The Corvallis gazette. [volume] (Corvallis, Or.) 1862-1899, 1893-10-20
THE FEDERAL ELECTION LAW.

on the repeal OF Cne Ieueral oiec-
ton law. There is no possible
reason why this law should be re-
pealed at all, unless it is the de
liberate intention of the demo-
Gratis to make easy the way to
fraud in the election of repre-
sentatives in congress and of pres
idential electors. But, even in
that case, there is no need of
rushing a repeal bill through at
the extra session, as there are no
elections Ill any state this fall
which the federal law would af-
feet. The average democrat ap-
pears to think there is something
terrible in the federal elections
law. A reference to the sections
of the revised statutes of the
United States relating to congress
sional and presidential elections
would certainly dissipate any
such an idea.
The sections provided that when
representative In congress is to
be elected in any city having
more than 10000 inhabitants, two
persons may by application to the
judge of the circuit court, secure
the appointment of supervisor of
election. The same can be done
in any congressional district on
petition of ten persons, but this is
seldom resorted to. The super
visors have no power except to
see that voters are not intimidated
and to canvass the vote. 1t should
be remarked in passing that there
are to be two supervisors in each
district, and they are required to
be of different political parties,
making abuse of the law quite
out of the question. The mar
shall of each district is also author
lzed, upon similar petition, to
appoint deputy marshals to pre-
serve the peace on election day,
and see that the rights of citizens
at the polls are not interfered
with. This is all there is of this
law, except the penalties pre-
scrlbed for their violation. 8
The greatest objections that any
honest citizen can bring against
this law is that it has not proved
strong enough to make much i'm
preston on Bourbon scoundrelism.
1t has seldom been used, except
in New York city, where it failed
to check the tide of Tammany's
fraud. Every one familiar with
the inside history of the presiden-
tial election of 1884 knows that
the electoral vote of New
York was given to Cleveland by
one of the boldest and most un-
blushing frauds in our annals.
In certain election districts, chiefly
in Brooklyn, thousands of votes
for Butler were counted for Cleye-
land, and thus James G. Blaine
was cheated out of the presiden.
cy he had fairly won. Butler as
serts, in his book, that he had
proof of this. The bitterness of
the Tammany crowd in the metrop-
oils against "Johhnie" Davenport
is because he invoked this law to
prevent a repetition, of 1888, of
the same scoundrelism, which was
fully extended.
The execution of that law which
has never prevented a single voter
from casting his ballot as he de
sired, and having it counted as
cast. No democrat can produce a
single instance wherein it was or
could have been used as an instru-
ment to nullify the vote of a sim
gle citizen. The debate will draw
popular attention to the measure,
and to the purposes behind its re-
peal.
Who are the men who are lead
ing the democratic forces against
it2 David B. Hill, the vilest pol
itician and political boss who ever
disgraced the state of New York;
Senator German, of Maryland,
who rules Baltimore politics by
the same infamous methods; and
the southern bourbons in congress
who are opposed to any and every
provision for an honest and free
election and fair count. The
people of the United States will do
we'll to devote some attention to]
the progress of affairs in the house
while the bill to repeal this law is
in consideration. It will bring
them to a realizing sense of the
fact that the democratic party is an
organization which relies upon
fraud to maintain itself in power.