The progressive farmer. [volume] (Winston, N.C.) 1886-1904, 1891-06-30

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shotgun and l would carry on a very
convincing suit of my own, and the
time has been when such would be the
case. But just look. The representa-
tives of the farmers have met and put
their heads together to devivse
to remedy what nobody denies is
wrong. They have formulated a plan
called the Sub-Treasury bill, which has
been presented to the National legisla-
tive body for enactment into law, and
the press to a great extent, and also
political aspirants and so-called states
men, have jumped up and say it is
tOmfoolery, chimerical, unconstitu-
tlOnal, a wildcat scheme, etc. In fact
they say everything about it that can
be said IN the English language that is
seemingly derogatory, and all the
while acknowledge that the national
banking system is pernicious beyond
further quiet endurance, but never tell
us what is better or how it can be
improved. They simply tell us to.
wait and endure further-to wait until
they fix it. Well, this complaint has
been running about as long as the
petitions of our fathers were ignored
by Great Britain. We have never
asked for the Sub-Treasury dictat-
ingly. We ask for this or something
better. Now l ask if the Sub-Tresury
is bad in it's opponents eyes, and they
acknowledge that there is wrong inthe
national banking system, would not
propriety, coupled with justice, com
pei them to state their objections, and
then form a feasible and practically
better plan, or shut up? Will the
American people not lose something
of their boosted civilization and phil
anthrophy by not having a common
asylum prepared for those pure and
unalloyed kickers. We have COM
planned and have offered a remedy.
They complain, by assertion princi-
pally, not by argument and logical
denunciation, and they never offer
a single plan that is better; and I
would ask if they are not peculiarly
peculiar men, with peculiar minds,
that can see the evil with which a
proposition is brought, and not be able
to propose. anything to remedy an
acknowledged evil except to go on and
be conservative-keep up the present
practices. Wesay as the S-ub-Treasury
has been offered, let us have it or some
thing better. Wehave made mistakes
already in electing those to Office that
have been there for years, that will
rival the most sanguine expectation
of our commendatory prophets as if
they we're every one Jonahs. We r
a brave and enduring people, a pro-
gressive people, so let's have the Sub
Treasury or something better &C. W.
Wise, IN BoIiUor County, Mss. ReUte1C.
THEN AND NOW.
In one of his speeches President Polk,
of the National Alliance, states the
difference between cheap and high
priced money very clearly, so far as
the general effect is concerned.
AS President Polk puts it, the high
priced dollar lessons the price of labor
products, while the cheap dollar raises
their price.
We can see how this works by look
ing at our public debt. We have paid
by far the greater part of it, and yet it
would take about as much of our labor
products to-day to pay the remainder
as it would have taken at prices in 1885
to pay the original debt.
Take another case. In 1870 two
farmers had each $1,000. One de-
posted his money in a vault, and the
other put his into 500 bushels of wheat.
To day the farmer who boarded his
cash can buy with it 1, 800 bushels of
wheat while the wheat farmer with
his 500 bushels can exchange for only
1888 in money.
1t will be seen from this that the
capital of the cash farmer has in
creased, without interest, so per cent,
while the other, who invested in labor
products, has lost sc per cent.
When boarded money can so in
crease it's power over the products of
toll, who can limit the evil that it will
infict upon agriculture when it is
loaned out at high rates of interest2
Twenty years ago, when we had
plenty of cheap money, labor was we'll
paid, and its products commanded a
good price. Inreply to this some half
blind follower of the gold bug croakers
will say that the paper money of
twenty years ago was not the equal of