Goldsboro weekly argus. [volume] (Goldsboro, N.C.) 1885-1909, 1893-09-14
GOLDSBORO. N. c.. SEPT. IA, 1889
PLAIN TALK FROM GLADSTONE.

ing the tulru TcdAiuS VI hiS AoH'0
Rule Bill in the House OF Commons
was, judging from the brief sum
mary cabled to this country, one Of
the mot eloquent and powerful
pleas ior Justice to Ireland ever
made before hat body. 1t was
not so much the elovuence of elab-
crate rhetoric as the vastly more
impressive eloquence of truth
clothed in plain and striking Ian
guage.
The venerable Premier, brushing
aside Parliamentary sophistries,
went to the very root of the guess
ton when he said: alt must be
borne in mind that the Irish never
admitted the moral authority of the
Union"
1t may be asked, "What Of thatf'
MI, Gladstone did not hesitate to
say what: ST, therefore, the resis-
lance to this measure were to the
bitter, obstinate, and prolonged,
the question Of rcpeal might finally
become an International one"
It is doubtful if in all the history
of England a suggestion SO start
ling was ever laid before Parlias
ment in such naked terms. ln plain
English it meant: Delay grant
ing self-government TO Ireland and
you give her the moral right, ber
cause she has never accepted your
control. to appeal to the higher
tribunal OF the nations for the jus
tice refused her by Great Britain"
The nest advanced Irish Nationa
alist has never claimed more for
Ireland than the great British
statesman has conceded to her in
this memorable declaration.
Mr.. Gladstone is too much a man
of affairs to c~onfound moral with
legal rights, or abstract with cons
crete positions; but he is also wise
enough to know that when right is
backed by might, the moral be-
comes legal and the abstract
becomes concrete. If the PEOPLE
who have "never admitted the
moral authority of the Union"
were to be supported by a foreign
Power in an attempt to dissolve il
to- morrow, the law of nations
would hold them guiltiess of trea-
son or rebellion, on the authority
of the Prime Minister of Great
Britain.
Nor did Mr.. Gladstone arrive al
his conclusion through any process
Of abstract logic. He had the ma,
terial evidence of internationa'
opinion to warrant his declaration
Throughout European and Amer'
lean literature" he said it was moi
possible to find a writer entitled te
consideration who approved of the
conduct of England towards Ire
land, or attempted to apologize fol
the grievous and shameful history
which, since the Union, they bae
felt compelled to d~eplore."
To the dishonest Unionist or,
that Home Rule would destroy tn,
British Constitution, make Irish
men supreme in British affairs, an,
impose virtual slavery upon tn
minority in Ireland, he reptile,
with terrible truth:
Suppose these enormous, mon
strous. hideoua ialsehoods to b
true, have they not then a terrible
recoil Gpon ourselveei Must W,
not admit, after 700 years Of Brit
ish connection with Ireland, tina
the result of our treatment is tba
we have brought her to such a stat
that she cannot without danger Q
ruin undertake responsib;,.itie
which la every other cr.uptry ar
found to be within .be c.nac;tv .
the people and .raught with tt
richest hehe'
@ otto Englishmen, like Sy'
W. Smith, Lord Byron and other
have pleaded Ireland's cause maj
timea; but Mr.. Gladstone is Il
first Englishman holding his hit
position who has besought b
countrymen to act jussly, becau
thereby they will be &C
ing prudently, towards t
wronged sister island. He
the advocate of rightf; n
SO much because he loves Ireland
because he loves England ar