The Ohio Democrat. (Logan, O. [Ohio]) 1886-1906, 1891-02-28
MeRlnley,s Reply to Cleveland.

epidemic of bankruptcies and
wage reductions swept over the
countryduring the year following
the election Of Benjamin Harrison
and Republicans Congress in 1888
trequired an unspeakable etTrontry
on the part of William Mckinley
Jr., in replying at Toledo TO Mr.
Cleveland's recent remarks on the
Mckinley bill, to say of the sug-
gestions of tariff reform: "The mas
ses of the people are in no temper
for such a suggestion, and they will
never consent to the Inauguration
Of policy which will scale down
their wages and render it harder
to obtain the necessaries of life"
Who is scaling down the
wages but the protected man
ufacturcrs who dictated the
terms of the Mckinley bill? Who
is making it harder for the working
people to obtain the necessaries of
life unless it is William Mckinley,
Jr., who increased the taxes on food
and clothing?
DO the working people believe
this rubbish uttered by one of three
men who, as SeGator Ingalls, said,
"haye just led the most powerful
political organization in American
politics to the most stupendous and
overwhelming disaster in its his
tory? ?" Look at the election re-
turns from New Jersey, New York,
Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massa-
chu5etts and New Hampshire,
crowded as they are with manufac-
turing enterprises of every kind.
DO the farmers believe it? Look
at Illinois, Wisconsin, Michigan,
Minnesota, Nebraska, Iowa and
the Banner Republican State of
Kansas now in the grasp of the
Farmers Alliance.
Hear this victim of his own in
sanity again:
This cry of "cheapness" is not
new. 1t rung through England
nearly fifty years ago. 1t was the
voice and philosophy of Golden; it
was the false and alluring appeal
urged for the reversal Of Great
i}ritain's industrial policy from
protection to free trade. 1t was
the hypocritical cant against which
the beloved Kingsley Numbered
his bold denunciation-tha dear
and revered churchman, whose
memory is cherished wherever the
English tongue is spoken.
Yes, the cry for cheapness was
heard in England fifty years ago;
it was the cry for cheap bread for
poorer people, and it was opposed
by the dukes and earls who owned
all the soil in England and wanted
to keep wheat high, so that they
could exact high rents. And now
at this late day, with a food Of
light upon the anti corn law agita-
tiOn and and the Chartist move
ment this representative Of the
protected interests finds it in his
heart to stand with great landlords
and the endowed clergy and to de-
nounce the abolition of taxation on
the staff Of life, to revile Manches-
ter whence emanated the protest
against taxing the poor on their
bread in order to add riches to the
wealthy, and speaking ostensibly
as the friend of laborers, but really
as the attorney of laborers, but
really as the attorney of combined
capital he dares to treat with con-
tumely John Bright and Richard
Golden, two of the best friends the
working people ever had and two
of the best trends the United States
ever had.
This attorney for private inter
ests adverse to the people said in
Toledo:
The gentleman who is now so in
sistent for cheap necessaries of life
while in Office and clothed with
authority was unwilling that sugar
an article of prime necessity to
every household, should come un'
taxed to the American people
when it was known that it was an
annual burden upon them Of $50
100000. He stood then as the un
compromising friend of dear sugar
for the mission.
We thank thee, William, fol
teaching US that word. A very
small part of the tax which the
people pay on sugar goes to the
Louisiana planters; the overwhelm
ing majority of the tax goes to thu
public treasury to pay interest anC
salaries and pensions, support The
Army and Navy and provide sal
aries for William Mckinley etai
And because this sugar tax wen
to the nation for national uses MI
Cleveland approved it, and becaus,
this sugar tax does not go TO
small number Of rich men, wh'