The Ohio Democrat. (Logan, O. [Ohio]) 1886-1906, 1892-07-23
WHENCE THESE MlI.,I0NSi

OllS WIN luSllluutCo JlluI bnC llOIllC-
stead riots have any relation to pol
itlcs is descending to Il depth of
degradation to which partisanship
never sank before. Perhaps this
ferocity will prevent some from
pointing out the lessons fairly de.
ducible from the incident, and per-
haps it will not. The latter hy-
pothesis has the weight of proba-
bility on its side.
The Chicago Inter Ocean remarks
that the Homestead trouble is
simply question of wages and
management. Since when did
wages cease to be u matter of pol
itical discussion? Democrats, in
deed, have insisted that wages are
not kept up by laws to restrict
trade, but the Republicans will not
have it so. They insist that their
policy is all that stands between
the American workman and the
pauper labor of Europe. They said
that the Mills bill would reduce
wages and that the Mckinley bill
would advance them. When their
prophecies are falsified by events
they say that these events have no
connection with politics, and that
the man who says they have is sunk
deeper in infamy than ever plum
met sounded. When disputant
loses his temper it is easy to guess
that he is getting the worst of it.
The protected classes say that
when they take the Government
into partnership tits with no expec-
tation of personal advantage, but
solely for the sake of their employ
es. They are only almoners who
take the bounty of the Government
and distribute it among the men
who toll in their mills. This system
of trusteeship has now been going
on for many years, and the trustees
desire it to be continued indefinite
ly. 1t somehow happens, however,
that these Government almoners
have millions of dollars, and their
employees find themselves locked
out, with no chance of getting back
except at reduced wages. And yet
the friends which those unjust
stewards have made with the NAM
mon of unrighteousness say that it
is Infamous to raise any question
as to how they have executed their
trust, or to ask them to give an ac-
count of their stewardship.
Where did these partners of the
Government get their millions? A
careful statistician has shown that
the average price of anthracite pig
iron at Philadelphia for the ten
years from 1878 to 1887, inclusive,
was $21.S7: of Scotch pig in Eng
land for the same period, 1924.
After making allowance for freight
this gives a difference of about 81
a ton, which the American consul
mer paid on account of the tariff.
The difference in the price of best
rolled iron here and abroad was
twice this, but, taking the differ
ence on the lowest grade, we find
consumers paid in ten years $780,
100000 more than they would have
paid but for the tariff.
On the average consumption of
steel the difference in the domestic
and foreign price is, in a similar
way, found to be $290,000,000 for
ten years. Deducting $140,000,000
already estimated ON the pig iron
of which the steel is made, we find
their remains the sum Of $140,000,-
900 on the steel alone, which, added
to the overcharge on iron, makes
$3.50, 100000 exacted from American
consumers in ten years, or $56,OOO,-
600 year in the way of protection.
Where have these vast sums OF
money gone? The workingmen
say that they have not received
them. There are no reports of
mill hands that have bought castles
in Scotland, or manor houses in
England, or founded libraries at
home and abroad, or contributed
hundreds of thousands of dollars to
corruption funds. The owners of
mills have had spare money for
these purposes, and we can not re-
sist the conclusion that they have
been the beneficeries of the system
that loans to them the taxing pow
er of the Government. When they
pretend that this power was COM
mitted to them in trust for the ben
eft of their employees, they invite
inquiry as to how that trust has
been administered. They have
themselves to blame if the work
men prefer claims which have no
basis in law. When they fall back
upon their legal rights they admit
that thair claim tO ha olnonnaro M