Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1894-04-14

| ened as to its sectionalism divorced from
its narrow partisanship, harmonlzed as to
its Inconsistencies, made straight instead of
| devious; and that from the mysterious re-
| cesses Of the retort of the so-called subcom-
mittee, from the super-heated furnace of a
party caucus and from the seething CAL
| dron of the full responsible ma jority CT the
committee on finance, it would at last
emerge purified of its dross, annealed and
nlckel-hardened upon its scanned and scar
red surface and 50 freed from all defects
and dangers to stand before US as
measure which could be adopted with prac-
lcal unanimity because IL would give the
business interests Of this country tranquil
| ~ by taking for at least an appreciable
period the tariff out of politics.
Result of Tariff Changes.
| That would be an ideal solution Of this
great question which would inaugurate an
era Of peace and herald the return of pro-
| longed prosperity. But instead of thus put
| ting an end to these internecine raids upon
domestic Industries, which, at intervals
closely associated with political changes,
have cost this country more than all the
military wars for which every genera alton
since the revolution has paid so dearly we
now see the party which is in fun control
OF the legislative and executive branches OF
the government threaten the country with
a measure which has been described as sec
tonal, partisan, blundering, discriminating
and unjust. The inevitable result is the
paralysis of business, the halting of trade,
the suspension of purchases, the stoppage
OF production, the deprivation to thousands
o. their usual means of livelihood and an
incredible shrinkage Of value
MI. President, II is this recurring uncer-
tainty as to the rates of customs duties
which works most serious damage to busi-
ness throughout the United States The
burden rails upon capital. Money must lie
IDLE, or. If invested. the venture is in the
nature of a speculation. The burden falls
also upon labor, because the idleness of the
speculative use of capital has a reflex in
cautious and restricted production, the ces-
satlon or partial suspension of manufactur-
ing operations and the decrease and irreg-
ularity In the incomes of every rank of the
army Of wage earners.
The consumer also contributes his share
toward the cost of these periodic disturb
ances of the tariff, because throughout
every series of years of prosperity every
branch of industry is compelled to prepare
Tor a threatened period of uncertainty and
consequent depression. These statements
moreover, are true of every threatened
change in any system of tariff schedules
There never has been a tariff law enacted
that was not preceded by more or less con-
fusion In the delicate and complicated ma
chinery of domestic production, internal
trade and foreign exchange
If this be true when the tariff is revised
by friends Of American industry, when the
customs schedules are adjusted in accord
ance with an established principle and in
harmony with well-detined system Of col
lecting revenue so to protect Ameri-
can enterprise and labor from foreign
pauper competition, how much more enor-
nous do these evil results become when
the tariff is to be disturbed, not in the
interest of domestic but of foreign indus
try. not with the welfare of the whole COM
mon country in view. but the benefit of a
section; not with the purpose of providing
revenue in accordance with an intelligent
plan, perfected by years of experience and
familiar in its general principles to all the
hn1t In .-l,s.
of the proposed legislation offers an in
creased deficiency to an already depleted
treasury, and at another stage involves
surplus derived in part from a tax on the
breakfast table. and in greater part from
the offensive inquisition into the private
fortunes of individuals and an inequitab BILE
encouragement to that thrift which lies at
the basis of both national character and
national wealth?
Policies Contrasted.
1t is one fault. perhaps. rather of our
Constitution than of republican form of
government that the people of the United
States. owing to their frequently recurring
elections, have not been able to follow for
any considerable term with a concentrative
purpose a fixed financial policy. We con-
trast a method of dealing with great pub
lie question governed here by popular opin-
ion ana prejudice, which may take new
impression in each four years, with other
many decades, or through the centuries.
Their policy, generally antagonistic to
ours is fixed and enduring through all Its
variations and in generations there may be
traced a consistent and persistent purpose
Ours, in contrast, is tickle and inconstant.
But more serious than these changes
wrought with regularity of time but un-
certainty of extent. is the danger that the
true meaning Of popular feeling as expressed
at the polls may be misinterpreted by states
men or perverted by demagogues. Let me
illustrate this proposition. At one presi-
Dental election the candidates of a partieu-
lar party have been successfully before the
people upon a platform of principle ass ert-
ing the doctrine of protection.
Relying upon this popular verdict and up-
on the pledges which have placed the ruling
party in control of the government, capital
encouraged by guaranty of profits, is ,e-
leased from its reservoirs and forthwith
seeks investment. Every year sees the
tide of prosperity rise higher and higher.
Then another election supervenes
1t may be that the candidates of another
party are successful upon a declaration of
principles antagonistic to protection Bus
mess falters, hesitates, halts: mills 2nd
factories are closed; capital withdraws 10
cautious inactivity; workmen are discharged
or work at reduced wages, and the country
strips for an approaching struggle with
penury and distress.
As to the Mckinley BILL
The Mckinley bill was not a principle. II