The Washington bee., 1891-02-21

and to resolve in legislation this great
question.
Especially is it important for us to try
to arrive at better understanding, upon
trustworthy evidence, of what the feel
ings, the opinions, and the purposes OF the
democratic party have been as bearing
on the general subject of the integrity
and purity of elections. 1t is alike import
ant to ascertain this in such manner that
it shall be satisfactorily accepted In the
sections of the country where 1t is sup
posed the integrity and purity of elections
are most threatened; and, having done
this, to spread the results Of such con-
sideration before the people of the rest OF
the country, so that in their opinions, IN
their purposes, in their actions, they shall
behold their duty as citizens, and having
share in the legislation of congress, know
how to conduct themselves.
1t has been a misfortune heretofore,
when, upon instances of interruption OF
! the freedom of elections in the south,
there has been investigation, first, that
the result was discredited as being only
sporadic and incidental, and that it might
happen in any part of the country, either
by Irregularities of public excitement on
an election or other infractions of Obedl-
ence to law. Then, too, whatever there
might have been Of practical instruction
from the inspection Of these instances,
still it was urged that they were but part
of the ordinary methods and ammunition
of political agitation at the polls, and
sometimes it was urged with very rude
speech, but always with this pertinent
expectation, that no impression ought to
be made upon either section of the cOun-
try, but that those methods did but form
part of the ordinary struggles between
political parties, making the best and most
of whatever would serve their ends.
Mr.. President, this long debate has
brought out from the senators on the
other side of the alley the most frank, the
most thorough, and the most precise
statements of what the situation in this
respect is in the states where, by the dis
parity in condition between the two por-
tons of the population, the black and the
white, the whites had taken possession OF
and were keeping possession of the regu-
lation of the suffrage.
Thus, now, whether this bill shall
become a law or not, whether the result
of this debate shall presently bring us to
a rightful and useful settlement of the
trouble by a law, all the time that has
to the country.
No more important debate with refer
ence to pending interests has ever occurred
than the debate that has occupied the
.asssatiSa q Us ssGass -, IL ii & q
December. While, therefore, we have
been in doubt heretofore as to the state
of mind, the condition of plan and
organization, and the reasons and foun-
dations which were complained of, they
are now known, and.from us and from the
country no secrets are hid. Whatever l
may need to say as the basis of such
observations as 1 shall make, l need no
other reference for fact and serious and
purposed expression than is found in the
debates on the other side of this alley.
But, Mr.. President, before l enter into
the very matter itself, | may be permitted
to make some general observations about
the suffrage, as known and as exercised
in this country. | draw no distinction at
this point in my observations between
one portion Of the country and another,
but if there is anything in which the peo-
pie take pride it Is that this great nation,
with all the passions and interests that
are bred in its great bosom, is governed
by law, all prevalent law, and that in the
the creed, is the wisdom, is the safety of
a great and wide democracy.
We always recognize what has been
expressed in noble phrase, so familiar to
all of u: There can be no less acknowl-
edged of law than that all
things in heaven and earth do her hon.
age, the very least as feeling her care and
the greatest as not exempted from her
power" If we are sincere, if all the basis
of our pride and our fame is not hypo-
critical, l shall not feel that any portion
of this body, or any portion Of this coun-
try, are disposed to withdraw from this
grand relation of obedience to ll-preva-
lent law, which l have thus brought to
your attention.
Mr.. President, great as is the station of
the chief magistrate of this great nation
or the governors of our states, however
we may applaud the dignity of the station
of the president of the United States or of
a governor of a state, it is all because he
Is the servant and the creature of law.
We are always ready to recognize the
proposition that the greatest, elevated on
our sutfrages to these positions of author
ty, these the greatest products of our pro-
cess of determining who shall rule in
place and under law, are not exempted
from the power oflaw-not in the abstract,
not in defamation, but in the fact that
the summoner from the courts may take
the president or the governor into the
court of justice for any infraction of the
common laws of the land. This is what
is meant by "the greatest not being
exempted from her power" Shall it be
said that this nation, thus made up in its
mass, shall be less attentive to the other
proposition that the very least as feeling
her care shall pay their homage as citi-
zens to the law Of the land? Has it come
to this, that we are to have only one
branch of this all-prevalent relation to law
in respect to the greatest as not exempted
from her power, while the least are to be
ever disregarded when we are considering
law or the need of law, that when we are
making laws to maintain the all -preva-
lence of law We are to pay but title thought
to the veay least that are to feel the care
of law?
But I have a word more. to saw. Mr..