The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1892-06-09
THE REPUBLICAN RECORD.

The friends of Mr.. Harrison absurdly
insist that because the party conventions
held in the various states to nominate
delegates to Minneapolis nearly all in
dorsed the administration, therefore Mr..
Harrison is the logical and proper candi-
date, since the record of the administra-
ton is the party plea to the people for
renewed vote of confidence. This is alb
surd; the record of the Republican party
includes a good deal more than the execu-
tive record of Mr.. Harrison; it includes
the legislative record of the party
in congress; the record of the Republican
administration includes the record of Mr.
Blaine as a diplomatist and statesman,
both when he was approved by Mr.. Harri-
son and when he differed from Mr.. Harri-
son to the advantage of the nation. Mr..
own; he urged it's adoption upon the
trainers of the Mckinley bill and secured
it. Is not reciprocity part of the record Of
the Republican party, and was it not pc
culiarly the Independent idea and express
sion of Mr.. Blaine? So of the Mckinley
tariff and the Sherman silver act of 1890:
they are part of the record of the party;
part of its plea tor a new vote of conf
dence, and yet they are the work of the
legislative, not the executive branch of the
government.
The truth is that it is the general record
of the party, not alone the executive con-
duct and quality of the president, that
constitutes our plea to the people for con-
tinuance in the management of the gov
eminent President Hayes administra-
ton was justly endorsed by the party; it
was as able, discreet and pure as that of
Mr.. Harrison; it included the resumption
of specie payments under Secretary John
Sherman; the withdrawal of bayonet rule
from the South; the enforcement of i'm
portant civil service legislation. And yet
Mr.. Hayes, while his administration was
generally Endorsed, was not renominated.
Why? Not because he had not made a
good president and given US
clean and upright administration,
but because the party thought they had
stronger candidates at their disposal.
When Mr.. Garfield was elected to succeed
Mr.. Hayes he had the benefit of the record
of the Republican party as made up not
only by President Hayes and his great
secretary of the treasury, John Sherman,
but the record of the Republican congress.
Did the Republican party from March,
1877, to March, 1881, ever pretend that
John Sherman had not of and by himself
conferred great distinction upon the adj
ministration of Mr.. Hayes by his con-
duct of our financial affairs at q
critical periodf Will it be pretended
that Mr.. Blaine has not of and
by himself conferred great distinction upon
the administration of Mr.. Harrisonr We
did not lose the benefit of the record of
Mr.. Hayes administration because we did
not renominate him; we are in no danger
| of losing the benefit of the record of the
administration of Mr.. Harrison if we fail
to renominate him.
| The general record Of the party in
cludes the administration and good deal
| more than the administration, and the ad-
ministration includes a good deal more
than the personal wisdom or unwisdom
| of the president. If this were not true
| Secretary Of the Treasury John Sherman
would be swallowed up in the personality
of President Hayes and Secretary James
| G. Blaine in the personality of Benjamin
Harrison. The party plea for a new vote
of confidence is not alone or chiefly
the official bearing and action of
the executive, but the spirit
| and general policy of the party
within and without congress. The general
political spirit and policy of the party may
be strong upon great leading issues like
the tariff or the currency; the personality
of the executive presented for renomina-
ton might be weaker in the affections Of
| the people who compose the variable voters
| in doubtful or malcontent states than an
other aspirant.
The situation today is not identical with
that of 1883. In 1888 Wisconsin. Illinois,
| Iowa, Kansas, Colorado and Nebraska
were "sure" Republican states. The best
| informed Republicans frankly admit that
| today Wisconsin is doubtful state as be-
| tween Cleveland and Harrison. United
States Senator Allison thinks Iowa is
| doubtful if Governor Boies has q
| place on the Democratic ticket Illinois
is doubtful for Harrison as against C.eve-
land or Morrison. Colorado is positively
| hostile to Harrison; Nebraska and Kansas
| are doubtful, while two-thirds of the New
York delegation claim that Blaine is far
stronger than Harrison in the Empire
| state
Under these circumstances the argument
of expediency is worthy of consideration
at Minneapolis. and the presentation of
| the argument of expediency is not incon-
sistent at all with the Endorsement of Mr.
Harrison's administration, which is but
| one factor in the general party record, and
| Mr.. Harrison is but one factor, and not the
most brilliant or benefcent, of his admin
istraton.
The Prohibition national convention
will assemble in Music hall, Cincinnati
June -, and if the full complement of
delegates is present there will be l,09l on
| hand, beside alternates and visitors. Dur
ing the campaign Of 1SSS the Prohibition
lists claimed that that would be their
Fremont campaign, and in 1872 would
come their Lincoln campaign. They
count on polling 1000, 00O votes this year,
or four times as many as they polled in
ISIS. The present prospect is that the
third and fourth party voters this year