Butler citizen. [volume] (Butler, Pa.) 1877-1922, 1892-11-18

,4V8d to special c8ulL ut had been
confined to New York and the doubtful
States it might be imputed to bad manage
ment. But the wide sweep of the disaster
precludes any such explanation, and sim
plifies the Interpretation of the result.
defeat which cuts down the Republics an
strength from Maine to California and
which carries such States as Ohio, Illinois
and Wisconsin away from their old moor
ings can only be explained in one way. 1t
means revolt against the party on the
leading and central issue Of the fight. 1t
means reaction against the Republican
protective policy as the people IN derstand
it.
If this were an intelligent, reasonin e,
deliberate Judgment itwould be conclusive,
at least until experience had demonstrated
the mistake, and it might be fnality.
If the people had struck the blow with
clear comprehension of what they were
doing, it would have q lasting significance
But as a matter of fact the blow wss
struck under the influence of the most
shameless Misrepresentation and of the
most pitiable misunderstanding. Thous-
ands upon thousands were shifting what
they fancied were "favored classes and
s1robber barons" and "bloated monopolies."
They have been infiamed with the incendi-
airy and demagogue cry that the existing
tariff was for the benefit of the few against
the interests of the many. They hit out
wildly and blindly against imaginary evils.
Much of this was sinconsiderate, ,implusiye
and transient feeling. Something OF 1t was
dangerous socialistic manifestation. The
Republican party was cut in both ways.
The working men who are tie chief bene-
ficiaries of the tariff struck at their own
interests under the sway of that malign
influence which within the last few years
has SO often arrayed labor against capital.
The farmers struck because they were de-
luded with the idea that the workingmen
and the manufacturers were receiving all
the benefit The workers of Homestead
revolted because they were not getting
enough. The farmers looked at the pay
roll and revolted because they were get
too much. In neither case was it intelli-
gent and rational action, and in both there
was something ofthe socialistic spirit which
raises its hand against the uplifted head.
The irrational, insensate character of this
revolt may be illustrated by single fact.
The Mckinley bill abolishes the duty on
sugar and saves an average Of S. year
for every family in the land. This is more
than most families pay either in direct
tariff duties or in increased prices of do
mestic articles indirectly affected by the
tariff The saving is immediate and pal
pable, and it is greater than any burden
under the law. There is, however, q. Su-
gar Trust which existed before the McKin-
ley law was enacted, and still goes on.
The present Democratic House refus ed to
touch it in any way. 1t passed bill for
free wool which strikes directly at the in
terests of million farmers, and it evaded
every attempt to deal with the Sugar
Trust. And yet such has been the persist
ent Misrepresentation that many of these
very farmers turn against the Republican
party which saves them 2 cents POUND on
sugar and lay the sugar Trust to it, while
they turn to the Democratic party which
proposes to wipe out their wool interest
and which shields and sustains the Sugor
Trust
A policy and party which rest on false
pretense may deceive the people for time
and gain temporary victory, but they
cannot endure. If the triumphant Democ-
racy carry out the pledges of the Chicago
platform, that will bring an inevitable recoil.
If they shrink from their own promises
and give only modified Republican policy
that will stamp their insincerity and bring
q reaction. The thing to do is to let them
have free course and undivided RESPONSE
bility.-Philadelphia Press