The morning call., 1893-01-31
THE NEW HOME-RULE BILL.

Mr.. GladSt0ne's new oil Tor nome RUE IN
Ireland differs ffom the bill of 1886 in the
respect that the Irish Legislature is to be
bieameral, each house celebrating and
voting separately, whereas the bill OF 1886
contemplated their going into joint session
before coming to a vote. Otherwise the
bills are nearly identical
Mr.. Gladstone's object was to meet the
wishes of majority of the Irish people Tor
self-gOvernment He thinks as they thlnK,
that they are competent to manage their
own local affairs without the assistance OF
members from England. Scotland and
Wales. At the same time he does not pro-
pose that the self-government he Is willing
to give them shall initiate against the
union of the three kingdoms on national
questions, and this restriction on political
independence is acquiesced In by probably
a large majority of Irishmen. With this
plan before him he has framed eonstltu-
tion for Ireland which will I'LL the Ameri-
can mind, better educated IN politics. with
mild amaZement His Legislature consists
OF two bodies, an upper house or Senate of
103 members, twenty eight OF whom are
hereditary peers and seyenty-ive elective
members, who must possess an income OF
not less than $1,000 a year; and lower
house, consisting of 204 members, chosen by
the present electoral constituencies appar-
emily without property qualification. This
Legislature is prohibited from passing laws
on the subject of religion or amending or
repeating corporate charters. or altering
the provisions OF the hOme-rule act Bills
passed by ii may be vetoed by the Queen.
or by the Lord Lieutenant on her behalf,
and no provision appears TO have been
made for passing them over the veto. On
number of subjects affecting national in
terests the Irish Legislature is not allowed
30 legislate, and the power to decide what
measures are national aud what local ap-
pears to belong to the Ministry for the time
being.
The executive authority continues to be
vested in the Queen. and will be exercised
as heretofore by the Lord Lieutenant act
ing on her behalf.
The judicial power is to remain for FIVE
years in the hands of the present judges {:
at the end Of five years it is to be controlled
by the Irish Legislature. 1t is not clear,
however, that the Legislature is to have the
power of appointing judges that being an
obvious duty of the executive. For the same
period of FIVE years the police are 10 be
under the control of the Lord Lieutenant;
at the expiration of that period the Legisla-
ture is 10 take charge of that branch Of the
public service. In the mean time local
police work may be done by policemen ap-
pointed by The authorities of counties and
boroughs.
The Legislature is required to levy taxes
enough To produce ST. $4,000 annually for
Ireland's share OF the expenses of the gov
eminent of the United Kingdom. and like
wise to meet the charges on the Irish con-
selidated fund. It is not to be lawful for the
Legislature to impose any tax. duty or i'm
post beyond what is required for these
objects without a recommendation from her
Majesty.
Ii will strike Americans that this is a
cqmbrOus piece of machinery, whose work
ing will involve friction. The problem be-
fore Mr.. Gladstone was to establish a state
government in Ireland modelled on the State
| Governments in this country. Instead Of
pursuing that course he has borrowed from
the colonial constitutions of Canada and
Australia some Of their most Objectionable
features. and has set limits to his grant of
self-goyernment which tend to nullify ii al
together.
No nation can be said to be self-goveTning
if it does not choose its own executive. Tie
Lombard cities elected Legislatures and
made laws for the regulation of affairs, but
so long as the Emperor appointed Podesta
their independence was deluSion. La Ire
land, not only is the executive power lodged
in one who may not be the choice of the
Irish people, but the executive is also the
controlling branch Of the legislative author
ity. Again, who is to decide what is a ma
tional question and what local question {?
In this country we have an impartial court
especially charged with that duty; in Ire
land it will be discharged by the Minister
Of the hour, who may have potent reasons
to extend the sphere OF the national author
lty. Again, the fiscal features Of the new
instrument are inconsistent with any theory
Of state independence. The Irsh are
bound TO raise by taxation of one kind or
another about So per head OF the population
for imperial purposes; and they are forbid
den to raise any more for purposes of their
! OVID, unless On suggestions from Westmin-
ster. nation so hampered can hardly
be said to have control Of its own purse.
We can fancy the confusion which would
arise here If the President could veto a finan-
cial bill passed at Sacramento, or could order
special election in this State, or could de-
eide that a bill before the Legislature en-
croached upon the national authority. or
could forbid the State from passing law
to issue bonds for some object of general
utility.
Perhaps the best way of developing the
| faults of the Gladstone bill is to pass it;
| they may then suggest their own cure. It
| cannot be regarded in any sense but that of
| :he tentative. What the Irish people think
! of it hat yet to be seen.