West Virginia argus. [volume] (Kingwood, W. Va.) 1877-1946, 1892-09-15

conspicuous production of special
legislation is the untitled lord whose
castle pnts to shame that Of the real
lord Of Europeansnobility. How
long will it take the statutory collu-
sion of class interests, whereof pro.
lection is one of the giants-protec.
ton which takes from want and
gives to wealth-how long will it
take such system to reduce the
American people to two classes
inc arlstocrat and the servant {?
Grant that for arguments sake pro-
lection were the grand wage prom
tEat the friends of the measure pro.
less that our wage scale is higher
than that of other countries what
is gained by an artificial, arbitrary
system OF pufr-ball wages which over
pays some and under.pays others (;
which operates unequally but al
ways to the enhancement of wealth
and the eventual detriment of labor ?
How much better is an artificial
system of wages built high on a
predatory principle, system at war
with justice, and system that hur-
rledly brings with it despotism and
dependency for meritorious toll,
how much better is such a system
than a natural system with a lower
wage scale, if need be, bringing just
rewards for all and robbery for
none?
But | do not grant the present
contention of the protectionist that
protection is tie one only cause of
high wages in the United States.
There are other, natural, and great
or causes to which reference was
made in Il former article.
The first contention of the pro-
tectlonist was for capital invested
in infant Industries, in the honest
days of Henry Clay. Now it is for
the protection Of labor. The con-
tention that capital is protected is
true. The contention that labor is
protected is true only so far as capt.
tai allows labor to be protected.
Capital is the guardian of labor
without bond, keeper without re.
sponslbility, and often times a mas
te: without mercy.
Since protective tariff does not
advance wages generally it must
raise them only for favored classes
of workmen, according to conten.
ton. The protective insurance of
high prices is voted to manufac
turers OH their wares, and the
manufacturer votes the laborers'
wages down as low as possible. How
much does the farm hand improve
his condition in life by voting big
money to monopoly to enable it, if
II be so disposed, to pay big wages ?
What strange seEse of justice i'm
pels those engaged in agriculture to
vote away, in part, their own earn
lngs toprotect some mammoth com
bine of capital Better keep their
earnings, save up q hundred dollars
or two, and if they want to be gem
erous will their little wallets to the
Is. u U. r. r. Company, to the
Standard Oil Company, or to the
Carnegies. That would, perhaps,
be better for their children upon
proper showing of insanity might
succeed in breaking their wills.
Justice allows every man his due.
else the whole superstructure OF law
is farce and system for the dis
tribution Of dues-wages earned
that raises the wages of one and re-
duces the wages of another, does
violence to the fundamental idea of
right between man and man. With
that natural and equal right all men
are created, but the contention
aforesaid cheats some men out of
their birthright for the capitalize.
ton Of others.
Those who buy muscle and those
who sell it at times have differences
striking difTerences-and the stri-
king laborer, stricken, must 90.
The lower scale must prevail, the
rccalcltrant workman is brought
face TO face with the Pinkerton ont.
TT and the States national guard.
and then cheap labor is protected.
The prOtectionist contends for
many things that bis pet scheme
puts mp the wage scale generally. or
IN some instances, or occasionally.
and puts down the prices of com.
modltics IN the market sometimes.
very often, and may be not infre.
| quently. Protection to It's friends