Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1890-02-22

Holilbt aiS kStNiiS W ~ anu W
each other, their desire for unity mani
tests itself by utilization, amalgamation,
federation and lastly-in this country at
least-by political action.
The speaker then gave brief review
of the Trade .Unioa and X. of l.. move
ments in the last twenty years; the first
issuing naturally in the formation Of the
Federation, whereas the second
originally conceived with a less regard
for the natural evolution of organized
labor, lost some Of its impetus in under
going necessary changes of form and
policy. Both, however, were unquestion-
ably impelled by the socialist spirit,
which, through Its representatives, acted
a most important part in their develop
ment And when they had reached a
point where the mass Of organized labor
could count its numbers and therefore
realize its strength, the binding. aggre
eating, and impelling force of Socialism
was again instrumental in producing at
the chief centers of industry the most
formidable manifestations of political
independence that this country had yet
seen.
In relation to the political movement
of 1856 and its subsequent collapse, the
speaker said he could not express his
views more clearly than he had done In
the WoRKMEN's ADVOCATE, from which
he quoted as follows:
independent political action is the
natural form in which Labor is newt
ably impelled by circumstances to mani,
fest the extent and solidity of its econo-
mic organization not only its surface.
but its depth not only its numbers, but
its intelligence; not only the intensity
of its feeling, but the detiniteness of its
purpose. If the economic organization
be weak, its political manifestations
must be correspondingly insignificant ;
if the first he lacking in the element of
duration, the second cannot be lasting !;
if the first be deficient in unity of views,
tie second will be pregnant with the
seeds of dscord.
"All this is elementary. Let those
who doubt it compare the events of the
past few years, in which they have been
more or less active participants and if
the history of their own making has any
meaning for them, surely they must
tOlllt w Vic toIltluStOus IL btRlllS
in the fall of 1886 with strong political
movement co-extensive with the ecOno-
mic organization of labor at that time,
the condition and nature of which it
reflected exactly-that is, broad but nct
deep, numerous but not homogeneous,
intense in feeling, but indefinite in pur,
pose. Compact at first under the pres
sure Of enthusiasm, it disaggregated in
New York on the first attempt of fac
ton to shape its future course by forcing
upon the mass dogmatic Interpretation
of it's economic object; while in other
centres of labor agitation, where the
George theory had never been factor
or even topic, it dwindled away with
out any apparent cause. Some may say
that the split in New York was felt else
where but while admitting its democrat
izing influence, we are soon led by fur
Their investigation to recognize that the
split itself was the effect of cause
which, though less perceptible to the
superficial observer, operated every
where with tremendous force. We refer
to that rapid disaggregation of the econ
omic organizations of labor, which
began to assume alarming proportions
in the winter of 1887, and from which
we are now slowly recovering. Divided
within themselves, sometimes even ar
rayed against each other, and repeatedly
weakened by defeat in their conflicts
with capital, these organizations relin
pushed all control of the political move
ment, which, from that time, either
was split into factions or drlfted away
aimlessIy, thus rejecting again, like
mirror, the condition Of Organized
Labor"
Many facts were presented by the
speaker, and congratulations deduced
therefrom, which are necessarily omitted
in this synopsis. For instance, he re.
viewed the Greenback movement, which
he said was originally mere movement
Of debtors against creditors, but became
more radical and socialstic as the debt.
ors realized their impotency and sought
the aid of the wage working class, into
which most of them were finally cast.
He pictured the complete disorganiza
ton of labor from 1874 to 1879, and its
extensive reorganization from 1880 tC
1886 on more advanced lines and higher
principles of social economy. The labor
movement, he said, is not and cannot be
continuous. 1t is a series of alternate
organizations and disorganizations, but
each reorganization is on higher plane
than any previously reached. Through
out those fluctuations SocialiIts stanC
unmoved, holding aloft the flag of labor
and marking the way.
A point which he specially endeav
ored to impress upon his hearers in the
first part of his lecture was that the
socialistic movement Of the New Eng
land workingmen in 1915, under the
leadership of Wendell Phillips and VIM
Garrison, was necessarily converted, foi
the time being, into movement for the
| abolition of chattel slavery. In the
twenty years it took to accomplish thai
object, these great leaders and their fol
| lowers spent upon il their energy anC