Bennington semi-weekly banner. (Bennington, Vt.) 1894-1902, 1894-05-29
UNPRECEDENTED ABAsEMENT.

The very worst things which were ever
said about the stupidity, incompetency
and cowardice of Democratic leadership,
says the Boston Sunday Journal, have
been more than justified in the course of
the first attempt of the the Democratic
party in 81 years 10 frame an important
measure of legislation. The history of
the Wilson Gorman-Sugar-Trust bill
through its various stages has been a rec
ord of imbecile laundering, weakness
and inconsistency that would disgrace a
Boston Democratic Common Council of
the Kapiolani era, b say nothing of the
appalling charges of corruption. Self
respecting Democrats are Simplifying aghast
at the revelations of intellectual feeble
ness and moral degradation, and the re-
cent elections have indicated that the
Democracy is i'll more demorslized con-
dition than at any time since the civil
war.
Casting desperately about for an ex-
cuse or apology for the almost interim
nable delay and Kaleidoscope changes
in the Tariff bill which have betrayed
the chaotic state of the mind of the Ad-
ministration, the Democratic Journals,
adopting their favorite tn quoque argu-
ment which they almost Always resort
to when hard pressed, have been hysteric-
ally insisting that the German bill has
consumed no more time than the Nc Kin
ley act did, and undergone no more rad
ical alterations. They credit the Amer
lean people with tickle memory. The
first of their claims is an evasion, the
second is 2 downright falsehood. The
work of tariff-smashing began at the very
outset of the regular season of the pres
emit Congress. In fact, so early was it
started that it was confidently predicted
that the Wilson bill would pass the
House by February and go into effect a
month later. And yet the first OF June
is at hand and nobody of intelligence
dares to name the day when the bill is
likely to become law, while so well in
formed and ardent ''reformer'' as the
Hon. John Z. Russell doubts whether it
will ever be enacted. The task of
the Fifty-third Congress has been far
lighter than that of the Fifty-firSt.. 1t is
always easier to destroy than to build up.
And the Reed Congress had other i'm
pOrtant public business on it's hands, all
of which it succeeded in transacting
There was NO complaint then of Slowness
or representation. In fact, the Demo-
cratic press and politicians bitterly de-
nounced the rapidity with which the
work of tariff revision proceeded, .
There is not word of truth in the
Democratic assertion that the Mckinley
act was subject to sharp and violent
changes in the course of preparation.
The sugar schedule gave considerable
trouble, but when it was adjusted it was
fixed to stay. There were minor amend
ments in other portions Of the bill, as is
not surprising considering the magni-
tude of the interests involved, and the
earnest work and formal pledge Of Re-
publicans to give them all just, and adj
equate protection. The change which
undeniably made the most noise and
aroused the most controversy was the
reciprocity section. Democratic newspa-
pers are now protesting that there have
been no amendments to the German bill
so radical as that, but as matter of fact
that was not radical amendment In
the German bill duties which were on a
strictly revenue or free trade basis have
been immensely increased and made pro-
tec.ive-which is about che most sweep
ing change that could be effected, for it
involves in every case a complete revolu-
ton in principle. The reciprocity amend
ment Of the Mckinley law involved no
change in principle. 1t was in fact an
extension and strengthening of protec-
ton. AS the New York World, the chief
tariff reform" journal of the country,
puts it, reciprocity was simply "a plot to
build our Chinese wall little further