The record-union., 1893-05-27

/ uDally put upon these neWSEaperS a tax
OF SIX pence a sheet, suspended the writ
OF habeas corpus, and placed it in the
power OF magistrates 10 imprison with
out granting hearing Indefinitely. Be-
tore this monstrous power Cobbett fled to
America and located on Long Island.
This was in 1877. 1t is evident that his
reception was not what he had expected,
for, IN few years, on discovering rift
in the clouds over England, he returned
to that country, carrying with him the
bones OF Tom Paine, with the avowed
purpose Of exhibiting them in pub
lie. But instead ne left them in
Liverpool, and at once re-entered
the political arena with his Register.
In time he was again before court for
seditious libel, but the jury failed to
agree. The Government abandoned the
case and this closed the effort to deprive
the people of newspapers, and to sup
press the freedom of opinion in England.
Cobbetts admirers found seat in Par
lament for him, but as a legislator he
did not sustain his great reputation.
This IS brief outline of the career OF
this remarkable man, whose reputation
was that he was not only unquestionably
the most powerful political writer OF his
day, but one Of the best writers i'll the
language. He loved the excitement OF
warfare, and dreaded repose. He found
that in opposition. In America he
C-NbOlACh VIC flAIutS VI luOudECuHt III
England he laughed at the whole system
OF government. "He is always" says
Hazlett, who wrote as a contemporary,
OF the militant, not OF the triumphant
party. SO far he bears a gallant show oil
magnanlmlty: but his gallantry is hardly
OF the right stamp. He wants prin-
ciple; for though he is not servile OF
mercenary, he is the victim of self will.
lie must pull down and pull in pieces.
lie changes his opinions as he does his
friends, and much on the same account.
lie has no comfort in fixed principles; as
soon as anything is settled in his OWL
mind, he quarrels with it,"
We have had good many imitators OF
Cobbett in the United States, whose
hearts have been as devoid OF principle as
pauper'S grave OF verdure; and yet, like
Cobbett, their work has advanced the
cause of humanity without that being the
motive.
Returning to the closing years Of the
eighteenth century, we find that the
French revolution also dominated poll
ties and influenced the character of the
American press. The violence inspired
Dy IL alarmed the Conservatives who fol-
lowed the example set by the British
Ministry in an endeaVor to control the
press, and the seditlon law was created
Tor that purpose. Prosecutions for Sc
dltious libelS followed quickly, causing
and unfortunately for the party in power
a revulslon of popular feeling. In Yer
mont II found expression in the repeated
return to Congress of the printer Lyon
who had suffered imprisonment and loss
! OF properly. AS in England so in the
United States, prosecutions reached othel
classes besides writer's and printers, but
the sentences on conviction were not sc
severe.
The sedition law expired by Limitation
March 3, 1901, but prosecutions of opposi-
ton writer's and printers did not cease
The common law was found sufficient tol
the purpose, and officials stood ready tC
turn tho tables on any unwary Federalist
1he personal journalism which had
been encouraged by Jefferson during the
administrations of Washington anG
Adams was, after his Inauguration, turned
upon him and his associates. 1t was moi
very witty nor very bad, but it served the
purpose OF Keeping up a political agita-
ton. Thus IN September, 1892, we find
an opposition paper at the National Capt.
tai guylng the Administration as follows
Where is the President of the United Statess
AnsWer.-At Monticello, mOraliZng on thl
instability OF fortune, deploring his declining
popularity, and reYenging himself on his
| 1ehOw-Cttizens by prosecuting the good and
p4ironlzlnS the wicked, who fee to him fol
protection.
Where is the Secretary Of State?
Answer--On his farm lost in reverie and
contemplation, trembling tor the past, and
anXiousiy exl eatlng the future.
Where is Monsieur Gallatin, purse holder?
Answer-At New York, selling bank stock
II you are asked what he IS doing with the
money, shrug your shoulders ana look wise.
And so on with the entire Cabinet, the
only member found at his post being tine
Attorney General, who was accused oI
writing editorials for the .EGiS.
This was one way of telling the people
that the members of the Administration
were on vacation.
The New hampshire Sentinel took of
the political fairness of DIR. Eustis in this
style, under the advertising head OF
Wants:
Dr. Eustis wants-to be both sides of the
house at once; like the sailor who in n vto.
lent storm ran to one side of the shin and
prayed, and to the other side and swore-say-
ing he knew not into whose hands he should
fall.
The Middletown Gazette perpetrated
the following epigram which served as q
model for political squibs for half 9
century:
On the celebration Of the Fourth OF July by
the Democrats at the jail in Hartford, Con.
necticut:
"How comes it," says Jack to his messmatc
one norm
while our Feds take the field and you1
Skulking holes scorn,
That the Demos, who bluster as how thev'd
prevail,
One by one like deserters, steal or to fa1q
Pray, lshipmate, unriddle this wond'rous
Nothing palmer" says Tom "half the party
live there"
Finally the following paragraph in diff
terent temper, appeared in most of the
Federalist prints:
Holt says, the burden Of the Federal song is
that Mr.. Jefferson paid Calender for writing
against the late Administration. This is
wholly false. The charge Is explicitly this.
Jefferson paid Calender for calling Washing
ton traitor, rObber and n perjurcr for ca IL
ing Adams a hoary-headed incendlary. and
tor most grossly slandering the private charac
ter of men, who. he well knew, were VirtuouS
THESE charges, not a Democratic editor has
yet dared or ever will dare to meet in an open
or manly discussion.
This paragraph was written bv Harry
Croswell, the Junior editor Of the BGlance
a paper published at Hudson, \. Y. The
charges embodied in it originated in Mr..
Jeilerson's own State, but no attention
had been paid to them there. When
CroswelPs paragraph was widely copied
the Democratic managers determined tC
make an example of the writer. A grand
Jury indicted him for libel and in July,
1903, he was tried in the Circuit Court.
The Attorney-G eneral appeared as prose-
Cutor. The defendants attorneys early
submitted the question whether the truth
could be given in evidence as a iustitica-
tion as was provided for in the much de-
cried sedition law. Chief Justice Lewis
decided in the negative. and in his charge
confined the jury to very narrow limits.
He said that the only inquiry for them to
make was, whether Croswell was the
publisher of the paragraph, and whether
the innuendos were truly set forth, The
Jury brought in a verdict Of puiltV Tho