The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1892-06-04
ELKTON. JUNE 4. 1892.

the recent lynching of Taylor at
Chestertown very pertinently says:
A mob has no business in any civil
lied community. Its existence is
proof OF low social conditions and
inferior intelligence. We know,
however, that all experience shows
that the crime of rape excites the
avenging passions of men to pecu-
liar degree even in we'll ordered COM
munities and that some excellent
people are rather disposed to
applaud mobs when they make short
work of lrstful brutes. But this is
the excuse for only about one out Of
every three mob crimes against the
blacks in the South. 1t is a grave
and appalling fact that there is
hardly one of the Southern States in
which mobs during the past year
have not done their murderons work
on men whose crimes were venial
and that black criminal, no matter
what may be his offence, is regarded
as legitimate game for any "citizens'
committee"
We may take the Southern news
of the past day or two and at random
find no difficulty in illustrating this
point. Thus from Knoxville we
learn that mob chased a negro who
had been placed in the custody of
the Sheriff, for one hundred and
fifty miles, and that he will doubt.
less be lynched if caught" AT Mem
phis the colored editor of a news.
paper which protested against the
outrages on his race was waited
upon by committee and compelled
to leave town, another newspaper
edited by white man declaring
that it was the cuty Of the whites
"to tie him to stake, brand him on
the forehead and commit personal
indignities." In Macon, Georgia. a
negro boy, arrested for larceny,
resisted and killed a deputy sheriff
who had him in custody, and i'm
mediately mob started after the
lad with bloodhounds, and a des-
patch this morning says that che
will probably be lynched. From
the town OF Culerton, Alabama,
comes despatch that six men are
in Jail for lynching, the victim be-
ing a white man, ard to it is ap-
pended the comment that this is
the first time in the recent history
of Alabama that any member of a
mob has been interfered with by
legal process. From Tunnel Hill,
Georgia, comes a despatch that a
mob took ''John Myers from his
house and gave him one hundred
and fifty lashes, blind negro was
nearly killed, and seventy five lashes
were given to negro woman"
These cases are only gleanings from
the Southern news of the past forty
eight hours. They are not excep-
tional, but in all likelihood will be
duplicated in the news of the next
forty-eight hours.
The most melancholy and deplor.
able feature of this lawlessness is
that it finds excuse and even defence
among the best men of the South,
among those who control its opinion
and administer its laws. Bishop
Fitzgerald's defence OF lynching,
which we printed few days ago,
only expresses widespread senti-
ment. Thus the Atlanta Constitution
says:
"All white men feel that in such
crimes (rapes) safety demands
swift and horrible punishment in
order to inspire a wholesome fear
among the dangerous class of ne,
groes. All white men take this
view, whether they are native South
erners or Northern men who have
made their homes among us. Out
side opinion we can neither consider
nor respect in case of such supreme
necessity"
This "switt and horrible punish
ment," as the Constitution calls it, is
described in another part of the
article as "the stern justic admins
tered by the people in their sover-
eign capacity" 1t is to be reserved
only for one offence, says the Con-
stitutlon, and "must not be made
too common. Is it to be wondered
that we heard of two mobs in
Georgia on the same day when the
chief newspaper of the State delib-
erately declares that mob law is
right and necessary, only the mobs
must not go too far?