The Portland daily press., 1890-12-26
FLOOD OF ORAToRY IN THE SENATE,
Under the Present Rules II May Flow
On Until march Fourth.
The August Upper House Powerless
TO Prevent Useless Speeches,
Unless the Republicans Insist on
Adopting the cIoture.
Especial 70 the Press.l

WASHINGTON, December 25-The United
States Senate finds itself in a very peculiar
position at the present time. 1t has been
celebrating steadily for 20 days without as
yet being able TO stop ITSELF 1t fears that 1t
may have to continue to deliberate until the
fourth of next March, when the constitution
of the United States will mercifully say to
the venerable gentlemen, "You may now
stop talking. gentlemen, and 20 home."
The reasan for this helplessness of very
august body lies in precedents set far back in
the history Of the government. Every
school boy who has attended debating So
ciety knows that parliamentary usage pro-
vides a way whereby at certain time the
majority Of a meeting may bring propsi-
tion to vote. This method Is called the
"previ0us question" The motion for the
''previOus question" Is a motion that the
question under discussion be put to a vote
Ii an assemblage votes to put the question
then the question Is put at once, as IL should
be. Otherwise some stubborn people might
talk on forever. From the first the House Of
Repi esentatives In the American Congress
has had this way of shutting of debate at
the will of its majority. II 1t did not have
this method no bill that any considerable
number of members might wish to defeat
could ever be voted upon. BY resting each
other 20 or 80 members, speaking by turns,
could talk until the end OF Congress; ana
which they might not like. As the House
has been for many years body OF about 300
members 1t has been absolutely necessary to
have the previous question In order to do
business.
The Senate, on the other hand. has been
smaller body, varying from 80 members In
the earlier times. to 88 as at present. In
small body of 80 members the need of shut
ting off debate would not be pressing Ey-
cry member might talk as long as he might
wish and still there would be time to do bus
iness. So the Senate did not feel the neces-
sity of starting out with any mact inery for
stopping debate and bringing a question to
vote. And, as precedeDts count for much 10
all parliamentary bodies, the custom has
grown up 10 the Senate of always deferring
a vote on question until the time when ev-
cry Senator manifests tnat he does not wish
to talk any more. There Is no rule of the SEN
ate setting forth any means whereby vote
m ~ be taken any sooner. Even In body Of
88 members such method might not result
in serious delay of public business IL the an
cient precedent could be followed In good
faith. But whenever large faction Of the
Senate wish to defeat measure the tempta-
tiOu is always at hand for them TO abuse the
old precedent. At various times In the Sem
ate the minority have determined that GER
tain measures should not become laws anO
have attempted to talk continuously until
the measures should be given up In despair
by the majority.
In the days Of Stephen A. Douglass, when
the Democrats controlled the Senate, the
minority attempted to defeat measure In
this way, and Douglas brought in resolu-
tion to adopt rule whereby debate might be
closed and vote taken. DOUGLASS resolution
was not adopted because the minority COM
promised and allowed vote to BIZ taken. On
another famous occasion another attempt
was made to talk measure to death. lr was
in 1868, in the darkest and most exciting
period of the war. President Lincoln, brset
by Lee 10 front and the Copperneads In the
rear, had suspended the act OF habeas COR
pus. A bill was introduced in Congress to
approve the Presidents act and to indemnify
him in case his act should b. declared lille
gal. The Democratic party was unit In OPP
position to the bill. AS the time drew near
for the legal expiration OF Congress in 1868
the bill was In tue Senate. After midnixnt
on March l, 1868, Senator Trumbnll Of Illi-
nois, submitted conference report on the
bill, to approve suspension of the habeas
corpus. The small cOterie of Democrats,
numbering scarcely more than half dozen,
had made preparations to fight the measure
and to fili6uster against 1t until the expira-
tiOu VI OOuSlCso db uuOA OCndtOl
Powell of Kentucky, was selected. to lead
the small squad of Democrats, aud he de-
tailed Senator James A. Bayard Of Della
ware. to open the fight of talk against time.
Senator Bayard was to speak from. until 6
m and was to be succeeded by Senator
Garrett Davis OF Kentucky. Senator Pow
ell, the latter's colleague, said to Davis In ar
ranging the details:
go home, Davis. and get a good sleep.
You are good for six hours talk at any time."
Senator Bayard began his speech against
the conference report, ,and, /, as his staying pow
ers were doubted, Senator Powell decided to
remain and afford him an occasional rest by
interp0siHg motions to adjourn, thus COM
Delling a roll call. Senator Powell, who was
rested and comfortable, made his headquart-
ers In the cloak room. whence he made an
occasional sally into the Senate chamber,
and with permission Of Senator Bayard.
moved an adjournment. These tactics had
been continued until nearly four O'Clock.
when Senator Bayard evincing signs of wear
iness, senator Powell made another motion
to adjourn.
The roll was called. The Delaware Sena-
tor, being quite deaf, held his hand to his ear
somewhat In the shape OF q sounding board
in order to keep trace Of the proceedings.
Meantime, and prior to this roll call, Senator
PomeToy Of Kansas, had been called to the
chair. As the call proceeded Senator Bay
ard, occupying the seat now held by Senator
Ransom. inmedi ttely In front OF the chair
kept his eye fixed upon the presiding officer,
excepting the usual recognition at the ter
minati0n of the roll call.
Senator POmerOy, who had had his cue and
was aware of Bayard's deafness, instead OF
again Recognizing the Delaware Senator to
resume his,speech, put the motion on the
adoption of the conference report. 1t was
promptly adopted by Republican votes, Sem
ator Powell feeling easy as to the situation,
having resumed his nap in the cloak room
When Senator Bayard perceived what had
BEEN done ne demanded recognition, but was
Informed that IL was too late. He felt so
angered at the affair that he resigned from
the Senate, to which he was succeeded by
HE son, the late secretary Of state In Mr..
Cleveland's cabinet.
The situation at the present time Is far diff
ferent. There is compact minority Of thir-
ty-eight Democrats In the Senate, and among
them score Of men who are neither old nor
deaf. He who plays Senator Pomeroy's role
In refusing to recognize Democrat for fur
ther debate will probably have to do so 10
the midst of great turmoil. 1t Is not diff
cult TO imagins what Will happen. An angry
and shouting crowd OF Senators may surge
down the aisles towards the presiding officer.
led perhaps by the immense form OF Reagan
of Texas, who has a voice like a bull OF
Bashsn, or by Butler Of South Carolina, who,
ven more than Wade Hampden, organized
the white chivalry OF SOutn CdrOllna IN 1910,
or by the fiery Berry of Arkansas, who has
crutch which he might WELD to attract the
attention Of the unwilling occupant Of the
chair. The storm probably would not be so
uproarous as was that in the House last
January, but 1t would be something of
storm.
In the case Of Senator Pomeroy's ruling
there was no rule to close debate brought In
as there has been In this case. But the rule
which has been brought in by Senator Aid
rich must be debated and adopted, and the
rule can be debated all winter as we'll as the
elections bill so it will be necessary at some
point for the presiding officer TO refuse to
recognize further and put the question on the
adoption Of the rule. Then Will the Demo-
Gratis declaim over outraged liberty, in case
the Republicans of thD Senate show determi
nation enough to stop talking and act.