New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1891-01-09
VON SYBEES NEW HISTORY.
THE FOUNDING OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE.

WILLIAM l. Bv Heinrich Won Sybcl. Translated
hy Marshall Livingston Perrin, Pr D. assisted, d by
Thomas Y Crowen d co.
This important historical work by the veteran
Won Sybc is in the first place frankly Prussian
and National Liberal in its points of view II is,
as the ttle-pase declares, based chiefly upon
Prussian State documents The archives Of sew
cral Of the Governments whose history IS more or
less bound up with that of Prussia during the
present century were not accessible to the his
torian bat he was allowed freely to investigate
the Prussan archives and those of some of the
lesser States of Germany such as Hanover. llesse
ote II is to be expected that the disinctvcly
Prussian presentatOn Of many episodes and
negotiations will be demurTcd TO by Austria IN
particular but if Austria is of the Powers re-
ferred to generally by Won Sybel as refusing to
permit inspection of their archives, no blame can
attach 70 the historian even though lie should have
fallen into some errors by reason of this lnhlhl-
tion. In any case the present history must be
regarded as the most authoritative and the fullest
that has appeared, and il explains many things Ill
understood both when they occurred and since,
while it. unravels that tangled web of controversy,
diplomatic fence and intermlnablc negotiation
which occupied the period during which Prussia
was developing her material resources and forging
the weapons with which, in the fitness of time,
-
with them the destiny of Germany.
To those not specially interested in German
national evolution there may be certain tedious
ness in The detailed record Of these years OF pre-
liminary manocuvring. Yet, rightly viewed, tins
period is full of deep interest. Below all inc
ostensbc motives can be always the I'M
declared but none the less dominant aim, to SET
tic the great question of supremacy between
Prussia and Austria. Germany, fallen from ma
tional unity long before the dissolution Of the
Holy Roman Empire. had resolved itself INFO
cluster of small principalites and Kingdoms whose
tendency was toward separate Capitalization. The
very spirit of natonaliSm seemed extinct when
Napoleon created the Confederation of the Rhine
and his crafty measures were well devised 70
separate still further the fragments of the d!S-
severed Empire and to foster and keep alive those
mutual jcalousies which were most certain TO pre-
vent future union and harmony. Prussia alone
was in a manner compelled 10 take upon hcrseh
the difficult task Of countcracting tae existing In
fuences and designating tendencies and the
ambitions and the cOnqueStS of Austria, ooth
north and south tended inevitably to ALLEVIATE her
from German interests 10y thrlsting into her
system 0rcicn elements on a great scale, ltaIlah
on the one hand and Slav on the DINER mus
while the two great Powers remaining In ter
MANY were still Austria and Prussia, the former
tinctivcly German as time passed. Austria, how
ever. was far TOO proud TO admit that her SUI
premacy could be disputed, and from the first she
set herself TO opposc and counteract the PrusSlan
rolicv The real fundamental question was,
around which Of the two planets should the
satellite States gather \ more complex problem
was never presented, for though the object sought
was ultimately a united Germany, neither OF the
principal actors was willing that the other should
become the head of the new union, and each was
prepared TO postpone or prevent the accomplish
ment of the work rather than its rival should
benefit by the event.
But the efforts of the diplomatists were crossed
md embarrassed by other agencies The Demo
cratic Revolution had 10 be counted with at every
step. and the conservative mobiles had to be de-
ferred to, and radically conflicting views and
claims must be balanced. The results We're often
Of a kind TO produce desBondencv. When the
Revolution appeared 10 he in the full tide OF sue
cess the AbsOutists were constrained to weld
20 the force of the current and TO promise. or
even 70 give, constitutional guarantees. When
the excuses OF the Revolution led 10 reaction and
the military arm had crushed out Instruction. the
old conservatism flames up again, and princes VINO
had been ready 10 promise everyt hing shIank from
keeping their pledges. The National Assembly
which met al Frankfort was the direct offspring
of tho Revolution Under the menace of the
great democratic movement all the kings and
princes of Germany agreed TO submit the prepare
ton of a new federal system TO a popular body.
That body buoyod up by the revolutionary sue
cesses which We're being achieved throughout
Europe undertook to carry things with high
hand and il was encouraged by the weakness Of
the Powers and the lesser States. But The situa-
ton was unnatural and the power Of the National
Assembly was phantasmal. 1t really rested on
nothing more than the belief of the German
sovcreigns in the strength and permanence Of the
Revolution. When WindschgTatz crushed the
Vicnnese instruction and caused Robert Beuer
O member of the National Assembly. 10 he tried
by court-martal and executed. the doom of the
Frankfort BODY was announced. From that time
its work was mere waste of time. Frederick
William of Prussia had tOycd with the National
Assembly, not because he was supple polit
cian for indeed he the most impractical Of
rulers and the least accessible TO considerations
of State policy hut because he devoted TO
the idea Of a united Germany, and hoped that
the princes might he brought freely to choose
Prussia as the head of the confederation.
Her Won Sybcl has been able to throw
Iieht upon the character and course of Frederick
William lie has been regarded hitherto as
stubborn Absolutist in theory, but as lacking the
resolution 10 carry out his beliefs. OF course
a Prussan historian must be expected 10 make the
best showing possible for the sovereign who was
80 intimately connected with the development of
the Kingdom, and il is not difficult TO perceive
that Won Svbcl occasionally slozcS Royal blundcrs
and stupidities though his criticism is usually
frank and candid. But making such allowances
as may seem proper for national, or party bias
il is clear that Frederick William comes out in
this narrative n much more respectable parsonage
than he was formerly thought 10 be. lie GER
fainly was not a strong man, and perhaps no one
realized This more fully than himself At a crisis
when urged 10 take crucial step. he said 10 his
adviser that If he had been a Frederic the Great
lie might have done it, but that he was not
great man, and therefore such measures were not
for him. His cravcst vice indecison. and this