The Madison daily leader. [volume] (Madison, S.D.) 1890-current, 1894-03-29
Con.lnned from second 80

ISIS. 1HeY GO NOT nor 9NuTEEf-
ate the independence and dignity III labor
and cannot understand that the protective
policy under which we have had such
splendid prosperity il not to be determined
by geographical lines. The bill IL 4 mar
row, sectional and provincial measure. nm
worthy the great party which proposes it
and wholly unsuited to the needs Of the
country.
The Wilson bill turns to the past: away
from the present. Il Is for the plantation,
not for the farm and the factory. As it
passed the house IL had for It's foundation
principle free raw material. It's authors
argued that with free coal, free iron ore.
free lead and free wool the manufacturers
of the United States would be placed on an
equality with the manufacturers of flee
trade countries, and we therefore could not
only retain our own markets, but control
'athe markets of the world Based upon
this argument which I believe to be false,
they declared that with these great urim-
airy products free we would have steady
employment for all the workingmen Of the
| country at good And 10 In this
form the bill passed theD Democratic house
OF representatives and In now the dread
subject of angry contention In the Demo
, cratic senate.
Finance CommIttes's Action.
An examination Of the bill by the Demo
| cratic members of the finance committee
of the senate evidently convinces them
| that Mr.. Wilson's bill and his argument
in support Of the same are alike based on
false principles. So coal goes back to the
tariff list, iron ore to the tariff list and
lead to the tariff list, leaving free wool
alone, the only product of agriculture, to
support the false theory of the house bill.
Even Mr.. Cleveland is disregarded, for in
his Madison Square garden speech. after
his nomination in 1902, he said: I'VE be-
lieve that the advantage OF freer raw ma
terial should be accorded to our manufac-
turers. We propose, therefore, to stimu.
late our domestic industrial enterprises by
freeing from duty the imported raw ma
terials which, by the employment of labor
are used in n home manufactures, thus
extending the markets for their sale and
permitting an increased and steady pro-
duction with Al allowance Of abundant
profits"
Agriculture and Labor Suffer.
Ihave looked with some degree OF care
through the bill. ! find nothing but irri-
suS1Oh nhN dE&E0NhOAU1l VI III kICdb IlQuS
tries of the country. No interest suffers
by it more severely than agriculture, and
labor OF all kinds seems to have been
singled ont as ito foremost victim. 1 have
examined it carefully to find some section,
paragraph, clause or line removing the
great burden Of tariff taxes from the
shoulders of the people about which we
have heard 70 much for so many years
from the Democratic orators and have
Q 80 frequently in Democratic newspa
pers and platforms, but / have been unsuc-
cessful in finding any such provision. 1t
Is true that sugar, an article Of prime
necessity to every household, and which
the law Of 1890 made free to the people, has
been fairfield at from l to 1 40 cents per
pound, every cent of which viii be paid by
the sun Of the United States.
Some Compensation In This.
But, doubtless, in compensation for this
added burden of upward Of e5O,0OO,00O, and
because of it, they lowered the tariff on
tobacco and have extended the bonded
period for the ~warehousfng OF whisky and
giving to the distillers eight years IN which
to pay the tax. They have restored the
tariff ON coal, but then in fairness they
should be credited with having taken the
tariff off OF diamonds. They reason that
the manufacturers are few, forgetting that
the workmen are many. They look to the
interests Of importers, ignoring the
farmer, and oblfvious to the fact that the
agriculturist is everywhere, Their bl0vs
are directed against the welfare of the
masses of the people. but from them the
country win yet hear, for this is still a
government of the people, and the popular
will has already marked them for political
overthrow. / do not believe that the true
interests Of the South, nor of any other
section Of the country, lie In the direction
Of free trade, nor of the revenue tariR
legislation proposed by this congress.
Anomalous Position ON Intsrnal Taxsa.
The present position and action of the
Democratic leaders on internal taxes III
peculiarly In anomalous one. They are 20
determined to break down the protective
system that they are willing to resort to
internal taxes, which have been opposed
not only by every Democratic national ed
ministration preceding the present one
from Jackson's to Buchanan,s, but also,
as q matter of principle by every other adj
ministration, Federal, Anti-federal, Whig
or Republican in our history. The only
excuse for the resort to such taxation has
been the financial exigencies Of actual
war. Laws imposing internal taxes have
always been repealed as rapidly as such
exigencies disappeared and nave never
before been seriously proposed in times OF
peace. Some of the same Democrats
leaders who. during and subsequent to
the war, stood In congress speaking and
voting against internal taxes and an in
come tax, are found today heartily favor
ing them. They were unwilling to adopt
| these methods of taxation when it was
necessary TO preserve the government and
the flag, but they are willing b adopt
them now as q means OF breaking down
the patriotic principle Of protection under
| which the North and Northwest, as well
as the South, have enjoyed such unpar-
alleled prosperity and have attained such
marvellous development.
Various Acts and Resolves.
1t would be interesting TO the student III
| political history 20 examine the various
acts and resolves OF congress touching In
ternal taxes, beginning in 1861 and includ-
ing the years during and shortly after che
war. and to note the position OF the leaders
Of the Democratic party thereon. I have
time to refer to but one such law-the In
ternal revenue act which was approved by
President Lincoln July !, 1854. It passed
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