The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1894-01-12

only, and IL is very bad protection bill.
because Il robs the producer TO feather the
nest Of the manufacturer, while the Nc
kinney act vas fair protection measure
because Il granted protection oil around
to 10th producer and manufacturer, 70
both competitive raw materials and COM
petitivs finished goods. The bill is
fraud, which will surely, If enacted. tend
10 depress stiil further business and ag-
gravate present disaster. Every one OF
the protectioniss duties which the Wilson
bill proposes to levy IL. according to the
Democratic platform doctrine. - robbery
Of the many for the benefit Of the few"
Every Democrat who votes for the Wilson
bill is therefore false 20 the pledges Of his
party. and viii have to admit that he con-
scented TO the ruin Of the industries of his
district and to the wholesale lowering of
wages for no other reason than that his
party leaders in congress ordered him 20
repud.ate the promise Of the Chicago plat
form.
Democratic Congressman Cadmus, OF
View Jersey, refuses to vote for the Wilson
bill because be believes, with Democratic
Congressman Hsines, of New York, in
protecting home industries. The report
written by Wilson 70 accompany his new
tariff bill is an argument in proof of its
unconssitutsoraiity. He admits that the
American people in November, 1892, de-
eided that the power OF taxation has no
lawful or constitutional exercise except
far xxnv{afr1 xaworu. fnr tha .ur~o-t IF
the government. Every departure from
this principle is q departure from the
fundamental principles of popular institu-
tons. and inevitably works out a gross
inequality in the citizenship of a country"
Nevertheless, Wilson, after reatfirming
the declaration of the Chicago platform
that the only constitutional tariff is the
tariff for revenue only; that protection il
fraud and robbery of the many for the few,
submits 20 congress d tariff that Is pro-
tecttonist in principle since its free list of
competitive raw materials is only robbery
of the miner, logger and wool grower for
the benefit of the manufacturer. 1t is not
tariff for revenue only. but il incarnates
the bastard. jug-handled protection Of the
Mills bill of 1897
1t 10 confessedly not a revenue tariff,
for Wilson admits that it creates a deficit
and reduces the government income by
S5mo.001. Its rates are protective in
principle; IL imposes heavy burdens on
the producer of raw materials, which il
places on the free list. and imposes insult
ticient duties on the finished product. Ii
strips the farm of protection, but not the
factory. The manufacturer. with reduced
protection and his home market pauper-
lied, is expected TO enter the markets Of
the world when his powers 10 provide for
his home market are curtailed and its
capacity to absorb his product Is dimin-
ishsd. Ii Is stupid proposition to destroy
the best home market in the world for the
expectation of capturing the foreign mar
ker The Wilson tariff bill simply pro-
poses a change from the protection of the
Mckinley law with high wages, to pro-
lection with low wages In nearly every
instance the proposed reduction of duties
will operate against labor. Wages repre-
sent from 30 to 20 per cent. of tho value of
the product. A reduction in the tariff of
from p TO 50 per cent. will operate to bring
wages down to the level of those paid by
European nations where the cost of pro-
duction Is lowest.