The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1894-02-02
MR.. REEDS SPEECH.


@There must be addressed to sus some
solid arguments, or at least the opinions
of wise men who have proved their Wis
dom by the actual test of human life.
Surely we are not going to venture into
the unknown because political econo-
mists bid us do SO while they still leave
improved every principle upon which
thew found their advice. So long as they
cannot agree among themselves on any
of their propositions, they cannot De
cited as a body to force our conclusions.
On no trackless future will we venture
unless the prospect OF increased happl,,
ness is large enough to justify FISK ana
exposure.
the world OF any nation situated IKE
ours, which has taken the step to whlcn
we are invited? Some gentlemen, per-
haps, are Fastening to say that England
affords us the needed example; that we
have but to run to her history and ma
Just as in the statements of her pollIlcai
economists we shall find all that Is
necessary for advice, for guidance and
instruction. Mr.. Speaker, have looked
there, and
L Am Amazed to Find
how little the example of England can
teae b.
According to the usual story that is
told. England had been in long and
vain struggle with the demon of protec-
ton and had been year after year sink
ing further into the depths, until at a
moment when she was in her deepest
distress and saddest plight, her manu-
featuring system broken down, 'protec-
ton having destroyed home trade by re-
ducing,' as Mr.. Atkinson says, the entire
population to beggary, restitution and
want Mr.. Golden and his friends pro-
videntially appeared and after hard
struggle established a principle for all
time and for all the world, and straight
way England enjoyed the sum or human
happiness. Hence all good nations should
do as England has done and all would
be well.
"This fairy tale has not the slightest
resem blance to history. England, after
three centuries of stationary life, during
which the wages of it's laborers remained
without change, at the beginning of this
century began to feel the pulses of a new
life Wages then commenced to rise, and
in 1910 were 50 per cent higher in money
than in 1900, and. measured by purchas-
ing power, were so per cent higher than
ever before. Coming as this did right
after three centuries of stagnatlon, 1t
showed the great power of two things,
protection and the establishment of the
| factory system. For England was
enormously protected, not only by duties
such as we have, but by the laws
| which forbade the expectation of ma
chinery, whereby she obtained, or
sought to obtain,
Monopoly of Steam-Driven Methods.
| England also was country where in
the main the raw materials were scanty
| and few in number. Even the raw
material of labor, wheat and other
breadstuffs could not be produced within
| her borders in sufficient amount for the
| consumption of her workers. Naturally
| enough, her theory of low prices fol-
| labor prevented reasonable division OF
| the tremendous increase OF production
| caused by the steam engine, and re-
| stricted her own market, and in 1910 she
| found herself in manufactures entirely
| ahead of her consumption. Her manu-
| features had grown out of proportion and
| could no longer sui ists on English pat
ronage alone The worxmen were press
| ing them for that regular increase OF
| wages which shall by and by show to
| be the natural progress of civilization,
| their agitation against the corn laws
which resulted in their repeal.
| "Was that crusade the same as is
4 waoed here today? Are the gentlemen
| of the ways and means committee legiti-
mate successors of Bright and Golden aDd
the anti-corn law league? Not the least
| in the world That was fight by the
manufacturers. This is fight against
the manufacturers. The manufacturers
then desired no protection whatever.
Turn over this big volume OF
Cobden's speeches until you come to the
twentieth speech, seven years after he
began j; you will not find one allusion to
protective duties to manufacturers, and
even in the twentieth speech they are
only alluded to to leiterate the declara-
tion maize in 1885, when the corn law
league began. that all duties were to be
abolished What Golden was fighting
was an odious law enacted to enhance
| the price of bread, not for the benefit OF
the farmers, but for the aristocratie
owner of land. Workingmen were clam
oripg for increase of pay. The ma nu-
facturers knew that decrease of the price
| of wheat was the equivalent of higher
pay. Men do not work for money, they
| work for moneys worth.
'To sum this all up, England when she
became free trade was workshop where
in was manufactured the raw material OF
The Rest of the World.
aOf raw material she herself had none
Her coal and iron and the invention Of
the steam engine had developed hel
manufactures so out of proportion to thu
wages of the workmen that she must
have larger market. At that time thu
only idea of larger market was ont
that had more consumers. The notion
that the market could be enlarged b.
those who were already consumers hat
not entered into the popular thought. ye
her workmen were clamoring for NOR
pay.
ton except on corn not on that in an.
true. protective sense. 1t was only tai
like that on sugar. 1t made food dear
Repeal of the corn laws meant an in
crease of real wages. Repeal Of tariff OF
manufactures meant nothing. The Who'll
crusade of 1910 was for free food, aant
Golden nowhere says anything else
Protection, in our modern sense, lis neve
mentioned in, any one of his Free trad
speeches.
After this review of the story 0
England's change will any man dare t.
say that he finds therein any justificatio