The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1891-04-08

to the greatest OF Showmen-
THE NEW ENGLAND IDEA.
The New England idea Of popular cleo
tons, as illustrated in the latest guberna-
torial contests in Connecticut, New Hamp-
shire and Rhode Island, is manifestiy
fraHeht with grave danger in contingent
cies that arc very likely to arise. And the
same or greater dangers, on broader
field, are involved in the similar rule gov
erning our choice of president of the
United States.
In the states named, in default of a clear
majority for some one candidate or ticket
Of the votes cast by the people in the gen.
eral election. the choice Of governor and
other state officers is thrown into the leg
islature. In other states-embracing nearly
aII-whose constitutions conform to mod
ern ideas and experience, the candidate
for any state Office who receives higher
number Of votes than any other candidate
Cor the Same Office, is elected, and in case
of tie new election must be ordered.
Under the New England system it has
frequently happened-more frequently of
late in some of the states than the reverse
that candidates receiving fewer than their
leading competitors Of the votes cast by
the people, have been chosen by the legis-
latures. The injustice which this rule will
cover, and the dangers with which it is
fraught, are manifold.
The present situation in Connecticut for
instance. One branch Of the legislature is
controlled by one party, the other by
another. They refuse to go into joint con-
vention. The one takes the face of the re-
turns and declares one set of officers
elected by the people. The other, on the
evidence that accompanies the returns,
reaches different conclusion and decides
that there has been no election by the peo-
pie. The result may and most likely will
be that the present incumbent will hold
over two years. though he was rejected by
his own party for denomination and there
fore may be regarded as the choice of none
of the people. As matter Of fact there is
greater hostility in his own party to his
retention Of the Office than in the other.
But these are not by any means the ex-
tremes which the rule can be made to
cover. The antagonistic status of the two
houses is liable to occur at any time and
prevent joint action in the failure of the
people to elect. Such conditions thirty
years ago would in several of the loyal
states have retained In power the repre-
rentatives of q party that had been repudi-
ated by the people, and many of whom
were in sympathy with the rebellion.
But this rule makes possible the election
of candidates who have been supported
and are approved by but small fraction
of the people. There is not, nor should
there be, any rule binding citizens to
attach themselves to one or another
political party, or, if so attached, to sup
port candidates who are obnoxious to
them. Thus, as is the case in Chicago
today. there may be five sets OF candidates
in the field, and those receiving less than
one-fifth of all the votes cast, and to whom
all not voting for them may be bitterly
opposed, may be the candidates of the
party that will secure majority in the
legislature and therefore may be elected.
And this although competing candidates
might have received within small frac-
ton of majority of all the votes cast.
Thus candidates might be elected who
had been opposed by majority of their
own party. That such cases are possible.
and that they might lead to riot and
revolution is apparent.
As to the graver dangers that Turk be-
meath the rules. which govern our choice
of President, it is believed that few of
our people have considered and appre-
ciated them, though one of them is quite
liable to confront US in the immediate
future. The failure of any candidate to
secure clear majority of all the votes in
the electoral college carries the election
into the House of Representatives chosen
two years previously. which may repre-
sent a party and elect candidate that
have been discredited and condemned by
an overwhelming majority of the people.
Thus, should there be-which is by no
means impossible-several candidates for
the presidency next year, and should no
enc of them have clear majority of all
the electors, the choice would devolve
upon the House elected last fall under
conditions of Misrepresentation and mis-
apprehension unparalleled in the history of
the country. That great change will
have been wrought in the public mind be-
fore November 1892 is practically assured.
That the House of Representatives elected
last fall will not reflect the then condition
of public opinion is even more certain.
In the next electoral college there will
be a. votes. requiring 2a3 to elect If the
Republicans should elect ID of these, the
Farmers Alliance l2a and the Democrats
hut loo, and these figures should fairly rep
resent the popular vote, nevertheless the
House would have and exercise the right
60 elect the Democrat. And this, although
the House chosen at the presidential cleo
ton might be two-thirds Republican. The
extent to which, under this rule, public
opinion might be deied and outraged is
frightful TO contemplate.
1t is clearly safer to adopt the rule which
controls in most of the states. of seating
the candidate who receives the largest
support. or If there must be . reference of
the matter to the House il should be to
the one chosen on the issues presented in
the presidential campaign and fresh from
the people. There cannot but be grave
danger in the possibility Of the election of
a discrcdited and odious candidate by q
and ...ssnsss un,,xa ~ Da,-a..,