Iron County register. [volume] (Ironton, Iron County, Mo.) 1867-1965, 1894-04-26

men for the betterment of their condi-
tion-exactly the state of affairs which
Mr.. Depew is seeking by means of his
Pinkertons, Federal Judges aud Rail-
road Attorneys to bring about in this
CONTEMPLATION inquiring to what
extent these conditions have placed
the working man in the Belgian glass
factory at disadvantage, as compared
with his Indiana competitor-we do
not see where the distinguished gen
tlemen has touched the question.
I Mr.. Depew, as men of his class are
apt to do. seems to have overlooked
the fact that the tariff and financial
questions are moral questions. He
seems not to recognize the fact that
good business and good politics are
but other names for good morals.
If a train-robber should capture a mill
lion dollars from an express car on
one of his railroads, and ask to be &C
quilted on the ground that his ill-got-
ten gains had conferred blessing up
on the community in which he resided;
that in consequence of his wrong-do-
ing its working men received two dol
lars where before they had received
but one; that its merchants were thrift
tier and it's homes more comfortable
the eminent gentleman would be horri-
fed at such depravity. We should in
all probability hear something about
that commandment that forbids steal
ing. For the life of US, we cannot see
wherein Mr.. Depew's plea in behalf of
the Indiana glass manufacturer differs
from that of the train robber. The
business of the manufacturer of glass
does not pay, so he uses the taxing
power of the government to make good
the money he might otherwise lose in
carrying it on, all for the unselfish
purpose of benefting the community
in which he lives and giving employ
ment to the idle! The train-robber
finds difficulty in making living, so
he holds up the midnight express and
compels the public to contribute to
his support. He takes, by the use of
his Winchester, what he has not
earned, just as the manufacturer
takes, by means of the law what he
has not earned; and the argument that
the spending of the money in the COM
munity in which each resides is in the
nature of a public benefaction, is as
legitimate in the one case as the other,
and the sincerity of each is entitled to
an equal amount of credit.
In considering the question of tariff
and finance, Mr.. Depew regards only
the personal and pecuniary interests of
himself and the class to which he be-
longs. The public, In approaching
t hese issues, cares only for the broad
principles of right and wrong involved
in them. 1t was perception OF the
immortality of the Protective system
and larceny of the single gold standard
that gave the Democratic party its vic
tory in go, and swept it into power in
'92. If it is defeated in '94, it will be
because those whom 1t honored with
its confidence have betrayed it into the
hands of its enemies. It's this aroused
moral sense that the plutocracy fears,
above every thing else. They fully
understand the falsity of the assser-
ton that nothing can stand before
the power Of money" The money
power has always gone down before
the aroused convictions of nation.
This is the teaching of history. Free
dom of worship was not inaugurated by
the wealthy classes, but its underly-
ing idea prevailed, and we have relig-
ious federation throughout the civiliz-
ed world as consequence. The Stu
arts had pie-counter quite as invit-
ing as anything in that line the pres
emit administration has to offer, vet
they did not succeed in smothering
English liberty. Men of money were
not enthusiastic in behalf of the cause
of American Independence. Thomas
jefferson was dirty Democrat to the
scented plutocrat of his day. yet he
was in such close touch with the NOR
al sense of his people that the tories
could do nothing but gnash their teeth
at him, which they are continuing to
do to the present moment. Andrew
jackson was not we'll beloved by the
money power, but success came to him
in spite of its utmost efforts.
It is fear of the quickened conscience
of the nation that induces the plutoc-