Morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven [Conn.]) 1848-1894, 1894-01-25

to interfere with the affairs of other nj
tons, always letting 1t be understood thi
our sincere sympathy goes out to govern
He thought the resolution of the commit
tee seemed to convey the impression tbs
Is is unwise Sat this time" to consider th
subject of annexation of Hawaii, and If
be adopted in that shape 1t might be cor
strued in Hawaii AZ an indication that an
nexation may be moro favorably considere
at q later day.
Mr.. Gray, dem, of Delaware, said b
thought Senator Vest had misinterprete
tho sentiment of the committee. Th
committee resolution declared 1t to be IN
wise and inexpedient from the presen
"facts and papers submitted to the senate
and under existing conditions" to oonside
the annexation of Hawaii. The resolution
merely repeated the language of the presi
dent in Withdrawing the Hawiian treaty o
| annexation.
eff understand the senator, then,
said Mr.. Vest, s'the point he makes il
that the substitute have introduced CT
cludes the endorsement of the PRESIDENT
seton in Withdrawing the Hawaiian treaty
| from the senate. On the contrary, I an
| glad to say as democratic senator, that
| fully accord with the president in the po
sition he has assumed in regard to Ha
waiian annexation"
Hawaiian resolution went over without
action; and the unfinished business wa,
taken up, being the house bill to repeA the
federal election laws. Mr.. Lodge, rep, Of
Massachusetts,, addressed the senate in
opposition to the bill.
Mr.. Lodge said: This bill proposes to
repeal all existing laws of the United
States intended for the protection of ma.
tional elections. Only two reasons are
avowsd in behalf of this policy of repeal.
One is the unoonstitutionality of national
election laws, and the other is that these
laws In some way interfere with local cleo
tons and with the rights of local self gov
eminent.
So far as the first proposition goes, in
regard to the unconstitutionahty of the
national election laws, it seems unneces-
sary to waste much time upon it. If there
could ever have been any doubt upon this
point the decisions of the supreme court
have really made them impossible"
Mr.. Lodge here reviewed the decisions
of the supreme court regarding the uncon-
stitutionality of the election laws.
Having disposed Of the constitutional
question, Mr.. Lodge gave history of the
origin of the election laws, saying that
they grew out of certain gigantic frauds in
New York in 1870. He briefly quoted
balloting on that occasion, and analysed
the figures to show the irregularities.
"There was another feature of the New
York elections at that time. known as the
naturalization frauds of 1878. Under the
supervisors law, which came In 1870 and
1871, many of the men who participated
in those frauds were brought to justice,
and most of them gave up naturalization
papers which they had obtained illegally in
1888"
Mr.. Lodge cited number of instances
of loose naturalization, some where the
papers had been left at the house of the
immigrante afAer They had been but . few
days in New York and said:
The passage of the laws which it is now
proposed to repeal, and the appointment of
supervisors In accordance with their pro.
Visions, put stop in large measure to
the frauds which have just been described.
Whatever the defects were In THE legisla-
ton, and they were many, at the time
they at least produced this good result.
These frauds thus brought to an end were
the work of that eminent democrat, the
late William N. Tweed. But although he
was driven from the field of his political
activity and died in obscurity, his throne
swayed. he has had both SUCCESSORS and
imitators. will take only one very re-
cent example to prove this and TO show
that If these laws were needed to repress
Mr.. Twes1's activity, they are just as necss-
sary to day to curb the zeal of those who
would rival him in his chosen sphere and
public usefulness."
Here Mr.. Lodge gave q summarized his
tory of the doings of John Y. MeKsne of
aravesend, L. l., at the recent election, and
said
81 might go on and bring proofs of elm
liar frauds in other large cities in the
north. To our shame be 1t said many ex-
amples may be found. but to multiply them
here is needless. Mr.. McKane's perform
ances prove sufficiently that crimes against
the suffrage are attempted now just as IA
GRAVITY in our northern cities as they were
more than twenty years ago and that the
need of stringent legislation, both state
and national, to prevent and punish
them, IL AS great as ever. So long, how
ever, as these election frauds touch
only municipal and state elections,
they concern only the people of the state
or city in which they occur, and when they
become ss gross and clumsy as thoae of
McKane, there Is public sentiment in the
northern states which can be relied upon
| 10 puul6u buCs6 OutkoSo6 Nv bAo poAAo ahSA
by the processes of law. But when these
election frauds touch the election of q mem
Der of congress they become the immediate
concern, not only of those who dwell with
In the borders of that particular state. BIZ.
of every American citizen in tbs United
States for the wrong done in electing one
congressman is a wrong to every man who
has the right to vote for any congressman
anywhere.
In national elections for congressman,
therefore, 1t becomes the duty of the
United States to protect its voters againet
such crimes as those perpetrated at Graves
end. While such outrages as these are
possible in our northern cities the voters
of the United States have q right to de-
mand that the national power should be
exerted to prevent their occurrence at con-
gressional elections.
This Of itself is a sufficient argument,
and to my mind conclusive one, against
| the repeal Of the existing election laws and
In favor of their improvement. But There
is now and always has been another side
| to this question much more psrple King
| than that which have already stated, and
which is illustrated by the career of men
like McKane. refer, of course, to TIE
application of the national election laws te
elections In the south.
In the north election frauds are the dan
gerous but vulgar crimes of dangerous mer
with criminal propensities.
Public opinion there soon regards them
and when that public opinion is aroused i
treats them simply as crimes to be deal
| With in the courts. In the south the cas-,
is widely different, for there the subject II
complicated with a race question and with
sentiments which are the evil legacies OF
slavery and civil war. For my own part
profound as my convictions are on THU
question of honest elections. have nevel
sought to disgrace the difficulties of tina
question In the south. Tho futur'
of the negro race in the United
States IL one of the greatest problems
to be met by the American people. II i
not q problem which can be settled thi
| year or next. It will remain with us ant
our children's children for many yesrs t,
come. The right solution of that problem
is q matter of vast importance to the vel
fare of the republic and the burden rest
alike upon north and south, east and west
It IL always easy to be righteous at the ez
psnse of someone else; but for one hav
no desire to shirk my part of the responsi
bility, which In this matter rests upo
the whole country.
do not propose to enter into any dill
cussion or recital of the treatment of th
negro race In the matter of elections.
Is not necessary for me to do 30. Every
one knows that the negro In the south be
bean deprived in one way and another {
his vote. Whatever may be our opinion
as to this deprivation In state and munic
pal elections, It 10 not worth while to dt
cuss that condition, for the elections
not come within the jurisdiction of Il
l | United States nor have We any right