Mississippi leader. (Jackson, Miss.) 1892-1895, 1892-09-29

profitable to those 50 employed.
Tin enormous sum squandercd
for drink would send the thrill of
na" Iil, and the flush OF prospcrii ,
into every honorable business.
were it diverted from the channel
in which it now flows. Larger ten
times over in its financial bearing
is the question of Prohibition than
the Tariff.
Suppress the. traffic, and every
honest industry viii reap the
benefit. The butcher will sell more
beef when his customers consum"
less beer.
The drinking man will buy more
and better food for his family, his
wife and children will be- better
housed and clothed and fed, and
al reputable business will feel the
impetus Of increased activity when
the vast sum now wasted on drink
shall go for the necessities and
comforts Of life.
II. But large as the problem is.
does it possess the character Of Il
political issue? Does itrcquire for
its solution a political party organ
lied around the principle Of prohi
lition to render that principle
potential in fact; We believe it
does. The liquor traffic is an evil
peculiar both in character and
conduct. We are sometimes asked.
"Why not organize 4 party 10 put
down thieves or burglars or pick
pockets" We answer that when
the burglars Of the country or
1anilr themselves into State and
national associations. hold annual
conventions, publish newspapers
in defense Of their ''tradc. keep
paid attorneys at Washington.
send powerful lobbies to State and
national capit2ls, become mtlu-
rntial in dietating the policy
and soliciting the candidates
OF great parties, when one
great party in its national
platform declares itself openly for
the burglars, while the other can
60 no farther than to "cordiailv
~yropathizr with all wise and we'll
directed effort to control them,
then, and not till then, will our
obicrtor's question have pith and
point It Is because Of the charac-
ter OF the offence and the conduct
Of the offenders tlat this question
is supremely political. The saloon
has entered politics; it terrorizes
practical politicians until they be-
come it, tools: it holds itself as a
balance Of power and threatens
with summary vengeance amy
party that refuses to obey its be
nest.
1t forces two we'll organized par
ties to bid against each other and
compete openly for its support. 1t
il IA political assassin, and though
representing ii minority. contempt
IDLE both in character and num-
bers, it appeals to the fears of the
political managers and wields its
bludgcon with controlling power,
Prohibition to be made etfectual,
must not only be placed upon the
statute books by Il party that hon
estly supports it, but it needs, for
its thorough enforcement, eXecu-
tive and judicial officers who have
been placed in their respective po-
sitions by a party that does not
owe its success to the saloon vote.
No party can be expected to de-
stroy the agency that clothed it
with power. Prohibition, we are
told, is difficult Of enforcement.
Certainly, under present condi-
tions. But give us conditions
more favorable.
Put a Prohibitionist in the mag
istrate's chair, send a Prohibition
sheriff after the culprit. and a Pro-
hibition constable out for the jury.
Trv your man with prosecuting
attorney, himself a Prohibitionist
and elected prosecuting attorney
bv the votes of other Prohibitions
ists and with these changed con-
ditions it will be found that pro-
hibitorv laws present no peculiar
difficulties of enforcement.