Wheeling register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1878-1935, 1892-10-21
a RINGING SPEECH.

Mr.. HOWLEY Is yOuhS hou ~A@ '~JS
no claim to being an orator, his argu-
ment was the most effective delivered
presenting the tariff question in plain
earnest and forcible style and in lang
uage so simple that anyone could under
stand it. In describing the tariff ne
said.
1t is simply a TAX on the exchange o.
goods, A tax has no productVe peNeL
is not a means Of developments IL Is noD q
source of wealth. 1t always takes sonie-
thing. but gives nothing IN return. NO
natural and practical effect oil protectsivo
tarifT AZ 10 redistribute the rewards Oh III,
dnstrv prevent the natural dlnuslon o.
wealth Among those who create IL, anu cen
~. ~ ia fewer hands IL is tax on tue
yrnole people for the benefit Oh lew.
Who paws this duty, or the excess IN pro-
of the domestic above that OF the Iorels9s
articles The home buyer. Inc ehecl U
the tariff is TO prevent the consume II Olii
purchasing at lower prices than the prices
hved bv the home manufacturer. IL makes
nossible the system Of confederate monoP-
oiiss which to-day bars home cOmpetlllOh
and cnrses as with blight the whole Iahd'
| What labor wants is a competition ina. re-
| duces the cost OF living; not combination
/ that reduces wages. 49,
am in favor Of fostering every Industry
/ because national industry produces natoh,
/ al wealth; but let our industries De IosIerSu
/ for the common good, and not lot Iue
/ special benefit OF the Few Oar plO-
\ tsetive Doicv cannot add q penny 10 our
! rational wealth: it only re-distrioutes 1t
/ transfers IL from the hands Of honest toll
/ INFO becoffers Of ShylOcks. Glass leglSla-
| NON is the fruitful mother OF all monopohes,
and every monopoly created and sustained
bv law is a roboer of LABOR. Under class
laws labor is only the mental serT OF us
caDital lord. / am opposed { any system
that neutralizes the effects or1hlgn wages
AND lowers the compensation OF the Amerl'
can laborer
Mr.. HoWLEY continued:
I believe every man should accumulate
I every dollar possible in tair and open CON
Detifion with his fellow man. l care no
now many million dollars any man may &C
| cumulate. but do not believe ID system
that while the great mass OF people arr
weighed down in their struggle or exlsL
euce. the favored few are permitted 10 rol
them under the pretence OF protectl0h u
home labor. The mOnopolsts appear 10
protective duties TO pay LABOR 1heir sotic
]
sires to hurt American labor, ana no ON
does but the mOnOpOlists themselves. ia
price of labor is governed by coIpihe mo
Labor is not protected by LAWNS goods
nopOhst has high protection
but free trade in labor. q rich corporate
What solicitude have tsy have been ablC
industries for labor! tunes through class
TO gather unnaturaS do not increase the
legislation, yet wOrKmen. When large
wages of tbee made any other way they
profits caDs' down the moderate wages OF
begin tOIngmen until they are below the
the = point, when labor strikes become
GceSsary 10 enforce the demand for better
wages 20 buy bread The labOrihg man in
the protected industries has no liberty, no
| rights which the employer dare not invade.
His labor is not only bought aud sold in the
market, but the highest and most sovereign
/ right of American freemen is demanded
and held in the hand Of the monOpOlist.
| When he buys labor he says, Il have
I bought his vote. l own his labor and own
! his vote" Is this freedom or human slav-
/ cry! Does this elevate the labOring man
! The wOrkingman has no protection for
/ his own cGpital-his labOr-this side of the
/ thrown of grace. The protective tariff
/ protects home commodities, but not home
| men.
]
/ over 65 per cent. Of foreign labor at low
wages, and yet the gilded tongue of hypo-
! crisy talks Olandly for American labor.
l have no prejudice against capital nor
| do | believe that there is a man in This hall
! to-day who has. l believe it is right 10 en-
/ courage and protect the investments Of
! capital. / am aware that the theory is
! that protection Of capital is the protection
/ OF labor; that as capital must furnish en-
plOyment % labor, whatever gives encour-
| agemeut 10 one also advances the interests
of the other. This is partially true-the sad
lessons taught by the recent trouble in
your own community shows conclusively
that il is only true 10 limited extent.
The capitalist is perfectly willing to have
| the labOrer work for him ten and more
hours out of the twenty-fOur for such an
amount OF money as will be barely suli-
/ clent 10 support himself and family, and
yet the man Of wealth sees no harm in
this, but feels that he has done we'll in fur
nishiug employment 10 the laborer at any
price. He regards labor as a commodity,
10 be purchased at the cheapest price posi-
Die. He does not hesitate to import labor
contracted for in Europe or elsewhere in
order to reduce wages and to increase his
own profits. The result of such action
upon the part of the capitalists have been
NNAAANa t-LN tAllAA NUA1NA uNuNtS uOLG 4Et-
Quently disastrous to the laboring man and
those dependent upon him than TO anyone
else. II is high time there should be some
legislation In behalf of the workers of this
country, in behalf Of those whose brain and
muscle have contributed so much to the de-
velOpment Of this great country. The two
great political parties are now wrestling
with great financial questionable tariff.
PrOtecUOnists claim that a high tariff in
creases wages; their slogan is protection
Tor American industry, for American
LABOR. The tariff reformers deny that
high tariff is of benefit to the mechanic or
la0Oring man; they claim that it only in
creases the profits Of the capitalist, who
has his money invested in manufactures,
without corresponding increase OF the
wages of the operatives or employees, and
that tits practical injury to the working
man, because Of the increased price it
causes him TO pay for everything that he
BUYS for himself or family; you must de-
eide between them, gentlemen.
frLrN- T. Il W r,r,- Lot