Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1892-09-15

oiNt va tNtlA eIttb IutoliOH' iplt W hbt- |
ever the initiative, the village talk was
always worthy of the attention of the
whole community, and met with wide
appreciation or demur.
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM,
Already generation has arisen that
knew not the Hon. Thomas A. Jenckes
of Rhode Island, who in 1865 framed
the first practical measure of civil SER
vice reform, and by his intelligent and
earnest advocacy compelled an unwill
ing legislature 10 give it at least the
semblance of u trial; but Mr.. Curtis was
always ready to diSclaim the honor,
which was frequently accorded him, Of
being u pioneer in that evidences of
shameful precedent lie always
cherished for Mr.. Jenckes a sense of
loyalty as to a living chief lie became
at once his second in command, and in
1871 was appointed by President Grant
To the craftsmanship of the first Civil
Service Commission. He never doubted
Grants sincerity or carncstncss in the
matter, but the President felt himself
too much alone to keep up the weary
fight. 1t was given up in 1873, and Mr..
Curtis, whose hopes had been absurdly
high, was cOrrespondlngly depressed
and full of mOrtliication and chagrin.
But he soon rallied and under his
guidance, and inspired by his resolve,
the National Civil Service Reform
League was formed in 1881, with local
organizations wherever Il nucleus Of
political ilclllsts could he found The
first of these, the New York Civil Ser
vice Reform Association, had been
organized in 1877 and reUrganiZcd in
1880, from which time Mr.. Curtis Was
its president, drawing to him many
strong allies. In AuperS lVGchy he
applaudcd every onward step and stig.
man2rd in fitting terms each old abuse
or cowardly retreat. lie was in CORE.
spondence with every senator and rep
resGniativc or state official or municipal
officer in whom there WAS any hope NJ
better things. At each annual meeting
of the National League, as its president,
he made y careful address i'll which he
counted up the losses and the gains and
measured men according to their works.
And his reward was great. AT the time
Of the last annual meeting already more
than $4,000 national offices mad been
redeemed from the spoils system and
hitRttN 6ubJ'@Nl w N'Ail'INihl'N tAHAlAAh"-
ton and promotion upon merit; 5000 in
the state of New York, and 10000 in
New York city and Brooklyn; While
bills have been proposed in the present
Congress which, if only evidence Of that
Hypocrisy" which is 1.-THE homage that
vice pays TO virtue" are signs that may
not be despised.
THE PARTING OF THE WAYS.
To support Gen, Grant in 1872 was a
great strain on Mr.. Curtis loyalty to
his party; when it came to supporting
Mr. Blaine in 1884, the strain vas more
than he could bear. AT the convention
which nominated him he did his best to
avert the evil, and when that proved
| impossible, faithful to his constituents,
he remained until the end, to save, il
possible, a little from the general wreck.
A conference of Independents was soon
| after held, and an organization formed
| allying the recalcitrant Republicans
with the interests of Mr.. Cleveland in
| the pending election. OF this confer
ence and organization Mr.. Curtis was
| the life and soul. His editorials gave
no uncertain sound. They had always
been the exact expression Of his own
opinions, absolute and complete,
| equally free from partisan duplicity
| and personal control. Once, in the Cor
nell or Folger time, when phrase in
onu of them had been sottened by his
publishers, he being out of reach, the
next week the paper was without an
editor, and that was sufficient for
the understanding that there should
DO no further tampering. Now,
he and they were wholly of
one mind. But the campaign was
fraught for Mr.. Curtis with the utmost
bitterness. Day after day his mail came
to him foul with anonymous abuse and
the reproaches OF his dearest friends.
And no man had loved the Republican
party more than he All of its gren!
triumph he had seen and been q part of.
Moreover he was heartily convinced,
and remained so to the last, of the
validity Of the Federalist, Wing, Re,
publican tradition Of national centrali-
cation US opposed to the Democratic ira
dition of maXimlzed local and minimized
national legislation and control. llud
he remained in his party,w are assured
that his ideals would have compelled
the allegiance of the party soon or late
and that honors only less tempting
than the highest would have been al
once within his grasp. But for him tt
remain was simply impossible. Great
offices had for him no great temptation
President Hayes had wished to make
him minister to England, and, further
on, to Germany, but lie preferred his
editorial chairs though each had no doubI
those "thorns in the cushion" of which
'rhackeray wrote so feelingly. Once he
had accepted Il nomination for Con
gress, but it was only to "stand up and
be shot at" without expectation of sue
cess But these things were neither
here nor there. lie could not support
Mr.. Blaine with good conscience, ant
therefore he could not support him a
all. In 1883 he again supported Mr.
Cleveland. Not that he was by any
means satisfied with his administration
Of the civil service, but he thought Mr.
Harrison would do much worse, anC
the event has justified his premonition
Latterly, with renewed confidence ii
Mr.. Cleveland, his confidence in thu
Democratic party rs represented by it
managers and Congressional represcn
tatiyes and Tammany Hall has steadily
declined. But the nomination of Mr.
Cleveland in spite of these assured hin
of the s0under mind in the great BODY
Of the party. Had anyone except Mr.
Cleveland been nominated, he woult
have supported Mr.. Harrison, or, likt
Dante, have "made party by himself.
As it was he was prepared TO give Mr.
Cleveland the splendid service Of hi
voice and pen, reserying the right to IN
suspicious Of the Tammany braves
bringing whatever gifts, and TO abomi
nate their works.
IN ruu EnI,n ArInN Al nII,I N