Morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven [Conn.]) 1848-1894, 1890-06-27
THE FIFrx-rInsr CONGRESS-.

| THE FIFTY-FIRsT CONGRESS.
Discussing the National Election Bill
In the House-An Impartial Address
HemPhin OF South Carollna AT.
sempts to Demonstrate tho Uncon.
seitutional Nature OF the Bill-Work
Of the Senate.
WASHINGTON, D. O., June 26.-Mr. Lodge
OF Massachusetts began the debate upon the
national election bill. He said that he did
not think more grave and serious subject
had ever come before the house. It de-
manded serious and deliberate Testament.
He had no personalities or reflections to
make, but desired to treat the question dis
passionately. The bill proposed TO extend
existing laws regarding the election Of nen-
beers SO that they would be effective through
out the United States whenever the people
wanted them 30 extended. He proceeded to
sketch the plan of the bill in outline. No
LEGAL machinery was disturbed, he said, ball
lots were to be the cast as at present, and no
secret ballot system was to be interfersd
with. 1t had been charged that the bill was
sectional. Observing the heat Of certain
persons and newspapers, and the circum-
op0Aooo, LAG Who AoaA ~ I6u0uUoE SAnV 0U5-
piclon always came to guilty minds. The
acts, which it was proposed to extend, had
been called into existence by the gigantic
frauds in Che city of New York prior to 1870
and 1871. That certainly was not q section
al origin in the sense that the charge was
now made.
Mr.. Lodge gave description of the state
of affairs at that time in New York city, cit
ing among other cases the Tenth district of
the Sixth ward, where, he said, the demo-
cratic vote (after throwing out all the other
votee) was 1874, or fourteen moro than the
total number OF every man, woman and child
resident in the district. The legislation en-
acted to meet those frauds had been of
enormous value to the cause of honest cleo.
tions. In his own state there had been COM
plant of the registration system and accusa-
lions had been made that the lists were not
right. If they were not right the bill would
remedy the wrong. He did not believe that any
body or party, honest inintention and purpose,
would be afraid to have the truth and the
whole truth known. The other side had
criticised the frauds committed in northern
cities. He would put the secret official bal
lot in use in every election district because
he believed that was the only way to stop the
use of money in elections. 1t must not be
supposed that legislation against bribery
must be national in its character. The bill,
however, went as far as possible towards
meeting that evil. He asked the gentlemen
who were go warm in their denunciation of
corruption and bribery to unite with him in
attacking these and other evils besetting
these and other elections. As to the SOUTH
ern states 1t was apparent that many people
believed that great frauds were there COM
mitted. II the belief that such thing as
fair election in the south is unknown, then
it was high time the United States should
put stop to the evil, if it had to exercise
sArks1 s,,k4
hands.
Mr.. Lodge presented a number of statis-
tics'to show theinsuficiency of representation
in the south. No intelligent man would de-
ny that there had been frauds in the north,
and the proof was the efforts made there by
beth parties to throw open the elections to
publicity. 1t was not necessary to argue
that southern elections were not always fair
and free. The negro problem was one of the
gravest before the American people. 1t was
one in which all were concerned and were
responaible, whether lying in the north or
the south. The wrong of slavery was to be
expiated by the north, which condoned it. as
well as by the south, which upheld it. The
negro was not forced on US like the Chinese.
It was idle to say that he was better off than
| if he had not been brought to civilization.
Better an eternity Of savage liberty than a
civilization which came to them with
the auctioneer's hammer in one hand
and the slavedriver's whip in the other.
| Such fidelity as the negro has shown to gov
eminent and master deserve better reward
| from the country, north and south, than it
had yet received. The negro wanted no
brutality on one eide nor sentimentality on
the other. The government which made
| him citizen was a coward1y government If
| it did not protect him in his rights. A fall
| ure to do right brought its own punishment.
The bill had been called revolutionary. The
| revolution was to be found in the speeches
| he read, speeches which showed that the
| constitutional representation did not exist.
| The first step toward solution of the prob
lem was to take it out of national politics.
The national government must extend to
every citizen the equal rights the oonstitu-
| ton guarantees. In conclusion he said: Let
us do our whole duty to every American
citizen, rich or poor, black or white, weak
or strong, and we can safely abide by the
result.
At the conclusion of his speech Mr.. Lodge
| was warmly congratulated by his republican
| colleagues.
Mr.. HemphilI of South Carolina followed,
beginning with an argument to demonstrate
| the unconstitutional nature of the bill, that
congress had no power to interfere with cleo
TONS He read from legislative declarations
in the past by the states of New York, Ohio
| and New Jersey against congressional usur-
2 p6L1Ou OF Inc IIkut u COuouCb cIcCtloubs I1e
declared that this was not national bill, 1t
was sectional. Under the provisions OF
| the first section some portions Of the
United States would be under the su-
pervision of from two to five supervisors.
He could conceive of no honest purpose for
such provision. It could have no effect
but to place the people of some districts be-
tween the upper and neither millstones. As
| to the terms under which law was to go
into effect the petition of limited number
of persons why was 1t SO limitedD If it was
| q good thing the law should be of universal
application. Why was 1t that this very com
plicated and unsatisfactory provision was put
10, unless there was az intention to make the
law bear down upon some portion Of the
people of this country and allow others to dc
as they saw ct. He called for an explana
ton of that provision.
1t needed no eloquence to depict the hor
ror of having thousands of men watching
voters for IS day, and owing their ap'
pointment to q man who did not owe his app
pointment to the house or the people, but te
man appointed by United States judge
who could not be got at under any circum.
stances. There was no more iniquitous pro
vision in the bill than, this one, providing
) for the appointment of an unnumbered mum
Der of men absolutely under the direction o.
the supervisors. Mr.. Hemphill spoke a
great length and was loudly applauded by
his democratic colleagues when he con
Guided.
A lengthy discussion followed, in which
several members participated.
Pending further debate the house ad
! journed.
The house bill for the admission of Wyo
ming as a state was taken up and Mr.. Jone
of Arkansas addressed the senate. He de
/ clared himself in favor of the admission O
Wyoming, and of all other territories excep
Utah, when they had sufficient population
and sufficient wealth to justify their assump
, ton of state governments. But he was un
, willing to see Wyoming admitted in the wa
now proposed. The participation of wome
in the vote of the constitution was one groun
Q on which Mr.. Jones based his opposition t
the pending bill. Other grounds of opposi
0 ton were the constitutional provisions fc
8 woman suffrage, for the holding of res
estate by aliens and for compulsory educs
ton. In conclusion, Mr.. Jones declared him
self In favor of passing an enabling act f
y all the territories, except Utah, and admit
+ ting them az states after they had compile
. with the provisions of the act, and he movet
as substitute for the pending bill, one fe
such an enabling act
Mr.. Reagan opposed the bill alleging anon
: his reasons for such opposition the provisio
for woman euffrooa cnntaihed In thu Wv