Los Angeles herald., 1892-08-31

present exactions, the policy would pro.
vide an ultimate blessing to agriculture,
Everywhere they vociferously affirmed
that protection would so diversity our
industry that by resulting transfers oil
labor from the fields to the factory and
shop, q home demand would be Gre
ated for all of our agricultural
products which would make the farmers
OF America independent OF foreign con-
sumers. Where now is this home mar
ket argument? For answer, let me
read you it's obituary, prepared by the
brilliant man whose leadership Republi-
cans followed for years with tireless de-
votion. At the town of Waterville, in
Maine, on August 80, 1890, Mr.. James
G. Blaine said:
Il wish TO declare the opinion that
the United States has reached point
where one of its highest 6uties is to en-
large the area of it's foreign trade. On
der the beneficial policy of protection
we nave developed volume of manu-
features which, in many departments,
overruns the demands of the home mar
ket. In the field of agriculture, with
the lmmense impetus given it by agri-
cultural implements, we can do far more
than produce breadstuffe and provisions
for our own people. Nor would it be
ambitions for SO great a country aH ours
to manufacture only what we can con-
sumo. or produce only what we can eat. >
Had these words been spoken by a
Democrat, protectioniets would have
denounced them as the idle vaporings
of free trade crank, or the corrupt ut
terances of a British emissary, sent
hither by Golden clubs to destroy Amer
-f M
Blaine's proclamation, where, I repeat,
is the home market argument. Cruel
fed in the house of its birth, and moth
ing but a Renaissance save in the
minds of few needless writer's, as well
as campaign orators who are two years
behind the current records of their
party.
Incapable of fulfillment as are the
promises of protection to agriculture,
more deceitful still are those to labor.
This huge moloch of protection, mas
querading in the garb of philanthropy,
pledges security to American labor,
while ii remorselessly immolates the
object OF its pretended benevolence on
the unhoiy altars of brutal selfshness.
"But, happily, the DISCUSSES of protec
tion are at last torn off. Its promises to
agriculture have been utterly discredit-
ed, while those to labor are being rap
idly falsifed. Unexampled expressions
have quickened the masses of the peo-
Pile, on whom they fall, into determined
search and remedial inquiry. The agi-
tation thus begun is destined never to
cease until the federal power of taxa
ton is brought to its rightful function
the raising of revenue for the support of
the government.
with this as their supreme demand,
and looking to the relief of shackled
commerce, prostrated agriculture and
enslaved labor, no wonder that the DEM
ocratic masses of America, with we'll
nigh universal acclaim, called to leader
ship that intrepid champion of tariff re-
form, Grover Cleveland. Well may we
applaud the name of that great man.
If he had no other claim
to renown, his message to
congress of December g. 1887, would
make him forever illustrious. That
memorable document is not only promi-
nent as state paper, but also bears
testimony to one of the noblest exhibi-
tions of moral courage that political his
tory ever recorded. It's principles, al
though they have been for years crushed
to earth under the iron heel of monopoly,
are the eternal, economic truths of free
government. And what are these prin-
ciples? Briefly epitomized, that no
greater revenue should be raised than is
required for the needs of the govern
ment, economically administered and
further, that. in the raising of
this revenue two considerations
should control. First, that
the taxation of luxuries presents
no features of hardship. Second. that
the necessaries of life, which are used
aud consumed by all OF the people, and
the duties on which add to the expenses
Of every household, should be greatly
cheapened. While these benefcent rev
enue rules mean not the dismantling of
the palaces of the wealthy, they do pur-
pose the bringing of comfortable living
and brighter homes within reach of the
| laboring masses.
with cause so just, and under a
chieftaincy so inspiring, the result OF
the contest cannot "be doubtful. With
unfaltering faith can we look forward to
the second Tuesday in November next
as the great day of great victory among
whose priceless fruits may be reckoped
a freer commerce, agricultural prosperi-
ty, and the emancipation of labor from
the bondage of monopoly. Millions OF
the living hail with joy the approach OF
the victory; generations yet unborn
will gratefully inherit it's benefactions. -
At the close of Colonel Welborn's
speech there was long continued ap-
plause.
After some stirring extempore re-
m arks upon the truths of Democracy by
Hon. r. j. Franklin, late consul-general
to Hankow, China, the convention ad-
! iourned without day.
Col. Olin Welborn, the unanimous
nominee of the Seventh district Demo
Gratis for congress-, was born in Georgia
| in 1S43. At the close OF the war he was
admitted to the bar in Atlanta, Ca, and
practiced there until 1871, when he re.
moved to Dallas, Texas. In 1873 he
was elected to congress from the Dallas
district by 81 900 majority. He served
eight years in the lower house of the
national Legislature, and then removed
to San Diego, where he has since resid.
ed. During the last four years OF his
congressional service he acted as chair
man of the committee on Indian affairs,
one of the most important house com
mittees. During all of his eight years
he was always warm advocate of the
| free coinage of silver. He ranked as
one of the ablest members of the body
in which sat Samuel ]. Randall, John
g. Carlisle, William Springer, and
others.
| do