Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1890-03-15

of the proletariat; that is, until the
abolition of privilege in all forms.
These two classes-the bourgeosie
and the proletariat--once united by
common bond of servitude against the
common oppressor, became mortal enc
mics the moment one was free to OPP
press the other. But SO long as the ira
ditional enemy of both was not com
pletely subdued, the proletariat was as
true to the bourgeoisie AS the bourgeoisie
was treaCherous to the proletariat.
From 1889 to 1896 the disinterested
ness and self-sacrifice Of the proletariat
were such as blind faith in the eternity
of right could alone inspire. Its enthu-
slasm was never dampened by the most
obvious manifestations Of capitalistic per
iidy. Fed on the gIittermg generalities
Of the celebrated Declaration of the
Rights Of Man, starving and bare footed,
it repealed the invading hosts of the
worlds aristocracy; while the soil of
France was being captured, the common
inheritance was beng appropriated, by
n class of agricultural spectators and
former tenants Of the nobility, the bulk
Of which had hitherto held middle pO-
silion between the capitalist and the la
borer, but which, from that day to this,
has proved the buIwark Of capitalism
and privilege. And -- worse still -- its
generous blood, profuseIy spilled
throughout Europe in securing the tri-
umph of the French bOurgeoise, enrich
ed that foreign soil which, in imitation
of French ideas, was soon given away
by foreign nations to their respective
bourgeois.
What is it, then, that we, men of the
fourth estate, can both admire and che
rish in the Revolution of 1882 Some
may, with my friend GrOnlund, admire
Danton as wonderful revouti0nist and
self denying patriot, wishing only that
man Of his steel could have been found
and may yet at the proper time be
found -- on our side, Surely, however,
they cannot cherish his memory, for no
one was more active in making a soft
bed for the bourgeoisie. Let us here
and now" said he, "abjure all exagge-
ration; let us declare that property --
all property, territorial, industrial and
commercial - shall be eternally respect
ed"
Others may, with my dead ex friend
Louis Blanc, profess greater admiration
for Robespierre than for Danton; but
they, also, will hardly cherish the me-
mory Of man who said that Com.
nIunism' - meaning thereby the social
ownership of land and other means of
production 49, was an idea more chime
rlCal and sCarecrow more absurd than
was even the agrarian law The
agrarian law, which men, branded
by him as "perverse', had pro-
posed in order to prevent the sale of the
national lands to spectators by causing
Il fair distribution of the common estate
among all the people. Of course, the
lands should have been neither sold nor
distributed. TO distribute them would
have been an error; but to sell them was
n crime, Therefore, if in the light of
social economy we see that the men
branded by Robespierre as perverse were
undoubtedly mistaken, in any light
whatever we see that the perversity was
on the side of Robesplerre.
Still others - and | pity these may
admire Marat above all the leaders of
his time, But to cherish him would be
the height of insanity; for, as Malon
correctly observes in his History of
Socialism,, he defended property on re-
peated occasions. and, as to equality,
here Is what he thought of it,
THE jugglers who talk of equality
have misled the blind multitude. y \
TO take from the mobiles their power for
evil, it is well; but to deprive them Of
their titles and decorations Is an imbecile
usurpation and an unjust revolt against
the preIudices of a frivolous nation.
(No 500 of FAmi dU People, l7gl.)
Few will consider Barrtre tit subject
of admiration for hero vurshiprrrs;
but If any were disposed to cherish the
Convention as = body, would remind
them that upon the motion of this same
Barrere, who few DAYS before had SAID
that IAN end must be put to misery and
inequality the Convention decreed the
penalty of death against anyone who
shall propose or attempt to establish an
agrarlan law, or amy other law subvers-
i've Of property, territorial commercial,
or industrial"
".
In so far, then, as the social question
is concerned, we find in the French Re
voution of 1850 exactly what we find in
the American Revolution of 1916. an evil
dent inronsistcny, or rather monstrous
contradiction, between It's grandiluquent
declaration of general principles touch
ing the right of all men to life, liberty
and happiness, with which it fired the
enthusiasm of the contdlng masses, and
It's steady, vigorous policy of class legis-
lation tor the exclusive benefit of the