Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1892-03-05


not the slightest doubt
proval long ago, had it not been for the power
full opposition Of Preston B. Plumb. Now that
he is dead, the proposition will be brought up
again with the diplomatic and consular appro-
priation BILL and there is every reason to an
ticipate that it will receive the Endorsement of
the upper house. When the question was dis
cussed in the House Of Represen tatives last
year 1t was asserted that an ambassador would
want bigger pay than is required by a minis
ter representing this country at foreign court
out Chairman Hit of the committee on foreign
affairs denied that this would be the case.
The elevation of our principal ministers
abroad TO the rank Of ambassadors would rem
der those diplomatic posts far more desirable
than at present from the point of view of Sec
retaries in the cabinet and other citizens Of
eminence As things are now, they seem to be
regarded as extremely eligible. being incident
any In the line OF promotion to the presidency
ltseh. For example, the case OF James Bu-
chanan may be quoted. But an ambassador is
bird of very different feather from a min
lster He is a little king. In fact, when he
represents monarchy he is actually regarded
as an incarnation of the sovereign and is treated
In all respects as if he were a king in a foreign
country Disregard of his personal dignity is
an insult to sovereign majesty and may amount
to casus belli
DIGNITY OF AN AMBASSADOR.
An ambassador in foreign country does not
make the first call The minister for foreign
affairs calls upon him. After he has been pre-
sented to the reigning monarch he holds
ievee as II he were sovereign. The king dimes
with him exactly if he were the monarch
whom he represents. but the king never dimes
Win minister representing another power.
me ambassador acts directly for the sovereign
anu commits the latter by his acts, whereas the
mlnlsterl Is nothing more than an intermediary.
he has even a right to confer with the king,
without the intervention of the minister for
foreign affairs.
In practice he does not exercise this right.
which is tradition of feudal times: but TO IL
lustrate the operation of the theory and also to
show how far the power of such a Diplomatic
representative to involve his government by
his actions extends, the instance may be mem
tloned OF Count Bernadetti, ambassador to
RUSSIA In 1870. There had been a dispute be-
tween Prussia and France respecting the cam
dldature of a Hohenzollern for the throne Of
Spain. Prussia felt obliged to yield the point
and her decision to this effect was COMMUNE
Gated to Count Bernadetti through the minister
Tor foreign affairs. But the count. not sat
isned with this sought the king in
his gardens at Ems and, speaking in the name
OF france, requested personal assurance from
the monarch that the candidature would he
Withdrawn The king declined to talk on the
subject and replied haughtily, Il refer you to
my chancellor, Count bismarck" Whereupon
Bernadetti telegraphed to the Emperor Napo-
leon that the Hing OF Prussia had refused him
an interview, and war was declared at once
An ambassador for the United States would
represent the sovereignty not of king, but of
te,oeo,teo people The minister on the other
hand simply represents the government for
which he acts as agent. PROFESSIONALLY the
elevation of American ministers abroad to
ambassadorial rank would bring about i'm
portant Changes in diplomatic etiquette on this
side OF the water. Rules of precedence
would Fave to be adopted In Wash
ington, very different from the simple Jeffer-
sonian regulations. Receptions at the White
mouse would take on new and interesting for
malltles. Among other things the President
would be obliged to dine at the houses of am
Dassadors from over the seas, Just as effete
European sovereigns do, whereas he never
accepts the hospitality of foreign minister.
VI course other nations would send ambassa-
doris hlther as soon as they received officers of
the same rank to represent us.
POSITION OF OUR MINISTER'S
It is surprising how desirable the high Dip
lomatc missions from the United States abroad
are considered, in view of the strict laws of
precedence which oblige their incumbents to
eat cold soup and to submit to SO MANY humili-
atlons. Suppose that an eminent representa-
tive OF this country has been waiting tor three
hours in the ante room of European minister
for foreign affairs possibly having brought
frugal lunch with him. Just as he is about to
be admitted. in comes the ambassador from Siam
or Persia. Necessarily under such circumstances
the ambassador goes in before him, obliging
him to remain in attendance for an hour or SO
longer. This Is calculated to be extremely az
gravating to simple republican feelings. Frank
lin, John Adams and John Jay used to go
through this sort of experience in France
waiting for days and even weeks for an au.
do md Dhal,
have been compelled to undergo infinite
humiliation" at the court of st. James in order
togetan opportunity for diplomatic discussion.
Was this because the foreign governments in
question were disposed to show discourtesy to
the United States? BY no means 1t was simply
due to the fact that we have refused to give
our representatives an equal official status
with the officers who represent other natonsat
these courts. 1t is urged that by appointing
ambassadors we would assume the attitude of a
effect, 1--WE desire you to consider
our business as of frst-rate importance"
The title and rank of ambassador gives
certain privileges which We voluntarily ex-
clude ourselves from by declining to give that
rank to the men we send abroad Accordingly
other powers are obliged to send their second
rate diplomats TO Washington. Between this
argument and Mr.. Plumbs opinion that all
diplomacy was mere suobbery and fuss and
feathers, lies the question which will soon come
PAY OF FOREIGN DIPLoMArs
In the social and pecuniary way United States
ministers abroad find themselves much more
agreeably situated than foreign ambassadors at
the same courts. Mr.. Whitelaw Reid received
a salary OF S17, 800 The fact that he paid a
rent of S2l.0O0 year for his house in Paris
would seem to indicate that his pay was hardly
sufficient for his comfortable support. The
British ambassador at Paris gets S45 900 year,
a house and $100. 900 additional for entertain
ing and other expenses. His dwelling is pal
ace, about tive times as big as the British lega-
ton in Washington, and he is expected to keep
mp the style Of sovereign. He has even q small
court of his own. 1t is the same way at other
European capitals, the British ambassador at
Vienna receiving S40, 900, at Berlin S37 500, at
Rome $4,000, at st. Petersburg $4,000, at
Constantinople $40, 600, and SO on, always with
large allowances added. Sir Julian Pauncefote
gets So, 900, besides a house and allowances.
This is high for a minister plenipotentiary and
envoy extraordinary but that ID because living
in Washington is expensive.
Reference is often made 70 the simple way In
which Benjamin Franklin made his appear
ance as commissioner At the French court The
unaffected greatness of the man made its own
impression, but it il nevertheless fact that
his eccentricity caused him to be yrievously
reviled by powerful faction there. Certain
ladies of rank and fashion at the time, to ex-
press their adherence of him, caused
his miniature to be painted on the
inside of the bottom of dozen
most humble domestic vessels, which were duly
distributed. One of these is at present in the
49,