St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1892-07-23
FIGHTS AND FUTURES.
The Homestead Tragedy and
Anti-Option Bill Debated
by Senator's.
PETER, of Kansas, DWells on
State Protection to the
Monopolists.
Senator White ReneWs His
Attack on the Hatch
Measure.
A Claim Advanced That the
South Would Lose Heavily
by the Bill.

WASHINGTON, July 22.-The relation
of capital and labor were brought to the
attention of the senate today in TWO
speeches. The first of them was made
by MIR. PETER, and was based on reso-
luton previously offered by him in
structing the judiciary committee to in
quire into that subject and as to what
legislation was necessary to protect the
right of the employees to fair rates of
wages.
The other speech was made by Mr..
Call, and was directed chiefly against
the Pinkerton detective force as an UNI
authorized armed organization. Mr..
PETERS resolution was referred to the
committee on education and labor.
The antl-Option bill occupied the at
tention of the senate for the remainder
of the days session, and senators really
had the air OF being deeply interested
in the subject. MIR. Whites speech was
listened to with close attention, al
though it covered nearly six hours in
the two days that he occupied the floor.
The bill went over without action. Mr..
George is to speak tomorrow in sup
port of the bill.
The senate passed without question:
the house bill authorizing commercial
retaliation on Canada.
PETERS Arguments.
Mr.. PETER in his address on the rela-
ferred to the troubles at Homestead,
and said the employers at that place
were protected by the power of the state
in keeping their old wOrkmen out and
in bringing in new men. The troops
surrounded their mills. Their proprie-
tors were protected, while the workmen
were sent to Jail. In calling attention
to these facts he spoke in the name of
at least two of the largest organizations
of wOrkingmen and women i'll the cOun-
try.
The country was, Mr.. PETER said. face
to face with one of the gravest phases
Of the labor problem: and there were
but three peaceful ways out of 1t. The
first was for the government to keep its
hands off both parties and to let the en-
ployers and the employed settle the
matter between themselves. And they
would do it, and do it without a resort to
arms. He knew that was not a palatable
way of settling the matter. Another
way was for the government to estab-
lish and regulate rates of wages to en-
p!oyes, and to see that they received
them justly. That way would doubt
less be regarded as unconstitutional,
revolutionary and void.
Right Of Eminent Domain.
There was still another way. 1t was
70. 4 90 RI
| great institutions as it did with the
| private lands of citizens when it needed
| them for public use-take possession of
| them, condemn them in the public in
| terest, pay for them and conduct them
| as public Institutions. Senators would
doubtless agree among themselves that
this way was more revolutionary than
either of the others.
The employe has the same right mo
more, no Less that the employer has.
| But as the situation now is. and as the
law now is, there was but one
| party to the contract protected
| and there never has been SO plain
| and forcible an example of that
fact as that at Homestead, where there
were 10000 troops to protect the one
party to a contract. Mr. PETER eX-
| pressed his belief that congress had the
right, conStitutiOnally, to protect citi-
zens Of the United States anywhere. IL
also had the right. he claimed, to deter
mine for itself when and where pri-
vate business had gone to the extent OF
its usefulness and when it was time fol-
| the government to interfere. There
was time coming, he believed, when
for all purposes except the local autono-
my of state, state lines would vanish.
White Begins Over.
| Mr. anly ,,cft h, D;,,t-
| ertonS, and at the conclusion of his
speech the anti-option bill was taken up,
| Mr.. White resumed his argument DE
gun yesterday in opposition to it. He
called attention 10 the anomaly that iii
the bill had not specially excepted the
| government of the United States the
| government would have been amenable
to the penalties of the bill. Were not
all the bids for the supplies (he asked
! that were rendered to the government
| made by parties who did not. at the
time the contracts were made, own the
supplies. The coal which they con
tracted to furnish they had themselves
to contract for with the miners who had
| still to mine it.
Referring to the fact that retail deal
ers were excepted, Mr.. White said that
| there were so many exceptions in the
bill that it might well he called an eX-
eeption bill, 50 utterly exceptional that
! he thought it ought to be beaten. The
| mind of the honorable senator from
Minnesota, Mr.. White said. had been SC
clOuded by the interest felt by him in
the measure that he (Mr. Washburnl
saw justice and freedom where he (Mr.
| White) saw slavery and oppression.
Possible bad Effects.
/ Turning his back, he said, upon con-
stitutional questions, he discussed the
| effects which the bill If enacted into law
would have. be declared it to be per-
nicious and vicious. 1t would strike a
blow at the commerce of the country,
the length and breadth, and width and
depth of which no human mind could
compass until its results of disaster
were worked out. There was a con-
seusus of opinion on the part of the
! great commercial bodies of the country
| against the measure. In proof of this
| he sent to the clerks desk and had read
resolutions of the chamber of commerce
of the state of New York protesting
| against it as injurious to the best inter
| eStS of the community.
That great body, he said, was not a
trade body. 1t was not the chamber of
commerce of New York city. but of the
state of New York. 1t was perhaps one
of the greatest bodies of commercial ad-
| viserS In the commercial world today.
Many OF its members were men removed
from practical business, men of large
fortunes. dealing in vast sums, familiar
with all commercial movements; men
whose Judgment expressed Oh any COM
mercial question would carry with it
great weight and great responsibility.
Protests of Business Men.
He also sent up and had read the pro-
| tests of the bankers OF New York, Chi
cago and New Orleans against the bill,
and had read list of other bodies that
had sent memorials to congress against
| it. That list comprised the New York,
New Orleans, Savannah. Houston. Mo-
bile, Greenville and Memphis cotton
exchanges, the Milwaukee chamber of
commerce. the Chicago board of trade,
the New York produce exchange, the
New Orleans board of trade, the New
Orleans Clearing House aSSaciatinn the