The Indianapolis journal., 1892-03-30
MIR. CLEVELAND AND FREE TRADE,

: In cutting loose from Gray and nail
ing Cleveland's name to the masthead,
the Sentinel says the Democratic party
must nominate him because he "repre-
sents a great principle" and is "the
embodiment of great issue The
great issue is. of course. the tariff issue.
The contention that Mr.. Cleveland
pre-eminently represents the doctrine of
free trade, or. as the Democrats call it,
tariff reform" is ill-fohnded, if not a
false pretense. Fortune has favored
him in this regard as in others, and
given him an undeservcd precedence
over other Democrats superior to him In
ability and in public service, and de-
cidedly more representative of the
Democratic dogma OF free trade. In his
letter accepting the Democratic nomina-
ton in 1884 Mr.. Cleveland made no
reference to the tariff question. Per-
haps it might be said there was no
necessity of his doing SO. but if the
subject had lam very near his heart. or
if he had then entertained any strong
very apt to have said something about
it. He referred to other public ques-
tiOns, but not to the tariff.
In his first annual message, delivered
in December. 1885, he treated the tariff
question very gingerly. He called at
tentiOn to the fact that the revenues of
the government were in excess of its
actual needs, and recommended reduc-
ton thereof, but counseled caution in
meddling with the tariff. He said:
The question of free trade is not in volved.
DOT is there now any occasion for the gen.
eral discussion of the wisdom or expedi-
ency of q protective system. Justice and
fairness dictate that in any modification of
industries aud interests which have been
encouraged by such laws. and in which
Our citizens have large Investments should
not be ruthlessly injured or destroyed. We
should also deal with the subject In such
manner as to protect the interests of Am er-
icen labor. which is the capital of our
workingmen; It's stability and proper re-
muneration furnish the most justitiable
pretext for q protective policy.
This was distinct recognition of the
policy of protection and an implied ad-
mission of it's worth in protecting Amer
lean labor as well as capital. 1t is quite
evident that up to this time Mr.. Cleve-
land had not discovered that he had a
mission to represent the great principle
of free trade. He was not bursting with
the great idea of tariff reform.
In his next annual message, delivered
i'm December, 1886, he again called at
tention to the fact that the revenues of
the government exceeded its actual
needs, and urged a reduction of tariff
duties. Again, however, he virtually
conceded the benefits of protection to
American labor by pointing out that in
any attempt to amend the tariff the in
terests of American labor should be
kept in view. In closing his discussion
of the subject he said:
These considerations suggest such an mr.
rangement of government revenues as shall
reduce the expense of living while it does
not curtail the opportunity for work nor
reduce the compensation of American labor
and injuriously affect its condition and tho
digniiied place it holds in tho estimation of
our peoples
This was tariff reform with string to
it, or free trade with protection attached.
He was in favor of reduction of the
tariff. but it must be done in such way
as to continue the protection of Ameri-
can labor and not cause a reduction of
wages. He had not yet become the en-
bodiment of the great principle of free
trade nor the inspired prophet of tariff
reform.
Mr.. Cleveland's conversion to pro-
gressive free trade did not take place
till 1887. In his annual message that
year he made the tariff the leading
topic, and took strong and aggressive
ground. In that message he said: sour
present tariff laws, the vicious, inequita-
bic and illogical source of unnecessary
taxation ought to be at once revised
and amended" That he still clung to