The morning call., 1893-02-26

hope. The veto is TO he exercised by the
Viceroy on the advice of his Irish Cabinet,
and the Irish Cabinet will hold Office at the
will of the Irish Legislature
The veto is. therefore, for all imperial pur-
poses, no veto. unless there be some saving
force in the clause: Subject. nevertheless,
to any instructions given by her Majesty in
respect of any such bill" That is worth
examining. 1t is interpreted to mean that
in urgent cases the Cabinet. the real Cabi-
net, may advise the crown to withhold its
assent to a bill. This raises, first point
in constitutional law.> and second.
question of practical politics. No Eng
lish Minister would venture to advise
the crown 10 veto any act whatever
of the Imperial Parliament. The
veto survives in theory only. The last ex-
ercise Of II was in the reign of Queen Anne.
and the relations between the crown and
the houses of Parliament have since under
gone profound changes. The Cabinet,
though unknown 10 statute-oOOks, IS now
for most purposes the crown. The Queen
acts only on the advice of her Ministers.
The Ministers hold Office at the pleasure Of
Parliament. A veto by the crown would
be a veto by the Minister'S veto on the
Legislature, which might and undoubtedly
would turn them out the next day. 1t would
be the veto Of servant upon his master.
Whether these same Ministers could use 1t
as against an Irish Legislature is question
not 10 be answered off-hand. The Irish
Legislature could not turn them out at Dub
lin. What it could do under Gladstone's
sch enc would be to migrate eighty strong
TO Westminster and turn them out there,
and seldom has any Ministry a majority in
Parliament which the transfer Of eighty
votes would not convert into a minority.
Gladstone's scheme for the retention of the
Irish members at Westminster makes them,
on this as on all other vital questions, masters
Of the House Of Commons. Ifhe provides
safeguard against Dublin with one hand.
be takes il away with the other hand.
Ii is the same with the provision that the
Viceroy or an English Secretary of State
may submit any act Of the Irish Legislature
TO the Judicial Committee of the Privy
Council TO decide whether it he beyond the
powers of the Irish Legislature to pass.
The Vieeroy cannot do it against the advice
Of his Irish Cabinet. An English Secretary
of State can only do il at the risk Of seeing
the Imperial Ministry. of which he Is a
member driven from office. Turn which
way you will, the Dublin Parliament is left
practically supreme The limitations upon
its authority are paper limitations. They
might be operative if they were automatic,
hut they depend in every ease upon the act
of Ministers who themselves depend on
Irish votes.
The Welsh meeting. or the threat of
meeting, has been crowned with success.
little knot of resolute fanatics proved strong
enough TO coeree the Government and to
compel Gladstone 10 postpone everything
except the home-rule bill to Welsh dis
establishment. The pressure put on the
Ministry was notorious enough to give
point and sting to Lord Randolph Church.
HIS question.
"Do you call this Government? Whom
do you govern?"
And since the House likes to have points
put clearly. he added: "0ne day the Gov
ernment is at the mercy of the Irish party,
another day 1t Is al the mercy OF the Welsh
party. and on the third day. yet to come, it
will be at the mercy OF the Scotch party"
The opposition cheered and laughed at
this. They cheered again at hearing Glad
stone told that his war cry was Votes"
and they cheered most of all when Lord
Randolph announced that the Government
was managed on principles less suited TO
the conduct of State than Of Whitechapel
auction.
This is an of week In politics so far as
home rule is concerned, but the steady drift
toward legislation for such classes of the
community as have the most votes is
marked. When Gladstone took up home
rule as the only means Of obtaining par
liamentary majority he set an example
which he and his friends. and some who
are not his friends. have since eagerly fol-
lowed. The lsber vote Is now to be con-
cliated by enlargng the liabilities of en-
ployers. That is the plain English of As
quith's employees liza bility bill. which abol-
ishes the common-law doctrine of common
employment. The workingman injured by
the carelessness OF his fellow wOrkingman
s henceforth TO make the employer of both
pay for his injury. If workmen prefer to
agree with their employers and contract
themselves out despite this statute they are
no longer to be allowed to do so. A pater-
nal or grandmotherly Government knows
better than they do what is best for them.
Grown men are not TO be permitted to
make their own bargains. Even ship
owners ara to be held responsible for the
~. a. Al.