People's party paper. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1891-1898, 1893-05-12
THAT EXTRA SESSION.

would be to call Congress together
and proceed to enact the reforms to
which the party was said to be
pledged by its platform. More than
two months have passed, and 1t Is
now gravely stated by MIR. CleVe-
lands friends that there will be no
extra session of Congress. True, it
has been stated by Mr.. Kilgore OF
Texas that Congress would convene
in extraordinary session in Septem-
Der. but Mr.. Platt of New York says
Mr.. Kilgore knows nothing about 1t,
and that no extra session will be
called.
A more recent publication quotes
a prominent Senator as having
stated:
"Mv impression is that the admin
istration will endeavor to persuade
the bankers of the country to put
their gold at the disposal OF the
treasury and that it will continue to
pay out gold for all classes of United
States notes presented, silver GER
tifcates excepted, of course, just at
present, with the hope that the tide
will soon turn and the treasury begin
to accumulate gold again. 1t that
policy fails, and it becomes apparent
that the entire gold reserve fund OF
the treasury will be exhausted, | be-
lieve that Mr.. Cleveland will, instead
Of issuing bonds, call an immediate
extra session of Congress and throw
upon it the responsibility of devising
financial relief. | know that he even
now thinks of dong 80, and would
have issued a proclamation last
week calling an extra session, to
meet In May, had it not been for his
belief that a majority in both House
and Senate would pass bill for the
free coinage of silver, as its idea OF
what the country needs. Mr.. Cleve-
land is more strongly opposed to free
coinage than ever"
This last authority gives a reason
for the delay SO plausible, and SO
oonformable to the public impress
siou, that it has been tacitly accepted
as the truth.
Now let us see how it is. Mr..
Cleveland, together with other Dem
ocrats, desires an extra session of
Congress. But he desires it for pur-
poses not shared by most Democrats
of the South and West. He is anx-
ious that his personal construction
shall be put on the party pledges
before the party's representatives get
a crack at them. And he intends to
see that his CONSTRUCTION is accepted
as orthodox, or to know the reason
why. H.
Here we have the spectacle of an
executive debating his personal views
to the legislature, as we'll as the lead
ers and managers of his party. Back
of his assumed bossism he holds the
patronage of his great Office, and it
IS intimated that as the representa-
tives and Senators conform to his
wishes in financial legislation, 50 will
their recommendations for Office
exercise influence in appointment,
The Democratic heelers and work
ers are hungry. Already compari-
sons of the slothfulness of this admin
istration with the alertness of the
last are made in the party papers,
and a strong pressure is exerted
upon the representatives to surren-
der their individual convictions and
join the Presidents crusade against
the popular pretenses upon which
the party got power. AS the aver
age Congressman realizes that his
ability to keep himself solid with the
various county rings depends upon
his ability to influence patronage, the
test of his fealty to principle becomes
more incislve, and the temptation to
abandon the humdrum ideas of polit-
ical honesty prevalent among the
mass of his. constituents grows apace,
Mr.. CE0eland has evinced a de-
termination to pursue with relentless
singleness the main object of his
financial policy. Now is the average
Congressman between the devil and
the deep sea. To fail to land his
hustlers into places pledged to them,
means the opposition of the machine
in future campaigns. To surrender
to the duress exercised by the ap-
pointing power threatens his hold
upon the voters who will be outraged
by his treason.
Thus it will be seen that while the
President is endeavoring to secure