The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1892-08-10
GLADSTONE ON HIS BILL.
THE NEW PREMIER CHEERAD ON
RISING TO SPEAK.

LONDON, Aug. 9.-The House OF Com
mons was crowded to its full capacity before
the business of the day was commenced, as
it was expected chat Mr.. Gladstone would
resume the debate ON the address in reply to
the queens speech. His appearance in the
house was a signal for ringing cheers from
his adherents and admirers. The first mat
ter taken up was the case OF Egsn, the in-
vincfbls, who was Imprisonment under the
crimes act.
Timothy Harrington, member for the
harbor division Of Dublin, asked question
concerning the release OF Egan. to which
Henry Matthews, home secretary, replied
that he had again considered the case but
could not hold any hopes OF Egan's speedy
release.
J. W. Lowther, parliamentary secretary
OF the foreign office, announced that the
British East Africa Company had in
structed its officers to leave Uganda by
Dec. 81. He added that Capt Lugard, In
command of the companys forces In
Uganda, bad consented to division Of the
territory. it being provided that the armed
French Catholics should stay in a specified
locality, though Uganda itself should be
free TO all religions.
GLADSTONE ON HIS BILL
After Mr.. Lowther had finished Mr..
Gladstone arose and was greeted with loud
| and prolonged cheering by the members Of
the opposition. Mr.. Gladstone opened his
speech by referring to the procedure of the
government in departing from precedents
| in not reSigning when the verdict of the
country was against them. The house had
met. MIR. Gladstone said, but they did not
know what for. [Cheers.l The queens
speech told them nothing. Was 1t fact,
he asked, that the judgment of the nation
| was without Rppeal4 Was the House of
Commons to fight the battle OF the
last six years over again2
Never had there been a great issue sub
mltted to the country that had been so fully
discussed as the issue decided at the last
general elections. The government was
perfectly aware of that. They knew we'll
| that a majority OF the house had come pre-
pared to give effect to the verdict OF their
constituents [Cheers.]
They could not do otherwise. Turning
to the matter of home rule. amid wild
cheering by the Irish members Mr.. Glad
stone said that the claims of Ireland had
| been for years at the forefront
of the battle, and that that posi-
| tlon was now held. The principles
| Of his home rule bill were pretty well
| known. BY its provisions there would be
| full and efficient maintenance OF imperial
| supremacy, while Ireland would, be given
| conduct of her own sffairBs Irish repre-
sentation in the House of Commons was
also contemplated, under certain conditions.
| AS to the form in which these principles
would be embodied, 10 was the duty of the
| liberals to select the best form, but not
until they had been placed in power Mr..
| Gladstone said that he entertained no doubt
about the duty OF the liberal gov
ernment in the event OF the rejection
| nf ha Ft1Ia Re a
not terminate their duty. Cheers At the
same time it would be necessary, even in
the year 1893, to deal with a considerable
| portion Of the British wants. [Cries of
Hear, heart
| A COMPLIMENT TO THE IRISH.
Mr.. Goschen had said that home rule
must be carried by an Irish majority IL it
| we're carried at all. In point of fact the
majority In the house was no more Irish
| than Scotch or Welsh. Nobody had any
title to distinguish votes for the purpose of
| invaltdating the decision Of the house or
country. Such an argument struck at the
| root of the constitution OF the United
! Kingdom. There certainly was q sense in
which parliament was justified in exam
| inlng votes, that was when a scheme was
| proposed that affected fundamentally any
part OF the country. For example. il was
| customary to give effect to the wishes OF
the people Of Scotland. The observations
about an Irish majority were in Difference
to bad tradition. Those making them
would not venture to make similar ones
about any other part of the United King
dom. The fact that a majority was Irish
was recommendation rather than other
wise. LCheers from the Irish members
PROMINENCE OF HOME RULE.
As to the coming governments, lit would
De time to criticise Its words and deeds
~ nnA Int nf4 10 a
mained nehulous hypothesis. The con-
servatlves said that in the liberal speeches
home rule was not always prominent The
verdict OF the country had shown that the
people meant to be prominent and therefore
TO put an end to the present government
The supporters of the government made
much of the peace now prevailing in ireland,
holding that 1t was due to coercion. Tho
tendency toward peace began in 1885, with
better prospect of home rule True, after
the present government came into power
there was a bad state of affairs in 1886,
partly arising from the agricultural de-
preston. MIR. Gladstone added that in
Justice to the movement he must say they
were entitled to credit for what they did
toward relieving the distress by the land
act OF 1887, but that came too late. II wns
not associated with the administration of
laws In harmony with the sympathies
Of the people. The perpetual coercion
act not only violated civil rights between
Englishmen and Irishmsn, but was In the
highest degree injurious to respect for the
law and its administration,
AS he had been asked questions respecting
continuance Of coercion he would reply at
once that the coercion bill ought not to be
retained on the statute book longer than re-
quired BY parliamentary usage. [Cries of
Hear, heer."l
LOOK INTO THE FUTURE.
Mr.. Gladstone acknow wledged that the de-
bate could not be altogether retrospective.
The house must have some light upon the
future. he would not anticipate who would
govern when the present administration
was displaced. 1t was not possible for the
liberal government TO say what measures
they would submit to parliament six
months hence. In regard to the suggested
holding Of session in November he could
only say that any government taking that
course would show an inadequate sense Of
the magnitude and variety Of the subjects
IL had to deal with. The house would
address itself seriously 30 the bill
giving Ireland self-government. It would
pass the House Of Commons and then 20 20
the House OF Lords. He would not argue on
the probability Of the House Of Lords reject
log the bill. II the measure passed the House
OF Commons, springing out OF the oontinu-
Gus controversy lasting seven years, which
had been carried on with zeal and ability
under such diversity OF circumstances,
never would the House % Lords have hefore