The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1892-08-10
He Makes a Speech Committing
Himself to Home Rule.
WITHOUT GIVING ANY DETAILS.
The Old Man Evidently Had Things
Fixed With the Irish Leaders.
Notice Served on tho Lords That They
Would Better Not Oppose tho Com
mons-The Coercion Act to Be Re-
pealcd-Tenants and Landlords.

LONDON, Aug. 9-In the bouse of CON-
mons today the first matter taken up was
the case of Egan, the invinciDle. sentenced
for Imprisonment under the crimes act
The home secretary said he could not hold
out hopes for Egan's release soon. Low
ther, parliamentary secretary tor the for
eign office, announced that the British
East Africa Company had instructed its
officers to leave Uganda by august 81.
Gladstone then began his speech against
the government. He said ths government
had departed from all precedents in not
resigning when the verdict OF the country
was against them. The house had now
met, but what for? The qpeen's speech
told them nothing. Was che house Of
six years over again? Never had a great
issue submitted to the country been so
fully discussed as tie issue decided at the
last general election.
Continuing, Gladstone SAID Goschen's
remark that home rule must be carried
o9kby an Irish majority, if carried out at
ain WAS not pertinent. as the majority in
the house was no more IrisE than Scotch
or Welsh. Such an argument struck at
the root of the constitution esf the United
Kingdom. The conservatives said in
speeches that liberal home rule was not
always prominent. The verdict of the
people had shown that the country meant
it to be prominent, and Therefore put an
end to the present government. He said
the coercion bill ought not t. be retained
on the statute books longer than was re-
quired by parliamentary usage. Glad
stone credited the present government
with aversion to q national debt, but COM
planned that they inflicted :on Ireland q
gross wrong in making her pretended rep
aration by local governmens bill too linn
tied to satisfy IRISH wants
or to offer any solution of the Irish
troubles. He acknowledged that the
house must have some light upon the
future, but it was not possible for the
Liberal government to say what measure
they would submit to parliament six
months hence. In regard. to the sug-
gested holding of a session in November,
he said any government taking that course
would show an inadequate sense of the
magnitude, duty and variety of the SUBJ
ject it had to deal with. Ireland had for
years been in the forefront o: battle, and
still held that position. The principles of
his home rule bill were pretty well known.
BY its provisions there would be full and
etfectual maintenance of imperial SUI
premacy, while Ireland would be given
the conduct of her own affairs. Irish rep
resentation in the commons also contem-
plated uncertain conditions as to which
principles would be embodied. 1t was the
duty of Liberals to select the pest, but not
until they had been placed in power. For
seven years the bill had received his first
and absorbing attention. anil would so
continue till the end.
The House would pass b,il giving Ire
land self-government, and II would then
go to the lords. He would not argue upon
the probability of the lords rejecting the
bill. The obligations of the Liberal gov
ernment would utterly forbid acquies-
cence il the rejection of legislation to pro-
mote the settlement of a great subject.
He said the various measures of reform
which the Liberals had advocated while in
opposition represented the character of
the Liberal policy. In regard to eyicted
tenants, Gladstone expressed \ hope that
in the autumn a voluntary arrangement
between landlord and tenant would obvi-
ate the necessity of such legislation as
ment was made. In concluding his speech
Gladstone recurred to the conservative ar
gument that the Irish majority was trying
to coerce England. He heEd that such
was the strength of England in relation to
the other kingdoms that she never could
be coerced by them.
Balfour followed Gladstone; He main
tanned that the commons had right to
know, before intrusting the government
to the Liberals, what their policy was. In
regard to the proposed vote of no conf
dence, continued Baifour, the government
might be in the minority, bat what was
the majority? Had that motley group
the confidence of the house. Before the
government resigned they haI a right to
ask what were the conditions under
which the alliance between the Liberals
and the Irish would be maint aimed; what
conditions there were between National
lists who had been squared and those who
had not been squared, and what demands
had been made upon the Liberals when
they came into power. If disturbances
arose in Ireland, was the disorder to have
q free hand? Was it part OF tie new COM
pact that Daley and other convicted
dynamiters should be let loose upon the
world?
Lieutenant Colonel Edward James Saun-
ders, Conservative, made Il bantcring
speech in which he charged that Rome
would govern Irish affairs, saying that the
chief member of fGladstone's csbinet would
in reality be Archbishop Walsn.
Redmond predicted that theIrish parIia.
ment would be as free from interference on
the part of Rome as from interference on
the part of the British parliarsent.
Interest in tonight's debate was height
ened by curiosity as to hos Gladstone
would respond to the demands formulated
bv Mccarthy and Redmond fsr assurance
in the matter of the early suspension of
the coercion act. relief for evisted tenants
in Ireland, and the release of:imprisoned
Irish dynamiters. The tglk in the
lobby charged that McCasthy would
attempt to embarrass : Gladstone,
but as Mr.. Gladstone proceeded
with his speech, ii became evident that
Mccarthy had arranged with the Liberal
leader to PROFOUND serious. demands,
sounding rather portentous. bat requiring
no unusual dexterity on the part of the
greatest parliamentary tactician living to
dispose of.
Revolution in Bolivia.