The morning call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1878-1895, 1893-02-16
MR.. GLADsT0NE's FIGHT.

The admiration which an lnteiilgent
world has bestowed on Mr.. Gladstone's
splendid effort on Monday is increased by
a perusal Of Mr.. Balfour's reply. The
British Premier is in his eightv-fourth year.
Many men have preserved measure of In
telligence and vigOr to that age. but 1t is
settled rule that their utterances must be
criticized with forbearanee, because their
advanced years entities them to considerate
indulgence. In this case it is Mr.. Balfour
who needs indulgence. 1t is he, and not
Mr.. Gladstone, who exhibits the intellectual
weakness and the loose logic which are
Characteristic of seniliIy. 1t is the veteran
who displays juvenile ardor and youthful
willingness to tram le precedent in search oil
improvement.
MIR. Baltour can find nothing TO say
against the Principle of home rule except
that il is a bastard combination Of the Brit
ish constitution with n federal govern
ment. As a matter Of fact. the principle OF
home rule Is simply the extension OF self
government to Irish affairs. That is prn-
ciple which the English have recognized
from time immemorial in their own
parochial system. 1t underlies their whole
political framework 1t has never received
as complete and as logical an application in
Great Britain as it has in this country, be-
cause in many places it contlicted with
acquired baronial and immortal rights. But
the towns of England have rarely let an
opportunity pass of battling for their NUM-
cipal rights against imperial Usurpation.
According TO De Lolme the British Par
lament is supreme, and might, If it chose,
pass an act to stop the ebb and flow OF the
tide. But in practice, even in the city OF
| London, where the body meets, 1t has
always shrunk from interfering with the
! Town Council or he veStres in the regula-
ton of LEGAL concerns. Mr.. Gladstone's bill
merely proposes to apply to ireland, In
broad and logical way. principles which
Englishmen have always asserted for them
selves and which no one has ever thought
Of dIsputiug in this country.
1t is singular that the Tory leads did not
put his finger on the weak spot in the
Gladstone bill That is the omission to pro-
vide for a court clothed with power to de-
eide what questions are imperial and what
questions are local. Under that bill the
Irish Parliament, sitting at Dublin, may
pass a bill which the British Minister Of
the day may regard as au encrOachment on
| the province Of the Imperial Parliament !;
his only remedy will be TO require the
| sovereign to veto the bill. If the Irish peo-
! pie should hold that he is wrong, and that
the bill is really local and within the pnr-
view Of the local Legislature. friction
would at once arise and the cOnciiatory
/ purpose OF the h0me-rule act would be de-
| feated. In this country State Legislatures
constantly pass bills which are inconsistent
| with the constitution ana laws Of the
/ United States. They are taken to the
| Supreme Court which pronOunces them
null and void. No friction arises; nobody 5
feelings are Lurt by judicial decision in
| line with the theory Of our institutions.
! Americans are curious to know the reason
why Mr. Gladstone did not embody in his
! bill this essential feature of the federal
system.
1t is evident that the Tories are reckon
ing on appeals to Protestant prejudice to
defeat the bill. The members of Parlia.
ment from Ulster are violent ia their OppO-
siti0n, and they reckon on the sympathy of
the nO-p0pery party in England. But the
day has passed for Governments To be con-
Quoted on seetarian policies. The Pro-
testants Of Ulster constitute one-third Of
the people of Ireland; IL is unreasonable
that they should want TO boss the other
ties must govern, whatever their faith
They may possess less intelligence
than minoTities, but no instrument has ever
been invented to measure collective intel
| ligence; the only practical way of deteTmir.
ing the preponderance of opinion is tC
count noses. If the people of Ulster, on
fair trial, find that they cannot live under
the rule Of an irish legislature, they are
free to extend the principle of local self
government, and to demand a separate gov
eminent Of their own. II is not easy to see
how the demand could be consistently re-
sisted.
Indeed. the battle which Mr.. Gladstone
is beginning is one in which, after the first
clash Of arms. Ireland will cut little figure.
The principle once admitted that Parliament
should be stripped of its authority to legis-
late on local affairs, and should e0Dfine its
attention to matters which concern the en-
tire British people, home rule will be de-
manded By many parts OF England as vel
as Scotland and Wales. The redistribution
! Of the empire intc number Of States. each
| with legislature and well-defined execu-
| tive authority. would be likely to promote
the welfare of the British people and would
/ leave Parliament free to concentrate its at
| tenfion on nuasffons of national importaDca