Bismarck weekly tribune. [volume] (Bismarck, Dakota [N.D.]) 1884-1943, 1892-08-05

He never went back on a friend, He never
failed to help q fellow being in distress.
30, you see, even in lobbying character is
worth something, and I believe in giving
the devil his due.
l have more respect for this man than I
have for some members of congress who
refused to vote for poor old Billy McGar-
rahan's bill because they thought some
body might charge them with being cor
rupt. There is where the cowardice of
public life comes in, and the selfishness of
1t also. voting for this measure subjects
me to possible criticism" thought the av-
erage congressman, land 1 can't see that it
will clip me in my approaching campaign.
1t won't popularize me, because McGarra-
han has no friends in my district" It was
just such views as this that defeated the
bill time and again in the past; it is pre-
cisely this narrow, selfish standthat defeats
hundreds of worthy measures and perpet-
yates hundreds of monstrous iniustices
done in the name of the public.
There are plenty of demagogues in CON
gress. If I dared would use some m
Take as an illustration a certain measure
which attracted a great deal of attention
during the last month. It passed the house
by a majority of 100 and the senate by a
vote proportionately large. 1 personally
have heard a score or more of members of
the house n at least "a dozen senator's
who voted for it denounce it as improper,
dangerous, foolish legislation. "And yet
| have got to vote for it," they added,
because the people in my district or state
want it, and if voted against it they
would wreak vengeance upon me-" This
is only one case of many I could name.
The truth is, public service is becoming
IN a large measure a sort of actors profess
sion. 1t is a bid for popularity all the
time. 1t is an effort, not to dc the right
thing. not to carry out ones convictions as
to what should be done, but to do that
which will bring the most votes and please
the largest number of interested and iniu-
entail persons. | know one senator who
is as able and eloquent as any other man
in that body. But he makes it a rule.
whenever he goes out to his state to make
speeches to inquire what the sentiments Of
the people of that particular locality are be-:
fore commencing his address, and cuts his
cloth accordingly. To me he has admit
ted, with a laugh, that in two days, in ad-
joining counties, he has made two speeches
on the silver question-one for free silver
and the other against. 1.-THE smartest men
differ on that question, +" he explained, $50
why should I quarrel with my constitu-
ents? 1t is my duty to give them what
they want" And he gave them what they
wanted, just as an actor might have played
comedy at one theater where comedy was
in favor and tragedy at another where the
audiences were given to passion.
l know several members of who
have organized q regular systematic plan
for ascertaining the sentiments of the peo-
pie of their districts on questions which
may arise. One member has about 800
friends in his district to whom he sends an
inquiry, when occasion requires, something
like this: "See a dozen representative citi-
Zcns and ascertain what their views are on
the silver question" From the 300 replies
he taDulates the expressions and votes
with the majority. H&there is not a pro-
nounced majority one way or the other he
lodges. In this he has held his
seat in the nous for a good nanyv ears
and for all I know will succeed il holdIng
it a good many more.
Of course the encouraging side Of this
matter is 'that it shows the power Of public
opinion. Perhaps there never was a time
in this country when public opinion had
greater force with public men thar it has
at the present time. The passage of the
anticipation bill through one and perhaps
both houses of congress was due to moth
ing in the world but the power Of public
opinion. The Sunday closing proviso put
on the Worlds fair sections of the sundry
civil bill was due to nothing but the force
Of public opinion expressed through petit
tions. AS these petitions rolled in by the.
thousand and the hundreds of thousands.
many senators ridiculed them in private
and one or two did in public; but when
the vote was taken l noticed that each Of
these senators voted precisely as the petit
TONERS had asked him to do. On the
theory that the people know what they
want and are wiser than any legislative
body could possibly be, the growth of tue
power of public opinion in legislative mat
tiers and the increased consciousness among
the masses of their possession of the ability
to make themselves felt in the federal cap
ital are encouraging signs. They tend to
destroy individual craftsmanship, to make
great leaders impossible, but they contain
no threat against the public welfare.
The lazy congressman is a nuisance, and
II l cared to use some names and give some
instances l dare say a number of able gem
tlemen who expect to return next fall with
tuelr CaAuuS anu re-elecGlOn sure would be
ingloriously turned down, by their con-
stituents. I have no patience with the
man who will not study public questions;
who will not attend to the business which
citizens intrust to his care; who is too in
dolent to make a speech or to make an
honest effort to impress himself in one way
or another upon the affairs of the times.
There are scores of such men in congress.
The requests of their constituents for help
in matters pending before the government
bureaus they evade by downright lying.
Even applications for public documents
they rid themselves of by having their sec
%retaries reply that the books or pamphlets
named are out of print. These men idle
their time. away. In committee rooms
they are ciphers;. IN the floor they are un-
known. -,-., ~ at
The bright side Of this picture is q bright
one indeed. 1t is the portrait of a CON
gresham who endeavors to do his whole
duty. He rises early, visits the depart
ments on business for his constituents, at
half past 10 is in his committee room, at
noon in his seat on the floor and all after.
noon is watching public business. alert