The Irish standard., 1892-05-28
councils under this bill, in view OF its
monstrous restrictions upon their liberty

councils under this bill, in view OF its
monstrous restrictions upon their liberty
sf action. To sum up, the bill was
branded in every clause with the stamp
of inequality; every evil precedent OF the
past has been utilized by its trainers in
order to find provisions bad enough for
it. Everything good in previous ]egisla-
ton had been left out and everything
bad inserted. The bill embodied the
refuse of political legislation. It was
measure that no self respecting nation
could accept.
Mr.. Gladstone said definite explana-
tions ought to be given the house and
to some others who desired to know
whether the cabinet was generally of the
same opinion as Lord Salisbury. Did
the ministers believe, he asked, that the
people of Ulster would rebel against the
decision of parliament, or that the en-
ployment of the forces of the crown to
suppress such rebellion would be such
an outrage as would rend society in two?
[Cries of ''Hear, hear"] If Lord Sails
bury's language meant anything, it was
plain Indictment of few misguided mon
to resort to violence to resist the author
ity Of parliament. These were the con-
ditions the Irish members had offered
them in the stinted gift Of the present
bill.
A CUTTING ANALYSIS
Mr.. Gladstone then proceeded to ex-
anime the leading provisions of the bill,
contending that the power it was pro-
posed to confer upon the vlceroy of Ire
land concerning the divisions of councils
and the power of dissolution would place
the councils completely at the mercy of
the viceroy, who would thus be enabled
to destroy the effect of the whole bill.
This proposal alone constituted a radical
difference between the Irish local gov
eminent bill, and the English and
Scotch measures.
Mr.. Gladstone next analysed the joint
committee s proposal showing that it
was destitute of the popular element and
favored the landlords, helping them to
nullify all the acts of the councils. No
such provision exists in the English or
Scotch acts. What was good FOR Eng
land and Scotland was omitted for Ire
land, while much that was bad was re-
tanned. The bill stamped Ireland with
inequality and inferiority by withholding
from her the powers and privileges that
obtained in her sister countries. Could
it be possible, Mr.. Gladstone asked. to
conceive greater contempt for history,
and disregard of sound political principle?
Was Ireland wrong, Mr.. Gladstone
asked, in rejecting tbs measure? NJ.
The stamp of inequality was the brand
of degradation. (Cheers,) If Ireland
was capable Of accepting measure so
stamped she was unworthy of the great
men who had led her in times OF adver-
sity, unworthy Of that happy, better dos
tiny he trusted and believed she was
about to accomplish. (Cheers)
The speech created a profound impress
sion, which MIR. Balfour, first lord Of the
treasury, who Immediately rose to reply,
endeavored to dissipate by launching
into a speech full of the sarcasm and
bitterness of attack for which he is noted.
r-,rcE A5EAfp7p prA.5rT,
Mr.. Dillon described the bill as a
mockery and violation of pledges,
tending to confirm the Irish in their
placing no trust in British faith.
A division was then taken and the bill
passed to it's second reading by vote
Of $50 t., 247. The result of the division
was received with prolonged Conserva~
tive cheers.
A number of Irish members we're 40
sent, including J. Redmond and Justin
MCCARTHY. Several Radicals voted with
the government. The Conservatives are
delighted at the solid majority they OBJ
tanned. The only Gladstonians who
voted with the government were Messrs.
Story and Villiers. The Liberals did
not conceal their disappointment at the
result of the division, the blame for
which, they say, was the absence Of so
many Irish members Out of % Parnel-
lites only sixteen voted, and out of SIS
McCarthyites only 80 voted.
Special. Special.