New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1893-11-12

NdnidetS OF perfect freedom o. liduc NItHour' ~
was evidently no friend to commercial restrictions
he considered the home market be the most i'm
porant field 10 be secured 20 producers OF all KINDS
and he begins the chapter by laying down the fol-
lowing propositions "By restraining either by laying
duties or by absolute prohbitations. the mporta-
ton OF such goods from foreign counties az can
be produced az home the monopoly Of the home
market j. more less secured 10 the domestic in
dustry employed in producing them" After adj
ducing certain striking illustrations OF this propo-
Siiion. he speaks OF the encouragement, thus given
10 the industry which enjoys K. and makes n
qualification that IS a. true now rs il was when he
wrote: THAT This monopoly OF the home market
frequently gives great announcement 10 ihat par
,icular species OF Industry which enjoys it. and
frequently turns toward that employment greater
snare or both the labor ana stock o: society than
would otherwise have gone to IT, cannot be doubted.
But whether il tends either TO increase the gen
eral industry Of the society. give II the mos,
advantageous direction. Is not perhaps altogether
50 evident III" general Industry Of the society
never can exceed what the capital of the society
can employ. As the number Of w0rkmer that can
he kept IN employment by any particular person
must bear certain proportion 10 his capital 50
the number of those that can be continually en-
pOyei BY all the members Of great society must
bear a certain proportion to the who'll capital OF
that society. and never can exceed that proper
ton. No regulation OF commerce can Increase the
quantity of industry In any society beyond wha.
its capital can maintain. |, can ony direct pa.t
Of ii into direction in which it might not other
wise have conc: and it Is by no means certain
that his artificial direction is likely to be more
advan;Igeous 10 the society than that into which
II would have gore o. its own dcCO:d." Having
Developed the argument this head. anl shown
why ii i injurious to direct private people I'm
what manner to employ their capital. he admits
that there may be- two cases in which il Will gen
orally b" advantageous 20 lay some burden upon
foreign for the cement OF dom rztic indus
TRY. Inc iifst IL where some particular sort OF in
dusry i necessary for ;ho defence OF he country
as was the case with Great Britain. whose defence
depended very much upon the number Of its sail
ors and shipping. and hence the Act Of Navga-
ton. which bean under the Long Parliament.
This is the exception 10 which Mr.. Madison re-
feired in general terms, in regard to verythng
requisite for National defence and il is what Mr.
Calhoun at n later period had in view when in 1916.
ne advocated protection OF domestic manufactures
The second case in which it VIII generally De adj
Vantareors 10 lay some burden upon foreign for
the encouragement OF domestic Industry Is when
some tax is imposed ut home upon the produce of
the latter In This case il seems reasonable that
an equal tax should be imposed upon the Ike
produce OF the former. This would not give the
monopoly Of the home market 70 domestic in
dustry, nor turn toward a particular employment
a greater share OF the stock and labor of the
country than would naturally go TO IT, 1t would
only hinder any part Of what would naturally go
TO 1t from being turned away by the tax into a
less natural channel and would leave the compe-
uion between foreign and domestic industry after
the tax, as nearly possible upon the same foot
ing as before NJ. Smith then proceeds to CON
slider two other in which the laying Of
burdens upon foreign for the encouragement of
domestic Industry may sometimes be matter
OF delineration The first is. how far 1t is proper
To- continue the free importation OF foreign goods.
rms opens the subject Of retallations which are
Iesortrd 10 FOR the purpose Of compelling another
our nrodlctS' temporary expedient dictated by
pecuIar ciiSumstanccs bnt INJURIOUS 10 ourselves
ana in what manner ii is proper 10 restore the free
linpoFtaton Of foreign goods after it has been for
special Importance at all times. when particular
by means of high duties upon all
WIN them nave been SO far extended as 10 en-
ploy great number Of hands.
which is true at all times. and IS of great force
when a system of high duties on foreign manu-
lactures has long been in operation. and has in
Iuced extensive Investments In certain industries:
That the freedom Of trade should be restored only
serve and circumspectlon. and after long warn
that its deliberation could always be directed not
by the , camo,ous mportnnity Of particular in;
goods ought upon this very account. perhaps. 10 !
be- Particularly careful neither 10 establish any
nonopoles Of this kind. nor to extend further |
hose which are already established. Every such |
EQUATION introduces some degree OF real DISORDER
nto The constitution Of the state. which II Will be-
ihlcut aiterwarl 10 cure without occasioning |
mother disorder.
THE SITUATION UNDER THE confederation. /
The situation Of the United States before the
adoption Of our present Constitution was. In fact.
'ne to make the general principles laid down by /
Adam Smith and the exceptions to them, appli- |
able in the earliest legislation. Before the Federal
Constitution. the States were Independent Ma
Ions in all matters OF revenue and taxation. Each /
;oods imported into its dOmn!ons each paid such .
Intention as 1t thought proper TO the protection Of
The same kind Of foreign goods which had paid
certain DUTY on being entered at the port Of one
Il another state and as there was freedom Of tad.
,etween the states. commodities Of the same cost
Nerent price in different parts Of this country
When the central Government became clothed with
MON. the principle of such encouragement and the
aea9s Of giving It were familiar TO the people OF
) soon az Mr.. Madison had introduced the subject
lew Government. ana a list Of articles to be sub
ected to the new duties had been laid before the
iscussion by an occurrence which Is OF marked
istorical interest
PROTECTION EARLY CONSIDERED.
On April II a petition was presented from the
manufacturers and others Of the town
Baltimore 1t set forth. THAT since the close
the late war. and the completion Of the rcvou-
on. they had observed with sincere regret the
and trading interest Of the country
apidly declining. and the attempts of the State
legislatures to remedy the evil falling Of their
bject: that in the present melancholy or our
ountry. the number Of poor increasing foY want OF
Employment, foreign debts accommodating. houses
nj lands deprecatng in value and trade and
manufactures lansushing and expiring. they look
p TO the Supreme Legislature OF the United States
the guardian OF the whole empire. ana from their
nited wisdom and patriotism and ardent love OF
ler country expect to receive that aid and pro-
.cton which can alone disspate their Just APP
and animate them with hopes Of sue
1ss in future. by imposing on all foreign articles
hich can De made in America such duties "a Will
i've just and decided preference to their labor;
scountenancng that trade which tends ma
rally to injurc them and mpovsh their country:
rat they have annexed list Of such articles as
~ or be manufactured among them, ana
unbly trust in the wisdom OF the Legislature to
rant them. in common with other mechanics ana
anufacturers Of the United States. that relief
hich may seem proper.
This petition. although coming from a single town
liied upon the new Congress. as the supreme
legislature Of the United States. in the broadcst |
rms. to apply the principle Of Protection so as To
,nclt American labor. and 10 discOuntenance that !
eedOm Of trade which tended 10 iniure the in. !
istry of our own mechanics and manufacturers |
asked for suc. legislation not only in regard 10 |
'tices then produced. but also in regard To those
hiCh could be produce. in this country; thereby |
rOpOSng that the legislature should aim tn com |