The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1891-11-29
LIMITS OF LIBERTY.
Personal Freedom Gives Way to
Public Welfare.
BUT THERE ARE CONVERSATIONS
The Aggregate Powers Of . Civilized
Man Are Greater Than Those OF an
Unrestrained Savage.

and the state TO stumble onward IN their
organization as circumstances shall order,
or we may strive TO bring TO them the aid
OF foresight and rational construction. In
the latter case we must have some notion
OF the object of social organization, and of
Its method Of attainment. The two notions
which are brought most frequently to
guide US in civic action are liberty
and the public welfare. Neither of
these ideas is so clear and definite
In its application as TO solve
at once all difficulties. Both render US aid
IN discerning the path of progress. By
liberty is meant freedom in personal &C
ton. Under this notion, that social order
Is regarded as the best which leaves with
each citizen the largest circle of unre-
strained action; and the business of the
construction is found in the essential
equality Of opportunities. This principle
OF personal liberty draws attention to
consideration Of primary Importance in
well organized society.
The public welfare, as a guide to prac-
teal politics, must be understood broadly.
1t includes the physical, social, intellec-
tual and spiritual well-being of the entire
community. 1t is SO comprehensive a
notion as to lack detiniteness, and so to
lack exact correspondence in different
minds. 1t does not for this reason lose its
guiding power. It's guiding power is, in
some sense, the greater because of the
many items of which the public welfare is
composed, any ore of which may cast light
on any proposed improvement.
These two ideas, personal liberty and
public veal, are not only not identical,
ara N ho
conclusions to which they lead u.s. The
first idea considers the individual some
what apart from the community and finds
in the freedom of his powers the ideal con-
dition. The second considers the individ-
ual as portion of the community, play
ing his own part in the body polite, and
finds his felicity in the fulfilment of his
own office and in his participation in the
benefits OF the offices fulfilled by others.
The social ideal thus becomes perfect
social construction. The prosperity of the
single person@is found in, and assured by
the prosperity of the collective body.
Neither notion altogether overlooks the
other. but each regards itself as primary.
The advocate of personal liberty will ad-
NIT that the public welfare is constituent
in freedom, and the defender of the public
welfare will allow that the national pros
perity must ultimately be judged by the
power and happiness of the individual.
The two views approach each other, but
do not perfectly conform to each other.
We shall arrive at different practical re-
suits as we give one or other the fore
ground. There is good deal of personal
liberty, even though it be liberty that all
share, which may well suffer constraint in
behalf of the collective welfare. The lib
erty of the savage is quite different from
the liberty of the civilized man, and we
cannot pass from the one state to the other
by the simple rule of the equality of citi-
zens in freedom of action.
These two principles are capable of re-
Cancellation, but only by making the gen.
eral welfare primary, and subordinating
personal liberty to it. The state is to do
that which promotes the public welfare,
but in doing it to respect, as far as posi-
BILE, personal liberty and the equality of
citizens in their rights. The liberty of the
individual will thus be merely secondary
test of the correctness of our notion of
public prosperity. That community is
prosperous, widely and profoundly pros
porous, whose individual members have
the freest terms of development compat-
ible with the general well-belng. This
relation of the two principles involves the
assertion that the truest liberty in each
citizen includes as its center and support
the highest organic strength.
The limits of liberty are found in the
immediate restraints which the general
prosperity in each phase of progress puts
upon individual action. The underlying
belief is that any curtailment OF the free
dom of the citizen will be compensated,
and more than compensated by comforting
some new power in some unexpected di-
rection. Thus the aggregate powers, the
sum of liberty, of citizen in civilized
community are greater than the aggregate
powers of q savage.
That the public welfare is the controlling
convention in social construction, we wish
to illustrate in few directions.
The incidents of personal liberty, even
though this liberty may be in itself legiti-
mate. and the same for all, may be so UNI
fortunate as to demand a restraint of the
action involved in it. 1t is on this priu-
ciple that the sale of gunpowder is regu-
lated. The public welfare demands this
supervision. Personal liberty gives us no
ADEQUATE rule. Precisely here hinges all
the better discussion touching prohibition.
Prohibition is restraint of personal lib
ertv in n line of action equally open to all
It is justified by the immense mischief
which is sure TO arise from unrestrained
action. License involves the same prin-
ciule as prohibition. The question be-
| tween them is simply one of adequacy.
Another direction IN which the public
welfare is ready TO give us fresh
| ground of action, is the restraint OF indi-
vidual power when that power threatens
| without rohbing any man of his rights, to
overrun and preoccupy an important part
| of the common field OF economic action.
| Thus the managers of railways may so ex-
poit one line Of business as 10 gain an
undue control OF productive forces.
| The principle Of personal liberty does
| not help US against this evil, for
| the verv evil is the too luxuriant
| growth, in single instances. of personal
| liberty. We need to cut back this exces-
ave development before feeble plants are
| smothered by it. The gardener is not con-
| tent TO place his plants IN open spaces; he
| maintains for each of them the light and
| air which it requires. His care extends
| nevond first terms TO the entire unfolding
| of each form of life under them. Per-
| sonal liberty N society, even though il is
| DEVELOPED in an open neld along lines of
| legitimate action, may still need to be
/ curhed lest il anticipate and appropriate
| the OPPORTUNITIES Of citizens at large. Super
| vision must extend 10 the later, as well as
| Ia the earlier, conditions of action.
| A third example Of the limits set by the
public welfare 10 personal liberty, are the
| various and ever more numerous forms of
aid which the state Is rendering TO It's citi-
| zeDs. This aid is in suspension, more or
| less complete, of some fofms OF individual
| action: and its results are rarely equally
| divided among citizens as recipients,
| Thus il is objected TO public instruction.
| whose benefits are Of an unusually diff
| fused order. that the rich man furnishes
| the money and the poor man the children.
| When the state establishes savings
| banks whose perfect RESPONSE ilIty offers
| additional inducements TO economy, the