The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1891-10-26
SEATTLE. MONDAY, OCT. 2s.
OFFICIAL SALARIES.

Judge Dillon, of the United States cir
cult court, who grew tired of
serving the nation for 5000 year, re-
signed and earned an income of 81 900 the
first year of his practice, and the Chronicle
says:
The bench work of today has multiplied the
demands on the Judiciary hundred fold, and
some relative multiplication in salaries would
be the honest thing.
The Chronicle is right. Low salaries were
originally fixed either under the false no
ton that the dignity of the Office should
be the compensation, and that liberal
salary would tempt men to scheme for it
chiefly for the sake of its emoluments, or
under primitive state of society when
$1,000 stood for as much, according to the
scale of living, as s., 900 does today. The
practical result of low salaries for gov
ernors in the older states of the East, like
New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Michi-
gan, has been that these governors have
nearly always been rich men, or men who
were the tools of rich men anxious to
''work the Office for all that it was worth"
The sound rule upon which to fix sal
aries is by the average earnings that
thoroughly competent man secures in the
calling to which he is devoted. Thus
sound lawyer fit to make an excellent
judge should be paid salary sufficient to
support himself and family on the scale of
living that is common to men of his pro-
fession. This would not mean luxurious
living: 1t would be the decent comfort and
social dignity common. to his class of pro-
fessional workers in his own community.
So with the office of governor. In ordin-
airy times its probable responsibilities may
not be very onerous. but its possible re-
sponsibilities are very important, and so
dignitied and honorable a position fairly
demands that its occupant should not be
paid a salary so small that he must look
like last years birds nest, and feed as
frugally as a church mouse unless he hap
pens TO have large private income.
The state wants the time and thought of
a man worth having and the state should
pay a reasonable remuneration for the
high public service she expects from her
governors and her Judiciary. On any
lower principle of official compensation
official service will not be undertaken by
competent men, unless they happen to be
rich men, and practically to exclude all
able men from the public service except
they be rich men is against sound public
policy.
If it be said that the man who has
proved his capacity to make money has
thus proved his ability for public service,
it can be fairly answered that as a rule
the ablest servants of the public, whether
governors or judges, have not been spe-
cially noted for the money-getting faculty.
1t is no more logical to urge that because
man has made money rapidly he would
make better governor than a reputable,
capable man who has not won large
wealth, than it would be to argue that be-
cause Webster was a great lawyer, Il great
orator and a great senator, he would
therefore have made a great merchant,
banker or railroad executive had he bent
his brains to trade when n boy.
1t is a shoddy sentiment that urges large
wealth as an important qualification for
public Office. 1t degrades the Office and is
preliminary step to offering il for sale to
the highest bidder, and it is whispering
words of wicked temptation in the ears of
aspiring men of ability when We signify
that there are no dignIties in store for
brains unless brains can command plenty
of ducats to purchase and support the dig
mites. The public service should never
lose an able servant by any such degraded
notion rs that expressed by the inquiry
whether a man can afford to go to con-
gress or represent our republic in i'm
portant business abroad. The question
should be whether the state can afford to
have the man speak and act for her at
home and abroad, and, if he is able and ac-
complished for a statesman's work he is
wanted whether he is rich or the reverse.
1.-The is not able or fit he is not wanted; if
he has not the wit and wisdom needed lie
10 not wanted for his wealth.
Any other theory of public honors or re-
sponsibilities would exclude aspiring abiI-
ity and frugal independence from office and
put premium upon such golden calves
posturing as statesmen in the United
States Senate, as Sawyer, Of Wisconsin;
California. Better put premium on such
bright and clean-handed ambition as car
ried Henry Clay and Abraham Lincoln 70
the work and honors Of statesmen wears
before anybody knew or cared whether
Clay was rich or Lincoln poor. If we
grant, then, II is no, sound public policy %
practically exclude al able men from pub
lie Office except they be rich men, We can
not afford TO attach a bergarly salary
TO a high and responsible Office
that demands integrity, capacity and ar
duous labor. because able, competent men
cannot afford the enormous pecuniary
sacrifice implied in meanly paid public
service. The consequence is that the
once either goes to al ambitious rich man
or an inferior poor man; the ambitious
rich man is not likely 70 make a very de-
voted or energetic public servant. aud the
inferior poor man Will furnish inefficient
service, just as a shoddy coat is a
dear bargain no matter how cheap
Its price. There are certain modest