The Daily bulletin. [volume] (Honolulu [Hawaii]) 1882-1895, 1890-04-05

which alone VIC are to have the COW
cted extension of the free list, viz,
"Whcnevcr the Congress of the
United States and the Hawaiian lie.
gislature shall have passed the ne.
cessary laws therefor" etc. What
guaranty have we that such laws
will be passed by Congress: Abso.
lutely none.
What is the objection to leaving
the entire treaty to take effect until
Congress shall have passed the
necessary laws" etc, so that we
will be (from their standpoint, at
lcasD, sure of our quid pro quo?
The objection is, to use their own
words, that the probability Of meet
ing hostile Congress, or at least a
hostile House Of Representatives, is
so great as to render it ha.
zardous to 90 before Congress,
in the matter, at all. That
while the American Executive and
probably the Senate would ra,fy the
proposal, in so far as they are com.
pctent to ratify (viz., with reference
to articles |, 4, and 81, ii is almost
certain that such ratification by the
House would not be obtained.
And, yet, in the face of the fore
going argument, the same gentle
men profess to- think that the same
"hostilc House" will give us the free
trade article, after we have alrcad,
given them all we had TO give. The
House of Representatives cannot be
relied upon to make what treaty all
vocates claim to be fair exchange,
but these same advocates arc will
ing to depend upon its generosity to
give us the one thing we are signing
for Gin addition to what we now pos
sess), viz, free trade, when the
slight induccment of the privilege
to keep us forever in political fet-
ters shall have been eliminated from
the argument in the case, by being
| placed within their grasp.
This argument of the treaty adj
vOcatcs is, upon it's face, inconsis-
tent, if nothing worse. Is it not
the better position to assume that, il
we really want the free trade article,
we shall insist upon receiving it and
its benefits, at the time Of our as
suming the additional and most Sc
rious obligation Of 4 practically per-
petual subsection, both in commerce
and politics, to the United States.
If we do not want the free trade
Article, why make further prc,cnsc
to desire which is not genuine -
upon the attainment of which we
are willing to risk nothing--and the
inducement TO secure the granting
OF which we propose to part with
before securing the boon in Qucs.
tion?
As to the second Article, whicl
provides for the bountics, etc, il is
in the same category with the third
Article, in that the Executive anC
Senate OF the United State
are not competent, under tho
United States Constitution, TO pledge
that nation TO the payment of boun
ties. The payment of bounties be-
ing essentially matter "alTcctins
the revenues" it seems obvious
that the concurrence OF the iIous,
of Representatives would be neccs
sary to to make such pledge effect
ual. And yet the proposed dral
does not even suggest any legisla
ton upon this topic, and it ma.
doubtless pass for fact that no one
even among the warmest advocate
: of the measure, really believes o
supposes that the sugars OF lava
ian production will ever be admittc
to the benefits OF any bounty systc'
that may be adopted, with referenc
, to American sugars, by Congress.
| 1t is the obvious duty of those cl
, trusted with the political and CON
mcrcial fortunes of Hawaii, TO SO