Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1891-04-02

MIR. Fulton Makes an Elaborate Defens,
of His Pet MEASURE,

| uli1 Jill llpM DtlDIt tilt lltklSldbuTt IOI tI1e
equalization of taxation are calculated to
make. Before speaking to the merits of the
bill, however, allow me to say that, so far
as | have observed, you content yourself
with denouncing the bill and abusing the
author rather than by proving it erroneous
in principle or impracticable in applica-
ton. To stigmatize a measure as ''nonsen-
sical' and ridiculous may be very con-
venient, and is certainly very cheap, way
of disposing of it, but one | hardly ex-
pected to be taken by THE GAZETTE.
beg to say, in regard to the bill itself,
that il embodies, in principle, the we'll
considered and mature judgment of rep
resentative body of men selected from and
representing all sections of the State, and
whose honesty, intelligence and patriotism
will not suffer in comparison with any
equal number of their fellow citizens.
Every principle it embraces, with single
exception, was unanimously adopted by
the general committee of the Farmers In
stitutes and Oranges, and after the fullest
discussion. The single exception was that
which allows a taxable credit for the lien
incumbrance upon his real estate, and re-
quires him to pay tax only on the balance.
The vote on this proposition was, for allow
ing the credit, ID; against allowing it, 3; or
five to one. And one of the three who
voted against the credit stated that he did
so not because he thought it unjust but
because he doubted its expediency. So the
bill is not the thought of a single individ-
nal, as you assume nor of small num-
Der, but the deliberate Judgment of a rep
resentative body whose constituency mum
bers thousands. Besides, beg to remind
you that since it has been printed it has
been endorsed over and over again by
these constituencies. You, therefore, do
me too much honor when YOU credit me
solely with its authorship. fully endorse
the principals Of the bill and claim some
of the credit, but not all. Part is justly
due to the experienced and capable gentle
men who were associated with me.
/ will now restate the principal features
of the bill itself. They are these;
!. 1t proposes to tax all kinds of invest
ments that are yielding profit, such as
bonds, mortgages and stocks. We think
they should bear portion of the public
burdens for two reasons. First, their
owners enjoy the protection of the laws
and should help sustain them. Secondly,
because this kind of property is more pro-
iitable, pays better than real estate which
now pays nearly all the taxes. We might
add, in illustration of first reason, that
man may till his farm and enjoy its fruits
without invoking the aid of the law but
the owner of a bond or mortgage can not
enforce the payment of either principal or
interest without calling in the aid of the
courts. II the owners Of this kind of
property refuse to pay tax upon it they
virtually say to the owners of real estate,
we will use the courts and the officers to
protect and enforce our rights, but you
must foot the bills.
2. The second principle and main feature
of the bill is that man should be taxed
for what he owns and not for what he
does not own. Surely this is hut just and
equitable. Toillustrate A man dies leav-
ing farm worth $1,000 to his two sons,
lnnaS and linn Inhn ie a u1f
wishes to retain and reside on the old
homestead. James taste docs not run in
that way, and he proposes to sell out to
his brother. But John says II have no
money to buy James replies. ooh, that
makes no d ference. You can give me
mortgage for 5000, my share, and pay me
the interest and the principal when it suits
you.n And so they agree, and the mort
gage is given. Now is John any better off,
Is he worth more money than he was be
fore Has the ownership of James half
changet. in reality or only in name But
so far us taxation under OUR present unjust
laws is concerned il makes all the differ
ence in the world. Before this transaction,
John and James each paid one-half the
taxes butnow John pays them all and James
pays none. Let us look moment at
another feature of this business arrange
ment. James, without lifting his hand or
contributing cent to the public
burdens for the support of gov
eminent, draws his $500 annually
out Of the farm in the shape of interest,
while his poor, Woodworking brother
John can barely live, and is fortunate if
he is not behind with his interest at the
end of the year. Is there any reason
justice or even humanity in enforcing
this2 And yet that is the rule and law to-
day and those who protest against its
oppression and longer continuance are
sal ut htF snf thEa fattr ala
and their subservient tools, and charac.
terized as 'nonsensicaln and ridiculous
We say, in such case, each Of these
brothers should pay an equal share of the
tax-,Iohn IN his interest in the farm and
James on his mortgage. Some are willing
that James should be taxed on his mort.
gage but insist that John should pay the
tax for the whole of the farm. But the
injustice and unreasonableness of this is
apparent when we consider that in that
case the farm would be taken on Walt
alton of $4,000 instead of $4,000 its real
value, and John would pay inst as much
more as his brother James, although their
wealth was exactly equal.
8. The third principle of the bill and ,he
only additional one I shall notice here is
that there shall be only one assessment for
all taxes AS the law now stands the as
SCISSOR Of the hundred makes one assess
ment, the school boards another, and the
municipal authorities athird; three officers
for one piece of work There is surely no
necessity for this. Our bill proposes that
the hundred assessor, elected BY the people
and from among the people, shall make
the one and only assessment subject, of
course, to an appeal to and revision by the
levy court. And that when this assess
ment is once settled II shall be final; and
that when the school boards and muniai-
pal authorities come to lay the taxes for
thpSn tbnU shall ut att
upon the assessment already made for
county purposes, By this method Justice,
uniformity and economy will beprompted.
As IL is now, the same property is always
liable to be- and often is, assessed at one
figure for county purposes, another for
school purposes and third for municipal
purposes; and in doing this the greatest
injustice is often done, There surely ought
to be no objection to this change.
These three principles are the main and
distinguishing features Of the bill All
else is mere detail, or machinery for carry
ing out, in the best manner, the purposes
intended. Iii regard to the methods of
operation the friends Of the bill have not
only encouraged, but expressly invited
suggestions and amendments They have
done so because they sincerely desired to
formulate law that would be as lust.
equitable and satisfactory as is possible Of
attainment under present conditions. If
lnt opportunity mas MOI Deel improved. II
is surely not the fault of its friends, and if
il is not as complete or perfect as it should
be, those who have declined or refused the
offer to amend it have no Just ground of
complaint.
Very few real objections have been made
to the bill, but for The want Of valid ones,
its opponents have resorted to threats and
denuncation, the common refuge Of van.
pushed foes or those destitute of reason
or argument. But | will notice one
or two that are more spacious than real.
1t is alleged by some that to tax invest
ments will drive money out Of the State.
Why should it? Nearly all other states
a 1,rnI,nrfr. n,,1 = =, - an