The Brookhaven leader., 1891-03-12

man elected rs q result of the move
ment in the Southern States Is CLASH
fed "a Democrat and expects to en-
ter the Democratic caucus. In the
West, the movement very largely con-
sists Of former Republicans, who,
while ready to cut loose from their old
party, are by no means ready to turn
their backs on their own lifelong po-
litical convictions and join the Demo
cratic party-giving mp everything,
while their Democratic allies refuse to
give up anything. Nor is IL possible
for the Western movement itself to
develop INTO q national movement, IN
time, at least, for the next President
ial campaign. The unificatiOn of the
different political organizations where
such organizations already exist,
would, in itself, require considerable
time. When that is done there is the
rest of the nation to be organized by
States, by counties, by cities, and by
townships. In thrce-fOurths of the
nation it would be necessary to edu-
cate the people in the principles of the
movement and to inspire confidence
| III It's tChuCicf anu w uO tHtS W 10" >
if any, daily organs rs champions, and
hundreds of dailies expanding them
selves in concoting falsehoods, spread
ing insinuatiOns and ISLANDERS and
keeping up continual fusilade of
ridicule, misrepresentation and sar-
casm. TO organize such movement
i'm tie teeth of such opposition, with
the means at hand, In the present con-
dition of public sentiment, and to do
1t in time for the campaign of 1892 is
task simply impossible to perform.
A third point is that this movement
has left a large multitude of voters
without a national party, and, if we
are correct i'm the above statements,
with no chance of organizing new
party i'm time for effective work i'm
1892.
A fourth point is that the very
States in which this movement is
strongest and In which it has succeed
ed In drawing voters from both old
parties to the greatest extent, are the
States in which the Prohibition, seDti-
ment is most powerful, especially
among the farmers. First on the list
of these States is Kansas, the strong
est Prohibition State of the Union.
Next is Nebraska, where the rural
population would have had Prohib-
itory amendment to-day had it not
been for fraud and violence in one or
two of the cities of the State. Then
come the two Dakotas, both Prohibi-
ton States. Then come Minnesota,
Iowa, and Michigan, III every one of
which Prohibition has strong grip
on the farmers. In both Minnesota
and Michigan there was considerable
alliance of forces between PrOlibi-
tiOnists and farmers i'm the late cleo
ton.
A fifth point is that the Prohibition
party, with its organization in nearly
every State in the Union, in nearly
every county in all the more import
ant States, with an issue that has u
grip on all classes and in all sections
alike, with an established press, able
speakers, and competent fund pledg-
ed for the coming campaign, has al
ready manifested in its platforms in
State after State as well as in its press,
a cordial disposition to espOuse the
real strategic issues in the farmers
platform--namely, reduction of tariff,
increase of currency, extension of the
Governments control over railways
and abolition of national banks as
banks of issue. In other words, to
sum it up in a phrase--NO CLASS
LEGISLATION-a winning shibbOl-
eth, but one which the farmers them
selves, in a separate class party. could
not use.
What, then, is the manifest destiny
of the farmers movement One of
three things: To lose itself in one of
the old parties or, to flatten out en-
tirely !; or, to help build, on the fonn-
dation already laid by the Prohibition
party, the party of the future.
Which shall it be THE Voice.