New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1892-01-31
AMERICAN DIPLOMACY.
ENGLISH OPINION OF THE PRESIDENTS
MESSAGE ON THE CHILEAN DISPUTE.
CRITICISMS THAT HAVE THEIR INSPIRATION IN
DISPATCHES SENT FROM AMERIcA-TIE
PROMOTION OF Mr.. EDWARDS.
INV rAnrE TO THE TRIBUNE

~. /. .ro,b,e himself about those conventionali-
,ios ~ European diplomacy which are commonly
rosnccted in European state papers. Neither the
80 nor the substance of the message Is liked
o'n rrIord People here even say that the
pr.s,dent's language is wanting in dclicacy. They
100 ,b.ir critical fingers on such words as wanton-
poss, brutal. cowardly atrocious, grossly insult
inr They appeal to the President against him
.alf quoting with approval his remark that the
dignity of the Government should not be sacri-
enod Triple barreed opithets, remarks one
journal. sententiously, prove nothing.
When we come TO the substance of the matter
.hsrs Is one point of view from which
English hostility seems applicable, at least to
Ns English. They have, as has been often pointed
.r+ large interests in Chilli. They bcfriended
Oh. marty which has triumphed in the Civil War,
md tbsy expect to reap profit from this friendship.
They throw the whole weight of their influence on
the side Of Chilli and against rhe United States.
They accuse us Of working rp grievance with in
cenuity President HARRISON has been al infinite
mains TO spy out provocation, says one critic; add
ING there is nothing at all convincing and not
much that is plausible in the message | will
nat multiply quotations. The gis: Of them all may
be found in the sweeping condemnation just cited
/ abstain from quoting the offensive comments
Of the less important papers. 1t is enough TO say
accusing the American President of sending
belligerent messages to Congress after he knew
that Chill had Welded. The accrsoton was Often
sive. The terms in which it presented were as
offensive as the writers knew how to make them
Not however, till the Presidents second message
reached London this charge taken up by tie
more serious papers. 1t has TO be said, moreover,
that the first hint of this kind came from America
London was told by Ncw-York that Chili's
acquiescence, published simultaneously with the
Presidents threats put the President in udicTous
light that the Presidents buster had no effect;
that his message was so much campaign am
munition"; and that all further objection to
Chilis course was impossible. There is, | hope,
but one American capable of supplying the British
public with a long series of lbels on his own
Government, of which this is the latest There
is hope, but one newspaper office from which
they could proceed, and the head of that is not
an American, but hybrid American. These
patriotic illusions are welcome to every enemy OF
America.
The President of course, had no knowledge Of
the specific calumny which he was called on TO
meet. He was attacked from behind. Ills
second message is not therefore regarded here as
dealing completely with the charge that he had
knowledge of Chili's submission before lie sent
his first message. "The Times" admits that he
had no unofficial knowledge. The Dewitt Warner
story was supposed to show that he had. That |
also was cabled Dalziel's American agency, which |
is not American, resumed its trade in libes on |
America, and sent this interesting invention 10 |
the English market. 1t served its purpose. was
believed for twenty-four hours. and is denied
this morning. But mere denial will not undo the |
mischief
Is it then impossible to wash the party liner |
1t home? Must the dirty clothes Of the Dem
ocratio party be hung out to dry In LONDON
Is patriotism TO be sunk in party rancorE 10 |
these Democratic agents think tina: 1t Will COM
mend their party TO the American people wheh IL
il known that they hold up the American Gov
ernment 70 contempt abroad ? ! say again that |
great part of such hostility America as there Is
here snrnes direct from the calumnies cabl'd TO
London from New-Yorl The stories OF these
gentlemen are used just as the confessions OF the
accomnlice are used in court. The authors OF
Them are supposed to have turned STATE
evidence
,ner;cons NAV proftably consider the promo
.;a - A. rd,yardes first secretary Of the British |
Jaration NJ Washington. 10 be first secretary OF
,bo british Embassy at Madrid. MIR. Edward'ss
abilities and attractive personal qualities arr we"
troun in Washington and New-York HIS dipo-
matte life in America has been one OF hleh Use
fitness 70 his own country, and agreeaoe 10 o"'n'
Wo shall NOT envy him his promotion, though we
,ocrot his departure Possibly il will strike you |
as odd that a transfer from Washington TO Madrih
should be a promotion. 1t is odd But IL IL "
nrornotion II does not imply that Spain u 10Y
all purposes greater Power uah 1"e NV,
S,otas II does imply that she is greater in the
d;r,lomo,ic world She sends an Ambassador 10
London. and we send an inferior ORDER OIL i'PiN
ha
Creator or less. she gets her business donc In
Jondon before the United States. Inc MARQUIS |
de- Casa Laiglessa can always have audience OF l-oru
Salisbury while the son OF President l'iicoI" 10
cooling his heels in an ante-champer. 30 VIII 'Ii
Henry Wolff in Madrid TRANSACT his business WIN
Oh. Duke Of Tetuan, while the American MINIS
Tor DANCES attendance outside. We are a practlcai
neonle and that is the way in which we 90 pusi,
mess The issues of peace or war, or cohiiiIcrcl'l
treaties or reciprocity, or anything else most Vi'
TO our international relations, may oe ueoiue'
q aainst US on question OF diplomatic P''hcH"o'
Every Power represented by an Ambassador gets
THE ear of every other Power before we 90, pu's
it's case first makes its proposal. and closes It's
bargain uerhaps. while the United States is in
tcryewinc hall porters and cUltivating the favor
sf the groom of the chambers. We put ourselves
in a position of permanent inferiority, sometimes
of humiliation, always OF inconvenience we
make democracy not more, but less respected BY |
this foolish aectation of simplicity, or more fool
;sh homage 10 an outworn custom The arguments
for perseverng in this and injurious policy
are not arguments. They are appeals 10 prejudice
and TO parsimony. The reasons for change, for
putting ourselves on an equality with other great
Powers. are reasons of sense, Of convenience, OF
national dignity and of national interest
G. w. S.
INTERESTING SCIENTIFIC LECTURES.
A number Of the important scientific societies Of this