New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1893-08-27
THE CLOSURE.
HOW IT HAS BEEN USED WITH REFERENCE
no HOME RULE AND WHY 1T HAS
BEEN SO USED.

Rule bill The House. IN MS Oplhloh' Has hV'o'
given its sanction 10 this measure. Mr.. "iao-
stone can no more say he mas pasSeu u''
Hill through the House than a man could say lie
Ind passed. an examination by knocking the eN-
am,pcr down That is at least variation upon
goc and ouillotirc. terms which, though accurately
descriptive Of Mr.. Gladsionc's now Parliamentary
methods become, a. everything becomes by rePti-
,,on roonotonous The good American Gladston-
ian must not. however. allcgc that either OF them
e. odensive Gag" was first used 10y the HiSi
s,d (;uiliotine bv the Radicals. The lattr are
Mr. Gladstone faithful hcnchmcn. for ~" pfe~'h''
and the Irish are his masters; apparently LOT al
time since he has no hope OF majority mere.
after-I mean in this worll. not the ncNt-withou'
the Irish vote There are tho- Who re2a'u U'''
Doc. as Of itself a sufficient explanation 81 ms
CHANCE ~ front and broken pledges on the question
81 retaining the Irish at Westminster Nei'"'
he nor the Radicals would he apie "
mass any OF their Newcastle bills relating No'"-
sivelv 10 Great Britain, without liish I"'p >,
~ tho rnionists were alert they might do well
20 prepare q map of the Home hui' 49, 80
noaplar usc The Times" has done something TO
make II plain 10 the eye a. well as 10 the mn" ~
nr,r,inr the text of the bill in two different SORTS
=. 60 Those nortion. Of il which the House
hos becn allowed TO debate, to discuss at all III
Committee are in italic letter. The undiscusScu
,or,ion is in roman The page thus arrang'o
n,Ies tie practcal effect of closure visible 10 inc
orc There is a broad desert of roman ic'''r
,,,;,h straoclinr GASES of ita1ic. Count the lines
"a ,,ou and that nearly four-ffths OF the piii Has
hoer p,ss.d in dumb show. In round NUMBERS
ont of I 400 lines, of which the Dill 0o'
rather less than $50 have been 10 so'io 49,.
within the actual cognzancc OF inc 'o'i ri,
Ia love hoen more or less fully considered Inc
remaining ! $50 so have never JUL 49,.
NOR has any opportunity or means VI
them been vouchsafed. What do you t''ilh "
sm.h LEGISLATION az that? But that Is Mt "iao
stones method of legislation ..,,.
WI. e Tho oxcuse? The necessity OF PASSING
the bfll this session. What Is the heceSNi"
know I have touched on this point oeiore' o''
only touched on it. and put the question: again.
VII somo GOOD American Gladstonian try TO
answer it to his own satisfaction VIII "c say
wbat he would think of an attempt to rush a
.n..;.nt;or., amendment through Congress in
this fashion? But a constitutional amendment
ao.,s with a single subject, consists Of few Ines
ord e an amendment and nothing more Nheh
&, has passed Congress 1t has. as every American
No. many Fnglishmen-knows, TO 60 before the
legislatures or conventions of each separate state
II is therefore. when presented to Congress- IN
the first place simple brief easily unders'ahoeo VI
tho ncople and sometimes even by congressman
in the second place is subject to revision sure oi
ample discussion, and cannot become law 'h'
ratified by three-fourths of the States lhesc
processes consume, on an average vi ie0on' "
stances, about fifteen months.
Iy-beyeos the Home Rule bill, so far from being
q constitutional amendment, is admittedly con-
stitmtional revolution. 1t creates a new LegiS'
Ia%ure and disturbs old one; sets up q new
executive. and new judiciary profoundly niou-
fies the existing relations between Ireat brNah
and that part Of the Kingdom called lreianu
profoundly modiics the constitution OF orea'
Britain as we'll as of Ireland; limits by deVou'oh
and without any sufficient safeguard for the eN-
ercise Of the powers not expressly devoNeu' ,ie
mowers OF a Parliament hitherto Imperial and
omnipotent: threatens the property and endangers
in some cases the lives and in all the liberties OF
q minority estimated at one-third Of the whole
Irish people: and does many other things OF vast
nolitical MAGNITUDE of far-reachng and at present
unreasonable consequences. 1t is, in MI Hlad-
stones own phrase twenty bills rolled INTO one
Such is the extent OF the contrast between the
Home Rule bill and a constitutional amendment
in the United States. If IT takes the people OF
the United States the most intelligent OF nations
with the best political training in the world, M
teen months TO pass constitutional amehdneht
In five lines dealing with single topic, how long
ought IL 20 take the electors of Great Brl'ain'
of whom nearly One-half ten years ago had not a
vote. to pass huge bill Of l.4OO lines affecting
the civil personal. and political rights of Ireland
transforming and revoutionzing the political
relations of the two sections of the whole Kingdom
and overtllrowing that constitution of Parliament
which has lasted for COO years? What is the
aritbmetical proportion? What is the proportion
of common sense, Of common honesty, of a just re-
card for public interests and Of just estimate
OF the tremendous issues and responsibilities in
volvede
Will the good American GladstOnian answer thai
question to his satisfaction? And when he ha:
answered it will he tell US how his answer com
pares with the hard facts,-with the two months OF
Parliamentary time actually allowed the House
Of Commons TO consider the Home Rule bill. and
with the still harder fact that. with respect 4
more than three-fourths Of the BILL no time at al
Is allowed and no member suffered to open his
mouth except to say aye or no? When he has
worked out that sum will he then further apply
bis mind TO the fact that as against subseduen
reference of an amendment in America to eighty
eight separate legislative bodies, the reference o
the Home Pule bill in England IL 10 one lcgsla
tive body, and to one only? Perhaps he vii
then think himself in a position to consider
more intellgcntly the question Of that alleged
political necessity which is, as said. the sol,
excuse offered for the gag and the guillotine. as
at present worked by Mr.. Gladstone. He will
find the necessity to be not political, but party
necessity, and not altogether party necessity, but
largely personal: necessity arising primarily
out of the advanced age OF its author; out Of hi,
determination that the bill shall he carried during
his lifetime and by himself: and out of the natura
sobabilty that his life. or his efficient esislatv,
activity. cannot be many years prolonged. The
whole argument of political necessity might b
summed up in the statement that Mr.. Gladstone
will be eighty-four next December.
What are called the wrongs OF Ireland have
endured 700 years Would it be too much q
give seven years or seven months to the re
dress OF this vast accumulation OF inquitles
They are TO great extent sentimental, as the.