The times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1890-1903, 1893-09-06

"a entirely sound, and that Is the state
rnent that IL is the duty OF the govern
ment 10 protect every laboring man,
whether union or non-union. In his r'ght
20 work for whom and a such wages as
he pIeases. and 10 secure his person
| AGAINST violence. Everything else in 1t
70 rcdolent of the socialists idea that the
citizen is 90 look up TO government Tor
all those things which he should secure
by his own courageous and independent
action.
The passage in this speech which VIII
perhaps secure most applause. is that In
which Justice Brown speaks OF the duty
OF the civil power TO protect the pubic
against monopoiies and combinations ana
yet We know OF nothing which commands
our own disapprobation more empnAu-
cally than just this.
Where the law undertakes TO create In
any man, or set Of men, special rights
and privileges. It has granted to them
monopoly which Is a serious evil and In
Justice to all other men. This is not a
use. but an abuse OF the law. Society
intends that the laws shall operate I'M
partiaIly for the equal benefit Of all.
But II the law is perverted so as to give
some men rights which other men are
thereby denied, then that which is intended
for the equal benefit Of all Is conse-
Grated to the uses OF some only. This Is the
,4,tegfton Ia a
system Of protective torin. II makes the
law secure TO some. benefits at the eX-
pense OF others. We quite agree with JUS
tce Brown, then, holding that the civil
power should break up and destroy
those monopoles which have their origin
in the law itself. though it is quite likely
that. as an orthodox Republican, these
were not before his mind. He had prob
ably much more in his mind those
business combinations which have come
TO be known popularity as Trusts. and
we have the same objection TO the civil
power undertaking any control over these.
that we have to its interfering with any
other Of the ordinary relations of trade
and business.
A Trust" which is not indebted to the
law for its existencef but rests in the
voluntary agreement Of the parties to 1t,
is in no sense different from the ordinary
partnership for mercantile business, and
you cannot sanction the civil power deal
ing with it TO curb or restrain its oper-
ations without conceding the right OF
the Legislature TO order all the custo-
mary ayocations Of the citizen, which
would be more intolerable than any
tyrany ever set up by any Car.
These Trusts" after being formed by
the agreement entered into between the
parties. very often assume afterwards
the form OF an incorporation, and we freely
grant tkat it would be competent for the
law-making power TO declare that they
fIall not receive charter. But We seri-
olsly question whether such action would
be productive of public good. 1t would
restrain many operations which are now
successfully launched and that bring un-
told public blessings. The true correction
of any danger threatened 10 tie public
by combination of this sort lies In the
rrlrciple Of free competition. When u'e
Profits q combination become abnoi-
ally large. it Is as certain as anythia
in lfe can be that d competing enter
prise will be set on foot. Let us trust,
then, to competition TO cure our threatened
ills, and hold fast TO the cardinal prin-
ciple that government Is es' ablished 10
prevent one nan trespassing upon an
otf er, but, so long as each will keep
within his own sphere. he may order his
| life as he CHOOSES.