Los Angeles herald., 1892-10-24
THE TARIFF ISSUE IN A RUrsHELL.


A great deal of time is wasted in ar
guing the tariff question in detail. An
educational process has been going on
for FIVE years. 1t began with Mr..
Cleveland's free wool message on the
assembling of congress in December,
1887. Since then all possible changes
have been rung on this head. The
whole question resolves itself into the
proposition that, when the people ex-
pected substantial reduction in the
war tariff, Mckinley and his party as
sociates wantonly increased it. For all
practical purposes, the point is right
there. Every Democrat and at least
half of the Republicans hoped for and
expected reduction, and they failed to
get it. 1t is needless to say that, in'con-
sequence, disappointment was wide
spread and poignant and, in many
places, it took the shape of downright
and implacable indignation. They
asked for bread and were given q stone.
Those of them who had long memories
could recall the time when the Morrill,
tariff was passed in 1862. 1t was un-
conscionably high, but its advocates ex-
cused this by the exigencies OF the war.
The great struggle once ended, they
would return to the old, or something
like the old tariff. However, the war once
disposed of, the Republican congress,
instead of lowering the tariff, raised 1t
very materially-in 1866. The county
stood it, but resented the exaction.
This time the raise was put upon the
ground that the war had left the country
saddled with a great debt, and that
heavy duties on imports were needed to
meet these obligations. Then for four
teen years more the people endured the
burdens Of the post war tariff. About
1879 the clamors against the tariff as it
then existed became so great that the
president appointed a commission to re-
port a scheme of reductions. This com.
mission was headed by Henry w. Oliver,
of Oliver, Brickell & Phillips, leading
Pittsburg iron-master, and Repub-
lican. Mr.. divers commission had the
grace to report that there ought to be
an all-round reduction of fifteen per
cent on protected articles. However,
when Col. William R. Morrison, as
chairman of the house committee on
ways and means. reported horizontal
reduction of ten per cent, every Repub.
lican in the house voted against it. and
the bill was defeated.
1t was on this high post war tariff OF
1866 that Mckinley made his outrageous
advances. There was no man in the
United States, who was not an arrant
protectionist for protection's sake, who
did not look upon the additional extor
tions of the Mckinley bill as infamous
Such Republican journals as the
Chicago Tribune could see the
iniauity as clearly as the
Democratic newspapers. 1t will be seen
that we are not arguing from the stand
point of free trade, but Of common
sense. The Democratic platform, in de-
nouneing protection as administered by
the Republican party as fraud, was
perfectly right. 1t struck the question
precisely between wind and water.
That the people understand this ques-
ton thoroughly was shown by the elec-
tions in 1890 and 1891. The process OF
education had been sufficiently advanced
in the first year to insure one OF the
most overwhelming revolutions ever re-
corded in the United States. 1t far sur
passed the tidal wave year 1874 in the
sweeping changes it brought about. A
Republican majority of sixteen in the
Fifty frst house of representatives was
replaced by Democratic majority OF
over three-fourths in the Fifty-second.
States went Democratic that had never
voted for Democratic president since
the Pierce-Scott campaign of 1852. 1t
was scarcely to be expected that such an
upheaval should continue in unabated
force, but the elections of 1891 showed
that it had not yet spent it's force. 1t is
still on, and it's energy, if slightly di-
minished in momentum and velocity, is
still sufficiently strong to assure US a
Democratic administration and a Demo
! cratic senate and house of representa-
tives. No wonder the Republicans are
panic stricken. The end of their period
of misrule draws near.