The Irish standard., 1892-08-13

the coming government, it would be time
to criticise ito words and deeds when It
came into office, not while i renamed
nebulous hypothesis. The Conserva-
tives said that in the Liberals speeches
home rule, was not always prominent
The verdict of the country had shown
that the people meant it to be prominent,
and therefore put an end to the present
government. The supporters OF the gov
eminent made much of the peace now
prevailing in Ireland, holding that it was
due to coercion. The tendency toward
peace began in 1885, with the better
prospect of home rule; though after the
present government came into power
there was bad state of affairs in 1886,
partly arising from agricultural depres-
sion. Mr.. Gil 4dstone added that, in JUS
| tice to the government, he must say they
| were entitled to credit for what they did
toward relieving the distress by the land
act in 1887, but that came too late. It
was not associated with tine administra-
ton of laws in harmony with the SYM
pathies of such people. A perpetual CO.
ercion act not only violated civil rights
between Englishmen and Irishmen, but
was in the highest degree injurious to re-
spect for the law and it's administration.
AS he had been asked questions respect.
ing the continuance OF coercion, he
would reply at once that the coercion
bill ought to be retained on the statute
book no longer than required by Parlia-
mentary usage.
Mr.. Gladstone then proceeded to refer
i to the government legislation. He credl-
ted them with the conversion of the ma
tlonal debt, but complained that they
had inflicted on Ireland a gross wrong
in making her pretended reparation by a
local government bill too limited to sat-
isfy Irish wants or to offer any solution
of the Irish troubles. Passing from
these matters, Mr.. Gladstone ack,<>wl-
edged that the debate could not be alto
gether retrospective. You musk have
some light upon the future. It WAS not
possible for Liberal government to say
what the measures they would submit to
Parliament six months hence. In regard
to the suggested holding of a session in
November, he could hardly say that any
government taking that course would
show an inadequate sense of the magni-
tude and variety of the subjects it had to
deal with. Attempts had been made to
contrast the claims of Ireland as against
the claims of Great Britain to the atten-
ton of Parliament. Much could be said
on both sides, but the claims of Ireland
had for years been in the forefront of the
battle, and still held that position. [Op-
position cheers. The principles of his
Home Rule bill we're pretty we'll known.
By it's provisions there would be full
and efectual maintenance of imperial
supremacy, while ireland would be given
the conduct of her own affairs. Irish
representation in the House of Commons
was also contemplated under certain
conditions. AS to the form in which
these principles would be embodied it
was the duty of the Liberals to select the
best form, but not until they had been
placed in power. The bill for seven years
had his primary and absorbing interest,
and it would SO continue to the end
|[Cheers. The house would address it,
self seriously to a bill giving Ireland
selt-government.
It would pass the House of Commons
and then 90 to the House of Lords. He
would not argue upon the probability of
the House of Lords rejecting the bill. If
the measure passed the House of Com
mons, springing out of continuous con-
troversy lasting seven years, which had
been carried on with zeal and ability
under such diversity of circumstances,
never would the House of Lords have
before them question of greater impor-
lance to the empire at large, never
greater question to themselves. The OBJ
legations of a Liberal government would
utterly forbid acquiesence in the rejec-
tion OF those obligations. To promote
the settlement of great subject it would
remain unweakened and unchanged. At
the same time it would be necessary to
deal in 1893 with a sensible portion of
British wants, the demand for which had
grown accelerated. [Cries of "Hear!
hearvI He reminded the house that the
Liberals had been vainly trying to pass
various measures of reform while in o.
position. Speaking broadly, these repre-
sented the essential character of the
Liberal policy, and in conjunction with,
or rather in subsection to, the great
question between England and Ireland
had received the distinct appreciation of
the country. In concluding his speech.
Mr.. Gladstone required to the Conserya-
tive argument that the Irish majority
was trying to coerce England. He held