The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1893-02-14

exhibits supremacy In q manner Ineligible to
the people. Besides 1t gives Ireland full voice
in all parliamentary matters. Hear. hear!l
The British budgets will more or less inf1u-
ence the Irish pecunary balanced It 10 there
fore desirable for the purpose OF mitigating any
Inconvenience which might thence arise that
Ireland should have something to say about
British budgetA
know OF NO argument sgainst the retention
OF the Irish members at Westminster, but do
not think it In the wit OF man to devise q plan
for their retention which would no. be open
to some serious practical dificulties. tCheers.
The retention involves two points: First, - TO
the members: and, secondly, rs to voting
power. Now, - to the nrst question. that OF
number. The popular representation of Great
Britain has increased, while Ireland's has
diminished. The latter has now reached .
point that, whereas IL was formerly entitled to
103 members, il would according to this same
ratio now have eighty, or, simply, that the rep
resentation in the house from Ireland would be
composed Of eighty Irish gentlemen. Now comes
the great difficulty. What voting power are
these eighty members to have? Ireland Is to be
represented hero fully. That Is my first postu.
lats NV second pos,ulate is that Ireland 10 to
be invested with separate powers, subject, no
doubt, to imperial authority, yet still with
separate powers over Irish affairs Then the
question before US is: Is she or not entitled to
vote 90 strongly upon matters purely British?
There are reasons both ways. We cannot find
an absolutely accurate line OF cleavage between
questions that are imperial and those that are
Irish. lCheers.l Unless the Irish members are
allowed to vote all British Questions,
they must have too little or too much.
We do not see the possibility of excluding
them from one OF the highest and most
important functions OF the house. that OF de-
termining the composition of the executive
power. do not see it possible to exclude Irish
members from voting on that great subject
want OF confidence. Next. unless the Irish
members vote on all questions you break parlia-
mentary tradition. Now come the reasons
against their universal voting powers. 1t would
be a great anomaly if these eighty Irish mem
bers should come here to continually intervene
in questions purely and absolutely British. The
whole subject is full of thOrns ana brambles,
but our object is the auton omy and self govern
ment of Ireland in all matters properly Irish
The Irish people certainly did not raise the
difficulty OF the retention of Irish members in
the house. This is q secondary matter in their
eyes and ought not to interfere with the princ-
pal aid It is in the face Of a feeling OF uncer-
tainty over the question OF the retention OF
Irish members that we have suffixed to the para
graph concerning the question the words: "Ex-
cepting and until parliament shall determine in
the coming financial legislation
wish to supply the keynote to the financial
part OF the legislation. The keynote is to be
found in the provision that there is to be but
one system of legislation for all the kingdoms
so far external things are concerned. If it
guides us to the conclusion at which We ar
rived of the unity of commercial legislation for
the three Kingdoms. This includes the customs
and excise duties the postoffice aud the tele-
graph. BY adopting this keynote We can at
tain to the most valuable results and will be
likely to avoid clashing of the agents of the i'm
perial and the agent of the Irish gov
eminent We can make under cover of
n lnrp nd NM tran
to Ireland in the management Of
her own affairs than we could make il we pro-
eeeded on any other principles We hope to
escape in this way all collection in the interior
ofsslreland of any revenue by the imperial au-
thorities. principle to which we are bound to
give effect in Ireland. as 1t has to bear . fair
share OF the imperial expenditures. Hear, hear.
There are three modes in which this may be
attained. The first method 10 the lump sum
payment adopted in 1885, Another method II
what may simply be described as a method of
quo rata But the third method, which il the
one we adopt, is that of deducting from the Irish
revenues the amount due England. We pro-
vide that the revenues levied in Ireland shall
be revenue really belonging to Ireland: that ia,
revenue for goods consumed in Ireland with the
customs. There is . large debt from Ireland to
this country. l do not know what the house
might consider the right amount due England.
Judgments might fiuctuate. But the amount is
ton leaves f2,S7o,000 net Though the rates of
excise and the post-telegraph rates will be fixed,
the amount of authority and the whole control
over them will be absolutely in the hands Of
Irish officers. We assume that We shall obtain
from Ireland fair share OF assistance In any
great imperial emergency. / myself am
bound to say that I think there Is little
to fear from trusting to the patriotism
and liberalIty of the Irish legislature.
tCries OF "Oh, oh!' and cheers from members
on tho government benchl S.inginess was
never Il vice in the Irish people. and If we look
forward very much I am afraid her suffering
Will be due to generous extravagances rather
| than meanuess. When We come to a state Of
| war we have to look TO three sources: Customs,
excise and income tax. With regard to customs
| propose to leave them in our hands there
| can be no difficulty IN adopting contributions SO
| far rs customs are concerned. With regard to
excise, we have in view a propositions to retain
| considerable control in our hands, which will
| enable Great Britain to make sure OF having aid
| from Ireland If she thinks such provision 10
necessary. The Irish balance sheet stands thus
| On the credit eide would appear:
| Excise, fS,2N,0O.
| Taxation. which goes over stamps, income
tax and excise license. 81. l95, 900
| Postal revenue. f74o,00o.
| Crown lands, ff5 900.
Miscellaneous fli0,00.
Total, G56s0,0Oo.
| On the other side, Ireland takes over the
whole OF the civil charges. with the exception
OF the constabulary charges OF fs,ll0.OOo. the
island revenues OF fl60,0 and the postal service
OF E590.oo1 We propose that Ireland shall take
| part OF the constabuiary charges, amounting to
| El.oo00o0 This would bring the Irish
! charges TO Is. 10000. We propose that she
| shall receive against that the items l have
| put 10 her credit amounting to E5640.0O0 Thus
| she Will have II clear surplus OF f5o0.0 600 with
| which To start on her mission. 1t will not re-
lease the house from the painful consideration
OF the details which it has pursued with unex-
| amped patience. / have tried to convey the
| fundamental conception ana spirit of the
scheme. Although there may be friendly and
| unfriendly criticisms, hope l shall no, give
otfense when express my deep conviction tn at
| plan followed close TO and resembling this
| may shortly become a law. There is risk :
| that is, If the controversy 10 unduy and unwar.
| rsnted!y prolonged, the law Tor self-government
| IN Irish affairs may become a demand Tor the
| repeal OF the union and the re-establishment Of
| dual supremacy IN these islands. l hope the
| ship OF state will he steered from that rock
J Ireland ever since 1856. II not before, but IN.
| equivocai.y and nationally since, mas abandoned
| the whole argument perhaps she IL entitled 10
| make on the subject act union She asked
| you to save Tor ourselves every imperial power
| she consented 20 accept the house OF commons
| aud the universal supremacy OF the empire
| In return she asked you Tor only
| the management OF her own affairs,
| which reason and Justice combined
with tie rights OF her people. hope viii soon
| move ihis nation TO say shall soon he awarded
| her. Ii his il 10 be- the end of the matter.
| think dispss donate men would say the sooner
| ended The better: tie sooner We stamp the seal
| which will e,.ace all FORMER animosi;ies aJi1
| open era Of peace and good will, the sooner