The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1890-01-21

railroad have been built In the United States.
The steel rail and other metal connected there
with involved so vast a sum Of money that Il
could not have been raised TO send out Of the
country in gold coin. The total cost could not
have been less than Is, 1000, o00, 900 We had
a large interest to pay abroad on the public
debt, and for nine years after 1870 gold was
at premium in the United States During
these years nearly 1000 miles Of railway
were constructed, and 10 import English rail
and pay for it with gold bought at q large
premium would have been impossible. A
very large proportion of the railway enter
prises would Of necessity have been aban-
doned II the export Of gold TO pay for the rails
had been the condition precedent 10 their
construction. But the manufacture Of steel
rails at home gave an immense stimulus TO
business Tens Of thousands Of men were paid
good wages, and great Investments and great
enrichments followed the line Of the new road
and opened TO the American people large
fields for enterprise not heretofore accessible.
The grain growers Of the west and the
cotton growers Of the south win observe that
Mr.. Gladstone holds out to them a cheerful
prospect They SHOULD produce more cereals
and more cotton at low prices"i Mr.. Glad
stone evidently considers the present prices
OF cereals and cotton as "high prices"
Protectionists owe many thanks TO Mr..
Gladstone for his outspoken mode Of dealing
with this question Of free trade. He gives
US his conclusions without qualification and
without disguise. The American free trader
is not so sincere. He Is ever presenting half
truths and holding back the other half, thus
creating false impressions and leading to false
conclusions The western farmers instinct
Is wiser than Mr.. Gladstone's philosophy.
The farmer knowsttiae enc farser- home
market the better are his prices, and that as
the home market is narrowed his prices fall.
Mr.. Gladstone makes another statement Of
great frankness and OF great value. Com
pairing the pursuits In the United States
which require no protection with those that
are protected, he says: mo adversary will,
think, venture upon saying that the profits
are larger in protected than in unprotected
industries" This Is very true, and Mr.. Glad
stone may be surprised TO hear that the con-
slant objection made by American free
traders against the protected industries" az
he terms them, Is that the profits derived
from them are ilIegitimately large.
Mr.. Gladstone makes another contention.
in which, from the American point Of view,
he leaves out Of sight a controlling factor.
and hence refers an effect TO the wrong causs.
Regarding the advance Of wages in England.
he says: Wages which have been partially
and relatively higher under protection have
become both generally and absolutely higher,
and greatly higher, under free trade" do
not doubt the fact, but venture to suggest
that such advance in wages as there has been
In England is referable to another and a pal
pablo cause-namely, the higher wages In the
United States, which have constantly tempted
British mechanics to emigrate, and which
would have tempted many more IL the induce
ment Of an advance In wages at home had not
been interposed.
ENGLAND EMPLOYS PROTECTION WHERE
NEEDED.
The zeal of Mr.. Gladstone for free trade
reaches its highest point in the declaration
that "all protection is morally as well as eco
nomically bad" There Is protection on sea
as well as on land. Mr.. Gladstone, while
chancellor Of the exchequer, carried through
parliament bounty OF e1s0,0O0 to line
of steamers running between England and
the United States-a protection that be
gan six years before free trade was pro
claimed In English manufactures, and con
tinued nearly twenty years after. In the
whole period Of twenty-five years an aggre-
gate Of many millions Of dollars was paid out
to protect the English line against all com
petition.
Does not this justify the opinion that the
English policy Of free trade Is urged where
England can hold the field against rivals, and
that when competition leaves her behind shs
repudiates free trade and substitutes the most
pronounced form of protectioni
It will not escape Mr.. Gladstone's keen OBJ
that prfttsi, inf In
flourish with lass rivalry and have increased
in greater proportion than any other OF the
great interests Of the United Kingdom. ask
his candid admission that it Is the one interest
which England has protected steadily and
determinedly, regardless OF consistency and
regardless of expense. Nor will Mr.. Gladstons
fail to note that navigation Is the weakest OF
the greatest interests in the United Statea
because it is the one which the national gov.
eminent has constantly refused to protect.
We really feel as much afraid OF protec-
ton at sea as MIR. Gladstone is Of protection
on land. The positions of the American con-
gress and the English parliament on this sub
ject are precisely reversed. England has
never been affrighted by the word subsidy,
and, while we have stood still in impotent
fear, she has taken possession Of the seas BY
the judicious, and even the lavish, inter,
position Of pecuniary aid.
FARMER AND LABoRER GET THE BENxYrr
MIR. Gladstone feels sure that, though the
protected manufacturers in the United
States may flourish and prosper, they do %
1T the expense Of the farmer. Both Mr..
Gladstone and the American free trader
have, then, the duty of explaining why the
agricultural states Of the west have grown
N wealth during the long period Of protec-
ton at q more rapid rate than the manu-
featuring states Of the east.
In 1850 eight manufacturing states Of the
east returned an aggregate wealth Of Is, l2S,.
10000. Twenty years afterwards, by the
census Of 1880, the same states returned an
aggregate wealth of s16,22s, 100000 Ths
rate Of increase for the twenty years was
slightly more than 2l6 per cent. In 1850
eight agricultural states of the west Qllinois.
Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Mime.
sofa, Nebraska and wisconsin, returned an
aggregate wealth of s2,27l ,O0o, 600 Twenty
years afterwards, by the census of 1880 (pro.
lection all the while in full force), these
same states returned an aggregate wealth OF
s1l PCS, 0OO,0 600 The rate Of increase for the
twenty years was 396 per cent.
The case viii be equally striking II we take
The fifteen southern states. The rate Of in
crease Tor the twenty years was so per cent
Consider that during this period eleven states
IF the south were impoverished by civil war.
And yet, at the end of twenty years, the
southern states had repaired all their enor-
nous losses and possessed nearly double the
wealth they had ever known before.
1t may perhaps surprise Mr.. Gladstone &c
be told that out of the fifty largest fortunes
IN the United States-those that have ar.
rested public attention within the last ten
years-certainly not more than one has been
derived from protected manufacturing; and
his was amassed by gentleman Of the
anne Scotch blood with Mr.. Gladstone him.
'elf. In no event can the growth Of large
fortunes be laid to the charge of the pro
.ective policy. The benefit of protection
goes first and last to the men who earn their
bread in the sweat Of their faces The aus
oicious and momentous result is that never
before in the history Of the world has com.
ort been enjoyed, education acquired, and
Independence secured by SO large propoy>
ion Of the total population as in the United
States Of America
JAMES @ BLAINE.