The Worthington advance. [volume] (Worthington, Minn.) 1874-1908, 1894-08-23
P|IEcE-ME!::AL|.:. TARIFF !. { :! E. next I /
THAT DISASTROUS POLICY, lis
's 4s NOW . THREATENED. N

Ended With Satisfaction to
] gNobody-Public Favor Turns
! From the Populist Party, as
Indicated by the Alabama
Election.
The political sensation of the last week.
and of the last year for that matter, Is the
final agreement of both houses of congress
to pass tariff bill It was on the 7th day
of August. 1893, that congress assembled
in extra session, according to proclama-
ton of tho president, to begin the work
for which, presumably, the Democratic
party had been placed in power. Although
its first energies were devoted to the re
peal of the silver purchase act, yet the
calling of the extra session enabled the
organization of the house to be perfected,
. speaker chosen, q code of rules adopted,
and the decks cleared for action before the
beginning Of the regular session In De
cember In addition to that. the appoint
ment at this extra session of the commit
tee on ways and means brought into ex-
istepce body officially charged with the
work of preparing detailed tariff bill.
The Party Was Jubilant.
Those who had been somewhat down
cast when Mr. Cleveland declined to order
IN extra session Immediately after the 4th
Of March, in order to begin the work Of
tariff revision, were now assured that he
had acted for the best. No time would be
lost, they said, the tariff bill would be
ready for presentation to the house as soon
as the regular session opened, and legisla-
ton on this subject would be practically
completed before the beginning of the new
year. The business interests of the coun-
try, which were just beginning to recover
from the terrific hammer blows of the
financial panic of last summer, stopped
and waited for the ful6llment of this
promise They have waited for more than
. year. It has been year of
Democratic Disagreement, Disillusionment
and Discomforture.
The Republican party has not placed a
straw in the way of the Democrats while
pursuing their dream of tariff revised
according to Democratic principles. The
minority in the senate, under the rules
that still exist in that body, could have
postponed action indefinitely, nor could
sufficient number of votes have been OBJ
tanned to change the rules in order to force
through tariff bill. They did not so con-
ceive their duty. Bowling to the will of
the majority, as expressed in the election
of 1892, however unfortunate and erro-
neous may have been the impression
under which the ma ority was given, they
determined to throw upon the Democracy
the entire responsibility for its official
acts, to ask nothing but full publicity and
ample debate, and thus to permit the OPP
position to rush headlong to its own de-
struction. The tale of what happened
does not need now to De retold From the
very first moment there has been no desire
or intention on the part of the Democracy
to act up faithfully to the standard of its
platform. The bill offered by Mr.. Wilson
In the house, and carried triumphantly
through that body. was neither scientific
protection, nor tariff for revenue only, nor
free trade. It was bill to cut down duties
on the line of the views of those who
possessed most influence with the Demo
cratic leaders in the house. These were,
first, coterie of Democratic managers,
and, second, the representatives from the
South. The
House Bill Was Distinctly and Frankly
The highest duty in it's schedules was
placed on rice, q Southern product. The
most material reductions were made In
those schedules which interest the North
ern manufacturer. And to make this diff
ference still more searching there was
added by the propertyless representatives
of the South and Southwest, the Populistic
scheme of the income tax. This bill was
sent to the senate and remained there for
months. When the senate committee had
got through with it, they had added owe,
six hundred amendments, entirely
revising the character of the bill,
in accordance with the interests most
powerful in their body It was still nei-
Their protection nor free trade. 1t was
still openly sectional. But the great
trusts were we'll taken care of, and the
campaign finds which their managers
had contributed 10 the Democratic strong
box were returned in concessions to the
interests represented by the contributors.
No more open issue could be made than
that which now asserted itself between
the senate and the house. If there was
;-ny one distinct principle that could be
discerned in the house bill, it was grant
ing free raw materials. Every such pro-
vision was struck out by the senate except
free wool, which was left to plague the
farmers. The other duties were revised
throughout, by increasing their amount
and by changing the method of levying
them from ad valorem to specific, contrary
to the rule which the house had first laid
down as guide to its action.
Business of the Country Suffered.
While these preparations were being
made, and while this deadlock continued,
the business of the country suffered the
most tremendous misfortune. Commerce
and man ufacture were paralyzed, industry
was at a standstill, and business men ev-
erywhere became clamorous for any action
rather than the continuance of that uncer
tainty which meant ruin. Regardless of
this public misfortune, the house of repre-
sentatives declared that it could not
yield, because it stood for principle; and
it was supported in this position by an act
practically unknown in the political his
tory of this country-by the publication
of a letter ostensibly private, but intended
for general perusal, addressed by the presi-
dent of the United States to the speaker of
the house. In this letter the senate bill
was stigmatized as the product of self in
terest, and the house was urged not to
consent to its passage, which the president