The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1892-05-22
SEATTLE. SUNDAY. MAT 22.
MIR. BLAINE AND THE PRESIDENCY.

That Mr.. Blaine shrinks from the physi-
cal and mental exertion, the unwholesome
excitement, the criticism and defamation
that are inseparable from a candidacy for
the presidency, that he wishes to avoid the
onerous duties of that high office, is APP
parent alike to his friends and to his ene-
mics. Nobody, however harsh he may be
in his judgment Of Mr.. Blaine. can now
accuse him of seeking the presidency or OF
insincerity in his declaration that he does
not desire the Republican nomination.
There are times, however, when men are
called upon to accept positions, to assume
public duties. against their own wishes.
There are times when one cannot avoid q
public trust without mourning the sus-
plcion OF lack of honor or lack of man.
hood. Let us consider whether such a
time has not arrived for Mr.. Blaine.
Mr.. Blaine has for almost score of
years been the leader of great national
party. He has shaped Its policy. He has
moulded it to conform with his own ideas.
His leadership has been SO brilliant, his
personality at once so attractive and SO
majestic, that opposition to him within
the party ranks long ago ceased. The
older leaders with whom he crossed
swords have passed away. The younger
men, the blood and the brain of the party,
have admired him, loved him and followed
him until to whole generation the name
of Blaine stands for the principles of the
party whose champion he has SO long
been.
And the Republican party has splendidly
repaid Mr.. Blaine's splendid leadership.
1t made him member of the Maine legis-
lature. 1t made him a member of the
house of representatives. 1t made him
the speaker Of that body. 1t made him a
senator of the United States. It made
him secretary of state. 1t made him its
candidate for the presidency. and it now
stands willing and able and ready to make
him the president of the United States.
II an emergency has arisen when the
interests Of party imperatively demand
> sacrifice on the part of man who has
made that party the representative Of his
own ideas, and who in return has accepted
It's highest honors. no personal considera-
ton should induce him not to heed the
call made upon him. Let us consider
whether the interests of the Republican
party now demand q sacrifice on the part
of Mr.. Blaine
The approaching presidential election
will be great with Importance to the coun-
try and to the Republican party. The
Democracy will fight under the banner of
free trade, and Democratic victory will be
fraught with danger to American indus
tries. With a candidate pledged to free
trade, with a vast majority of its members
favoring debasement of the currency, the
Democratic party hopes to obtain power
through the stolen electoral votes of the
Southern states.
The Republicans will probably present
as their candidate either Mr.. Harrison or
Mr.. Blaine. 1t is as certain as any politi-
cal event Of the future can be that Mr..
Blaine can have the Minneapolis nominal
ton, If he will accept it, and it is altogether
probable that Mr.. Harrison will receive it
If Mr.. Blaine positively declines.
With Mr.. Harrison as a candidate there
will be the greatest danger OF defeat. He
might be elected, but the fight would be
hard, and the result doubtful. Against
his administration nothing can be said. 1t
has been clean. able and honest. If the
Minneapolis convention we're to choose a
president it would be justified in choosing
Mr.. Harrison. As it happens, however. it
will only choose a candidate whose cleo
tion viii depend upon the people, and
the chances OF success must be taken into
consideration. Mr.. Harrison has failed to
arouse the enthusiasm of his party. With
him as the candidate Republican states as
well as doubtful states would have to be
fought for, and victory, while not impos-
sihle, could be achieved only after unpar-
aneled exertions. Mr.. Harrison. unfor-
tunately, is weak where he should be
strong.
With Mr.. Blaine as the Republican cam
didatc the entire prospect changes. IN
stead of hard battle and a doubtful
result. the Republican party would
enter upon an assured march To victory.
The so-called Republican doubtful states
would become absolutely safe. The cleo
toral votes of Iowa and Massachusetts
could be counted upon as certainly as those
of Maine or Vermont. No observer of
political events, whatever may be his
party, doubts that Mr.. Blaine would be
stronger by many thousand votes in New
York than any other candidate who could
be named. That is the pivotal state. and
the votes by which Mr.. Blame is stronser
than his psrty there may mean the differ
ence between national victory and ma
tional defeat.
TO sun NJ, IL may be said that Mr..
Blaine would be reasonably certain to
carry every Northern state except New
Jersey, Indiana aad Connecticut. that
the two last named would be doubtful,
that there would be added to the real
Nv doubtful list Delaware, Virginia
aud West Virginia, and that the Demo-
Gratis would ne compelled TO DO some earn
est fighting in North Carolina aud Ten
nessee. In other words, with NJ. Blaine as
its candidate. the Republican party would
be certain Of success. and might achieve
more sweeping victory than any since
that of fss2.
Under such circumstances Mr.. Blame