The Dispatch. [volume] (Provo City, Utah) 1891-1895, 1891-07-25

intending 70 remain tTes, there can be bus
one choice. The question Ia : perfectly
glaiE one, between 8 hxed written cousuGu-
ton and constitution capable OF indefinite
expansion IN any direction considered de-
siraole by it's administrators, between =
government OF limited and = g0vsrnmeut CT
unlimited powers, bet vss:a she repu blto and
tie empire. Our foTeiathers rendered
heir decision between ths tgo IN the 4dop
R1n OF tue constitution Of l71G, n ths a!up
non OF the amendments proposed or the
nrst Congress, and IN the total reputation
IN 1900 OF the federalists, who had under
taken to accomplish by forced construction
yhat they had failed to accom- piish by fun
igmental enactment
HAELToN's rLAS OF a coERoTyE UNION.
Hsmilton's earliest dreams respecting the
new government was Of a grand, costly
magnificent "coercive unionn-a dream
which he found time TO elaborate IN tue very
heat of the revolution. The British oonsti-
tuition was his ideal, and its worst features
were those which he distinguished by his
heartiest appreciation. He ma lie no secret
of his conviction that, while IL was as il
stood the most perfect government ever lie
vised by man, the extension of the suffrage
or the curtailment of the power of the min
istry to procure corrupt parliamentary ma
lorities by the patronage OF the crown
would render 1t abortive. Upon this model,
with al its defects, which In his eyes were
but so many virtues, he lOnEed to fashion
the institutions of the new world. His
fundamental postulste was, not that the
people should govern, but that they should
be governed, and his next, that there were
but two methods of governing them well,
namely, by force and by interest Wnen,
therefore, he appeared in the convention of
1857, nobody YVES surprised by the extra
ordinary scheme of empire which he i'm
proved an early opportunity 10 develop.
Here Is the outline: His first step was tue
extinction of the states; they could not CO.
exist with national government. For the
rest he proposed to follow as nearly as
might be the British model, being specially
careful to give constitutional sanction to the
worst abuses of that system.
'It is said with us,n he said, ''to be unat-
tainsble II 1t was once formed il yvoulG
maintain itself. All communities divide
themselves into the few and the many.
The first are the rich and the well bora :the
other the mass of the people. The voice of
the people has been said TO be the voice OF
God; and however generally this maxim
has been Ioted and believed 1t is not true
in fact. The people are turbulent and
changing; they seldom Judge or determine
right. Give, therefore, to the first class
distinct, permanent snare In tce govern
ment. They will check the unsteadinoss
of the second, and as they cannot receive
sny advantage by change they, therefore,
will ever maintain good government Can
6 Democratic assembly, who annually re-
volve in the mssses OF the people, be sup
posed steadily 10 puraue the public goods
Nothing but a permanent bouy can cheek
the imprudence of Democracy. Their tur-
ouient and controlling disposition requires
checks 1t is admitted that
you cannot have good executive on the
Democratic plan. Sec the excellency of the
British executivel He is placed above
temptation; he can have no interests dis
tinct from the public welfare. Nothing
short of such an executive can be efficient
Let one body OF the leg
islature be constituted during good behavior
or hfe
LIST one executive be appointed who
dares execute his power.
ut may be asked, is this g Republican
systemi
elective And let me observe that an exec
utiye Is less dangerous 70 the liberties Of
the people when in Office during life than
for seven years.
Let electors be appointed in each Of the
states TO elect the executive (here Mr.. II,
produced his PLAN, to consist OF two
branches. and l would give them the IN
limited power of passing all laws without
exception. (The sentence stanGs thus 10
i ate u,iuutes.J Iaa assembly 10 =
elected Tor lhree years by the people in
districts; the senate TO 5a elected by Gle T.
ms chosen for That purpose by the PCoa q,
aud to remain IN oIiCe during life. The
executive TO have the power OF negatYlSg
all laws; to make war or peace with the
advice OF the senate; to make treaties with
thoir advice, but TO have the sole direct on
Of all military operations, and to send ael
b. H-a
and to pardon ali Offenders, treason eE-
caHted, unless by the advice OF tue senate
On his death or removal, the president OF
tho Senate to ofIiciute, with the same
power, until another is elected. Supreme
judicial officers to be appointed by the
President and the Senate. The Legislature
70 appoint tins courts in each state 30 as TO
make the state governments unnecessary
20 it.
"An stats lews to be absolutely void
which contravene the general laws. An
1d3cer to be appointed in each state 20 have
negative on ell state laws. Al the mill
ia and the appointment Of officers to DC
lnder the national government.
Il confess that thIs plan and thai from
FlrginIG are very remote from the people
Perhaps the Jersey plan Is nearest their
expectations. Butthe people are gradually
ripening in their opinions of government,
they begin to be tired of an excess OF de
mocracy; and what even is the Virginia
plan, but pork still, with a little change Of
saucem
HAmILToN's POINT or ATTACK.
These were Colonel Hamilton'n ideas Of
suitable plan Of government They
we're received ny the ton with 81
tence, not to say contempt, and were bearC
Of no moro. The men of the revolution
mad even less taste Tor that sort Of govern
ment than the men Of day; and Coioue
Hamilton and his few advanced frienIs
failing in their plan Of monarchy, were
forced TO make reluctant choice betw . IN
the several plans of the Republicans, pHeJ
ate the pork, but they never 80 mucn a.
pretended that they iiAed it.
But the cOnBtitution was passed WithOu
bill! OF rights, and without declared ruiz
Of construction. and the advocates OF strGui
government were not without hope Thert
was room for wide difference of inter
probation, and, with favorable Gdministra
tions, Hamilton foresaW the possibility o.
building up an immense superstructure
undreamed OF by the trainers, upon th'
basis OF implied powers. There had crep
Into the preamble, through mere inatten
uon," as Madison put 1t, "to the phrase
ology," few words copied from the arti-
cleS Of confederation, and these wcrds-'t
provide for the common defense and pro
mote the general wolfsre"-takeu alOu
and without reference To the enumeration
! OF specific powers in the body OF the in
strument. seemed comprehensive euoush t
warrant tue assumption of auy conce!vdhi
authority. Hamilton therefore favored In
adoption Of the constitution. He saw in
/ but the germ OF the government Of tn
I future; II would grow; 1t wcuu
/ expand; a fixed constitution was I
/ him an absurdity; power woul
"gravitate' TO the centre; THE rio
and well born" would gradually asser
themselves over the swinisn ''mauy," and
with this elimination OF what he wa
/ pleased TO call pork from tHe worKin
/ charter, the few" would ultimately rs
sumo the distinct and permanent snare
/ of authority which properly belonged :
/ then.
TIE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS.
The states hesitated to ratify the const
tuition 10 this form; Il wa= clearly q mos
hazardous experiment; but the great nam
Of Washington, and the clear understand
ing that be would become the first pres
dent, overbore the better judgment OF tn
irmest Republicans. But, uGfortunate!
for HamiltOn's scheme of revolution b.
construction, the first congress supple,
the declaration Of rights, and the inheSibI
rule Of Interpretation in the ten amend
ments which were Immediately propose