The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1892-10-22
and Liberties of the people to their treasona

and liberties of the people to their treasona.
BILE design. Z.
This scheme. coneocted with such deliber-
alton and pressed through the House with
such haste, was recognized by Davenport and
those associated with him as useless attempt
to subvert the principles of our government
and smother the sentiments OF the people un
less they could also preserve their power to
raid the peoples treasury to defray the ex-
penses incident to its execution.
Fearing some accident in the suppression
of the majority sentiment in the country, and
dreading that by some miscalculations
Democratic majority would be returned in
the House of Representatives, determine
ton to take no chances, it provided what is
known as permanent appropriation Tor
all expenditures made under the provisions
of this bill This was frank declaration of
a want of confidence on their part in the de-
generacy and corruption of the American
people. 1t is one of the most extraordinary
and uniustifable provisions contained in this
measure. 1t takes from the people the right,
through their representatives, of controlling
the annual expenditures of their own govern
ment. For so long as the Republican party
held either the Senate or Executive the ex-
penses could be paid, and the partisan work
claimed TO have been done under the author
ity of its provisions, notwithstanding the I'M
mediate representatives of the people had
| unanimously been instructed by their constit-
uents to refuse such appropriation. This
may not be taxation without representation,
which caused our toretathers to assert their
| Independence of British rule, but it is equally
as vicious and tyrannieal, as it approprlates
| the peoples taxes against the Instructions of
| the peoples representatives.
! The true intent and purpose of this meas
l ura 10 clearly shown in the causa which gave
to the Federal supervisors the power to pass
upon the qualification of the voter and to c.
/ cept or reject his votes. This provision de-
| priyed the people of the last vestige of home
| rule, or, i'll other words, of the management
of domestic or state affairs. 1t put it in the
power of strangers to elect anyone on the
| ticket, from governor to constable. Is this
not true? The name of the nominee for the
| House of Representatives is on every State
ticket but four. believe. 1t is on the same
| ballot as that of all the State county and dis
trict officers. The rejection of the ballot
would mean, therefore, its rejection for
| each person named on that ticket, and, to
make it more effectual, the bill provided that
this rejected ballot should be taken possession
of by the Federal supervisor, and by him re-
turned to the chief supervisor, thus depriv-
ing the State canvassing board from correct
ing the fraud or error Of the supervisor.
| In close State, with fifteen hundred 10
three thousand precincts, how many ballots
of legal voters would have to be rejected to
change the majority from Democracy to Re-
publicanism? But one or two in each pre-
cinct | charged this to be the purpose on
the floor of the Senate, and urged the major
ity, if free and fair elections for Representa-
tives was their object. and not desire to
| control the State elections that they should
offer an amendment that all Represen
tatives should be elected on the second
Tuesday of October, at a time when no State
election was held This was test of theiI
sincerity, and it was sufficient to demonstrate
to the most increduous, when they refused
to do so, that the charge was well founded.
This band of conspirators were determined
to stop at nothing short of the absolute con
troll of the government of this entire country
in all its political subdivisions. This is moi
only consolidation-it is not only centraliZa
ton, it is absolute imperialism. If constitu
tional, then demonstration ofthe fathers can
be changed by Congressional enactment; the
principles Of this free republic, composed Of
co equal sovereign States, resting upon uni
versal suffrage, can be transferred by a eyo
lutionary Congressional majority into en-
pire, whose political power rests upon the
unrestrained will of cabal of political ma
nnipulators. The above are few of the mos
/
aud M American measure. Much Of tn,
legislation Of the last thirty years has born,
! heavily upon the producing classes of on
country; it has built mp in this free Repuh
lie an ariStocracy of wealth, and turned loost
upon our railroads and turnpikes continu
Gus stream Of unemployed labor whose mod
ern designation is-tramps.
The interests of classes have been iostereC
by Republican legislation to the injury ant
degradation of the great body of our people
The patriotism, genius and energy of oul
citizens would, if the iron hand of specia
legislation was removed from them, soon re
store the equilibrium that formerly existed
but had this measure become n law, or SHOULD
its policy be Endorsed by the action of thu
people on the Sth of November in the elec
ton of Benny Harrison or the desperate
leaders of the Republican party, in obedience
to their platform, succeed in passing the force
bill, the safety of our country, which rest
upon the untrammeled expression at the poll
of the sentiments of the people, would be
come thing of the past.
Then the will and the interests of th'
money power and monopolists Of the couHtr.
would dictate and control as absolutely as il
Russia the administrative policy of our gov
eminent. The bill is not dead but snmbers
awaiting an opportune moment to be brough
before the American Congress, sustained by
the aggressiveness ofthe Republican leaders
and receiving in the future, as it did in thu
past, the powerful influence Of an administra
ton whose head is pledged to its support, ant
who, in my Judgment, basing my opinion
upon his past actions, would employ the vas
patronage of his office to carry through Re
publican measure that met with such unqdal
flied approval and Endorsement from hin
when it was before the Fifty first Congress.
In the face of popular election, surround
ed by the frowns and distrusts of the people
of every section of the country, the prudence
of Benjamin Harrison has caused him to re
iterate the suggestion he made to Demo
cratic Congress. | feel justified, however
in questioning his sincerity when his Eye.
were not opened or his heart responsive ia
the 600, 900 Democratic majority which con
demned his policy in 1890.
Where in his message of December, 1890
can there be found sentiment which con
dennis the provisions of this bill pa sed at the
previous session of that Congress, but every
inference from the language used by hin
makes him an indorser of Davenport's bill
and tended to stimulate the radi, \ wing o
his party to that unparalleled parl lmentary
struggle which took place in the Senate, and
resulted in its defeat.