Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1892-10-06
POWER OF ROYALTY.
IN ENGLAND THE SOVEREIGN Is
MERELY A FlGUREHEAD.

| Na-h@Sf -
| The House of Commons Is Practically Su-
preme in Its Lawmaking Power, and the
Action of the House of Lords and That
of the Sovereign Is n Matter of Form.
Just at this time is an opportune occa-
sion for giving a brief outline of the
functions of the English government.
This is admirably done by n. o. Winter,
English correspondent for The National
Tribune, and the following facts are
quoted from him:
The queen is sovereign in name only.
Her individual will weighs almost as
naught. Her official acts are those of
the party in power.
The "queen's Speech" SO called, read
at the opening of every parliament, is
prepared by the leaders of the prevail
ing party and contains a setting forth
of the measures which it is proposed &c
PASS. Although at heart Tory, yet
should the Liberals be successful she
would be obliged to appoint the cabinet
proposed by that party. She has veto
power on all bills, l believe, yet she
would not dare exercise it.
Her gracious approval is matter
of course after the bill has passed the
two houses.
Since the Seventeenth century, when
parliament repudiated the claims of the
Stuart family and established rival
claimant on the throne, the choice of
sovereign rests with the house of COM
mons. OF course, unless for special rea-
sons, the direct line would be chosen;
but should one sovereign become obnox-
ious he or she would be signing the
death warrant of their respective house.
The monarch serves as Ggurehead-as
an official representative of the govern
ment.
None of the royal family, although
occupying seats in the house of lords,
dare take any part in politics. In re-
turn for their magnificent salaries they
lay cornerstones, attend public gather
ings and furnish matter for public gossip.
The tendency of late years is toward
the abolishment of the hereditary house
of lords. Although such an event may
not occur very soon, yet it will no doubt
be the final result The necessary turn
ing point toward such an outcome would
be obstinacy on the part of the lords
toward any favorite measure of the COM
mons. The lords appreciate the situa-
ton, and as rule are obedient, and their
appreciation is generally only matter Of
form. If they oppose a measure sec
ond return of it by the commons gener-
| ally has the desired effect, and some un.
important amendment will probably be
tackled on merely to preserve their own
dignity. In this respect their proceed
ings are generally very tame in COM
parison with the occasional stormy ses-
sions of the lower house.
There is also another way by which
the obstinacy on the part of the lords
may be overcome. That is by additions
to their own ranks. Peers can be created
at any time and without any limit of
number. Political leaders are often given
peerages for eminent services.
Should some important measure be OBJ
structed In the house of lords a sufi-
cient number of new peers of the right
faith might be created to overcome the
opposing faction. This extreme is one,
however, that has not been resorted to
for many, many years.
The house of commons Is favorite
training place for the heirs of hereditary
peerages. 1t gives them a training in
the usages and tactics Of debate and leg
islation which grants a certain prestige
when compelled by cruel fate to trans
fer their sphere of action to the upper
house.
A wide difference in the political sys-
TENS of the two countries is found in the
elective system. The duration of par
lament is indefinite, the time of election
equally so, and other things differ from
the clockwork regularity of the Ameri-
can elective system.
The extreme life of parliament is
seven years, or it may be dissolved at
any intermediate time by command of
the sovereign; also, in the case of some
new policy, the members may be obliged
to submit themselves for reelection On
that issue. Such was the case with the
Gladstone party on the Homerule cues
ton.
When parliament has been dissolved
writs are issued to all the constituencies
for new election. A day for nomina-
ton is appointed, not simply for party
nomination, but each intending candi-
dates name must be presented. If there
is only one then he is declared elected,
otherwise poll is ordered for certain
day, when ballots are deposited by the
qualified electors as in the states.
To the person Of careful observation
it will be apparent that the British voter
resembles in more ways than one the
American voter. While it is true that
the Britisher is freer agent than his
American cousin, yet he is quite as
easily Influenced and has an equal faith
in the party leaders.
Elections may occur on any day with
in a certain limit, and not simultaneous
Iy all over the country. Likewise a
man may vote in as many districts as he
possesses the necessary property aualifi-
cations. There is not manhood suf-
frage here, but one Of property, so that
one person may possibly vote for several
candidates. The qualifications are of
three different kinds-a man must pos
sess freehold property which brings in
clear income of small amount, or he
must occupy rented premises of the
value of fifty dollars yearly, or, third,
a man must occupy lodgings worth
s125 per week. The two latter require
the occupation Of the same premises for
one year previous to electien,-S. w.
Foss in Yankee Blade.
Keeping Warm.
An active but not very robust city
boy was sent by his parents away up