New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1894-02-11
PRINCE BISMARCK.
HIS RELATIONS WITH THE HAMBURGER
NACHRICHTEN" AND WITH THE
PRESS IN GENERAL.

Just how far this paper was inspired pE' OF
authorized 10 speak for the ex-Chancellof EX-
travagant reports had gained currency. y
pamphlet has even been published In Berlin on
the subject First Bismarck und die Ham
burger Nachrichten. This last has drawn a
reply from the paper Itself, presumably az the
Princes request or with his sanction The
Prince Is not a man who would wish 10 be held
permanently responsible for opinions not his
own nor has he ever shrunk from making con-
tradictions when he judged them necessary.
On the main point--the extent and frequency
OF the communications between Friedrichsruh
and the office of the paper-the editor is OK
pllcit enough He denies that letters and tele~
grams are exchanged daily. His intercourse
with Friedrichsruh is Strictly limited" TO oral
questions and communications. and "unfortun-
ately does not occur daily. but at regrettably
long intervals" and 1t is a mistake to regard all
the articles in this paper on important questions
as proceeding from Prince Bismarck. 1t is the
German nature TO be almost as vehement about
trifes as about very serious matters. Witness
this solemn declaration:
THE statement that Dr. Chrysander reads the
Prince the contents Of the papers while His
Highness sits on a sofa is an invention 1t Is
we'll known that for decades past he has never
had ANYTHING read to him, nor sat sofa If
he could help it,
Let History take note Of this last assurance
and abolish the sofa once for all. She may also,
II she should ever concern herself with such I'M
important persons as journalists, take note Of what
Prince Bismarck now says about them. The PAM
phleteer assures the world that one Of the few
things the Prince regretted was his well-known
apophthegm that journalists were men who had
failed in their other careers. a remark for the
rest, which had been grossly misunderstood. he
thinks. 1t might. furthermore give rise to a
dispute between him and the shade OF Lord
Beaconsfed on the point of originality. The
English Prime Minister and author Of "Lothair'
once observed that critics were men who had
failed In literature. The two remarks are not
Identical but either might easily have suggested
the other. The g-ea, German now explains how
he IS able to that some men should prefer a
life Of intellectual activity to a humdrum or
mechanical career. And he considers that such
men should be ottener In the service Of the
State; as they are in France. Italy America and
England.
Not in England. certainly. The Prince has
been msinformed about that 1t is a rare event
for an English journalist to pass from journal
ism into the employ Of the State. Now and then
he becomes a Member Of Parliament. which is
different. The names of Sir John Leng. of Dun
dee; Of Mr. Newnes. of Mr.. Bowles. of Mr.
Passmere Edwards. Of Mr. Labouchere. and Of
Mr. Courtney occur to me. In every instance
save Mr. Courtneys they are proprietors. and
1t was not Journalist nor on account of
his connection with journalism that Mr.. Court
ney was chosen to the House CT Commons. 1t
Is to be remembered that NJ. P.'s are unpaid.
and that. unless you are an Irishman or a
workingman. you can hardly hope to become
British legislator without some OF those worldly
goods which the newspaper proprietor has, and
the newspaper editor writer commonly has
not There have been those who for this and
other good reasons, considering the owning Of
newspaper the only respectable function in
journalism. or. at any rate. the most desirable
one.
Prince Bismarck knows the conditions of
journalistic life in his own country or in France
better than he knows them in England. No
statesman ever made a freer use Of the press.
Perhaps none had ever more cause to despise
the press as he knew It, To him it was only
one instrument OF government. The relations
between the subsidized press of Berlin and the
Chancellor were creditable to neither. 1t is a
question Of morals now for statesman to be
censured for using such tools as lie ready to his
hand Is he who gives he who accepts a
bride the moro guilty? Public opinion in Eu
rope looks down with just contempt him
same public opinion Is more lenent. 1t is the
same in diplomacy. An Ambassador must have
information. He buys it in the market and
pays the price; often well knowing that he who
sells 1t is betraying his trust and his own coun-
try. But the Ambassador is not condemned
The statesman sometimes Is
Prince Bsmarcks dealings with the reptile"
press brought perhaps more obloquy on him
than the press l call that on the whole
healthy state Of public opinion healthy, if not
discriminating Yet the public is not and cannot
be impartial In such a matter. journal which
sells its editorial opinion betrays the public Are
we to go a step further and say. So does
Journalist who expresses an opinion not his
own? II take one step, how can we refuse
to take the other? The test is. or one test is
publicity. Suppose the paper said, or the journ-
alist said: II am paid for saying what l do not
believe or what know not to lie the fact"
His wares would no longer be salable the mo-
tive for his perfidy would cease the perfdy it.
self would cease. 1t used TO be said that the
reptile press was more often paid in news than
in cash / don't know that 1t matters how 1t
was paid. 49, ~
None of these remarks apply to the Ham
burger Nachricnten." Nobody, think. accuses
that journal Of being either bought or sold
There Is no evidence Of any such transaction.
nor any reason why 1t should be supposed
other than honest and loyal. 1t has been Bit
teriy attacked. but on different grounds. IL you
are q German and venture 10 have an opinion
which is not that Of the German Emperor woe
be unto you; or woe II you express it in print. I
can think Of no other European country except
Russia where freedom Of opinion brings such
penalties on him who uses 1t. In Russia, Of
course. there Is such thing as freedom of
opinion in print. The offender is locked up and
his paper suppressed. In Germany the laws do
not permit that. otherwise than by process OF
law. Suppression and penalties are not matters
Of administrative procedure as they are in Rus
STA The laws severe, but they are laws,
and they are observed.
What is far more fatal TO freedom OF opin-
ion or to the printed expression OF 1t. Is the
stafe OF the public mind with reference to such