The Mt. Sterling advocate. (Mt. Sterling, Ky.) 1890-current, 1892-06-21
THE CHICAGO CONVENTION.
AS Viewed From Washington.

All eyes political are now turned
toward Chicago. The result at Min
neapolis has been received with vary
ing comment and feelings here, but
outside of those whose places and
political fortunes are dependent upon
the administration there is pretty
general notion that the Republican
party enters the campaign with hard
row to hoe. Much depends upon the
action at Chicago. Had Mr.. Blaine
been nominated at Minneapolis Cleve-
lands nomination at Chicago would
have been foregone conclusion, but
as Harrison has once beaten Cleve-
land the question arises whether the
advantage Of that fact would not be
fatal to the latter in the coming strug-
gle. Among over twenty prominent
Democrats with whom your cores
pondent talked yesterday, including
four or five delegates to the conven-
ton, fully one-half, while expecting
Cleveland's nomination, questioned
deep down In their gizzards whether
new man like Flower or Whitney
would not make more certain of car
rying New York, or whether Boies or
Palmer, Campbell or German, would
not on the whole be more likely to
win. These questions are raised by
many who are really Cleveland men
at heart but who care more for success
than for any mere sentiment.
The real trouble and anxiety of the
President is just beginning. After
bending all his energies and every re-
SQUIRE of his Office to securingNa renom-
ination, he now begins to realize that
a still harder fight must be made in
the canvass, and that even then he
may lose. He already finds that he
has his hands full. AS he proposes to
take general direction of his own cam
paign, Of course the public business
must suffer. To keep track of the
legislation of Congress and pass bills
sent to the White House for his sigma
ture, and at the same give proper con-
sideration to all the matters brought
before him by his cabinet officers,
while his days and nights are given
up to consultations with politicians
from everywhere, is an utter impossi-
bility. Another perplexing feature of
the situation is the filling of the large
number of offices now vacant, and
taking care of the promises made be-
fore the ballot at Minneapolis. 1t is
no secret now that every office in the
gift of the President has been prom
ised two or three times over, not only
for the present but for the second
term, should there be one. John G.
New had carte blanche at Minneapo-
lis, and he used it unstintingly.
Should Harrison pull through in the
election there will be lots of fun over
this situation. All this emphasizes
the necessity of making the President
ineligible for second term.
1t is the idea of Mr.. Harrison to
have a money campaign. He knows
that Quay and Dudley bought New
York and Indiana for him four years
ago, and while he went back on them
after he got possession of the Office, he
thinks somebody else will be found to
carry out the same programme this
year. 1t is proposed to raise a cor
ruption fund even larger than that Sc
cured by Quay and Wannamaker in
1888. That is why Whitelaw Reid was
put on the ticket. Mr.. Reid has him.
self come to be very rich man by the
questionable methods employed by the
money-getters of Wall street, and his
paper, the New York Tribune, has
been the organ of this element ever
since Reid obtained control of it.
This thrifty young man claims in pub
lie that the nomination was unex-
pected to him, yet he was sending
slectrotypes of his portrait around to
the newspaper offices in New York
TWO days before it occurred. It's also
'aid that he furnished the cash to
'olidity the southern delegates for
Harrison, and stands pledged to secure
he largest campaign fund ever raised.
That is Mr.. Reid's sole strength. His
weakness will be fully explained be-
ore the campaign Is far advanced.
One illustration of his character is
in his treatment of poor old
Horace Greedy. In 1872 Mr.. Greedy
made Reid what he was. He gave