New-York tribune., 1894-01-14

- HON. EDWARD STANHOPE
IN the later. The Honorable which serves
as distinction by courtesy in American
politics is unknown in England where 1t al
ways denotes distinction by birth. Right Hon
orabIe" on the other hand. is sometimes a
courtesy title. as in the case Of Peers. who are
ALL think. by courtesy Right Honorable; or
as in Edward Stanhope's case. as Privy Council
lor. The of II as prefix to a Peers name
has become infreQuent
Edward Stanhope was one Of those men who
adorn the public life of England There are in
this country whole classes of men who have an
assured position in private life who. neverthe-
less devote themselves to the public service
1t has always been So and the services they
have rendered have for many centuries been
Of very high value. Whether such are
likely in the new circumstances of politics to
find political life more attractive. or less at
tractve, may be question. I hardly think it
Is question The fashion Of this world passeth
away. A new world is coming now England
being born, whose chief ambition seems to be TO
cut itself loose from the old; to forget old ira
Gtions, to trampe on preceGents. to establish
set Of principles for til. conduct OF affairs.
The political ascendency Of the aristocracy
passed away sixty years ago. The personal in
fuence remained TO q considerable extent, and
TO a lesser extent remeins still But II Is no
longer to this class that the people turn in
stnctvely for leaders. The relations between
different classes are becoming not only more dis
tant, but embittered. There still plenty Of
examples Of young men Of birth and fortune
who start in life with the political prestige
which the other or both used to confer.
But they are expected to Justify themselves
to their constituents much sooner. and in
% 1I1
Stanhopes Of to-day must consent 70 be judged
by more exacting tests than those which have
hitherto sufced
It has been said OF Edward Stanhope that he
was of Disraelis young men, That sagacious
leader had ever open eye and an open mind
for youthful merit. He singled out Stanhope the
year after his entrance into Parliament in 1874
and made him, in 1875. Parliamentary Secretary
10 the Board Of Trade. Thence he went rather
rapidly through the usual course OF official pro-
motion till In 1885. he became Cabinet Minister "a
President Of the Department in which he had first
served as secretary. II is the English custom to
shift their Ministers about from one great office
10 another often changing. so far the public
can see. for the mere sake Of change. but really
in obedience TO the strict necessities and embar-
rassments OF personal kind which always occur
in the formation of Cabinets Stanhope sue
cessively Minister of Education. President of the
Board Of Trade. Secretary of State for the Col
ones, and finally Secretary Of State for War.
This last great post he held from January. 1887,
TO the end Of the Salisbury Government last year.
He might very well have taken "ncc impair
negotiis' for his motto. great Minister he
was not, but he competent administrator
and equal to the demands which the War Office
makes upon its chief. There is no more difficult
post admnistrativey speaking; some Of It's
difficulties arising from the extraordinary COM
plication OF the scheme on which the little army
Of a great Empire IS organized and governed.
II IS one Of the two great spending departments,
a name fastened on them originally. l imagine
by some Of the ferocious economists Of the Treas
ury who conceive themselves 70 exist, and who
do in fact exist 10 reduce TO the lowest points OF
a niggarlly penurlousness the efficiency Of the
services on which. in some cases the welfare,
and in others the existence OF their country de-
ponds. It is. at any rate. phrase which has
passed into common use. and IN no mouth IS il
more common than IN Mr.. Gladstones, 20 whom
finance is the foundation stone Of public policy;
rightly II you do not put the foundation stone
at the key OF the arch Mr.. Stanhope was him
self, Of course. a civilian. as the Parliamentary
chief of the War Office always Is and must be.
AS a civilian he had to govern great mill
tary estabh. hment. and TO be responsible for it
to the House of Commons Il body slnguarly
Jealous of It's authority, undisputed though
* be, in military matters. II IS essential 70
Parliamentary Government that the Minister OF
War should be responsible 70 Parliament. If
there is mischief and II there Is friction in such
a system. the mischief and friction are unavoG-
able in a cointry which prefers To be ruled by
an elective House of Commons. What is not
unavoidable is the further mischief and friction |
due to the subordination Of the War Office as
of the Admiralty and Postofilce and every other |
department to the Treasury. The war csii- |
mates once settled by the Minister Of War and |
his colleagues have then 10 run the gauntlet OF |
the Permanent Clerks who are the tyrants Of !
the Treasury.
These gentlemen. with TO practical or techni- |
raj knowledge outside of money matters. sit In |
Judgment on guns and on barracks and on regi- |
mental organization, and on the whole immense |
machine which, but for the technical and special |
which the money-clerks Of the Treas |
ury are without, could not run a day. They cut
down the estimates 10 such figure as they and
their Parliamentary mouthpece. the Chancellor
pf the Exchequer. think consistent with the pres
entation Of a plausible Budget. Then. and not
tiil then do the War Office estimates come be-
eore Parliament This the Ssyphus task
which fell or Stanhope as on every War Minister