The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1891-01-24

be would have to go on in the dark until
that superior mind which controlled the
Senate would give the information.
ALDRIcH PRoFEssEs FAIRNESS.
Mr.. Aldrioh said that it was not his in-
tentiou, nor the intention of any senator on
the republican side, to press determination
OK the question in any manner except such
as would be recognized as proper and cor
rect by any person who had a proper
understanding aud appreciation Of the
situation. He expected and intended 30 far
as he had control of the matter to use every
reasonable effort to secure an early disposi-
ton Of the resolution.
Mr.. Teller asked Mr.. Aldrich to give
some idea OF what he considered reasonable
time for the debate to proceed.
Mr.. Aldrich said that he already indi-
Gated that in his proposition to have the
vote taken at o'clock tomorrow, and he
again asked unanimous consent to have that
time fixed.
The presiding officer (Mr. Frye) asked il
there was any objection to this request.
GoRMAN OBJECTS.
Mr.. German objected. He was glad,
however, that unanimous consent had been
asked; because that had been the universal
custom OF the Senate. 1t was the way In
which all public business had been done in
the Senate It was an orderly, sure way Of
securing action. But the length of the de-
bate on the proposition was 20 be determined
by the Importance Of the measure.
Mr. Cockrell resumed his argument
against the proposed rule aud asked why,
If 1t was such good rule, it was to end
with this session. Why was it not proposed
to make 1t permanentl 1t was useless to
try TO disguise its purpose. Its only object
was 10 rass the force bill--the Lodge bill,
the bill which had grappled the senator
from Massachusetts, and had him in its
deadly embrace. He would be NOR
titled and ashamed If the old Re-
publican party should 60 before the
nations Of the earth confessing that the
American people were no longer capable of
seemed to have put the senator from Massa-
chuSetts in the condition OF q rattlesnake,
blinded by its own virus. The silver bill,
finance bill, appropriation bills, and eyeryN
thing else was made subordinate to the
whiIns and caprices of the senator from
Massachusetts, uatil he was now tramphng
on his entire life record. and was stultifying
the noble sentiments addressed by
him to the youth of the coun-
try. Apostrophizing Mr.. Hoar, Mr.
Cockrel exclaimed, "Ah, shame upon you,
my friend from Massachusetts. who now
attempts to force upon the people Of Massa-
chusettS and of the country the humiliating
confession that they are no longer capable
Of holding their own elections" He then
read from the st. Louis Republic a letter
addressed to Mr.. Edmunds by q former
republican constituent Of his now living in
Weatherferd, Tex, Francis Granger, appeal
ing against the passage Of the elections
bill.
EDMUNDs DENIES RECEIVING IT.
Mr.. Edmunds said that he had never re-
ceived such letter, and believed that it
was fabricated in order to promote the
operations of resistance to the bill that
were now going on IN the Senate chamber.
[Applause.]
Mr.. CocKrell said that the letter spoke for
itself. and was genuine letter He also
read from the Washington Post Of July 10,
1890, an article giving the ''inside history of
the Lodge force bill;" an extract from let
ter Of Secretary Blainss adverse to the bill /;
and extracts from various republican news-
paper articles condemnipg it; and he wound
up his speech by expressing the hope that
the bill would be remitted to its tomb,
where it might rest for all time to come.
[Applause.1
Mr.. Gray next took the floor, and occu-
pied the remainder Of the afternoon in
arguing against Mr.. Aldrichs resolution
1t was, he said, matter of sincere regret
to him that the debate on the elections bill,
which bad been proceeding regularly. to the
edification of the Senate and Of the country,
had not been allowed TO proceed
uniuterruptedly without the inter-
position Of the grasping, rude,
violent proposition now before
the Senate. There had been no necessity
for 1t. 1t had been a violation of all prece-
dents that had obtained in the Senate for a
hundred years Nothing had occurred in
the course of the debate on the elections bill
that was any warrant for turning back the
current Of history, violating American
traditions, trespassng on that liberty of
liberties, the liberty of debate. Freedom
in the Senate was as dear and
as sacred and as important to the mainte,
nance of American institutions as the COR
who were opposing the elections bill
and trying TO show It's inopportuno-
ness and improperly had not vio-
lated any OF the proprieties of debate.
They had not transgressed the rules that
govern the orderly conduct of business and
of debate in parliamentary bodies among
English-speaking peoples. There was no
necessity on the face Of things that could
justify the interposition of the rude. arbi-
tary proposition now before the Senate.
Coming to the elections bill, Mr.. Gray
asked what public opinion did its promoters
represent. outside of that opinion which
came from tight and close party organiza-
tions? What public demand did they rep
resent.
PHILADELPHIA AGAINST THE BILL.
The great city of Philadelphia, with its
able and wsll-established press, had spoken
with no uncertain tones as to the policy of
the bill. That great city, which was often
called the stronghold of the Republican
party in the country tat least so far as the
great cities were concernedl, with its con-
slant unvarying and enormous republican
majorities, repudiated the bill. Ont of It's
ten daily newspapers only one sup
ported it. The papers against
it were the Inquirer, always
unfaltering in its devotion to the fortunes
of the Republican party, ably conducted
and widely circulated; the EUening TeLe-
graph, another paper of large circulation,
always supporting the Republican party;
the EUening Bulletin. another paper of re-
publican taith of long standing, conducted
with ability and fairness in the treat
ment of public questions; the Erening Call,
likewise a republican paper; the Phila-
delphia Record, a democratic paper with
as large circulation as any in the city ex-
cept the Ledger; the Ledger, owned and
edited by that eminent philanthropist,
George w. Childs, a man honorably known
all over the country; and the Times, an in
dependent paper. 1t was not mere idle
words-the reading of that catalogue; those
finger points of public opinion. 1t meant
something. 1t meant that there was, after
all, deep-seated in the American heart that
love Of American traditions and free local
aaIf.oovernu1aur which had made the TTnitad