The morning call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1878-1895, 1893-08-07
MAN WITH A BORROWED
MIND.

The political autobiography Oh Or
Henry Parkes. Just published in London.
will prove valuable material for the his
torian of the nineteenth century; for his
share in making that history has been
large. The son of an English farmer, he
grew up in Warwickshire without an h
to his name" until he was "a; then in
1889 he emigrated to Australia at time
when Botany Bay was the sink in which
the jrrestrainable vice and crime of the
United Kingdom were thrust so as to be
out of sight
There was at that time in Austria liza an
Englishman who realized the folly and in
fanny Of the system of transportation for
crime. This was Robert Lowe, who lived
to De Chancellor Of the Exchequer and a
peer of England. He offered himself to
the people of Sydney as a candidate for
Parliament on a platform of anti-trans-
portation. and his leading supporter was
Henry Parkes. When Lowe returned to
England his mantle fell on Parkes'
shoulders; he was elected to Parliament,
and from that time until a couple of
years ago he has either sat continuously
in the Parliament Of New South Wales or
has filled public office. Five times during
the period he has been Prime Minister.
and his power none have cared to dispute
The striking feature Of Parkes' career
has been his readiness to change his opin-
ions. His browning triumphS have almost
always been won, strange to say, by re-
cantng his declared policy. and Dy doing
that which he had condemned. He calls
himself conservative and on general prir-
ciples he is opposed to innovation. But
the measures by which he win be longest
rememb ered were measures OF radical re-
form. He was stanch supporter of de-
nOminational education, in favor of which
Episcopalians and Roman Catholics joined
hands; but when the demand for secular
education became general Parkes drew the
bill secularizing the elementary and the
grammar schools, which passed by over
whelming majorities, and is the law of
New South Wales to-day. When fedora
ton was first proposed he threw cold water
on it, but in 1890 he drew constitution
FOR the Australian confederation, and
when the Colonies emerge from their pres
ent commercial depression they will prob
ably combine under that instrument.
Again, be went into the federation con-
vention with the purpose of taking the
British North American act as his guide in
preference to the constitution of the United
States, but when he settled down to work
he provided in his bill that the acts of his
Parliament should be subject to review by
a Supreme Court and that all powers not
specially granted to the c0nfederacy should
be reserved to the Coonies-bOth being
TEXTURES of the constitution of the United
Stateswhch Canada did not see her way
to adopt.
HIS leading characteristic is his fear
lessneSs. When he was last in power the
Chief Justiceshp became vacant. He
passed over applicants Of his own party
and appointed the leader of the opposition
to the post When the coal miners de-
Eanded legislation enlarging the powers
of their union he refused to accede to their
demands, though he was fully apprized of
the consequences Of alternating the labor
party. The threats were fulfilled; vote
of want of confidence was passed by CO.
alition of the opposition with the la Dor
members. He sereEely surrendered DO wer,
and retired at the age of rs with the COM
Portable consciousness Of duty done. Only
his last act was consistent. He is now IN
England, and all parties, including the
labor party, insist on his return to Aus
tralia 10 pilot the Government through the
present crisis.
Sir Henry has never made name as an
eloquent speaker. He is powerful writer,
as the readers of his paper, the Empire,
can testify. He cares little for the graces
Of style. He expresses himself in clear terse
phrase, after the manner of William Cob
bett aud Horace Greeley. and never shrinks
from saying what he believes t. be true
through fear of offending somebody. The
school of politics with which he is affiliated
can probably claim the credit of the most
valuable reforms of modern times. Its
mem bers are naturally conservatives, and
on general principles look coldly on pro-
posed Innovations; but they are so clear
headed and conscientious that when the
merits of a reform do penetrate their
minds they become its most effective and
DOtential advocates