The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1893-04-19

ldentned with the movements Tor tariff
reform, ballot reform, labor reform,
land tenure reform and other
minor advances in civilization. On
all these. except. perhaps. land tenure
reform. HE logic has received the indorse-
ment OF the country. In all he has been
proven a leader and debater of remarka-
BILE skill. The tariff question has been
debated in this country for century, and
yet at the close of that period half dozen
congressman wisely decided that the best
offering they could make the country was
q copy of HENRY GEORGES book on the
subject in lieu of their own speeches.
When THE SENTINEL began the agitation
Of ballot reform in 1888 it found one man
in indianapolis who could give a full de-
scription of the Australian ballot system
a telegraph operator, Q disciple OF HENRY
GEoRGE-and the illustration accompany
ing his article was taken from Henry
GEORGES Standard. Indiana's exanDle
turned the scale in favor OF the reform,
and thirty-seven states now use the Aus-
tralisn system. His argument on any
subject Is always more easily reyiled than
answered. And yet the Ledger says ''he
belongs to that class OF impracticabe the
orists who would disturb the existing or
der of things without creating anything
better, and such men should be written
down by well-regulated newspapers in-
stead Of being held up as models"
The L.iger's views on tue subject OF
II - p Ereaa N Z nj a. rharanfarfuffp ife
ideas of Henry GEORGE, and 10 be appre-
ciated must be taken in full 1t SAYS:
TIE SENTINEL asserts that the history OF
strikes does not show that in nine Cases
out OF ten, a. stated by the Ledger. they
are originated IN few men. Ii TIE SEN-
gINu sill read carefully and fully The
history OF the great cotton spinning strike
IN England, tie longshoremen' strike,
the disastrous railroad strike in Plttsburg
some fifteen years ago. the Carnegie and
many Others. II will see that the LedgerS
statement is IN lehiably true. OF course
there was general nequiescence after the
strikes were on, but they were originated
BY few men and against the real wishes
OF a large number" etc.
The Ledger evidently has an impression
that all organized labor is in a state Of
slavery to that mysterious being, 'the
walking delegate" and works, or quits
work, at his will. How does it imagine a
strike gets on" In all the cases it men
tons the strikes were ordered by the en-
ployes. There is nothing more democratic
than the ordinary labor union, and every
man who has investigated the subject
knows it. Listen to their testimony. Mr..
FRANT, q reliable English Investigator.
saws:
The idea that a strike depends upon the
iDse dirt Cf a paid agItstOr. and that ii the
men were to vote by ballot on the ques-
ton they would never consent 10 a strike,
Is conceived bv those only who do not
know what a trade union is. In most cases
q strike is the result Of action taken by
the men themselves in each district, the
executive having more power TO prevent a
strike than to initiate one.
The Rev. Mr.. KAUFMAN, another En-
glish investigator, saws:
have given the subject great deal of
attention, and feel convinced that when
the employers have right on their side, in
the large majority OF cases. the so-called
demaRogues or professional agitators have
little power IN provoking quarrel about
the raising or reduction of wages.
Prof ELY, one Of the sbest and most
reliable of American Investigators, saws:
The surrender of personal liberty is
often considered a. a condition of MEM
bership in q trades union but this in little
more than a fiction in the case of any
well-msnaged labor organization. Those
who furnish capital place its management
In the hands OF few those who furnish
labor do so, though to a far less extent
Some people seem 10 believe
that labOrers work peacefully and con-
tentedly until misclIievous agitator comes
along and stirs them up and creates I'M
reasonable dissatisfaction. All this is
pure fiction.
But possibly the LEDGER prefers Stats
tics. Mr. CARROLL d. WRIGHT national
commissioner of labor, made under the
authority of the government an investiga-
ton of all strikes in this country from
1881 to 1856. inclusive. There were in
that period 1902 strikes. involving %, 304
establishments. He says:
The total number of EN- ploves inUOlred in
the whole nu.f Der of strikes for the whole
period was 1923. 303. The number of en-
ploYes originating the strikes was ,020, loo.
The number of employees IN all establishments
before the strikes occurred was $3.50, S35
That is to say, nearly two-thirds of the
employees originated the strikes, and over
three-fourths Of them joined in striking.
But perhaps the Ledger would prefer iu-
dicial determination of the powers of labor
officials and the origin OF strikes. In his
recent decision Judge TAFT saws:
A legal strike in brotherhood parlance
means one consented 10 by tho grand chief.
His consent Is necessary under the rules Of
the order to entitle the men thus out of
employment TO the three months pay
allowed TO striking members.
Consent" to what? Necessarily, to
the action already taken by the men. In
deed. nothing could be more absurd than
this somewhat common notion that large
classes of laboring men put themselves in
the absolute control OF few individuals.
and are forced into strikes against their
own will. There are few strikes that are
not the direct result OF votes of the en-
ployes involved, and anyone who reads
the accounts of the progress of great
strikes will find repeated mention Of the