The Wheeling daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1865-1903, 1893-11-23

mans financial secrets. Is then the
government to be lightly authorized to
| do Systematically, and with threat Of
penalty, what is everywhere counted
dishonorable and contemptible as be-
tween man and MANI Does that honor
ablesociety Indignantly ostracises as lou!
ofIense became worthy eXpedlent OF
craftsmanship when forCibiy attempted
by a government? We can understand
how this sort OF taxing may be con-
sidered legitimate among governments
based upon tyrannical traditions and
| whose fiscal necessities are regarded as
more sacred than any private riShts.
We can comprehend the urgency which,
| in life and death struggle, induced our
own government to enforce this form OF
tax and which led our people to pa
! triotically submit to the bitter impost;
for in war all laws and all rights are
held in suspense. But are our people
willing to have this government OF Tree
men put in such a category in these
times OF peace7 We think not; and the
mere suggestion OF the thing implies a
conception OF the rights and dignity OF
| the people and OF decent exercise OF the
taxing power which does no credit to
the legislators who favor this proposal.
We shall be told that the government
may be properly permitted to perform
| this obnoxious function because 1t can
be trusted 10 keep the secrets it violates.
Ii this were conceded, it would not be
the less true that the government
violates a sacred right. The pretense,
| however, is a shallow falsehood. The
government acts in this matter through
| its agents; those agents would be, tor
the most part, professional politicians;
and who will pretend that such men
would virtuously refuse to diTulge in
formation for which they could get a
a rich consideration.
We can conceive OF certain reasons
why congressman Of rank that need
not be specified should favor such a
defiance OF public sentiment. II, Tor
instance, it was desired to create a new
set OF Offices, with high emoluments and
great indirect gains and influence; or II
| it were sought 10 throw ont a demaHogic
bait Tor the votes of the million; or il
the capture OF the Populist vote were
redeemed to q great desideratum; or II
it we're desired to evade or minify some
other tax that fell heavily upon the de-
basing habits and the vices Of large
class OF voters; or ii this tax would ia
cilitate the administering OF heavier
dose OF tariff reform than the admins
trution wing OF the majority deem 1t
proper to prescribe; or ittheEe remains
no memory OF the utter detestation
and writing with which the like tax
was endured during the war years.
under such conditions nothing in the
way OF violent legislation would be i'm
possible. These and other motives Tor
proposing an income tax, we cay, are
conceivable; but at this stage prejudg-
ment is unjust, and in all fairness it
must be said that public opinion will
have 10 change the estimate it has
| formed OF the moral stamina OF the
present house OF representatives before
It will admit the possibility that such
incentives as we have supposed can be
accepted by majority OF that house as
warranting an enactment so utterly
odious.
The advocates of this form OF tax are
always ready with the pretense that it
is more equitable than most other meth
DDS OF taxation, That excuse, however,
even were it true, would not atone for
the tyranny and moral violence Of the
method OF collecting this tax. But,
really, the excuse deCelves nobody who
can see through most transparent sur
! tace appearances. BY natural law
that no tax schemers can ever evade,
taxation must finally fall upon pro-
| ducers, and is at last distributed pro
rata between labor and capital. Let
the tax be collected directly from the
fortuned class; what next? The class
who pay it at once correspondingly
curtail their expenditures upon COM
forts, or necessities, or rents, or SER
vices, or they will have so much less
savings TO lend for enterprises that en-
ploy labor; and thus the payer finally
recoups himselfIout OF the very classes
that are supposed to escape the bur.
then. This process is so simple and
manifest that tits blind selt.deception
for politicians to imagine they can make
party capital out OF a tax that seeming
| " puts the burthen solely on the pro.
pertied class, That, at least, is the case
with the educated proletariat with
which our legislators have to deal.
Should it turn out that thecommittee
on WAYS and means really favors this
form OF impost, it can and will be at
tributed to no other motive than cater
ing to the SURFACES OF the large class
who, because they would not have to
pay the tax directly, it is imagined
would not have the sense TO see that
they must pay it indirectly. 1t would
be grave political blunder for the
party in power TO repeat, in its earliest
acts, the very tactics OF pandering to
cupidity or supposed ignorance OF GER
tain classes, by which their opponents
have largely lost the confidence OF the
people. 1t is very dangerously unsafe
TO assume that the average American
citizen does not detect such tricks OF
legislative jugglery at frat sight; and
moreover he'is far from feeling compli.
mented at tho inference to be drawn
from these attempts to Impose upon his
implied creduIity. Experience has so
thoroughly initiated our people into the
vain ways OF party politics that they are
becoming unmanaGeably independent,
and will more and more follow measures
rather than parties. Congressman
would be wise to heedth this change Of at.
titude and play neither to the gallery
nor the boxes, bat keep an unswerving
eye upon the will and the welfare OF the
country at large.