The National tribune., 1892-09-01
the following e.srac. from the Constitution of


the craft it directs subordinate unions not to
| order strike until every possible effort has
| been made to settle the difficulty by arbitra-
| ton"
| Intelligent workingmen dread a strike. for
| they know what suffering it will produce
among them. Very rarely have laborers re-
| fused 10 treat with their employers when fair
terms have been offered. The refusal has gen.
orally been on the part of the employers, who
have ICES to fear from strike. Only when the
workingmen are too powerful TO be dIsTegarded
| is capital ready to arbitTate.
In the Homestead strike and the one at
Buffalo, the men were willing TO submit to arbi-
| tration but met with refusal. Such refusals
have bad effect aud give color to the utter
ances of men who, speaking in the interests OF
capital, have been heard 10 express the conf
dent hope that the w0rkingmen will soon over
step the bounds Of prudence and Justice and
ruin their own prospects.
The present is critical time in the history
of labor. The workipgmeu, wherever COM
pactly organized, are conscious OF their great
power. The question is, will they use 10 tenn
perateIy and wisely? Fortunately the indica-
tions seem to point in that direction. If cap
ital will come forward and arbitrate all diff
culties in the same spirit,-n0t condescendingly,
with the pride of wealth and superior social
station-a great forward step will have been
taken. Mutual concessions must be made, for
GHoEe can Dc no AgFseuenb WHICH Nouiu 10
ideally perfect to both. 1t is impossible for the
present strikes to 60 on indefinitely. Either
capital or labor will triumph. and that means
economic and social suicide. because each ex-
lists for and Is necessary to the other. Arbitra-
ton is the only alternative if we are to have
industrial peace.
The arbitration so far considered is that
brought about by mutual consent, both parties
being animated by a conciliatory spirit and
ouded v Ehristiap priuciniea SDch would
indeed be an ideal system, but in the world as
it is to-day, it is to be feared that the ideal
would be only exceptionally followed. Minor
difficulties would be arbitrated, but the larger
and more serious disputes would not, and these
are just the ones where arbitration is the most
necessary.
1t is plain we must have more than voluntary
agreement. The defect Indicates what is lack
ing Arbitration, if not voluntary, must be
made compulsory. In every Ssate.the Lezisla-
ture should provide by law for compulsory
arbitration by permanent State board clothed
with adequate powers.
Such a board exists in one State-Massachu-
sets, State that leads all others in wise and
efficient labor legislation. When a strike is
threatened, the town authorities must notify
the Board, which assemblies at that town TO in
vestigate the trouble. 1t has the power to
summon witnesses and compel the production
OF the books Of the employers, and makes its
final decision on the evidence as presented.
The results have been gratifying, for strikes
have been nearly abolished in that State since
the establishment of the Board in 1886.
Its demonstration that boards of arbitra-
ton are cheaper than bayonets, cessation of
work, and destruction of property. The State
of New York also has Board Of Arbitration,
but it has very inadequate powers.
Organized labor should abandon the warfare
of the strike and devote their energies to OBJ
taiu loOi ma Uil her
fair treatment and justice. Compulsory arbi-
tration on the part of largo and at present
irresponsible corporations is only one of many
things they can secure by their ballots. Until
quite recently this was not possible, for the
manner in which corporations controlled the
votes Of their employees is well known.
Now the general introduction of the Austria
liam or secret ballot enables them to vote in
safety and workingmen should avail them
selves Of power which they have been de-
prived of and in consequences neglected. Not
by violence, MISREPRESENTATION, class hatred
and prejudice can this great problem be set
tied but only by wise and equitable legisla-
ton, based ON the facts az obtained by careful
Investigation and as interpreted by competent
authorities.
Three strikes have Occurred recently: First,
the strike of the steel workers at Homestead,
Pa, then that of the switchmen at Buffalo, and
lastly the revolt of the minors in Tennessee It
is extremely interesting to note that these three
are typical in the character of their demands
as they relate to wages, hours and conditions
of labor. respectively. At Homestead the diff
Guilty about the new scale of wages could have
been settled by compulsory arbitration. By
such provision the Carnegie Company could
have been compelled to produce their books
and justify their new scale. 1T they could,
then the men would have had to return to
work. Refusal would do them no good. for
public opinion would be solidly against
them. On the other hand if the scale could
not be justified, then the company would
have had to go back to the old scale or close
their mills. As it is now, the strikers, the
mill-owners and the State of Pennsylvania
have lost hundreds of thousands of dollars.
At Buffalo the switchmen struck for short
ening of hours from IL or more to 10. This
demand was made Of railway corporations,
which are in their very nature monopolies.
They could well afford to grant the demand,
and in . natural monopoly competition has
nothing to do with determining the hours Of
service and the rate of wages.
1t is worth considering at this point that all
railway employees in Germany work but eight
hours, also that what the railroad loses in
hours it gains in the increased efficiency of its
employees, while the public gain still more in
the greater security of life and property, now
entrusted to overworked men. This strike in
volved no great difficulties, and could have been
easily settled by arbitration had the existing
State Board had the requisite power.
In Tennessee tina demand was not for wages
nor hours, but for conditions of labor. As free,
honest men and citizens they felt it to be de-
grading to be forced to labor on the same level
with convicts. The trouble began last Sum-
mer when the miners, marched to Briceyille
and compelled the guards to withdraw with
the convicts leased to the Tennessee Coal and
Iron Company. Gov Buchanan held confer
encs with the miners, and an agreement was
reached by which an extra session of the Leg
islature was to be called to consider the lease
system. The sentiment Of the people was in
favor Of abolishing the system, and the Com
pany was willing to surrender its lease.
In August the Legislature met, but in the
following month decided that it had no power
to abrogate the convict lease. The House
passed resolution declaring it to be the sense
of tbs body that no further lease be made after
the present ono had expired, but the Senate
killed even this small measure of relief. The
Legislature then adjourned, having failed to
meet the expectations Of the miners and the
people. The former then formed an oath bound
organization to carry out forcibly what had
failed to be done for them legally. On the 18th
of last month the outbreak began.
Readers of TIE NATIONAL TRIBUNE are in
formed as to the history of these strikes and
the present situation. Each has drawn his own
conclusions, but whatever view he may hold, |
let each one do what he can to hasten the day |
when strife between Lai or and Capital shall |