Pittsburg dispatch. [volume] (Pittsburg [Pa.]) 1880-1923, 1892-02-06

the NlSeSI party course az lilIs tlule, pub M
timating that even if the Democrats con-
trolled both Houses of Congress and the Ex-
ecutive the separate bill plan rather than q
measure for general revision would be the
wiser course.
That the gentleman whose works and
ESSAYS for years served as the chief Demo
cratic literature in the agitation for tariff
reduction should approve the plan now
adopted by the Democrats of the Ways and
Means Committee is naturally source of
great qualification to Mr.. Springer and the
other members of the House who have stood
as advocates of the separate. bill policy as
opposed to the demand for attempt at gen.
eral revision. The letter of Mr. Wells is
addressed to the Chairman of the Ways and
Means Committee, and is as follows:
NORWICH, CONN.,, Feb. /.
Ny Dear Mr.. Springer:
have given considerable thought to your
question as to the best method of procuring
tariff reform by legislation, and find myself
more and more inclined to the opinion that
even If the Democratic party were IN tuII
control of both branches of Congress ana OF
the executive the wisest and most practical
plan would be what might be termed tenta-
tive rather than radical To frame new
tariff bill, wisely embodying reform ideas
even if the plan of the Walker tariff OF 1916
Is adopted as structural model-wlu re-
Quire much time, great labor and almost su-
rarely tell where. in our complicated INDUS
trial and commercial organization, the final
incidence of any tax will fall. \ o Dill can
be framed that will not contain lncongrul-
ties, inexpediences, errors, and perhaps
absurdities which only time and experience
will reveal In that hot, partisan, political
these weak points will be picked out, ex-
=2ggerated and used to obscure more i'm
portant issues and confuse the public.
Art Works as Valuable Educators.
Suppose, for example, the proposed bill
puts works OF art, paintings and statuary,
not ordinary merchandise, on the free list,
rs would be desirable. The argument in
favor of such legislation is that such prod
Ucts do not need the protection of any
tariff: that all civilized countries make a
point of encouraging such fmportatlons and
OF not restricting them, and that their pres
ence in the country develops artistic tastes
among our people, which, in turn, creates a
demand for artistic products, and so calls
into existence new domestic industries, en-
blowing highly skilled labor at high wages,
both of men and women. But how much
would this plea avail before the great mass
OF voters in the agricultural districts with
q political opponents counter-assertions
that pictures and statuary were bought only
bv the rich, as pure objects of luxury, and
are therefore eTninently fit subjects for tax
alton? Can we afford to give the enemy any
advantages in discussion or opportunities
for befogging the real issues?
Again, with a complete tariff bill, the
friends of reform would have to meet the
entire force of the protectionists, active and
compact, through the attraction of further
opportunity for public plunder. On the
other hand, under the tentative plan-that
is, of a comparatively few issueS-the ten
dency of those interests not Immediately
affected would be to sluggishness and IN
difference. The old maxim, Divide and
conquer, seems to me, therefore, most per-
tinent under existing circumstances.
l would also ask your attic ton to mat
ter of historical experience, full of sugges-
tion, which thus far seems to have been en-
1irely overlooked; and that is that Sir Robert
Peel, il dealing with exactly the same prob
lem as now confronts tariff legislators, but
from British standpoint, adopted the ten
tative method, and owed all of his great
success to the fact that he did adopt it.
How Free Traders Won in England.
At the time Mr.. Peel took office, in 1S41,
tie British tariff was IN every feature ex-
t,emely protective or better. extremely re-
St1ictive on British foreign commerce, as it
had been for centuries. 1t was more COM
plicatcd and taxed greater number of arti-
cles than the Mckinley bill. The first meas
ure or bill for tariff reform introduced by
him in 1892 was very conservative, and pro-
posed little more than the removal of duties
from crude materials essential to manufact-
uring, with view OF cheapening the cost of
manufacturing to British manufacturers,
and has since been characterized in history
. rs an elaborate attempt to foster trade by
reducing import duties, at the same time
continuing protection.
The measure encountered the most vio-
lent opposition. Precisely the same argu-
1nents were brought forward in favor of the
continuance Of the Mckinley tariff as were
advanced in support OF the then existing
British tariff. The sane prediction of I'M
pending disaster to domestic industry as
arc now made were showered upon Parlia-
1Uent and the public. The bill proposed by
SiT Robert Peel became a law. No further
Important tariff legislation was proposed
until 1915; but in the three preceding years
the beneficial influence of the tariff reduc-
1iOns OF 1872 had become SO manifest in re-
viving industry and commerce that Mr.
Prei'S chief opponents in the former year
became his chief supporters in the latter, |
end voiced a general public sentiment in de-
manding further and greater reforms. A
bjii Nas accordingly introduced and passed
in lS45, removing or reducing the duties on a
large additional number OF articles, but still
maintaining protective duties, both upon
manufactured articles and agricultural
products; and it was not until lS46 that Sir
Robert Peel directly attacked the protec-
Zionist system by introducing and passing
the bill which repealed the corn laws, and
greatly reduced or entirely removed the
duties on manufactured products.
After this. although Sir Robert Peel did
not remain I'm office, his policy was con-
timed, but it was not until 1852. when the |
last relic OF the British navigation laws was
swept from the statute book, that the policy
OF Great Britain became wholly anita gonistic
to the maintenance and enactment Of any
laws restrictive of the freedom of exchange
T,
pose than revenue.
An Example in the British Action.
From this brief review of British expert
ence it is clear that if Sir Robert Peel, in |
1872 had attempted to reform the British
tariff as n whole and adopted any course in |
dealing with his problem other than the |
tentative one, he would not have been sue |
Cessful. And ! venture to predict that if we |
now adopt the same policy, history, on a |
GIander scale. will repeat itself Every re- |
Taxation OF the existing restriction on trade |
will increase trade, and the blessing of free |
dom and of exemption from all unnecessary |
taxation viii be so understood and appre- |
clated by the masses of our people that /
Tetrogressive action will not be tolerated.
4 brief word further. By adopting the /
tentative method and sending to the Senate |
q few simple bills enacted by the House, |
bills removing the duties on wool, salt. coal, |
lumber, tin plate and the like, the Demo-
cratic party will define and formulate the |
plan and the scope on which the tariff d ebate |
in The coming Presidential contest shall be |
conducted. General debate viii to q great |
extent be dispensed with and discussion |
will be concentrated on the essentials
the removal o. taxation from such articles
as above specified puts himself at once on
the defensive and in position sure to be /
politically uncomfortable. The masses have
been, and probably always will be, slow to
comprehend the tariff question when dis
cussed generally; but they will not be slow
to recognize and appreciate the effect of
Ia XatiOn on commodities that enter directly
and largely into their consumption and in
crease the cost OF their living and produc-
tion.
Gradual Work Again Recommended.
1t is assumed that none of the reforms in
the tariff which it is proposed to embody in
Separate bills can receive the sanction of