Morning journal and courier., 1893-12-19
HAWAII.
The President,s messaGe-How Hs
 Now Looks aS the magter.

animation of the facts will force the con viction that the provisional government owes its existence to an armed invasion by the United States. FAir-minded people with the evidence before them will hardly claim that the Hawaiian government wal overthrown by the people of the Islands ol that the provisional government has evel existed with their consent. I do not un. derstand that any member of this govern, nent claims that people would uphold | by their auffrages If they were allowed tC vote on the question.
 While naturally sympsthizlng witt every effort to establish a republican form of government, 1t is settled policy of tn, United States to eonosde to people of for eign countries the game freedom and inde pendence in the management of theii domestic affairs that we have always claim ed for ourselves; and 1t has been our prac tice to recognize revolutionary govern ments as soon ss 1t became apparent that they were supported by the people For illustration of this rule l need only to refer to the revolution h Brazil ir 1889, when our minister was instructed tS recognizs the republic "so soon as [ majority of the people of Brazil should have signihed their assent to Its establish ment and msintenance"; to the revolution in Chilli in 1891, when our minister wa, directed to recognize the new government 'if 1t was accepted by the people,; and tc the revolution in Venezuela in 1892, when our recognition was accorded on condition that the new government WAS "fully es tablIshed, in possession of the power oi the nation, and accepted by the people. As I apprehsnd the situation, we are brought face to face with the following conditions:
 The lawful government of Hawaii was overthrown without the drawing of s sword or the firing of a shot by a process every step of which, 1t may safely be asserted, is directly trscesble to and dependent for its success upon the agency of the United States government through It's diplomatic and naval representatives.
 But for the notorious predilection of the United States minister for annexation the committee of safety, which should be called the committee of annexation, would never have existed. But for the landing of ths United States forces upon falss pretexts respecting the danger to life and property the committee would never have exposed themselves to the pains and penalties of treason by undertaking the subyersion of the queens government. But for the presence of the United States forces ton to afford all needed protection and support the committee would not have proclaimed the provisional government from the steps of the govern ment building and finally, but for the law less occupation of Honolulu under false pretexts by the United States forces and but for Minister Stevens recognition of the provisional government when the United States forces were Its sole support and constituted It's only military strength, the queen and her government would never have yielded to the provisional govern ment, even for a time and for the sole pur- pose of submitting her case to the enlight- ened justice of the United States.
 Feeling, therefore, that the United States could not, under the circumstances disclosed, annex the islands without justly mourning the imputstion of acquiring them by uuiustifsble methods, shall not again submit the treaty of annexation to the senate for It's consideration, and in the instructions to Minister Willis, copy of which accompanies this message, I have di- rected him to so inform the provisional government.
 But In the present instance our duty does not, In my opinion, end with refusing to consummste this questionable trensac- tion. It has been the boast of our govern ment that it seeks to do justice in all things without regard to the strength or weakness of those with whom 1t deals. I mistake the American people If they favor thing as international morality, that there Io 1ar far at nation and annthar for 8 weak one, and! that even by indirec- ton strong power may with impunity despoil weak one of its territory.
 By an act of war, committed with the participation of diplomatic representa- tive of the United States and without su- thori of congress, ,.the government of & feeble but friendly and 8 conf6ing people has been overthrown. A substantial wrong has thus been done which a due regard for our national character, ss we'll as the rights of the injured people, requires we should endeavor to repair. The provisional gov ernment has not assumed a republican or other constitutional form, but has remained mere executive council or oligarchy, set up without the assent of the people. It has not sought to find permanent basis of popular support and has given no evil dence of an intention to do so. Indeed, the representatives of that government assert that the people of Hawaii are unfit for popular government and frankly svow that they can be best ruled by arbitrary or despotic power.
 The law of nations Is founded upon req. son and justice, and the rules of conduct governing individual relations between citizens or subjects of & civilfzsd state are equally applicable as between enlightened nations. The considerations that interna. tiousl law Is without court for its en. forcement, and that obedience to 1t com. msnds practically depends upon good faith, instead of upon the mandate of a superior tribunal, only give additional sanction to the law itself, and brand any deliberate in. fraction of it not merely as a wrong bat a: a disgrace. A man of true honor protects the unwritten word which binds his con. science more scrupulously, If possible, thar he does the bond breach of which sub jeets him to legal liabilities: and ths United States in aiming to maintain itseli as one of the most enlightened of nations would do its citizens gross injustice If il applied to its international relations any other than a high standard of honor aud morality. On that ground the United States cannot properly be put in the posi- | tion of countensncing a wrong after 1t, commission any more than in that of con senttng to 1t in advance.
 On that ground 1t cannot allow itself tC
 refuse to redress an injury inflicted | through an abuse of power..by officers
 clothed with Its authority and wearing itl | uniform, and on the sams ground, if { feeble but friendly state is in danger o
 being robbed of its independence and 1t, | sovereignty by 6 misuse of the power oi | the United States, the United States can ! not fail to vindicate Its honor and its sens, | of justice by sn earnest effort to make sl | possible reparation.
 These principles apply to the pressn case with irresistible force, when the spa cisl conditions of the queen's surrender 0. | her sovereignty are recalled. She surren
 dersd not to the provisional governor, bu | to the United States. She surrendered no
 absolutely and permanently, but tempors
 rily and conditionally, until such time si
 the facts could be considered by the United | States. Furthermore, the provisional gov
 ernment acquiescsd in her surrender 1T that manner and on those terms, not onIy | by tacit consent, but through the positiy,
 acts of some members of the governmen | who urged her peaossble submission, no Il merely te avoid bloodshed, but becaus
 she could placs implicit reliance upon tn | justice of the United States and that tn
 whole subject would be finally considered
 at Washington.
 have not, however, overlooked an in
 cident of this unfortunate affair which re
 mains to be mentioned. The members O
 the provisional government and their sup
 porters, though not entitled to extrem l sympathy, have been led to their presen predicsmant of revolt against the govern
 msnt of the queen by the indefensible en
 coursgement and assistance of our diplo
 matio representative. This fact may en
 title them to claim that in every effort t
 reetify the wrong of the committee som
 regard should be had for their safety. Thi
 sentiment Is strongly seconded by my anx