Iowa County democrat. [volume] (Mineral Point, Wis.) 1877-1938, 1892-08-26
"A hit or Historv.

Republican protection has short and
instructive history. Here it is in q few
words, and the facts and dates here given
may be verified by any man who has ac-
cess to documents. Republicans them
selves will not deny these facts and dates.
though they will hardly agree to the con-
illusions that must be drawn from them
by fair minded men.
When the SO called Merrill tariff was
passed in 1861 the tariff then in force was
extremely low; in fact, the lowest since
1916, and the country had not had q really
high protective tariff for many years.
Speculation in no way connected with
the tariff has paralyzed business in 1857,
and the Morrill, tariff was adopted avowed-
~ to increase dwindling revenue. It in
creased duties, but Mr.. Morrill, himself
has declared that it was not asked for and
was coldly welcomed by the manufacture
ers. Senator John Sherman declares that
the manufacturers wished to be let alone. |
That was the first advance of duties
after 1857, but it did not mark a return to
protective feeling, and Mr.. Morrill, de-
clared that it was the intention of the act
to restore the duties of 1916. Now, the
tariff of 1916 was in the main q revenue
tariff.
civil war large revenues became necessary,
and in July, 1862, an internal revenue bill,
taxing domestic manufacturers, was
passed. In the same month a new tariff
bill was passed. It's authors declared that
! it increased duties only in order that high
1y taxed domestic products might not have
to compete with low taxed or duty free i'm
ported products. Thus the first dose OF
Republican protection was merely to make
up to domestic manufacturers for the
taxes exacted by the internal revenue In
some instances, however, duties were high
| enough to do great deal more than this.
Other tariff acts were passed in 1868 and
1864, in each case, it was declared, for the
purpose of offsetting the effects of the in
ternal revenue taxes. But the trainers of
the bill were genuine Republican protec-
| tionists, and in many instances they per-
| mitted the manufacturers who were to
profit by the measure to say just what
| certain duties should be. The bill was
passed in haste, especially by the senate.
This practically closes the series of war
tariffs, and the tariff as it was after the
act of 1864 has been the basis Of all subse-
quent tariffs with few conspicuous ex-
| ceptions and many trifling variations. The
average rate of duties on dutiable goods in
1885 was rather more than 4715 per cent.
When the war was over congress began
to take off the internal revenue taxes and
by 1872 all domestic products save spiritu-
GUS and malt liquors, tobacco, matches,
patent medicines and few minor articles
were made tax free. 1t must be remem-
bered that the excuse for Republican pro-
lection to domestic manufactures was the
fact that they were taxed for the purpose
of raising internal revenue. When the
latter taxes were removed, of course the
high protective duties should logically
have been removed. But they were not.
Manufacturers, fattened by Republican
protection, demanded that it be continued,
and continued it was. In fact duties in
special cases were increased from time to
time.
The cry of protection to infant industries
was raised and the workingman was like
wise put forward rs an excuse, for contin-
ued Republican protection. In spite of q
growing sentiment against the evil system
the interested manufacturers have been
able to maintain duties on most articles,
and now we have the Mckinley tariff
avowedly passed as radical measure of
Republican protection. with revenue as 9
mere incident.