The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1892-07-21

writer in the June number Of the West
minister Reriep proposes and discusses a
method Of settling industrial disputes by
the force and compu!sion Of law. He is
obliged to acknowledge that his suggestions
are crude. for crude unquestionably they are.
and as guides to actual legislation they
have no value whatever. Nor is there any
originality in them. yet tho great interest
in the subject at this time may make sum-
mary of his paper interesting.
He starts out by saying very truly
that industrial controversies may at
feet injuriously the interests OF many
thousands OF others besides those ac-
tually engaged in them. The stop
pugo OF labor and source of supply
for department of industry. as tho result
OF strike or a lockout. may disturb whole
community and cause it great loss and
damage. 1t may clog wheels necessary to
the orderly progress of civilization. Hence
he holds that in self-protection society
should be empowered to step in and compel
Il settlement of the controversy.
He would not have it interfere thus
in petty dsputes..'' but only in
Large disputes" Yet the beginning
of these disputes is usually petty.
At Homestead. for instance. the troubles
started with slight reduction in the price
to be paid to only about one-tenth
OF the force OF operatives at the
mills. and it grew large. merely be-
cause these dissatisfied workingmen were
supported in their resistance by the rest.
Then it spread from Homestead to other
mills. and to thousands of operatives.
who had no grievance OF their own. but
struck out OF sympathy for the Homestead
workmen. though thereby thcy violated
their contract with their employers.
How. then. is it to be determined whether
dispute is petty" or large" and how
far its consequences are likely to be injurl-
Gus to the whole community? The
extent Of the injury cannot be
known until the strike has occurred.
A dispute is apparently petty when it
starts with only three hundred men in
a vast Industry and over reduction
only slightly. the actual yearly earnings of
even that small number.
The Westminster writer therefore would
have the Town or County Council in Eng
land examine the evidence in an in-
dustrial dispute and decide whether
the quarrel Is Of a magnitude JUS
tifying interference and q compulsory
settlement II the Council so decided. he
would give it power ito summon the
representatives Of the parties to the dis
pute to appear before n court presided over
by u Commissioner appointed by the Board
OF Trade. who should act as umpire between
arbitrators not connected with the dispute.
but chosen in equal number by the parties
concerned. who might either plead their
own case or be represented by counsel, the
awards OF such court to be binding for
stated time"
But how could such a verdict DO made
binding without a penalty for dsregarding
It, and what should be the penalty2 II the
Interpretation OF an agreement as to
the payment OF money is disputed
and referred to arbitration, the de-
cson may DO enforced: but IL the
quarrel is over an agreement which is yet
to be made. how can the decision be made
binding? If a man who Is bound by no
contract refuses to pay the price asked for
commodity, how can he be compelled to
pay it? II man SO free refuses to
hire workman. or tho workman re-
fuses to work for him, how can either be
forced by law against his will Peace
makers may stop in. but they can have only
a moral influence. and they cannot force
their services on the disputants.
This is the vice Of the plan suggested by
tho Westminster writer. and it is the reason
why the present cry for arbitration in the
Homestead trouble is 80 senseless. There
Is nothing to arbitrate. The CARNEGIE Com
pany have fixed price which they are will
ing to pay certain workmen. The work men
refuse to take 1t. How can the one be
made to pay more or the others compelled
to work for less by the force OF any arbitra-
tlon2 They are both free men and not 81 ayes.
They have equal rights under the law.