The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1891-08-17
SENSE vs.. SENTIMENT.

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From q philanthrOpic and humans
tartan standpoint the news from Europe
furnishes a strong argument in favor of
free trade. From various quarters W.
hear of hard times, failing trade and
prospective suffering. Particularly is
this true in Great Britain, where anu
factories are running on short time or
shutting down altogether, and large
numbers of workmen are being thrown
out of employment. English papers re.
port foreign trade falling off at an
alarming rate and manufacturing indus
tries languishing. AS they contemplate
these evidences of waning trade the
traditional confidence in British leader
ship seems to be shaken, and, with in
dications of alarm entirely new in
English newspapers, they hint at the
possibility of the permanent decay of
Britain's commercial supremacy. In at
tempting to assign a cause for these evil
dences of commercial depression they
all agree in holding the Mckinley bill
largely responsible. Meanwhile fac
bOiASC w CHOcCt II III VI
unemployed w%orkingmen continues to
increase, and indications multiply that
the approaching winter will be one of
unusual depression in commercial cir
cles, and perhaps of unprecedented
hardships among the poor.
From u ph%ilanthropic and humanitari-
an standpoint this situation furnishes
a strong argument in favor of free trade.
If, as British papers assert, it is largely
due to the protective-tariff policy of
this country, it follows that the adop-
ton by us of free trade or a tariff for
revenue only would greatly relieve the
situation. Indeed, there is little doubt
that such a change of policy on the part
of the United States would cause a swift
revival of British trade, iDfuse new life
into their manufacturing industries and
give steady employment to a large mum
Der of workingmen who are now without
it or expect to be From a philan-
thropic and humanitarian standpoint
this would be a most desirable thing to
do. 1t is impossible for any person
of ordinary s%ensibility to cOntem-
plate with pleasure the misfortunes or
the sufferings of others. There is
nothing for Americans TO rejoice over in
the decline of British trade, still less in
the distress of British workmen. and if
these results could be averte3 without
American would say let it be done.
Free-traders say let it be done anyhow.
They hold that the natural laws of
trade and the higher law of universal
brotherhood demand the removal of all
artificial restrictions on international
commerce. They call protection ga
species of piracy" and the promotion of
American industry at the expense of
foreign industry a direct attack upon
the universal brotherhood of man.
Therefore they would hasten to relieve
British manufacturers and wOrkmen by
giving them possession and control of
American markets.
OF the generosity of this policy there
can be no doubt. 1t would be most
magnanimous. 1t would give foreign
manufacturers and workmen complete
relief, but it would be death to those of
the United States. 1t would be a grand
stroke of philanthropy, but an awfully
poor stroke Of business. 1t would be
splendid humanitarianism and stupen-
dous folly. 1t is not pleasant to know
that British workmen are suffering, but
it would be still more unpleasant to
have American workmen suffering while
those of England were prosperous.
There is no sentiment in craftsmanship.
1t is purely selfish. The first and high
est duty of the government of the United
States is to look after the interests of
the people of the United States, and
that without reference to those of any
other country. The humanitarian argu-
ment in favor of free trade is a fallacy.
In le~gislating for the practical affairs of
life we should be governed by sense
rather than by sentiment.