The Stark County Democrat. [volume] (Canton, Ohio) 1833-1912, 1892-07-21
A seLf.coNfesseo HYPocRITE.


industrial progress and that staunch
friend of the workingman.
A comparatively short time ago he
attempted to pose before the people
as a sort of philanthrophist; as a man
who had made vast fortune by careful
business methods and as true
and sincere friend of the sturdy wage
earners who had "co-operated" with
him and contributed to the success of
his enterprises. He even went so far as
to write two articles for the Forum, q
popular and influential magazine.
These articles were entitled. can En-
ployer's Views of the Labor Question:"
and "Results of the Labor Struggle"
In them he took bold position and
plainly stated what, In his opinion, was
the duty of the employer when strike
was threatened or the chances for a
lock out propitious. On this ubject he
said:
"a strike or lockout is in itself a
ridiculous affair. Whether a failure or
a success, it gives no direct proof of its
justice or injustice. In this 1t resem-
bles war between two nations. 1t is
simply a question of endurance between
the contestants. The gage of battle or
the duel Is not more senseless as a
means of establishing what Is just
than an Industrial strike or lockout. 1t
would be folly to conclude that we have
reached any permanent adjustment be-
tween capital and labor until strikes
aud lockouts are as much things of the
past as the gage of battle or the duel
have become In the most advanced
communities"
He evidently has changed his views
since then, as he wilfully permitted his
manager to lock out the men at Home
stead without attempting to adjust
differences by conference. If his
manager (Frick) didn't care or dare to
confer with the men he could have
proposed arbitration, which would have
been in line with the following rule laid
down by Mr.. Carnegie:
peaceful settlement of differences
should be reached through arbitration
| would lay it down as maxim that
there is no excuse for strike or a
lockout until arbitration of differences
has been offered by one party and re-
fused by the other. L consider that of
all the agencies Immediately available
to prevent wasteful and embittering
contests between capital and labor, ar
oiration is the most powerful and most
beneficial"
Nothing was farther from Frick's
thoughts, however, than arbitration.
His main idea seems to have been to
ignore the Amalgamated Association
and break 1t up by freezing the men
out. He Is an enemy of organized labor
and has been for years. Carnegie knows
this and has known it for some time.
| In fact he knew It when he said that
"Some establishments in America
have refused to recognize the right of
| the men to form themselves into trades.
unions; although L am not aware that
any concern In England would dare to
take this position This policy, however,
may be regarded as only temporary
phase Of the situation. The right of the
workingmen to combine and to form
tradss-unions is no less sacred than the
right of the manufacturer to enter into
association and conference with his fell
lows, and 1t must be sooner or later con.
ceded. Indeed, it gives one but poor
opinion of the American workman ii
IL he permits himself to be deprived of
a right which his fellow In England has
conquered for himself long since"
But Notwithstanding the above Car
negie countenancts the attempt of this
man Frick to crush the Amalgamated
Association, and is supporting him In
his attempt to make the mills at Home.
stead non-union.
The following is Carnegie's concep-
tion of an ideal manager:
"Unless the relations between mana
ger and workmen are not only amica-
BILE but friendly the owners miss much; (;
nor Is any man q first-class manager
who has not the confidence and respect
and even the admiration Of his work
men. No man is a true gentleman who
does not inspire the affection and de-
votion of his servants"
Frick doesn't come up to this stan
dard by any means, but Carnegie
luxuriates In Scotland and allows him
to run things nevertheless.
In reference to violence that some
times results from an attempt to
employ non-union men, Carnegie says
that
"While public sentiment has rightly
and Enthusiastically condemned violence
even in the form for which there is the
most excuse, would have the public
give due consideration to the terrible
temptation to which the workingman
on strike is sometimes subjected. To
expect that one dependent upon bis
daily wage for the necessaries of life
will stand by peaceably and see man
employed in his stead is to expect
much. This poor man may have a
wife and children dependent upon his
labor. Whether medicine for sick
child, or even nonrishing food for a
delicate wife, is procurable, depends
upon his steady employment. In all
but few departments of labor 1t is un-
necessary, and L think improper, to
subject men to such an ordeal"
The above quotations from Carnegie's
articles show conclusively that he Is
most contemplate hypocriJe and as
two faced as Judas. He gives the
public song and dance about the
duties of employers and then sustains a
manager who will grind his own en-
ployes down and hire assassins to
menace them.
This is the kind of a man Carnegie is; (;
this is the man enriched by the Repub-
lican party; this is the god OF Protection
as exemplified by McKinleyism; this is
the wage-earners' friend; the man who
has led the country in its industrial
progress because he has made over two
millions wear out of such leadership,