New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1893-10-29
THE MINERS WAR.
THE NEW DOCTRINE AND PRACTICE OF
SOCIALISM, OF LABOR OF WAGES.
AND OF CHARITY.
London. October II.

tion and we are informed that bodies of soldiery
were also In readiness. In readiness for what
For a second Featherstone?"
II has ever been the custom Of the advocates
of disorder to mote with concern the presence
of the police For the police are present TO pre-
vent disorder and to protect property ana me-
and for no other purpose. What was the hIst
Featherstone? A scene of riot and violence
where both police and military were called H.
They were attacked. and the property they
were there defend was attacked They
fired man was killed. 1t is disputed whether
the firing was necessary and inquiry is to
be held. The question might stand open uii
the Commission appointed by the Home Secre-
tary has made its report. But that would not
suit the purposes of the disorderly and of their
leaders So The Chronicle goes on: surely
by this time Mr.. Asquth has warned the local
MAGISTRATES that English workingmen are not
proper food for Martini bullets, and that the duty
of police is not to intervene as an intmidatory
force in labor disputes" AS nobody has ever
asserted either of these two propositions IL Is
not probable that Mr. Asquith has thought II
necessary to deny them. or to warn the nasis-
trates that they are not to give effect to views
which none entertain.
But what is the true meaning OF such IAN
guage as this which | have quoted? IT means,
of course. that in COnillcl between oiuci anu
disorder. the state is to be neutral. 1t means
that If a body of strikers numbered by hundreds
Of thousands seek to attain their ends by vio-
Ience to person property, or both. the authon-
ties are to look on and do nothing. If they
act If they discharge their duties to society,
If they assert the principles which are the COM
mon basis of all society all over the world,
they do II under the penalty Of being told by
a powerful newspaper and from hundred
labor platforms that they are taking sides
against labor, or. in the rather swollen language
of this newspaper that they intervene as an
intimidatory force in labor disputes. So long as
this language used only by professional
agitators and by angry partsans. or by ex-
citable halfpenny evening sheets. it was mis-
chievous enough When it becomes the habitual
doctrine of a really important journal, it may
be taken as a measure of the distance which
Socialism and its twin sister anarchy have al
ready travelled in this country.
The profe ssonal agitatOr meanwhile, is not
idle He is very far from idle. He rejoices in
his new allies, and in the signs Of social de
moralization of which considerable public sub
scriptions in aid Of the miners on strike are
among the most deplorable He has held
meeting in Hyde Park. He would not be pro
fessional agtator if he did not. There is nat
ural overflow Of discomfort into the green spaces
VI.
give forty for one Bots de Boulogne. Mr. T
p O'ConnOr has the credit of having organized
that Of Sunday in aid of the miners. Mr.
OConnor's energies are irrepressible, and he
perhaps desires TO anticipate a little that mil
lennial period when Ireland is TO govern not
only herself but England He has this JUST
fcation that unlike his Irish colleagues. he sits
for an English constituency and edits an even
ing paper published in London; fiery in hue
and in opinions. He very well understands
the art Of agitation. and knows how to pull
the strings by which. at any time and in
furtherance of almost any object, multitude
can be collected in Hyde Park
The multitude of Sunday is estimated by
socialist organs at 100 900; by others at 10000
There were. in any case a good many people
and they had the pleasure Of listening to
speeches by Mr. John Burns and by the Rev
DR.. Clifford, and by Mr.. Glen Edwards and
by Mr.. T. P. O'Connor himself They passed
at each platform the following moderate
resolution:
THAT this mass-meetng Of the people OF
London places on record it's emphatic condem-
nation Of the associated colliery proprietors In
endeavoring TO defraud the miners Of a rea-
sonable wage rate. and in paralyzing the en-
tire trade of the country for the furtherance
Of their own selfish policy. and pledges itself to
support the wives and children Of the miners
during the present lockout, to press the inter
esis Of the mining community upon Para-
mentary representatives, and to for the
men the unquestoned recognition of their right
to fair payment for good work"
1t might be difficult to state in an equal num-
Der of lines a greater number of disputable
propositions. But you will remark that labor
controversies are carried on in this country with
some audacity. The labor leaders are well
aware of the advantage of seeing only one side
and Of imputing base motives ~ those who
differ from them on economical questions. 1t
suits Them and ii suits their clients to ac-
cuse the colliery owners, who not willing
to do business at a loss. of trying TO "defraud"
the miners. Mr.. Pckard, Mr. Woods. Mr.. Kerr
Hardie, all members of Parliament. have taken
this line from the beginning THE Chronicle
has taken the same line.
Mr. Pickard and Mr.. Woods went a step
farther when, on public platforms, they accused
the Home Secretary Of taking sides with the
owners charge which they never found ii
convenient to repeat from their places in Parlia-
ment, though Mr.. Asquith gave them notice
that he should deal with the subject on a
specified day. He did deal with it. and Messrs
Packard and Woods are not likely soon TO forget
the sentences in which Mr.. Asquith described
their failure to repeat their charges where they
could be answered. But they are presumably
above those feelings Of shame Of honora bic
sensitiveness by which other are governed
Their colleague Mr.. John Burns who took no
part in these libels on the Home Secretary, was
thought to be more suitable person to appear
a London PLATFORM and he spoke Sunday.
His most violent days are supposed to be over
He no longer advocates a universal strike. He
has lost faith in the principle Of strikes, and
thinks the wrongs Of labor may best be
redressed by the ballot; in which he is undoubt-
eddy right. But Of this particular strike Mr.
Burns found himself able to approve. He
thought the lockout and the resistance Of the
men the greatest thing that had yet been done
in labor combination. He gives his own
figures. 100000 men directly involved $50 900
dependent on them,-I suppose women and
children-and at least 500 900 men in kindred