The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1891-09-14

| Public Questions are cOL FFSpoA sS'
By way of explaining why he did not de-
liver a promised discourse upon the ques-
ton of renewing the charter Of the Louisi'
ana lottery which a number of prominent
white gentlemen had attended his church
especially TO hear a New Orleans negro
preacher recently stated that he had been
dissuaded by the anxious protests OF mem
bers of his congregation who insisted that 1t
was "a white mans question Further the
more timorous of them urged that 10 the
event that the minister should discuss the
question and assail the proposed renewal his
| flock could not sustain him for fear that
many of them would thus lose their employ
ment All of this is quite as unwarranted
| by the facts aud as devoid OF reasonable
and logical basis as the claims of the New
Orleans negro newspaper writer who refers
to it and contends that lit is a black mans
question"
Regulating the lottery is not essentially a
white mans question any more than any
sfvely "a black mans question" 1t is a
public question. Public questions concern
all persons regardless of color caste, or
condition about equally in proportion to
their intelligence aud consequent interest in
public affairs. Every qualified citizen has
an equal right to think and vote upon
them according to the promptings Of his in
dividual reasoning. Unobtrusively pursued
such a course neither Injuries, molests nor Of
tends anybody. Therefore no one has any
reason to complain Of it.
Only when the citizen officiously proceeds
to appropriate the whole question and
villify all opponents does he make himself
insufferably Objectionable. No one of any
standing cares to interfere in any way with
the opinions or votes of the negro SO long as
he confines his actions within the pale OF his
own rights Extensively th-usting them
upon others is the danger he should learn to
avoid. When he has anything interesting
to say they are perfectly willing to hear his
argument provided it is framed according
TO the rules of ordinary civility. Argument
never needs to be fortified by abuse. On the
contrary, such irrelevancies always weaken
it, Therefore undertaking to characterize
the owners of the lottery in lurid super
latives and to anathenatize the uses to
which they are surmised to be turning the
proceeds of their alluring device is without
force or effect.
Nevertheless, if the thoughtful negro re-
CARDS this particular guileful temptation
as an unholy entcement to which he and
his family are peculiarly susceptible then
his right to take profound interest in ex-
orcising it cannot reasonably be disputed.
Such a view of the case is materially
strengthened by the statement of the claim
ant that this us a black
mans question" in which he says
that he "wouId emphasize this
appeal by the notifying reminder that it
was legislature largely negro. but misled
by corrupt and alien whites, which, in the
first instance. gave the Louisiana State Lot
terry Company its life, and that it was
the solid black senatorial vote which made
it possible for the state to be insulted in the
persons Of her voters, black and white. sby
the Infamous proposition known as the lot
terry constitutional amendment"
So long as the negro confines his interest
and attention to public questions he will not
only remain unmolested but be encouraged
and sustained by the whites. Only when
he comes to think it necessary to his per-
sonal happiness to tranSgress the estab-
lished usages of centuries concerning vol
untary association and to disregard the
polite amenities of social custom by thrust
ing himself into personal contact with those
whom he has every reason to believe do not
desire his society, and to foist himself into
private places where he has not been bid
restrain the enthusiasm of his progress.