The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1892-11-29


the place to a Democrat No doubt pressure
will be brought upon him to do this, compared
with which the pressure brought eight years
ago was light, aud the spoilsmen expect to see
him yield
We think they will be disappointed, and tina.
Mr.. CIeveland's course in this matter OF re-
movals and appointments will be conservative
and consistent with lis professed belief in civil
service reform. Those who expect clean
sweep will be disappointed, and 50 will those
who expect 20 see important Offices bestowed
solely rs reward for political activity, without
regard TO the fitness of the appointee.
Mr.. Cleveland will probably do with
"tbe spoils" from 1898 to 1896 just what he
did with the spoils from 1855 10 1855; he
will "work them for all they are worth" to
Mr. Cleveland. He went into office in
1885 under certain pledges and Obligations
to the influential "Mugwumps" and pro-
fessional civil service reformers; he dis
charged these obligations by making GER
tain appointments to satisfy these people;
he retained \ few persons In Office to please
George William Curtis, who, through
Harper's Weekly, had helped to defeat
Blaine. After these obligations and prom
lses were satisfied then Mr.. Cleveland
worked the ''spoils system" vigor-
ously for all it was worth to
secure his denomination and reelection.
He. used the power of his patronage to
pack the Democratic Pennsylvania state
convention against Samuel J. Randall and
his fellow Democratic protectionists; he
wrote letters to help Tammany carry the
New York city election in November. 1887
against the New York Evening Post, ex-
MayoE Hewitt, Carl Schurz and the New
York Times. and he was reproached by
these papers and persons for his infidelity
to the cause of civil service reform and
honest and pure municipal government.
Mr.. Cleveland will probably repeat
himself" during his coming term of office:
he is a man of good deal of arrogance
and self-will; he was good deal of an
autocrat in his first term, and he is not
likely to be any less of an autocrat in his
second; he has probably no "Mugwump"
promises to discharge today, for the Mug
wump" support has been utterly worth
less to him in his recent campaign;
and he showed his estimate Of its weak
ness, his contempt for its utter ineffi ciency
by turning over his whole canvass in New
York to the Tammany machine, which is
the most remorseless representative of the
spoils system in America. Mr.. Cleveland
undoubtedly is under some pledges to
Tammany which he will feel obliged to
discharge. and when that debt is paid he
will probably resume his natural habit of
working the spoils system, primarily to
please himself, and secondarily, when he
has no selfish interests to satisfy, to please
his personal friends. Cleveland has some
times been spoken of as a representative
of Jefiersonian ideas and policy. On the
contrary. he is not man at all in SYM
pathy with Jefferson, who did not treat
his great Office other than as q great pub
lie trust, and therefore did not attempt to
give the country personal administration.
Cleveland is more likely to recall the
serious intirmities of Jackson's character
and administration than he is the COM
mendable acts of Jetierson's rule. The
salient feature of Jackson's administration
was that it was an intensely personal adj
ministration; in both its strength and its
weakness it was instinct with the personal
feelings, likes and dlsiikes of Jackson. 1t
was fortunate that Jackson hated Calhoun
when the great South Caroiinan plotted
against the Union. and because he hated
Calhoun he determined to crush his con-
spiracy and save the Union. Jackson had
sustained the principle of notification lie
fore in the case of the State of Georgia and
the Cherokee Indians, and roundly cursed
John Marshall and the supreme court
because they did not agree with him, but
the moment Calhoun nailed the nulIifica-
ton colors to his mast Jackson was open
mouthed for Federal supremacy. All
through JaCkson's administration whether
he was right or wrong in action
the motive for his conduct generally ran
back TO something purely personal 10 hum.
self; some love or hate; something that
BATTERED his personal vanity or inilamed
his personal prejudices. His personality.
with all its strength and its weakness, was
injected into all his acts and strongly COL
ored them sometimes ia the providence of
God for ultimate good when Jackson's
motive was low, mean and Altogether dis.
creditabie. Cleveland is not passionate.
nervous man, like Jackson. but he has a
deal OF Jackson's egotIsm. vanity and
arrogance: good deal OF the temper that
made Jackson hold that his reelection in
1882 was triumphant vindication Of him
in all points IN which he had ever been
engaged IN controversy with anybody, and
kind OF charter 70 him rs represen tatiye.
or, rather, tribune of the people, TO go on
and govern on his own juicmen; over and
against everybody. including congress"
Aiulatien and success made Jackson A
despouc president. After his reelection
his se.t-couGdcnce ami seif-will .becare
ten-lo.d greater. and III his second term
his modes Oi action were those Of personal
government. Andrew Johnson showed
something e this temper, and even in his
first term Cleveland showed good dea, Of
Il, ami the UNEXPECTED extent of his VIC
tory IS 1Ae'F : u increase rather than mod
fly his aUtocratlc spirit. In his tirst term
i Is motor oas that he snuhoed The leaders
y the petroccaJ.r party. including Hen.
tricks ard Thurman. lie has s0me;hiar
Of the tempe. Of r..ien; lie has not that
very aA,e mans intense. nervous intel
lectaaaty. bat he has the same auto
cratic, despotic instincts; he will go