Alpena weekly argus. [volume] (Alpena, Mich.) 1871-1893, 1892-08-10
The Laboringmen Learning That
Wages is Not the Chief Aim Of
Protection.

cent years tariff discussion has cen
tered less around the question of
wages and more around the question
of markets than ever before. This
means progress. The idea that wag-
es are determined by the tariff was for
many years the corner stone of the
Protective system. Wage-earners
everywhere were carefully and con-
stantly taught that tax upon the
importation of foreign made goods,
such as might complete i'll our mar
kets with like goods made by them
selves, was the sole cause of their
better wages as compared with for
eign workingmen. As late as eight
years ago this belief was very COM
mon with them, and the National
Platform Of the Democratic party
in 1884 recognized the existance of
such belief and adapted itself to it
without attempting to dispute its
justice.
In the campaign Of 1888 the ad-
vocates of tariff reduction assailed
this boldly and directly. They were
surprised at their own success in
overthrowing it. Election returns
from the manufacturing centers
shows that it no longer held despotic
sway over the minds or fears of the
workingman. He no longer cast
his ballot at the command of his
employer, with the dread Of pauper
wages coercing him. He had kept
his eyes open and had quietly learn
ed many things since last election.
He had observed that the wages of
labor were regulated neither by the
amount of tariff protection to the
products it was employed to make
nor by the profits on the sale of
those products enjoyed by his EN-
ployer. He had observed that those
wages were in the main determined
by the supply of labor seeking en-
ployment and the demand for labor
by employers, and that the weapon
which he could WELD to secure wag-
es was not law that voted them
primarily into his employers pock-
ct, nor into his own, but his own
labor organization, whereby he could
deal on something like equal terms
with the employer.
He had observed also that the
tariff protected from foreign COM
petition the products which the en-
ployer sold, but left free to foreign
competition the labor which he him.
self sold; and that the very employ
ers who were so clamorous for a
high tariff in the name of American
labor were equally active in encour-
aging the importation of foreign
labor to work in their mills
and factories, thus not only increas-
ing the labor supply so as perma-
nently to run down wages, but bring
ing in class of labor willing to
work for less that the just market
rates.
He had further seen the great
protected industries forming trusts
and combinations among themselves
under which they sought great pro-
fits by monopoly prices in the home
market rather than by moderate
prices in the worlds markets; all
this under the shelter of a high o,
prohibitory tariff.
He saw these trusts, one after an.
other, close factories and shut down
mills, throwing labor out of employ.
ment and diminishing its wages
while they welded with merciles.
and increasing force the power Of
consolidated corporate capital.
Seeing all these things it was not
strange that he could no longer b.
frightened by the old cry Of "paup.
or labor" making products like hi.
own in foreign countries when he
found that paupcr labor brought in
to compete with him in his own
country. He had learned that the
tariff was for his employer, not for
him; was protection to capital, mol
| to labor; and that instead of secur.
ing him steady work and high wages
, it was used to narrow his marke,
, and thus put to permanent hazard
both work and wages.
He began to realize that his indie
pendence of capital depends on en-.
larging markets for products and in.
; creasing demand for labor, to botl
, of which the tariff was hostile.
And 80 the vote in the uanufac.
$ turing districts in 1888 was as pleas
ant surprise to the tariff reformel
r as the vote in the farming districts
! was sharp and unexpected disap'
pointment to him. The working