West Virginia argus. [volume] (Kingwood, W. Va.) 1877-1946, 1892-03-31
THE TARIFF.-AQTICLEIu.

republic Is equal rights and equal
protection to all.
Chief among these natural laws
Of commercial intercourse NAV be
enumerated
1. The right to buy in the lowest
market.
2. The right to sell for the high
est price.
3. The law of supply and demand.
High tariff bills are statutory
notifications of l and 2. The trust
ndllifies the law of supply and de-
mand, and is the corporate, mo-
nopolstic adjunct of high protec-
ton. Protective tariff laws arc the
franchise of monopoly, and the
trust is the skiIlful management of
monopoly so enfranchised.
The protective tariff statesman
who introduces antitrust bills i'm
Congress, is like one who plants a
grove of upas trees and plays phi
lanthropist by looping of some
branches.
Ii protection does not raise the
price of steel rail or any other
article above the competing market
price, then there can be no grounds
for the imposition of tariff. So
far as that particular article is con-
cerned the mission of the tariff
legislator is at an end.
If protection could be theoreti-
cally adjusted so as to give the
manufacturer on his line of goods
proportionate profit with all other
lines of industry, there would result
lowering Of the rate of profit on
all products aud in every branch of
industry ; for tariff protection is
intended to insure profit to the
protected industry. The profit or
gain of the tariif-propped manufac-
turer is subtracted from the profit
or gain of his fellow countrymen.
Does such lowering of profit all
round tend to increase the general
prosperity of the nation? Would
not an handed protection to
all industries just leave them in the
same condition as if there were no
destruction OF some industries to
build up others. Protection to all
through the favoritism Of tariff is
an impossibIlity. Protection to
few powerful plants is class legisla-
ton. The farmer along with many
others can have little or no tariff
favOritism. and his profits must be
reduced to increase the gains of the
protege of the government.
But a high protective tariff over
shoots far enough the idea of pro-
portiOnate profits. Year after year
it shoots higher in ITS demands. 1t
aims to make the protected plants
pay largely. Protection, then, must
raise the rate of profit for some and
reduce it for others. If agriculture,
horticulture and day labor must pay
through consumption of protected
articles and commodities the manu-
features high profits, how can
these three work together without
the stringency and languishment
we behold OIL every hand? Protec-
ton IS a cause poverty, an effect.
In what respect is the farm hand
benefited by the Protection cause !?
The farmer has divided his meager
profits with protected enterprises.
He cannot afford to pay his help
what the help is worth, for he has to
pay the fiddler for monopoly out of
ilio OWil lilCOlnts bt DIICc Vi ldIIil
labor, therefore, is low, is lowered.
This reduction in the price Of farm
labor is apparent in contrast with
factory prices, and prices paid at
protected plants. One legitimate
result of a protective tariff, if there
is anything legitimate about it, IS
to impoverish agriculture and re-
duce the wages Of agricultural labor.
Then with his reduced remuneration
for labor as a basis Of comparison,
Protection boasts OF better wages !
The willy politician talks to the
working man Of high protection
and high wages. The politician too
often gets the high position, but
tle working man has q chance to
strike for higher wages aud starve
while cheap labor takes his place
under protection Of the stars and
- Gil a. ,.--A..t....