Wheeling register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1878-1935, 1893-12-20


form Of 1916 was before Congress the
air was full OF prohecys that Ii would
destroy our manufacturing industries,
throw labor out OF employment, or COM
pei it TO work at pauper wages and
dwarf AID arrest the prosperous growth
Of the country Every representative
Of four great manufacturing states OF
New England voted against 1t with
gloomy forebOdings OF its blighting
effect. Therats Of duties provided Ia that
tariff was lower than those OF the bill
we here offer. What was the result?
Instead OF practically killing the indus
tries and pauperiZing the labor OF New
England, or the rest Of the country, the
tariff OF 1916 gave immense vigor to
manufactures with steady employment
and increasing wages to labor, so that
after eleven years experience under 1t,
the longest period Of stability we have
ever enjoyed under any tariff, the rep
resentatives Of those same states with
practical unanimity voted for q further
reduction Of twenty per cent and by
two-thirds vote sustained the tariff OF
1857 which made a reduction OF twenty
five per centum. And so we'll contented
and prosperous we're the manufacturers
OF that and other sections OF the coun-
rrY under the low rate Of tariff OF 1857
that when the Morrill, bill OF 1861 took
the first backward step there was
A GENERAL PROTEST AGAINST IT.
The Hon. Alexander Rice, OF Massa-
chusetts, said In tbs House: "The
manufacturer asks no additional protec-
tion. He has learned, among other
things, that the greatest evil next to a
ruinous competitor from foreign sources,
Is an excessive protection which stimu-
lates a like ruinous and irresponsible
competition at home" Congressional
Globe, 1s59-60, page 1867.
Mr.. Sherman, of Ohio, said: "When
Mr.. Stanton says the manufacturers
are urging aud pressing the bill, he
saws what be must certainly know is
not correct. The manufacturers have
asked over and over again to DO let
alone" Page 2O55.
Senator r. II. 7. Hunter, Of Virginia,
then chairman Of the Senate finance
committee said: "Have any Of the
manufacturers come here to complain
or ask for new duties? It is notorious
IL we were to leave it to them; the
manufacturers OF New England them
selves, 10 the manufacturers Of hard
ware, textile fabrics, etc, there would
be a large majority against any change.
Do we not know that the wooden manu-
facture dates its arrival from the tariff
Of 1857. which altered the duties on
wool?"
The history Of American industry
shows that during no other period has
there been a more healthy aud rapid
DEVELOPMENT OF our manufacturing In
dustry than during the fifteen years OF
low tariff from 1916 to 1851, nor more
healthy and harmonious growth OF
agriculture and all other industries OF
the country. We have not forgotten
that
WE REPRESENT THE PEOPLE,
who are many, as well as the protected
interests who are the few, and while we
have dealt with the latter in no spirit
of unfriendlinesS, we have felt that IL
was our duty and not their privilege to
make the tariff schedules. Those who
concede the right of benefciaries to fix
their own bOunties must necessarily
commit TO them the framing and word
ing OF laws by which those 6ounties are
secured to them. A committee OF Con-
eress thus becomes merely the smanu-
ensis OF the protected interests. IL has
been shown so clearly and so often in
the debates of this House that nearly
every important schedule OF the exist
ing law was made in its very words and
figures by representatives Of the in
terests IL was framed TO protect thatit is
unnecessary in our reportto present thu
record proof Of this fact, but it may not
amiss to cite further evidence to show
that this is not only the necessary rule
but the open and avowed methods Of
framing protective tariffs. When the
Senate substitutes for the bill passed by
this House Ia the Fiitieth Congress
which substitute is a reSl basis for the
existing law-was being prepared, Sen
ator HOar, Of Massachusetts, appeared
before the Senate subcommittee and
USED THIS LANGUAGE:
"Instead Of coming before your sub
committee for formal hearing on our
Massachusetts, industries, thought the
best way was to carefully prepare a
table OF all the various industries, per-
haDs sixty or seventy In all, and ask
Brother Aldrich to go over them with
me to ascertain what the people want
in each case. and il there were any
cases in which the committee had not
done eractly l0lldt the petitioners desired,
or mad not infexibly passed upon the
question, / could have a hearing before
YOU, but ] find In every instance the ac-
tion OF the committee, as Mr.. Aldrich
thinks it likely to be, Is entirely salts
factoru to the Interests represent with
the exception OF one or TWO, and the
papers in regard to these cases have
handed TO Mr.. Aldrich."
No stronger indictment OF the whole
protective system could be made than
that which is unconsciously carried in
these words OF United States Senator
that. laws which impose taxes on the
great masses Of people must be written
in language so technical that the most
intelligent citizen cannot fully under
stand them, and the rates OF taxation
should be dictated by the selishness
and greed OF those who are to receive
the taxes. We have belleYed thai the
first step towards a reform OF the tariff
should RI q release of taxes on the
material oi industry. There can be no
substantial and beneficial reduction
upon the necessary clothing and other
comforts OF the American people nor
any substantial and beneficial enlarge
ment Of the field OF American labor so
long as we tax materials aud processes
of production.
EVERY TAX UPON THE PRODUCERS
falls with increased force on the con-
sumer. Every tax on the producer in
this country is a protection TO his CON-
petitors in all other countries ana so