The record-union., 1892-09-06

people of the United states, for example, in
the case OF determining who shall be the
PreSloent, or in the settlement by popular
vote of any other great question, consent TO
close the conflict at this point, because there
by we conserve the best interests of the whole
nation. The Standardization republics
nave not learned this wisdom, and their party
allowed to issue in actual war,
have often brought them to the verge OF ruin.
we consent TO an armistice at this time, be-
cause we know that, by counting the ranks
we are able TO predict what, after ALL our eff
iorts, would be the ultimate result OF a phys
ical combat.
Under this new order, then, persons seek
ing what they consider tc be their due, refuse
10 trust their affairs in the hands of supe-
l1of Ihey decline to accept a superIor'S sense
OF duty as sufficient guarantee. ON the con-
Irary, Lney hold that the history OF trusts be-
trayed, OF class oppressed by class, warrants
the conclusion that the unaided sense of duty
as II has hitherto appeared in men, has been
inadequate to determine and preserve among
them their proper relations. Iaborers do not
believe that their employers will accord to
them their deserts, unless some other force
than the sense of duty is made to
operate on the minds of the employers.
The members of body polite by centu-
RES OF painful experience, have come to the
conclusion that political superior, inde-
pendent OF those in subsection to him, needs
some other guiding force than duty TO keep
his action consistently advantageous TO the
subjects. In the field of economical and politi-
cal reIatlonS we see the inadequacy of the
of it; and thus while generations
nave been dreaming of an age of peace, when
the lion would unsel1ishly look out for the in
tereSts of the lamb, the actual progress of
society has been marked by a more and more
extensive application OF some form Of con-
flict.
And here we reach the critical point of our
inquiry. II the division of the Total product
OF industry between the laborerS and the own
ers OF capital must be determined by some
form OF conflict, it Is of the highest import
is the most expedient. Speaking very gener-
ally recent economic history shows US two
forms. Under the first there is the completest
combination of laborerS possible, followed b.
attempts TO persuade the employers and
finally withdrawal from work. The effective
ness or this method clearly depends upon the
comprehensiveness of the combination, the
DlnQlng force OF the agreement and the pre-
Vention of the importation of workmen.
Those who rejoice in the improvement of
the condition OF laborers as class, because it
means the uplifting of the Nation, are inter-
ested in this method of procedure. They are
interested in it because it involves the mini
mum violation of individual liberty consist
ent with concerted action, because under 1t
laborers expect to move their employers not
by force, but by Withholding services
necessary to the successful employment of
capital. They are interested in 1t because
they believe it has been efficient in the past in
increasing the laborer's wages, and thus in
strumental in giving him a better place in the
world
The other method of engaging in the con-
h1ct is TO form somewhat exclusive associa-
lions, no special effort being made to make
the organizations comprehensive of all the
laborers in the field, and then to rely upon
tions from taking positions abandoned
by laborers on strike. No one in SYM
pathy with the great body of workers,
who has followed the history of an
tagonisms, that have resulted IN class
wars, can but feel grave anxiety in view OF the
growing disposition TO let physical force play
part in the conflict between laborers and
their employers. They are SOlicitouS not be-
cause they see any other means than conflict
for settling these questions, nor because they
allow the consideration of the few lives that
may be lost to overbalance great good but
because they are convinced that by the use of
illegal force the desired end cannot be reached
Yet there are circumstances where the only
way forward to desired result is by the use
of force.
1t is not, then, that war in all its forms is to
be repudiated. When it comes to resist for
elgn encroachment, to defend tie rights OfOur
citizens abroad, or to preserve the integrity
of the nation, even though it come with all its
attendant misery and sacrifice, il NAV
bring incidental blessings. 1t NAV strengthen
the bonds of national unity: it may deepen
the sentiment OF PATRIOTISM; it may give to
the pulse of every citizen a firmer and truer
and steadier beat. National independence
and national honor we hold not dear even if
they must be purchased and maintained at
the cost of human life. But The great achieve
ments in behalf of the working class, in be-
half of the great body of the people, are
likely to be won in the future as they have
been won in the past, TIL ough bloodless con-
h1ct. Through long course of centuries the
common people OF England struggled Tor
economical advantages and for positions
of power against an arbitrary king and an
overbearing ariStOcracy, and yet their effect
i've weapons, the weapons by which their vic
tory was won, We're never the weapons of
death. The armed efforts of Wat Tyler and
Jack Cade, though their cause was Just, him
dered rather than helped the political and So
cial ameiiOratiOn of the people.
The common people of England have won
their cause by closing the conflict before it
reached the phase OF military force. Ana in
the French revolution, that terrible beginning
of European emancipation, practically all
that was gained for the people was gained be-
fore drop of blood had been split. The his
tory OF the world brings us this conclusion.
that whenever one class in society raises its
arm to strike down another class, by that
very act its casts away its liberties In the
Roman republic there were grave social queS-
tiOns on which the classes were divided and
when finally they grew impatient and at
tempted to reach a solution by force, or TO
settle their differences under arms the fact OF
victory was OF no importance to either party;
the liberties of both parties disappeared IN
the social war. 1t was, in fact, the leader OF
the triumphant popular party, the friend of the
people, who laid the foundations of the Roman
Empire, in which popular rights were lost,
ana the ancient Valor ana virtue OF the Ro-
man citizen disappeared from the State Thus
it might be in the American Republic; and it
is for this reason that every genuine friend OF
the laborer, and every lover of land of lib
erty Is filled with apprehension at the sign oil
an approaching war of classes.
This does not mean, however, that we look
to condition OF social rest and quiet as the
ideal of society. On the contrary, we hold
that strong internal movement, the vigorous
action and counteraction of clements the
rivalry OF classes, and the determined ambt-
ton of individuals are characteristic 81
healthy social life. 1t is not enough that an
individual or d class is conscious of his
rights; it is not enough that the various
social elements have once rested il
equilibrium; it is not enough that
the laborers to-day are sal shed with
their hire, or the EN- pioyers with their prohts
every revolving year brings new conditions
ana the possible necessity of Il new adjust
ment. With no all-wIse and all-poU erful so
cial arbiter possible, who may Tx by decree
the relations OF persons and classes, there is
no way TO the solution we seek except through
the action ana counteractlon OF cltShing ele
meuts. There may result turmoil and con
fusion, the uproar OF social rivalry and con
f!ict, out beyond 1t all one may discern the
conditions OF better life.
The decay which is bred in staGnaton is
avoided, the intellect is aroused and the higher
hopes of humanity are realized. Florence was
noisy, contentious and turbulent while Ven
ice was a M odel of order and internal peace
But Florence, with her great names, has left
a record OF leadership in the world, while
Venice, with scarcely a great intellect to adorr
her history, is remcm bered only for hei
tyranny ana her material Splendor in decay
And thus III America the cries of eager, unsat
is1ed desire are not indications OF decay and
dissolution, but rather the signs OF abundant
hope and the manifestation OF an unsubdued
spirit, through which may be wrought out Tho
glory OF the nation.
OTHER FEATURES.
Following Professor Moses address 8
double quartet, composed of Messrs. r.
L. Cohn, r. Dollhouse, z. +. Ashworth
q. II. Reynolds, j. l.. Weeks, J. q. Gen
SHEA, Mr.. Spaulding and L. l.. Gerrish.
sang keeler's American Hymn" Being
loudly encored they rendered .W(
Firmly Stand" which also met with en-.
thusiastic recognition.
A benediction followed by the Chaplain
Rev. b. Il. Burton, and the assemblagC
dispersed.
AT RICuNInNn CpnNr