The Black Hills union. [volume] (Rapid City, Pennington County, Dakota [S.D.]) 1889-1904, 1891-08-07

palQ Alargo salary.
The factories then 60 to work, and il
q short time they meet and consult again.
They find that they have made and have
on hand q larger quantity of goods than
the public needs or will buy. But the
overproduction does not reduce the
price. Oh, no. There's a way to fix
that. Some of the factories-perhaps
all of them-must shut down for awhile.
This is done ard hundreds of factory
operatives who have been working for
very low wages-starvation wages, per-
haps-are thrown out of employment.
Then they must do something else or
starve. But all the while the trust folks
are in clover. They have taken care that
their profits shall be big enough to make
them comfortable-even rich-whether
the factories are on full time or not.
But even this is not the worst phase Of
some trusts. When the factories want
to start up again they can tell the oper-
atives that they had to shut down on ac-
count Of the dullness Of trade, and if
they want to go to work they must do SO
at reduced wages. The stockholders Of
a trust may be scattered all through the
country, but their interests are in the
hands Of men who meet approval from
the stockholders in proportion to the in
crease Of dividends secured without re-
gard to the means and methods by which
they are secured. The operatives know
this, and instead Of feeling a loyal inter-
est in the prosperity of the family in
which they work, they perform their
work in a spiritless and sullen manner.
A feeling Of bitterness is engendered
among them. They complain and fire.
quently strike.
1t seems that the greed for money
for more than enough-throws a film
over the eyes of the stockholders and
employers. They declare they are only
maintaining their rights, and in this free
country any man may W a factory or
be a member of a trust. How ridicu-
lous! Suppose every man should be a
factory owner or a member of a trust.
Who would operate the machinery?
The trouble with corporations is fire.
luently as bad and sometimes worse than
that with trusts. Such organizations as
insurance companies, mining companies,
banking and loan companies all take the
form of corporations, and under existing
methods Of legislation secure charters
and franchises granting certain privi-
leges from the state or national govern
ment. 1t is not IN %infrequent thing for
one Of these companies to begin business
sith a capital stock of 800, 900 and soon
lail for as much IS a million. In such
cases the stockholders may suffer; but
who loses the S900,0 900 over and above
the capital stock, and upon whom does
the greater injury fall? The trusting
and confiding public is simply swindled
with the aid of legislation.
Is there a remedy for these violent and
extremely dangerous conditions? If so,
what is it? The presumed object of legis-
lation, both mandatory and prohibitory,
is to secure equal opportunities and JUS
tice for all. Of the making of laws there
is apparently no end. But in the laws
enacted during the past twenty years
both the individual citizen and society
generally appear to have been utterly
ignored. The lawmaking power has
been in the iron grasp and under con-
troll of corporations and lobbies that
have worked too successfully for secur-
ing some specific corporate advantage
and ~emolument, or for some local ad-
vantage. They seem intended to mollify
some voting contingency-to Fix" and
thereby secure, the voting support of
some department Of industry for some
particular individual.
If persuasion fail in this, money is
brought forward as an ally in the work,
and this ally has seldom failed to score a
victory. AS a result there is an endless
fraudulent pension roll, special river and
harbor appropriations for river and coast
constituencies, high tariff laws for man.
ufacturers, land grants for railroads, in
t~erstate commerce bills for shippers, sub
sides for steamship lines, specially IA
vorable legislation for bondholders, very
special privileges for banks, etc., but not
one single general benevolent law for
the citizen or the people. This kind of
legislation is entirely responsible for the
great disturbance of the hour.
The only remedy seems to be a repeal
Of many of the laws now on the statute
books, o. the making of more laws
which will give the now unfavored
classes and elements IN equal chance
with those for whom SO much legislation
has been made. If the present lawmak-
ing element shall be continued in power
neither remedy will be undertaken. A
change in the present legislative system
must be preceded by a complete change
in the legislative power. An opportu.
nifty for making this change is fast ap,
preaching. Will it be taken advan.
tage of?
Trusts and 'combines" are adiudged
to be illegal in some states, and such
states have enacted laws prohibiting
:, "trusts." But the power and influence
of these combines are So strong that
they ride roughshod over the laws and
those to whom the enforcement of the
law is intrusted. The majesty of the
law" when opposed to trust" power be-
comes simply a theory-not a practica.
condition. II. w. AVER.
a Pertinent Question.
A pertinent question just now, accord
. ing to The Grange Advocate, is, Viii
the voters support the candidates in the
future who have the courage to place
themselves upon a platform advocating
the demands of the people and pledgins
themselves, if elected, to use their ut
most efforts to carry out these demands
There is nc use trying to rub out the
:. fact that the people have been fooled
badly fooled, a number of times, and the
only way to put a stop to present meth
, DDS is to elect men to Office who will b.
true to the promises, no matter what in
;, fuence may be employed to induce then
, to go back on their pledges.