St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1891-02-02
H. C. MeCartey Reads a Paper
Taking Strong Ground
Upon 1t.
A Diversity Of Views Ex-
pressed by Thoughtful
Members Present.


and the Labor lyceum at 70 East Sew
| enth street was crowded with people
| eager to hear the paper on class legis-
lation by Ii. C. Mctartey. lie touched
| on the more general aspects of the sub
| iect in long paper. The term class
| legislation is much abused in common
| language, he said, as IN practice it is
much misunderstood.
In its obnoxious sense, and with that
| meaning which is implied when certain
laws of the Legislature are character
lied as ''elass legislation" the words
signify such laws as favor one class of
the community at the expense of
another class, or, in other words,
give certain class an I'M
just advantage over others. The
theory underlying our system of
government is, that all men shall be (po-
Iiticallyj free and equal and entitled to
exercise the natural rights of freemen.
The theory, sadOpted as completely as
any political principle could be by any
people, and so fully believed that it
has nodded the conscience of Ameri-
cans, even aSsimilating the large, the
vast immigrations into itself, was yet
I but a political faith or dogma. and ell
e0untered social conditions entirely OPP
posed, which existed as an Inheritance
from English society and moldS of
thought. These grew with opportunity
and wealth, urged 10y human Seltishness.
as rapidly as. on the other hand, the
political faith and organizations grew
more democratic.
What are the classes that exist in our
In n rl
divided into, first, business men; sec
Ond, farmers; third, wage earners;
fourth, capitalists.
Professional men are not a class, how
ever it has been attempted to make
them appear SO. They are the servants
OF society. sometimes some OF them Of a
class. but always the servants of every
class. kind and condition. and repre-
sentIng the social state just as it exists,
with ligamentS binding them more than
any others, to the welfare and prosper
ity of the whole body. Such legislation
as tends to
Increase tise Inequality
among people or tends to preserve an
artificial advantage that exists is class
legislation.
We must surely admit that tariff
upon imports, to support government,
and to pay the extraordinary expenses
and LOSSES Of war, is one of the worst in
stances of class legislation. 1t is none
the less SO because not TN derStO0d and
because the laborers and industrious
classes who pay it do not know they are
paying the tax.
But when it is truth, seen by mo-
meDt'S thought and not denied by the
intelligent, that the tariff taxes, not
property, but consumption of the things
the people use i'll proportion to that use,
so that the family of ten with an income
of 800 may pay more than a family OF
two with an income of $4,000, it is
evident how destructive its inSidiouS
work may be to any reasonable degree
of equality among the fortunes of the
people. But if mere tariff for revenue
works such Injustice, what shall be said
of one ImnOSed in the interests of pro-
lection?
Protection to capital and free trade of
labor! Competition to this. but shield
for that!
And there may be class legislation in
regard to finance.
Let us not believe that only bankers,
and men now either holding vast cap
ital or those nigh in their favor are the
only men capable of guiding legislation
Oh this subject.
While / claim little knowledge on this
subject, L am prepared to say that the
decentralization of silver and the sudden
and unnecessary retirement of paper
currency which had been accepted by
the people was legislation that tended
to the enrichment OF the creditor class
and the impoverislment of the laborerS
and farmers.
While the laws that elevate some and
depress others are Objectionable, be-
cause they
Create Artificial Advantages,
laws that protect the weak and shield
the unfortunate from the avarice OF the
suOng and powerful are not class laws.
Upon the labor and the economic and
human virtues that spring therefrom
rests the welfare of the race.
Labor and the social relations must be
protected in free state, as the former
is weak because of the power of money
against Drawn, and the child is weak
and must be protected to become the
citizen Tomorrow, as we'll as to yindi
cate the affections Of our nature.
SO when conditions bring about the
labor of children Ill factories to support
their families, and the half-grown little
ones almost daily are seen with arms
torn off Or hands laCerated by the cruel
teeth of machines, it is good enough
argument to simply say it ought not for
the good of society as a whole to be per-
mitted.
And when the girls and women and
mothers of families are forced into the
cruel competition of the shop OF street to
earn bread, when million strong and
willing men are idle, while want invades
flN.A Il 1.
class legislation, but merely patriotic
and humane, to find a legislative rem
edy.
If by giving the laborer-who claims
that he now oVerstockS the market
watch conditions make for him-an
elght-hour day, some relief could come.
Would 1t Not be well!
The inhuman doctrine announced by
some economic writers. and gladly
seiZea upon by the favored class, that
labor. which means human beings, shall
be put in the market in free competition
as against the power of wealth, is alb
horrent. 1t is species Of class law
that must never more receive the recog-
milton Of our laws.
In our laws society, for which we leg
islate, must be treated as a unit-one
body within which no member shall
be allowed to suffer for the advantage
Of another-ana laws properly directed
towards cure of the evil existing in a
part are not class laws, but are for the
good of all.
The speaker referred to the struck
jury law as a glaring example of class
legislation in favor of railroad and
other monopolies. who can afford to
pay the expense OF hairing such jury.
General Discussion.
E. d. Taylor thought that the howl
of class legislation was never raised
except when the industrial classes tried
to obtain justice.
o. II. Paige said class legislation has
maize the rich richer and the poor
poorer. Party fealty was largely re-
spoDSlble for this state OF affairs. The
masses should be educated to use the
ballot intelligently and independently.
TO become more intelligent it is neces-
SarV to have shorter hours for farmers