Morris tribune. [volume] (Morris, Minn.) 1880-2000, 1894-10-17

al Democracy might demonstrate It's IN
capacity for industrial legislation; but
it is to the future we look and with the
future that we have to do. The worst
of it in this tariff agitation is that with
all that we have endured, it is not yet
ended. Indeed, we may say, that II
the Democrats are to remain in power
or if the Populists should succeed them'
it has scarcely begun.
Future Tariff Disturbance.
The policy of future disturbance
is policy openly avowed by every
Democratic leader of prominence IN
the country today. There is not one
of them who has not said publicly,
when speaking of the late tariff act ana
apologizing for its deficiencies, that all
this would be corrected, if the Demo
Gratis were retained in power, by furtner
legislation along the same lines. Nor
is any mere amendment OF exlstlng
schedules in particulars where
they are acknowledged to be defective,
that is contemplated What the party
proposes to do is to make other radical
| L
letter to Mr.. Catchings apolog zlng to
one section of the party for not having
signed the bill, and to another section
for having allowed it to become q law
without his assent. Mr.. Hill says it to
the people of New York as an explana-
ton of his position in party whose
work he has so vigorously denoun ced.
Mr.. Voorhees, says it in Indiana. MI
MacVeagh says it in Illinois. Mr.
Wilson, who holds the leadership OF his
| party in the house, is never weary OF
telling the people how the tariff. as 1t IS,
is to be revolutionized at the next ses-
sion and at session after session to
come. The prospect, if the Democrats
retain control of congress, or II they
and their free trade allies, the Popu-
| lists, combined have a majority, looks
down long vista of progressively
ruinous tariff reductions to that goal OF
ruin, free trade.
Wilson Is England's Benefactor.
This open confession of intention on
the part of the Democratic leaders is
matched by their confession of the ma
ture of the work already done and that
yet to be accomplished. 1t would be
hard to find anywhere in the history OF
practical politics, an announcement OF
motives to match the speech of Mr..
Wilson at banquet given to him by
the London board of trade. That there
should have been such banquet is sig
nifcant enough The wisest, greatest
and best of Americas sons have visited
England without finding any of the
public bodies of that cold and exclusive
metropolis ready to welcome them with
open arms. Honors are not heaped
upon American visitors to England
without good reason and for value re-
ceiyed. This man was not eminent in
any way. He comes from one of the
smallest and least considerable states of
the Union. He is new in public life.
There is no probability that he will
ever be selected for any higher political
honors. Yet at his coming British ma
hogony groans with its weight of deli
cacies and of wine, and the British
aristocraey of trade assemble to do him
honor.
There is but one reason for this.
These men regard Mr.. William L. Will
son as their commercial benefactor.
The occurrences of the dinner to which
they invited him are frank admission
of the correctness of their views.
| Whether Mr.. Wilson lost his head tenn
porarily by reason Of the glory to which
he was elevated, or whether he has
really mistaken the spirit of the Ameri-
can people as to believe that the sur
render of their commercial independ-
ence to foreign nation will be popular,
one cannot say; but the address which
he there delivered is in bold defiance to
every feeling of American self-interest
and American self-reliance.
The news reports make Mr.. Wilson
say in his speech as follows: sour pro-
tectionists haye been building defenses
to keep you and other nations from
competing with us in our home market.
The tariff reformers are breaking down
these defenses." Since his return Mr..
Wilson says that he said as follows:
SIN the past we have been building up
our tariff and keeping you ont of Amer
lean markets, but now we are tearing
down the tariff to let you in and to let
our products out into your market and
all the markets of the world.
Itmakes very little difference whether
the qualifying clause was added or not,
as we shall presently see. If we tear
down the barriers and Let other nations
in, the mischief will have been done be-
yond recall. Tt is evident enough that
his English auditors understood Mr..
Wilson and that the prospect which he
held up before them delighted their
covetous souls. AS one of them said,
benefits have already been received by
England from the new tariff in the
United States
furnaces had been reopened in
Wales and Yorkshire. and ar impetus
had been given to the textile industry"
With these advantages already real
lied and others to accrue with the con-
tinuous breaking down of tariff walls,
Mr.. Wilson had earned his banquet,
wilson's Plan Would Bring Disaster.
Let us look at his statement in the cold
hard light of facts. England, France,
Germany, Italy, every one of the lead.
ing European nations is organized indus
trially, as we are ourselves, for
larger production than home consump-
ton requires Each of them is an ag-
gressive competitor for outside custom
for its manufacturing interests.
This is the race for which Mr.. Wilson
would have us strip and enter, and at
what costP What is the price that we
are to pay upon the freetrader's own as
sumption, for this doubtful advantage?
It is nothing less than the throwing
open Of our own home market to these
ravenous wolves of the older world
Not Much Business Sense in This.
In one of his speeches, Mr. Wilson
himself states that the productive
agencies Of the United States could sup
ply all its home needs in six months.