The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1893-12-20

himself A6D SAAA%N o0ad NA1t
the tariff Of 1851 was not asked for. and
but coldly welcomed by manufacturers
congressional Globe, 1S69-70, page 1925.
Senator r. NJ. T. Hunter, of Virginia,
then chairman of the finance committee,
then said: Have any of the manufacturer
come here TO complain or ask for new du-
TO leave ii to them, the manufacturers Of
New England themselves, to the manufac-
there would be a large majority against
any change? Do we not know that the
WOODEN manufacture dates its revival from
the tariff of 1851, which altered the duties
on wool?''
YEARS OF LOW TARIFF.
The history of American industry shows
that during no other period has there been
a more healthy and rapid development of
our manufacturing industry than during
the fifteen years of low tariff, from 1916 to
1861, nor a more healthy and harmonious
growth of agriculture and all other indus
tries Of the country. No chapter in our po-
htical experience carries with it a more
salutary lesson than this and none could
appeal more strongly to law makers to es-
tablish a just and rational system Of public
revenue. neither eXhausting agriculture by
constant blood letting nor keeping manu-
facturers alternating between chills and
levers by artificial pampering. In this di-
rectton alone lies stability, concord of Sec
lions and OF great industries.
We have already said that public dis
cuSsion may disclose errors of minor de-
tail In the schedules of the bill. To escape
such errors would require a thorough and
minute knowledge Of all the divisions, sub
divisions, complex and manifold mazes and
involutfonS of our chemical, textile, metal
and other industries that no committee of
Congress. no matter how extended the
iaaborioUs ' a9d peISShas showcase teeis or now
could ever hope to possess. We have not
forgotten that We represent the people, who
are many, as we'll as the protected inter
eSIS, VINO are few. and. while we haVa
dealt with the latter in no spirit of I'M
friendliness, We have felt that it was our
tariff schedules.
Those who concede the right of benefciar-
les TO nix their own bounties must neces-
sar1ly commit TO them the framing and
wording or laws by which these bounties are
secured TO them A committee of Congress
thus becomes merely the ananuensis OF
the protected interests. 1t has been shown
SO clearly and so often in the debates of
this House that nearly every important
Scheduie or the existing law was made in
tves of the interests it was framed to pro-
tect that 1t is unnecessary in our report to
present the record proof of this fact, but
1t may not be amiss to cite further evidence
TO show that this was not only the necs-
sary rule, but the open and avowed meth
cd OF framing protective tariffs.
When the Senate substitute for the bill
passed by this House in the tIftieth Con-
gresS, which substitute is the real basis
Of the existing law, was being prepared.
senator Hoar, OF Massachusetts,, appeared
peIOFe the senate subcommittee and used
this language: Instead of coming before
your subcommittee for a formal hearing on
our Massachusetts industries, L thought the
best way was to carefully prepare a table
OF all the various industries, perhaps some
sixty or seventy in all, and ask brother
Aidrfch to so over them with me and as
o cea an VIZ q 6ne people wanted In each
the committee had not already done ex-
actly what the petitioner desired or had
Gould have a hearing before it, but | lind
in every instance the action of the commit
tee, as MIR. Aldrich thinks 1t likely TO be,
represent, with the exception Of one or
two, and the papers In regard to these
cases / have handed to Mr.. Aldrich."
NO stronger indictment OF the whole pro-
tective system could be made than that
which Is unconsciously carried in these
words of a United States Senator, that
laws which impose taxes on the great
masses of the people must be written in
language so technical that the most intelli-
gent citizen cannot fully understand them,
and that the rates of taxation should be
dictated by the selfshness and greed Of
those who are to receive the taxes.
F-REE-TRADE THEORIES.
We have believed that the first step tow
ards A reform of the tariff should be a re-
lease of taxes on the materials of industry.
There can be no substantial and beneficial
reduction upon the necessary clothing and
other comforts of the American people nor
1 any SuDSldutldlf dLd DtHSuCldl enlargement
of the field of American labor so long as
we tax materials and processes of produc-
ton. Every tax upon the producer falls
with increased force on the consumer. Ev-
cry tax on the producer in this country is
a protection to his competitors in all other
countries, and so narrows his market as to
limit the number and lessen the wages of
those TO whom he can give employment.
Every cheapening I'm the cost or enlarge
ment of the supply of his raw materials.
\ uyhila nrrrn1 rilV int1PinO tO the h0nait nf fhn
manufacturer himself, passes under free
competition Immediately.
Upon the larger sizes of plate glass.
where the duties were even higher, we have
made a reduction OF about one-third. In
the iron and steel schedules. beginning
with free ore and a duty of 2lh per cent.
on pig iron, we have reported a scale of
duties considerably below those of the ex-
listing law. graduated according to the de-
I gree of manufacture, which should bring
benefit to consumer without calling for any
halt in the imperial progress OF that great
industry in our country. The duty upon
steel rails has been put at % per cent,
which. according to the reports of the De-
partment of Labor, quite compensates for
in this country and abroad. There seems
to be an authentic report that the pool OF
American rail makers. which, under the
shelter of the present duty of 1874 per ton,
has kept up prices TO the American con
sumner far beyond the cost OF production
and legitimate profits, has been reorgan.
practice above the proper market rates. AS
| all shippers, anu especially american snip
pers, are vitality interested in cheapenins
the cost of transportation, rates of duty
upon steel rails should be adjusted so as tC
protect them from monopoly prices and
monopoly combinations.
Upon tin plate the duty has been gaugee
with reference to the revenue it will brins
into the treasury, and the difference be
tween this duty and that upon the black
plate has been lessened with q view L
discourage what may not un1ustly be called
the bogus industry of. making American
tin plate by the mere dipping in this coun
try of imported black plate.
BOUNTIES DENOUNCED.
In the sugar schedule we should have
preferred to wipe out at a single Legislative
stroke the existing bounty system. w
believe it to be contrary to the spirit Of
our institutions. and can conceive of nc
circumstances under which we should have
introduced it into our laws. We have found
existing in every other Schedule of tn,
tariff, and, dealing with it in this oper
and offensive form as we have dealt witt
other schedules where large property il
trusts are at stake, we have reported
provision for its repeal by such stages a
shall radually Obliterate it from our laws
while permitting those who have invested
large means under the expectation of ii
continuance reasonable time in which the
may prepare to make their stand with tn
other industries Of the country.
Duties upon imported tobacco leaf suitabl
for cigar wrappers, which were IN
advanced by the act Of 1890, have beer
placed at such figures as, after careful
Investigation. we deemed likely to produc
the most revenues to the treasury, and thi
object alone has decided the rates, as thei
amount Is so high that no domestic pro