The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1892-06-25
Mr.. Glndstonc's Manifesto.

In his address to tho electors OF Midlo-
THAN Mr.. GLADSTONE makes it clear that
he remains in public life for the sole pur-
pose Of fulfilling his promise to give Ireland
the power OF sclf-govcrnmcnt. He does not
dispute tho Importance of other planks in
the Liberal platform. such as the reform OF
electoral registration and the payment OF
members Of the House OF Commons, but he
does not disguise his intention of leaving
the attainment OF those objects to other
and younger hands. II he fingers on the
political stage aftor sixty years OF activity
and usefulness. it Is for q single purpose.
and. that accomplished, he will depart
1t Is q striking coincidence that during
the whole Of Mr.. GLADsToNE's public life
tho Irish question has blocked the wheels
OF English legislation. He entered Parlia-
ment at the epoch OF the Catholic Emanci-
patton bill and OF the first Reform bill-the
epoch when Ireland can be said to have
first awakened to u sense OF the wrong in
fictcd upon her by the Act OF Union,
and at the same time to n perception OF the
weapons which might be used for it's repeal
From that day to this there has been re-
peal party in tho House Of Commons. but
never until 1885 did it have a fair pros
pect OF success. For the cooperation
of Irclands pretended representatives.
Wing and Tory Ministers alike had
been willing to pay judgeships. governor
ships. and other places Of emolument and
honor in the various departments Of the
Government. but never would any Of them
seriously entertain the project OF reviving
the Parliament at Dublin. Mr.. GLADSTONE
is the first Prime Minister who has VEN
tured to openly propose the repeal Of the
Act of Union. for that's practically involved
in the resuscitation OF an Irish legislature.
The proposal has cost him exclusion from
Office for six years ut an age when he could
Ill afford to wait, but 1t now seems probable
that within three weeks the electors OF
Great Britain will show themselves con-
WINGED OF the justice and wisdom OF his
purpose.
1t will be observed that In the manifesto,
OF which we published an abstract yestcr-
day. nothing is said as to tho details Of the
measure which Mr.. GLADSTONE means to
introduce. We nre simply told that the
type OF home rule which no contcmpates
will DO sheltered by imperial supremacy"
Whether this means that Irish members
will Le excluded from tho Parliament at
Westminster. as they were by the bill OF
1886. or will be retained there in accordance
with Mr.. GLADsToNE's later declarations. it
Is impossible to say. Equally impossible Is
it to infer whether or no the veto power
onco lodged In the English crown. which Is
generally supposed to have been lost by
non-user as regards IN act OF tho Parla-
ment at Westminster Is to oe revived and
made applicable to the acts OF Parlia-
ment at Dublin. II the latter be Mr..
GLADsToNEs intention--and how other
wise can home rule DO sheltered
by imperial supremacy 2''-on whose ad-
vice will the revived veto power be e1er-
ciscd? On that Of. the Prime Minister,
accountable only to the House Of Commons
at st. Stephens. IN assembly In which
lrishmen will either have but feeble voice
or none at all Should such an arrange
mcnt DO deemed unacceptable by Irish Ma
tionalists. will Mr.. GLADSTONE be able to hit
upon moro satisfactory method Of exert
ing the veto power? This is one OF the
many perplexing questions which We can
not hope to SEQ answered till the new Home
Rule bill is produced.
Meanwhile 1t Is evident that 80 far as Mr..
GLADSTONE is personally concerned, there
Is but one Issue In this canvass and that Ia
the question whether the wrong done by
the suppression Of the Dublin Parliament
shall be redressed. and ireland once more
permitted to regulate her own affairs.