The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1891-06-05
A MARROW ESCAPE.

In the light of the Chilean situation and
the Itata affair this country was in greater
danger from Andrew johnson than from
rebellion. By barely one vote in the SEN
ate it escaped turmoil which might have
led to anarchy. To the Republican Sena-
tors who voted against the conviction Oh
Johnson it therefore owes an incalculaoie
debt Of gratitude.
1t will be remembered that the House OF
Representatives-yeas 126, nays A., anu
IL not voting-had found articles OF I'M
parchment for high crimes and mlsde-
meanors against the President, ana Inas
the Senate voted 81 TO 10 for his convictlon,
which was Just one short of the necessary
two-thirds majority, so that change OF
one vote from the negative to the amrma-
tive would have necessitated an attemptto
remove him from Office.
All of Johnson's previous acts ana
utterances give assurance that he would
have resisted. Beyond any other who
has ever filled the presidential office he
had played the role of Dictator. He
had declared that the legislative branch OF
the government was mo congress" in the
absence Of representatives from the late
seeded states. He had publicly pro-
claimed his belief that he considered IL
his prerogatiye and his sworn duty TO see
that the constitution was enforced as ne
construed it.
In a word, he had piled evidence
mountain high that he would have re-
sisted removal and would have dehed
congress If there had been one more
vote against him and he had been
convicted by that body. At the last
preceding presidential election, when he
was chosen on the ticket with Lincoln,
General Mcclellan running on platform
of .'peace at any price," the late seeded
states not voting, had polled 1,sos,525
votes, and Lincoln had been chosen by
majority of only 407,342.
In the event of contest between john
son and congress as to the right OF the lat
ter to remove him, there can hardly be
doubt that at least million and half of
those who voted for Mcclellan would have
stood by Johnson, and the South would
have been practically unanimous on the
same side. Then with far more than Bal
maceda's energy, there can be no doubt
that Johnson would have enacted Balma-
ceda's role of proroguing congress whose
constitutionality he had already denied.
1t is pretty sure that orders issued by
him as Commander in Chief would have
been respected by at least a portion of the
officers of the army, and that the soldiers
would have been divided. The attitude of
foreign powers and of our government in
respect to Balmaceda and the Chilean
congress implies that Johnson rather than
the congress would have been recognized
as the power with which other countries
held treaty relations.
In the then condition of our national
finances, with all of the southern and
nearly half of the northern people at his
back, with large fraction Of the Repub-
lican party disappearing the ex-
IRENE measures to which congress
had resorted, with the CONNER
cial classes and the commercial
centers almost unanimous for the restora-
ton of order and resumption of business
on stable basis, it is easy to conceive
that the issue would have been profile
NAUTICAL.
At all events the struggle would have
been long, bitter, desperate and unspeaka-
bly, disastrous. The spirit, training and
order-loving impulses of our people would
have preserved as from confirmed anarchy.
But it Is highly improbable that peace,
amity and good order could have been
firmly established for many years, and
scarcely possible that the present condi-
ton Of prosperity and unity would have
this soon been attained.
If that view is correct which recognizes
Balmaceda as alone entitled to recogni-
ton as the government of Chile, and the
Chilean congress as insurgents, and il
the same rule would have been applicable
in our similar case, it is impossible to
oyerestimate this country's obligation tc
the few Republican Senators who voted
against the conviction of Johnson; i'm
| possible TO overestimate the perils oul
country escaped by reason of those votes
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