The morning call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1878-1895, 1891-01-28
= SLIGHT ERROR.

The French papers, in commenting on the
life Of the late George Bancroft, accuse him
of having exerted his influence when he was
United States Minister to Berlin, in 1870 to
prevent American Intervention in favor of
France. Our French contemporaries give
Mr.. Bancroft credit for more influence than
he possessed. He did not prevent American
intervention simply because no one in this
country ever thought of such a thing. He
may have sympathized with Germany in the
war, but the sentiment was barren, and
never contained the germ Ofovert action.
Sentimental sympathy is not a force in
national affairs. When war and peace were
held in the hollow of a potentate's hand,
nations were sometimes swayed by feeling
or kinship. But at the present day they cut
but a small figure in determining the action
of intelligent people, or in shaping the
| result OF wars. Indeed, it is a long time
since they did. 1t was not altogether love
for the insurgent colonies which induced
France TO send a contingent TO fight under
Washington; the incentive was Il desire to
weaken the bellgerent she had on hand
Great Britain. During the Napoleonc wars
tie sympathy of Americans was generally
with the French; but Washington, Adams
and Jefferson took care that this country
did not embroil itself in the strife and it is
not clear that our sympathy did Napoleon
any good. In the Crimean War the SYM
! pathies of Americans were generally with
Russla m hJr 1t is hard n I.,.t, mot
ter of fact, it is not apparent that the SYM
pathes were of any service to Nicholas. In
our own war of the rebellion the sympathieS
Of the ruling classes in England and France
were with the rebels, but the plain people in
both countries were against slavery and in
favor of the Union, and Napoleon and Lord
John Russell and Palmerston and Drouyn
de PHuis did not dare to risk fire in the
rear.
1t is not exactly true to say that in the
Franco German war the sympathies of
Americans we're with Germany. When the
war broke out they were pretty evenly
divided; but in few weeks German Veto
ries succeeded each other with such rapidly
that the result was a foregone conclusion.
No act WIS done nor word spoken on this
side of the Atlantic which in the slightest
degree hel ed the Germans or injured the
French. We we're of the opinion that Ma
pOleOn had undertaken larger job than he
was able to accomplish. This, however. was
a mere abstract notion, without political
bearing.
Nations, like corporations, have no souls.
An lHulEluual, IL ne De rlSntly constituted,
is grateful for kindness and is apt to be
resentful of injuries; when occasion serves
he is likely to reQuie both. But nations are
swayed by material considerations. They
embark in wars and conclude peace from
their views of their own interest, without
much regard to friendships or enmities.
When France was in the agonies of subiu-
cation in 1871, NM. Theirs aud Jules Fayre
undertook tour of the European courts to
beg for help. 1t seems that they actually
entertained notion that Russia or England
would interfere on politico sentimental
grounds. The fact merely illustrates the
Generalization which disaster had brought
to minds normally clear and level.
Nations are not prone to go round, like the
Kentuckian in the story. looking for free
fights. 1t is this fact which casts doubt on
the oft-repeated story that at the time Of the
Trent affair Russia sent fleet to New York
with orders to report to our Secretary of the
Navy for employment in case of war with
England. The story rests on such good
authority as the statement of Thurlow Weed.
ANA yet it is probably incorrect. Russia
held no such interests to be served by our
success IN war with Great Britain that she
could AFFORD, without semblance of a ure
text, to invite repetition of the Crimean
War. The chances are that Mr.. Weed. like
the Paris Figaro to-day, exaggerated a SEN
tlmental expression of sympathy into dec
laration of purpose of action.