St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1892-08-10

WI 'StiSSo' LII IORdIQ W CtlCltu tGu-
ants, he expressed the hope that dur
ing the autumn voluntary arrangement
between landlords and tenants would
obviate the necessity for such legisla-
ton as would become inevitable if no
arrangements were made. In cOnclud-
ing his speech. Mr.. Gladstone required
to the Conservative argument that the
Irish majority was trying to CO.
cree England. He held that such was
the strength of England in rela-
ton to other kingdoms that she never
could be coerced by them. She had
giants strength, but let her not use it
like giant. 1t would be most unfort-
unate if any party placed undue re-
lance in the power and strength of
England against other members of the
federation, in forgetfulness of the fact
that. in the long run. moral force would
predominant over material force. On
that predominance depended what
should be the first object of their de-
sires, as it was their daily official prayer
that union OF heart and sentiment
which constituted the trueSt basis of
strength at home and good fame
throughout the civilized world. Loud
cheers.
Mr.. BalfOur Followed
Mr.. Gladstone. He maintained that the
house had right to know, before en-
trusting the government to the Liber
ais, what their policy was, especially
when the party upon which MIR. Glad
stone relied was broken into at least
three divisions, each owning different
leader.
Referring to the policy of the present
government. MI. Balfour said that that
would be Judged by historians. Assured
as to what the verdict would be, he
neither anticipated nor defended it.
MIR. Balfour protested against Mr. Glad
stones describing the influence Ireland
had exercised in recent years on British
politics as derived from moral consider
atlOnS. Immoral considerations, he
said, was the right phrase. Mr..
GladStOns's conversion to home
rule was not due to moral forces.
but to material party considerations.
Referring to the coercion policy, Mr..
Balfour reminded them that Mr.. Glad
stone, in 1885, proposed to retain the CO.
erciOn law with the assent of Sir q. D.
Treveylan, Lord Spencer and other col
leagues. In regard to the proposed vote
OF no confidence, continued MIR. BalfOur.
the government might be in minority,
but what was the majority? Had that
motley group the confidence of the
house? The government, seeing the eX-
listing circumstances, had right to re-
view the situation. The division of the
opposition into sections, with different
aims. could not be left out of account.
The Existing Partnership
between Great Britain and Ireland
could not be dissolved without the as
sent of both OH terms acceptable to
both. Considering the fact that the
Irish members would be kept at West
minister, and that an English majority
might find itself at the mercy of COM
binatiOn of an English minority with
Irish members, it was clear that Eng
home rule as Ireland had. They had
right to insist that one of the parties to
the existing partnership objected to its
being dissolved. Unfortunately for
all parties, Mr.. Gladstone's allies
were his masters. Irish members
told the Liberals UNLESS you do
this and that, we will turn
you out" conservative cheers How
dangerous would such state of things
be to the interests of the empire if Irish
dominance continued. Before the gov
eminent resigned they had the right to
ask what were the conditions under
which the alliance between the Liberals
and the Irish would be maintained;
Nationalist who
Had Been Squared
and those who had not been squared,
and what demands had been made upon
the Liberals when they came into power.
If disturbances arise in Ireland such as
marked Mr.. MOrley'S last period of office,
was disorder to have free hand? Was
it part of the new compact that Daily and
other convicted dynamiters should be let
loose upon the world? CONSERVATIVE
cheers. The Irish members said that
every evicted tenant must be restored
to their holdings, and that some 1900
others who had pursued them should be
punished for their industry. Hear,
hear.] Were the Liberals going to &C
cede to the demands Of Mr.. Redmond
that there should be no interference
with the acts of the Irish parliament. or
would they tame y submit to Irish die
tation. refusing legislation from Eng
The Conservatives might be beaten by
that party, but as yet they had not been
SO beaten. [CheerS and counter cheers.
They knew that the future was with
them. They knew that If the work of
social legislation were to be undertaken
by the house at all. it must be by Un-
ionists, aud not by party under Irish
coercion. In turning the government
out, had the Liberals
The Slightest Prospect
that home rule would come first, repeal
of the crimes act next and thirdly the
destruction of the house of lords?
[Laughter.l Would they allow the gov
eminent time for passing other impor-
tant measures which thecountry heartily
desired and which they could not touch
owing to the Irish allies? The country
had returned most of the Liberal MEM
beers under the absolutely mistaken con-
viction that they were going to deal
with the Newcastle programme. The
time would come when the elect
ors would turn to the party
having the power and the will
to press forward the social questions to
legislative issues. The country will get
sick of Irish dictatiOn, and would turn
to the party that had shown during re-
cent eventful years that it was not I'M
worthy to frame the laws and guide the
Gestinies of great empire. Cheers.
Mr.. Harrington said he had listened to
some Of Mr.. GladStOne'S remarks with
anxiety. He felt bound to warn the
Liberals that some questions required
immediate attention. He regretted Mr..
Gladstone's scant dismissal of the case
of evicted tenants. They had borne the
brunt of the battle and had made the
greatest sacrifices for their class. He
did not think their case presented all
insuperable difficulty. Again, if the
amnesty question were neglected, it
would cause fresh agitation and fresh
trouble. If the Liberal party were wise