The weekly intelligencer. [volume] (Lexington, Mo.) 1891-1901, 1892-04-09
CAN HE WINY

Ihere are some men who declare
that they had rather go down in de-
feat with Grover Cleveland than follow
any other leader to victory.
To such as are endowed with a faith
and trust s sublime, who see nothing
more IN democracy than the success
of me man, this editorial is not adj
dressed. 1t is addressed to men who
think that the democratic party is
greater than any man. 1t is addressed
to men who love the party for the
principles it represents. 1t is address,
ed to men who look to the benefits
that arise from a true democracy and
who believe that hero worship has no
place in II politics.
Within three months the national
democratic party will assemble in con-
v~ention at Chicago to adopt a plat
form and nominate a ticket. 1t is of
pfirae importance that the right kind
1T 3 platform be adopted. 1t is equal
y important that men who q win, II
winning is possible, shall be nomi-
mated. 1t is proper, even thus early
to discuss the platform and the
The party surely has more than one
man who is worthy of first honors. II
surely has many men who can rally
the entire party to their support. II
so it is meet that they be discussed
with candor and with judgment. To
do this we must tear sway u prefer
ences and cast aside our prejudices.
The most popular man before the
people is Grover Cleveland. But are
the chances in favor of his winnings
If not, ought we to sacrifice him or
the partyP
Cleveland won the campaign of
1884 more through a revolt in the re-
publican camp than by reason of any
positive strength he possessed indie
pendent of the party. His most I'M
reasonable follower must admit that
but for the republican detection in New
York, Mr.. Blaine would have won the
presidency.
In 1888 Mr.. Cleveland was again
the standard bearer, and the campaign
was begun under the most favorable
auspices. There was no lack of party
enthusiasm. The battle was well fought
and the contest well conducted. There
was lukewarmness here and there but
it was not considered of vital import
ance and received but little attention.
But when the polls were closed and
the returns began coming in, many
surprises came with them, and ere the
tolling of the midnight hour, on cleo
ton night it was known that Cleveland
was defeated.
A comparison of the majorities in
1884 and 'SS, become an interesting
one. An analysis of them may afford
some excellent guide posts at this
time.
Cleveland carried nineteen states.
In ten of these he gained on his major
lilies of 1884. In the other nine he
lost. But in the states of Alabama,
Georgia, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana
and Tennessee the gain was of no sig
nificance, rs it represented not a
material increase of democratic strength
but a decrease of the republican vote.
Mr.. Harrison carried twenty states.
In fourteen of these he gained heavily
upon Mr.. Blaine's majorities of 1884,
and lost, though but lightly, in the
other six. The significance of Mr..
Harrison's gains and Mr.. Cleveland's
losses is in the fact. that they occurred
principally in those states that cast a
large soldier vote, showing that the
veterans of the late war were opposed
to Cleveland. 1t should be remembered
that the soldier vote Is no friendlier
to him now than it was then.
The fact that Mr.. Cleveland lost
ground in important states, and, with
one exception only, gained in a vital
locality, is of itself proof of his weak
ness as a candidate. This weakness,
SO fatal in 1888, could scarcely be less
so in 1892. At least it should be suffi
cient TO put the party on its guard.
The INTELLIGENcER does not believe
the party has gained any material
number of votes by the tariff issue.
The returns OF 1890 do not indicate
anything of the kind. Elections gain
ed by party through the failure Of
its opponents to cast their ballots, do
not indicate conversions-and yet it is
to republican absenteeism in 1896 and
not to an aggregation of new voters o.
the democratic column, that we are
indebted for the great victory of that
year. This statement is susceptible Of
very easy proof.
Knowing these facts the INTELLIGEN.
GER can but look upon the proposition
to nominate Mr.. Cleveland with {
feeling of alarm. 1t looks like an in
vitation to certain defeat, and defeai
is not necessary. Mr.. Cleveland still
has the soldier vote against him. This
opposition is sufficient to endangel
Indiana and New York. Besides il
New York a large faction, comprising al
overwhelming majority of the party, Ii
bitterly opposed to him, and, the con-
duct of his friends there in refusing
to acquiesce in the will of the majority
is adding to the bitterness. No one
with any political acumen, thinks OF
talks of eleeting without the votes o.
New York. A gain of four votes /,
possible in Michigan, and that, if W.
carried the solid south, Indiana, New
Jersey and Connecticut, would leave
us still thirty-two votes short. There
may be O coalition in Kansas, Nebras
ka and Minnesota between democrat.
and third partyites, but q counter
coalition in Georgia, the two Carolinas
Alabama and Mississippi, between the