled by the
Republican party. Let the Democrats who
cannot stand free trade go there, and let us
assist them to go.
DEMAND FOR A FREE TRADE PARTY.
The country wants free trade party, and so
long as protectionists control Democratic policy
and dictate Democratic tariff schedules, the
rapidly growing body of free traders who care
little for political names and much for political
principles, will refuse to join our ranks or
follow our lead. And why should they? Why
should the people, whom the last election
showed were conscious Of the robbery of the
tariff and who have become more and more
conscious every day since then, put further
trust in the sincerity of II party that can
produce nothing better than the Wilson bill,
and then not even stand up to that
The schOolmastcr is indeed abroad, and such
an economic education of the masses is going
on as never before. BY its bounty ON sugar
the Mckinley bill proved even to protectionists
that IA protective duty was the equivalent of Il
bounty. The Wilson bill tenderly caring for
trusts is furnishing to honest prOtcctionists
another great object lesson, which the Republi-
can papers are busy in explaining to them-the
lesson that protection is never in the interests
of the workman, but always in the interest of
the monopolist. These papers are teaching
wiser than they know. In showing up the
iniquity of the sugar trust they are showing
the iniquity of the steel rail trust. In show
ing the injustice and wrong of protecting
Democratic sugar growers and coal barons
they are showing the wrong of protecting Il
Republican steel rail pool, IA wall paper trust
and combination of glass manufacturers.
The honest prOtectiOnist, who has already
| begun to doubt will, now that his friends thus
show him the evils of protection, begin to
believe that the Chicago platform was right
when it declared protection to be fraud The
Republican protest against the Wilson bill is
doing free trade work in the Republican camp
Mckinley, in his protection run mad, did more
to educate the people on free trade lines than
all the free trade organizations in the country;
and Mckiney's work is now being completed
by the Republican press.
ADVANTAGES OF FREE TRADE.
Free trade Why should we fear announce
itE Trade is civilization. The wider trade eN-
tends, the faster and the higher the advance of
human progress. Civilized men must trade.
Without trade we should be sayagcs. Why
not, then, trade freely? A mans right to the
fruit of his toll is not complete without the
freedom to exchange it. To abrdge that free
dom is to limit that right To hamper exchange
whether by - custom duty or toll gate, is to
that extent to deny the right of property, the
right of each man to his own earnings If
trade be good, free trade must be good
Free" The magic of that word has checrcd
the philosopher and inspired the poet. 1t has
ever been the watchword of those who stood
for right against wrong. 1t has ever stirred
the heart of the masses. Why should those
who proclaim the equality of human rights
fear free trade? 1t is not an enemy to dread
but II friend to welcome.
abolish custom houses and internal revenue
taxes would lead to the single taxi" Certainly
it would. And there is its strength. 1t would
do little good to abolish the impedimcnts to cx-
| change if we did not also abolish the impede
ments to production. The greatest of all i'm
pediments to production, the greatest of all
monopolies that are impoverishng the many
and enriching the few is the monopoly of land
the primary element pf nj nrpIu,tf,n Er,.,,
trade, carried to its logical conclusion, the
single tax, would abolish this Fundamental
monopoly, and in doing so solve the luborques-
ton and abolish voluntary poverty
This labor question, this bread and butter
question, this question of why willing workers
must be fed by charity, and advances in the
productive power OF labor lessen wages, is the
living, burning question of today 1t is ON us
now. 1t must be met. Our old twcedlcdum
and tweedledee politics are done. There is
room for an aristOcratc party that will stand
for special privileges and vested rights. But
there is no room for Democratic party that
will not heed the cry of the tolers and voice
the demands for the natural rights of men.
What is the single tax but the application to
the all-impOrtant social question of the demo-
cratic principle of equal rights to all and
special privileges to none2 In declaring frank
ly and openly for free trade and the single tax
the Democratic party would cease to be a
nominal democracy and would become a real
democracy. 1t would drive out of its ranks
those who do not belong to it, those who fctter
it and weaken it, and would gather from all
sides that great body to whom the democratic
principle has always appealed. 1t would
become indeed the party of the masses against
the classes, the party of right against the party
of privilege. 1t would go forward to certain
victory. But Democratic party that lacks
the courage of Democratic conviction invites
certain defeat.
When Baby was sick we gave her Castoria,