The Irish standard., 1892-10-08

executive directly independent OF tn
majority Of the popular chamber, did no
yet formally exist, even in England. MI
Pitt, in 1888, did not resign, nor did b
at once dissolve, when condemned by tn
House OF Commons, but abode his time
land the majority OF the House was un
disguisedly on the side of his opponent
lduring the interval. Within NV owl
personal recollection, there was no re
ponsible government in the British em
pire, except that at Westminster. Bu
lnow, wherever local autonomy bat
ibeen granted, responsible government
waits upon it, and in not one of these in
stances, perhaps approaching score il
number, has it been found to cause the
smallest strain upon the bonds of union
between the United Kingdom and the
colonies. Il is hardly possible to i'm.
agine the degree of peryerse ingenuity
which alone could lead any cabinet, OF
which has now led at least one states
man, to the conclusion that at this epoch
when responsible government, in con-
junction with local autonomy, has for us
become universal, and has been diecov-
cred to be harmless, the negation OF ii
should be kept alive in the single case OF
ireland, as if for no other purpose than
to iafliot dishonor on that country.
The article before me is as full of in
suits to Ireland as plum pudding is full
OF plums. Americans can hardly con-
esivss how completely ingrained in the
mental habits Of many, who boast their
support Of the union, is the practice Of
Insulting that country. The Duke OF
Argyll was agallant adversary to negro
slavery. And in too many ways the negro
was dishonored and oppressed. But the
negro, never, I believe, met with that
par ticular species Of oppression, which is
termed insult, IN the same manner Rs the
Irishman, One statesman, prime min
ieter. classes Trishmen with Hottentots;
still we have another, who oharitably di-
5yides them between knaves and dupes.
BY the completeness Of his excommuni-
cation of that race from the human pale,
the. Wriittr al this article and his currens
calaaauB have carried che practice to
such q kaieht, that, as at least We may
rest s,lre. iin the future it can never be
exceeded. ss .s |z ..|is
& The anti Irish imagination feasts it
self upon the horrors which an Irish
Parliament is to enact, and on the impo-
tence of the imperial Legislature to pre-
vent them. Let us consider the case
presented to ua. Thirty-tive millions Of
Britons are to stand by with their arms
folded while three millions Of Irish Ma
tionglists iHRict on two other millions
(such is the Unionist calculation every
kind Of lawless wickedness and this,
while the thirty-fve millions have the
entire military force of the land and Of
the empire in their hands, and while the
two millions who, according to the same
authorities, possess the main part of the
property, the intelligence, and the indus
Try Of the country, patiently allow them
selves to be led like lambs to the slaugh-
ter. How reason with such prophets as
these, any more than with an infuriated
crowd Of other days who have seized an
old woman for q witch and are carrying
her TO the place 81 burning?
The. case OF Ireland is analogous to
that Of the great self governing colonies,
which in ali respects, except those of
suffering and wrong, may be fairly com
pared with her, AS to them all alike.
these anticipations are preposterons in
their ahsurdity, and cruel IN their inso-s
lence.
4 But, as it is absurd to suppose that
either in the Dominion OF Canada, or in
any other colony, or in Ireland, reign
ot terror could be established, and JUS
tice ttranapled under foot, so it is equally
absurd sto suppose (and most Of all in the
case Of q country separated from us by
only q few score miles Of seal that the
power would view such state
IS things with indifference, and become
d party to,.it By q shameful acq cquiescence
HE general upshot is that ireland gen
sarously. agrees 30 undergo every restraint
Which iisimp posed upon the autonomous
and many other restraints.