Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1891-07-15
government.

shed and reign of terror, and hundred
years checkered history has not yet given
Them what is as familiar to us as the en-
cssing air.
If popular government is beset to day
with new faces and surrounded with new
conditions to which it finds great difficulty
in quickly adjusting itself it is not because
increase of physical knowledge or wider
grasp of scientific truth will give it perma-
nent travail. In politics, as elsewhere
kSov,uuge is power and truth sets mon
But the forces of modern civilization and
the inventions through which they do their
work are so gigantic that it is exceedingly
difficult to incorporate them into the struc.
ture of free society. For their successful
use many of them require great capital,
strong centralized administration and ex.
emption from natural death. They cannot
be safely or successfully handled by the in
diyidual. The corporation, device irst
adopted from the civil law, has supplied
the ready and feasible instrument. It is
today our chief manufacturer and chief
carrier, as alone able to handle the machin-
cry of modern production and the equip
ment of modern transportation. We have
seen the rapid development of corporations
and their obliterati0n not only OF the In,
dividual, but of the smaller members OF
their own kind. No wonder men are De,
coming uneasy as to their own rights ana
as to the relation of such powers to repuo-
lican government. Ii vigorously RESTRAIN .
ed to their appointed service as makers OF
products and carriers of goods and men,
they become immense contributors to social
wealth and individual happiness; but II,
rotipe in their new aud tremendous pow
er. they aspire to become industrial mono
poles or political dictators, they prevent
the equal working of government and De
stroy the rights Of individuals.
How shall we secure their best services
and escape their possible injuries? The
census will probably disclose one-third part
of our wealth in corporate hands. NO won
der many in their first alarm are turning
from the States to the national government
as alone strong enough TO deal With these
new forces, or that many are demanding
that part of the work done by them shall
| be assumed by that government as public
| function. Not only is the industrial revo.
luton, working through its chief ipstru-
ment, the corporation, effe1ting rapid re-
organization of society; it is steadily pro
ducing a redistribution Of population. we
are passing by quick stages from rural to
an urban people. We began with three
out of hundred living iu cities; We now
have thirty out of the hundred, and this is
| not due to overcrowded population or want
of land.
This is a momentous fact. Oar traditions
| are those of farmer paople: our inssitu.
| tions come to us in the main through a
| farmer people. Mr.. Freeman says that to
the English who settled Britain city was
simply prison. In their eyes tbs only
place of assembly for freemen was the open
moor, with no roof but the roof OF heaven.
This feeling was still strong in the mother
country when the coionists came over, when
independence was gained. The religious
movement that settled New England fos-
tered village communities, but Mr.. Ban.
croft says Of the early settlers of Virginia
and the South, s'their aversion to too much
government expressed itself in their soil
tary manner of settling in the country"
The railroad, the telegraph and tina cen.
tralzation OF manufactures are the chief
factors in draining the country into the city.
Lord Chatham said trade increases the
wealth of country, but its real strength
is in the cnltivators of the land, In whose
courage of freedom. Mr.. Jefferson proph-
other in cities we shooid hacome corrupt
AID get to eating each other as they do in
Europe. The Virginia statesmen who led
in the movement for independence and the
constitution were all planters, who combio-
ed plain living with high thinking.
Professor Brice says the city is the one
conspicuous failure in government in the
United States. The reason is we have not
yet bsen able to fit system of government
that has grown up with an agricultural PEG
pie to the rapid growth and complex inter-
ests of cities. The American city, with
universal suffrage, immense expenditures
to keep pace with growth and immigration
from countries not habituated to represent.
alive government, that organizes to itself
and declines to be absorbed into the body
of citizens, offers fair feld and an irresst-
lille temptation for the activity of politi.
col machine, and is the favorable indus for
the political boss, whose power is soon felt
In State and national politics.
These two illustratious-one the chief in
strumens through which the revolution
does its work, the other a general result of
all it's forces-will show its bearing on gov
eminent. Both may be traced in MANY
more directions. If We are to settle down
to the permanent policy Of making the gov
eminent, not the protector, but the distrib
utor of wealth, we cannot view without
alarm the massing and mobilizing of so
large part of our wealth in the hands of
corporations which represent the aggres.
sive, grasping spirit of seGshness. IF We
aim to preserve wise and frugal govern
ment, we cannos view without alarm the
massing of so large part of our population
in cities and the welding of their voting
81 in IL
through the political machine, by the polit.
ical boss.
Such stupendous changes put a severe
strain on free government, bat our greater
danger is in the resort to pernIciOus laws
for present relief. Notwithstanding our
boast that we seek prosperity by individual
effort and not by legislation with a Con.
gress and forty four State Legislatures we
are more exposed to this danger than any
other people.
Before we can deal wisely with any polit.
ical evil we must understand the true ma
ture of our government and discriminate
between evils that belong to an era of prog
ress which will be brought into gradual
harmony with our freedom, aad evils that
demand prompt and vigorous acton of
government. In some of our distresses We
are paying the price of our marvellous pror.
ress. All progress is over the ruin of past
wealth and over the graves of past idea.
Nations who are content to remain in H.,
letters of ancient custom escape the discoD
forts we endure and the pain that belongs
to the birth of new ideas. We are pledged
to give reception to every invention or dis
covery that can surround life With a great.
er abundance Of those things that add to
the welfare of body Or elevation of soul,
and to every policy that can confirm our
freedom or give justice to government BY
the people.
But as we must pay the price of progress,
so whatever be the cost of this glorious lib.
erty we must pay it to Heaven. We owe a
great debt to Sir Henry Maine for calling
our attention to the dangers and the gener.
ally disastrous history Of popular govern.
ment. Let us hope he is in error when he
says the establishment of the people in
power is of blacklist omen for legislation
that requires tension of thought to under.
stand or self-denal to submit tc, We have
reached stage where Legislation ca &C $40
mic and financial questions nsast .aore and
more partake of scientific preesion