The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1892-09-09
PROTECTION RESTS ON COMMON
SENSE.


lied saints of the Democratic party. that
| declared "it was a great advantage for
| every country to manufacture within its
own limits everything that is necessary to
human existence and comfort. The coun-
try which has to import articles of neces-
sitv from abroad, is weak in consequence;
because in time of war it may be entirely
deprived of those articles"
This substantially expresses the argyll
ment of Jefferson for protection, and since
Jefferson's day every eminent American
statesman has advocated protection on
the ground that the more manufactures.
the more varied the industries carried on
in any country, the greater the demand
for agricultural products of every sort. the
more satisfactory the reward OF the
farmers who raise them.
The protective tariff of 1916. which i'm
posed tax on wool, received every vote
In the senate except five. and three of the
five were from New England. In the
house Of representatives the bill was
championed by Mr.. Calhoun, who said:
Gentlemen ought not to give in to the
contracted idea that taxes were SO much
money taken from the people; properly
applied, the money proceeding from taxes
was money put out to the best possible in
terest for the people,"
The high tariff of 1923 was supported by
that iilustrious Democratic statesman,
Silas Wright, and also received in the
senate the votes Of such distinguished
Jacksonian Democrats as James X. Polk,
Dutee J. Pearce, Martin Van Buren,,
James Buchanan, joel Yancy. Thomas H.
Benton and Richard NJ. johnson. Three
of these distinguished men were subse-
quently elected to the presidency by the
Democratic party.
From 1889 to 1S2S Democrats and FEEDER
alists, however widely apart on some other
questions, practically agreed on the pro-
lection of home products. With such
Southern statesmen long in the lead as
Jefferson and Madison, Jackson and Ben
ton, Clay and Calhoun, . tariff for home
protection as we'll as for revenue was au-
thoritatively fixed as the paramount
and permanent American policy. The
finally constrained the Democratic party
to adopt the partisan tariff Of 1916, which,
after being horizontally amended in 1857,
failed to give either protection or revenue
sufficient for the ordinary support of the
government.
For sixty years every tariff act was pro-
tective in principle, and was supported by
the Democratic party outside of the CAL
houn Democracy of the South. The
Democratic platform of 1854 said:
Tho necessary reductions in taxation can and
must be affected without depriving American
labor OF the ability to compete successfully with
foreign labor, and without imposing lower rates
OF duty than will be ample to cover any in
creased cost OF production which may exist in
consequence of the higher rate Of wages pre-.
vailing in this country.
The Democratic platform of 1888 was
also emphatic for the protection of Ameri-
can labor as follows:
Our established domestic ind ustries and enter
prises should not, and need not, be endangered
by a reduction and correction OF the burdens of
taxation. On the contrary, fair and careful
revision OF our tax laws, with due allowance for
the difference of the wages OF American and
foreign labor, must promote aud encourage
every branch OF such industries and enterprises
by giving them assurance of an extended mar
ket and steady and continuous operation.
The Democratic convention at Chicago
this year was offered by the majority of
the committee on platform the moderately
protective plank of 1884. which promised
TO be regardful of the interests of labor
and capital, especially of the difference of
the cost of American and foreign labor and
not TO injure domestic industries. The
Democratic national convention, however,
refused to adopt the tariff plank of 1883,
but rejected it for the following:
We denounce the Republican protective tariff
as fraud upon the labor OF the great majority
Of American people for the benefit of the few.
We declare n to be fundamental principle of
the Democratic party that the federal govern.
ment has not constituti onal power to impose
and collect tariff duties, except for the purpose
of revenue only. limited to the necessities of an
economical administration OF the government
The tariff for revenue only would force
the placing Of very high duties on sugar,
tea and coffee and the withdrawal of all
protection from our competitive indus
tries. This tariff for revenue only stands
for the British doctrine of free trade,
which Great Britain maintains solely for
the purpose of keeping down the wages of
the British laborers to the lowest point, in
order to obtain an overpowering export
trade in competition with foreign nations,
by which to get food for more than half of
its population.
With the economic conditions exactly
reversed in the United States. tree trade
would be commercial suicide England
cannot feed her manufacturing millions.
but must buy sl2,o00.o0 of food a week for
their support, while the United States
not only can feed all her agricultural and
manufacturing people, bat has large
surplus product OF grain and meat to sell
Europe. England is very populous coun-
try OF 2.o0 TO 250G0 landlords, while
America is sparseiy populated country
with millions of small farmers and with
plenty OF land for many millions beside.
OF course with these economic condi-
tions exactly reversed the British free
trade" tariff for revenue only cannot be
good thing for America You cannotex.
accy reverse the economic conditions
which lei England ID adopt the free
trade" policy. and make the same tariff
ft both Great Britain and the United
States. IL IS condition not g theory thar
confronts rs. and 50 long as the economic
conditions IN Great Britain and America
are exactly reversed the same tariff po,irv
-