New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1892-02-14
SCENES IN PARLIAMENT.
TIE BEGINNING OF THE END.

MEANING OF HOME RULE.
lRY CABLE TO THE TRIBUNE
Copyright. 1882 BY The Tribune Assoc,duon.
London, Feb. 13.-This is, said Mr. Chamber
lain, the last session of the present Parliament.
No equally definite indication respecting the
general election has been given by any other poll
tcian of equal authority. 1t may now be assumed
with some certainty that dissolution will occur
in the course Of the present year. The time of
il no man can Yet fix, not even Lord Salisbury
himself. IL must depend on circumstances But
the approach Of the end gives sort of pathetic
interest to the proceedings OF this session. The
Queens Speech does not add much to it. 1t is,
for the most part list of remainders, catalogue
OF measures left over from previous sessions
The Opposition were expected to make things
interesting. They were going to insist
immediate declaration about dissolution and were
going to stop supplies if the date named did not
suit them, and to do other terrible things. They
have done none of them, and things take their
usual course.
The session, E fact, opens tamely. IL fell to
Sir William Harcourt to lead the attack in the
House Of Commons on the Queens Speech, and to
Lord Kimberley in the Upper House Lord
Kimberleys chief exploit to give away his
case on Egypt, and his colleagues. Lord Sails
bury tosk advantage Of it at once, mailing Lord
Kimberley, as it were, and declaring his state
mcnt about Egypt not materially different from
one he himself would make Lord Kimberley
proved himself too good patriot to be thorough
partisan. He has, however, made it difficult for
any Opposition leader of less authority than Mr..
Gladstone to attack the Ministry on this ground.
What is still more singular, Sir William Harcourt
avoided Egypt, and Sir Williams conception of
patriotism is which includes the success of his
both 70 ,,icA,f
hint to their chief that the less said against
Lord Salisbury's Egyptian policy the better for
the party They are. and the party are, anxious
est Mr.. Gladstone should resume the line he took
up at Newcastle, and they have made it as awkward
for him Us they could.
Lord Salisbury for his part, has repeated
firmly what he said at the Mansion House after
Mr. Gladstone's Newcastle performance. England
has work to do in Egypt and will not leave
ill it is done. The rest Of Europe will please take
notice The notice is valid, nnhappily, only for
the term of the present Ministry. The rest of
Europe will regard Mr.. Gladstones accession TO
power signal for concessions to France in
Egypt, if not for immediate evacuation. So it
would be, if Mr. Gladstone were to be his own
Foreign Minister and could have his own way
But his Foreign Minister will be Lord Rosebery,
with level head and free hand and the party
which Mr. Gladstone leads has signifed its in.
dependence of its leader on this question
There are, however, some elements of personal
interest in these early days of debate. Tuesday
saw an encounter between Sir William Harcourt
and Mr.. Balfour, and Thursday beheld duel
between two opponents who were once as brothers,
Mr.. Chamberlain and Mr.. Morley Sir William
is above all things parliamentary gladiator. with
commission from Mr.. Gladstone to make things
unpleasant to the other side His main force lies
IN retort. The Queens Speech offered no proms-
ing point for attack and he accordingly fell back
on Lord Salisbury's Exeter speech. which he rent
and tore in the most approved fashion. Mr.
Balfour's reply was not quite up to his best
mark. but was sufficient for the occasion. ITO
reply to Sir William Harcourt," he once said, is
both a duty and pleasure"
With all his abilites-and they are very remark |
able-one talent Sir William lacks He has never
been able to persuade his critics TO take him
seriously. Mr. Gladstone is serious, and Mr.
Morley is serious; but their eminent colleague
has never shaken off those forensic traditions
which permit the most eminent lawyer to accept
q brief from either side. Sir William, like so
many other eminent politicians, including Mr.
Gladstone and Mr. Chamberlain has been on both
sides OF several important questions. The diff
terence between him and them is that either of
the others is, or appears. convinced that the
cause he espouses for the time is. so long as he
espouses it, the right one. Sir William rather
gives you the impression that whether it be right
OF wrong signifies little. His business is to find I,
the best arguments that can be found, and TO
say many sharp things as can be said against
those who do not at the moment side with him.
Hence, an air Of unrealiy about his speeches. the
same want of conviction which makes the best |
speech 10 a jury sound hollow The arguments |
are good arguments but you feel that he would |
have found some equally. plausible if he had been |
retained on the other side
Sir William is. nevertheless in Mr.. Gladstone's |
absence. the leader of the Gladstonian party in |
the House Of Commons. and its only possible |
leader when, if ever Mr.. Gladstone shall have |
ceased to lead IT, On Thursday it fell TO his lot TO |
he attacked by Mr. Chamberlain and defended by |
Mr.. Morley. How he must have wished it were |
the other way Mr.. Chamberain's power Of de- |
bate makes him one of the three most formidable |
men in the House of Commons. Mr.. Morley, |
who is his superior in many things is very far |
rom being his equal in the House. The clean
,dt sentences. the lucidity of statement an accu-
rate knowledge Of the points Of his encmy's |
amor, an easy precision in reaching them,
lash Of temper just enough to sharpen his thrust
and not enough TO confuse his mind, these and |
many other gifts Of debate Mr. Chamberlain pos
csScs
Point after point which Mr. Chamberlain made
Mr. Morley failed to meet. The dilemma about
Home Rule was one Sir William has defined. if |
definition il can be called. Home Rule as "the
light of the Irish people to manage their own
,fairs, subject always TO the control of the I'M
,erial Parliament" Mr. Parne denounced and
q iccted this definition. He said There shall
20 no English veto upon those laws, except the
constitutional veto Of the Crown, exercised in the
anne way az in the Imperial Parliament" This
vas taken up and ratified by the Anti-Parnetcs
Deccil, her. Ihnl is q Iair