Iowa County democrat. [volume] (Mineral Point, Wis.) 1877-1938, 1893-02-17
mons Debate on Home Eule
Opened Talked Three
Straight Hours.
He ExI Iains the Measure in a
Mastery Mannrr-Unb0und-
ed Enthusiasm.

a.
the occasion Of the beginning of the
real fight for Irish home rule, will long
be remembered While Mr.. Gladstone
yet slept the palace yard was crowded
with members and throngs Of people
eagerly awaiting the opening of the
commons. The early arrivals were
those prominent in the Irish cause.
Among them were i. }. Foley mem ber
for Connemara; David Sheehy, Secre-
tarY Of the Irish National Federation
,'ohn Roche, Nationalist member for
East Galway; aud DR. Charles Tanner,
member for Cork. by 10 o'clock sixty
members We're at the doors await
ing admise ion. The inner lobby
was packed with members at noon,
and when the doors were opened the
members threw aside their gritty and
rushed in Il disorlerly fashion for
seats, shouting and struggling for the
best places. Many were thrown VIC
lently to the floor and bruised and
trampled upon. The veteran Caleb
Wright, member for southwest Lam
cashire, 81 years of age, fell in the
crush and was severely injured. being
knocked down and trampled on. lie
was rescued by John Burns with diff
fculty. Not few members became
angry, and there were several sharp
nights at various points All were
finally seated and eager for the feast
OF Gladstonean eloquence.
Mr. Gladstone entered the House of
Commons at $3.50 Every liberal and
Irish Nationalist stood up and greeted
him with prolonged and enthusiastic
cheers When Mr.. Gladstone arose to
Introduce the home rule bill there was
another demonstration SO cnthusia site
and lrrcpreSsible that it was several
minute, before he could be heard.
Mr. Gladstone spoke as follows in a
clear, strong and resonant voice:
| may, without improperly, remind
the House that the voices which have
usually pleaded the cause of Irish self
government in Irish affairs within
these walls have during the last seven
years been almost entirely mute. re-
cur, therefore, to the period of 1886,
when a proposition of this kind was
submitte on the part of the govern
ment of the day and beg to remind
the House of the position then taken
by all the promoters of these meas
ures. We said that we had arrived at
point in our transactions with
ireland where the two roads
parted. Iou have, we S id, to choose
one or the other. One is the way of
Irish aan,,.Iiprr 70
tions | have Just referred to; the
other is the way of coercion. That is
our contention. 1t will be the recol-
lection of the House that that conten-
ton was most stoutly and largely de-
MED. IT was said over and over again
by many members opposite: I'VE are
not coercionists; we do not adopt that
alternative, and neither can we adopt
1T" Ministerial cheers That as
sertion Of theirs was undoubtedly
sustained by the proposals. especially
from the diSsentient Liberals, of various
plans dealing with Irish affairs. Those
plans, though they fell entirely short
in principle and in scope of Irish self
government, yet were of no trivial or
mean Importance. They went far be-
yond what has heretofore been usually
proposed in the way of local self-gov-
ernment for Ireland.
& Well, what has been the result Of
the dilemma as it was then put for
ward on this side Of the house and re-
PEELED by the other Has our conien-
tion that the choice law between
autonomy and coercion been justified
or not" Liberal cheersI What has
become Of each and all of those i'm
portant schemes for giving Ireland
self-government in the provinces and
giving her even a central estab
lishment in Dnbhn with limited
powers? All vanished into thin air But
the reality remains. The roads were
still autonomy or coercion. The choice
Law between them. and the choice was
to repel autonomy and embrace coer.
cion. Iou cannot always follow
coercion in an absolutely uniform
method In 1856, for the first time.
coercion was imposed on Ireland in
the snapc of a permanent law added to
tie statute book. This state of things
constituted an Offering against the
harmony aud traditions of self-goyern-
mant. 1t was Il distinct and violent
breach of the promise on the face OF
which union was obtained. That per.
manent system of repression inflicted
upon the country a state of things
which could not continue to exist Ii
was impossible TO bring theoinha bit
ants of the country under coercion
into sympathy with the coercion
power.
MIR Gladstone proceeded to dilate al
length upon the circumstances under
which the act Of union was passed. the
promise Of equality in the laws and OF
commercial equality under which union
was effected. He said:
1t was then prophesied confidently
that lrishmen would take their places
in the Cabinet of the United Kingdom
but it had been my honc2ed destiny tc
sit in Cabinets with no less than sixty
or seventy statesmen of VIII ON only
one. the Duke of Wellington. was ar
Irishman, while Castlereagh is
the only other Irishman who
has sat in the Cabinet since
union. Pitt promised equal law.
when the union was formed, but the
broken promises made TO Ireland are
unhappily written in indelible charac
tiers in the history of the couptry
Coming to 1892, when the resurrection
of the peope began, and thence dowr
to 1850, Ireland can present only Z
small minority in favor of restoring