Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1894-05-10
From Every Evening Of Tuesday.

ISNtfVf SsttfD 1SttHtNB 4 llluSb JOH1
your indulgence to parade that "little
bill" of Mr.. Fulton's some more in the
public print, which he most cxpectedly
so much deplores. If it were only an
individual matter, admit there would
be no reason to give it the publicity that
our correspondence through so widely
circulating medium as EVERY EVENING
has already given it, but as il is q public
transaction in which every Taxpayer
in tile State is Interested, and in which
there is principle involved that is Of
vital import to economical manage
ment and wise administration OF public
affairs, l think it well to make some
more observations respecting it.
In the first place, if Mr.. Fulton has
such an exalted regard for veracity as
he would have us believe, he would not
misquote me, and then stamp it with
the infumy of untruth. | stated very
clearly that the institute gave his tax
bill partial support. This | repeat,
but after Mr.. Fulton has seen proper to
refute 1t, | now propose to analyze this
support and let an Interested public
judge how complete or unanimous
that support was.
After the convention of farmers and
citizens held under the auspices of the
Kent County Farmers Institute in the
Court House at Dover, for the purpose
OF hearing the report of the institute
committee upon the subject of taxation,
Mr. Fulton took every opportunity at
every meeting of the institute thereafter
TO impress his particular views upon the
subject. Now, there is nothing partic-
uiarly wrong about that, as the right of
free speech is accorded to every mem
ber or the floor of the institute, but
from Mr.. Fulton's recent action it cah
at once be discerned that while he was
evidently in favor of tax reform, lie
sought to win the farmers to his par
tieular, and | might add, special mode
of tax reform, not alone for the good of
the cause itself, but foi the "pound of
flesh" that he would be able to get out
of it. There is, in my humble opinion,
a vast difference between the man who
holds and advocates certain opinions
from honest convictions that they are
right, and the one who holds them
because of the profit it would be toh him
by holding or advocating such opinions.
Now, as | say, Mr. Fulton took every
opportunity 10 impose his views upon
the subject of taxation on the institute.
He went so far as to get endorsement
loI GCltllu lllhsGS VI LuAuLlOu. Ill us
shrewd way he kept this up until he had
actually drawn bill on the subject,
and / repeat, without the authority of
the institute. Now Mr.. Fulton, be
honest with yourself and with US. If
this is not so, why did YOU after you
had this bill all drawn section by section
in this manner (really anticipating the
action of the institute by assuming the
work of drawing a BILL present this bill
at five different meetings, so | am told
by friend Il was not present at the
meeting at which you presented the
completed bill) for the endorsement
Of the institute You see, rs every one
else can, that you assumed to prepare
this bill before being authorized to do
so, as it was prepared before the final
endorsement, as you say.
Now, as to this final endorsement. |,
unfortunately, was not at this meeting,
and was not aware that you were
employed to lobby the measure for tue
farmers. Had | been, should have
entered my earnest protest, as | believe
the greatest curse we are suffering from
in this country to-day is vicious legis-
lation accomplished by paid lobbyists.
Again, is it not humiliating spectacle
to see the State appropriate money to
an institution of her own, to have such
money spent in attorneys fees for lob
bying measures through her law making
body in the interests of u classg
Again, the farmers, as we'll as other
citizens, believed the time had come for
change in our tax laws. That under
the present law the burdens of taxation
were not equally, therefore not justly,
distributed; and if, as you pretend, your
bill received their endorsement, it was
only the endorsement that silent consent
gives. venture the assertion here, and
believe that | could substantlate it if it
were possible tp convene all the farmers
CT Kent county to vote yea or nay on
your tax bill, that not onc-tenth OF them
would vote yea. The vote taken in the
institute was always u viva voce one.
Now, had it been by ballot or by
division of the house, it would never
have passed, for the reason that il was
not what the farmers wanted. But they
gave silent consent, in the hope that
when the matter would come before the
Legislature just and equitable law
might be enacted.
Now, Mr.. Fulton, you know this, or
you are not halt as obseryant as have
usually given you credit for; and further,
$3.50 ~ ehS SPAHibA hVlN bN bllG lllOSJ III
telligent and progressive promoters Of
the institute.
Another observation wish to make
IN this connection, and that is that
some of our best farmers were so tired
oi MIR. Fulton's persistent advocacy of
ms particular views ON this subject and
his constantly keeping ii before the in-
stitute that they ceased to attend the
meetings and have taken very little inter-
est IN institute matters since. Again, if
Mr. Fulton was authorized to draw
THESE bills by the institute, why did he
present bill for this service TO the
Legislature? What business had the
Legislature with it? Mr. Fulton knew
iull well that If it was properly author
lzeu, that the institute was bound to pay
the bill, and further, that they had the
money to do so, and if they refused he
could collect it by law. But is not this
an evidence that Mr.. Fulton had his
doubts about the validity of his bill. /
nave understood that when the com.
mittee oil the Legislature reconsidcred
the allowance of $40 to Mr.. Fulton for
drawing these bills, they thought that il
was nnal. Another question for Mr..
Fulton to answer in this connection is
why did he hold this bill for two years
after the work had been done before