The Laurens advertiser. (Laurens, S.C.) 1885-1973, 1893-10-10
BUTLER TO THE FRONT.
AN OPEN APPEAL FOR CoMpRo.
MISE.

MISE.
Senator Butler Does Not Believe th,
President Has Used His Office to In
huence Legislation-He is Cheered
to the Echo from Floor and Gal
leries.
WASHINGTON, Oct. 4.-Two of the
most eloquent and exciting speeches
that have been made in the Senate
chamber since the debate on the silver
purchase bill began were delivered to
day by Democratic Southern Senators
Mr.. Butler of South Carolina and Mr.
blackburn of Kentucky. Each speech
lasted about two hours, and each
speaker had large and sympathetic au,
diences both on the floor and in the
galleries. They were both against the
repeal bill, and in favor of such q com.
promise as would result in the perma.
nent establishment of bimetallism.
The silver purchase repeal bill was
taken up at 1.30 a. m, and Mr.. Butler
addressed the Senate in opposition.
He began by criticising some of Mr..
Palmers statement slast evening, par
ticularly that insisting that the Senate
should be put in position to govern
Itself. He would say to that Senator
that the minority was not attempting
to coerce any one, but he thought he
might safely say that the minority did
not intend to be coerced by anybody.
was a great deliberative body, in
tended to put veto upon hasty, un-
wise, and improper legislation. The
Senator from Indiana (Turpie) had
spoken of the Senate as being the re-
fuge OF minorities. In his, Buffers.
judgment, it was the last refuge of
minorities in this country. This was
not government of maiorities-unre-
strained majorities-it was 40 govern
ment of written law, to which the ma
Jority in the Senate was as amenable
as the minority was, to which the
President of the United States was as
amenable as the humblest citizen of
the Republic.
The Senate was not a body where the
political "hustler" could crack his
whip and compel the minority to con-
form to the will of the majority. 1t
was body in which the minority
could protect itself in pursuance and
by virtue of the constitution and laws.
The minority in the Senate on the
pending bill represented millions of
American citizens, and billions of
American property; and were they
to be told that the minority must Weld
to the demands of the majority, be-
cause the majority had concluded that
the time for debate had ended, and
that the time for vote had arrived?
He heard it often asked: "What is
to be done?"
" reply, Mr.. President" he said,
with strong emphasis, compromise is
the solution Of the struggle here to-
day. But" he added, ave are told
that compromise means defeat, means
surrender to the majority Why, Mr..
President, the very government under
which we live, is the result Of compro-
misc. There is not contested meas
ure in this House, which does not be-
come law Cf at ally as the result of a
compromise. And so 1 feel inclined to
protest against the assumption of Sem
ators who have said that the minority
is defying the majority, obstructing
legislation and causing delay unnec-
essarily."
Mr.. Butler spoke of the supposed in
reference of the President with legis-
lation, and said 81 am not here to
defend that great American citizen,
but think may be permitted to say
that believe that great injustice has
been done to him. l cannot conceive
that a man who has such an exalted
opinion of his high office, who has such
correct conception of the relations
which should exist between the differ
ent departments of the government
would permit himself to interfere
with an independent, coordinate de-
partment by an improper exercise of his
official position. The President of the
United States has the same right to
his opinion about the legislation Of this
body that any private citizen has. But
it has been whispered around, when a
suggestion of compromise has been
made, that the President will not ac-
cept compromise. Whoever states
that, does the high official great injus-
what the Senate does. | do not be.
lieve that he has attempted to use his
high office to influence the legislation
of this body. But none of us can shut
his eyes or close his ears to what is
going on, to the statements that the
President will not accept q compro.
mise; and that compromise is defeat,
and o surrender to minority"
Mr.. Butler came back to the merits
Of the question, and declared that if he
believed that silver money was an in.
jury to the country, he could vote fol
the bill. If he believed that if the
purchase of four and q half million
ounces of silver per month, under the
Sherman act, had brought about the
panic, or had jeopardized the credit
of the government, he should find nc
trouble in voting for the unconditiona
repeal Of the Sherman act. But as he
entertained different view on this
point, he would not vote for its repeal
unless the repeal were accompanied b,
proposition to continue the coinage
of silver in some form and to make
silver q permanent part of the finan
cial policy of the country. He chal
lenged proof of the assertion that the
credit of the government has been i'm
paired by the Sherman act. Such al
assertion, he said, was but idle talk
If he wished to pay $40 to the presid
ing officer it would be taken as readil,
in silver as in gold, as readily in silver
certificates as in gold certificates
Would some Senator then tell him il
what respect silver dollar was dis
honest, or silver currency not sount
currency.
Mr.. Butler got into colloquy will
Mr.. Gray and Mr.. White as to the
proper definition of credit, and he tolt
those Senators, with warmth, that the,
might have got their views from bank
ers, and that the most unsafe adviser
to Congress on the financial question
was a banker of New York, or bank
or of Boston. Applause in the gale
ries.) In the very nature of things, tn,
owners of large capital became selfisi
and sorbid, and were not only unpa
triotic, but unsafe advisers on genera
questions of legislation.
Mr.. Butler spoke of the amount O
currency in circulation as one billion
six hundred million, and asked VIII
had the mower tO ehut m that r,,ol