The Laurens advertiser. (Laurens, S.C.) 1885-1973, 1893-10-03

1eeus larger guaranty than usual
For that purpose, / propose o gold loai
OF so many hundred million dollars Al
Congress may decide, to be bought a
the market rate, and held In the treas
nry as the gold reserve Is held in tn,
bank of France, and by the govern
ments OF the Latin Union. / propose
further, for the benefit of the poorer
and weaker States, especially in the
South to repeal the tax on State bank
circulation, measure which is in
tended to give them free hand III
moving their own crops, developing
their resources, and relieving them
from their servitude to the great capi
talist cities. look to no effect, or but
little, from this step, as far as the
North is concerned. IS,
II would also press once more for
action in favor of our shipping. The
bill for that purpose is known to you
and neither It's objects nor its methods
should be matter of party division
To meet in part the deficit of our in.
come for next year 1 would reimpose
the duty OF 2 cents u pound on sugar
and repeal the bounty. Then 1 would
wait q year to see how the system
worked, and how far we were affected
by foreign influence"
A CALIFORNIA SENATOR MAKES EIGHT
PROPOSITIONS AS A COMPROMISE.
When the repeal bill was again taken
up, Senator Stewart continued his de-
nunciation of President Cleveland for
time, but finally yielded the floor,
which was accorded to Senator Per.
kins, Republican, OF California. It was
Perkins first speech in the body except
when he pronounced eulogy on the
life and character of his predecessor,
Stanford. His voice was full and clear,
and his speech attracted attention. He
conceded that the Sherman law was
faulty but he did not believe it was
guilty in the manner or degree charged
either by evidence adduced or proven.
He saw other causes pending which de-
pressed our industries and impaired
that confidence in the future upon
which those industries thrive. He
believed it wise to expunge the offend
ing law from our code Of finance, but
he was anxious on the other hand that
in doing, so neither Congress nor the
felt 1t his duty before voting for the
repeal Act to use every honorable
means in his power to have coupled
with it declaration that it cannot be
construed as committing the United
States to the single gold standard. Pop
ular government was a government of
compromise and where no compromise
was, there was anarchy or despOtism.
To him that would abruptly strip
silver of its monetary character, he
would commend aScriptual injunction,
Come, let us reason together" He
suggested that Congress first repeal
the purchase clause; second, declare
the unfalterinng purpose of the United
States to maintain the double stand
ard third, open the mints to Amerf-
can silver with o minting charge suffi-
cient to keep the coinage within the
demands of trade; fourth, coin no more
gold pieces of less than $5 denomina-
tion, and issue no more currency Of less
denomination fifth, issue circulating
notes to the full equivalent of the coin
in the Treasury sixth, make clear the
power and duty of the Secretary of the
Treasury to purchase gold; seventh,
preserve those features of the national
bank system that give secure and uni
versal currency without requiring the
everlasting maintenance of public
debit; eighth, provide for commission
of monetary experts not connected
with the government to keep it ad-
vised on all necessary matters relating
to currency. Perkins argued at length
in favor of these propositions, which
he said would result in the mainten-
ance OF the double standard.
MORGAN AND VOORHEES, TO THE RES
CUE.
Senator Morgan, of Alabama, rose to
q personal explanation. Abiding to
the article from New York paper
which had been read in the Senate, re-
producing the Presidents words at the
capitol during the centennial celebra-
tion, he said that he had not heard them
or read them before to-day. He did
not construe that remark as a rebuke
been so intended it would have been
unworthy of the President on such an
occasion. 1t might just as we'll be sup
plemented by statement that the ex-
ecntive could be influenced by sectional
or passionate views on public ques-
tions. That would be quite as repre-
hensible as to say that the Senate or
House could be influenced by like mo-
tives. Having read the portion of the
article imputing to himself personal
and political enmity toward President
Cleveland, he said:
E" am very happy to state that be-
tween the President and myself there
exists the most cordial personal rela-
tions. They have always existed, and
I hope they ever will, for l esteem and
prize him very highly in all personal
respects and in his public ca:eer. I
think that the history of Mr.. Cleveland
is a history which illustrates some of
the highest properties OF the American
character. differ with Mr.. Clevelshd
do not think that / differ with him
on any questions that are vital, to the
country or vital to the Democratic
party. In the enforcement of the prin-
ciples on which we have always SO
happily agreed we may differ. We
may differ on measures of policy, but
only on measures of policy. In fact, I
doubt very much whether the differ
ences between the President and my.
self are of any important character, II
| understand what are really his opin-
ions and his hopes in relation TO the
present imbroglio in which we are in
volved."
With this statement Mr.. Morgan said
he felt justified in saying that in this
particular article the paper played the
part simply of mischief-maker.
There was" he said, "no occasion
for the newspaper to take me up, or
Mr.. Cleveland, and to bring us together
in this irritating and unfortunate atti-
tude to each other and which without
explanation the country might under
stand to be real and true, whereas it is
simply and maliciously false. We hold
no such relations to each other as are
indicated in that article. That is all
that / desire to say"
Mr.. Voorhees, had also something to
say In relation to tho President. He
was very glad to hear the remarks OF