The progressive farmer. [volume] (Winston, N.C.) 1886-1904, 1891-06-23

u"E0 uoG gone SO Tar, yet nave not
hesltated to trim when it was in
AID OF their locality or some friendly
interest.
TOO LATE TO CRY UNCONSTITUTIONAL.
The cry Unconstitutional" ought
to have been raised earlier in the his
tory OF the government if the demand
OF b farmers are to be thrown out of
court on that plea. They have been
taxed with the support of too many
needy enterprises; have done too much
toward enriching the manufacturer. to
extend and diversity trade and com
merce under the delusiOn, if it be such.
that the legislative and executive de-
partments were proceeding in consti-
tutlOnal way, to be Silenced now with
such a One-sided decree.
But the cOnstitutionality of legisla-
tive interference to relieve agriculture
of its present distress and advance and
protect 1t against adverse policies, and
so far as practicable place it upon en-
during foundations of prosperity is not
dependent alone for it's ~veriication
upon precedents abOverecited. Policies
and practices running through the en-
tire history of the government attest
the legal right of agriculture to the
protection demanded in the measures
advanced by them. The first Presi-
dent of the United States commended
to the National legislature the interests
of agriculture, commerce and manu-
features as deserving special care and
protection at it's hands.
SHOULD BE PROTECTED.
In 1890 the House of Representatives,
reDlving to a message of the PreSi-
dents, stated: 1--WE concur with you
in the sentiment that agriculture, com
merce and manufactures are entitled
to Legislative protection" President
Washington and both branches of Con-
gress held to the view that "agricul-
ture, commerce and manufactures
form the basis of the wealth and
strength of the Republic, and should be
advanced by all proper means in their
power" Such was the sentiment
of the fathers of the govern
ment, based upon a conscientious
view of the constitutional questions
involved. 1t is with this construction
in view, and in the light of their recon-
mendations and acknowledgements
touching the right of agriculture to
legislative protection, and not on &C
count so much of any of the question
able acts that might be cited as prece-
dents justifying their demands, that
the Alliance proposes something on
the order of the Sub-Treasury.
MANUFACTURERS AM COMMERCE TOO
PREVIOUS FOR THE TERRAPN real OF
THE FARMER.
But manufacturers and cohNNrce
being controlled and directed by &Rn-
lied business bodies soon made NJ
superior influence felt in secuIk
legislative grants of special privileges,
whereby their individual interests have
greatly advanced over that of agricul-
ture. And these privileges have been
multiplied and extended until they
have absorbed the greater part of the
wealth of the country. They were
not satisfied with the reasonable pro-
lection accorded them by the trainers
Of government, but have encrOached
upon the rights of others to such an
extent as to bring into disrepute the
policy of protection, and endanger it's
future usefulness.
THE KIND OF PROTECTION THE ALLIANCE
ASKS FOR THE FARMER.
The protection asked for the farmer
by the Alliance is not such rs would
come to him through an import tax
or a bounty fund. He wants no pen
sion out of the public treasury; no
donation of government lands; no
gratuities in the shape of loans without
interest; exorbitant premiums and en-
dorsement of his speculative schemes
by the government. He asks for no
grant of extraordinary powers or priv
ileges; for the same privileges have
I@~o o-,@2AoI - Ena0IOEro ODD
less reservation to other interests time
and again. His demand upon the gov
eminent as compared with others in
line with them are simple and modest,
and calculated to benefit the country
at large as much as the farmer. He
wants to borrow of the government a
sum of money sufficient to enable him
to hold his product out of the reach of
grasping spectators who have him at
their mercy so long as they hold the
purse strings over him. To protect
the government against loss he pro-
poses to pledge valuable bankable
securities. The rates of interest fixed
in the bills are 1 and 2 per cent, but
the Alliance will accept government
interest rates.
THE FARMER IS THE SOLE BENEFICIARY.
It is not denied that the direct bene-
| fits of these bills are intended to inure
to the farmer; that the right to borrow
under provisions is limited to the pro
ducers of certain staple crops, O. the
owners of landed property. But that
fact affords no sufficient reason for
opposing the principles of the bills. The
farmer requires help and asks for it.
He is not supposed to know what other
classes want. They have been taking
care of themselves so long without con
sulting him the presumption is they
will continue to do so. These bills set
forth the needs of the farmer. They
emanate from him and express his
desires in reference to his own affairs.
If others desire help and feel that they
are entitled to it, they should speak