The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1894-03-09

and republics. IN the system of represent
tation thus inaugurated was the future OF
such gigantic political .aggregations as the
United States OF America
GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION.
The organization Of our national govern
ment was possible only upon the basis of
reserved local control of local affairs. and
the preservation of that system is essential
to that popular content which is the only
security for the preservation of Union.
California and Maine could not be united
under a government modelled under any
other system. AT the basis of this system
Is the palpable incongruity of including in
the governing body those who have neither
knowledge OF nor direct interest In the
matter 10 be determined. At another time
l will speak OF the complement Of this
truth-the exclusive control and direction
of all general concerns by the national
government. The one is as essential as the
other. 1t Is rather more incongruous and
intolerable that general concerns affecting
the whole body of the Republic should
be controlled or unduly influenced by States
or localities. If only such as are directly
affected by the conclusions reached are TO
be admitted to the ballot and the confer
ence, then all such must be admitted TO
free and equal participation
The colonists brought with them not only
their English traditions and instincts, but
they stouty claimed their English citizen
they Would Su in have # they had re-
manned In the old nome. Many or the cnar-
tiers expressly preserved these rights. The
first charter of Virginia, granted by King
James, in 1906 declared that all British
subjects and their children should have
and enjoy all liberties. franchises and inn
munities within any of our other dominions,
to all intentS and purposes as III they had
been abiding and born within this our
realm of England or any other of our said
domnions."
The charters of Connecticut, Georgia,
Massachusetts, North and South Carolina
and Rhode Island contained similar proPo-
sitionS But these rights were not well de-
fined at home. The English Constitution
during the colonial period was not only uh,
written but undeveloped. The contest in
the colonies was partly concurrent, and on
similar lines with the struggle OF the Eng
tain absolute power. The rights OF Eng
lishmen the powers of Parliaments, the
limitations of kings were as yet to be de-
The present magnificent English constitu-
tional government was in growth, Dut II
had not yet attained form and strength in
its native soil and was not ready for trans
planting And, besides all this, the widely
different conditions prevailing in the colo
ton and adaptation of the laws at the
least Self-governing. prosperous, loyal En-
gish colonies now existed, Ine lIult VI "a a
defined and liberal home Constitution, and
of the disastrous failure of the attempt TO
enslave her greater colonies. But that
were impossible in that generation one
most IMPORTANT principle had. after cen
turtles of struggles, been established ana
set In the English Constitution, namely, tnat
kings plasure but granted by body more
or less representative of the people The
representation was sometimes, as TO many,
theoretical rather than actual-of class
rather than of the body of the people-but
the principle that individual property could
not be taken for the public use, except py
of the taxpayer, had triumphed, and the
invasons of it by the king were becoming
more and more perilous.
DEGRADATION OF PARLIAMENT.
nj IF
tory that was characterized by successful
aggressions on the part of the crown upon
the rights Of the people and the powers of
the courts and of Parliament Hume,
speaking Of the reign of James ], says:
1.-The great complaisance too, of Parlia-
ments during so long period had extreme
y degraded and obscured those assemblies.
and as all instances of opposition to pre-
negatives must have been drawn from
remote age they were unknown to great
many, and had the less authority even
with those who were acquainted with them
These examples besides of liberty had COM
monty IN ancient times been accompanied
with such circumstances of violence, con-
vulsion, civil war and disorder that they
presented but a d!sagreeable idea to the
inquisitive part of the people, and aliorued
small inducement to renew such dismal
scenes by a great many, therefore simple
and unmixed was conceived to be the gov
eminent of England, and those, pop
form only the ornament of the fab
rio, without being in any degree
| SHume. 1880 And in a note it is said: II
have not met with any English writer IN
that age who speaks OF Engiah bs as a n UNI
where the people have many privileges.
(Hume, 457L)
This may be accepted the view of the
king and an approximately true descrip-
ton of kings as they were. but the great
charters newer CEASED 70 Se er parI 0I 1
but unrevoked. Kings had trampled them
under foot, but in so doing lad only bedded
revolution of 1910. resulting in the execu-
| ton of Charles L and in the establishment
of the commonwealth under Cromwell, the
restoration, the renewal OF the struggle I'M
der Charles ii and James III, the deposition
of the latter by a Parliament assembled
| without the kings writ, their settlement on
| the throne under compact In the nature
of bill of rights, the increasing power of
| the House of Commons, the substitution of
| crown, making an annual Parliament neces-
| sary, all these episodes In English history
and In human progress were enacted before
| in America, and were highly instructive and
| suggestive. Out of these struggles and out
| of the reformation had come light CT lib
| erty, dignity and equality of men-the state
| for man, and not man for the state-the
universal fatherhood of God, and its corol-
/ larry, the universal brotherhood OF man, lib
erty OF conscience and of speech.
All these great themes had found impas-
stoned expression what wonder that the
| colonists began very early to ask If the
king may not lay charge on Englishmen
| at home by order in council but only by
| the free votes OF representative assembly,
| why should he do so on Englishmen who
| have for the glory of God and of England
| savage? And that further and more search
| ing question. by what right does Paria-
ment IN which we have no representation
| assume sovereign Legislative power over us?
| The earlier charters appear to have been
| framed without any adequate conception of
which the colonies were to attain, and for
time the king was lax in his supervision,
and not careful TO maintain prerogatiVes
that seemed to involve burdens ra Their than
benefits to the crown treasury.
Haxing to BE n Criminal Offensc.
| Albany N Y. March S-The Senate