The morning call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1878-1895, 1891-01-15
FREE COINAGE.
Final Vote on the Financial Bill
in the Senate.
4 Substitute for tha Original Act Intro.
duced and Quickly Passed.
An Unsuccessful Attempt to Make the Eec-
lions Measure Unfinished Bust
ness for To-Day.
Special to THE MORNING CALL

Nal, WIFI lDSdIlS addressed the SENATE.
Beginning his speech with bitter denun-
citation of the Independent IN politics, he
said there were two pOrtentOus evils which
menaced the safety, if they did not en-
danger the existence, of the republic. The
first was Ignorant, debased, degraded, spuri-
Gus suffrage; suffrage contaminated by the
sewage of decayed nations; suffrage in
Inundated and suppressed in the South;
suffrage impure and corrupt, apathetic and
Indifferent in the great cities of the North,
so that it was doubtful to his mind whether
for half century there has been Presi-
dental election in this country that ex-
pressed the deliberate and intelligent judg-
ment of the whole body of the American
people. The Elections Bill was intended to
deal with one part OF the great evil to
which he alluded, but it was an imper-
feet partial and incomplete remedy.
Violence was bad, but fraud was no
better. and it was more dangerous, because
it was more insidious. There could be no
safety and no stable and permanent
peace In this country and under this Gov
eminent until it was Just as safe for a black
Republican to vote in Mississippi as it was
for white Democrat to vote in Kansas.
The second evil to which lie had adverted
was the tyranny of combined, concentrated,
centralized. cOnscienceless and incorporated
capital, and the people were considering
that great problem. At the beginning of
the second century the American people had
become profoundly convinced that the bal
let was not the panacea for the evils of So 81
ciety; that it had not abolished poverty, nor
dimin shed injustice. They had discovered
that political equality diu not result in So
cial fraternity, and that under a Democracy
the concentration oil greater power IN fewer
hands was more possible than under
monarchy. George Washington, the first
President of the Republic, had, when he
died, in 1899, tile largest private fortune in
the United States. All his belongings
reached the sum of between $4,000 and
5000, 900. That was less than one century
ago. Since that time the growth in wealth
and numbers OF the United States had no
precedent in the building OF nations: The
people of the United States now form one
third of the world 5 mining, one-fourth of its
manufacturing, one-tifth OF its farming and
possessed one-slxth of its accumulated
wealth.
Mr.. Ingalls, had read in the morning pa
perS Sherman's speech a considerable part
OF which was devoted to the defense of
milinnaires. The people had suddenly
awakened to the conception of the fact that
the bulk OF the property OF the country
was passing into the hands OF those whom
"tlIe spectators of the country" These
men had no politics but plunder, and no
principle but the spoliation OF the human
race. 1t was no wonder the laborng and
agricultural classes of this country had at
last awakened, and the spectators must
take warning.
Referring TO the late election Mr.. ingalls,
said it was neither Republican defeat nor
a Democratic victory. 1t was Il great up
rising, independent of and superior to both
political parties. 1t was a crisis that might
become a catastrophe. 1t was peaceful
revolution. He attributed the depression
OF the country in great measure to the
Demonstration Act of 1873 He had not
the slightest doubt that the great major
ity OF the people, irrespective of
party, were in favor of the free
coinage of silver, and had been
for the past fifteen years. Warnings aud
admonitions were plenty in this debate, but
lie would say to those who are arraying them
selves against the deliberately expressed
judgment OF the American people that there
would come time when the people would
not be trlhed with On this subject. The
political power of the nation wRS trans
ferred from its circumference to its center
and the people of that center are unani-
mously demanding the free coinage of
silver. 1t was for that reason he should
cordially support the amendment of the
Senator from Nevada.
ingalls, spoke for little over two hours,
and as he look his seat he was heartily ap-
densely crowded galleries.
Jones of Nevada next addressed the Sen
ate in favor of Stewards amendment. The
Senators might as well make up their minds
that the time was fast approaching when
the question of the world would be, ''What
is money of the United States?" and when
the effort OF the world would be to obtain
some of that money wherewlth to pay the
United States for the balances of trade
which they would owe US. IL believe it to
be the privilege and destiny of this republic
to solve the great problem of perfect money,
riddle which the sphinx of civilization is
forever putting to the nations. As in the
case of enigmas of old, failure to solve this
enigma means TO be destroyed"
Debate was then continued under the ten
minute rule.
German offered as an amendment the
proposition presented by Sherman on The
18th inst providing for the imposition of a
coinage charge on foreign silver.
After debate German withdrew his
amendment for the present.
Sherman offered an amendment adding to
the words making Treasury certificates a
legal tender. the words except where o her
wise expressly stipulated in the contract"
He subsequently Withdrew the amendment.
Finally the discussion on Stewards amend
ment closed, and the Senate proceeded to
vote on it. 1t was agreed to-ayes A., noes
so, as follows.
Ayes-Allen, Barbour, Bate, Brrry
Blackburn, Butler, Call, Cameron, Cock
reli, Coke, Daniel, Eustis, Faulkner, Glib
son, Gorman. HAMPTON, Harris, ingalls,
of Arkansas, Jones of Nevada, Mcconnell.
henderson, Mitchell, Morgan. Paddock,
Pasco. PAYNE. Plumb, Power, Push,
Reagan, Sanders. Shoup, Stanford. Stewart,
Teller, Turpie, Vance. Vest, Voorhees,.
Walthal, Wolcott-42.
Nays = Aldricb. Allison, Carey. Casey,
Cullom, Davis, Dixon, Doiph, Edmunds, |
Evarts, Frye, Gray, Hale, Hawley, Higgins, Z,
Hiscock, Hoir. Mcmillan, Mcpherson, Nor
Sherman
ner, Stock BRIDGE Warren. Washburn, Will |
son Qowa), Wilson (Maryaud)-30
Pairs were announced as follows: Col |
quit and Dawes, George aud Blair, Kenna
aud Farwell, Hearst and Pettigrew, Squire |
aud Blodgett, Brown and Chandler, Carlisle
and Pierce, Ransom and Moody.
During the announcement OF the pairs
Wocott asked by whose authority the Sena- |
tors from South Dakota, who he understood
were in favor of the amendment, were |
paired with Senators who would also vote
for it.
The Vice-President said he could give no
Information on the subj CT
Voorhees, said he had been paired with |
Mr. Moody. Having learned that the Sena-
tor could not be relied upon to vote for the |
amendment, but against 1t, his (Vo0Theeso |
pair had been transferred to Ransom, Who |
would have voted for the amendment.
Casey said he had telegraphed Moody and |
Pettigrew four or five days ago, stating a
vote would be taken to-day. and asking |
whether they desired any change in their
pair. and he had received no reply; the pairs
therefore remained with Ransom and
Hearst.
Stewart moved to strike out Section of |
the bill-beng a proposition for the issue
of $500, 000, coo of 2-per-eent bonds to buy
no outstanding bonds.
Sherman said that after the decisive vote
Just taken there was no use of wearying the
Senate uselessly with the free coinage of
silver. He doubted whether 2-per-cent
bonds could be sold at par.
The fourth section was struck out-ayes
4s, noe 10. The negatives were: Aldrich,
Cameron. Casey, Dixon, Dolph, Edmunds,
Frye, Hale, Hawey, Higgins, Hoar, Plat,
Power, Quay, Sanders, Sawyer, Shoup,
Wilson OF Iowa. Sherman voted aye.
Plumb moved to strike out the first section
of the bill. Agreed to without division.
This section provided for the purchase of
tpN IL