The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1894-01-09
What Would Follow the Wilson Tariff


Some Republican protectionists. In OBJ
jeeting to the WILSON Tariff bill. urge as
one Of their chief arguments the INJURY
which its discussion is causing by I'M
settling trade. The manufacturer whose
output Is menaced by u cut In the tariff.
which brings foreign goods Into the Ameri-
can market at a cheaper selling price than
he can make them here for. at the present
scale Of American wages. will lie sure to
restrict the work of his mill or factory until
the question is definitely settled by the
adoption or rejection OF the pending Tariff
bill. In the meanwhile. he will either close
his factory. or work 1t at half time. or with a
smaller force OF men. or endeavor to reduce
the scale OF wages. The longer the WILSON
bill is discussed. the graver Is the injury
done to business interests by its considera-
ton, and the stronger will become the de-
mand for the prompt and summary settle
ment Of the whole question Of tariff sched-
ules and for the proper system ofimposing
them. That is what the Republican pro-
tectionlsts contend.
But this form of opposition to the WILL
SON bill appears ephemerai, selfish. and
totally unsubstantial whom compared with
the graver and greater objection urged by
Democrats. That objection ls. that the
WILSON bill. II adopted. means merely tho
beginning OF a protractsd series OF tariff
controversies extending perhaps over many
years. The genuine tariff reformers will
not DO satitied with the reductions made by
the WILSON bill. They insist that it Is but
the first step. They would have 1t modified
at each successive session OF Congress, un-
til. finally. all. Or nearly ALL discriminating
tariff duties are wiped out.
The protected manufacturer, on his side.
would insist on Heterogeneous Of the
rates and schedules from time to time.
Under the system of protection to favored
interests. imperfectly and inequltably pre-
served by the WILSON bill. no duty would
ever be definitely fixed. except until the
next session Of Congress. when 1t might be
increased or diminished at tho demand of
this or that group OF manufacturers. Some
so-called raw materials" are put on the
free list by Professor WILSON. Why should
not others be put therey Some raw ma
terlals are TO lie protected by tax. Why
should not the number OF these be in
creased?
The WILSON bill. whatever may have
for whom he Is supposed to DO acting, set
ties nothing. 1t muddles the muddy
waters OF protective taxation. with q stick
instead OF dredge. 1t leaves the whole
question OF schedules aud benefits open and
unsettled as before.
That is sound Democratic objection
which the innate unconstituti onality Of the
bill aggravatss. and which its failure To
supply the required revenue further Illus
trates and enforces.
The thing for Congress tn do Is to put an
end to any further suspense or delay. 10y
enacting once for all. ali indiscriminating
tariff on all imports at definitely fixed per-
centage ad ralorem. That would stop IA.
vOrltism raise sufficient revenue, and vindi-
cate the fidelity OF the Democratic majority
to Its most solemn and specific pledges 10
the people. 1t would be. withal. strictly
constitutional. No man could quote JOHN
c. CALHOUN. DAVID A. WELLS. JOHN RUT,
LKDdE, or ROBERT GRIER MONROE In oppo-
sitlon TO its validity as lawful use OF the
taxing power OF the Government II the
rate OF percentage was too high. II could be
afterward lowered; II 1t was too low, II
could afterward be raised: but any altera.
tion would affect all citizens alike and all
interests equitably. There would no no in
justice and no pretext for special fayors or
exemptions.
Give us constitutional tariff for revenue
only. and oh let il be soon