The star. (Reynoldsville, Pa.) 1892-1946, 1894-09-05

lst
The following article on tho rights
of capital and labor IL from the pen Of
John +. Kearns, Of Reynoldsvillo:
"A right Is defined M moral power
whereby person refers to himself
not only his own acts, but also oil other
things that stand referred TO him In
preference to another. Hence, society,
since IL Is made up of persons, has
rights as well as the individuals who
compose IL. The corrclative Of right Is
duty. For example, II Mr.. Jones has
rights, IL is tho duty Of his neighbors In
Justice to let him exercise those rights,
and vice versa. Now, the question
arises as to when right can bo safely
called such. In answer to this, we can
safely say that the good Of tho greater
number must form the basis for every
right, II the exercise OF this right has
bearing on the individual or on society.
with this explanation, it will be easy
for us to ascertain the respective rights
of labor and capital. There is no
doubt that the principle about which
they are contending is fundamental
one: that is. living wage. What we
mean by living wage is that labor
should receive sufficient remuneration
for its services to enable 1t to live
comfortably and to lay some by for fu-
turc contingencies. No one will deny
that this is necessary for the prosper
Gus and peaceable existence Of society.
Now. capital claims the right to run its
affairs to suit itself But II is quite
plain that il in so doing it does not
give labor living wage, when 1t can
afford to do so, it is initiating against
the good Of the greater number: and,
therefore, exercising no right, because
the good of the greater number must be
the basis of the right, since the exercise
of IL affects society. Again, II labor re-
fuses to work for wage which IL justly
considers not to be living wage, no
individuals have right TO offer their
services for wage less than this, be-
cause in so doing they intend to under
mine living wage. This act affects
society, and is not for its good. There
forc the basis of the right disappears.
Furthermore, IL labor is offered living
wage, 1t has no right to refuse to give
its services for this wage and thereby
cause the public unnecessary inconven-
ience; because the public has the right
not to be unnecessarily inconvenienced.
Now, according to our explanation OF
duty, II capital has the right to run its
affairs to suit itself, 1t is the duty Of
labor in justice not to impede this right,
and therefore not to strike. Again, If
labor has right to strike, 1t is the
duty of both capital and every other
individual, In justice, not to impede
this right. Hence, the just Indignation
which labor bears towards "scabs, and
also towards capital when it employs
them. Keeping in view the definition
Of right and duty, we cannot see how
any other conclusions can be arrived at.
But the respective positions claimed by
labor and capital are in direct opposi-
tion to the above exposition Of right
'and duty. However, We think reason
will bear us out In our exposition. Evil
denty, then, the present positions held
by labor and capital are contradictory
and false; and the law that uphOlds
them must partake OF the same nature.
II must be more explicit with regard to
rights and duties. There should never
be right unprotected, or its cores.
ponding duty left undone. II our laws
are inadequate to this end, it is our own
fault, and we must abide by the conse
quences; We have the remedy, therefore
we should apply 1t, else the disease shal
do its deadly work. Let us pay no at
tention to the cry of ''private rights,
when the exercise of such rights ART
injurious to the public good. Neither
labor, capital nor any other party cal
claim private right, the exercise o
which is injurious to the public good
II they injure the public good they ar
criminals, and must be subjected to tn,
same treatment as criminals; they mus
relinquish all claims interfering will
private or public good. The publ
safety is threatened. We must hav
our boards of arbitration to settle tn
question OF rights and duties betwee
labor and capital. These boards mus
have the same powers as any othe
court of justice, with sufficient prt
visions for their peculiar Office. TIL
public wants arbitration. Our legisli
tors must give 1t. The peace and pro-
perity OF our country demand 1t, an
woe to us II we lend a deaf ear. W