New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1894-11-25
AMERICA IN ENGLAND.
ENGLISH NOTIONS OF AMERICAN POLL
TICS - WHY THE RADICALS HALE
AMERICAN PRECEDENTS-ENGLlS
VIEWS OF TUESDAYS ELECTIONS
THE FREE-TRADER AND
HIS VIEWS.

London. November g
\ generation hence or perhaps century
hence. the English public may begin to take an
intelligent interest in the public life Of America
At present they do not. The reasons why they
do no; are numerous. but at the head OF them
may be placed two: First. the almost exclusive
preoccupation Of the English public with 'he
economical side Of American politics ana sec
ordlv the nature Of the political intelligence
supplied TO them from America. Both are Ola
stories but If there is no new story what can
journalist do but go on telling the old since the
old on each occasion becomes new 90 Ho'
think il creditable to the English public that they
should care for nothing American but the Ameri-
can Tariff and for that only so far as II ane''s
English industry and commerce. There are other
things beside industry and commerce.
There is at this moment a constitutional lesson
70 no learned from America Of the very highest
import to England. One great English political
party is about TO take plunge into constitn-
,ional r.yo.uton The leader of that party
knows America and American institutions far
better than most Engiishmen. one of MS col
leagues has written big book on The Ameri-
can Commonwealth" in which there is iarF
good account of the working OF the American
Constitution. and of the checks on Democracy
which are embodied and embedded in tha' I'M
mortal instrument. But neither Lord Rosebery
nor Mr. Bryce seems t think that the example
of America has any force or significance Tor Eng
land. Mr.. Bryce says nothing. LORD RoseDerE
makes a casual reference TO the Senate in MS
Bradford speech. Undoubtedly from MS own
noint of view he was wise not TO he more eX-
plicit The strongest argument against his pro-
nosal for the abolition Of the existing second
Chamber in England is the American argument.
oil 10
more il.
But the fact that he ignores ii ought 10 open
American eyes 10 the true nature OF the agitation
against the House Of Lords. Is there a living
American who would seriously propose to abolish
the Senate. abolish the veto Of the President
abolish the constitutional jurisdiction Of the SUI
preme Court abolish all that part of the Con-
stitutiOn which secures reference 10 the people
Of all proposals for constitutional legislation and
make the House of Representatives at Washing
ton the supreme legislative authority of the land
for all purposes whatsoever. without any che'k
or control Of any kind on its legislative ana con-
stitutional supremacy? Yet the authority or the
House Of Representatives after such reV"lu-
ton as that had been effected. would be exactly
similar - the authority Of the House OF Com
mons after Lord Rosebery shall have accom-
pshed the constitutional revolution he entered
upon at Bradford. 1t is. as | said. not wonder
full that Lord Rosebery. who knows the Amer-
can analogy. should prefer to keep silence ABOUT
II. Understood studied and applied it would be
fatal to his scheme But the Conservatives
from Lord Salisbury downward who are opposed
n this fatal scheme seem equally Indifferent to
the American argument against it; Indifferent or
ignorant II is hard to say which. And in Amer
lea itself Is II or IL II not true that prejudice
inst prejudice against the hereditary character
Of the House Of Lords Is allowed to outweigh all
thought OF the real value Of its constitutional
functions. and Of the immense service II does IN
securing a reference OF great questions 10 Inc
PEOPLE for the decision Of the people? IL that or
ANYTHING like that, be true Of American opinion.
we have perhaps less reason to complain Of Eng
lish indf erence 10 American opinion
Well ir the English decline to interest them
selves in American precedents. or to avail them
selves Of American experience in political prob
lem vital to them. how can they be expected TO
care much about the political meaning or Tues
davis elections? Seldom in the history OF any
country has there been more remarkable OF
instructive contest. Seldom has the essential
soundness Of the democratic theory Of government
been more .conclusively demonstrated. Seldom
have the principles which dndere the political
fabric in America been more brilliantly Wind
Gated. Honesty has won a great triumph, ana
the clear shrewd cOmmon-sense Of the American
people has expressed itself in election figures
Once more 1t is seen that the people nave only
to see plainly the issue presented to them and to
realize its Importance. in order 10 insure victory
for good government and for true American
policy 1t is perfectly simple and altogether
admirable lesson in practical politics as they are
understood in the United States not by the
politicians but by the people.
But since all this happened outside Of these
little islands and 1900 miles across the Atlantic
the English think 1t has no meaning for them
II Is on such occasions that their insuarity comes
out most clearly They do seem TO believe that
all the lessons Of political wisdom are taught
fully in Great Britain, and that they have no
need to look abroad anywhere abroad, for any
addition TO their stock OF political knowledge
They scan the column or two Of American cleo
ton news in the London papers Of Thursday
morning with an ndolent curiosity. They are
puzzed by the details If they turn to the edi-
torial page for enlightenment. what do they find?
I had rather not say too plainly what they find.
But they are convinced that these perplexng
kilograms with their tumble Of figures and OF
strange names and Of unknown persons and
places cannot have much real importance. For
the elections IL they are discussed at all edi-
torially are discussed IN casual and per-
functory way, and the leading articles devoted
10 them come last on the editorial page. Lord
salisburys views on the municipal government Of
London are deemed Of prior importance to
political contest extending over forty American
States Prior also In importance are the Views
OF Mr. Hall Game on the relation OF Literature
70 Morals. MIR. Hall Game is a third-rate novelist
whose relation TO literature is Of an extremely
transient nature. but column is thought not
adi tOr uhn In
half a column ample for the expression Of all he
knows about American politics; in which last
estimate one is inclined 10 agree with him.
The Radical Journalist u.s. as usual. least we'll