Democratic Northwest. [volume] (Napoleon, Ohio) 1869-1894, 1893-09-21

latest pretext for the maintenance Of
the protective system, was conceived In
hypocrisy and fraud II was intended
as an appeal to the prejudices Of igno-
rant and unthinking people
It has no foundation upon which to
rest Il will not stand tho test of
honest investigation Such an investi-
CATION will show that the inequalities
Of wages In the industries of the same
kind, in the several states of the union,
are as many, and oftentimes as great,
as like inequalities between some Of
the states and England, which Is al
ways selected by the protectionist to
sustain him in his position.
Not only Is this true, but In some of
the industries In England the average
OF the wages paid to the operatives ex-
ceeds that Of the wages paid in the In
dustries of the same kind, in some por-
tions of this country. For example,
the average rate Of wages paid In the
cotton mills of England is 81. II per day,
while In Vermont IL IL only SL16.
We might multiply cases of this kind.
But, II we take an extreme case where
the difference Is the other way, that of
a man working in q shoe factory In
Massachusetts,, who receives upon an
average moro than twice as much
money for his work per week ss does
man working in shoe factory In
England, we can still prove that our
III. - ~.
tected against the lower wages of his
fellow-workman in England.
A man making mems shoes in fac
tory In Massachusetts, earns upon an
average of s11. 55 per week; man in
factory in England, making shoes of
the same kind and quality, earns less
than one-han of this sum-s5.00
per week; but we can not,
from this fact alone, conclude that
the labor Of the Massachusetts man is
sold for more than twice as much
money as the labor of the Englishman.
We must go step farther in our in
vestigation and ascertain what amount
Of work each man is required to do,
and does do, to earn his weekly wages,
before we can determine the question
of relative compensation between them.
In other words we must look to the
product of the labor of each in connec-
tion with his wages, to determine
which of them is actually getting
the higher and better compensa-
tion for his work. When we do
this we find that the Massachu-
setts man makes thirty-fve pairs Of
Shoes per week for which he receives
thirty-three cents per pair to earn his
$lL55, and that the Englishman makes
but ten pair of shoes per week for
which he gets fifty cents per pair to
earn his $500. If the English shoe
maker were to make thirty-fve pairs Of
mems shoes per week instead Of his
ten pairs, and were to still get his fifty
cents per pair for them, his weekly
wages would amount to $3.50 as
against the Massachusetts shoemaker's
S11.55, thus showing that the wages he
receives are in reality higher, not low
er than the Massachusetts man.
But, to make the comparison be-
tween them full and complete, we
must consider another thing, the pur-
chasing power of the wages
Of each of them, and this
being done, you will be fully convinced,
if you are not already SO, that ''repub-
lican protection is fraud" for in the
purchase Of blankets, fannels, woolen
clothing and other necessaries for him
self and his family, every dollar of the
Englishman's wages will buy almost.
if not quite, twice as much as two dol
lars Of the wages of the Massachusetts
man.
| Whatever advantage in wages the
American wage-earner has over his
English and other foreign competitors
he has acquired for himself, In spite Of
this pretended protection; by his supe
rior intelligence, industry and skill
and his longer hours of unremitting
toll This sham republican protection
has been to him q hindrance and 9
drawback. This is as true OF the Labor
in unprotected occupations, which con
stitute at least eighty-fve per cent. o.
all the labor of the country and re
ceives no possible benefit from protec
tion, as it is of the fifteen per cent ir
protected industries, for which alone
even the shadow of a pretext for thu
claimsof benefit by protection can b.
made. We must remember, in consid
ering the welfare of the American La
borer, another thing, and that is tina
steady employment is not second In Inn
portance to high wages Good wage
and continuous employment are eacl
essential to the prosperity of labor
But we look in vain for such employ
ment to labor, even ii the protecte,
: industries. under the Mckinley syster
Of taxation.
The independence of labor Is dc
stroyed by such legislation. The ty
rannical will of capital becomes su
preme, and it restricts andB limits th
employment of labor, both as to term
and time. Reduction In wages, strike
: and lockouts become the order of th
day. Enforced idleness results An,
you know the rest. The object lesson
, of the unfortunate conflicts between
. protected capital, relentless and cruel
and honest labor, begging only for tn
opportunity to sell itself for livin
J price, are indellibly stamped upon you
. memories, and need not recall then
Gov. Mckinley may call this Anne,
icanism and patriotism, If he will But
say to you, no darker page in Anne,
: ican history will be written than thos
which record these irrepressible cor
fiicts between capital, protected, proud
arrogant and all-powerful upon tn
one side, and labor, wronged, fretfu
inpatient contending for its just IT
: wards, upon the other.
!. We must have higher order Z
. 3 Americanism than this, our patriotisI
: must be broader than this; and W
must, under the guidance Of a wise
statesmanship, break the restrainin