The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1893-02-01

wholly on principle. from men who have
interests in the matter considered. That
is human nature. There are probably
very few members who have not some
friend or political ally that is q candidate
for some office now in the gift of the legis-
lsture and proposed to be put in the gov
ernor's power. Each man naturally desires
that his friend may obtain the office
sought, and hesitstes to put the appoint
ing power out of bis control or influence.
Doubtless, too. there are members who
are latter scalps" They have some real
or fancied grievance against present off,
Gals, usually because some employee has
been discharged, or has not been en-
ployed, at the request of such
member. Some, too, are influenced by
factional considerations. They imagine
that the governor might use the patron
age to establish himself with the party as
against some other party leader. or they
think that they would not have as much
influence with him as those who had here
tofore been on more friendly terms with
him.
AAAcoc NnAnkS arc nabuEals bub bncN
not desirable TO be controlling motives
when a question of principle is under con-
sideTation. But how can you get rid of
them? How can you abolish human
nature? How can YOU expect men vino
have the control of patronage to be willing
to surrender it 10 the hands OF others ?
We have had recently the instance of
governor resisting by most unauthorized
means the removal Of patronage from his
hands BY perfectly lawful method. We
have Been governor. enraged by being
deprived of s little power, attempting the
overthrow of the constitution as it had
been written and as il had been
construed and uniformly admins
tered for forty years. We have
seen G partisan supreme court up
holding him in his course and stultifying
itself In the effort 10 steal patronage for
its party. This, too, vas human nature,
but il wsE an illustration of the dspravity
they are not restrained by high princi pies
of propriety. So long "a governments are
conducted by men you must expect in
tersstsd motives to appear. and therefore
il is expecting much TO look for a salts
factory adjustment of the appointing
power by the body that possesses the
power and ought 10 surrender il. We
concede all that. but We had hoped that
a democratic legislature, inspired by the
example of its predecessors, and fired
with the zeal for real reform, which is so
widespread In Indiana, might see fit to
make the sacrifice of personal interests.
In constitutional convention this
hindrance would be removed and dider-
ent result might be anticipated The case
of the city charter of Indianapolis is an
illustration of the difference between
action by interested and disinterested D ar
ties. That charter is now conceded on all
sides TO De a most excellent frame of gov
| eminent. The people of Indianapolis
have shown their satisfaction in 1t by re-
peated heavy majorities for the democratic
party, notwithstanding acute democratic
politicians predicted that its adoption
would ruin the party IN Marion county.
Would an indianapolis council ever have
adopted a charter taking from it so much
power as this did? Most certainly not
| 1t is q matter of history that councilmen
and those most influential with council
men made q bitter fight against the char
ter, and succeeded IN holding the three
| democratic senators from this county
| against il. The local influence to prevent
| its adoption was tremendous, and but for
| the fact that the Legislators who decided
the question were not directly interested
in the result it would surely havs been
defeated. How much influence could be
secured in Indianapolis now in favor OF its
repeal?
With these instances before US, with
this wsll-kuown characteristic OF mankind
in view, it seems to Us almost too clear to
admit OF argument that the remedy for
this and many other lila from which In
diana now suffers 10 u constitutional con-
vention. In that way alone can you gel
the un prejudiced deliberations of a body
of representative men of the state on the
great questions that need solution We
have n constitution which mas many valu-
able features, but ID 10 utterly inslsstiC
except in the indefinitsness OF its terms
in certain instances, and that is exact y
where it should not be elastic 1t hat
subjected the state to a harsh clashing OF
the different departments of the govern
ment, whose powers and duties should
have been more strictly defined. Its pro
visions for amendment are so intricate
that amendment is hardly possible except
by universal consent. III one legislature
should be found willing to do all that is
needed the next one might very
easily undo all its work. We need
TO move forward. The people are desir
Gus Of doing so. but at almost every ataI
We are Numbered by the actual or construc
tive shackles Of q constitution that wai
made for past generation. q constitution
that was made for a past civilization
What has the population OF Indiana to
day. with lite railroads, aud telegraph anc
telephone. and natural gas. its vast manu-
featuring. mercantile and mining interests
in common with the Indiana of 1851 Dc
We know no mors2 Have We profitsC
nothing by forty years Of experience
Are the people less moral. less intelligent
less conscientious, less liberty loving thar
they were then? Other states have no
given any indication Of retrogression
Other states have held constitutional con