Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1894-10-25

responding to human demands, and
what we ask is that in LAYING taxes the
necessities Of the government shall be
considered. And il you should decide
hat there was some special reason why
one class of your fellow citizens should
be paid, and not another class, give
them the amount clean and above
board, and you will then know pre-
ciscly what that dsgree Of protection
costs.
For instance, when you say that a
man who bores hoie in u maple sugar
tree that he did not plant, in the State
Of Vermont, and from it he extracts the
sap and he boils it into sugar, shall be
paid two cents per pound for all the
sugar he makes for his own use and
sells for his own profit, all you have to
do Is to take his two or three thousand
pounds and multiply it by Two and you
have the amount paid him for that.
Or, if you go to Louisiana, where
gentlemen undertake to cultivate and
raise for their own proft-very properly
sugar cane, which they manufacture
into sugar, making many hundreds
of pounds for every pound made in
Vermont; and there you may pay him
the money for every pound he boils
both for his own use and what he sells
for his own profit.
THE DELAWARE FARMER GETS NOTHING
1t is true, that all time the farmer III
Kent county, Delaware, works just as
hard, cultivates his corn or gathers his
crop, but lie gets nothing but the price
that is paid him for the article-.no
bounty for him. But laying aside that
inequality, it is cheaper for the Kent
county farmer to see that his neighbor
in Vermont or that his neighbor in
Louisiana is paid bounty for doing the
very work for which he himself is not
paid at all. 1t is cheaper for himself
and he is better off than to have indirect
taxes which will make him pay many
times over for his sugar and everything
else of that sort, which is covered by u
tax law made in the interest of those
|. who keep to themselves the secret of
their profits, and keep to themselves their
methods of manufacture.
My friends, read the other day,
with good deal of interest not un-
mingled with sadness, q paper by u very
eminent scholar, one OF the foremost
educators in this country-Prof. Elliot
| of Harvard University. | think you
will find it in the Forum for the month
of October, in an article headed, "Wby
the Republic May Endure" He did
not say why it must, why it shall, why
it cannot fail to endure, but he put it
more tentatively and he said, "Why the
public may endure" And he pro-
ceeded to state the history of other re-
publics in this form and of other gov.
| Il ~, hot fIaty i,od Il
excelled in the arts and sciences, that
they had excelled in literature, skill
and ability and learning that they had
eXcelled in military force, that they
had excelled in wealth and power
and numbers; but they had not endured
And then he gives at the close of his ar
gument as his reasons for believing why
our republic may endure, the oppor
tunity of every man in it for education
and enlightment; that ignorance shall
be dispelled, and the light breaking on
mems minds, intelligence will instruct
them to self control, instruct them to Q
sanse of public duty, instruct them as tc
the folly of yielding to blind force, in
struct them in all ways in which tht
mind of man bears instruction, and thai
the elevation of the standard of charac
ter and of knowledge growing out o
the widespread and thorough education
will be found to be the rock of safety
for the republic?
God grant it, say |. | would take thu
hand Of Professor Elliot and say, "'rru,
so far" But my friends, l would havI
to add another fact, another feature tc
that. l would state my belief of wha
shall make this republic endure.
JUSTICE BETWEEN MAN AND MAN.
| believe tliis republic can best hop
to endure by realizing sense that it
powers arc justly used and that
contcnted people recognize the absolute
Justice between man and man of tn
power that rules them. Applause.
Hcw shall that be brought about? IL i
by striking down that principle whici
lies at the root of the entire system pro
posed by the Republican leaders an,
their party; by striking down the false
the dangerous doctrine that puhli
powers can ever be participated in b,
private interests in America. Ap
plausc. 1t is easy to perceive it. Tn
power of taxation is the greatest know
TO man. The power of taxation is jus
as essential in the government OF
. republic as it is in the govern
,nent of an aristocrGcy like Rus
sia; and we should judge of til
citizen in its exercise None bu
tho ruler who has the attributes of gov
ernment and may have sufficient mean
to carry out its ends; if those ends ar
public and only public, then the end
! will only be used i'll manner for th
safety of the republic. But when th
power of taxation by law is farmed ou
to class of men; when they are pei
mitted to put their hands upon it an
control 1.-THE very principle that the
have consented tot is the fatal prime
pie that has oyerthrown governmer
after government in the history of tn
world, and must eventually oyerthroN
our own. [Applause.l
, My friends, it is not in my opinion
, more dangerous that a man should pre-
pose that the judicial power of ou
, State should be shared by class {
citizens in the State than to say that til
! power Of the legislation OF State sha
be submitted to the interests and til
: control OF class of citizens.
What does judge do? He does No
make the law. The judge decides til
law, as he finds it on the statute 5ool
: and very frequently he decides it wit
! grief and sorrow, because he feels tha
while it is the law, it is not just IN ths
! case, but that cannot be avoided.
But when you come to the iegislG
ton, the man makes the law iigs
I! and then he takes it to the judge al
j SAYS "Here decide what l have write
4 in my favor" Why my friends that
l. Ia, Ia.
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