The morning call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1878-1895, 1894-08-26

fore been part of the history of the coun-
try, and the like of which ought never to
be part of the history of any country.
"For the first time in the history of the
country the conference committee never
met for the transaction of its legitimate
business. The Republican members of
the committee of conference were ex-
cluded from all discussion and consider
alton of the question. What discussion
took place among the people representing
the Democratic party l have no means of
knowing. Everybody knows this bill
which, according to the Democratic view,
contained party perfidy and party dis
honor, was passed by the House, and that
they violated every rule of parliamentary
law in order TO enable them to pass it.
Now what is the bill? l am sorry to say
that although 1 was on the committee of
conference l was deprived of an oppor-
tunity to examine the items and to discuss
the reasons for them.
THAT bill must be tested like any other
bill-by the test of time and experience.
Those who know best about it believe the
results TO this country will be disastrous,
but, fortunately. not as disastrous as the
original bill. to which Mr.. Wilson's name
was only attached. But there is only one
thing from which we must free our minds,
aad that Is the idea that this bill, however
bad it may be, is the basis upon which the
business of the country may adjust itself
upon lower plane of wages with safety
and proceed with whatever is left 10 us of
the industries of the country. That idea
we must dismiss absolutely from our
minds. The fact is, the bill is not fiual-
lily. Let it be understood l do not say this
under my own authority. l desire to quote
the opinions of the Democratic leaders
themselves upon that subject"
Mr.. Reed then quoted from the remarks
of Mr. Wilson in the House and Mr..
Mills in the Senate to show that the tariff
bill passed is only one step in the march
toward free trade.
Mr.. Reed. continuing, said: "How many
errors. how many mistakes and blunders
there may be in the tariff bill as it has
finally re ached the President and not vet
discovered can only yet be conjeetured, |
have not permitted myself to comment
upon the scandalOus stories or even visible
scandal connected with the passing of the
tax upon sugar. But il is due 10 the coun-
try that the aspects of it which are COM
mented upon should be carefully and fairly
dealt with.
"The House of Represen tatives saw fit
to not only abolish the sugar bounty, but
also to take off the duty connected with
the sugar tariff. When the bill arrived in
the Senate it was engaged in the task of
passing a bill which diminished the rev.
| enues $4,000, 600. 1t then became neces-
sary in the opinion Of all intelligent people
to put tax upon sugar il this bill was to
be persisted in. Thereupon a tax was
proposed upon sugar OF 40 per cent with
a dfferential of one-eightn for the sugar
refners. and still another differential to
protect them against the export sugar
countries which paid an export premium.
This was bill which passed the House.
Anticipating, In fact knowing that the bill
would be unpopular in every possible way,
they endeavored to relieve themselves
from the burden of the vote which they
had just given and therefore availed them
selves of the extraordinary powers which
resided in the House, and by a course of
action entirely unprecedented thew pro-
Vided that bill might be introduced in
the House giving free sugar, which bill
could not be amended, should not be de-
bated over half an hour, and might then
be passed, and accordingly this was done.
or course this was a pure farce. Every
body knew it, no matter how they voted
upon this subject.
The Senate voted TO put on the bill an
amendment authorizing the continuance
of the bounty which had already been
granted under the Mckinley act and
which was promised to the people of the
country for a period of ten years. This
Democrats refused to adopt, so their
'pOp-gun' bill and all the rest of the pop
bills slept their sleep in which they knew
they would rest. The only valid action
which the House performed was in regard
to the trust, which was to furnish
them with almost infinite wealth, for
Wilson himself on the floor of The House
gave the figures which showed that In all
probability the bill for which he was then
voting and for which he was demanding
votes, and which he finally carried, gave
the sugar trust S1O,OOO.0O0 every year, out
side of the protection to refining in it.
II desire to point out TO you the fact tn at
al time when The revenues of the coun-
try are decreasing, when it has been al
ready necessary to put out $4,000. 900 of
interest-b bearing ponds, the expenditures
of the first session of the Fifiy-thlrd Cou-
gress, with both houses under Democratic
rule, have exceeded the expenditures of
the Fifty-fIst Congress by $4,000 600.
The chairman of the Committee on An.
propriations has endeavored to make up
figures which would indicate that the first
session of the Fifty-frst Congress. which
was Democratic, was S29, 100000 more
economic than the session of the Fifty-sec
ond Congress. the House of which was
Democratic alone. But comparison of the
figures will show that the pensions for
that session of the Fifty-second Congress
were $3.50. 600. 600. while those of the Fifty
third Congress were S151, 100000, which
makes exactly this difference of S29, ,OOO.-
OO0 In other words they have deprived
the pensioners of $29.000.000. the exact
amount claimed by economy"
j. Z. Dolliver of Iowa followed Reed.
He discussed the money question and
eloquently referred to the past history of
the Republican party.
INCOME TAX COLL ECTIONc