Pawtucket tribune. (Pawtucket, R.I.) 1890-189?, 1893-12-20
REDUCTION ON DUTIES
Will Not Injure Our Great
Industries.
REPORT ON TARIFF BILL.
Not the Privilege Of Protected Inter
ests to Make Schedules.

WASHINGTON, Dec. 20.-The substance Of
the ways and means committees ma ajority
report on the Wilson tariff bill Is as fol-
lows
The American people, after the fullest
and most thorough debate ever given by
any people to their fiscal policy, have de-
liberately and rightly decided that the
existing tariff Is wrong in principle and
grievously unjust Is operation. They have
decided, as free men must always decide,
that the power of taxation has no lawful
or constitutional exercise except for pro-
viding revenue for the support of govern
ment Every departure from this princi-
pie is a departure from the fundamental
principles of popular institutions, and in
svitably works out gross inequality In
the citizenship of q country.
The bill on which the committee has ex-
pended much patient and anxious labor In
not offered as complete response to the
mandate of the American people. 1t no
more Processes to be purged of all proteo-
tion than to be free Of all error in its COM
plex and manifold details However we
may deny the existence Of any legislative
pledge, or Of the right of any congress to
make such pledge. for the continuance Of
duties that carry with them more or less
acknowledged protection, we must REQ
ognize that great interests do exist whose
existence and prosperity IL II no part Of
our reform either to imperil or to curtaiL
Temperate Reform Advocated.
We believe, and we have the warrant Of
our own past experience for believing,
that reduction of duties will not injurs
but give more abundant life to all our
great manufacturing industries, however
much they may dread the change. In
dealing with the tariff question, as with
every other long standing abuse that has
interwoven itself with our Industrial
or social system, the legislator must al
ways remember that, In the beginning,
temperate reform u safest, having In It
self the principle Of growth.
We have already said that public dis
cussion may disclose errors of minor do
tail In the schedules OF our bill. To
escape such errors would require 90
thorough and minute q knowledge of all
the divisions, subdivisions, complex and
manifold mazes and involutions of our
chemical, textile, metal and other indus
tries, that no committee Of congress, no
matter how extended the range of their
personal knowledge, or how laborious
and painstaking their efforts, could ever
hope to possess. We have not forgotten
that we represent the people, who are the
many, a. well a. the protected interests,
who are the few, and while we have dealt
with the latter In no spirit of unfriendli-
ness. we have felt chat It was our duty
end not their privilege to make the tariff
schedules.
Release Of Taxes Advocated.
We have believed that the first step to-
ward . reform of the tariff should be TO
lease Of taxes on the materials of indus
try. There can be no substantial and
beneficial reduction npon the necessary
clothing and other comforts Of the Amer
lean people, nor any substantial and BEN
s6oial enlargement of the field Of Ameri-
can labor, 80 long as we tax materials and
processes of production. Every tax upon
The producer falls with increased force
on the consumer. Every tax on the pro-
ducer In this country is a protection to his
competitors in all other countries, and so
narrows his market as TO limit the num-
bcr and lessen the wages of those to whom
he can give employment.
Every cheapeninR In the cost or enlarge
ment Of the supply OF his raw materials,
while primarily inuring to the benefit of
the manufacturer himself, passes under
free competition Immediately and passes
entirely to the consumer, who very soon
gets even more benefit out of It than such
reduction seems to carry, because with the
rapid widening of his market the manu-
facturer is able to sell at a smaller profit.
Consumers Considered.
1t Is therefore a very narrow and short
sighted view which supposes that we re-
lease the duties on iron ore and coal and
wool and other like articles for the benefit
of those who manufacturs our iron, steel,
woolen and other fabrics. We are legis-
lating for the great millions of consumers
beyond them, and for the scores of
thousands Of laborers to whom they may
thus give steady and well-paid employ
ment. 1t Is no less a narrow and short
righted view that supposes that a removal
of the tariff duties on such necessaries Of
Industries will infict any real loss upon
those who produce them in our own coun-
try.
The enlargement of markets for our
products in other countries, the increase
In the internal commerce and in the car
rying trade Of our country will insure q
growing home market for all these things
that will quickly outstrip anything they
could have under the protective system.
SnanRes.
Any article Of manufacture which can
sustain the competition Of like foreign
articles In other markets can defy such
competition in the home market, and is
not protected by the duty, but by its own
Intrinsic superior cheapness and quality.
The only effect of a duty on such articles
is to enable those who make them to
sharge higher prices to the citizens Of
bheir own country than they charge to for
signers, and this has been notoriously the
sase with both copper and many agricul-
bural implements.
In adjusting duties upon what may be
called the finished products we have tried
to impose such rates as will not destroy or
distress any of our home industries on the
one hand, nor on the other secure them an
oppressive monopoly Of the home market.
For this rule we have the recognized
authority both of well-known and leading
tariff reformers and of those who In days
past were considered moderate protection
ists.
In the iron and steel schedule, beginning
with free ore and duty Of % l-2 per cent
on pig IRON, we have reported q scale Of
duties considerably below those of the
-. l.. II.