The Laurens advertiser. (Laurens, S.C.) 1885-1973, 1891-08-25
AMERICAN INDUSTRY NEEDS
CRUTCHES.

NO AMERICAN INDUSTRY NEEDS
CRUTCHEs.
So far as the principle is concerned
there is no reason In the orld why any
industry in this country should be pro-
tected into existence. On what princi-
pie has the Government the right to say
TO man who goes into an industry
which Is Improbable here, 1--WE will!
give you monopoly of the markets of
this country until you can establish
your industry. in the hope that in the
future you will be able to manufacture
and get such foothold and simplify
your processes that you will be able to
sell cheaper at some distant day in the
future, and therefore the consumer will
ultimately get the advantages" The
diffeSbnce between the Government of
this country and of despotic countries
Is that we are under Constitution
which gives every citizen perfect equal
ity, that forbids the Government to do
just that very thing, and if this thing
Is to be done under the influence Of
large bodies OF capital and of legislators
operating in sympathy with these large
is the oppression Of the poorer but more
numerous clase of the community, and
one might as well be under a despot as
absolute as the Shah of Persia. who dis
pen5es his favor to one at the expense
OF another, as to be under that system
actuated by the majority of a legisla-
tive body, because there is no tyranny
anywhere more despOtic than the ty-
ranny of a legislative majority In a pop
ular body when they are unrestralned
by any constitutional restrictions.
never have subscribed to the doctrine
that majority can do no wrong. 1t
Is falsified in the experience of our
country and Of every other country.
Constitutions are made to protect the
rights OF minorities because majorities
are liable to do wrong, aud in the d,vid-
ed responsibility OF large body they
are much more apt to do wong than is
a single tyrant. The true criterion I'M.
der popular government is that a leg
islative body should do what is right,
and the test Of right Is the true test in
regard to all these matters, ana the mi
nority is entitled to as much protection
as the larger mass Of the community,
and the popular government is not
founded on the doctrine carried with
out Limitation Of the greatest good to
the greatest number. 1t is the greatest
good to the greatest number that can
be administered without doing injus-
tice to single individual citizen.
HOW THE TARIFF HURTS THE SOUTH.
Under the operation of the tariff we
have suffered great disadvantages in
the development of this section, impov-
erlshed by the war. In the purchase of
machinery, in procuring the various
fabrics and other articles of consumtion
we have been confined entirely to do.
nestle markets. Articles which would
answer our purposes better from abroad
we cannot get. Why? Because the
duty is probibitory upon them and we
have to go to home markets. Unfor-
tunately, like everything else in the
economy of society, this evil becomes
ameliorated in measure after awhile
Ly so many parties rushing into that
particular line of business as to pro-
duce competition. Manufactures
springfng up in various parts of the
country ameliOrate this evil, but the
evil is there and it ought not to exist
When we come down to individual in
stances we can find that all around us,
and the operation of it, has, l suppose,
retarded us in our material advance
ment more than any other cause since
the war. regard this question of the
tariff as mole important to us as an
agr cultural population, population
which exports and trades abroad, than
questions OF circulation and currency,
important as they are. 1t is the econ
omic question Of the hour with us.
A CASE IN POINT.
Suppose the city of Orangeburg
should say to any one of her citizens,
You can take any article from here to
the town Of Bamberg and sell it there,
but when you come back you cannot
buy anything in Bamberg, because
those things are sold in Orangeburg
and you cannot bring them back unless
you pay duty as you cross the city
boundary and that duty was put at
such figure as to make it practically
iiyEe bibitory. That was the CONNER
cial system of the dark ages. That was
the system under which the towns of
Europe were buried in the days when
political economy was not understood,
and every town had its own tariff. The
enlightened views on political econo.
my, which have been advanced by the
close observation of international eX-
changes and by the study of political
economy Oh its true principles have dis
sipated that absurdity, but yet it is on
ly reproduced in another form when
you make that tariff for protection sim
ply the basis of the tariff which the
Constitution says has been committed
to the General Government solely for
the purpose of raising revenue. While
In form the Congress Of the United
States has the right to do it, yet in prin-
ciple they say under power given us
for the purpose Of raising revenue we
will prevent ourselves from raising
revenue on such and such thing be
cause Mr.. So and SO makes those
things, and has capital invested in
them and would not make as much
money if we were to put him in &C mpe-
tition with foreign Dealers"
will read Il short section and close
my remarks, for it is my object simply
to give you few general ideas:
SPECIAL PRIVILEGES TO NONE.
"rhere are three parties interested in
the rate of duty to be imposed on any
article imported, whose interests are es-
pecially under the care of our legsla.
tive bodies IN this country There are
three interests and those three interests,
being the interests Of American citizens,
should he entitled to equal care OH the
part of our legislative bodies. They
are the home capitalist, the home work
man and the home consumer. The cap
italist should have fair return for his
investment. the workman should have
good wages for his labor and the con-
sumner should have protection from
oVerchargeS by means of speculative
combinations and corners, or by reason
of such discrimination as shuts off all