The record-union., 1893-02-14

which 1t has been delivered Ministerial
cheers and opposition laughter, consti-
tute great tact in history.
ut is said. and | admit with truth, that
Ireland Is not a united country. l do not
deny that the division which exists is a
/ fact of great moment. In truth, were
Ireland united, ANYTHING that can render
Ireland formidable would become much
more formidable. We're Ireland united
all opposition would vanish as a shadow.
| ["Hear, hear''l Ireland is not united in
this sense, that in one portion of the
country, not a mere majority OF the
higher classes. but considerable popular
feeling, is opposed to the present ma
tiona1 movement"
Abiding to the English feeling toward
Irish home rule, Gladstone said he would
refrain from urging that England would
find herself exhausted and her work
made unpracticable by resistance to Irish
demands. He could well conceive Eng
land maintaining. if so minded, resist
ance to the Irish demands, but England's
conversion TO home rule has been rapid.
In 1856 England's majority adverse to
home rule was oil. 1t had now declined
| to II. In the face of such facts who
would guarantee the permanence of the
opposition of the remainder? [Cheers.l
He would now ask the patient indulgence
of the Housewhile giving an account of
the bill. Cheers. he could not under
take to supply more than table of the
contents of the bill. If he did it would
probably bewilder his hearers. He
would rather seem to present its salient
points, hoping to leave living impress
sion on the minds and memories of his
hearers. If he might omit what in the
view of some of the members ought to
be mentioned he begged them to wait and
consult the bill itself, which he hoped
would soon be in their hands.
ut should be remembered that the bill
of 1856 laid down five propositions as
cardinal principles, to which he endeav-
ored to closely adhere. Change there
was, but not trenchant change" he de-
clared, from the principles of 1886. The
object of the bill remained as in 1886, to
! establish a legislative body in Dublin for
the conduct both of legislation and ad-
ministration in Irish, as distinct from i'm
perial affairs. [Cheers.l Limiting the
have since, so far as we were able to do.
been sedulously ard closely observed,
were these: We were to do nothing incon-
sistent with imperial unity. Of this [
will say, whatever our opponents may
say, that so far as our convictions and in
tentions are concerned. they would be
but feebly stated by being couched in the
declaration that we DO not mean to i'm
pair it; we wish to strengthen it. [Cheers.l
We wish to give it greater intensity than
it has ever yet possessed.
First, then, the imperial unity is OBJ
served and the equality OF all is observed:
secondly, the equality of all the kingdom
would be borne in mind; thirdly, there
would be an equitable reparation of i'm
perial charges; fourthly, any and every
practical provision for the protection of
minorities would be included. The plan
proposed ought to be such as to present
the necessary characteristics of real and
continued settlement.
Il will not attempt to measure this nu-
merical strength of the minority. 1t is
said by the party of the opposition that a
minority in the north of Ireland is ar
rayed in unalterable opposition to home
rule. Unhappily, at the successful insti-
| CATION OF those whose plot it was to divide
the people of Ireland when united at the
close of the last century, through the me-
dunn mainly # Orange lodges and
through religious animosity, there was
an alteration OF feeling; but the Profess
tants of Ireland during the period of the
independent Irish Parliament were them
| htrf
enthusiastic supporters of Irish national
ity, inasmuch as their political life was
at that period more highly developed, and
led on by the Roman Catholic population
in the political movement which distin-
guished that period. [Cheers. This is
written broadcast upon the history of the
time. \ genuine national sentiment. in
the sense of national unity, at one time
| favorable among the North of Ireland
Protestants. We vino have seen them
later, not through their own fault, are not
ready to be persuaded that they will not
alter back again to the sentiments of their
own ancestors Lcheersl, and with their
own blood and their own people form
one noble and glorious unity.
I'm the first place we made it our de-
sonable demand for express mention of
supremacy of the Imperial Parliament.
We have chosen a preamble as the worth
Ter and the better method, for if done bv
clause it would be too much in the char
acter of a mere enactment. With refer
ence to the charge that we are DESTROYING
an act of the union, I wish to CHALLENGE
inquiry upon this fundamental point,
This bill respects and maintains the
rights of sovereignty equally throughout
the entire range of the three kingdoms.
! Then the bill constitutes an IRISH Legisla
ture which consists of: First, legislative
council; secondly, a legislative assembly
empowered to make laws for the peace.
order and good government of Ireland.
and in respect TO matters exclusively relat-
ing to Ireland. That power is subject first
of all to necessary and odious Limitations
imposing certain incapacities on the
Irish Parliament, including all that
relates to the crown, regency, or vice
royalty.
1.-The subjects of peace and war, public
defense, treaties and foreign relations,
dignities, titles, law and treason do not
belong to the Irish Legislature. The law
of alienage does not belong to it, nor
every thing that belongs to external trade.
coinage and other subsidiary subjects.
The other incapacities imposed are SINH
lar to those contained in the bill of 1856.
These provide for the security OF religious
freedom, the safeguard of education and
the security of personal freedom. Then
we retain the Nice-Royalty of Ireland, but