The Neihart herald. [volume] (Neihart, Mont.) 1890-1901, 1892-07-30
PULVERIZER.

The Homestead affair is a genuine
s'stunner' to the republican bosses
as its effects in all parts of the coun-
try is being realized. High tariff
means high wages will not impose
on the masses this campaign, but
worst of all the managers of the g.
O. p. are beginning to realize hat
having granted all the prohibitory
tariff that they dare to impose to
Carnegie Il Co., the philanthropist
has decided to keep his purse. strings
knotted and let them work out their
own fate. If other high protected
tariff barons should follow his exam
pie where are the sinews of war to
be procured: Ingratitude, thy name
is Carnegie.
The above is what the Neihart
Miner has to say regarding the
trouble at Homestead. Below we
print for the benefit of our readers,
an article taken from the Journal of
Knights of Labor, written by 7. V.
Powderly, which throws the right
light light on the matter:
Partisan papers are endeavoring
to make political capital out of the
terrible scenes which took place at
Homestead the other day. The
democratic papers are vehement in
their denunciation of the republican
party for enacting a tariff low under
which protection was afforded to
manufacturers. There is no love for
workmen in the hearts of these edi-
tors; a desire to serve party interests
alone actuates them. Let us review
the situation in brief. Tariff laws
could not be passed without discus
sion, and in all of the debates which
took place in congress over the Mills
and Mckinley bills l cannot find
that a single amendment was offered
by a democrat to give the workmen
"a certain portion of the tariff when
collected. The Mills bill and the
Mckinley bill differ very little in
the duty on steel rails, plates, etc.
One was a democratic bill the other
a republican. The Mckinley bill
reduced the duty on articles AM
featured at Homestead and the
democratic papers in asserting that
the trouble at that point is due to
the Mckinley bill are but condemn
ing the very thing that they them
selves advocate and on which they
base their claim to power-a reduction
of the tariff.
The Pinkertons existed before the
Mills bill was introduced in congress,
and that institution continues to
| flourish now that the Mckinley bill
is in force. Whether the tariff went
up or down, disputes between en-
pioyer and employed would continue
Workingmen are not the fools that
politicians would believe them to be,
for we do not feel that the coming of
the mellenium depends upon the
way congress legislates on the tariff.
IL our WHO aIo 50 caScI
to make political capital out of this
difficulty, will lend me their ears, [
will whisper to them that Represen-
tative Watson, of Georgia, has had a
message before congress for the last
four or five months which aims at
the abolition of the Pinkertons as a
factor in the industrial life of the
United States. The democratic par
ty has a sweeping majority in con-
gress; it has a full knowledge of the
acts of the Pinkertons previous oc-
casiOns.
| have presented evidence enough
to congress to prove that the Pinker-
ton is an enemy to American liberty.
The democratic majority has a know
ledge of the existance of Watson's
bill, and it has up to the present
time dillied and dallied with it and
has no idea of passing it. ave have
petitioned for redress" have endea-
vored to get the ear of congress, but
"our repeated petitions have been
answered only by repeated in ury,"
and civil war at Homestead.
Democratic editors who now rave
about the Pinkertons and condemn
the republican party for their actions
at Homestead would lend an air OF
sincerity to their writings if they
would but demand of the majority,
held by their W party in congress,
to pass the law which will wipe the
Pinkertons from the soil of America.