The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1894-07-13
LINCOLN AND LABOR
HIS VIEWS On RELATIONS TO
REBELLION AND CAPITAL.
What the Great Emapcipator Really
Fraudulent Perversion by Debs.
Decatur QI.) Republican.

Decatur Qll.) Republican.
on June rs Z. V. Dsbs. issued a procla-
nation to the American Railway Union
which was evidently intended TO excite the
prejudices of his subjects. Among other
things he says for that purpose is this:
The struggle with the Pullman company
producing classes and the money power of
the country. This is what Lincoln predict
ed at the close of the civil war, and il was
this reflection that gave the great emanci-
pator his glOomiest forebodings.
That which Mr.. Debs accepts as the say
ing of Mr.. Lincoln is a fraud. and was
garbled from d passage in a message trans
mitted TO Congress, not "at the close of the
civil war;" as Mr.. Debs says, but Dec ?.
lSol. which was repeated by Mr.. Lincoln
to a m of workingmen from New
York March 2L. 1864. The message was in
tended to show the dangerous attitude or
secession TO labor. The fraud was used In
the campaign of 1890 and 1892 by dema-
gogues in the attempt TO prejudice the Ia
borer against his employer ana thus induce
him TO vote for the party which Is con-
trolled by the same people who sought, by
rebellion, to set up a despotism over labor;
the very thing Mr.. Lincoln warned the
workingmen to beware OF in the message
which has been so unjusuy and designedly
emasculated. (See life. public services and
state papers of Abraham Lincoln-Ray-
mond, pages 22i and 1851
reads as follows:
Monarchy is sometimes limited at as a
possible refuge from the power OF the PEG
pie. In my position | would scarcely be
justified. were L to omit exercising a warn
ing voice against returning despotism.
There is one point to which l call atten-
ton. This is an effort to place capital on
an equal footing with. If not above, labor
In the structure of the government. L bid
laboring people beware of surrendering "A
power which they already possess. and
which. when surrendered, will surely be
used 10 close the door of advancement TO
such as they, and fix new disabilities upon
them until all of liberty shall be lost"
To show how dishonesty the foregoing was
made up, the words used to construct the
fraud are printed in italics in the passage
from the message which follows. The read
er should carefully compare the message
with the fraud, and also note the fact that
relation of the rebellious States to labor.
and in the latter part shows the proper re-
lation of capital and labor, and closes by
appealing 10 workilgmen not to permit the
despotism of secession to succeed In chang
ing these relations. Mr.. Lincoln's theory,
1t will be noted, is quite different from that
of Mr.. Debs.
WHAT LINCOLN SAID.
AS before stated, March p, 1864, a com
mittee from a New York association of
workingmen, which had elected Mr.. Lin
coin an honorary member. waited upon
him and delivered an address, to which
he replied. as follows:
1tulieIuG1 IL TIE COMMITTEE ne nOn-
orary membership in your association, as
generously rendered, is gratefully accepted.
You comprehend. as your address shows,
that the existing rebellion means more and
tends to do more than the perpetuation of
African slavery-that 1t is, in fact, a war
upon the rights of ali working people.
Partly to show that this view has not es-
capped my attention and partly that / can
not better express myself. / read a passage
from the message to Congress in December,
1861:
1T continues to develop that the insur-
rection (the rebellion) is largely. If not ex-
clusively, a war upon the first principle of
popular government, the rights OF the peo-
pie. Conclusive evidence of this is found
in the most grave and maturely considered
public documents, as well as in the general
tone of the insurgents (the rebels). In those
documents we find the abridgement of the
existing right of suffrage and the denial to
the people of all right to participate in the
selection OF public officers, except the leg
~islative, boldly advocated with labored ar
gument to prove that large control of the
people in government is the source of all
political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes
limited at as a possible refuge from the
power of the people.
"In my present position / could hardly be
justified were j to omit raising a warning
voice against this approach of returning
despotism.
.It is not needed nor fitting here that a
general argument should be made in favor
of popular institutions; but there is one
point with it's connections not so hackneyed
tention. 1t is the effort (by those in re-
bellion) to place capital on an equal footing
If not above labor in the structure of gov
able only in connection with capital: that
nobody labors unless somebody else owning
him to labor. This assumed it is next
considered whether Ii is best that capital
shall hire laborers. and thus induce them to
and drive them to it without their consent.
Having proceeded so far 1t is naturally
concluded that all laborers are either hired
laborers or what we call slaves. And fur
Their, il is assumed that whoever Is once a
hired laborer is fixed in that condition for
life.
A FALSE ASSUMPTION.
"Now there is no such relation between
capital and labor as assumed, nor IS there
any such thing as a free man being fixed
for life in the condition of a hired laborer.
Both these assumptions are false and all
differences from them are groundless. Labor
is prior TO and independent of capital. Cap
ital is only the fruit of labor, and could
never ave existed If labor had not first
existed Labor is the superior of capital
ton. Capital has its rights which are as
worthy of protection as any other rights.
always will be a relation between capital
and labor producing mutual benefits. The
error is in assuming that. the whole labor
of a community exists within that relation.
a few men own capital and that few avoid
labor themselves and with their capital
hire or buy another few TO labor for them.
A large majority belong to neither class,
neither work for others nor have others
working for them. In most of the Southern
States a majority of the whole people, OF
all colors. are neither slaves nor masters,
while in the North a large majority are
neither hirers nor hired. Men with fam
~ilies-wives, son and daughters-work fol-
themselves on their farms, in their houses
and in their shops, taking the whole prod.
net to themselves, and asking no favors
of capital on the one hand, nor of hired
laborers or slaves on the other. 1t is not
forgotten that a considerable number OF
persons mingle their own labor with can
ital: that is, they labor with their owr
hands and also buy or hire others to labor
for them, but this is only a mixed and no.
tUrbed by the existence of this mixed class
Again. as has already been said, there
is not of necessity any such thing as the
free hired laborer being fixed to that con-
dition for life. Many inde1end-nr men
everywhere in these States a few years
back in their lives were hired laborers
The prudent penniless beginner i'm the
world lsbors for wages a while. saves a
surplus with which TO by tools or land
for himself, then labors on his own ac-
count another. while. and at length hires
another new beginner TO help him This
is the Just and generous and prosperous
| system which opens the wav 10 all-give
hope TO all, and consequently energy and
progress and Improvement of condition to
al. No men living are more worthy to be
trusted than those who toll up from pov-
aught which they have not honestly
earned. Let them beware of ~surrenderine
and Which. # surrendered will surely b
against such as they and TO fix new dis.
abilities and burdens upon them ill all OF
liberty shall be lost"
Then Mr.. III lcoln added: 1.-The vie gs
then expressed remain unchanged, mol
have l much to aud. None are SO deeply
interested to resist the present rebellion as