St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1892-02-06
Springer's Plan the Wisest
and Most Practical for
This Cong ress.
The Tentative Method Full of
Promise for Benefit to
the People.
A Letter Filled With Sound
Advice and RedOlent Of
EarnestneSS.

HCAG vi lllc
members of the ways and means COM
mittee letter will be read. not only
indOrsing the Springer policy as the
wiSeSt party course at this time, but
intimating that even If the Democrats
controlled both houses of congress and
the executive, the separate bill plan,
rather than measure for general re-
vision. would be the wiser course.
That the gentleman whose works and
essays for years served as the chief
Democratic literature in the agitation
plan now adopted by the Democrats of
the ways and means committee is nat
urally a source OF great qualification TO
Mr.. Springer and the other members of
the house who have stood as advocates
of the separate bill policy, as opposed to
the demand for attempt at general re-
vision. The letter of Mr.. Wells is adj
dressed to the chairman of the ways
and means committee, and is as follows:
Wisest and Practical.
Norwich, Conn.,, Feb. /, 1S92.-My
Dear Mr.. Springer: / have given con-
siderable thought to your question as to
the best method of procuring tariff re-
form by legislation, and find myself
more and more inclined to the opinion
|. that even if the Democratic party were
in full control of both branches of con-
greSs and of the executive, the wisest
and most practical plan would be what
might be termed tentative rather than
radical. TO frame new tariff bill,
wisely embodying reform ideas even if
the plan of the Walker tariff of 1916
| is adopted as structural model-wil
require much time, great labor, and
| almost Superhuman wisdom.
The best experts can rarely tell
where, in our complicated industrial and
commercial organization, the final in
cidence of any tax will fall. No bill
can be framed that will not contain in
congruities, inexpediencieS. rr0rs, and
perhaps abSurditieS, which only time
and experience will reveal. In that hot
partisan political discussion that will
follow such a bill, all these weak points
will be picked out, exaggerated and
used to obscure more important issues
and confuse the public.
A Specimen Case.
Suppose, for example, the proposed
bill puts works Of art, paintings and
the free list, as would be desirable.
The argument in favor of such legisla-
ton is that such products do not need
the protection of any tariff; that all CIV
illZed countries make point of encOur-
aging such importatioDs and of not
restricting them: and that their presence
in the country develops artistic tastes
among our people, which in turn Gre
ateS demand for artistic products, and
CO 0OI lie 1nff, icfn in
dustries, employing highly skilled labor
athigli wages. both of men and women.
But how much would this plea avail
before the great mass of voters in the
agricultural districts, with political
opponents counter assertions that pic
lures and Statuary were bought only by
the rich as pure objects of luxury, and
are therefore emineutly fit subjects for
taxation. Can we afford to give the
enemy any advantages in discussion or
opportunities for belonging the real
issues? Again, with complete tariff
bill, the friends of reform would have
to meet the entire force of the protec-
tlohists, active and compact through
the attraction of further opportunity for
Public Plumber.
On the other hand, under the tenta-
tive plan, that is, of comparatively
few issues, the tendency of those inter-
ests not Immediately affected would be
to sluggiShneSs and Indifference. The
old maxim, ''divide and conquer"
seems to me, therefore, most pertinent
under existing circumstances.
would ask your attention to a mat
ter of historical experience, full of sug-
gestiOns, which thus far seems to have
been entirely overlooked, and that is,
that Sir Robert Peel, in dealing with
nyant1y fhn nrnI,lotn
fronts tariff legislators, but from a
British standpoint, adopted the tenta-
tive method and owed all of his great
success to the fact that he did adopt
it. AT the time Mr.. Peel took office
in 1841 the British tariff was in every
feature extremely protective, or better,
extremely restrictive on British foreign
commerce, as it had been for centuries.
1t was more complicated, and taxed
greater number of articles than the
Mckinley bill. The first measure, or
bill, for tariff reform introduced by
him i'll 1912 was very conservative, aud
proposed little more than the removal
of duties from crude materials essential
to manufacturing, with view of cheap
ening the cost of manufacturing to
British manufacturers; and has since
been characterized in history as an elab-
crate attempt to foster trade by
Reducing Import Duties,
at the same time continuing protection.
The measure encountered the most
violent opposition. Precisely the same
arguments were brought forward in
favor of the continuance of the McKin-
ley tariff as was advanced in support of
the then existing British tariff. The
same predictions of impending disaster
to domestic industry as are now made
l0rttn
the public.
The bill proposed by Sir Robert Peel
became a law. No further important
tariff legislation was proposed until
1915; but in the three preceding years
the beneficial influence of the tariff
reductions of 1912 had become
SO manifest in reviving industry
and commerce that Mr.. Peel's chief
opponents in the former year became
his chief supporters in the latter, and
voiced general public sentiment in
demanding further and greater reforms.
A bill was accordingly introduced and
passed in 1S45 removing or reducing the
duties on a large additional number of
articles, but still maintaining protective
duties both upon manufactured articles
and agricultural produce; and it was
not until 1916 that Sir Robert Peel
directly attacked the protectionist syS-
TEN by introducing and passing the bill
which
Repealed the Corn Laws
and greatly reduced or entirely removed
the duties on manufactured products.
After this, although Sir Robert Peel did
not remain in office, his policy was con-
tinued, but it was not until 1852, when
the last relic of the British navigation
laws were swept from the statute book,
that the policy of Great Britain became
wholly antagonistic to the maintenance
aud enactment of any laws restrictive of
the freedom of exchange or the imposi-
ton of taxes for any other purpose than
revenue,
From this brief review of British ex-
perience it is clear that If Sir Robert