The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1892-01-22
NATIONAL sYMPATHIEs.

So far as our keenest sympathies Of race,
blood, religion and civilization are con-
cerned we are bound TO England by the
closest ties, but between nations, as be-
tween individuals, the social courtesies
and amenities of life are one thing, while
business necessities and political interests
are quite another. Today in Europe Italy
and France are naturally more sympa-
thetic socially and politically than Italy
and Germany and Austria, and yet We find
Italy member of the triple alliance.
France has no social or political sympathy
with Russia's civilization or institutions:
it was the military arms of France that
whipped Russia at Zurich, Austerlitz,
Friedland, Borodino and forced the gates
of Moscow: it was the soldiers of France
that humbled Russia at the Alma, Ink
ernan and Sebastopol, and yet
today common danger forces
the very best understanding be-
tween France and Russia. England
and France are, says Sir Charles
Dixie, natural allies, and We. political
interests force them apart and range the
weight of England's political influence
with Germany. Austria has no social or
political sympathy with Italy, and has no
love for the victors of Sadowa, and yet
Austria is the ally of both Italy and Ger
many. Austria was the ally of Russia
against Turkey, against Napoleon, owed
Russia her rescue from political revolution
in 1S49 and yet Austria is today Russia's foe.
England, Russia's old ally in the Napol-
comic wars, never spared her in the Crimea,
but struck for self-interest, not sentiment.
So with our own country We were
very glad of Frances help in the
Revolution, and grateful for it, although
we knew We should never have had
single ship or solitary soldier, or a
penny of her money if France had
not been at war with England,
who was so completely her superior
on the seas that Frances best chance was
to stab England by helping the revolted
American colonies, just as Russia, if she
was at war with England today, would
strengthen the hands of an Indian mutiny.
The debt of the American colonies was
to royalist, not Republican France. Re-
publican France quarreled with the ad-
ministration of Washington and John
Adams, and the French minister Genet had
TO get up and get out. Napoleon abused
our commerce under Jefferson's admin
istration, but his necessities persuaded
him to sell Us Louisiana and the great
West for song and a picture book and
then We let him go to the devil in his own
way. We had some sharp passages with
France when the Bourbons proposed 10
enforce the Holy Alliance in the South
American states. Then we allowed no
sentiment to keep us from standing by
England's policy, and President Jackson
on one occasion brought France to book
with some stern words. In our great civil
war France under Napoleon the Third
was more dangerous and threatening
enemy than England, for if England had
consented Napoleon would have at once
recognized the Confederacy and been their
ally, and France put Bazaine into Mexico
so as to be on our flank if good time 10
strike ever came. In the Franco-Prussian
war our own sympathies were largely with
Germany.
All these facts only show that in
matters of business, nations have no
sentiment. England has been the ally
and the enemy by turn of about every
power IN Europe; so has Russia and so
has France, without any reference to old
sentiments or even royal marriages. The
Barthoidi statue parade and the honors
paid TO France at the Yorktown GEN.
tennial did not mean any new pledge
of friendship TO France. The early asso-
citation with France was born out of a
common emergency that made us Join
hands TO fight England, as in 1851 we
would have joined hands with Russia to
fight France. England furnished Russia
with the sinews of war that enabled her
10 force Napoleon from Moscow, and
forty-two years later England gave the
hand to Napoleon's nephew to help burst
the gates of Sebastopol.