The times. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1890-1903, 1892-07-17
THE LABOR QUEsTIoS-UNIoN v
Non.usIox wOBKMEN.

| captfal as between iaooI anu iaOOi'
Tbe,e Is something harsh in the ex-
,~o..;on "a labor market" Ii sounds as If
human eesh and blood. brains and energy
we're something for sale as meats and yege-
tables in a market, and yet this is but the
,ru,b There is large and increasing num-
her Of people who have nothing TO sell ex-
cent their labor. II may be muscle or may
| ha brains. or may be, and generally 10.
! combination of both. Nor is this con-
| dition hardship. for at this very time
the reward for hieh-class labor and
the prospect of wealth for clear
strong. well-instructed brains we're never so
great in the history of the world. A thou
sand-fold better secure TO son clear
| head. a strong arm and good education
without dollar than 10 leave hundreds OF
thousands to feeble or incompetent, char
acterless weakling. The history Of distin-
guished Americans profusely illustrates the
truth Of this statement. No one can tell
what giant OF industry. finance or science
may be hidden in the form Of boy or man
who offers his services for sale on the labor
market.
The two great divisions Of workmen are
now union and non-union workmen. Inc
union workmen form themselves into vol
untary organization for the purpose OF sus-
tanning each other in obtaining from their
employers terms satisfactory to their organ
ization. The non-union workman remains
free and makes a bargain to suit himself,
without reference TO any other person. The
union organization was for many years con-
sidered unlawful and was condemned, but
it has long since been recognized as one of
the legitimate means whereby workmen may
protect themselves from oppression and Sc
cure the best terms for their labor. The limit,
however. Of their lawful action is found in
their right as body to withdraw from the
service of the employer who does not meet
their demands. And this right is tre-
mendous lever indeed terrible club, in
their hands TO secure not only just but
liberal. and sometimes extrayagant. cOnces-
siOns from the manufacturer. Any one
familiar with the manufacturing business
knows that its success depends. not merely
upon the machinery and an abund-
ance of capital for tho purchase
of supplies. but chiefly upon
the proper organization OF the workmen in
the shop and having the right man at the
right place, and such an organization right
ly fitted together, is the result Of only long
and tedious effort and the study Of the
qualities Of each man so as TO put him IN
the place for which he is best suited. The
disruption of such an organization, then,
by the withdrawal Of the trained workmen
is almost like throwing a complicated
watch into pieces. The right to do this the
workmen have in labor organization, and
so secure liberal terms from men who
might otherwise be ndisposed to do them
justice. If, however, an issue arises be-
tween the employer and the employe. and
the demands of either side are not conceded
by the other. there is no alternative except
a separation. The workmen have the
right 10 qmt, the employer the right
to stop. In either case it is like a
little war If the workmen were to leave for
other countries as silently and as peace
fully as the sora take their departure at
frost, they would infict terrible blowupon
the manufacturer by the complete disor-
ganization of his business, and this Of itself
is sufficient 10 accomplish oil that any work
man could reasonably demand. But when.
in addition TO the right 10 leave their en-
ployment in body. they 90 further, and
not merely by persuasion and peaceful argu-
ment but by violence and bloodshed, aud
prevent any other men who may be anxious
and willing to learn their work and do il
from taking employment. the union work
men are no longer law-abiding citizens, but
in deed and in fact revolutionary anarchists.
They desire not merely to exer-
else their constitutional right of in
dividual freedom, but TO Cypress
and tyrannize over others. The recog-
milton of any such claim as this would be
equivalent to resolving a free republic into
a social existence N ore intolerable than any
tyranny in Russia. And to understand and
meet this danger is one of the most serious
matters that now confrOnts the American
people. And every step which looks TO the
impairment of the right Of every citizen to
come and 60 and contract as he pleases IN
der the law, without fear Of interruption,
should be maintained at all hazards This
is the issue to-day at Homestead. The lead
loo al
TO accept the terms which tho Carnegie peo-
Pile offer, and thereupon they have set about
70 prevent anybody else from accepting
them. No matter how mean Carnegie a
Co. may be- that does not Justify the de.
fiance of the fundamental principles of
American liberty.
As 3 matter Of fact, however. the great
majority of industrial wage-earners prefer
not TO be members Of any labor organiza-
ton. They prefer not alone their own free
dom, but are ayerse 20 imposing on others
restrictions they would themselves resent.
Moreover, they know by experiences that
the reliance OF workman is, after all upon
his own skill and industry, soberness and
reliability, and that the effort Of the union
is too often devoted to equslzing the
wages of men who ought not to be paid
the same by holding up the trifing
and REFRESHING the able and diligent
The last census showed that out Of a pop
ulation Of 66,0O0.0 900 there were about
20,O0OO 900 of persons who labor for compen-
sstion. and of these 27O. 900 were connected
with the Knights Of Labor, which was at