Waterbury evening Democrat. [volume] (Waterbury, Conn.) 1887-1895, 1893-02-14

fionSe OF the position then taken up Dy
all the promoters OF these measures.
"lye said that we had arrived at a
point in our transactions with Ireland
where the two roads parted.
You have, we said, to choose one or
the other. One is the way of Irish au-
tonomy, according to the conceptions l
have just referred to- the other is the way
OF coercion. That is cur contention. 1t
will be the recollection of the House how
that contention was most stoutly and
largely denied. 1t was said over and over
again by manymembers opposite we are
not coercionists; we do not adopt that
alternative, and neither can we adopt it.
ministerial cheers.)
That assertion OF theirs was undoubt-
eddy sustained by the proposals, espec-
tally from the dissentent Liberals of
various plans dealing with Irish affairs
These plans, though they fell entirely
short in principle and in scope of Irish
self government, yet were of no trivial or
mean Importance. They went far beyond
what had heretofore been usually pro-
posed in the way of local self-government
for Ireland.
'Well, what has been the result of the
dilemma it was then put forward
on this side of the House and repealed by
the other? Has our contention that the
choice lay between autonomy and coer-
CIOI uSSLl JuSIllleu OF nOl! NLlUeFdl SueerS.J
"What has become of each and all of
those important schemes for giving Ire
land self-government in provinces, and
giving her even n central establishment
i'll Dublin with limited powers? All van
ished into thin air. but the reality re-
mains The roads were still there, auto
nomy or coercion. The choice lay be-
tween them and the choice made was TO
repell autonomy and EN- brace coercion.
You cannot always follow coercion in
an absolutely uniform method. In 1886
for the first time coercion was imposed
on Ireland in the shape of permanent
law added to the statute book.
"This state of things constituted an
offending against the harmony and ira
ditions of self-government. 1t was dis
tinct and violent breach of the promi Sc
on the faith of which union was Oh
tanned. That permanent system of re-
preston Inflicted upon the country a
state of things which could not continue
to exist. 1t was impossible TO bring t he
inhabitants of the country under coercion
into sympathy with the coercion power"
Mr. Gladstone proceeded to dilate at
length upon the circumstances under
which the act of union was passed, the
promise of equality in the laws, and of
commercial equality under which union
was effected.
II Was buSll pIOPucSISO COllIAOcuO1yI Ao
said, that 1risbmen would take their
places in the Cabinet of the United King
dom, but it had been his honored destiny
to sit in Cabinets with no less than sixty
to seventy statesmen, of whom only one,
the Duke of Wellington. was an irish
man, while Castlereagh was the only
Irishman who had sat in the Cabinet
since union.
Mr.. Gladstone concluded his speech as
follows.
"Ireland has asked you to save for
yourselves every imperial power. She
has consented to accept the House OF
Commons and the universal supremacy
Of the Empire. In return she has asked
you only that she have the management
of her own affairs, which reason and jus
tice, combined with the voice of her peo-
pie, l hope, will soon, move this nation
to say shall be awarded her.
"If th1s is to be the end of the matter
l think dispassionate men would say the
sooner ended the better; the sooner we
| stamp the seal which will efface all our
| former animosities and open the era of
peace and good will-the sooner done the
better But these are matters which hu-
| man vision Is hardly equal to penetrating.
81 must say, however, for my own
l part, that l never will and never can be
Il party to bequeathing to my country
| the continuance of this heritage of dis
| cord which has been handed down from
| generation to generation, with hardly
| momentary interruption, through seven
| centuries-this heritage of discord with
| all the evils that follow in It's train. l
| wish no part nor lot in that process. It
would be misery for ME if L had for2gone
/ or omitted in these closing years of my
| life any measure 1t was possible for me
| to take towards unfolding and promoting
| the cause which l believe to be the cause
| not of party or one nation, but of all par
| ties and all nations.
''Viewiug them as do with their vast
| opportunities under Il living union for
/ power and happiness, to these nations |
| say: Let me entreat you-if it were my
latest breath 1 would so entreat you-
let the dead bury their dead and cast be-
hind you forever recollections of bygone
Il evils; cherish love and sustain one an
| other through all vicissitudcs of human
| affairs in times that are to Gomez
| When the cheering had died out Sir
| Edward Clark, who was Attorney Gen
eral in the Salisbury administration, con
| graduated Mr.. Gladstone on the magni-
| ficent physical effort which he had just
made and then proceeded to enlarge on
the proposals of the bill.
The text of the bill will not appear be.
fore the end of this week.