The morning call., 1892-06-26
The British Public Disappointed in
Their Liberal Leader.
FAILURE TO INDICATE HIS POLICY.
BalfOur'S Address in Strong COltrat-CleTelandS
Friends in England Restrain Their
Evident Satisfaction.
Special TO THE MORNING CALL.

NEW YORK, June 25-Smalley's special
eablegram to the Tribune from London
says: Twice within week has Gladstone
disappointed his followers. They looked to
him with eagerneSs for an answer to Ulster.
lie gave it at Clapham, and his best friends
found it weak They looked even more
anxlously for a manifesto on which they
must fight at the coming election. The
manifesto appeared yesterday morning, and
has spread something liks dismay among
those TO whom the elections are q matter
not only of business but of political life and
death On hardly single point has Glad
stone satisfied the expectations Of his party
not on home rule, not on labor, not on the
Newcastle programme, and not in an appeal
either TO class interests or class prejudices,
both of which count for SO much in such an
emergency.
There has been growing feeling in his
own party that the time had come when he
must speak out on home rule, must show
bis hand, must produce his scheme. must
at least define the meaning of the phrase
which at present is only huge political
cOnundrum. He has not done it. What he
has done is to hold out the hope that before
many days are over he may say something.
That means that he will proclaim on the
platform of Midlothian what he does
not care to affirm or explain in his address
to the electors Of Midlothian. He does we'll
TO trust to his voice rather than to his pen.
He wants space and air and an audience
before him. Then only is his full mastery
OF the subject to be seen. Then only is
mood OF comparative frankness possible to
him. Thence also may come that trumpet
note - that joyful battle cry which the
soldiers of his army long TO hear from their
great captain and have not yet heard.
Gladst0ne's Clapham reply to Ulster is,
as this indeed all that can be said? He
thinks that the Irish Roman Catholics
would not persecute. de appealed
10 history. Ulster points TO the present
leadership of Archbishop Walsh and to the
activity of the priests. II would not oppress
Ulster" pleads Gladstone. Nobody dreams
that he would. All he proposes is to hand
over this great Protestant community TO the
control of a Dublin Parliament, elected and
led by the men who are in power.
Mr.. Baifour's address is in all Of its points
in sharp contrast to GiaGstone's. 1t is half
as long and more than twice as clear. He
had nothing TO conceal, no secrets Of policy
10 keep and no unreyealed scheme for
breaking up the empire.
Mr. Clevelands nomination has filed
British breasts with joy. The wishes Of the
British for his election are fervent; those
OF the British manufacturers, pinlng for con-
troll Of the American markets, most fervent
Of all. These wishes and feelings are. how
ever, expressed in print with more caution
than usual They are less opeD, if not less
sincere, aud if they are not put into ex.
plicit phrases they penetrate and inspire
every line that Is written in every British
paper. The British friends Of the great
American advocate of British free trade
have learned that tho best service they can
do their American tool is TO suppress their
friendshin untll after elactnn.