New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1891-12-27

of the Government and to do away with the
contingency Of revolutionary changes. The En-
peror was not disincined to undertake this re-
form, and there was time about 1869, when
great act very little suspected by the public, was
on the point of being accomplished. In the
projected organization the Institute was to play
a most important part, and who could wonder ac
that? Emile Angler had been deeply impressed
on Joining the Academy. lie admired the IN
sight of the Institute, with its five classes, into
every branch of human knowledge, and he con-
ceived the idea that the forces which were so
powerful in promoting intellectual progress mgh'
be utilized in the conduct Of the affairs OF the
country. and render material service TO French
society. At the time when official candidatures
were the rule he wisely remarked:
"Wbv do we not feel the ground solid under
our feet? 1t is because, since the wreck Oh
Divine right order can be founded on nothihg
but the consent of men-that is to say, on the
principle of national sovereignty. Now tine
sovereignty Of the nation can operate only IN TWO
WAYS: In the choice Of form of government anu
in the participation of the country oy lts repre-
sentatives, in the acts OF the government choSen
and if the representatives of the country do NOT
represent it. what becomes of the secondhand
perbaps the most important-function Of national
Z
for the country as for Government; and our only
possible base stands, like a qucksand. always
ready to give way under the tramp of advancing
freedom
These words printed before the agitations OF
1899 were prophetic lie wrote in even stronger
terms:
Tile shortest way for government to reach
revolution is to have a majority without bond
OF union with the country. 1t deceives no one
but the Government, from which it conceals the
growing divergences between Government ana
public opinion, confirms it in the wrong path, re
assures it till the brink of the abyss is reached,
and is then as incapable of supporting 1t as IT
was TO enlighten it. Revolutions are nothing but
misunderstanding. No sovereign is sufficiently
his own enemy voluntarily 10 separate himself
from public opinion; that one can affirm with
the same. certainty when a Government falls that
the national representation was fictitious; and
foretell that when the national representation is
fictitious the Government will fall
1t was impossible to describe with greater clear
ness. foresight and authority the causes which
were TO lead 10 the fall OF the Imperial regime.
The private papers of Emile Angler show how his
mind was absorbed with political problems. lie
himself confesses it in his preface TO Questions
Electorals," This work. he says, has long
been complete with the exception of some slight
notifications. IL is the resume Of a series Of
studies and, if | may say SO, Of medtations of
which traces will be easily found in my latest
comedies II is true he spoke little of them, even
TO his friends. lie experienced a sort Of bash
fulness to allow il TO be that the poet and
literary man frequently escaped from his recos-
nized domain In country where aptitudeS are
cassed and catalogued by public opinion, and
where it seems that man, qualified in one branch.
is thereby disqualified for another, Emile Augier
felt himself imprisoned by his own celebrity. He
therefore strove to confne himself in the eyes
of every one, within the domain of his art and
it was almost with an apology he published his
memoirs we'll understanding" said he, i am
not qualified to address the public on those grave
matters
Such was the new Academciar's treatment Of
Anglers political character. OF lis fterary and
dramatic works, he spoke eoquently and with
keen and critical appreciation. On concluding,
he was greeted with round after round of the
hearticst cheers the Academy has heard for many
"A day.