The morning call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1878-1895, 1893-02-14


Irish affairs. Then the question before US
is: Is she now to vote so strongly upon mat
ters purely British? There are reasons
both ways. We can not find an absolutely
accurate line of cleavage between questions
that are imperial and those that are Irish.
Unless the Irish members are allowed TO
vote on all British questions. they must
have too little or too much. We do not see
the poss bility of excluding them from one
of the highest and most important functions
of the House. that of determining the COM
position of the executive power. do not
see how it is possible to exclude the irish
members from voting on the great subject
of want of confidence. Next, unless lrlsh
members vote on all questions, you break q
parliamentary tradition.
Now come the reasons against the
universal voting powers. 1t would be
great anomaly If these eighty Irish men,
bers should come here continually and In
tervene in questions purely and absolutely
British. The whole subject is full of
thorns and brambles but our object is au-
tonomy anG self-government for ireland In
all matters properly Irish. The Irish peo-
pie certainly did not raise the difficulty OF
the retention OF the Irish members in the
House. This is secondary matter In their
eyes, and ought not to interfere with the
principal aim In the face of the feeling OF
uncertainty over the questions OF the reten-
ton of the Irish members we have affixed
to the paragraph concerning the questions
the words excepting and until Parliament
shall determine the coming financial leg iSla-
tion.'
81 wish TO supply the keynote to the finan-
cial part of that legislation. The keynote
is to be found in the provision that there Is
to be but one system OF legislation for all
kinds so far as external things are con-
cerned. 1t has guided us to the conclusion
at which we arrived Of the unity OF COM
mercial legislation for the three kingdoms.
This includes the customs and excise du-
ties, the postoffice and telegraphs. BY
adopting this keynote we can attain the
most valuable results, and will be likely TO
avoid the claShing of the agents OF the I'M
peral and the agents of the Irish Govern
ment. We can make, under cover of this
proposal, larger and more liberal transfer
to ireland in the management OF her own
affairs than we could make If we proceeded
on any other principles. We hope to es-
cape in this way all collection in the interior
Of Ireland of any revenue whatever by
imperial authority. The principle to which
we are bound TO give effect in Ireland IS
this: Ireland has to bear her share
of imperial expenditure. [Hear, hear j
There are three modes by which this
may be attained. The first method
is the system of the lump sum pay
ment. adopted In 1856 Another method
is what may simply be described as the
method of pro rata. Bat the third method,
which is the one we adopt, is that of de-
ducting from the Irish revenues the amount
due TO England. We provide that the
revenue levied in Ireland shall be the
revenue really belonging to I:eland-that l..
the revenue from goods consumed in Ire
land. With the customs there Is large
debt from Ireland to this country. | do
not know what the House might consider
the right amount due to England. Jndg-
ments might 1uctuate on that point, but The
amount is pu, at a2, 100000 yearly and
100000 is allowed for collection. This
| leaves G.. 370, 900 net Though the rates of
excise and post and telegraph rates will be
fixed in amount by imperial authority. the
whole control over them will be absolutely
in the hands of Irish officers.
I'VE are assured that we shall obtain
from Ireland her fair share OF assistance in
any great imperial emergency. myself am
DGhHu 10 say tuat i lBlUk there Is very lltIte
TO fear from trusting the patriotism and
liberality of the Irish Legislature. [Oppo-
sition cries OF "Oh, ohv' and cheers from
members on the Government benches.I
Stnginess was never vice Of the Irish
people, and if we look forward very much l
am afraid her suffering will be due to gen.
| erous extrayagances rather than meanness.
If we come TO a state Of war we have to look
70 Of Ia
the excise and the income-tax. With re-
gard 10 the customs we propose TO leave
them in our hands, so there can be no diff
Guilty in adapting contributions so far as the
customs are concerned. With regard to the
excise, we have in view the proposition to
retain considerable control in our hands.
which will enable Great Britain to make
sure Of having aid from Ireland if she
thinks such a provision necessary.
The Irish balance sheet stands thus on
the credit side would appear the excise
dues, 83, 800. 600; while the taxation which
goes over stamps, inc0me-tax and excise
licenses are 81. .49j, 900: postal revenue, e740-
coo; crown lands, 96J.0 coo; miscellaneous.
9I40,000. This makes a total of 9660000
On the other side Ireland takes over The
whole of the civi! charges, with the excep-
tion Of the nstabulary charge, amounting
to G., 10000; inland revenues, e160 600. and
postal service 97900O0. We propose that
Ireland shall take part OF the constabulary
charges, amounting to 91,000.000. This
would bring the charges TO 95, 16O 600. We
propose that che shall receive against that
the items / have put to her credit amount
ing to 95. 600. Thus we shall have a clear
surplus Of 5000 with which to start on
her mission.
II will now release the House from the
painful consideration of the details which it
| has followed with unexampled patience. /
| tried 10 convey fundamental conception Of
| the spirit OF the scheme, and although
there may be friendly and unfriendly critI-
cisms, hope | shall not give Offense when
| / express my deep conviction that plan
| closely resembling this may shortly become
| law. There is one risk, aud that is il the
| controversy is unduly and uuwarrantedly
| prolonged over the law for self-government
| in Irish affairs there may come a demand
| for the repeal Of the union aud the re-
| establishment Of a dual supremacy in these
| Islands. and | hope the ship of state will
| be steered from that rock.
ireland. ever since 1886, IL not before.
| but unequivocally and nationally since
| then, has abandoned the whole argument
| that perhaps she was entitled to make on
the subject OF the union. She asked you to
save for yourself every imperial power.
She consented to accept the House of Com
mons and the universal supremacy Of the
empire. In return she asked of you only
the management OF her own affairs, which
reason and justice combined. L hope. will
soon move this nation to say shall be
awarded her. IL this is to be the end of the
| matter i think dispassionate men would
say that the sooner it is ended the better.
The sooner we stamp the seal which will
efface all former animosites and open up
an era Of peace and good will the better.
''But the matter which human vision Is