Rock Island daily Argus. (Rock Island, Ill.) 1886-1893, 1893-06-14

| The new paper for women called The
| American Woman has a department of
"nonpartisan politics" conducted by Por-
tia In the last number Portia prog els to
Mr.. Cleveland her feminine compassion be-
| cause SO much of his time and thought is
| employed in the exercise of his constitu-
tional prerogative of giving out the federal
offices. Having expressed this kind sympa-
thy, she says in conclusions:
| Somehow, as one watches this routine
OF national affairs, one is prone to wonder
| lust why to the president falls so large a
share of the petty details of the govern
menss business 1t seems such a waste Of
| time and force"
We will tell Portia why this is so, and
she will see that it IS not at all wonderful
One OF the strongest muniments of tho
| presidents office is the power conferred ON
him by the constitution to make appoint
ments to office under the federal govern
ment "by and with the advice and consent
OF the senate" or of his own notion alone,
ia the cases of inferior officers when
such authority is expressly vested in him
by law Of congress. The president has no
other constitutional power more important
70 him He cannot initiate or forward leg
| fslation. He can only recommend" to con-
Rress such measures as he shall Judge
necessary and expedient," but he can select
Officers Of the United States" subject only
10 Tue approval OF inc senate
Consequently this power is one of the
chief safeguards of the authority and dig
| nifty of the executive office. If it were vest
| ed in the legislative branch Of the govern
ment solely, the executive branch would
| have little actual power left to it The
president could grant reprieves and par
dons for offenses against the United States
| except in cases of Impeachment" With
the concurrence of two-thirlls of the senate
he could make treaties, though that puts
the real treaty making power in the senate
He could ION extraordinary occasions con-
vene both houses or either Of them or ad-
| journ them lin case of disagreement be-
tween them with respect to the time of ad-
Journment" He would have the power
| Of vetoiD2 a bill of congress, subject,
however, to the authority of twothirds
! of congress to make it law over his veto.
| He would be the titular commander in
| chief of the army and navy Of the United
| States and of the militia of the several
| states when called into the ectual service
of the United States" subject to the sole
authority of congress Ito declare war"
raise and support armies, " make rules
| for the government and regulation Of the
| land and naval forces" and provide for
| calling forth the militia to execute the laws
| of the Union, suppress instructions and
repd invasfons."
The great and inelfenable powers of the
| president under the constitution are there
| fore confined to the power Of veto max
| ing bis Will equivalent TO that Of twp-thirds
of congress, the power ofneSotiating treaties
agreeable to two-thirds of the senate and
| the power of selecting officers and agents,
subject to confirmation by the senate. The
most important OF these powers IN the prac-
| teal conduct Of an administration is the
last. II congress or the senate had the
| ability to select the officers and put them
on the president against his will, his ad-
| ministration would be completely at its
mercy. He would be the mere creature of
would not neutrality-suspicious. enough to re
tain the respedU of either congress or the
people.
As it is under the constitution, the prest
dent holds his power over congress chiefly
through this prerogative of selection Of his
agents. Congress cannot thrust ON him
agents he does not want. He picks out his
own agents, and the senate must take or
reject them The Offices being 50 numer-
Gus, they accordingly constitute an essen
Ial element of the political strength of the
president. With them in his hands, he can
preserve the equilibrium between the exec
utive and legislative departments of the
government He can use them as his most
efficient means of influencing congress.
These, Portia, are the facts, and they eX-
plain why to the president falls so large a
share of the petty details of the govern
ment's business" But the selection of Of
fceholders is not petty detail 1t Is a
large and important prerogative of the
ecutive Office. With the exception of It,
the exercise of the right to veto and the
| suggestion of treaties 60 the senate, all the
other business intrusted to the president
consists of petty details. 1t is chiefly cere-
monial, making of him figurehead only.
With the power to select and commission
all officers of the United States" he has
real and positive executive authority, in
trinsic in his Office and not conferred by
congress.
OF course the process of making the
lection of so many thousands of Officers is Z
somewhat laboriouS. but in fact presidents
have so small "a range Of other duties under
the restrictions of the constitution that
they have ample time for the discharge of
a duty so valuable to their office. 1t can be
performed and is actually performed by
Mr.. Cleveland now during few hours of
each working day. His ceremonial func-
tions aside and the adjournment of con-
gress relieving him from the necessity of
considering and signing bills passed, the
management of the offices is his main bust
ness. Their distribution also brings him
in contact with the most active represent
atives of his party from all parts of the
Union, and thus he is enabled to get view
of political sentiment of prime Importance
to him in his administration.
The recourse of Office seekers to him,
moreover, is a tribute to his power which
cannot be ungrateful to the human nature
Of a president 1t is necessary, too, that
either by direct personal contact or through
information conveyed to him by senators
and representatives the president should
acquaint himself with the quality, qualif-
cations and just claims of the many thou
sands Of individuals he is to appoint as ex-
ecutive agents
Presidents accordingly do not deserve the