Iron County register. [volume] (Ironton, Iron County, Mo.) 1867-1965, 1891-02-12
MEASURES OF THE PARTY.
The Designs of Interruptions Republican


| The Designs of Inscriptions Republican
| Leaders.
The six Republican Senators who
voted with the Democrats to abandon
the effort to abridge discussion so that
the force bill might be passed were
wiser in their generation and for their
party than the thirtythree Republicans
who rallied around Mr. Hoar. As one
| of the six diSSidents has pointed out to
| the Senate, the effect of the force bill
upon the opinion of the country has al
ready been decidedly unfavorab BILE to
the Republican party, and the enact
ment of that measure would cost the
party still dearer in public disapproba-
| ton. The hope of the advocates of the
measure is the faith in mechanical as
| opposed to moral force in politics.
| That is to say, it was expected by them
that the INSCRIPTIONS use of the FEEDER
al power in behalf of the Republican
party would gain more seats in Con-
gress than would be lost by the revolt
of Intelligent voters. The expectation
| is familiar enough. It is one in which
| professional politicians are especially
apt to indulge because the machinery
of politics is before their eyes, whereas
| the springs of political action in the
minds of the voters are hidden from
| them. In quiet times and when the
| popular interest in politics is not great,
| organization and habit prevail. 1t is
when measure really eXcites public in
| terest that the politicians are at loss
and that the people are apt to take
| things into their own hands. Such an
| occasion was presented in Pennsylvania
last autumn when Quay thought that
| his undisputed control of the party
| machinery. together with the great and
| usually trustworthy Republican ajCr-
| ity in the State, would justify him in
| putting in nomination a candidate who
was known only as ''Quay's man." The
result was a distinct notification that
the good Republicans of Pennsylvan-
| la We're not good enough Republicans
to stand Quay or his works. His can
didate was defeated and he himself so
deeply discredited that his cunning and
| his boldness are by no means an equiva-
| lent to his party for the damage done
| to it by retaining such a man as the
chairman of its National committee.
Perhaps the Force bill would have
gone for an ordinary party measure but
for the discussion that has already been
Iidtt upon u Dolll Ill lIlt E~C1ldlS anu Ill
the press. This discussion has had the
| effect Of leading the people to consider
the measure. and the result of their
consideration has been such that the
enactment of the force bill would pro-
duce a revolt against the party only
less than that produced by the enact
ment Of the Mckinley bill. It would
be less because the Mckinley bill
comes home to business and
bosOns of men," and also OF women,
more directly than any piece of
legislation that has been enacted for a
quarter of a century. The enactment
of the Mckinley bill was its enforce
ment, and its disastrous effect could not
be stopped or checked by any power
after it had received the Presidents sig
nature. In this the force bill differs
from it widely, since the effect of the
force bill would depend very largely
upon the spirit in which it might be exc
cuted. If it We're executed in the spirit
in which it was conceived, if the Pres
ident made an unscrupulous use Of the
power with which it clothed him. it
would be felt as even more an outrage
and a calamity than the Mckinley bill
itself. There is no reason to doubt
that if Mr. Harrison could compass a
denomination he would use these pow
ers with entire unscrupulousness.
Whether he would or not. the American
people are by no means disposed TO hold
their individual rights and liberties at the
pleasure of any man. or to allow a bill
to go upon the statute books that con-
ferS upon any man powers SO liable to
abuse and powers that were granted for
the express purpose Of being abused.
Proba bly, it may be assumed that this
second postponement of the force bill
for. of course, the attempt at closure is
merely an adjunct to the force bills
the end of that measure. It's postpone
ment to the silver bill. which was dis
posed of with unexpected rapidity, was
by no means SO conclusive. The appor-
tionment bill must necessarily give
rise to protracted debate, and it is
party measure of the first Importance.
Nobody imagines that the next Con-
gress will pass any such measure of re-
superintendent as is before the present
Congress. The bill may be expected TO
occupy nearly all the remainder of the
session. In any case, it is not to be
supposed that the six Republican SEN
ton was postponed to the apportion-
ment bill would vote either for that
resolution or for the force bill, the pas
sage of which it is intended to facili-
tate. Some of them are distinctly com
mitted against both measures, and the
votes of the others amount to a COM
initial. It may be worth while for the
revivers of the sectional issue to note
that these votes, excepting that Of
Quay's colleague, Mr.. Cameron, were
cast by Senators from the extreme
West and Northwest. This is one of
many indications That the people of
those sections have grown very weary
of the present policy and of the present
leaders OF the Republican party,-N.
Y. Times.
THE PEOPLES VERDICT.
Figures That show Which Side Has the
Majority.
The Republicans in Congress claim
to be contending for the right of the