The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1890-01-24

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sessef, hoswpea ysoue 81 Gspond
sk1x7xE 11TDlr. glxUlRY -
An SnPosslsLE DTscUss1or-
The socaIIsd s.Duei he3wsen Prossction
and Kps IHnds, = OF rsthes Tie Discussion
bstwesn III. Gladstone md Nr. EIaine. In
the Jannary nnnher = - 6ssfk AsevseaH
Resins. II rely ~ discussion q all II -
simply . comhinaEtcn e two articles re-
lstInE. il - tFue. 70 ~ ssme general sub
feet. bat rels4is9 70 tkat subject - viswed
from utterly different standpoints, under
radically diaerost condition. and BY Oh
servers whoss sxpsEisncs. sducstion ard
interests ere ard hsvs svcr besn entirely
disttnct. The "dud," II Il proves any
thing, proves that . discussion in the
proper sense a TIE term Is utterly Ina
possfble between two antagonists who.
however, able snd however familiar with
their subject thsy may be. have not enough
IN common upcn which 70 bese , single
common premise.
Mr.. GIsdsteas spproacbes bis subject
along The lines Of tho British doctrinaire.
He lays down q his premises series Of
broad comnsscial truths Upon this four
dation ~ reays . structure ef theoretical
reasoning, which. - pure theory, no wary
antagonist would ventufe 10 assail. He
strengthens his reasoning By appealing to
the condition Of Great Britain 1t present
a. compared with it, condition before tho
repsai OF the corn lava He claims that
the wages Of British workingmen ara
greater By IN sveraes Of shout 100 per
cent under free trade than they were
under protection. A faulty point in his
argument here Is that be measures wages
BY shillinEs and pence without reference TO
the change Of commercial conditions within
the past half century or 10 the relative
change in the purchasing power Of money.
Thus far. however, with this one excep-
ton, Mr.. GIadstons's reasoning may fairly
Be said to b. unassailabIe. He has laid
down. candidiy enough. commercial truths
which no student Of political economy,
however elementary may have been his re-
search. would venture to dispute. With
such premises hs reasons TO conclusion
and turns TO the condition OF Great Britain
- compared with it, condition . century
AGO o. ahording an example which justifes
him in declaring that his reasoning Is cor
rect. inst here. however, be makes the
mistake which h made BY every British
writer who has undertaken TO discuss
American political questions. Having COW
cred Great Britain with his reasoning. he
attempts 70 cast il, blanket like, over the
whole world. He recognizes no distinction
Of physical condition or stage Of develop
mont. With an assumption truly British,
and likewise truly 0ladstonian, he applies
10 every othsr country the conditions exist
ing In Great Britain. With sweep Of the
hand he includes Europe, Africa, Asia,
America and Australia - ii they we're so
many counties clustering about the city of
London.
Nr. Blaine Il prompt to Sc this weak
point in his antagonists armor and hs
takes full advantage 81 II He lays down
The general principle that an assumption
which applies 70 Amssica The conditions
existing II Greot britain cannot b allowed.
Admitting Tor ~ purpose II ~ argument
sserything list M. Gladstone claims for
free trade - applied b Great Britain, he
asserts that 4 must not b. assumed that
the operation Of ire trade In the United
States would b the same. On The contrary
he broadly asserts that the reverse would
be true. He contends that the new condi-
tons which enter into tho problem form
IN element Of 70 great importance that the
conclusion which might b logically
reached from the admitted premises in one
case would Be altogether erroneous in the
other. He asserts In eject that the train
Of reasoning upon this subject which ap-
plies 10 Great Britain cannot in the nature
Of things b made 10 apply TO America.
Mr.. blaine also denies the correctness OF
Mr.. Glsdstons's assumption that protsc-
ton means dear production. and Is conse-
quently waste Of national resources. In
support OF his dental he cites numerous
articles manufactured in the United States
whose commercial value. and consequently
whose cost Of production has steadily de-
creased. under the policy OF protection.
Without contending that protection I'm IL.
self does not decrease the cost OF produc-
ton. he maintains that II does not increase
IL. and that cost Of production depends
uron causes. both natural and artificial.
which have no connection with the tariff
policy Of the nation. Here, also. he con.
tends that the rules which apply TO Great
Britain cannot be applied 10 America. No
more could the SHOWS Of Mount Rainier be
measured with = bushel basket.
Mr.. blaine then for 4 time drops the
British view Of the subject altogether. As
MIR. Gladstone asserts that experience has
shown free trade to he the true policy for
Great Britain. Mr.. Blasne asserts in a
manner equally positive that experience
has shown that protection is tho true policy
for the United States. lie passes in rapid
review the financial and commercial his
tory of the United States from the enact
ment al the tariff OF lsis TO the present.
This review shows. as he contends, that
every protective tariff has caused develop
ment and prosperity. and that the enact.
mens OF every free trade tariff has been
followed by periods Of stsgnasion and de-
PRECISION. !" Accepting experience as a
guide. therefore, he asserts that the history
at the United States aeandansly demon.
stssses the wisdom az the policy OF pro-
tecton rs applied to American indus
srics- He then turns once more TO
Mr.. 6ladsscne's argument Taking the