New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1894-03-18
tBy CABLE TO THE TRIBrNE.l J


has started on its voyage amid squalls. ana
there have been plenty OF weatherwise mariners
along the shore ready TO magnify the squalls
into storms and gales. But they have aiready
blown over, and to-day /. Is possible 10 take .
calm view OF t)leraby calm sea. Whether tns
agitation OF this week will revive next week
depends largely on what Lord Rosebery may say
tonight at Edinburgh. That cannot be lore-
told But I see nothing in the events OF the
last few days likely to have lasting infuencs
for evil the fortunes Of the Government OF
the authority OF the Prime Minister.
1t is conceded on all hands that Lord Rosebery
began WELL and made good impression on
the party, not few Of whom saw him for the
first time at the Foreign Office on Monday.
There was an expectation that he would an
nounce some new policy, or take new de-
parture The quidnuncs were on the qui vive.
especially the Radical quidnuncs. who had been
railing at Mr.. Gladstone for choosing to lead his
own party cn certain points Instead OF being leo
by it's least reputable section. Lord Roseoery
quickly undeceved these gentlemen, saying:
There Is no necessity for any such declaration.
We stand where we did. There is no change in
measures There is only disastrous change IN
men"
Lest that might not be clear enough. he added
a still more express assurance on the two ques-
tions which, In the minds OF the different
groups. burning questions, Home Rule ana
the House OF Lords. I'VE bound TO the
Irish question by every tie OF honor and OF
policy; and as II that were not explicit
enough he pointed to Mr. John Morley as
permanent hostage. Certain 1t is that any Min
istry OF which Mr. Morley is one must be
Home Rule Ministry. Il may not be pledged 10
a particular measure II is pledged 10 the prin-
rIp As 70 tha NJ MateStyS
present advisers entirely identify themselves"
with Mr.. GIadstone's last declaration in the
House Of Commons. Then there were words OF
comfort for the Welsh Dsestablishers, and for
those who pin their political faith-no doubt the
bulk OF the party-to the Newcastle programme
a whole. Indeed no small part OF that In
teresting confession OF faith was presently seen
to be embodied in the Queens speech.
so far, therefore, all had gone well, from the
good Gladstonian point Of view Lord Rosebery.
moreover, had won the personal sympathies or
his party II he spoke with less authority than
Prime Minister might naturally assume. his
modesty was the more welcome to the jealous
members OF jealous House whereof the Prime
Minister himself makes no part. What he said
OF Sir William Harcourt. and what Sir William
said Of his new position and relations and in-
tentions was we'll said on both sides. and no.
lection among the party. The Radical dissen-
tents were there. but sat silent.
Then came the same afternoon. the Prime
Minister'S speech in the House Of Lords. where
he had to reply TO Lord Salisbury's criticisms
on the Queens speech His manner in the
presence OF his patrician colleagues of the upper
chamber was widely different from his manner
at the meeting OF his own party. He had
dropped the modesty, and reassumed the just
authority of his place. He spoke 10 the Peers as
the head OF the Government. The speech ringS
true throughout. Not forgetting that he and
his party were in miserable minority in that
house, he assumed they were in a majority In
the country-a disputabe assumption, but
he entitled and indeed bound to make. But
the interest Of this strong, firm speech centred in
the Home Rule passage. since much dis
cussed elsewhere. Often as it has been quoted
| must quote IL more: THE noble mar.
quis made remark upon the subject OF Irish
Home Rule with which must confess myself In
entire accord He said that before Irish Homo
Rule Is conceded by the Imperial Parliament.
England. as the predominant member Of tho
partnership of the three kingdoms will
have 10 be convinced of its Justice That
may SEEM to be a considerable admission
to make. because your lordships we'll know
that the English members Of Parliament elect-
ed for England proper are hostile TO Homo
Rule. But believe that the conviction OF Eng
land with regard to Home Rule depends one
point alone and that is the conduct OF Ireland
herself"
Lord Rosebery added that II Ireland now
tranquil and comparatively free from agrarian
crime continued to behave WELL he believed the
conversion OF England would be rapid The
whole passage was understood to mean that. be-
fore Home Rule be adopted, the present
majorlty-over seventy-of the English Members
OF the House Of Commons hostile TO Home Rule
must be converted into a majority favorable to
Home Rule. At that the Irish took fire. So
did the Radicals. The Unionists saw theis
chance and put their with force II. they
said. the Prime Minister admits that England
must be convinced of the justice OF Home Rule
before Home Rule can be adopted. what right
had Mr. Gladstone TO force 1t through the Com
mons last year against an English major1tyf
How can the House OF Lords be blamed for re-
jecing the bill? Why should that house be
threatened for protecting the very rights which
Lord Roseber, Eow asserts? Mr. Redmond him.
self made the same points. 1t has since been
hinted that Mr.. Gladstone had made a similar
admission. though. as always with him. in moro
guarded language. 1t has been shown that Mr..
T. p O'Connor In an appeal to America for
money last year. said precisely the same thing.
1t has been urged with not less cogency that the
proposition Is not Itself argumen,ative but axio-
matte, since it is idle to expect that in the long
run the fate of the Empire Is to be settled by
the minority and not the ajority, and England
Is the majority.
But in the midst OF political agitation, and
as a defence against political intrigue, no such
considerations avail. An Irish revolt was at
once threatened. The Irish Nationasts doubted
before this whether Lord Rosebery had put his
whole heart into Home Rule. cared to risk
his whole political future on that cause.
They never thought him sufficiently fervent
He was a Home Ruler. but he kept his Home
Rule enthusiasm within bounds. and he took
rational views Of the policy and methods BY
which Home Rule might be set up