New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1893-02-14

tie wit of man. He stiu thinks il Goes but has
persuaded himself that, though it cannot be done
completely, ii can be done with sufficient fullnc.s
for practical purposes. Four-iifths of the cases
are, he EOw thinks, easily dstinguishable: and
hc has constructed category OF distinctions
meant presumably to include these four-iilths 1t
may he that il does, but such was not the i'm
preston made by his statement. Whether it
does or not, there seems nothing to prevent the
Irish eighty holding the balance of power at
Westminster as between the EnI'ish parties. and
turning out or bringing in Ministry. That, if
anything. is an Imperial question, and not an
English or Scotch question; and if the Irish have
that, they have everything.
Tic other three points. if less important, arc
still enormously important What Of the Irish
judges? 1t understood that, subject 10
tain delays ana 10 the protection OF rights now
vested in individuals, the whole judicial bench
the whole Irish magistracy, ard ultimately the
entire police force arc to pass into purely Irish
control. 1t recalls Mr.. Dillon's remark that when
that day arrived the lot Of the Irishman who had
opposed the Nationalist movement would not b,
a happy one. That if not 4 sufficient is Il sigmt-
cant comment. The number of lri>hman not Ma
tionalistS is computed at million and a half.
Their property 10 some extent. their personal
safety to very great extent, will he in the hands
of their deadly enemies.
The land was not mentioned by Mr. Gladstone.
II must therefore be inferred that the Dublin Par
lament Is TO lie at liberty to deal with the land
and landlords as il likes. The hated English
garrison will then he at the mercy of a majority
whose avowcd policy is policy of @onfSca'ion
10 hand over the landlords 10 an Irish Lcgs-
ature would be- said Mr.. John Morley not many
years AGO, an act Of dislonor: but he has found
some means of making thai which was dl'honof-
able then seem to hn honorable now.
There remains finance Mr. Gladstone was OF
opinion in 1S>6 that TO require Ireland TO pay
onc-iiitccnth, instead Of aS now. on-twrlfth' oi
the Imperial charges would nc liberal and gen T.
Gus to her He has changed his mind. and her
quota is now 10 he reduced to one-twcnty hith.
He makes her incidentally handsome little pres
cnt of half million sterling year out of the
British taxpayers pockets
Such are some Of the leading features OF the
new Home Rule bill. SO ia" aS they can h" col
lcctcd from Mr. t'ladstonc'S account oi ms long
mcditatcd measure There are those who think
il moderate. and the Ish themselves. with their
usual shr,rydncss are shaking their heads over
if or som, of them are They we'll know they
have cot far more than offered them III
1856 and they may we'll dread III" effect or
Fnglish opinion Of those astounding concessions
They are w.r 10 affect a dissatisfaction when
they probably do not feel. Irish discomfort WIN
| snch measure might do something to c"nVnc
England that it had not reached the MAXIMUM
! Of peril TO the Empire.
Mr. Gladstone, of course, once moro pio"''
it upon England a measure not OF dlsnhlon' o"'
If union His closing words were an Impressive ap-
| real not only for justice 10 Ireland nut 1T '''
unity of the Empire. lie was IN 'uch pa''a''
both sedatc and stately. His sincerity J. p'H"''
dispute, and if he has att"nlpieh th' IMP ''l,''
his courage is only the more magHlhc'"', !"
| echoes of his voice have haidly paNSc" mo
silence. and il must he days before the mlnl o
| England can be made ulr
| 7 offer no prediction ! but record an impression
WHOM I say that over this supreme effort az INC
close OF an illustrous life hangs the shadow o
| Ellie c. w s.