The weekly tribune., 1894-02-16
GOOD GENERALSHIP.
saved the Wilson Bill from De
feat in the lIauSe of
Representatives.
The Lobbyists Now Transfer Theil
Work TO the Senate
Chamber.
A Tremendous Effort Is Being Made
to Defeat the Tariff
Bill.

WASHINGTON, ID. c., Feb. S.-[Special /
Free trade free silver and an income tax
What will be the next step taken by the
Democratic party, wonder;"
This was wrung from dyed in the WOO
Democrat after the passage of the Wilson
tariff bill through the house. The congress
man in question has not only been Demo
crat all his life, but his father was before
him. He has always voted the Democratic
ticket upon which he was elected to con-
gress. Until he voted against the Wilson
bill he had always been regarded rs a con-
sistent Democrats term somewhat doubt
fully applied to those who follow the party
leaders in anything and everything they
may undertake.
But when his name was called to vote for
or against the tariff bill he kicked over
the traces" to Use a hackneyed expression.
He was not the only Democratic member of
the house, by any means, to do the same
thing, but the number of Democratic votes
recorded against it by no means represents
the number of members who would like to
have done the same thing, but lacked the
courage.
Efforts to Defeat the Wilson Bill.
When the tariff bill first came up in the
house for consideration. au attempt was
made to have the bill reconstructed The
motion failed only because of the desertion
of a number of New York members who
had previously agreed TO support the fill
buster. When the motion to recommit was
voted on, 33 Democrats were found to favor
IL. These men did everything in their power
10 encompass the defeat of the bill until il
came to the final vote on its passage. Then
many Of them swung into line with their
party.
Few persons not acquainted with the sit
uation here can realize how near the tariff
bill was to defeat, not only once, but sew
eral time~, and the fact that it was finally
passed with "a rush reflects great credit on
the political sagacity of those having the
bill III charge. Democrats generally say
that the bill as a whole is good one. and
that 10y its enactment into law the Demo.
cratic party will have fulfilled its pledges
TO the people.
But while the passage of the bill through
the house was attended by many risks
there is every reason to believe that the
worst is not yet over. The original de-
termination of the Democratic leaders to
pass the bill a. nearly as possible in the
NLupC III "hANL ~ Iduit rum NLe ways anu
means committee WAS adhered to closely |
This led many persons interested in secur-
ing change in one or more schedules of
he bill to abandon the attempt to accom-
plish their purpose in the house Instead |
they will turn their attention TO the senate |
The Lobby at Work.
Much preliminary work has already been I
done. There is an abundance of money
h.h IND = he. hara h.,
fected interests, and the men in charge
lave both intelligence and experience in
matters Of this kind. AS rule, of course
the money used is not given directly to
those whose influence and votes are desired
Theater parties and wine suppers are po-
tent adjuncts in some cases, although in
many cases the suggestion of either would |
do more harm than good.
The successful lobbyists know Just what |
plan to take with each and every member
Of the senate. Not long ago u prominent
member of the third house lost heavily to
western senator in "A poker game at Cham
herlins. That was about the only way in
which TO secure the senator's vote for the
bill in which the lobbyist was interested.
II cost several thousand dollars, but it ac-
complished the object.
But such methods are the except iou.
They cannot be brought TO bear in many
instances, because hut few mem berS of the
senate play cards for money. Not a few of
them will refuse to accept anything from a
lobbyist. a few carry their aversion so far
as TO decline TO even speak to lobbyist in
public-certainly never in private. They
know that to be seen walking down the av-
enue arm in arm with well known lobby
ist has been the ruin of more than one pub
lie man.
But the method usually adopted nova
days to influence legislation is through the
voters Of a congressman's district. 1t is
the most effective way of
working. The average public man cares
more for the opinion of a half dozen voters
in his district than for Thousand other
men. The usual way is to send out petit
tions to be signed, calling upon the con-
gresham to vote for or against certain
legislation. 1t is by no means a difficult
matter to secure a thousand or more names
to almost any petition, but it takes time
and money and good deal Of both.
A Case of Must.
The senate is deluGcd with these petit
tions They come from every corner of the
country, and they ask for almost every con
ceivable thing under the sun. A casual OBJ
try was by the ears on the tariff question.
In this instance il is probably as true as any
question that has arisen in this country in
times of peace But for all the unusual in
terest in the tariff question men would not |
he found in almost every town, hamlet and |
village to 20 about and get up monster pc
ttionS advising their representatives at
Washington as TO how to vote on specific |
propositions in the bill. No, this avalanche |
Of petitions under which the senate is fast |
being buried is the result of an organized |
effort by the interested parties having the |
work in charge in Washington.
The effect cannot easily be foretold The
senate is not usually a pliable body. FIX
perience has shown that the house is much
easier to reach and to influence. The sen
ate has it's traditions and its set rules; it is
more deliberate and consequently less liza
BILE to change than the house. For these
reasons the house is usually the battle
ground selected for legislative fights. But
in this case it will be the senate. 1t was
not matter of choice 1t was a case Of
must. The senate has no reverence for the