The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1892-08-11
BRITISH PARLIAMENT.
THE SESSIONS OPENS LIVELY IN THE
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Galleries Crowded to Their Utmost Capacity
to Hear the Debate on the Question of
"No Confidence "-Balfour Makes
Red Hot Speech-Fun Ahead.

LONDON, Aug. 9.-The house of
commons was crowded to its full Ca
pacity before the business of the day
commenced as it was expected that
Gladstone would resume debate on
the address in reply to the queens
speech. His appearance in the house
was the signal for ringing cheers from
his adherents on the floor and his ad-
mirers in the galleries.
Mr.. Balfour in speech protested
against Mr.. Gladstone's describing
the influence Ireland had exercised
in recent years on the British politics
as derived from moral considerations.
Moral considerations, he said, was the
right phase. Gladstone's conversion
to home rule was not due to moral
forces, but material party considera-
tions. Referring to the coercion policy
of Balfour reminded them that Glad
stone in 1885 proposed to retain the
coercion law with the assentof Sir G.
A. Trevalian, Lord Spencer and other
colleagues. "In regard to the pro-
posed vote of no confidence" contin-
ued Balfour," the government
might be in the minority,
but what was the minority?
Had that motley group the confidence
of the house? The government see.
ing the existing circumstances had q
righ to its view of the situation. The
division of the opposition into sections
with different aims could not be left
out otaccount. Existing partnerships
between Great Britain and Ireland
could not be dissolved with the assent
of both on terms favorable to both
Considering the fact that the Irish
members will be kept at Westminster
and an English majority might find
itself at q combination of
English minority with Irish men,
bers. 1t was clear that England
had at least as much interest in home
rule as Ireland had. These had a
right to insist that one party to the
existing partnership objected to its
being dissolved. Unfortunately for
the Gladstone allies the I-ish mem
bers told the Liberals that unless you
do this and that we will turn you out.
How dangerous would such state of
things be to the empire if the Irish
dominion continued before the gov
| ernment resigned. They had right
to ask what were the conditions under
which the alliance between the Lib.
erals and the Irish would be main
| tanned; what conditions were there
between the Nationalist who
had been squared aud those
who had not been squared, and
| hat do
the Liberals when they came int
power. Were Liberals going to &C
cede to the demand that there be M
interference with the acts of the Irish
parliament, or would they tamely
submit to Irish dictation, refusing
| legislation from England until the
home rule bill passed? In turning tn,
government out had the Liberals the
slightest prospect that home rult
would first repeal the crimes act, anC
next the distraction of the house O
lords? Would they allow the gov
| ernment time for passing other i'm.
portant measures which the country
heartily desired and which they
could not touch owing to Irish allies?
Mr.. Harrington said he had listened
to some of Gladstone's remarks with
anxiety. He felt bound TO warn the
Liberals that some questions required
immediate attention. He regretted
Gladstone's scant dismissal of the case
of enriched tenants. They had borne
the blunt of battle and had made the
greatest sacrifices for their class. He
did not think the case presented in
superable difficulties. Again if the
amnest question was neglected Il
would cause fresh agitation and fresh
trouble. If the Liberal party were
wise it would give specific pledges to
satisfy Ireland on these matters.