The record-union., 1891-03-09


upon tickets before the people OF the fifty
three counties of the State. Unless he
was prepared to contract debt of some
thousands of dollars, he could not print
and distribute his tickets. Under the re-
form system his name would go upon
every ballot cast in the entire State were
he as poor as church mouse. Finally,
on this point, the reform system of print
ing the tickets divests the machine" of
the monopoly of election machinery
and the truth is, that is just where the
shoe pinches these gentlemen who repre-
sent the boss element-that some of them
years ago fought gallantly for their coun-
try, for which we honor the patriotism of
their youth, should by no means be cited
in excuse for the decadence of their later
years.
4. As to the cost of the distribution of
ballots, all that has just been said con-
corning printing applies with equal force
and pertinency. The printing and dis
tributing by officials are the processes
which open the elective system free to all
the citizens of the State, rich or poor, boss
ridden or unenslaved, timid or fearless.
They give free rein to the political ambition
that the present system forbids the poor
The distribution of ballots to the precincts
by the County Clerk will involve no
greater risk of corruption under official
patronage than the present system vests
in the party managers. 1t happens now
that when they wish to cast out the voice
of precinct, they manage to deliver false
and mutilated ballots, or in some cases
make no delivery at all, in others to mark
all the ballots SO that no voter can secure
clean one or erase the marking-in fact,
to recite half the devices of the average
trickster in politics would be to consume
columns of space.
S. But the bill is of foreign origin. In
deed? So, too, is the system of laws under
which we live and do justice between
men. So, too, are the principles enunci-
ated in the charter of our liberties. So,
too, is the Christian religion and all 9TH
ers worth the respect of men. About
one-third of the Legislature is Of foreign
origin. The very statutes of the State
which the Legislature has enacted de-
clare that the common law Of England
shall be the rule of decision in the courts
when not repugnant to the Constitution
and other laws. 1t testifies to narrow,
unreasoning and contemplate prejudice
to object to law because foreign nation
has something upon its statute books of
similar character. The men who cannot
rise superior to that prejudice would
deny their ancestry, which in the case of
every member of the Legislature is for
eign by but few removes in most cases,
and no removes in some.
But in fact the Senate bill is not of for
eign origin. Australia was not the first
to propose the principle, though among
the first in recent years to apply it. AS
early as 1647 in the New England colonies
the idea of the secret ballot was born, and
and adopted. In 1872 the thought was
elaborated. In 1851 it was adopted at the
East under the envelope system, and it
remained until the corrupt boss system
grew to such proportions and acquired
such strength, that it swept all obstacles
to it's rule from the statute books. The
idea of the Senate bill is not foreign-in
the fullest sense it is American, progress
i've and enlightened, because it is an eff
will expression of the governed that the
government may truly and fully repre-
sent them.
But finally, said one Of the most earn
est of the opponents of the bill, it puts the
illiterate at a terrible disadvantage. It
makes him confess his shame to a ballot
clerk, and some of the illiterates are too
proud to do that, so they will not vote.
So far as that is concerned, it would not
cause many to regret it if the illiterate
were deprived of the voting privilege of
the American sovereign. But, in fact, the
Senate bill pities and favors that class. 1t
puts under oath and penalty the conf
dant of such shame. 1t throws about the
man who cannot read, its mantle of mercy
and spares him humiliation. But tie
opponents of the bill cunningly close
their eyes to the fact that the illiterate can
have copy of the official ballot ten days
or more prior to election, if he wishes,
and have it marked as he pleases, in the
privacy of home or the den of the boss,
and, taking itinto the polling booth, there
mark the final ballot from it.
1t is worthy of notice that all the oppo-
nents Of the Senate bill in the Assembly
admit that the secret booth for the re-
TRACY of the voter, prior to casting his
ballot, is good thing, and every one of
these gentlemen is willing to vote for that
much of the reform bill. 1t is amusing
to notice, also, that they do not find in
that much ofthe proposed measure any
objectional qualities because it is of for
eign origin. That is offensive which is
foreign, only when it does not happen to
meet the views of the opponents of the
bill.