New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1892-05-21
THE AMERICAN VIEW,
AND WHETHER WE ARE TO SEEK FOR II
IN ENGLAND AMONG CONSERVATIVES
OR AMONG GLADSTONIANS.

portion of his argument last week against Home
Rule on American analoges. 1t is, he said, AN
organic change in the Constitution Of the United
Kingdom which is proposed Nevertheless, under
the British Constitution the legislative method Of
organic change Is the same as for the most trivial
law. Not So added the Tory Prime Minister. In
America. There. if great organic change is Dfo-
posed, means are provided for ascertaining whether
the nation is willing that that fundamental
alteration in its Constitution shall take place. He
disapproves Of the English method approves Of
the American.
The Gladstonian view is the direct contrary
The Gladstonian dslilScs the American theory of
government, and sneers at Lord Salisbury for
referring TO it and approving 1t. Lord Sails
bury" says "The Daily News" "again trotted out
his old familiar friend the American Constitution"
Then the organ proceeds:
1T used to be the Tory's faverite repreaoh
against Radicals that they sought TO Americanize
our institutions. Lord Salisbury will not be happy
until he has done it. The difficulty. which almost
amounts to impossibility of altering an organic
law in America is not an advantage. but an evil"
That is a typical example Of the attitude Of
the Gladstonian, or Radical, mind in England
toward American ideas and principles of govern
ment. The American idea is hateful to Inc
Gladstonian and Radical. The provisions which
ensure stability to the American Constitution are
not an advantage but an evil" The idea Il
the Gladstonian would have been Constitution
under which casual Disunion majority Ia Con.
qress-or rather in the House Of Representative
olone-should have been able in 1860 to take the
Southern States out of the Union. Under tie
English system that might have been done. 1t
is the system under which, as the Gaist'alan
hopes, by casual majority in the House OF Coa-
mons this year or next, Ireland may be lei 90.
True there is the House of Lords, but II Is calcu-
lated that, if the majority in the House OF COM
mons be big enough, the House Of Lords will be
oyerawed Whether it be or not, the contrast
between the English and American methods is
none the less complete
No doubt, Lord Salisbury euogizes the Ameri-
can system because under it the policy of Union
would here be more certain to triumph. The
Gladstonian derides ii because it would stand in
the way of Disunion here, as it did in America in
1860 and before But that only proves once more
how close the analogy is between English Con-
scrvatism and the political doctrine which is ac.
cepted. not By one party only but now by both
parties. in America. Time was when English
Liberalism turned to America for teaching and
for inspiration. But English Liberalism, in the
true sense of the word, in the historical sense has
ceased 10 exist Liberalism has become Radical
ism and Radicalism has become Socialistic.
The Conservative or Unionist party is the de-
pository of the best traditions Of English public
life and of something more. The leaders OF that
party are now the strongest supporters OF the
principles on which the political fabric and the
social fabric rest; alike in England and Ii
America You may take what question you Ike,
and YOU will find the American view maintained by
the Conservatives, as Lord Salisbury maintained
IT last Friday at Covent Garden; and opposed by
the Gladstonians, as it is opposed and ridiculed
by the Gladstonian organ in the passages above
ouoted IT, then, we are TO consider English affairs
from the American standpoint, to which party
do our sympathies belong? Which takes the
American view?
1t is not necessary to argue, in support OF this
doctrine, that Home Rule for Ireland Is good
thing or O bad thing. l leave that on one side.
This is column in which, as rule. avoid
politics, and AIN avoiding them now. The argu-
nent looked at abstTactly, is just as good for the
Home Ruler as it is for the Unionist Let US
suppose he gets his Home Rule He will at once
become on that subject and for the purposes Of that
question a Conservative. lie will want to con-
serve what he has gained. lie will not like 10
reflect that the fruit of all these years of agitation
may be snatched from him again. But it may AMI,
-supposing he gets it and supposing the present.
system of organic law survives-it very probably
will be- casual ma jority gave it him: casual
majority may take it away.
So, should that happy hour-happy for him
ever come and an Irish Parliament be once more in-
stalled in College Green, we may see the parts in tie
play exchanged or reversed The Gladstonian who
now denounccs the American Constitution may then
gloriy it the Conservative may then wish 10 con-
serve the very liberty of action, the same facility
for upsetting the established order of things, to
which, in the presence of great danger TO the
Empire, he now objects. But what Americans
have to consider is things they are, and
things are it is the Conservative who is for US
and the Gladstonan who is against Us.
There is another point. We in America when
we want TO amend our Constitution are capable
Of framing and putting before the people a specific
issue. We ask them to say, first through their
Representatives in Congress- then through their
Legislatures elected DIRECTLY Oy the people.
whether they are for or against slavery, Eo- or
against civil rights TO the negro. The issue Is
clear, direct, unmistakabe. Every citizen knows
for what he is voting and is competent to say yes
or no in an intelligent and Ineligible way. But,
in general election here as in Presidential cleo
ton at home the issues are numerous and per-
haps confused Let us hear Lord Salisbury de-
scribe the English method:
We 20 to an election on several issues mixed
up Some people will vote on disesta hlishment.
some people will vote on the eight-hours bill and
some people will vote the integrity of the Elm
pire and we have means OF distinguishing be-
tween their verdicts, knowing which Of the
three subjects their opinions 10 affect
To the three subjects which Lord Salisbury
chooses as illustrations, many more might be adj
ded. The whole Newcastle programme, one Of the
most hetero9eneous political documents ever
has IN ~. foL eu MT 10
Hodge, including under that convenient vocable
all the interests of the agricultural lsborer. Lord
salisbury perhaps omitted him because both
parties are bidding about equally high for his sup
port But his three illustrations sufficient as
were never meant as a cata-
logue-and he continues: