New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1891-08-23
IMPERIAL GERMANY.
A CANDID AND ApPREcIATIvE STUDY.

utbS anu Tue tNluenU DENOMINATION Oh tilc dutnOE
TO tell the truth fully That 1t is not with all
it's candor Of criticism. the work of an enemy Of
the great country with which it is concerned, Is
sufficiently evident, and if further confirmation
of the writer's real friendliness were needed it
would DC supplied by the hearty concentrations
bestowed upon the book by distinguished Germans
notably Prince Bismarck and the late Marshal
Moltke. Since Germans whose patriotism
Is beyond question have Endorsed Mr.. Whitmans
study of Imperial Germany, the honesty and i'm
Partially of his book may very well be conceded
But it may be added that in regard TO many of
bis criticisms the history of Germany fully bears
him out and as an illustration, reference may be
made 10 the authors remarks upon the German
character in politics II is no new discovery that
doctrinarsm and partcularismus" have long
beer potent hindrances TO German unity. AS Mr.
Whitman observes: German unity has been
fought for and gained in spite of desperate OPP
position from within and from without; it has
still to encounter many more or less inimcal in
fuences from within. In addition to the difficult
ties arising from unitnesS of character were diff
ferences Of institutions. both social and legal.
The North, principally Protestant is still in part
intensely aristocratic, and, more lately honey
combed with Socialism; whereas the West and the
South have felt the waves of the French Rev
olution. and are democratic, besides being largely
Catholic. There are millions of Germans who
place their allegiance 10 the Pope above that to
their sovereign. 1t is German doctrinarism that
makes this posSible-instructive doctrinarism in
those who do not even know the meaning of the
word For Catholics in other countries have
rarely allowed their religion to nulify their pat
riotism"
The slow progress of German unity was DOUBT
less due in no small degree TO the Austrian in
luence which, steadily cast against Prussan as
pirations, made a policy Of fOmentlng separatlst
ideas and strove necessarily to create misunder-
standings between those States which 1t could not
bring over to itself But these influences were
baneful chiefly because they found in the existing
state of German tendencies O ready prepared me-
dium of propagandism. "Partcularisnus" was.
so to say, a national fad. 1t was, of course,
note of provnciasm; it was the expression of
political perception too narrow TO recognize the
superiority of national to state interests and poll
cies. The pride and vanity of the petty princes
and counts of Germany came in aid of the dis
union sentiment. In the view of all these prince
lngs German unity involved the extinction Of
themselves, and consequently they resisted 1t with
something like desperation. Through all these
complex agencies the opposition was so strength
ened and so deeply rooted that German patriotism
could with difficulty gain fOothOd and had it not
been for the virie policy of modern Prussia the
goal aimed at might not have been reached in the
present century. Had Louis Napoleon been a
shrewder ard better informed politician. he might
have avoided instead of precipitating war in 1870
and by adroit diplomacy have prevented the coz
lesoence between the German States which was
rendered possible by hOstilities Even as it was
the success of German unity left q large dissatis
fed element in the nation, and with this element
the Hohenzollerns and Bismarck have had TO con-
tend constantly
The defeat of the May laws the outcome
OF this struggle. 1t drove the Iron Chancellor
where he had boosted that his Government would
never go-to Cauossa 1t compelled him 10 eX-
change the drastic policy which he preferred for
one of compromise and concession. Not much
was gained even then, for the recalcitrant ele
ment-the Philistine element included-rcmained.
and still remains, source Of disquietude and of
Danger. Mr.. Whitman's analysis of German pol
itics tends broadly toward the justification of
Bismarcks policies and methods of government.
The Chancellor, his critic holds was eminently
sound in the view that not diplomacy, but only
blood and iron, could secure German unity. Talk
and intrigue had been in fact exhausted. They
had only still further embToiled the situation.
Their influence solely for mischief Persua-
sion needed, but it was the persuasion Of
Krupp guns and Malser rifles. So far does Mr..
Whitman's belief in the necessity of strong Gov.
eminent for Germany extend, that he doubts
whether Frederick III would have made suffi-
GENTLY robust ruler. Then he says: :" He was
the hope of the advanced Liberals, not only in
Germany, but beyond its borders On the other
hand, there are some, and by no means the least
bigh-ninded, who inclined to the belief that his
goodness might have been abused his trust mis-
placed and that he did not possess the hardness
necessary 10 guide the national helm in troublous
times. And again: I" His was essentially the
generous temperament of the romantic idealist:
whether ne would have shown the same unim-
passiOned front TO opposition and misudgment,
the same greatness OF character in forgiving it,
his great father the world can never know Had
he lived, We believe his rule would have proved
bitter disappointment TO some Of those who
foolishly tried to claim him as partisan"
Mr.. Whitman appears to entertain higher
opinion of the present Emperor than his actions
hitherto may have seemed to justify. He declares
that His education has fitted him for his position,
and the examples of his grandfather and
father are ever before his eyes. Everything re
liable concerning him tends to prove that his is
character that may be trusted to benefit by such
advantages And he continues " II the Germany
of to-day is in want of thoroughly honest, high
minded man, with strong national sympathies
with romantic love for the history OF the people
he is called 10 rule over, then surely the present
Emperor will be found to exceed the expectations
Of his friends and 70 disappoint the fears of his
critics. Every friend of Germany must hope that
this view may be justified by the event, but il is
perhaps hardly probable that Bismarck heartily
approved these and similar passages in Mr.. Whit
mans book. The chapter upon the Prussian
Monarchy, from which we have just quoted is,
however, highly interesting, for it Is written by
@ man who has lived in Germany many years, who
has made profound study of the people and their
rulers and who has the merit of giving the reasons
for all his views with perfect frankness. In
another chapter, upon "Paternal Government
he shows that a form of government which Eng
lishmen and Americans are apt TO regard With
disfavor has certain advantages; that il affords