Wheeling register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1878-1935, 1894-07-21

Dute his propositions. You cannon
doubt his sincerity and PATRIOTISM
You must yield in the end to his views.
You cannot stand up against the sentl-
ments Of the great Democratic masses
OF the country which will rally around
the President in his contest with you
upon this particular branch Of the sub
ject. The time 20 yield is now; before
there is further humiliation, embarrass-
ment and discord. Mr.. President, haV-
ing demonstrated that the true Demo-
cratic theory Of revenue reform requires
that free raw material should DO It's dis
tingnlshing feature, let US next Inquire
what is the condition
WHICH NOW CONFRoNTs Us.
The bill which has been passed Vlo-
lates this Democratic theory, and while
il reduces the duties on iron, coal, lead
ana some other raw materials from
those im posed under the Mckinley law,
and in that respect is commendaole, II
nevertheless imposes some duties there
on, and thereby fails TO redeem our
pledges. 1t is not question OF the
amount OF duties which may be imposed,
a question Of principle is involved and
single penny's duty violates our promi-
ses and places US In false position. AS
the President we'll says. there can be no
con- promise on a matter Of this cnarac-
ter, where a vital principle is at stake.
The House OF Representatives, fresh
from the people, which represents more
distinctly and pecuniarily than we do
the taxing power Of the people, repu-
dates our bill and Democratic Presi-
dent has emphasized that reputation
and the condition which cOnfronts US Is
one Of extreme embarrassment Shall
we retreat or advance? Shall we sur
render TO the House while we can do so
honorably, or shall we wait until we
are driven to il?
In the light OF the letter Of the Presi-
dent the House cannot honoraoly re-
tract. II has no other alternative except
10 insist upon it's bill wherein 1t pro-
yides for free raw material. The Presl-
dent cannot approve the Senate bill
after what he has said in this remarka-
ole letter.
HE ARRAIGNs THE SENATE
and intimates that the enactment OF the
Senate bill means party perfdy and
party dishonor." These are strong
words which the President OF the United
States would not use towards a measure
which he ever expected afterwards to
approve.
This letter, unusual and unpre-
cedented in It's character and method
though it may be-, nevertheless clearly
foreshadowS a veto Of the Senate bill,
even il the House should finally concur
in our amendments. What person
would expect the President TO approve
the Senate 0ill after the vigorops sUi
scathing denunciatiou contained in his
letter. You would think less OF him
for his glarlng inconsistency. No, this
letter is significant. IL is bold,
vigorous, even if impruden. letter. 1t
means war TO the knife against the
Senate bill. 1t justides much that has
been said against the Senate bill during
all the last three months. 1t means
that it can never receive executive ap-
proval. Ii means that the Senate can
not be permitted TO abandon or surren-
der underlying principles for which
we struggled and lost in 1858, and
fought aud won in 1892.
THE PRESIDENT IS RIGHT,
there is no middle ground which we can
occupy. No bill which does not pro-
vide for free raw material can be per-
mitted TO become law. 1t is unneces-
sary TO enter into any argument to de-
tine or designate what articles consti-
tute free raw materials. Every Demo
crat knows which they are. II the
President in his wisdom had seen fit,
while the debate was progressing in the
Senate, to have aided my efforts TO Sc
cure adhesion TO this principle by
expressing his views in favor thereof,
in some proper and legitimate way, l
should have been Gratlfed aud IT un-
ouestionably would have been OF prac-
tlcal benefit TO the cause. l rejoice
that be has expressed them even now,
although l am not quired TO defend the
manner aud form of their presentation
even il the required defense which do
not assume. respectfully differ with
the President that tax on sugar is
necessary at this time, cOnCeding that
an income tax is to be retained. Clearly
both are not needed for any legitimate
purposes OF the treasury. The Presi-
dent speaks OF the democratic princi-
pie and policy which lead to the taxa
tiou of sugar" He asserts that in the
taxation OF sugar I'VE are in no danger
of running counter to Democratic prin-
ciple."
desire only 10 suggest that il it was
desirable that sugar should be taxed "as
a Legitimate and logical article OF reve-
nue. taxation" as he now says, IL seems
strange that the President did not in his
last annual message make some intims'
tion, some suggestion or recommenda-
tion to that effect.
HE ENDORSED THE WILSON BILL
explicitly in his message, although it
provided substantially for free Faw su-
gar. He permitted the House TO pass
that measure without a werd Of protest,
suggestion or advice that there should
be tax upon sugar, which has come to
be largely regarded as one Of the neces-
saries OF life.
Secretary Carlisle, the trusted 6nan-
cial officer of his cabinet speaking un-
questionably er c0thedrG, outlined with
great care the essential provisions or
the proposed tariff reform bill, but
made no record recommendation what
ever for q tax upon sugar. While free
sugar was being carried through the
House the administration remained
quiet and passive. but now, after the
House has acted aud the country has
been led TO expect free sugar. the ad-
ministrstiOn shows its hand and declares
for duty upon il.
| am not antagonizing its sugges-
tions, l am simply stating the facts Of
recent history. Under the existing
with an income tax re-
tained in this bill, voted for free sugar
before and shall do so. again. 10 my
Judgment the House cannot now honor
ably retreat from its position 10 favor of
free sugar. The Presidents suggestion
came too late. The Senate must recede