Pittsburg dispatch. [volume] (Pittsburg [Pa.]) 1880-1923, 1892-12-29
rrRom A STAFF CORRESPONDENCE

tFRoM A STAFF CORRESPONDENT
WASHINGTON, Dec. 2S-'Did he say
it?" has been the common question in pol
itical circles to-day. SIT" refers to the
opinion alleged to have been uttered for
publication by President-elect Cleveland
in regard to the Senatorial selection in New
York, and plainly asserting that Murphy
does not size up to the demands of the stu
alton.
Great has been the speculation to-day in
regard to the truth or falsity of the state
ment that Mr.. Cleveland has openly con-
demned Mr. Hills candidate, Murphy, for
the successor to Hiscock. The weight of
opinion; especially among those entirely
friendly to Mr. Cleveland, is favorable to
the view that Mr.. Cleveland said in sub
stance exactly what is attributed to him in
the interview. Or, that if he did not say
it, be should have done so. Several Demo-
cratic members of the House. seen by; the
correspondent of The DISPATCH, agree
that the interview bore all the ear-marks of
authenticity, and that it has been we'll un-
derstood that Mr.. Cleveland has all along
held exactly the opinion expressed in it.
Representative Dewitt Warner, particu-
lar friend of Mr.. Cleveland, is quoted by
the Eusning Nesrs as giving this opinion:
New Yorkers Already Knew It.
''To people in New York it merely tells
What they have already known. But to
people outside it probably emphasizes the
fact that the choice of Mr.. Murphy for the
Senatorship to succeed Mr.. Hiscock does
not meet with Mr.. Cleveland's approval
As to the effect which the statement may
have upon Mr.. Murphy's candidacy can
hardly say. I should think, however, that
If Mr.. Cleveland or Mr.. Cleveland's friends
were to go farther and actively oppose Mr..
Murphy they might defeat him. But if,
op the other hand, Mr.. Murphy was to be
elected, wouldn't his supporters and the
machine be able to say after the publication
of this statement that they had defeated the
administration? That is matter which
should think Mr. Cleveland and his friends
know more about than anyone in Washing
tom
This is admitted to be pregnant view of
the matter. Apparently TO the mass of Dem
ocrats here, who are watching snxAusly for
some definition of Mr.. Cleveland's feelings
in regard to Mugwumpery, the President
elect filings down the gauntlet to the State
machine and tells it, as it is embodied in
Senator Hill, that ifit wants favors it will
have to elect Senators to Office and ask for
official appointments that are acceptable to
him. Members of Congress who are shrewd,
practical politicians, declare they cannot
understand why Hill should want Murphy
In the Senate with him, in view of the open
disgust of Mr.. Cleveland at the prospect of
Murphy's election. Hills best friends
in the Senate and House say that
the Senator cannot himself control single
appointment in New York or in the Gov
ernment departments in Washington. Does
be, then, it is asked, want colleague who
Is as powerless as he in controlling New
York patronage? On the other hand some
think that Hill is pursuing a logical course.
Why should he want a fellow Senator to
whom the doors of the White House would
fly open, who could walk into Cleveland's
private room, throw his legs on or under
the executive mahogany, smoke the Presi-
dents choicest Havanas and drink Fortis-
simo punches of Presidential brewing while
to him even the outer gates are forever
closed?
No Compromise Is Possible.
Anv compromise of the differences be-
tween Cleveland and Hill is looked upon
here as impossible, both by the friends of
Cleveland and the braves of Tammany.
Hill will be more powerless at the begin
ming of CIeveland's administration to die
tate patronage than Quay Is at the end of
Harrison's administration. Conkling and
Platt were omnipotent with Garfield in
comparison with what Hill will be with |
Cleveland. From the present outlook it |
will be war from the start between Cleve-
land. the appointing, and HILL the con-
frming power, and Hill therefore needs !
above all things a colleague who will sup
port him and not fight him. Hill's posi- !
tion in the Senate would be ten-fold weaker |
and two-fold more humiliating were he to |
be yoked to one in the Senate who would |
not pull with him. Hill would oppose the |
confrmatIons of Cleveland, and the other |
Senator, being the friend of Cleveland, |
would urge confirmation of the nominations, |
and the majority of the Senate would un-
doubtedly in that case go with the admins |
tration, and Hill would be more of a |
nonentity than he is now, if that be pos
sible.
1t is really question of life or death |
with Hill, in the judgment of many of the |
shrewdest politicians at the capital. With |
the successor to Hiscock in sympathy with
him, Hill could keep his grasp on the New
York State machine, in spite of Cleveland,
possibly, by forcing compromise in the
matter of appointments. With the other
Senator against him, he would be as power
less as ''dead cock in the pit" and would
as well follow the illustrious example of
Conkling and Platt, by resigning and join
ing the army of the disgruntled in more or
less comfortable obscurity. The crisis of
the contest is now SO near at hand that the
entire political fraternity of the capital is
waiting and watching with intense interest
for the outcome. 1t is viewed as duel to
the death.
The Lodge-Adams Monopoly of Access.
The explanation of Mr.. Henry Cabot