The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1893-02-14
HOME RUIZ FOR IRELAND.
Lcontinued from Page II

towards them in such a way as will not
adversely effect the interests of that hon.
orable force during the period of transit
ton, and they are to be under control OF
the viceroy. It is contemplated that they
will bereplaced by a force owing its ex-
lstence to Irish authorities In local areas
on this important subject. The retention
of Irish members in the imperial parlia-
1nent there is strong arguments which
may be alleged In defense of the PROPOSE
ton. Although l do not at all admit that
parliamentary supremacy depends upon
retention of Irish members, / yet quite
admit that retention of members has a
great practical importance, because 1t ex-
hiDits supremacy in manner ineligible
tc the people. Besides it gives Ireland
full voice in all parliament matters.
Hear, hear.
The British budget will more or less in
fiuence the Irish pecuniary balances. 1t
is therefore desirable for the purpose of
mitigating anv Inconvenience which
might thence arise that Ireland should
have something to say about the British
budget. | know Of no argument against
the retention of Irish members at West
minister, but do not think it right to di-
vorce the plan for the retention which
would not be open to some serious or
practical diffiultiee. TCheers.1 The re-
tention involves two points; first as to
members and secondly as to the voting
power. Now, as the first question, that
OF members, the population of Great
Britain has increased while Ireland has
diminished, and has now reached point
that whereas it was formerly entitled to
103 members, it would according to this
same ratio now have eighty. Simply that
representation in the house from Ireland
would be composed of eighty Irish gem
tlemen.
'sNow comes the great difficulty-what
voting power are these eighty members to
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fully, that is my first postulate. MY Sec
ond postulate is ireland to be invested
with separate powers, subject no doubt
TO imperial authority, yet still with sep
arate powers over Irish affairs. Then
the question before us, is she, or not
voted so strongly upon matters purely
British. There are reasons both ways.
We cannot find an absolutely accurate
line of cleavage between the questions
that are imperial and those that are Irish.
ICheers.l Unless the Irish members are
allowed TO vote on all British questions
they must have too little or too much.
We do not see the possibility of excluding
them from one of the highest and most
important functions in the house, that of
determining the composition of the exc
cutive power. / do not see it possible to
exclude Irish members from voting on
that great subject, want of confidence
nsxt, and unless Irish members vote on
tradition.
Now come the reasons against universal
voting power. 1t would be a good auom-
ally If these eighty Irish members should
come here continually and intervene in
questions purely and absolutely British.
The whole subject is full OF thorns and
brambles, but our object is autonomy
and self-government of Ireland in all
matters properly Irish. The Irish people
certainly did not raise the difficulty OF
retention of Irish. members in the house.
This is a secondary matter in their ewes
and ought not to interfere with the prin-
cipal aid. In the face of this feeling Of
uncertainty over the questions of the re-
tention of Irish members we have suffixed
10 the paragraph concerning the question,
the words Excepting and until parlia-
ment shall determine coming financial
legislature | wish to supply the KEY
note to the financial part of the legisla-
ton, the key note to be found in
the provision that there is to be
but one system of legislation
for ali the Kingdoms. so far as
external things are concerned, if it guides
Us to the conclusion at which we arrived
OF unity and commercial legislation for
the three kingdoms. This includes Gus
toms and excise duties, postoffice and tel
egraph. By adopting this keynote we
can attain to most valuable results and
viii be likely to avoid clashing of agents
OF the imperial and agents of the Irish
government. We can make, under cover
of this proposal, larger and more liberal
transfer TO Ireland IN the management OF
her own affairs than we could make if we
proceeded on any other principle, We
hope to escape In this way ali collection
in the interior of Ireland OF any revenue
whatever by imperial authority. The
principle to which we long to give effect
is that Ireland has to bear a fair share OF
the imperial expenditure. Hear. hearl
There are three modes in which this
may be attained. The first method is the
lump sum of payment adopted in 1886
another method is what may simply bt
described as 4 method OF pro rata, but the
third method, which is the one we vii
adopt, is that of deducting from the Irish
revenues the amount due England We
provide for the revenue levied in Ireland
and shall be a revenue really BELONGING
to Ireland; that is, a revenue from good,
consumed in Ireland. with the custom,
there is the large debt from Ireland II
this country. / do not know what thu
House viii consider the right amount du,
England. Judgments might f1uctuate. bu-
the amount is 81, 430, 900 yearly, and
ESQ. 600 allowed for collection. leave,
e20. $40, 900 net. Though rates of excise
and post and telegraph rates will be fixed
and the amount of authority and whole
control over them will be absolutely ir
the hands of Irish officers. We are assured
that we shall obtain from Ireland a fail
share of assistance in the great imperial
emergency. | myself am bound TO saw
that think there is very little to Tea,
from trusting to the patriotism and lib
erty of the Irish legislature. (Oppositior
cries of oh! OH and cheers from members
of the government benches.1 Stinginess
was never a vice in the Irish people ano
If we look forward very much am afraid
her suffering will be due TO generous ex.
travagance rather than meanness.
s'When we come to the state war VIC
have to look to three sources. Customs.
excise and income tax. With regard tc
customs we propose to leave them in ouI
hands, so there can be no difficulty in
adopting contributions so far as customs
are concerned. With regard to excise we
have in view proposition to retain con-
siderable control in our hands, which will
enable Great Britain to make sure of haY-
ing aid from Ireland if She
thinks such provision necessary.
The Irish balance sheet stands thus:
On the credit side would appear. excise.
e., zoo, 600, while the taxation which goes
over stamps and the income tax. excise
license which are g., 435, OCO. postal reve-
me, e72O, 600; crown lands, ESQ, 600: mis-
ceIIaneous, e140. 900; makes a total OF
25, $50, 900. On the other side ireland
takes over the whole civil charges with
the exception of constabulary charges.
ca, no, coo, and postal service, $3.50 200.
We propose that Ireland shall take part
OF these constabulary charges amounting
to 81 600, 600. This would bring the Irish
charges to &5, $50, 900, which we propose
she shall receive Against that item
have put to her credit amounting to e..
$50, 900. Thus she will have a clear sur
plus of 2500, 900 with which to start on
mission.
II win not release the House from q
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