Los Angeles herald., 1892-10-09
ulated by the advance Of tariff tax

ulated by the advance of tariff ta1
, amounting to many hundred per cent.
1t was claimed by Republican speak
ton factory had been established at De
troit which would give employment tt
5000 men, and that this was one of th;
benefits of the increased duty. But why
was not this industry established at ar
earlier date? Why could it not exist
without the Mckinley bill? Obviously
because the price at which the article
being an article of almost universal con
sumption, was sold in this country did
not present an opportunity for profita.
bic manufacture. In order that pear
buttons could be made here at profit
it became necessary to increase the cell
ing price. Ii | am not right in
this. there ia no reason for the
increased tariff. But, if | am right, the
conclusion clearly follows that the con.
sumers of pearl buttons are taxed or are
forced to pay money for the purpose OF
enabling John Doe and Richard Roe to
run factory. The benefit supposed to be
derived by the people at large consists
in the employment of 1000 or 5000 men.
In other words, all the people of the
United States are made contributors to
the founders of a pearl button factory.
We are all forced to create individual
fortunes; our only reward or recompense
being that we can assert that we are
rich enough to stand it.
The general adoption of such pro-
grsmme will fill our insolvency courts
with business. A merchant, farmer,
a mechanic, a laborer, who, understand
ing the situation, declares the pursuit of
such policy to be desirable, may be fit
to be at large, but he is certainly not in
a condition to be entrusted with any
employment involving the necessity OF
turning dollar.
INFANT INDUSTRIES.
There may have indeed been time
when our commercial condition was
such and our industries 80 pursued by
foreign rivalry, when everything in that
line was new, that public support by
means of tariff exactions was desirable
and perhaps necessary. And now, in
modelling our tariff, it will be done, as
Mr.. Cleveland stated, SO as to confer the
benefit in deserving directions. But an
industry cannot, any more than an indi-
vidual, preserve indefinitely the state
OF infancy. The child must soon reach
| iiabultbys lbb 6Wduultuk CiUJutb uuSJ
be discarded and an adult raiment
adopted. The Republican platform de-
clares that the tariff imposition shall
be sufficient to meet the difference be-
tween foreign and home labor. But the
Mckinley bill was never modelled upon
this plan. The Democratic party in
congress frequently offered to adopt q
measure based upon this proposition,
which is indeed strikingly similar to the
declaration adopted by the Democracy
in the Chicago platform of 1884. But in
every instance Mr.. Mckinley and his
friends refused to accede; and blanks
were left in many cases to be filled out,
and which were filled out, by the spe-
cially benefited manufacturers, because
it was said: "These gentlemen know
more about it than we do. They are the
parties in interest,""
1 cannot run over the measure and
point the many instances therein ap-
pearing, but l will refer to one which
has now become very familiar, and con-
cerning which there can be no question
The duty on steel rails is fixed by the
Mckinley bill at $13 A per ton. Mr..
Carroll D. Wright, United States COM
missioner of labor, reported to the SEN
ate on August 13, 1890 (see senate mis-
cellaneous documents, No. 2l2], that the
entire labor cost in this country for the
production of ton of steel rails is
Sill 80; go that if the British manufac
turer gets all his labor for nothing, the
Mckinley bill gives Mr.. Carnagie an6
his associates $1.85 per ton, besides the
cost of freight, insurance, commission
etc. But the cost to the British manu-
facturer to make the same material, a
far as the labor is concerned, is 81. 81
Therefore, the cost of ton OF steel rail-
in the United States is So 7S more thar
it is in England. So, if we accept the
Republican platform theory, which
seems to be adopted in the article which
| am considering, the tariff ought to be
1878 instead of $l3 A. But, taking into
account not only labor cost but all other
differences, Commissioner Wright de-
clares that the net cost in this country
is s24 66 per ton, and in England $1S 81
net tariff excess over this aggregate diff
ference of $739.
THE TIN TARIFF.
Almost everyone uses tin in some form.
There is no man so poor, few so rich that
tin is not an article of comfort or at least
convenience. In view of the circumstance
that this commodity is used by every.
one, the Democratic party takes the
position that it should be made as cheap
as possible.
A summary of the situation upon tin
time will not allow me to elaborate re-
| garding il-may be made as follows
The Mckinley bill increased the tax from
to % cents pound, to take effect
July 1, 1891. The importers in the
country, in order to prepare for this out
rage, brought to the United States such
an amount of tin that, for the year end
ing June 80, 1891, there was imported
| ] ,036, ,487, ,074 pounds, the average de-
mand for consumption being about 722,
332, ,202 pounds yearly. These import
ers were prepared to exact from the
people, and they have exacted. profits
based upon the present high rate. They
have thus made about $l0,000,000 in
jobhing. And / do not wonder that
$4,000, 900 have been contributed in New
York within the last week to the promo
ton of the Republican campaign.
In order to forward this enormous
amount OF material to the United States
the mills of Wales were worked to their
utmost capacity in 1891. and they are
now shut down as result of this over
production, and the McKinleyites are
loudly declaring that the Wales manu-
facturers have been compelled to close
up their works because of the passage OF
this measure. | may remark, paren-
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