Wheeling register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1878-1935, 1893-02-14


Irish act-that is try it judicially, and
with reasonable judgement, under the
initiative of the Viceroy, or Secretary
OF State. This Judicial Committee, is
now recognized by US as the only ap-
proach we can make TO the Supreme
Court of the United States.
''In composing this judicial commit
tee, due regard must be had TO the diff
ferent elements Of nationality. [Cheers.l
We have not apprehended any difficulty
there. We propose'a gradual redue-
tion of the constabulary, and the ulti-
mate dissolution or disappearance OF
that force, with the discharge of every
obligation towards them, in such q way
as will not adversely affect the interests
OF that honorable force.
'On the important subject OF the re-
tention OF Irish members in the imperial
Parliament, do not regard, and never
have regarded it as touching what are
some times called fine principles OF the
bill. 1t is not included in any one OF
them. but whether it be q principle, or
whether il be not, there is no question
| that il is very weighty and organic
detail, which cuts rather deep in some
respects into the composition OF the bill.
! There are strong arguments which may
be alleged in defense Of the retention OF
! Irish members in Parliament, but there
is one argument / must put aside as
most dangerous argument, and in Itself
| quite untenable.
''rhe argument Of these who say un-
! less you retain the Irish members there
il no parliamentary supremacy over
Ireland, / entirely decline TO admit that
argument. 1 say that il you do admit
/ at a stroke, you shatter parliamentary
supremacy in this country. Although |
do not at all admit that parliamentary
supremacy depends upon the retention
OF Irish members, | yet quite admit
that the retention OF members has
great practical Importance, because 1t
yisibly exhibits that supremacy in
manner Ineligible TO the people. Be-
sides, it gives Ireland a voice, and
fnu voice, in all imperial matters.
Hear, hear.
'Now comes the great difficulty
what voting power are those eight men,
bers TO have. Ireland is TO be repre-
sented here fully; that is my first post
ulate. My second pOstulate is that Ire
land Is 10 be invested with separate
powers, subject no doubt to imperial
authority, vet still, as we must from
experience practically separate GER
tain independent power As has been
done in other legislatures of the empire,
Ireland is to be endowed with sepa-
rate powers over Irish affairs.
Then the question before US is: IS
she. or is she not TO vote so strongly
upon matters purely British? l propose
this question in the true parliamentary
form-aye or no. There are reasons
both ways. We cannot cut them oil in
A manner perfectly clean and clear from
those questions. We cannot find an alb
solntely accurate line OF cleavage be-
tween questions that are imperial Ques-
tions and those that are irish questions.
ICbeers. I do not see it is possible 10
exclude irish members from voting on
great subjects.
,In the face of the feeling that a
shade OF uncertainty still hangs over
the question of retention Of the irish
members we have affixed TO the para
graph concerning this question the
1
ment shall determine the coming imam
cial legislation wish to supply the
KEYNOTE to the financial part OF the leg
islation. That keynote is to be found
in the provision included in our
Dlans from the first and
wisely aud generously acceded
10 Ireland through her representatives;
! there is to be but one system or leSlSia-
| tion for all the kingdom. As far as ex-
ternai things are concerned that will be
/ found TO entail very important conse-
ouences. 1t has guided Us to the con-
| clusion at which we have arrived, OF
unity OF the commercial legislation for
| the three Kingdoms. This includes
customs and excise duties, postoftce
| and telegraphs. BY adopting this key
note we can attain TO the most valuable
results and will be likely to avoid the
clashlng friction Of agents OF the lm-
perial, and agents OF the Irish govern
ment.
ave provide that revenue levied in
| Ireland shall be revenue really belong
ing TO Ireland; that IS, revenue from
goods consumed in Ireland. 1t Is not so
with the customs. With the customs
there is q large debt from Ireland to
this country. 1t IS not SO large as in
VOWED in the case OF excise, but still 10
comes up to several hundred of thou
sands. II we adopted the method
Of a quota we should expose Irish
( finance TO large and inconvenlent shocks
from changes introduced in English
budgets. Imperial reasons also would
perhaps make II necessary for Us to do
what we are. think, very unwilling TO
/ do-uamely, 10 give imperial office a
meddlng aud intervening power in re-
latlon TO Irish affairs Hear! Hear'I
Questions may arise and in such we
! are assured we shall OBTAIN from Ire
/ land a fair share OF assistance IN great
imperial emergency. 1 myself am
/ bound 10 say that l think there Is very
! little 10 fear from trusting the patriot
/ ism and liberality Of the Irish legisla-
( ture.
with regard to customs we propose
| 10 leave them in our hands, so that
there can be no difficulty In adapting
! contributions, so far as customs are
! concerned. With regard 10 excise, we
! have proposition TO retain considerable
coutrol in our hands, which consider
able power will enable Great Britain to
make sure OF having aid from Ireland
! il she thinks such provisions necessary.
Mr. Gladstone closed as follows:
'She was stinted in FRANCHISE and
means of representation. Now she pos
sesses q most extended franchise with
more perfect protection. Her remain
| ing objects she has not yet attained TO,
but she looks forward 10 the attainment
with more means in her hands. One
other source OF strength she has-the
moderation Of her demands. She has,
| aver since 1856 II not before