The Vermont watchman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1883-1911, 1891-02-11
The Right-H0ur Law.

Senator Morrill, made the principal
speech in the senate on last week Fri
day on the bill for the adjustment of
the accounts of employees of the gov
eminent arising under the eight-hour
law. He said he had the deep convic-
ton that not only was the eight-hour
law of 1868 fundamentally wrong, but
that the attempted resurrection of it in
the pending measure, instead of being
beneficial to the class to which it is
specially intended to benefit, would in
tlict upon that class and upon the coun-
try at large a grave and possibly an ir-
reparable injury. He referred with
approval to the statement of Edward
Atkinson, that the eight-hour law would
work in the interest of capital and
against labor, that it would be PERM
cious, and would result to the great dis
advantage of labor. Some theories, he
said, might be scientifically refuted, but
unsound political theories often waited
for refutation until their operation
brought disaster. The settlement of
the claims against the government
under the eight-hour law from 1868 to
1891 would cost millions, the estimate
of Secretary Whitney, for the navy de-
partment alone, having been some years
since SO 100000. The pending meas
ure was not asked for or prompted, so
far as he knew, by the best workmen or
by those longest in the public service.
These were content with steady en-
ployment, with wages promptly paid
and that were not less than the
maximum wages paid throughout the
country for equal skill and service. The
United States government should not
set an example of prodigality where no
state, city or town could afford to fol-
low. If the bill became law it would
insure the removal and change of all
day laborers and mechanics in the serv-
ice of the government at every change
of the national administration. The
civil service law would not protect
them, and members of congress would
be instrumen alities of their removal.
The hours of labor in foreign countries
were from ten to twelve hours, and vet
it was the immigrants from these coun-
tries who were the chief agitators for
an eight-hOur law, although many of
them were receiving double as much
wages as they had received in their own
countries. Freedom Americans were
uOJ huuStilhS lOl du ClSul-lOul udN Vi
labor. What they wanted was more
work and more pay. The eight-hour
scheme, if generally adopted, would
separate the larger half of the working
men of the country from the smaller
half, which was employed mainly in
large workshops and factories, while
those owning farms or working thereon
would still work ten, twelve and often
more hours a day. With gateway
leading to less work and more pay, the
pressure for employment in favored
trades could only be restricted by the
exclusion of all new men and appren-
tees. Those trades would combine
and become a close corporation, with
no new subscribers; and farmers would
object to the building up of favored
class, either by national or state gov
ernments, at their expense. With an
eight-hour law American markets would
be opened to the products of foreign
countries, and the exports of eight
hour-products would be necessarily i'm
possible. Any general law or infleX-
ible rule on the subject would usurp
the place of free will and of personal
independence. If any motion were
made to postpone the bill till the 9th of
next March, he would feel bound to
vote for such motion.