The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1893-02-14
HOME RULE FOR IRELAND
GLADSTONE OPENS HIS FIGHT IN
PARLIAMENT.

a Tremendous Crush TO Gain I'm
trance to the Bunding-The Political
Parties All Mixed Up in the soram-
Gladstone's Speech.
LONDON, Feb. 13.-Mr Gladstone was in
admirable form and looking forward with
pleasure to the exertions OF the day. From
early morning the scene In the palace yard,
Westminster, was one Of the most animated
description. Groups were assembling TO
watch the arrival Of members. P.J. Foley
nationalist member for Connemara, was the
first to arrive, closely followed by David
Sheehy, secretary of the first national
federation. When noon arrived the inner
lobby was packed with members and the
approaches were crowded. When the doors
were opened there was disorderly rush for
seats, the members shouting and
struggling like a mob OF excursion
lists on bank holiday, several
being thrown to the floor. The veteran,
Caleb Wright, SO years of age, was knocked
down and trampled on before rescued by
John Burns. the vigorous labor representa-
tive.
THE PARTIES ALL MIXKD UP.
The melee settled down at last and all got
safely In their seats. Every seat In the
House except the government bench was
occupied. The struggle for seats produced
the oldest mixture of members, The seat
ing capacity of the house is entirely too
small to accommodate even the members,
and the time-honored custom Of members
sitting together according to their political
predictions was to-day honored more in
the breach than the observance. Radicals and
laborists sat cheek by jowl. That bluest of
blue tories. the champion of Ulster men 70
whom home rule was like flag flung In the
face of a bull, found himself sitting among
the warmest supporters Of Mr.. Gladstones
scheme. Charles Tanner, the anti-Parnel-
lite member representing the middle
division Of Cork, was mixed up with the
tory rout below the ganRwaY, aud the whole
political appearance or the house was
changed by the commingling Of the parties.
The rush 30 get into the galleries was
equal TO the struggle TO enter the legislative
chamber. All the galleries were packed to
their fullest capacity. Justice Harlan of
the United States supreme court, had a seat
in the diplomatic gallery accompanied by
Minister Lincoln. Scores of other noted
strangers were in the gallery. They were
greeted by Earl Spencer, first lord of the
admiralty, and the Earl of Rosebery, secs
AUehA Vi lOEolku pOLu u WuOLu
found themselves unable to gain access to
the peers gallery. The noise In the house
drowned the initial business, which was
conducted almost ip dumb show. The pre-
liminaries to the EVENT of the day were dis
patched in about hsAf an hour.
MIR. Gladstone nntered the House OF
Commons at $3.50 o'clock. Every liberal
and Irish nationalist stood up and greeted
him with prolonged cheers. When Mr..
tIln1gGnna IN fnfEndnQo fha hOunn rtsla
bill there was another demonstration so
earnest, so enthusiastic and irrepressible
that IL was several minutes before he could
be heard.
GLADsToNE's SPEECH.
Mr.. Gladstone spoke in a clear, strong
and resonant voice until O'Clock. Follow
are extracts from his speech:
/ may, without improperly. remind the
house that the voices which have usually pleaded
the cause Of Irish self-government Ia Irish
affairs have within these walls during the last
seven years been almost entirely mute. re
turn, therefore, TO the period of 1886. when a
proposition OF this kind was submitted on the
part of the government of the day and beg to
remind the house of the position then taken by
all the promoters Of these measures. We said
that we had arrived at the point in our trans
actions with Ireland where the two roads
parted, You have, we said, TO choose one or
the other. One is the way OF Irish
autonomy according to the constructions have
ercion. That is our contention. IL will be the
recollection of the house how that contention
was most stoutly and largely denied IL was
said over and over again by many members op-
poste: "We are not coercionists: we do not
adopt that alternative, and neither can
we adopt it." ministerial cheers. That
assertion OF theirs was undoubtedly
sustained by proposals, especially from
the dissentient liberals, of various plans
dealing with Irish affairs. Those plans, though
they fell entirely short in principle and IN
scope of Irish self-government, yet were of
no trivial or mean importance. They went
far beyond what has heretofore been usually
proposed in the way OF local self-government
for Ireland. Well what has been the result Of
the dilemma as 1t was then put forward on this
side OF the house and repelled by the other.
Has our contention that the choice lay between
autonomy and coercion been justified or notY
Liberal cheers What has become of each
and all of those important schemes for giving
Ireland self-government in the provinces and
giving her even central establishment in
Dublin with limited powers! All vanished into
thin air and the reality remains. The roads
are still these, autonomy or coercion. The
choice lay between them, and the choics
made was to repel autonomy and embrace
coercion. You cannot always follow coercion
in an absolutely uniform method. In 1886. for
the first time, coercion was imposed on Ireland
in the shape of a permanent law added to the
statute book. This state OF things constituted
an offending against the harmony and trad-
lions of self government 1t was distinct and
violent breach of the promise on the faith Of
which union was obtained. That permanent
system of repression inflicted upon the country
a state of things which could not continue TO eX-
list. 1t was impossible 20 bring the inhabitants
Of the country under coercion into sympathy
with the coercion power.
THE ACT OF UNION.
Mr.. Gladstone proceeded TO dilate at
length upon the circumstances under which
the act OF union was passed, a promise OF
equality in the laws and Of commercial
equality under which the union was effected,
promises all broken.
Referring to the division Of sentiment in
Ireland. Mr.. Gladstone said similar division
had existed at the close of the LAST century
through the medium mainly Of Orange lodges
and through religious animosity, but the
Protestants of Ireland, during the period of
the independent Irish parliament were
themselves not only willing, but jealous
and enthusiastic supporters Of Irish nation
elity. Inasmuch as their political life was
at that period more highly developed they
led on the Roman Catholic population in
the political movement which distinguished
that period. [Cheers.l
This is written broadcast upon the history
Of the time. A genuine national sentiment
in the sense Of national unity had at one
time prevailed among the north Of ireland
Protestants We who have seen them alter.
not through their own fault. are not ready
TO be persuaded that they will not alter
back again TO the sentiments OF their own
ancestors [oheersI, and with their own
blood and their own people form one, in a