Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1894-07-31

baguust VOfII DE tJtiititl p-tt't
military drspotism. Cancellation and mar
mony. through mutual concessions, inta
r.corstructiou Of the Fundamental law;
between the North and the south. VII
restore and perpetuate me unioh III the
plated by the fathers. so. now that tns
conservative men OF the South are moslns;
let the Union men OF the North second
their endeayors. and let New YORK, AZ u"
the compromise Of 1873. lead the way
And on the following day, November
eth, the Tribune says:
FEDERAL COERCION.
Some Of the Washington Correspondents
telegraph that Mr.. BuchaSan Is attetnp,-
10 steer his bark during the tempest
which now bowls about him: lie ~ 10
condemn the asserted right OF secSssIo.,',
but TO assert in the same breath tnat ne
il opposed TO keeping a state IN the
I-nion Inv what he calls Federal coercion.
Now. we have no desire 10 prevent Sc
cesqion biz coercion. but we bold ms
position 10 be utterly unsupported BY law
or reason. A.,
viii also quote an article from the
New York Daily Tribune, Friday. No
vember 20. lS60:
ARE WE GOING TO FIGHT?
IN, II the cotton States generally unite
with her in seeding. We insist that they
cannot he prevented, ana That the at
tempt must not be made. FIVE millons
OF people. more than half Of them OF We
dominant race. OF whom at least hair
a million are able and willing TO shoulder
muskets can never be sub1ued wnlle
6shting. around and over their , own
would no longer be equal members OF the
Union. but conquered dependencies.
we propose 10 wrest this potent engine
from the disunionists by saying frankly
"if YOU choose to leave the Union. leave
II. but Jet vs. have no quarrel about IL
II you think II curse 10 you anu az
unfair advantage 10 US repudlate H. anu
see IL Won are not mistaken. If you are
better by yourselves, go and God speed
Won For our part We have done very
well with YOU, and are quite willing TO
keep along with you. but II the associa-
ton IL irksone To you, we have too much
seIf-respect to insist on its continuance.
we have lived by our Industry thus far.
and hope 10 do 50 still. even though you
leave us"
prn hayonets can bind The South wholly
20 tho evils Of secession. but that may DO
r. Let us be patient. neither speaking
daCgers nor using them. standing To our
prIncinleg. but not TO our arms, and al
will yet be well.
/ will read an extract from an editorial
in the New York Times of Dec mber 3,
1860:
by common consent. moreover. the most
prominent and tangible point Of offence
seems to be the legislation RIpWHlH out
Of the fugitive-slave law. Several Of the
Northern States have passed PERSONAL
lib,rty bills, with the alleged Intent 10
prevent the return Of fugitive slaves 10
their masters.
From Union men i'm every quarter OF
the South come mp the most earnest ~.
paals TO the Northern states To repeal
these laws. Such an act. We are assured
would Rave a powerful erect IN diSaIh-
ing the disunion ciamCr IN nearly All me
Southern States, and In promoting the
prospects Of a peaceful adjustment of all
pending differences.
Tho next day. December 9TH. the New
York Times publishes another article, In
which IL says:
Mr.. Weed has stated his opinion OF
the crisis thus:
l. There H. imminent danger or n dis-
solution of the Union.
, The danger originated In the ambi-
tion and cupidity OF men VINO desire a
southern despOtism. ana IN the fanatic
zeal OF the northern AbOlltlOnstS. VINO
seek the emancipation Of slaves regard
less of consequences.
3. The danger can only be averted by
such moderation and fOrhearance as VIII
draw ont strengthen ant combine the
Union sentiment of the whole country
Each of these statements VIII command
general assent.
The only question likely TO arise relates
10 the practical measures 10y which me
played.
And while the South Carolina conven-
ton was in session. and before any state
had seeded. aud when il was doubted by
many whether such action would be
taken. Mr. Greeley said:
II il che Declaration OF independence
tustiiles the secession from the british
empire OF three million colonists In lt,e'
we do not see why II would not Justify
e ffHr. ~ ftf
from the Federal Union n l'hl. II We
are mistaken on .hf- ..r'rt. 2y 3oes not
some one attempt 10 show wherein ana
why? For our own bart wniie we dehy
the right Of shareholders 10 hold slaves
against the will Of the latter, We cannot
see how twenty millions Of people can
rightfully hold ten. or even I'VE In
detested union with them by military
force.
In the same issue OF Mr.. Greeley's
paper We read the following:
III seven or eight contiguous states shall
present themselves authenticity at Wash
ington. saying: I'VE hate III Federal
Union; we have withdrawn from IL; W.
will Civ. You the choice between ac-
ouiescing IN our secession and arranglne
anicably all incidental questions on the
one hand. and attempting 10 subdue Us
on the other we couid not stend up
for coercion. for suhiugation, for We do
not think IT would be 1ust We hold the
right OF self-gOvernmcnt even when In
yoked I'm behalf of those who deny II
to others. So Yuch for the question oi
principle.
This conservative view of the question
which Mr. Greeley gave 10 the world with
such emphasis, and in which he expressed
his opinion Of the principle involved,
was reiterated for days. weeks. anu
months, with the characteristic persist
ence OF that able leader.
Mp. Greeley also said:
Any attempt 10 compel them by force
to remain would be contrary TO the prin-
ciDes enunciated In the immortal De
claration Of independence, contrary O.
the fundamental ideas on which human
liberty is based.
Thes. articles continued % appear In
the northern press for months after the
election of Mr. Lincoln. and until after
most Of the Southern States had seeded.
They continued until after the people OF
the South had adopted a constitution
and organized their new Confederate
Government: after they had raised and
equipped an army. appointed ambassa-
doris TO foreign courts. and convened
congress; after they had taken posses
sion Of three fourths Of the arsenals and
forts within their territory. enrolled her
as one of the nations Of the earth.
After all this, Mr.. Greeley's paper con-
tinued 10 indorse the action Of all sOuth-
ern people as fully as II was possible
for language to enable IL TO do so. Mr..
Greeley said:
We have repeatedly said, and We once
more insist, that the great principle EN-
bodied by Jefferson IN the Declaration
OF American Independence, that govern
ments derive their just powers fror9
consent OF the governed. Is sound and
just: and that II the slave States, the
cotton States, or the Gulf states only
cbooea IN form an indepeudent nation.
they have clear, moral right TO do
So. Whenever II shall be clear that the
great body of southern people have be-
come conclusively alenated from the
Union, and anxious 10 escape from it, We
will do our best 10 forward their views.
Mr.. Greeley was earnestly and ably
supported in his views by the most promi-
nent men and able editors of Republican
papers all over the North.
1 cite the following from the Com
mercial. which was certainly the leading
Republican paper OF Ohio. After Mr.. Lin
coin was inaugurated, the Commercial
said:
We are not in favor Of blockading the
southern coast We are not In favor OF
retaking by force the property of the
United States now In possession OF the
seceders. We would recognize the exist
ence of a government formed of all the
slave-holding States, and attempt 10 Guilt
yate. amcahle relations with H.
In addition to all this. the commander
of the Federal army, General Winfield
Scott, was very emphatic in endorsing
the views OF the New York Tribune and
other papers. 10 the effect that secession
was the proper course for the southern
people to pursue, and his Joft-repeated
expression,
Wayward sisters part in peace.