The times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1890-1903, 1893-02-14

be remembered, he said, that the bill OF
1856 laid down five propositions as car
| dinal principles TO which he had en-
dsayored to closely adhere. Change there
was. but not n treuchant change, he de-
clared, from the principles Of 1885.
The object Of the bill remained as in
1886, TO establish legislative body in
Dublin for the conduct OF both legislation
and administration I'm Irish as distinct
from imperial affairs. tCheers). The
limiting conditions which were then OBJ
served and since so far as we were able
to DO have been sedulously and closely
observed. were these: We were 10 do
nothing inconsistent with imperial unity
OF this will say, whatever our opponents
may say, that so far as our convictions
and intentions are concerned, they wCSd
be but feebly stated by being couched In
the declaration that we do not mean to
impair IL. We wish TO strengthen IT,
(Cheers). We wish TO give IL greater In
tensity than IL has ever yet possessed
First, then, imperial unity is observed,
and the equality of all is observed; sec
ondly. the equality of all the kingdom
would be borne In mind. and thirdly, there
would be equitable repartition OF imperial
changes: fourthly. any and every pracu-
minorities would be included. The plan
proposed ought TO be such as TO present the
necessary characteristics OF real and
continued settlement.
Mr.. Gladstone then proceeded at great
length 10 explain the bill In detail.
Concluding, he said | will now release
tn House from the painful consideration
of details which IL has pursued with un-
exampled patience. | have tried 10 con-
vey the fundamental conception and spirit
of the scheme | submit that the plan
may be imperfect, but | hope IL will re-
ceive impartial consideration. Although
there may be friendly and unfriendly
criticism, hope ! shall not give offense
when | express my deep conviction that
a plan closely resembling this IL not the
recent proposal Of an identical legislative
chamber for Ireland may shortly become
a law. There is one risk, and that Is if
the controversy is unduiy and unwar-
rantedly prolonged the demand for self
government in Irish affairs may become
a demand for the repeal of the union,
and the re-establshment of dual SUI
premacy In these Islands. | hope that the
ship of state will be steered from that
rock. | would ask you to contrast the
present condition OF the Irish people with
what II was at the time OF Swift, when
the Irish ascendency Parliament begged
10 be admitted to the British Parliament
and was refused, or with what it was in
the beginning of the century Immediately
after the union, when irish voters were
trooped 10 the polls for the simple pur-
pose of recording their votes in order to
return landlords 70 Parliamenr.
I'VE have concluded that we have be-
fore us now different state of things
Ireland has on her side the memory OF
vast victories earned by the sweat OF
labor. but really earned and recorded on
her behalf Ireland has mighty sympa-
thies She requires this larger and
stronger island. She has obtained the
suffrage OF Scotland and the suffrage of
Wales, and in the short space Of seven
years she has changed majority or
more than 200 against her in England 10
one-third that number. She was stinted
in franchise and means of representation.
Now she possesses a most extended fran
chise. with most perfect protection. Her
remaining objects she has not yet at
tained, but she looks forward 10 the at
tainment Of them with more means in
her hands. one other source of strength
she has-the moderation of her demands.
(Heari heard She has ever since 1886. II
not before but unequivocally ana ma
tionally since. abandoned the whole argu-
ment that perhaps she was entitled 10
make on the subject OF the act OF union.
She has asked you to save for yourselves
every imperial power Sne has consented
TO accept the House of Commons ana the
universal supremacy Of the Empire In
return she has asked you only that she
have the management OF her own at
fairs. which reason and justice, combined
with the voice of her people, l hope VIII
soon move this nation to say soon shall
he awarded her. If this is to be the END
OF the matter / think dispassionate men
would say the sooner ended the petter,
the sooner we stamp the seal Which VIII
efface all former animosities and open the
era Of peace and good WILL the sooner
done the better. But these are matters
which human vision is hardly equal 10
penetrating.
Il must. however, for my own part, say
that | never will and never can De
party TO bequeathing 10 my country the
Continuance of this heritage of discord.
which has been handed down from gen
Grafton to generation. with hardly mo-
mentary interruption through seven cen
turies. this heritage of dsc0rd with ali
the evils that follow in its train. L wish
no part nor lot in that process. IL would
be misery for me If | had foregone or
omitted in these closing years OF my life
any measure it was possible for me 10
take towards upholding and protecting
the cause which | believe to be the cause
not Of one party or one nation-but OK
all parties and nations. To these nations,
viewing them as do with their vast op-
portunities under a living union, for
power and happiness, to these nations ]
say let me entreat you, If II were my
latest breath would so entreat you-let
the dead bury their dead and cast behind
,vc, forp,sr reeolfactiOnS of bY-gOne evils
cherish, love and sustain one another
through all the vicissitudes OF human
affairs in times that are TO come" pro
L