The aegis & intelligencer. [volume] (Bel Air, Md.) 1864-1923, 1892-09-02
FEDER4L CONTROL OF ELEC-
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FEDERAL CONTROL OF ELEt-
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From its earliest inception and at
every stage of it's career, Republican
leaders, disregarding constitutional re-
straints, have been inclined to rely
upon force rather than upon reason to
control elections and gain or retain
power. 1t was therefore quite natural
that when Henry Cabot Lodge, OF
Massachusetts,, introducedin Congress
bill placing the control of elections
in the hands of the party in power, it
should find earnest champions and
supporters in the Republican party
1t is also not at all singular that
President Harrison, who appears to
believe that the earth belongs to the
saints and that he is one of them,
should openly proclaim himself in
favor OF measure which, under the
pretence of insuring fair elections,
would surely result to the advantage
of the party at the head of national
affairs.
The law is called by its opponents a
force bill, and while it does not in terms
provide for the use of bayonets at the
polls, it fairly bristles with them in
every line. 1t applies equally to every
State, North or South, and in the
hands of Mr.. Harrison, Mr.. Clarkson,
Mr.. Quay and Mr.. Carter would be
enforced without the slightest hesita-
ton in all the States in which the
Democrats are in majority. 1t pro-
vides that Republican federal judges,
holding their offices for life and not
responsible to the people, shall ap-
point election officers who shall con-
duct elections, and returning boards
who shall make the returns. What
this would mean has already been
illustrated in the election of 1876, when
Tilden, the truly elected Democratic
candidate for President, was counted
out by a partisan Supreme Court, and
Hayes the usurper, declared elected.
Power SO great and exercised, as it
certainly would be, by partisans, is
too dangerous to entrust to any party
and its exercise would speedily be
fatal to our free institutions. Noman,
Republican or Democrat, unless
blinded by passion or prejudice, can
fail to view with alarm the departure
from the principles of self-government
which this Ubiquitous measure in
wolves.
The law, which was passed by the
Republicans in the House and defeat
ed in the Senate only by the manly
and persistent efforts of Mr.. German
and other Democratic Senators, aided
by a few patriotic Republicans, is art
fnlly drawn. 1t p. Divides that in the
election of congressman the Clerk OF
the House shall place upon the roll
the names of those returned as elected
by the Returning Boards. These
men, whether elected or not, partici-
pate in the organization of the House.
What chance would there be, under
this state of affairs, for contest !
No Democratic claimant, however
good his case, would be listened to.
Thus the party having control of this
machinery, could perpetuate itself
indefinitely. The people would be
powerless to resist or effect change.
The New York Sun, in an able
article on the force bill says:
1t takes the ultimate control of the
registration and the election from the
States, and makes it over to the Fed
er,l Circuit Courts, now constituted
in every case but two by Republican
Judges. Does any Democrat ask
whether there is the possibility, in
close and critical elections, of danger
from partisanship on the Federal
bench Let him read anew the story
of 1876 and 1877. Let him review the
long record of outrages perpetrated
upon the people of Louisiana, South
Carolina, Florida, or Mississippi, in
the name of law and justice and from
the bench OF the courts of the United
States.
~ pEOflQCo lOE Vi
spies, and hangers-on, to be appointed
by election officers, designated in their
turn by Republican courts. 1t per-
mits the appointment of special deputy
marshals at S. a day, to a number
limited only by the audacity of the
partisan Marshal and the partisan
Chief Supervisor in the district in ques-
ton. There may be thousand or ten
Thousand of these special deputies in
each district If the audacity or the
desperation of Republican partisan
ship goes so far.
1t provides from the Treasury by
permanent appropriation, beyond the
reach of Congress to refuse or with
hold, vast campaign fund for the
employment of election officers, and
regular and special supernumeraries
in the interest of the party in power.
It establishes permanent Federal
inquisitiOn, in the shape of a house
toulouse canvass nominalIy to ascer-
tain the legality of the registered
voter This odious Federal invasion
was specified with brutal directness in
the bill originally drawn by Daven-
port, which passed the Republican
Fifty-flrst House. The house-to-house
visitation was to be thorough and
effective in cities of a hundred thous-
and inhabitants or upward it was to
be conducted by discreet or special
supervisors" in cities or towns of
twenty thousand inhabitants or up
ward and it was extended, at the dis
erection of the partisan Chief Super
visor, to any town, or village, or coun-
try district. The full text of this of
fensive provision was omitted in the
Senate substitute for the Force bill
that passed the House but the con-
cession was only one of phraseology.
The power remained between the lines
of the Senate bill. The house-to-house
canvass, as q part of the Republican
scheme, was implied in Section of
the Senate substitute, and directly,
although perhaps inadvertently, re-
cognized in Section 10.
Thus the Republican Force bill pro-
posed to equip the partisan supervis-
ors and their partisan deputy marshals
with the right to enter the residence
of the citizen, to invade his castle
without due process of law Behind
the deputy marshal, on his errand OF
partisanship and outrage, was the
whole power of the Federal courts,
backed in case of resistance by the
bayonets and drums of the Federal
army. The bill once enacted, there
was no escape from Federal invasion
short OF expatriation no remedy for
tho hateful wrong short of revolution.