The record-union. [volume] (Sacramento, Calif.) 1891-1903, 1892-10-11

IIduS. We IGiIllL Tie AlSCtisStOh vi tlc SUI
ject to the people in their Congressional
districts and to the decision of Congress
thereon wholly free from executive in
| reference or dication."
| Here was a cowardiy submission to
| party exigency in this form of the most
grotesque episode that ever occurred in
our history. A high protective tariff
| man was placed upon non-commlttal
platform and supported by an avowed
antl-protective tariff party. The straight
| out Democrats met and nominated
Charles OConnor and resolved:
THAT having been betrayed at Balti-
more into false creed and false leader
| ship by the convention, we repudiate both,
and appeal to the people TO approve our
support the true platform and the candi-
dates who embody it." Strangely, how
ever, this convention said not word
about tariff.
| Notwithstanding this vigorous protest
the popular vote showed For General
Grant 1851 ,070, for Mr.. Greeley 2,634, 079,
for Mr. OConnor 29,4S9. This was
| Democracy in 1872.
In 1876 the Democratic National plat
| form declared as follows:
I'VE denounce the present tariff. !"
We demand that all Custom-house
taxation shall be only for revenue"
This is the first clear and unequiyocal
declaration of that party that imports
| shall be taxed only for revenue.
| In 1850 it declared in favor of "a tariff
| for revenue only"
| 1t must not be overlooked, however,
that the Greeley Convention did recognize
the power of Congress to legislate upon
the subject as it thought best, either for
protection or for revenue only.
| The Republican platform declared
That the annual revenue should be
| raised by duties upon importations, the
| details of which should be so adjusted as
to aid in securing remunerative wages
to labor, and promote the industries,
prosperity and growth of the whole coun-
try"
In 1884 the National Democratic plat
| form straddled the tariff question, as Mr..
| Naterson termed it in his Chicago speech.
| The declaration is a curiosity in political
literature, but, by ali rules of construc-
ton of the English language, it favors
! protective legislation and refutes the
present position of that party that such
| legislation is unconstitutional. 1t reads ::
knowing full well that legislation af-
| tecting the operations of the people
| should be cautious and conservative in
method, not in advance of public opin-
| ion, but responsive to its demands, the
| Democratic party is pledged to revise the
| tariff in spirit of fairness to all inter-
| ests. But in making reduction in taxes
it is not proposed to injure any domestic
industries, but rather to promote their
healthy growth. From the foundation of
! this Government, taxes collected at the
| Custom-house have been the chief source
| of Federal revenue. So they must con-
| tinue to be. Moreover, many industries
have come to rely upon legislation for
successful continuance, so that any
change of law must be at every step re-
| gardtul of the labor and capital in
volved. The necessary reduction and
taxation can and must be effected
without depriving American labor
Of, the ability to compete success
| fully with foreign labor and without i'm
posing lower rates of duty than will be
ample to cover any increased cost of pro-
duction which may exist in consequence
of the higher rate of wages prevailing in
this country"
This was Democracy in 1884, and I defy
anyone to reconcile it with The deciara-
ton made at Chicago in 1892. / chal-
lenge anyone to show that it is not clear
recognition of the power of Congress to
pass protective tariff laws. Further, I
challenge any Democrat to show that it
does not distinctly and clearly indorse
the principle of Republican protection
where it says shat any change of law
must be at every step regardful of the
labor and capital involved" And ''that
it must be effected without depriving
Americans of the ability to compete sue
cessfully with foreign labor Is this not
the very essence of Republicanism? Mr..
Cleveland was carried into Office under
these fine promises.
In 1888 the democratic party placed
Mr.. Cleveland again in nomination and
declared as follows: 1.-The Democratic
party will continue with all the power
confided to 1t the struggle to reform these
laws IN accordance with the pledges of its
last platform Endorsed at the ballot-box
by the sutfrages of the people,"
There was no declaration of tariff for
revenue only, but practically declara-
ton in accord with the protective idea as
set forth in the "straddle" of 1884
Mr.. Cleveland had, before the conven-
ton assembled, sent in his famous free
trade message TO Congress, in which he
selected out the wool industries of the
country as illustrating his view, and he
boldly recommended the placing of these
upon the free list.
The convention, however, reiterated its
platform Of 1884 and went to the people.
There occurred what astronomers
would call a political occultation. The
platform passed behind the candidate and
was lost to view. The candidate became
the platform.
Mr.. Cleveland was drawer and more
honest than his party. The people be-
lieved that he more nearly spoke the true
policy of the party. The result was Ben
jamin Harrison received 233 electoral
votes and Mr.. Cleveland los.
Four years later, in 1892, the party
comes out boldly and, throwing off all
DISCUSSES, it declares:
1T to be fundamental principle of the
Democratic party that the Federal Gov
eminent has no power to impose and col
lect tariff duties, except for the purposes
of revenue only"
The time for successful political Jug
LII 49, Nl1fr
Watterson saw this at Chicago He
brought his party to the test of its prin-
ciples, and he was sustained by vote OF
564 to $40.
We now know where to find Democrats,
and whatever they may say in 1896, we
hold them 10 their latest and apparently
well-considered declaration.
We are thus brought fairly to discuss
the proposition of tariff for revenue with
protection, or tariff for revenue only.
/ shall not further notice the constitu-
tional question raised. I have shown
that our Congress and our people have
legislated for one hundred years upon
the belief that Congress has the power
to pass protective tariff laws; it is now
too late to call in question that construc-
ton of the American Constitution.
The serious question for us 10 decide is
whether 1t Is safe to turn over the Gov
eminent to rarity whose fundamental
principle is that Congress does not pos
sess this power. May we not conclude
that this fundamental principle will lead
that party to reverse the policy of CEN
fury, and overthrow all protective legis'
lation should they come into power?
TARIFF FOR REVENUE ONLY AND TARIFF
FOR PROTECTION.
A tariff law is schedule of dutie:
levied upon imports. There are two
kinds-taritf for revenue without protec
ton, or for revenue only, commonly
called free trade; tariff for revenue with
, | rNrotootiOp