Los Angeles herald., 1892-08-28

q church organ, when he should have
been allowed to play upon it, and should
have been paid accordingly.
Mr.. Cronin closed with compliment
ary mention OF Stephen M. White,
whereat there was cheering and clap
ping of hands, and loud calls for
"White," "Stephen NJ" until Mr..
White appeared ascending the court
house steps.
Mr.. Denis said: "There's no use in
Producing our Steve to Los Angeles
audience. Here he is."
MR.. WHITES REMARKS.
Mr.. White began by stating that the
issues of this campaign should be viewed
in two aspects-frst, from national.
and secondly, from q state standpoint.
The principal national issues he declared
to be the tariff and the force bill. 'sThe
Republican position as to both has been
Defined" said the speaker, mot only
by the action OF Republicans in congress,
but also by the explicit declarations of
the Minneapolis platform" AS to the
tariff, the people OF the United States
are fast being thoroughly educated.
Glass legislation is admittedly unjust
and illogical. No one dares openly to
declare for legislation in favor of one
class and against another; nevertheless,
the Republican party, under the
cloak of protection, is seeking
to perpetuate policy which
results in the taxation of the masses
for the benefit of the favored few. For
years that organization has been shift
ing ground upon this proposition. In
1888 it declared in favor OF protection
for the sake of protection. That posi-
ton has been abandoned, and the cam
paign this year is made upon the theory
that the present administration favors
tariff sufficiently onerous to compen-
safe for the difference in the price of
labor here and abroad. But this de-
claration is merely theoretic. 1t is un-
true as matter OF fact"
Mr.. White referred to instances
showing that the tariff was largely
in excess of the admitted difference in
the prices of foreign and domestic labor.
Resuming, he said
"When the Mckinley bill was be-
fore the senate the Democratic leaders,
time and time again, offered to vote for
tariff 10 and even 20 per cent higher
than the admitted difference in the cost
of American and outside labor, but the
proposition was laughed at and repudi-
ated. 1t was said by Mr.. Mckinley
and his followers that those who
represented the protected industries
the tariff, barons, were best qualified to
know what they wanted, and that they
had suggested the figures crystallized in
the Mckinley bill, and that their judg
ment should be deemed conclusive"
The effect of the tariff upon labor was
here alluded to, the speaker contending
that national legislation increased the
profits of manufacturing but did not cor
respondingly help the laborer. lie said
that i'll this respect tariff legislation was
similar to bounty legislation. The man
who gets the bounty puts it in his
market rates. So Mr.. Carnegie and
other benefciaries of Republican policy
sell their manufactures at price appre-
their laborers the prevailing prices. Mr..
White alluded to case where Pitts
burg manufacturer had stated to him
that heretofore the yearly output of his
firm had been three hundred tons Of
iron per day, but that improved machin-
cry and automatic processes had enabled
his concern to produce one thousand
tons per day without employing any ad-
ditional labor. And this manufacturer
spoke with indignation OF the claim of
those who had been working for him for
years that they should receive increased
wages, by reason of the enormously in
creased profits.
This tariff advocate claimed that
he alone had right to enjoy the
benefits of the Mckinley tax and
of these inventions, and that the laborer
must toll upon the former schedule. But
the pretensions of this particular manu-
facturer were even broader. He asserted
that automatic machinery had rendered
unusual skill unnecessary, and that,
therefore, he, as we'll as Mr.. Carnegie,
must insist upon reducing the very large
wages which had been paid to those
whose peculiar talent, the result of years
of experience and disciplined ability,
had enabled him to successfully COM
pete in the markets of the world" Mr..
White then referred to the de-
probation in wool, claiming that
we can never manufacture woollens
in this country at a profit, for the sim
pie reason that we are unable to import
that finer material which we cannot pro-
duce, and which mixed with our own
inferior article may be manufactured
with advantage.
"We do not" said the speaker,
"produce enough wool to cover
our bodies, and yet we are COM
PEELED to pay tariff upon that which is
essential for our existence" He re-
ferred with derision to the Republican
claim that the farmer is protected. The
climax of absurdity is reached when the
Republican protectionist declares that
our farmer is protected, because a tariff
| excludes foreign wheat and corn. Is it
to be supposed, as Secretary Rusk fears,
that we are in danger of competition
from India and South America.
when those countries as well as
our own own find their sole GER
cal market at Liverpool? No corn
and no wheat is imported to the United
States (save for experimental purposes
We seek for our surplus product a for
eign market, where we are compelled
to meet the world, and the farmer who
sends bis cargo of wheat to Liverpool is
denied the privilege of exchanging it for
articles vital to himself. He may, it is
true, do 80, but if he does he is met at
the custom house by tariff robber, his
country's employe, who demand toll.
The farmer is not allowed to enjoy the
benefits of his labor. He produces that
others may gain. The relative positions
of the Republican protected industry
and the farmer is accurately represented
by the two boys, one of whom said to
the other: johnnie, if you will give me
uour rod anp1a T will ahOu1 won m " oorf