The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1894-10-31
TIE BALLOT OF THE POOR MAN.
Larry CAN'T Says 1t Must be Protected.
From the Piedmont Headlight.

| state MS pOSlLlOn On LHe CousIlGuOloH-
al Convention question SO that it can
not be misunderstood or misinterpre-
ted. In the first place, we are not
opposed to the calling Of Constitu-
tional Convention, if convinced that
the people really desire to incur this
expense; and we also believe that it
is necessary and important to either
amend our present Constitution or
make a new one. But just at this
time with cotton at less than six cents
q pound, and our farmers pressed to
nay debts, we very much doubt the
wisdom of expending the large sum
necessary. We have lived under the
old Constitution for about thirty
wears, and can afford to do so for
awhile longer and see if times will not
In answer to this the advocates Of a
Convention argue that a Constitution
| will save many times its cost by tax
ing from the blacks great portion OF
their school appropriation and give it
to the white children. Now, no one
more earnestly favors, than the editor
of this paper, a more equitable divis-
ion of our school fund, and we further
believe that, after nearly third of a
century Of emancipation, if the colored
race cannot "tote their own skillet"
that they should not require the
whites to educate them longer. But
we must remember that our upper
counties, where the whites largely
predominate, do not so keenly feel
this injustice as the lower black belt;
yet, at the same time, it is our duty
to protect all sections alike. But the
negro, under our registration laws, is
practically disfranchised and plays
but an Insignificant part in politics.
Should such an amendment be pro-
posed, or even a new Constitution sub
mitted to the people containing this
provision, it would be carried over.
whelmingly by popular vote. twill
take two years at least for the United
States Supreme Court to settle the
constitutionality Of our reg lister laws,
and which will give us ample time to
regulate this school business.
Another argument is that the Con-
stitutional Convention is a Reform
measure and was advocated in our first
demands. This is true; but we must
also bear in mind that the rule Of the
people and the will of the people are
the mudsills Of the Reform party, and
we do not believe that it was ever in
tended that the organic law Of our
State should be overhauled without
giving the voters an opportunity to
say whether or not they sanctioned
the proposed changes. When wedele-
gate to one hundred and sixty-nine
men power belonging to the whole
people we trample sacred covenant
with the voters under foot, and give
to the world an example Of concen-
trated power such as no State in our
Union has ever dared to assume.
1t is said that it is optional with the
Convention whether or not the new
Constitution be submitted to the peo-
pie for ratification or rejection. And
this is our most serious objection to
the same. We insist that it be made
obligatory on the part Of the members
of the Convention to submit their
work to the voters. We well know
that it will never be done otherwise.
This new Constitution will not be
framed for the especial benefit and
behoof of one hundred and sixty men,
but for the whole people of our State,
and every legalized voter should have
voice in saying whether or not he
will accept it.
But the principal argument in favor
of a Constitutional Convention is
that We must disfranchise the negro
vote so as to prevent the Ants from
using him in 1896. Since the adop-
tion Of general primary, where every
white man has been given the right to
cast his ballot direct for the candi-
dates of his choice, the danger has
passed, for the color lines were never
SO strongly drawn in Southern State.
No party, and no faction, will dare
appeal from such a decision, for it
would mean direct and open bid for
the negro vote, and you could not
carry 5000 white men in the entire
State. Such a bug bear is nonsense,
and will not deceive any intelligent
voter.
Now, let us argue this little and
see if we cannot convince, our Consti-
tution-supporting friends that while
disfranchising the black man they are
also imperiling the suffrage OF GER
tain class of our white population.
There are but two ways in which we
can possibly deprive the negro Of his
right to vote: Through an educational
or property qualification. cannot
discriminate in law, and statute that
applies to the poor and ignorant negro
must apply with equal force to the
Door and unlettered white man.
Let US suppose that the first propo-
sition is acted on, and property
qualification for suffrage is adopted by
that stitutional Convention ! Do
you know that fully one-third of the
white population of South Carolina do
not own SlOO worth Of property Yet
such is truly the case, and we would
build up in South Carolina a money
oligarchy, just such as the people
overturned in 1890. Yet such would
be the case. And when you once
restrict suffrage it will never be re-
stored, for experience has taught the
people of this State the tenacity with
which a deposed faction will work to
recover what they have lost. Dis
franchise the poor white man and
those in whom his power has been
invested will never again relinquish it
without struggle.
The second proposition is to have
an educational qualification, like in
Mississippi, where, before man can
vote, he must read a certain clause in
the Constitution Of his State under.
standingly. Now, in the middle and
lower sections Of South Carolina,
nearly every white man is educated,
for they owned their slaves before the
war and schools are numerous. But
with regret we say that it is not the
case in our upper counties. Take