The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1892-05-29


local whims of a state or section ought to
be asserted even at the cost of disrupted
nation. 1t is difficult to believe that so
vigorous, keen and clear an intellect as
that Of Calhoun could ever have honestly
and periodically espoused such doctrine
as that of notification and its sequence-se-
cession; it is difficult to believe that so
pure and refined man could have hon
estly upheld and defended from its bed
rock of brutality, brigandage, tyranny and
theft such crime against Christianity as
slavery. So refined and thoughtful man
could never have honestly believed in the
humanity. moral justice and economic
wisdom of slavery any more than Henry
Clay, and his selection Of slavery as mt
corner stone of Southern civilza-
ton was never announced until CAL
houn had become a cankered and
disappointed man, full of vindictive dis
gust for and dread of the rude soldier,
arbitrary, passionate and withal able and
cunning military demagogue, Andrew
Jackson. To discomfit Jackson, to steal
away the South from his support, Calhoun
set up the pirate flag Of slavery, nulllfica-
ton, secession and sectional politics. He
knew that its selfshness would commend
sectionalism to the hearts Of the unthink-
ing crowd, and to all able men who loved
power and pelf rather than abstract
justice and the inalienable rights of man.
Calhoun was willing to uproot the
Union If he could only see his political
foes dead or dying under its fallen tim
bers. He labored to this end with extraor-
binary intellectual energy. acuteness and
pertinacity, and he came dangerously near
success. but he was too able a man, too
cold, clear and subtle thinker to be
fooled for q moment by his own brutal
philosophy of government. Thousands
who followed him were sincere, because
they had not brains or judicial faculty
sient might and true self-interest,
but Calhoun could never have been
imposed upon by ideas so instinct
with injustice and immortality as those
upon which he rested the dismal, black
rock of slavery. Calhoun, in his heart. no
more believed that Christian civilization
could safely rest upon slavery than Clay
and Webster did, but he had a revenge to
wreak on those who had wrecked his hopes
of the presidency, and that revenge he
wrought out with the pitiless pertlnacity
of a very able, acute and indomitable in
tellect. He could not rule Jackson, and
he was ready to ruin the Union he had
lost all hope to rule.
Calhoun was the subtle Satan of South
ern politics; he had far more powerful
mind than Jefferson, who by comparison
was volatile political optimist and clever
demagogue. The intellectual intensity
and impressiveness of the man survived
him in the desperate and deluded Confed-
crate armies that sprung from the seed he
sowed. Calhoun died in 1850, and in 1854
congress, by Its legislation, adopted the
most radical doctrine of Calhoun that
slaves are property and must be recognized
as such everywhere and SO completely
that the unanimous voice of the people of
territory could not prohibit slavery
among them. The victory of Calhounism
in 1854 was dearly bought. Within two
years the constitutional opposition to
slavery at the North was completely or
ganized for battle; within six years it was
victorious.
The slave-holding states repudiated this
fair and constitutional election of presi-
dent who was sure to defend and protect
slavery within such clear line of duty as
the constitution imposed upon him; Mr..
Lincoln was certain to do his clear con-
stitutional duty by slavery, and he was
certain not to promote or defend the inter-
ests of slavery beyond this point. On
this ground and this alone the rebellion
was inaugurated and carried on under the
name of secession. It was a stupid, reck-
less, wanton effort to overturn free gov
eminent and establish system of govern
ment and society based on slavery as a
cornerstone. It was causeless war, most
valiantly and yet most ignorantly sup
ported by the South. When it was
over the government hung nobody for
treason, exiled nobody, imprisoned no.
body for any length of time; it perma-
nently deprived nobody of suffrage or
civil rights; it confiscated no estates after
the war. The destruction of slavery was
incidental to the war policy" of Lincoln,
| which was to restore the Union with or
| without slavery as soon as possible. The
historical truth is that the "Lost Cause
never had a moral, much less legal or
constitutional leg to stand on.
So clear was it that the South had moth
| ing to gain by even peaceful and final
separation which was not secure within
| the Union, that 1t was difficult to believe
at the time that disruption was seriously
| intended. General Cox. of Ohio, holds
| today that the secession movement was
| originally not intended as finality, but as
! political move to force a reaction at the
| North, but "the revolution ran away with
its leaders, rs has happened in Other
! times and places" The blindness of the
! secession conspIrators seems incredible at
| this day. they failed TO see that the North
would fight for the flag, and they failed to
| understand that with slavery for a cor
nerstone they had no hope of aid from
| Europe or of extradition treaties for the
return of fugitive slaves with the United
! States.
REFORM.
| The city government is now in the