Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1893-10-05

IcnnSylNdnh uiu speuA lOI sOluSpOdy
beside himself, after all, when he cast
in his lot with Stewart, PETER, and the
other obstructionists and filibusters who
have been running the United States SEN
ate for three or four weeks past. Ho spoke
for Wharton Barker and 1870 of those
manufacturers of Pennsylvania who
are more highly protected thananybody
else and who make large fortunes every
year when times are prosperous" wide
Fat Frying circular of 1881 and of
whom the "Republican United States
Senator from State which never had
Democratic representative in either
house of Congress or Democratic State
officer" was quoted in that circular as
saying: "If could punish them with
out Furnishing the cause of protection
itself I would consign them to the
hottest place l could think of on &C.
count of their cravenal parsimony."
These 1870 beneficiarles of the Mckinley
bill have Joined with Wharton Barker,
in letter to the United States Senate
recommending deal with the silver
men by which to secure the continuance
of protection to both parties. They say
in that letter:
Under these circumstances the people
appeal to you, gentlemen, SO to legislate as
to preserve the protective character of the
tariff and the integrity Of silver as a money
metal.
This recommendation Of an alliance
between high tariff and free silver, by
which the Sherman act may be saved
as the price of continuance of Nc
Kinley protection--an alliance on the
basis of a mutual division of the spoils
recalls the story recently told by
Senator Jones of Nevada, in which he
laid bare the true inwardness Of the
original passage of the silver purchas-
ing clause Of the Sherman bill. Senator
Jones said:
They Che conference committee on the
Sherman billy were all sitting around in
the conference room when / came in with
my ultimatum, which was 4, 500, 600 ounces
a month. "Oh, if that is ALL" said Mr..
Walker of Massachusetts. who was one of
the conferees on the part Of the House,
''we might as well go. That ends it. 1t Is
I'LL over. DlIs WALKER started IOWAruS the
door, but before he had gone far / said to
him: Perhaps you Republicans, and
you, Mr.. Walker. will be interested in what
/ am going to say. | am sure that Mr.,
Sherman will be interested and guess all
of you will With that Mr.. Walker came
back, but did not take chair. l con-
men, that the Mckinley bill viii be
over in the Senate in very short time.
II you reject our ultimatum on the
silver proposition the silver men in the
Senate will move the free coinage bill as
an amendment to the Mckinley bill, and
there are enough Democrats who will vote
amendment is adopted in the Senate, all
the Democrats will vote against the
Mckinley bill because it is q protective
measure, and the eastern protectionists in
the Senate will vote against it because it
contains free silver. The free silver Re-
publicans in the Senate will be the only
men who will vote for it, and, being pro-
tectionists, they will be the onlyconsistent
men in the Senate, being for protection
and for free coinage of silveg" When /
got through they were all listening to me,
and before the conference broke up the
silver purchase law, known as the Sher-
man act, was agreed to.
It's Wharton Barker who is doing the
Senator Jones act now, and Don
Cameron is his mouthpiece; but il is a
wholesome sign of the times that tho
Republican papers of Pennsylvania are
practically unanimous in repudiating
and denouncing the proposed trade.
The Philadelphia Press says Of the
scheme, and it speaks for nearly all OF
them:
The letter processes to speak in the in
terest of protection and against any
changes in the tariff. But nothing could
be more injurious to that cause than this
in-judged and erratic performance. It is
every way unfortunate because, while it is
the uttTance of very few men, it will
expose Pennsylvania and her great in.
terests TO- reproach and obloquy on the
part of all the other industrial SECTIONS OF
the country.
1t is simply a monstrous wrong to the
Just cause of protection TO undertake to
identify and complicate it with the scheme
OF the free silver jobbers, and the true and
rejecting friends Of protection will repudi.
ate and condemn it, as it deserves.
10 whom should the cause of protection
be intrusted in Congress II not to John
Sherman, William b. Allison, Nelson w
Aldrich, George +. Hoar, Joseph Il. Haw,
ley and men OF that stamp in the Senate,
and to Thomas b. Reed j ulius G. Burrows
John Dalzell and men Of that stamp in The
House? And yet the signers Of this pre-
posterous letter propose to throw over
board all these great leaders, and trus
themselves and their interests to the guild.
ance of Wharton Barker, Don Cameron
and William Stewart Of Nevada
They propose to repudiate and embar.
rass nine-tenths Of the Republicans of tn,
House and hreefourths Of the Republi
cans OF the Senate And they pBopose Il
dlscredit and disown all the honored leader
OF protection in the name of protection
Could folly strike deeper depth?
But what strong sidelight the dicke
of which Senator Jones has spoken an,
the attempted dicker which Wharto,
Barker and these 1870 tax eaters are en-
deayoring to negotiate throw on tn
utterance of the Hon. Thomas F. Bayar,
in the Forum of June, 1899:
This claim of rlghtful power to max
the private property Of individuals NOR
valuable to them by an exercise of In
powers OF public taxation, is precisely Ia
same in its nature and is not distinguish
able from the same claim as presented Ii
nearly every feature of the McKinle
Tariff bill. The owners of silver bullioI
are, therefore, using the same argument
and exerting their great influence to az
complish the same ends as the other bene
fioiaries under the system of 'protectiye
taxation. The silver owners are ali mem
bers OF the associated tariff owners
scheme; and free silver, as claiming il
share in the scheme of governmental prc
lection. and the Force bill as the means a
continuing in power the party of proter
ton by establishing Congressional return
ing boards Of the Louisiana pattern, ar