The times. (Owosso, Mich.) 1882-1897, 1893-02-17
LIMITATIONS ON THE IRISH VOTE.
Four Cases in Which Irish Members Are
Excluded in Parliament.

Four Cases In Which Irish Members Are
Excluded in Parliament.
He discussed the question of British and
imperial interests-what they were-with-
out arriving at any decisive conclusion,
but said limitations in the Irish voting
power in the imperial parliament had been
confined to the following exclusions: First,
from voting on bill or motion expressly
confined to Great Britain; second, from
voting on tax not levied upon Ireland:
third, from voting on vote on aprropria-
tion of money otherwise than for he i'm
perial service; fourth, from voting on any
motion or resolution exclusively affecting
Great Britain. To the above paragraph
was affixed as follows: "Excepting and I'M
til parliament shall determine the coming
financial legislation"
Ireland's Share of Expenses.
Gladstone continued: "The principle to
which we are hound to give effect in Ire
land is: Ireland has to bear fair share of
imperial expenditure ["Heari hearpl. The
word imperial is defined in the schedule
which gives the list of imperial burdens.
There are three methods in which this fair
share may he apportioned The first
method is the lump sum payment adopted
ply be described as the method of quota
that is to say that Ireland shall pay per
cent, or per cent, or per cent. or what
you please of the imperial expenditure
which shall be taken out of the common
fund. But there is third method, which
one we adopt, that of deducting from the
Irish revenues the amount due England"
The Amount of the Payment.
AS to the amount of the payment Glad
stone said it had been fixed at CO, 430, 900
yearly, and added: 1.-THE irish members
will observe that everything of n practical
nature we hand over to them. Though the
rates Of excise and the post and telegraph
rates will be fixed amount, the authority
and the whole control over them will be
absolutely in the hands of Irish officers.
Questions may arise such as: Shall we
obtain from Ireland a fair share of assist
ance in great imperisl emergency? l, my
self am bound to say that i think there is
very little to fear from trusting the patri-
otism and liberality of the Irish legislature.
deposition cries of ooh! Obi" and cheers
from members On the government benches
Afraid Ireland VIII BE Too Generous.
"Stinginess was never vice of the Irish
people, and if we look forward very much
l am afraid her suffering will be due to
generous extravaganza rather than to
meanness. When we come to a state of
war we have to look to three sources-cus-
toms, excise, and income taxes. With re-
gard to customs we propose to leave them
in our hands, so that there can be no diff
Guilty in adapting contributions so far as
customs are concerned. With regard to
excise, we have in view proposition to
retain considerable control i'm our hands
which considerable power will enable Great
Britain to make sure of having aid from
Ireland if she thinks such provision neces-
sary"
Close of Gladstone's Speech.
This ended the explanation of the bill
and in a few words Gladstone closed with a
plea for real union and an end to dis
cord. He said: "Let me entreat you
II were my latest breath, / would so entreat
you-let the dead bury the dead, and cast
behind you former recollections of by-gone
evils; cherish, love and sustain one another
through all the vicisstudes of human af-
fairs in times that are to come" Pro-
longed Liberal cheers. In reply to a
question Gladstone said that the land ques-
ton was reserved to the imperial parlia-
ment for three years.
Sexton, anti-Parnellite, then rose and as
general thing accepted the provisions Of
the bill. He did not think Irish members
would he any trouble in parliament once
they had home rule. In the lobbies the bill
was generally endorsed by anti-Parnellites
and Liberals The Tories said il was more
sagacious and better drawn than the first
bill. Liberal Unionists would have none
of il at all