Morning journal and courier., 1892-10-31

have surely done for labor all that has
thus far seemed practicable. and while
they may not have done hitherto every
thing it has sgreed to ask, they are at
least pledged to do these things in the fut-
ure, and if properly encouraged and sup
ported, are undoubtedly upon the eve of
bringing forward legislative and social re-
forms in behalf of the working classes of
the country such as could hardly be enact
ed without their aid in the lifetime of
the present generation.
But the situation is critical, and 1t is
the workmen themselves who have made
it 30; or rather, to be exact, 1t is a sec
tion of this class, guided by impatient
and ill-advised leaders, who have done
this. There were signs of a revolt during
the general election. In number of con-
stituencies men were put up as candidates
on so-called independent labor ticket.
They bad not the 1emotest expectation or
the least chance of being elected. The
only possible effect their candidacy could
have was to defeat some one else who 9TH
erwise might have made successful con-
test. Generally, too, the man defeated
was one who would have supported ad-
vanced measures of working class reform,
and the fellow who was thus let in, one
who by party tradition and personal pre-
dilections was committed to the opposite
side of such questions. One incident of
the late election will be as fresh in the
minds of Americans, who doubtless heard
all about 1t at the time, as it Is and long
will be in the minds of progressive and
we'll balanced Englishmen. 1t was pitiful
and almost heart sickening. What we re-
fer to was when the Grand Old Man was
compelled to halt in his Midlothian cam
paign, staggering as he was under the bur-
den of the Newcastle program, that
latest charter of the rights of the masses,
for the purpose of demonstrating with
workingmen, whose cause he had cham
pioned, against an ungrateful and foolhar |
dy course-the course above described
which, as he well observed, could only
help their enemies, and which was threat
ening to cripple the forces of their friends
Just at the moment when otherwise they
would be able to do great things for theml
Since the election matters have assumed
a still worse shape. No one doubts that
in due time the new government will in
troduce radical measures of reform, but
meanwhile the agitation for an indepen-
dent labor party is making headwsy. At
the Trades congress in Glasgow the "In-
tangible shape in the form of an amend |
ment to motion which provided only for |
political action on lines which have been |
30 successful in the past, and by bare |
majority of those voting the amendment |
was carried. Provision was also made at |
that representative gathering of trades |
unions, for the raising, by small contribu- |
tions from workmen, of the sinews of war |
which will be needed. ALL this, spite of |
IL E. - Il, ha- la har
ly any demand for political action which |
their Liberal allies have not pledged them |
selves to support, and notwithstanding |
that, by the grace of Liberal votes, no lees |
than fifteen labor representatives have |
seats in the present parliament.
What effect such proceedings will have |
in alternating public sympathy. in dividing |
and disrupting trade societies, in wasting |
upon internecine strife energies which can |
i'll be spared from the warfare against q |
common enemy, are things which time |
ly can be surprised if the liberal party, |
finding itself deserted and opposed by
those whose cause it has taken up, should |
lose a measure of its ardor in their behalf, |
and in the liberal press we find already not |
few premonitions of such a change. |
One fact, however, casts a redeeming light |
upon the situation, and that is, that the |
older, cooler and wiser heads amongst la |
Dor reformers-those who have hitherto |
held the reins, and who will not relinquish |
their leadership without desperate fight |
are opposed to this new departure.
They see only evil in it. They refuse to
recognize the independent labor party as a
representative of trades unionism. 1t Is
only, in their view, the fad of a faction of
impracticables. 1t is sure to come to |
nought, they tell us, but meanwhile, if 80
ber second thought should fail to strangle |
it in it's infancy, what enormous mischief |
1t may do in retarding the progress of i'm |
pending and practicable reforms.
The temperance movement, we are hap |
py to say, has been more prudently man
aged, and hence the good cause it champi- |
ons seems to have a more peaceful pros |
peot before it. The only question now is
whether the men who have promised to |
help it will keep their word. All that is |
asked at present is local option law. |
Under the existing regime the liquor traf- |
fic seems to be as much of an institution |
as the church. Such great latitude has
been allowed to this trade for long years,
and 80 generally have the licensing JUS
tices sustained it by their action, that pub |
licaps have come to look upon themselves |
as persons of large vested interests, who
can be rightfully displaced only when they
are fully compensated in plump sum of
money for the loss involved. 1t was
thought for a long time that this view
would be sustained by the higher courts,
but these higher courts, not excepting
even that highest court, the House of
Lords, have torn this fallacy into shreds,
and simultaneously House of Commons
has been elected, the majority of whose
members are under pledge to support 10
cal option measure, called here the direct
Ac oatf for nf
the people of district vote by majority
to get rid OF the open saloon in their
midst, there is to be no thought of COM
pensation to those thrown out of business
by such a wholesome decision. This is
how the matter stands now. and it will in
terest Americans to be reminded that
things have been brought to this hopeful
status in drink cursed England, where eve
~ reform moves slowly, and where tenn
perance reform seemed not long ago to be
utterly out of the question, by the same
course which has wrought such wonders
hitherto in labor legislation; viz, by the
judicious and persistent casting of their
votes by temperance reformers for those,
and those only, who, be their party what
it might, would pledge themselves to do
something practical at the earliest moment
to lessen the evil of public drinking.
For English temperance reformers to
have started out Tor nothing snort OF pro-
| hibition would have been to kill their
cause before it had been given a hearing,
and to adopt prohibition as their one shib
boleth would be equally disastrous at the
present stage of this movement. There
has been no attempt thus far to do this.
The temperance people of England, know
ing against what fearful odds they had to
| contend, have chosen to move forward
slowly and with deliberstion, making sure
of their ground ac they advanced They
have sought what they believed they could
get, and could afterwards hold. They
have been compelled to proceed in this
manner, because it has been evident all
along that If they carried with them none
but those holding extreme views, they
would be powerless, owing to their small
numbers, and that results could be OBJ
tanned only as they bore with them in
| their slow but sure march the less radical
of their class. 1t has been tine custom
over here for temperance societies to en-
roll into membership not only total ab-
stainers, but those who believe that tenn
psrance consists in moderation; and these
societies have followed the same lines in
their political work. Believing that lit
tie restraint is better than none, and hav-
ing foresight enough to discern that each
point gained would inevitably become a
vantage ground for further advance, and
that thus the trend must always be toward