The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1891-12-12
FREE TRADE TO THE REAR.


man Springer that the tariff reformers
| should content themselves with efforts to
enlarge the free list. These are the same
| Democratic reformers who at the last ses-
sion of congress opposed the placing of
| sugar by the Republicans on the free list.
The election of Crisp and the moderate
language of Springer means that hence
| forth the Cleveland absolute free
trade" faction is no longer dominant in
the Democratic party. The Democrats
who were educated to sane views on the
subject of the tariff by Tilden and Randall
have prevailed over the Mills-New Eng
| land Mugwump combination, and are
likely to control the next Democratic
National Convention and dictate the
policy of the party.
The election of Mckinley in Ohio de-
feated the Mills-Mugwump combination.
Nearly 10000 Ohio Democrats stayed at
home in November because they do not
believe in absolute free trade" pro-
claimed by Mills. The pretense that Mills
has converted Massachusetts, to 'free
trade" does not impose ON the real lead
ers of the Democratic party, who know
that this year five out of six state Offices
filled by the election were filled by Repub-
licans, who received majorities in the
neighborhood of II 200; that year ago
only four out of the six Republican candi-
dates on the state ticket were successful;
that the state Senate chosen year ago was
tie between the two parties, while this
year it is overwhelmingly Republican, and
the Republican majority chosen for the
House of Representatives is much greater
than last year.
Nor are sagacious Democrats deluded by
the sweeping victory which elected Flower
in New York, for they know that this year
Fassett fell 81, 600 below the Miller vote of
1888, although Miller ran almost 10000
votes behind Harrison. New York Is to-
day as certain to vote against the Mills
Cleveland-New England-Mugwump free
trade combination as it was in 1883. New
York is the greatest manufacturing state
in the Union, and it contains large body
of Democrats whose direct business inter-
ests require that they shall support the
protective system in an effective form. and
when "tarif REFORM means a tariff for
revenue only these Democrats, who be-
lieve in the protective system as a princi-
pie. however critical they may be of the
details of the existing tariff, are sure to
vote the Republican ticket. Governor
Hill, Senator German. Senator Brice all
know perfectly well that, standing on the
Mills platform, no Democrat in the party
can carry New York.
In 1888 it would have been possible to
have elected Democrat without In diana
or New Jersey or Connecticut or Della
ware, but since the new Republican states
have been admitted into the Union it will
be necessary that the Democrats carry
every Northern Democratic state. The
loss of one of the five, namely, New York,
New Jersey, Connecticut, Delaware or
Indiana, will be the loss of the presi-
dency.
On the Mills platform of free trade the
Democracy not only could not carry New
York and Indiana, but would lose Con-
necticut and probably New Jersey, Della
ware and West Virginia. On platform
of free silver coinage the Democracy would
| lose all the doubtful states east of the
| Mississippi and would not win single
| Western Republican state. Even Mills,
| who cannot see the lunacy of free trade"
sees the imbecihty of "free silver"
| The election of Crisp to the speakership
means that the ablest men of the Demo-
| cratic party do not believe that victory in
L. IL.
free silver" and the present outlook is
that moderate, conservative reform of the
tariff rather than utter Reputation of the
| principle of protection will be the policy
| of the party in congress and its platform
| in 1892.
In support of this view ex-Mayor Grace,
| of New York city, has published an able
letter. Mr.. Grace is lifelong Democrat;
an Irish Roman Catholic: o leading mer-
chant of the great metropolis; a man of
| fine education; of large reading, who thor
| oughly understands the history of the
| protective tariff from the days of Hamil-
ton and Jefferson down to those of Tilden.
| Randall, John Sherman and Mckinley.
| Mr.. Grace correctly defines Mr.. Mills as
/ an advocate "of the old Calhoun school of
| free trade which was made the cardinal
| principle in the constitution of the late
| Southern Confederacy, a principle the
! adoption of which the British government
made a condition precedent to the
| recognition of the Confederate states
! in the secession from the Union. -
| The only difference between Calhoun and
| Mills is that while Calhoun advocated a
moderate tariff, Mills is an out and free
trader, like Henry George and Fearful"
| Tommy Sherman, of the Golden club.
| Mr.. Grace is correct when he says tina:
+, seven-elgths of the Democratic party are
in favor of the principle of protection, and
| that they did violence TO their real con-
victions in 1SSS when they supported and
voted for the British-Soathern school of
economy under the lead of JEFF Davis,
| Roger Q. Mills and Henry Waterson, and
/ repudiated the views OF Tilden, Randall,
| German, David Is. Hill and Charles 4.
| Dana.
| Calhoun was q sectlonalist, who advo-
Gated the growing of cotton at the South,
shipping it to England and taking pay for
ii in manufactured goods and commodi-
ties. On the other hand, Jefferson and
Jackson, nationalist, were for doing our
own manufacturing and being absolutely
| independent in that respect of Europe
| Jefferson, in a public letter after the war
| OF lsi2, advocated this policy. which was