The morning call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1878-1895, 1893-12-19

reason and justice, and the rules of con-
duct governing individual cit izens or sub
Jects OF civilized state are equally applic-
able as between enlightened nations.
Considerations of international law, with
out court for its enforcement, and obedi-
ence to whose commands practically de-
pends upon good faith instead of upon
the mandate of the superior tribunal, only
give additional sanction to the law itself
and brand any deliberate infracton of 1t
not merely as a wrong but a disgrace.
The man OF true honor protects his un-
written word which binds his conscience
more scrupulcusly, if possible, than he
does bond the breach of which subjects
him to legal liabilities. and the United
States In aiming to maintain itself as one
OF the most enlightened nations would do
Its citizens gross Injustice if it applied to
It's international regulations any other
than high honor and morality. On that
ground the United States cannot prop
erly be put in the position of countenanc
ing a wrong after its commission any
more than in that of consenting to it in
advance. On that ground it cannot allow
Itself to refuse to redress an injury in
nlcted through an abuse of power Dy
officers. clothed with its authority and
wearing its uniforms; and on the same
ground. If feeble but friendly Statel is
in danger of being robbed of its
independence and its sovereignty by misuse
of power, the United States cannot fail to
vindicate its honor and its sense of JUS
tice by an earnest effort TO make all possi-
BILE reparation. These principles apply to
the present cause with Irresistible force
when the special conditions of the Queens
surrender of her sovereignty are recalled.
She surrendered, not TO the Provisional
Government. but TO the United States.
She surrendered. not absolutely and per-
manently, but temporarily and condition
ally until such time as the facts could be
considered by the United States. Further
more. the Provisional Government ac-
Qu1esced in her surrender in that manner,
and those terms were not only by tacit
consent. but through the positive acts of
some members of the Government, who
urged her to peaceabls submission, not
merely to avoid boodshed, but because
she could place implicit reliance upon the
justice of the United States, and that the
whole subject would be finally consid cred
at Washington.
L have not, however, overlooked an in
cident of this unfortunate affair which re-
mains to be mentioned.
The members of the Provisional Govern
ment and their supporters, though not en-
titled to extreme sympathy, have been
led TO their present predicament of revolt
against the Government of the Queen by
the indefensible encouragement and as
sistance of our diplomatic representative.
This fact may entitle them to claim that
in every effort to rectify the wrong of the
committee some regard should be had for
their safety. This sentiment is strongly
seconded by my anxiety to do nothing
which would invite either harsh retalia-
tion on the part of the Queen or violence
and OloOdshed in any quarter. In the be-
lief that the Queen, as we'll as her eDe-
mics, would be willing to adopt such a
course as would meet these conditions,
and in view of the fact that both the
| Queen and the Provisional Government
had at one time apparently acquiesced in
the reference of the entire case to the
United States Government. and consider
ing the further fact that in any event
| the present Government by its own act
declared its limitation was only ''to exist
until terms of union with the United
States of America have been negotiated
| and agreed upon," [ hope that after my
assurance to the members of that Govern
ment that such union could not be consum-
mated / might compass peaceful adjust
ment of the difficulty.