Western Kansas world. [volume] (WaKeeney, Kan.) 1885-current, 1894-02-10
Some Important Facts.
Topeka Capital.

great, but industry had been prosperous, en-
ployment abundant and wages high during
the whole period of their experience. The
democracy gave them diabolical caricatures
of the wealth of Carnegie and other success
full men and promised to make the rich
poorer and the poor richer if it were voted
into power, and 80 they voted it in.
To-day American workingmen have an
experience of the opposite of protection, the
threat of free trade, and the pending bill for
reform" makes some comparisons appro-
pirate.
The Capital proposes to state few i'm
portant facts of the history of this country
under republican protection. In 1880 it
reached new starting point. Up to that
time it took care of the home market only.
Then came Blaine's reciprocity program by
which this government agreed to reduce its
duties on certain articles produced in other
countries on condition that other countries
reduce their duties on certain articles pro-
duced here. This would obviously have
given the United States market in foreign
lands against the competition of the great
commerce of England. It was practically
protection for the United States in all the
countries negotiating with US. The point
was apparent to Lord Salisbury, then prime
minister of Great Britain, who said in a
speech at Hastings in May, 1891:
"Another important point is that while
nations are negotiating to obtain each 9TH
er's commercial favor, none are anxious
q NII no fou So DIT os-
Great Britain has stripped itself of the armor
and weapons with which the battle is to be
fought"
Reciprocity received a setback in the
election of 1892 and the Wilson bill now
proposes to abolish the beginnings of it in
the Mckinley bill.
Not content with throttling reciprocity in
its cradle, the democracy proposes to let
down the bars and throw open the home
market to cheap labor competition. The
only argument for the change is that home
manufacturers are making exorbitant prof
its, selling goods at a monopoly price and
thereby taxing the consumers. This pro-
position ought to be examined by every voter
in preparation for the congressional cleo
tion next fall.
Edward Atkinson, democrat, but above
all statistician, examined it and stated
that his Investigations led him to believe
that the average profits of manufacturers
in the United States did not exceed per
cent. If this is true it cannot be true that
prices are excessive.
In Massachusetts, Labor Commissioner
Mod NJ hn f<of ool
earners, whose confidence he had, investi- |
gated profits in Ga general industries. Eight |
of these, he reported, made no profits that |
year (1889) and Sc make an average net pro-
fit of $3.50 on 500 sold or $4.83 on 500 in |
vested, less than per cent. Private firms |
with 1858 partners and 257, 1856 hands en-
ployed (men, women and children) paid |
each employe, on an average, 1928 for |
the year; and each partner received for his |
labor and investment $517 for every $4,000 |
invested. In other words, it required an in |
of nearly 100000 and labor to
bring an average income OF 5000. Corpo-
rations did not do as we'll. Of these
with sc, 967 stockholders and 162, $40 hands
employed, the employees averaged $333.22 in
wages and the stockholders 1919 for every
81 1857 invested. Had profits been added to
wages in one fund on the cooperative plan,
would have lost $1.55 for the year. Mr..
Wadlin's report (p. 629) says:
The results on the per centage basis for
let profits show that in few industries, If any,
IAN the profits be called exorbitant.
This does not agree with democratic theo-
les, but it is specific and exact, while demo-
ratio doctrine on protection confines itself,
argely, to glittering and abusive generali-
les.
What Mr.. Wadlin's report says is corrob-
,rated by all other official data. The 9Th an
lual report of the United States commission
T of labor, Carroll D. Wright, who is dem
,crat, shows how greatly laboring men have
under protection in coal mines
nd iron mills. Compared with statistics
rom Europeans in the same industries the
eport states that the American family
armed 80 per cent more than the European,
nd yet large proportion of the women and
hildren of the European families worked,
While in the United States they did not. The
american family spent q per cent more and
ct had more savings at the end of the year.
remarkable statement in the report is that
q every element of the cost of living the
american spent more, excepting for liquors ,
nd tobacco, and gave twice as much for .
harity. Nor was the excess due materially
0 higher prices. We quote:
The quality of the tenements easily &C ,
cunts for the difference in rent and the
lyle of living and dress for much of the
Inference in food and clothing, as it also I
oes for the more expensive furniture and
itchen utensils.
The 18th annual report of the same official
ave similar comparison in the cotton, :
oolen and glass industries. In these three
mes of work the American family made an
verage saving of S142 for the year, while the
ritish family made an average saving of -
Ii. Yet, though bread and meat are cheaper
the United States than in England. the
merican family spent S21 for food, while
,e English family spent but 1926. Is there
ny doubt which lived the better, the wage
amer under protection, or the wage-earner
nder free trade?
To the same purpose the subcommittee of
he senate, composed of republicans and c
emocrats, unanimously reported a year or I
, AGO that in fifteen general occupations @