New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1892-06-26
Try CABLE TO THE TgIsCSE.:
Copyright: 1892 By The Tribune AssoctatfOn.

London June 25-Twice within a week has
Mr.. Gladstone disappointed his followers. They
looked to him with eagerness for an answer to
Ulster. lie gave it at Clapham. and his best
friends found it weak. They looked even more
anxiously for the manifesto which they must
fight the election. The manifesto appeared yes
terday morning and has spread something like
dsmay among those TO whom the elections are n
matter not only of business. but of political life
and death. On hardly single point has Mr..
Gladstone satisfied the expectation of his party
not Home Rule, not on labor, not on the New
castle programme not in the appeal either to class
interests class prejudiceS. both of which count
for so much in such emergency. There has
been growing feeling in his own party that the
time had come when he must speak
ont on Home Rule, must show his hand,
must produce his scheme. must at least
define the meaning of the phrase which at present
is only huge political conundrum. He has not
done it. Whit he has done is TO hold ont the
hope that before many days arc over he may
say something on the outlines of the proposal"
That means that he will proclaim on the platform
oil Midlothian what he does not care TO affirm
explain in his address TO the electors of Mid
Lothian. He does we'll to trust to the voice rather
than TO the pen. He wants space and air and
audience before him. Then only is his full mas
terry CT subject be seen. Then only is mood of
also may come that trumpet note, that joyful bat
tie cry which the soldiers of his army long to
hear from their great captain and have not yet
he, rd
There are nevertheless in this address passages
of such dignity and pathos and of such literary
force as he rarely attans 10 when writing. tn.rr
meath it all is the proud consciousness that he Is
making personal appeal TO thr people Of Ing
land. lie we'll knows tie fascination Of his
own name and his own individuality. He knows
that there and elsewhere, lies his best chance
Of winning this election
A New-York correspondent observes upon Mr..
Cleveland's nomination that the campaign will
now be one of argument, not of personalities. III
would be too much 10 say that IN England the
exact contrary is true but il is true that at least
one personality will play greater pat and attract
more votes than ali thC arguments he and his fol-
lowers can produce. If Mr. Gladstone had a free
hand, that free English hand without which he
himself declared in 1885 right settlement OF
Irish questions is possible be might have framed
his address as to WIN over that rational minority
which is supp scd here TO decide elections. vi
course he has not free hand The whole course
of recent events has shown how his Judgment ls
hampered, how isis policy must be rwayed by other
considerations than those OF public policy. The
interview on Monday at Carlton Gardens was the
visible, too visible, sign of his pcrpeNity lie
summoned Mr. Mccarthy and vi Dillon into coun-
Gil II is asserted and denied that he summoned
Mr. Healy also. There was, at any rate, con
ference between Mr.. Gladstone and two or three
of the eighty-siS Irish leaders. lie invited none
of these who are still faithful TO the memory ana
pclicy of the greatest, of the only Irish
leader of this generation. Over the door
Of No. / Carlton Gardens is written in letter.
of flame, "No Parncllitc need apply The po-
iitical determination OF the Parncllit.s is the
accepted policy of the party who leader was
their leaders convert. Perhaps, for tne purposc
of settling the terms Of Mr. GladstoneS appea!
TO the country their absence does not much matter.
They have declared their uimatum On one main
pont the Independence of the Dublin Parliament.
Il must be also the utimatum Of their Irish OPP
ponents The anti-Panellitcs sat asserting when
Mr. Redmond announced it in the House of Com
mons What matters more is the absence from
this Carlton Gardens conference OF any authorized
reDrcsentative of Archbishop Wash. That astutc
urelate is the chief wire -puer Of Ireland and the
arbiter Of Irish policy. Mr.. licaly is his rIgh'
hand man. If Mr.. IIealy present. the Arch
bishop NAV lie bound by what passed. II not.
what the Archbishop will demand is partly known.
Certain il is that he and his bishops and priests
have a purpose of their own quite other than
those which are Inspiring the lay politicians Of
means. not an end Their ends are, of course not
primarily political, but primarily ecclesiastical
tie Church Of Rome first, last, and all the time
Mr. Gladstone's Clapham reply TO Ulster is
hardly reply, and the impartial reader asks :
lis this indeed all that he said ~ lie thinks
that Irish Roman Catholics would not persccute
or oppress Protestants. Ulster thinks that they
will lie appealed to history. Ulster points
to the present, to the leadership Of Archbishop
Walsh to the activity CT the priests Il would
not oppress Ulster" pleads Mr. Gladstone. No
l.cay dreams that he would. All he proposes is
20 hand over this great Protestant community 10
tl,e control of Dublin Parliament, elected and
led by men who are the instruments of the Roman
Catholic Church. lie sincerely believes thai
Home Rule will be q panncca, that evil passions
will subside that liberty eXtingushes malice that
a majority under tremendous temptation TO plum
der rich and hated minority will not use its
mower He may b. right. But suppose that he
is wrong-then what? There is England. There
is the Imperial Parliament: but the theory Of
Home Rule is that England shall not interfere in
any purely Irish matters, and what could be more
purely Irish than a quarrel between the Roman
Catholic majority and the Protestant minority :
Whether the Imperial Parliament shall retain even
q nominal control Dublin is still in dispute.
Mr. Gladstone now talks of Home Rule sheltered
bv Imperial supremacy. The word may mean
seyeral things 1t does not imply control. But
Mr.. Balfour IN the address 10 bis constituents
which appears this morning goes behind this
dispute and boldly asserts that with respect to
the security of the Irish Loyalists the supremacy
Of the Imperial Parliament could be nothing better
than a constitutional sham
Mr.. Ba>iour's address is in all points in sharp
contrast TO Mr. GadstOne's. II is halt as long
and more than twice clear. He has nothing
~ conceal. 10 secrets OF policy to keep and no
unreyealed scheme for breaking up the Empire.
He can say a plain thing in plain words, and does.
I know not whether it is deemed advisable to
cohe this document and publish il in America.
for itSelf is the answer