The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1893-02-14

which it has been delivered ministerial cheers
and opposition laughtsrl constitute great
fact In history.
1t 10 said, and admit with truth. that Ire
land IL not . united country. don't deny that
the division which exists Is q fact OF great
moment In truth, were Ireland united. any.
thtng that can render Ireland formidable would
become much more formidable. We're Ireland
united ell opposition would vanish as
shadow. Hear, hear Ireland 10 not
united In this sense, that In one portion
OF the country not . mere majority OF the
higher classes. but considerable popular feeling
10 opposed 20 the present national movement l
will not attempt to measure this numerical
strength Of the minority. 1t 10 said BY the party
opposite that the minority in the North OF Ire
land 10 arrayed in unalterabie opposition to
home rule. Unhappiiy, at the successful instI-
CATION OF those whose plot IL was to divide the
people of Ireland when united At the close OK
the last century. through the medium mainly
OF Orange lodges and through religious animos-
ity, there was an alteration of feeling; but the
Protestants of Ireland, during the period OF the
independent Irish parliament, were them
selves not only willing, but seaIous
and enthusiastic supporters OF Irish
nationality, In a much ~ their
poIit,csl life was a. that period more highly de-
veloped They were led on by the Roman
Catholic population in the political movement
which distinguished that period. tCheersl
This is written broadcast upon the history OF
the time. A general national sentiment, in the
sense of national unity, At one time prevailed
among the North of Ireland Professionals. aud We
who have seen them alter, not through their
own faul', are not ready to be persuaded that
they will not alter back again to the sent ments
of their own ancestors tcheersl, and, with their
own blood and their own people, form one in a
noble, glorious unity.
Abiding to English feeling toward Irish
home rule, Gladstone said that he would
refrain from urging that England would
find herself exhausted and her work made
impracticabie by resistance to the Irish
demands. He could well conceive Eng
land maintaining, If she was SO minded,
resistance to the Irish demands, but Eng
lands conversion to home rule had been
rapid. In 1856 England's majority adj
verse to home rule was 2ll. 1t had now
declined to seventy-one. In the face of
such a fact. who would guarantee the per-
Torrance of the opposition to the re-
mainder? [Cheers.l He would ask the
patient indulgence of the house whilst
giving an account of the bill. [Cheers.
He could not undertake to supply a mere
table of the contents Of the bill. If he did
he would probably bewilder his hearers.
He would rather seek 20 present its salient
points. hoping to leave alasting impression
on the minds and memories of his hear
ers. II ne might omit what in the view
of some members ought to be mentioned.
he begged them to wait and consult the
bill itself, which he hoped would soon be
in their hands. 1t would be remembered
that the bill Of 1886 laid down five propo-
sitions as cardinal principles to which he
endeavored to closely adhere. He con-
tinued:
A change there was, but not q trenchant
change, from the principles OF 1856. The object
OF the bill remained: as in 1ssG ii was to establish
legislative body in Dublin for the conduct
both Of legislation by and administration OF
Irish, distinct from imperial affairs. fCheers.
Limiting the conditions which were then OBJ
served, and have since. 90 far We
were able TO do, been sedulously and
closely observed, We were to do nothing in
consistent with imperial unity. and Of this
will say. whatever our opponents may say,
that 70 far our convictions and intentions
are concerned, they would be but feebly stated
by being couched in q declaration that we 90
not mean to impair tive wish to strengthen 1t.
tCheersl We wish to give 1t greater intensity
than it has ever yet possessed. First. then. i'm
perial unity 10 observed and the equality OF all
Is observed; secondly, the equality of all king
doms would be borne in mind; thirdly, there
would be equitable reparation of imperial
charges: fourthly, any and every practicable
provision for the protection OF minorities would
such ss TO present the necessary characteristics
Of . real and continued settlement
In the first place We have made IL with de-
sire to get what We thought 70 be no unreason-
able demand. for IL makes express mention of
the supremacy Of the imperial parliament. We
have chosen a preamble a worthier and bet
ter method Of doing this, for If done by a clause
~ ton mi ri nf hat ria step
were enacted. With reference 20 the charge
that We are destroying the act of union. wish
10 challenge inquiry upon this fundamental
point This bill respects and maintains the
rights OF sovereignty equally throughout its
entire range of three kingdoms. Then, the bill
granted this Irish legislature consists, frst, of
legislative council, and secondly, OF a legislative
assembly empowered to make laws for the peace,
order and good government Of Ireland. ana to
legislate in respect 70 matters exclusively
relating TO Ireland. That power is to be
subject, first OF all. to necessary and
obvious limitations. imposing certain incapaci-
ties on this Irish parliament aud including all
that relates to tho crown, regency. vice.
royalty. The subjects OF peace aud war, pu bic
defense. treaties and foreign relations dignities
titles, law and treason do not belong to the Irish
legislature The law Of alicnage does not belong
toii. nor anything that belongs to the external
trades, coinage and other subsid AIRY subjects
Other incapacities imposed s.milar to those
contained in the bill OF sc. These provide for
security of religious freedom, safeguards OF
education and security Of personal freedom.
Then we retain the viccroyslty OF Ireland, but
divsst 1t of the party character heretofore borne
by making the appointment run six years, sub
ject to the revoking power OF tho crown and
post, but freed from all religious disability
tCheerAl
Then comes a clause providing for the full
devolutiou OF the executive power from the
sovereign upon The viceroy. Then comes an
important provision for an appropriation for the
xecutive committee of the priyy council o
ireland. We propose to make this executive
council one for look ng after the ordinary affairs
or the cabinet and viccroy.
1t appeared to US highly tncopvenient 10 altel
the numbers OF the Legislative assembly. We
therefore have LETT the number AZ los and the
term at Ave years Next, ~ to the Legislative
council, they came to the conclusion that d
nominated council would be weak council
And Therefore IL WAS proposed TO have an elect
i've council. How DO dfferentiatc This coun
Gil from the popular assembly" We propose to Il y
the numb at foEty-eight, with an eigh; years
term Of Office. the term of the popular es
sem0iy being less. The ball must include
provision FOR meeting what lie called dead
!ock In case where u bill Is adopted by The
assembly more than once. and where there is al
interval OF two years between the two adoption.
or dissolu ion nj parliament. then. upon il.
second sdopt!on. two ssse m oies msy Ice req uired
10 meet, and the fate OF the bill TO he de-
cided in Joint assembly. lCheers.l
Next all appeals shall lie 10 the privy council
alone not a. the council and lords The priv