Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1892-07-07

the mill owners. II is true the locked-out men
had virtually taken control, IL not possession Of
the works and had prevented al access 10 Il ex-
when the sheriff was called 1pon to
preserve the peace and protect the
property Of the mill owners, he explained his
position TO the advisory board, but the latter
could see no necessity for sheriffs' deputies at o
place where no violence had been committed or
intended This. the sheriff protested, did not
justify him in declining to act, and he insisted
upon sending some Of his deputies TO the scene
OF danger for the purpose Of preserving order
and protecting property. This he did, but the
deputies were received as intruderv rather than
the county and state. and they withdrew from
attempting that which they foresaw was hope
less. What the end Of the rioting and bloodshed
viii be cannot readily be foretold We beseech the
leaders Of the loeked-out men to remember
that every dollar in damage inflicted upon the
mill property or other property as q result Of
the riot win have to be made good by the tax
payers Of Allegheny county. Though the ag-
gregate should mount up to millions, as in the
memorable railroad riots, it will have to be paid
to the INST dime. No pecuniary injury can be
inflicted on the Carnegie interests by destroy
ing property, but loss can be entailed upon
every workingman in the county who owns his
own home. There has been fearful loss Of life
already, for which nothing can atone. and ii is
high time that reason, humanity and law should
tAAe inc ptace OF passion, violence ana lawleee-
ness. The law must eventually assert itself
and the question is whether q truce shall be
declared or whether more blood shall flow"
The Dispatch says: "It is not even the loss Of
life, extensive though that be, nor the bitter
ness Of feeling that will result from 1t, nor the
deplorable and exaggerated hostility which
gives the real relations Of labor and capital in
our state-though each one Of these considera-
tons is q source Of the deepest pain and morti-
fcation in itself-that invests the affair Of yes
terday with the gravest importance. There
are two other questions involved
in representing radical errors on both
sides which will regain its hold, have to be met
when the tempest Of feeling Gains sufficiently
to allow reason. The denial to the Carnegie
mill owners Of their legal right to operate their
works is one of them, and the frequent policy
OF corporations In suppressing or supplanting
the processes Of the law By resort to armed
forces Of such mercenaries as Pinkerton's men,
whose equipment and presence on such occa-
| sions is in itself an invitation and suggestion
Of violence, is the other"
The Post remarks 'From q strictly legal
point Of view no one will gainsay that the Car
negie Company has acted within what it be-
lieved to be its rights. But there Is another
aspect from the moral point of view. Power
full capital, such as involved In this matter,
could afford to pursue a different policy to-
ward labor than the cold and arbitrary one it
has seen proper TO take. All means Of eatisfac-
tory settlement had not only not been wholly
exhausted, but there had not been even a Sc
rious effort to utilize these means Capital
made itself offensive in its policy, in a legal
way all may admit, but offensive nevertheless"