Pittsburg dispatch. [volume] (Pittsburg [Pa.]) 1880-1923, 1891-09-13

an understanding it would be relief t,
many of his friends and an immense gain t,
his nomination for the Presidency. Tha
after all it was only a cold allowance to tn,
Blaine people that they should have simply
a tolerated position under the Conkling ad
min1stratiun; that Blaine himself could b,
at best only sublime ticket-of-leave man
and that his prestige as leader would b,
impaired; that the troops in battle wer,
more comfortable when they saw their Gen
erals shake hands, and that while the quar-
rel remained there could be no assurance O.
that support from the Blaine people with
out which a campaign was impossible.
THE TURKEY GoBBLER SPEECH.
Conl1ling was infexible The first steI
toward q reconciliation with Blaine would
be taken when Blaine arose in public an6
declared that he had wilfully told what was
untrue in his famous turkey gobbler speech
1t was not the raillery or the personal in.
vective that stood in the way but the i'm
putation upon his honor, an imputation that
could only be removed when Blaine made a
public contrition. The idea of poor Blaine
going up into the scaffold like the SHINING
clergyman in 'The Scarlet Letter. to make
confession, not to his paramour and the re-
sentful, angry clouds, but in broad daylight
to the townsmen, was of course not to be
|
further vitality, and we drifted into more
limpid currents. When I saw Mr.. Orton I
told him that 1 knew of no enemy, assured
| ly no friend of Blaine, who would approach
him with the Conkling ultimatum. 1t was
bitter disappointment to Mr.. Orton, but
the imperious pride of the resofute Senator
was not swayed by the hopes or emotions of
friends. So ended as far as history or re-
membrance serves me the last effort to make
peace between Conkling and Blaine.
| 1 was absent from the United States dur
| ing the Tilden-Hayes campaign, and saw it
only in the press When Conkling came to
London iu 1877, few weeks after Grants
memorable arrival, he sent me a message,
and l found him at Longs Hotel on Bond
street, the famous Longs, not in its now
renovated condition, but as it must have
been when Walter Scott and Byron had their
breakfast of reconciliation, after the English
Bards and Scotch Reviewers. Conkling was
fresh from the Hayes-Tilden Electoral Com
mission business and full of the English re-
ception Of Grant, at that time a sort of ma
tion's guest. He was ill; malaria, he said;
had been compelled to write a speech lying
face on the floor, the books around him, sit
ting at a desk impossible.
coNKLING AND HAYES.
His mood toward Hayes was angry. There
were so many causes of complaint, but in
the main the Hayes letter of acceptance,
when nominated for the Presidency. Hayes
had said, think, something about a re-
election, which Conkling translated into a
reflection upon General Grant, about whose
candidature for third term great deal
had been written. The letter of acceptance
was bad enough in Conkling's eyes, but
Hayes had at the same time sent private
letter to Grant, deprecating any translation
of the public document that could be con-
strued into reflection upon the General, or
the efforts of the Generals friends toward
third term. At later period Grant told
me that Hayes had written such letter as
Conkling had described. The impression it
made upon him, however, was what
Hayes had intended, containing as Grant
read it, nothing in the slightest degree to
intimate duplicity or insincerity.
Conkling, however, was in fine, pictur-
esque magnificent rage, the malaria doing
its part toward the development of his
emotions. Evarts in the Hayes Cabinet
was bad enough, but Schurz was unendura-
BILE. How could any friend of the party,
how could any loyal Republican, enter a
White House and run the risk of rubbing
against these traitors? As for the Electoral
Commission, its verdict was not that of the
people. He commended the patience and
submission of the Democracy, and especial
ly of TiIden, in accepting it peacefully, and
said with feeling that the Republicans
would never have endured what had been
imposed by them upon the Democrats.
TILDEN's OPINION OF HIM.
saw good deal of Conkling on this
visit, was rather his guide in small way
to the famous and curious places of London
town, which L knew somewhat in detail.
The impression his conversation made upon
me, so far as his future political action was
concerned, was that his career as Republi-
can leader had ended; that he had drifted as
violently from his old associations as Burke
when he tore himself from Fox and Sheri-
dan, or Gladstone, when he left the Carlton
Club rather than incur a second time the
danger of being thrown out of a window by
the angry young Tories, talking OF his po-
ltical treason over their wine. I remember
conveying this impression to Tilden one
evening at the Reform Club, where l saw
him at times, and his recurring to it one
afternoon as We were strolling in st. James
Park.
'You Democrats, 1 said to Tilden, "may
as we'll arrange to welcome Conkling as
your new leader. Where else can he go?
He is out of relations with Republican
authority, will have no terms with Blaine,
and scarcely conceals his belief that Mr..
Hayes is not the lawful President. Where
else can he go-and who is to challenge his
leadership? Mr.. Seymour has withdrawn,
you decline all advances toward remaining
in public affairs, and Conkling would bring
you youth, eloquence, the splendor of par
hamentary success, a proud, stainless name.
Moreover, there is that IN the Democratic
party-the docility and discipline-which
would take kindly to his imperious nature.
The Democrats are party-the Republi-
cans a debating society"
What said to Tilden was rather in the
way of banter, humering a paradox, as it
were. There was much that was specula-
tive in the mind of this eminent leader--one
of the most extraordinary men it has ever
been my privilege to know, and about
whom l am at times impatient that nothing
serious has been written by Mr.. Marble, or
Mr.. Watterson, or some of the brilliant men
who had his confidence and could UNDER
stand him. For while had the honor of
knowing Tilden well, and held in admira-
tion his subtle and original character, his
clear, analytical mind, his political fore
sight and courage, yet was never in SYM
pathy with him nor his political views, anc
can only speak of him rather as a spectator
than a friend.
A GRoTEsQUE SITUATION.
AS tossed about the paradox of Conkling
as the coming leader of the Democracy,
Tilden suddenly stopped, and with that
impressive, low, whispering voice, asked:
"Have you any personal reasons for this
anticipation" 1t tthen flashed upon me that
Tilden looked upon me as kind of volunteer
ambassador; that Conkling had in q moment
of weakness perhaps charged me with the
selling of his soul to the political devil, and