The representative. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1893-1901, 1893-11-01

tion. The people are systematically
robbed BY law through many differ
emit channels, and for thirty years
they have patiently may periodically
submitted to the operation; for most
OF these shameful robberies have
been committed in the name either
OF patriotism or Of honesty 1t has
been useless to point out the danger
to the citizen of this tendency IT,
ward centralization-of this growth
OF wealth and corporate power at the
cost Of the liberties of the citizens
until an industrial and financial sys-
tenn founded in greed and the degral
dation of humanity has been estab-
lished and the people are powerless
in it's grasp. Let us quote the
eloquent words of Archbishop Ireland
in his address before the labor con-
gress at the Worlds Fair. He said !:
Labor is not and cannot be an
article of commerce, a commercial
commodity, as bread or meat, entire
~ subject to the laws of demand and
supply. Labor differs essentially
from merchandise, because it is in
separable from the man producing it.
Labor is an act; it is the personal
output of the energies of man; it is
man in action. The plenary concrete
object Of labor contract is the
workingman, and hence labor pos
sesses the dignity and the rights
which are inherent in the human
person, and has before God and So
ciety the responsibility of the human
being. Modern industrialism, per-
ceives nothing beyond the market in
which 1t buys labor. The very term,
labor market, indicates the degrada-
tion to which greed of power and pelf
has sunk the workman. Spacious
words are spoken to hide hideous
crimes against humanity. Free
labor, free competition freedom
of contract"
Such the maxims that it sought to
make prevail, with the result that
men are driven to work at starvation
wages, and however low these are,
the workman is hidden to step aside
the moment another human being is
found to give at yet cheaper rates
the sweat of his brow. Freedom of
contract! The words speak bitterest
irony. There is no freedom when the
alternative is to work at a nominal
price or be hungry and listen to the
cries of furnishing children. Is there
freedom of contract for the pale
faced girl singing ''The Song of the
Shirt?'
And Thomas Lowry is one of the
captains of this 'modern indutrial-
ISM" He understands the system.
He makes no mistake. He takes
advantage Of a period of industrial
depression, when unemployed labor
is begging for bread, to crush the
manhood and independence out of
his employes-to destroy the only
barrier that stands between them
and absolute subsection to his will.
His attitude is substantially that as
sumed by Manager Prick in the
Homestead matter. The difference
is in degree not in kind. He will
confer with his employees an individu-
ais; he will neither recognize or per-
NIT organization on their part for
self-improvement, and the mainten-
ance of their interests. His business
is his own. II men don't like the con-
ditions they are free to quit. What
power has the individual workman
to protect his rights when they are
invaded by a great corporation? Alb
solutely none. Mr.. Lowry crushes
even the union itself as easily and as
effectually as his car wheels crush a
worm. And all labor is typifed in
these employees of the street railway
company.
1t was these considerations that
led the Market hall meeting to favor
a general tie up. The laboring and
producing classes are effected in pre-
cisely the same way by the condi-
tions that environ them. They have
two effectual remedies-the union of
all labor organizations in one body as
proposed by Mr.. Powderly, and united
action at the ballot box for candidates
and a party pledged to specific re-
forms. Both means will be required
before the producing classes can be
restored to their estate.
St. Paul took long breath the
other day when the Capitol Com
mission selected the new site. It's
in St. Paul and costs the state 1885,