The Greenville times. [volume] (Greenville, Miss.) 1868-1917, 1891-05-23
TRE CIVIL CONFLICT IN CHILL.

past u1a DO1u III pEOHIbss III Grlll.
1t ought 10 be added that we are lust
beginning to have ineligible views as
to the causes which led to this civil
struggle, and as to the reasons on ae-
count OF which it has been prolonged.
Probably no similar movement of
equal dimensions in modern times has
been so much written Sbout in ignor-
anee. We knew that there was civil
war in Chilli, that there were some rad
ical differences between President Bal
maeeda and the Chilian Parliament,
and that the contending parties repre-
sented the Executive on the one hand
and the Parliament on the other, some
what after the fashion of what hap
pened in England in the time of
Charles the First. But what were the
differences, or what the war was about,
it was not so easy to ascertain.
We gladly make our acknowledge
ments to the London Times, which,
with its usual enterprise and eager
ness to get at the true situation of af-
fairs, has been successful, although not
without difficulty, in putting competent
correspondents on the scene of action.
The latest letters of the Times from
Chill, one from the regular and one
from an occasional correspondent, have
thrown more light on the causes of the
present trouble and upon the existing
situation than has come from any
other source since the commencement
of war. The popularity of the entire
affair finds illustration in the fact that
the correspondents referred to have
evident difficulty in arriving at de-
cision as to which of the parties to the
struggle is the more to blame. A
curious feature of the contest is that
il is between representative and par
liamentary government. 1t is not easy
to comprehend the distinction. With
us parliamentary government is repre-
sentative government and representa-
tive government is parliamentary gov
ernment-the two are synonymous.
Ii seems to be otherwise in Chill.
This distinction will perhaps be
made to appear in some measure by
brief statement of the facts which have
gradually led up to the present crisis.
Chill has been a republic, at least in
name, for the last 60 years. A repub-
lie, in the true and proper sense, it has
not been. From 1888 until 1886,
when the Liberal party trilmphed, and
elected to the presidential chair Jose
Manuel Balmaceda, the country was
really governed by an oligarchy COM
posed Of leading territorial families
and of the clergy. This long domi-
nant Conservative party have never
endured with good grace the ascend
ancy Of Balmaceda. 1t is they who
constitute the Opposition, and who
dominate in Parliament. They are
sometimes called Moutt-Varitas-a
name adopted by them in honor of the
very successful management of Gillian
affairs by President Moutt and his
Prime Minister Varas in 1S50-60.
With the advent to power of Balma-
\ ceda the struggle which has culminat-
ed, as we now see it, began. The
mutual antagonism has grown in bit
ternerness year by year, until finally,
towards the close of December of last
year, the President, claiming to antici-
pate danger, impeachment having
been threatened, dissolved Congress.
The climax was reached through diff
ferences on the budget and on the
Mutiny Bill. Congress has no exclu-
sive power over the public purse. The
concurrence of the President and of
the Council of State is necessary. In
reply to repeated messages from the
President, Congress refused either TO
vote supplies or to pass the Mutiny
Bill. In addition, 1t threatened to i'm
peach previous ministry, a step
which would have prevented prorU-
rogatlon until the impoached ministers
were convicted or acquitted. Balma-
ceda was not to be caught after this
fashion, and hence, as stated, dissolved
Congress. AS the supplies terminated
under the former appropriation bills
on December 81, he has since then
been taking advantage of what he
claims to bo privilege well establish
ed by precedents-a privilege which
extends the force of the Supply Bill
for six months.
Balmaceda, it has to be admitted
although be has taken high ground
and exercised high-handed authority
authority not easily reconciled with
our notions of parliamentary govern
ment-has in good part at least kept
within the written limits of its prerog-
ative. The course which he is pur-
suing bears very striking resemblance
TO that pursued by Charles /. in the
matter of the ship money-the only
difference being that whereas the En-
glish monarch appealed to Divine
right the Chilian President appeals to
the Constitution. Might, which hap
pened TO be on the other side In the
case of Charles, made short work of
Divine right; and if might should
turn out to be against Balmaceda, the
written Constitution of Chill would
not, we fear, fare much better. 1t is
but fair, however, to recognize the
ground which Balmaceda has taken.
Article so of the Constitution says
"a citizen bearing the title "of Presi-
dent of the Republic of Chill shall
"hold the administration of the State,
and is supreme chief Of the nation"
Other articles are equally explicit as
to the powers of the President; and it
has to be added that the Opposition
do not question this Interpretation OF
the Constitution. What they demand
is revision and limitation of the
presidential power. To this Balma-
ceda replies that the Constitution can
only be altered by Constitutional
methods; that he has sworn TO obey
the Constitution and to make all Others
obey il until his term of office expires
in September next. "From this posi-
tion," he has said emphatically, | will
not recede one iota."
1t is thus made tolerably clear how
and what the situation is in Chill.
Balmaceda has managed, it appears, to
keep the masses of the people with
him. But the wealthy classes, the
old territorial families and the clergy
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