The state chronicle., 1892-10-14
NINE DJCTATORS.

NINE n
When Mr.. Harrison sent his message
to Congress recommending the passage
of force bill the country was very much
startled. A few months after, Congress
sional elections were held in the States,
and the answer made by the people to |
that message was an adverse majority OF |
nearly one million. When the message
was received by Congress the Presidents
political followers were largely in the
ascendency in the House of Represents
tives. After the elections they were in
hopeless minority, and the democratic
majority was one hundred and forty.
This proved that the American voter
was opposed TO even the semblance of
force at the ballot box.
But the President and his party
showed no respect for the popular will,
though subsequent elections made it
clear that this current of opinion was
still strong against them.
When the Minneapolis convention met
public opinion was defed by the republi
canparty, in national convention, adopting
a platform with provision in favor of a
force bill-sustaining the known policy
of the President, and emphasizing that
policy by renominating him.
The people accepted the Defiance thus
thrown in their faces, by the republican
party, and Mr.. Harrison heard their
ominious voice of indignant protest. His
reelection was at stake, and in his letter
of acceptance he would divert the force
of the opposition he had aroused by a
move ostensibly on different line of
policy. He, therefore, avoids any direct
allusion in his letter to force bill and
is content to advise the appointment of
acommission to deal with the ''election of
officers of the national government. In
his message he wanted force bill to
deal only with election of representa-
tives in Congress" The distinction is
obvious, and the former is more danger.
Gus in its covert character and scope thar
the latter. If the words "officers Of the
national government" mean anything
they mean that the commission would
have the power to regulate thu
election of Presidential electors
Senator's and Representatives,
power that no free man who values hi
freedom should wish to see conferred up
on an election commission.
And why should such power be takel
from where it now resides Why shoult
the manner Of holding election. sanctifie
by constitutional usage for hundre
years, be changed to suit Mr. Harrison an
his party friendsl Why should it DE abrt
gated altogether
But the most dangerous feature of til
Presidents policy is where he would hav
the courts made the tribunal of last resol
for deciding elections. Nothing coul
be more fatal to America liberty than
establish such principle.
Our great constitutional lawyers in
press upon US everywhere in their bool
and speeches that liberty can only be pr
served by preserving the purity and i
depence of the judiciary, and all mu
know that when politics is dragg
into the courts, or the courts dragg
into politics, confidence and respect
the tribunals of justice, without whi
they are of no value, will soon be lost
Mr.. Harrison would destroy this lii
sustaining principle, which makes {
courts the citadel of the peoples safe
by converting the forum of justice il
an arena for political champions.
would do more: He would destroy t
independence of the several departme
ofthe government, and constitute nineU
ted States Supreme Court Judges the fl
arbiters as to the political character
the officers who should administer tn
several departments. If the Uni
States Supreme Court is to determ
the election of Presidential electt
Senators and Representatives, then
legislative and executive departments
the Federal government are but sh
ows, and the dividing lines, so Gle,
marked and defined by the patri
founders of the Republic as essentia
the preservation of constitutional
erty, will prove misleading myths.
stead of one dictator there will be n
and the sacred ermine will envelop
thority as absolute as was ever exerc
by Venetian council of ten.