New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1892-06-12
MR.. GLADSTONE.
HIS LATEST PUBLIC APPEARANCE AND HIS
PLUNGE INTO PROGRESSIVE"
POLITICS.

two hundred This remark was made just be-
fore his patients departure for the Riviera last
winter 1t is probably as true now as then
Sir Andrew Clark is Mr. Gladstonc's regular
physician, and has long been "a cautious, canny
doctor; Scot, In whose mouth hint means more
than proclamation from the lips of an Eng
lishman. The great patient has done what he
could TO justify Sir Andrews prophecy. lie Is
younger man than he was twenty years ago,
said an old friend only the other day Everybody has
noticed bis energy and freshness since his
return from his long holiday in the South lie
has been the wonder of the House Of Commons;
the life OF more private assemblies Last week
he delivered speech in the House which had
every Characteristic of youth; including rashness
and enthusiasm. Last night he spoke to some
swelterng thousands Of liegemen in the Memorial
Hall at Harrington in London, and again his
speech was the speech Of a young man; with
that buoyancy of tone which takes no account
Of obstacles, and pays no heed TO any facts but
such az suit his immediate purpose.
II Sir Andrew Clark's medical certificate he in
teresting, so is Sir Charles Russell's testimony
to Mr.. Gladstones perennial political youthful
ness. Sir Charles Russell Is not quite so great an
authority on the platform as at the bar. but he
deserves attention lie is just strong parti-
In politics as in court; sees one side just as
clearly and ignores the other with the same air OF
candor which the advocate finds influential with
the jury. He is passionate Home Rnler and
passionate Gla1stonian the two things do not
always go together The one feature, said Sir
Charles, which distinguished Mr. Gladstone from
the statesmen Of any time was the fact that with
advancing years his sympothies had broadened.
and his mind was continually and fearlessly open
to the consideration of every new problem which
the progress of our complicated society brought to
the surface. Sir Charles in his fervor. or perhaps
the reporter In his haste omitted the qualifying
cause which would make this sweeping statement
literally true. Mr.. Gladstones mind has, indeed,
ever since 1885, been continually and fearlessly
open to every new problem behind which there
were auy votes.
will do him more justice than some Of bis
newer friends do him. lie is. in truth. many
Of these SUBJECTS indeed. on most Of them, ex-
tremely conservative. II he followed his best in
stincts he would be bulwark against the rising
tide Of radcalism to which neither the cliffs nor
the conservatism Of this island are sufficient
barrier. Down to 1885, he was content TO be
Liberal and the English Liberal was just as con-
sentative as the Tory on social questions; often
more 80. But ever since that night in June, 1856,
when q hostile majority of thirty put an end to
Mr. Gladstone's hopes Of carrying Home Rule by
coup de main, his mind has been more and more
widely open. lie has drifted away from his Cd
anchorage. His perfidy to the cause of the Union
drew other perfdies in it's train. The least fault,
said La Rochefoucauld, of women who have aban-
doned themselves to the pursuits of passion is the
pursuit Of passion.
It is SO with the politician. When he has once
started on the down grade, he can no longer con-
troll the pace. When he has put before him the
attainment Of majority the highest political
duty, all means to that end become good; or, if
not ALL many which in happier circumstances be
would have put from him with Just scorn.~ lie is
convinced, sincerely convinced, that the welfare of
this country demands his return to office. He
caa only return upon certain conditions. lie
thinks some of these conditions injurious, but IL
sure the injury will be more than compensated by
the benefits he will bavc it In his power to confer.
So he submits the conditions, relying on the ex-
cellence OF his intentions. GOOD Intentions,
observed Nrrutoigne rather more than three
hundred years ago, do, when immoderately pur-
sued impel men to very vicious results" later
and more positive writer has declared tina. most
of the worst actions in this world proceed from the
best motives.
The conditions, TO put it briefly, are imperson-
ated in Mr.. Schnadhorst, whose one business II is
to win, by whatever lawful means present them
selves the greatest possible number of seats at the
coming election Hence the Newcastle programme
Hence the Progressive movement in London.
Hence the attempt to identify Liberalism with
Gladstonism, and Gladstonism with Radicalism,
and Mr. Gladstone himself with the oracles of the
labor party and to identify the party which once
bore and deserved the name Of Liberal with the
various crotchets Of the heterogeneous company
which calls itself the Liberal and Radical Union.
You observe that Liberal by itself Is no longer an
ADEQUATE name The great army Of rcformcrs in
motley OF which each battalion boasts certain
number of votes and claims certain concessions,
has to be conciliated by the adoption Of the word
Radical as an explanatory tag to Liberal.
This is the body-this Liberal land Radical
Uniou-which Mr.. Gladstone addressed last night.
His speech--his very presence on such PLATFORM
is bid for London. The Progressives OF the Lon
don County Council have captured the Gladstonlan
party, and captured Mr.. Gladstone himself. lie
has been told that his chance Of winning seats
in the metropolis is 10 fight the Parliamentary
election on lines similar to those OF the municipai
election He bows that noble head. They are
not his lines any more than the Newcastle ITO
eramme was his programme. He accepted the one
from the hands of Mr. SchnadhOrst, as lie now oc-
oepts the other at the hands of-whom shall l
say? No one name in the municipal politics OF
London answers TO the name of the King of the
(aucus-the ablcst political manager, except per-
haps Mr. Gladstone himself. whom this generation
has seen.
But if you care TO have notion OF the CON-
Sletencss OF Mr. Gladstones surrender. you may
run through the list Of names Of the men who
.supportcd' him on this occasion-something
more than guard Of honor. They were there
to do him honor and he was there to do them
honor. lie seemed in their keeping and custody.
No testimony of respect % the illustrious captive
was wanting, and precaution omitted TO pre-
vent his escape. The list of these gentlemen'
half hodyguard half police. fills nearly half
column Many Of the names mean little here.
and would mean nothing to you. Some of them
moan much. There is Lord RoSebery to whom
the politics of the future are the politics of the