The Carbon advocate. [volume] (Lehighton, Pa.) 1872-1924, 1890-05-03


worlds history the Single Tax ldea-is every |
where aud every day more absorbing the atten |
tion of thinking people, under the brilliant lead
ership Of the author Of Progress and Poverty !
The discussion ofthe Single Tax question Is a
political movement, since the publication Of
progress and Poverty" has for the first time |
given the study OF Political Economy, as science
OF economic government, that Impetus and |
prominence which its great Importance In the |
domain of statesmanship so richly merits,
Political kcOnOmY has been too long neglected |
-Orr colleges and universities merely SKINNED
it over in meaningless and informal manner,
TO nll out their cnrriCulums; but to-day, the
newspapers, magazines and the peoples repre-
sentsltves In their Legislative halls, are every
where yieing with each other In emphaZing Its
impOrtance,-and last but not least the COM |
mon people In their workshops and homes, have
taking an active part IN It's discussion.
Being in fun sympathy with the general prin-
cples involved, and having read with care all Of
Henry Georges books and writings. in that
frame Of mind, Including The Standard, the or
gan Of the Single Tax movement, from It's first
number, as well as other works bearing upon
the subject, that came TO- my notice., together
with many adverse criticisms upon the .funda-
mental and practicable principles involved,
will attempt TO present concise review of the
time.
limits Of an article like this will necessarily
make the review Of such question very brief
and unsatisfactory, and must assume general
knowledge, on tine part of the reader, of the
progress and discussion Of the subject matter.
Let us cOnclsely examine some Of the leading
| or1ticsmaand objections thus far urged against
Henry Georges celebrated Progress 4 Poverty.
Edward Gordon Clark, In the North American
Review OF January, 1857, makes most remark
/ able statement. He says INF. GeOfges'PrO
/ gress and Poverty Is so superb work, 80 per
suasiyelY constructed, and so full Of great, need
| ed truth, that he has almost overwhelmed the
very elect with one of the most glarlng and dis
jOnted n0n-sequiturs, that ever broke itself In
two with It's own logic" Is this SOP
George GuntOn, in The Forum Of March. 1891
essayed to demOlish the same work. The gist
| Of his argument was, that "the doctrine which
VIII take possession q the uneaEned increment
In land, win Justify the taking of increased val
ues, not only Of productive investments, person
| al property and improvements, but Of personal
service also, which would be fatal TO all indus
trial and social progress" Is this analogy sound,
| or Is IL "disiOinted nOn-sequitur2" But of all
| critics, William Nelson Black, in the New York
| Sun, advanced the most wonderful and most
conclusive objection, to such as have faith IN its
/ soundness. He strongly insisted, that TO make
| a tax OF any value or use, there must be some
| thing TO be taxed, and before tax on land val-
ueS could be collected, You must first have land.
Mr.; Black prOceeded to demonstrate that there
really Is no such thing as land values. IL is re-
| ferred to here as novelty, and for the purpose
Ofcalling attention TO the reckless DRIFT OF cur
! rent criticism upon this important question.
IL will be Iemembred that the Duke Of Argyll
| In the Nineteenth Century, as long ago as April,
1884, attempted to rldicule and demosh Prog
ress and Poverty" The sequel Is well known.
But the learned Duke did not, even as "a very
humble citizen In the Republic of letters, as he
styled himself, claim to have discovered any
| "disIOnted non-sequlturs" He admitted the
work TO be illogical reduction to iniquity" as
he called it.
| Richard T. Ely, Professor of Political Econ
OmY at Johns Hopkins University, has given
some important contributions to this question:
In the New York Independent and In the Balt-
more sun He shows with great force and clear
ness, the true character of economic rent, and
its beneficial effects upon the whole people il it
were were appr9,pTlated to public use according to
Gated by Henry George. But his powerful voice
falteTs Just at the very point where 1t should be
elearest and most articulate.
Prof. Ely says "Why should not landlords
lay n0Wn their titles for the common good? II
| lt were really necessary they ought TO do It.
| But u Is not necessary: consequently needless
hardship, consequently cruelty and Injustice.
We have not vet decided that private property
In land IS not after ALL the best thing. If we do
so decide, any burdens which that decision may
entail should be distributed among all the peO-
pie" Let me ask. In what substantial manner
IS the equitable or the legal right of compensa-
ton to landlords, any more valid than IL Is in
the case OF the Shareholders, when the slaves
were emancipated by the Presidents Proclama-
tion2
/ To admit the equity and right of compensa-
tlOn would be an admission Of the fundamental
right Of private property In econOmlcrent; and
so II would have been OF the rightfulness of sa-
very, II compensation had been allowed The
rights and equities involved in Prof, Ey's OBJ
lection were ably discussed and iudieiously set
tied by the Supreme Court OF the United States
IN line of cases where the consttutionality OF a
statute law was called in question, because II
ers in spiTtnOus liquors for losses Oeeasoned by
prohibitOry laws enacted by the state In Its SOW
ereign capacity. The ruling OF the Supreme
Court OF the United States en- the subject OF the
public health, also suggest an analogy which
VIII help 70 s.cn an understandihg s OF Ge9Egs 3
refutatOn, no less than for lntelllgently accept
ing them. IL Is now the settled law that the
governmental power to make laws for the pro-
lection OF the public health Is inaleinable, the
reason as stated by the Court being, that such
} power Is so indispensable to the public welfare
! fhaf N he hQFpainad Inv ~ -
(e. <. the exclusive right, within a designated
area, 10 keep place for Strengthening animals
and preparing their meat for marSet), yet prop
erty so acquired, is held subject to the right OF
the Legislature to qualify or destroy 1t at will,
according 10 ITS Judgment Of what the public
interest requires, and without regard to invest
ments that may have been made or calculations
based on the action of q prior Legislature, even
though such action took the form of a Contract
| In drawing the analogy between land and fhe
liquOrtrafflc, and the public health and kindred
cases, the term Legislature" should be used
broadly, so as to lneude the people themselves
when performing the supreme legislative func-
tiOns OF making or amending constitutions, as
well as the paItlcnlar bodies to when eglsla-
decisions from our highest court, have practi-
eally put at rest the moral and legal aspects OF
Prof. Elys principal objection In whatever form
he may state 1t. The greatest difhcultles that
the single tax idea encounters, do not lie in its
moral, economic and legal aspects, but in its
! practieabllity and In getting even people who
are In full sympathy with It, to clearly under
stand 1t; and to get such as do understand 1t,
} 70 unite and make common cause TO put it in
The economic, moral and legal phases of the
question have been so fully discussed (and
among the aDleSt contributions IN this line re-
J fer the reader TO an article In rhe Harvard Law
Review for January, 1883, by Samuel b. Black,
Esq, of the New York City Barr, that we natllT,
ally inquire why so little has been said as taits
! Into practice.
knowing how any given scheme will work In ac-
tual use, or how II will be likely 10 work, than
they are Interested In its abstract s0undness as
} theory or principle.
In this connection AN eminent authority like
Prof. I. II. Huxley, cannot be1gnOred. In AN
article in the Nineteenth Century, entitled "rhe
Struggle for Existence, ,, he fOrcibly says: zone
OF the most essential conditions, II not the chief
! cause, Of the struggle for existence is the ten
dency TO multiply without limit, which man
shares with all living things. 1t is notable that
\ increase and multiply Is a commandment ira.
! ditiOnally much older than the ten, and it Is,
' perhaps the only one which has been spOntan,
eOusly and eX amino Obeyed by the great major
: ty Of the human race. But In civilized society,
the inevitable result Of such obedience is the Cs-
tabllshment In an Its intensity, Of that struggle
E for existence, the war OF each against all, the
mitigation or abolition OF which was the chief
end OF social organization. SO long as unlimited
I multiplication goes on, no social organization
. which has ever been devised, or Is likely 10 be
Z devised, no ndde-iaddling with the distribution
Of wealth, VIII deliver society from the tendency
= 20 be destroyed bY the reproduction within It.
. istenee, the Limitation Of which is the object Of
u society,""
n cannot refrain from suggesting that Prof
" Huxley Is recognized as one Of the most profound
r thinkers and scientists and thinkers Of this OI
any other age and II his opinion on the multi
plleatl0n OF the human race as above stated, Is
. | anything like correct, then the advocacy and
practice OF the Malthuslan doctrine, would be
q Tar more important, and OF greater utility and
~ real value 70 the nations OF the earth, than Hen
ry Georges plan OF taxing land values, or Ed
o wardBelamy's enhancing scheme OF natonalism
writer OF discrimination has recently raiseC
a practical objection, In the Popular Science
=, Monthly against the single tax Idea, which IL
10 spite OF my sympathy in favor Of the single tax
o have not yet been able to answer TO my owl
Il. | satisfaction"
u He says; "A man will ordinarily underg,
\ greater haI dships practice more self-dena eX
erclse more OF the virtues which 10 TO the up
:. building Of the commonwealth, In order to So
cure home, than TO accomplish any other oh
leet. This is what his mind IS first set on ant
Il when he has gained IT, his Efforts are eQuall,