The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1893-02-14


conduct Of both legislation and administra-
tion OF Irish as dlstlnot from imperial af-
fairs. [Cheers The limiting conditions
which we're then observed and have since, so
far as we were able to do, been sedulously
and closely observed, we're these: We were
to do nothing inoonsistent with imperial
unity. OF this | will say, whatever our
opponents may say, that so far as our con-
vlctlons and intentions are concerned they
would be but feebly stated by being oouched
In that declaration that we 90 not mean 10
impair il. We wish TO strengthen IT,
lCheers. We wish to give it greater in
tensity than It has ever yet possessed. First,
then, imperial unity is observed and the
equality of all is observed; secondly, the
equality OF all the Kingdoms would be borne
In mind, and thirdly, there would be equita-
ble reparation of imperial changes fourthly,
any and every practicable provision for the
protection Of minoritiel would be included
The plan proposed oughc TO be such as TO
present the necessary characteristics Of
real aud continued settlement.
PARLIAMENr's SUPREMACY.
Explaining the bill In detail, Mr.. Glad
stone said
In the first place, we have made II our desire
TO meet what we thought the not unreasonable
demand for the supremacy of the imperial
parliament. There were two methods In which
that might be done. 10 might be done by clause
It might be done by preamble. We have chosen
the preamble as woTthier and better, for II it
were done by clause il would be too much
In the character of mere enactment. IL is
not necessary TO say many words for
such purpose. Our words are whereas,
II is expedient without imparing or restricting
the supreme authority of parliament" and
then the preamble goes on TO declare the crea-
tion of an Irish legislature. Power is granted
to the Irish legislature, which consists first Of
all OF the legislative council; secondly Of the
legislative assembly empowered to make laws,
for the peace, order and good government OF
Ireland In respect TO matters exclusively re-
lating to Ireland, or to part thereof. That
poweris subject TO a double limitation. First Of
oil it is subject to the necessary end obvious
limitations imposing certain incapacities on the
Irish parliament, including all that relates to
the crown, regency, or vice royalty. The
subjects OF peace and war; public
defense, treaties and foreign relationr dignites.
titles, law and treason do not belong TO the Irish
legislature The law of alienRR9 does not be-
long to it, nor everything that belongs to ex-
ternal trade, coinage and other subsidiary sub
jects. Other incapacities are imposed similar
to those contained In the bill Of 1856, These
provided for security of religious freedom, the
safeguard OF education for the security Of per
sonal freedom, in which we endeavored to bor
row one Of the 10 odern amendments
to the American constitution. Then coming
Co exclusive powers, we retain the vice royalty
Of Ireland. but we divest it of the party charac-
ter heretofore borne, by making the appoint
ment run six years, subject to the revokinR
freed from all religious disability. lCheers
The Irish representation in the imperial pAra-
ment is fixed at eighty members.
VOTE OF THE IRISH MEMBERS.
MIR. Gladstone put both sides OF the ques-
tion of these members voting on all ques-
tions. He said:
1t would be great anomaly OF these eighty
Irish members should they come here con.
tinually to intervene tn questions purely and
absolutely British. If some large question or
controversy in British affairs should then come
up, causing deep and vital severing Of the two
great parties In this house. and the members
OF those parties know that they
could bring over eighty members from
Ireland to support their views, l am
afraid case ike that would open a possible
door TO wholesale dangerous political intrigue.
ldear, hearll My colleagues found themselves
not well able to face a contingency of that
kind. They inserted in the bill limitations on the
voting powers of the Irish members, to
exclude them, first, from voting on IA
bill. motion expressly confined 20 Great
Britain; second from voting on a tax not levied
upon Ireland; third, from voting ON vote or
an appropriation OF money otherwise than for
imperial services; fourth, from voting on any
motion or vote exclusively affecting Great
Britain. The whole subject is full OF thorns
and brambles, but our object is the autonomy
and selfgOvernment of Ireland In all matters
properly Irish. The Irish people certainly did
not raise the difficulty 10 which / have
Just alluded, the retention Of Irish mem
bers in the house. This is a secondary
matter in their eyes, and ought not TO interfere
with the principal aim. In the face of the feel
ing that shade of uncertainty still hangs over
the question OF the retention OF the Irish mem
bers, we have affixed TO the paragraph con
cerning their question the words, Excepting
and until parliament shall determine the com
ing financial legislation"
wish TO supply the keynote to the financial
part of the legislation That keynote is TO be
found In the provision included IN our plans
from the first wisely and generously acceded 20
ku taas NAauN
there is to be but one system of legislation for
all the kingdoms. AS far as external things are
concerned, that will be found TO entail very i'm
portant consequences. IL has guided US to
arrived Of unity OF commercial
legislation for the three kingdoms. This in
cludes customs and excise duties. postofices
and telegraph. BY adopting this keynote we
can attain to the most valuable results, and
will be likely to avoid the clashing friction Of
agents of the imperial and agents Of the irish
governments. We can make under cover of
this proposal larger and more liberal transfer
TO Ireland in the management OF her own
affairs than we could make If we proceeded on
any other principle. We hope to escape in this
Ireland of any revenue whatever
by imperial authority. The principle to which
we are bound to give effect in Ireland Is that
Ireland has to bear fair share OF the imperial
expenditures. Hear, hear.
THE CLOSING WORDS.
In concluding, Mr.. Gladstone said:
will now release the house from the painful
consideration OF details which 1t has pursued
with unexampled patience. / have tried to
convey the fundamental conception and spirit
Of the scheme. l submit chat the plan may be
imperfect, but l hope il will receive impartial
consideration Although there may be friendly
and unfriendly criticism, l hope shall not give
offense when express my deep conviction that
q plan closely resembling this, II not the recent
proposal of an Identical legislative chamber for
ireland may shortly become q law. There Is one
risk and that Is If the controversy is undulyI and
unwarrantedly prolonged by the demand for
self-Zovernment in Irish affairs may become a
demand for repeal Of the union and the re-es-
tablishment Of dual supremacy In Ireland. /
hope that the ship OF state will be steered from
that rock l would ask you TO contrast the
present condition Of the Irish people with what
Il was at the time Of Swift, when the Irish as
oendancy parliament begged TO be admitted 20
the British parliament and was refused, or with
what il was In the beginning of the century i'm
mediaJely after the union, when Irish voters
were trooped TO the polls for the simple purpose
OF recording their votes In order to return land
lords to parliament We have concluded that
we have before US now q different state Of
things. Ireland has on her side memory Of
vast victories earned by the sweat of her labor,
but really earned and recorded on her behalf
ireland has mighty sympethizers She re-
quires this larger and stronger Ireland. she
has obtained the suffrage Of Scotland and the
suffrage Of Wales and in the short space OF
seven years she has changed majority OF more
than 30 against her ia England TO one
third that number She was stinted in
the franchise and means of representa-
ton. Now she possesses most extended
FrnF taA sutf An