The National tribune., 1892-09-01

| E ian0 progress Oh eacn mas
watched with an
| interest exceeded in
degree only by the
| political campaign, yet many erroneous views
| on the subject of strikes are prevalent, and
| may be met with daily.
| The nineteenth century has been we'll called
| the Age of Steam" for the application of this
force to machinery. together with the inven-
| tions it has stimulated, has determined the
| character Of the century. We look to-day
upon an organization of society entirely differ
ent from that Of 100 years ago, and so rapid
| has the change been that there are men now
| living who can recall the old order of things
and contrast bygone business methods with
| those now in practice. Even in agricultural
| districts the change is very marked, but it ia
| in the large cities and manufacturing towns
where we must look for the most noticeable
effects of this industrial and commercial revo-
| luton.
| One of the most important of these effects,
| and natural consequence Of the great cost OF
machinery and buildings, is the division Of
those engaged in industrial enterprises into two
| distinct classes-the capitalist or employer and
| the iaboring employed. The former class
| owns the land, buildings machinery. and tools,
| and receives rent and interest therefor. After
these have been paid, what is left is divided be-
| tween capital and labor, the former receiving
profits, while the latter receives wages.
| 1t is this division of the goods produced by
| both which occasions all the trouble. If wages
| are lower than they ought to be the profits will
| be greater, while if the contrary be true then
| they will be smaller. The more one receives
| the less there remains for the other. No
| sophistry can alter this fact, and the conflict
of interests is inevitable so long labor is fur
nished by one class and capital by another, un-
| less some basis for agreement can be made.
Formerly, before the changes brought about
I'D Init mad aNh
man owned his own tools and earned his own
profits He had no wages to pay. Every
journeyman could look forward to the time
when he would become an Independent pro-
Queer, but now when thousands of men are
gathered together in great factories, OF which
they own no part no workingman can hope to
become other than what he is-a wage Garner.
He can only hope and endeavor to better his
condition of life through increased wages,
shorter hours, and better conditions of labor.
Can he secure these? Yes, for much has
already been done to improve the condition of
tho w0rkingmen. and, contrary to the general
superstition the European laborer is better off
than the American, because more legislation IN
his interest has been enacted.
How have the reforms already secured been
obtained7 By the united action of organized
labor. Capital, by its resources, is naturally
stronger than labor, but its strength has been
doubled by being combined and put under the
control of a few persons The capital OF a mine
or railroad may be owned by thousand differ
ent persons, but it is massed together ard all
treat the employees through single person at
the head of an elected board of directors.
The capitalists have been enabled by this adj
vantage in strength to dictate the rate of wages,
hours, and conditions of labor. The thousand
employees can only approach equality TO de-
gree by similar combination. To expect Q
laborer to treat individually with the repre-
r. l. Il ;fol ii
expect victory in battle from an army where
each man is allowed to act independently of the
others and as he deems best
It was the realization that strength comes
from union which led to the formation Of labor
organizations a movement that took definite
shape about 65 years ago. From that time Ia
borers became more conscious Of their exist
ence as distinct class, and acted a. such on .
larger and larger scale.
The chief weapon so far used by organized
labor to enforce it's demands is, as every one
knows, the strike. In strike labUrers with
hold their services, expecting thereby to COM
pei their employers to come to terms with
them, but success or failure depends upon the
possibility of replacing them.
If the employers succeed in doing this the
strike ends in failure, for the strikers have
no legal right to forcibly prevent the new
men from working, although in some cases
they have moral right to do so.
1t is here that the danger Of the strike lies.
The disappointed seeing their hopes fading
away, and ideness before them, are tempted
into violence. Nor is this surprising when We
consider the different elements that enter into
the composition of the American Iaboring class
and the bad influences Of its baser and moro
ignorant members. Under the restraint of laws
which have not been altered to meet the
changed conditions of to-day, it is really sur
prising that there has been comparatively so
little violence; and in this connection we must
not lose sight of the fact that the idle and
criminal element is ever ready to take adj
vantage of the disorder of q strike to further
their own ends.
1t ia in view of the fact that strikes possess
elements of danger that labor unions are gener-
ally opposed to them, and many of their con-
situations require the consent of twO-third5 of
the members before strike can be ordered.
This is we'll illustrated by the following quota
ton from the Declaration OF Principles of the
Knights Of Labor One of their aims is: = To
persuade all employers to agree to arbitrate all
differences which may arise between them and
their employees, in order that the bonds of SYM
pathy between them may be strengthened, and
that strikes may be rendered unnecessary"
The statement is often made that the working
man should be more contented with what he
gets; that when his employer can afford to pay
higher wages he will Go 80. But will her By
no means. The employer purchases labor just
as he would any other article. Does anyone
offer Sc for q ton of coal when but - is asked
Workingmen are bound to hold themselves in
readiness to strike and Withdraw their services
il they are not given a fair share of the profits.
The very fact that they are ready and able to
do this often secures them an increase in wages
without strike, aud always more favorable
terms than would otherwise be possible.
Strikes for an increase of wages are success
full in the great majority OF cases, because they
occur in prosperous times, when there is larger
product to divide. But when trade is dull,
and it becomes necessary to cut down wages, .
strike against the reduction generally fails
The assertion is commonly made that strikes
are nearly always failures. This is not true
and laborers are we'll aware of it. In the nine
months from Nov l. 1873 to Oct. ], 1880 there |