Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1894-11-01


iety or panic. But what succeeded it
in 1880, in 1890, in 1899.
THE WAY TO SAFETY AND HONOR.
do not propose to thresh over old
straw, or to fatigue YOU to night by the
recital of those things that are past. I
only refer to them us facts which can
not be gainsaid, because they are in
dellibly written upon the page of
history. And it history be philosophy
teaching by example, then you, my
friends, will learn whether at this ap-
preaching election it is safe or wise or
more patriotic In you, more for your
interest, more for your duty to vote
with ono party or with the other. With
you shall be the responsibility, and with
me lies o-night-havlng the privilege
to speak to you-to endeayor to point
out which way safety, honor, happiness
for the American people lie. Applause.
But as soon as the Republican execu-
tive had displaced tine Democratic
President, as soon as both Houses OF
Congress were entirely under their con.
troll, II series of measures were adopted.
And my friends, there were some that
were not adopted, which were attempted
but which-thanks be to a merciful God
were unsuccessful; and we owe their
defeat, some of them, to the fidelity and
courage and assiduity of such men us sit
behind me to night. Applause Was
it not enough, in advance OF the Tariff
bill, i'll advance of the currency ques.
tion, to attempt that monstrous, extreme
measure of revolution known as the
Force bill; was this not enough, ask
xr.. IN, liar | o,,, nf.t,
about to recite its dangers, but you
know that it was a blow at the entire
local control of independent suffrage
all over the United States. 1t was the
most protligate, the most extreme, the
most dangerous proposition to rivlt
power forever in the hands OF one party
which was then in control--than ever
was conceived or attempted in any free
government.
l know that one of your Senators in
Congress-he who always uses extreme
vigor and unhesltatlng violence OF
thought and Xpression-dcclared the
Force bill to be most moderate measure
of regulation and reform of elections.
Well, what, in such mind, an i'm
moderate measure would be, God above
only knows. Applause.
say, therefore, among the measures
that tended to produce alarm in the
American mind; among the measures
that tended to make men anxious for
the safety of the country and the pre-
servation of honor aud of property in
the country, came the attempt to pass
the Force bill, backed up by Mr.. Har-
rison, whirled through the House of
Representatives by the lnonstrous rules
of Reed, accepted BY the Republican
Senator from the State of Delaware, so
gloriously defeated by such men as
George Gray Applause and cheers i
gentlemen, the country was alarmed; it
was justly alarmed. A proposition had
been urged, with scarcely Republican
voice in Congress raised in opposition to
it-perhaps am wrong; there were one
or two or perhaps three Republicans
who could not bring themselves, for the
sake of party or party advantage or the
perpetuation of power in the party's
hands, to consent to such destruction
of the rights of free men all over the
United States. | wish to do them jus.
tice, because it was a Republican Senate
and yet in the Senate, by Gods mercy,
this Republican measure was thwarted.
That, however, did create in my opinion
grave sense of alarm, that such a
measure could have been proposed and
could have been urged and pressed by
that party. For we did not know what
would come then.
TAXATION FOR PRIVATE INTERESTS.
The other measures followed-one
measure of taxation far in excess, in
the dangerous principle, of any that
had preceded it; and the horrible specta-
Gle was witnessed by the American peo-
pie of the great, far-reaching, preroga-
tive Of taxation being handed over to
private dIviduals--taxation, the most
extensive, the most potential pereroga-
tive of sovereignty known to human
government; for taxation is the depriva-
ton of any man of acertain portion of
his private estate at the call of the pub.
lie in just such measures as the taxing
power shall demand; there is no limit,
friends, to the power OF taxation, except
discretion as to the amount demanded.
1t is essential that it should be so. 1t is
SO equally with the Republic, it is so
equally with an autocracy; the laws
Of Russia, as to her demands for money
upon the subjects are just the same as
they are in the United States, or in
Turkey, or in Egypt. They are the
same as in the United States in their re-
spect to the ruler, whoever he may be
and they pay as much as he sees tit to
ask. And that was the American Con-
gress had the right to take from the
American people as much money as the
safety and welfare of the country de-
manded.
Why, friends, is it not an awful
power Is it not one of the very
highest and purest discretions? And
when the American people saw that
power handed over to u small body OF
men to be used for their own advantage,
to be nodded as they saw fit; saw it so
plainly, to be given up in payment of
money that had been subscribed to
dehapch elections and to carry the
votes of the very Representatives and
Senators who were to pass these laws.
They saw this. Was not this alarm
ing? Did it not frighten even good
Republicans themselves ? Did not the
whole nation stand aghast when they
saw this mighty power prostitutcd to
the uses OF selfish class of men, who
used it for their own purposes?
And what was the law that was
nodded by such hands2 What was the
principle of law? Was it to bring reve-
nue. into the treasury? No, my friends,
we had the anomalous condition that
we saw tax after tax laid, to prevent
the collection of tax. Was anything
more monstrous ever known on earth?
Using the taxing power to keep money
out OF the Treasury; why, it seems like
an absurdity OF speech, Out there it stands
as fixed and proved fact, that the policy
of the Mckinley bill-which was the
name by which this measure went and