The Kinsley graphic. [volume] (Kinsley, Kan.) 1890-1940, 1890-07-04
THE TARIFF AS A sRisE.

How the Tariff Divides Manufacturers
Into "Biocls OF Five''-A Ffve-cent Bride
to the Farmer.
Republicans always resent the charge
that the grand old party is subservient
to the manufacturing interests Of the
country and is dependent upon them for
financial and moral support in return
for tariff laws made for their benefit
When these laws are put through Con-
gress the manufacturers are expected to
show their gratitude by supporting the
high tariff makers for reelection and to
contribute a liberal supply of fat for
campaign expenses This is the theory
of the celebrated '.fry-the-fat circular"
in which prominent Republican SEN
ator from Kansas or Vermont claimed
that the manufacturers got practically
the sole benefit of protection and that
they should therefore come down Hber-
ally with their cash
An interesting practical illustration of
all this is found in the case of
Congressman Bayne, of Pittsburgh,
Pa The other day he declined to run
for Congress again, after having been
renominated by the convention of his
district
Colonel Bayne gave as reason for
his declination the fact that he had
grown weary of public life and he had
intended for some time to quit it for
private life.
But why is he tired of politics? One
reason given is the ingratitude of the
rich manufacturers of his district Col
onel Bayne is the author of the metal
schedule in the Mckinley bill, and for
years he has done the tariff work for
the iron and steel men of his district
many of whom are now millionaires
He succeeded in getting the metal duties
through the House without amendment
-tin-plate duty and all
Notwithstanding all this the iron and
steel men of his district were seeking
the defeat of the very man who had
looked after their interests so carefully.
But the Tariff bill had in the meantime
gone over to the Senate, and the news
had gone forth that the Senators were
going to butcher the metal schedule to
such an extent that it would not
be recognized when it got back
into the House. Under the fear
of such a calamity the Pittsburgh
iron and steel men decided four
days before the primaries that they
would rally to the support of Bayne and
have him renominated. This was done
and the maker of cast-iron tariffs was
again honored with nomination, but
he declined, and the high protectionist
thick-and-thin party organ of Pittsburgh
speaks of "a base conspiracy" of ''the
whole disreputable business" and &C
cuses Bayne ''of most wanton and in
defensible act of bad faith"
But ''the whole disreputable business"
is very instructive in one way; it fur
nishes proof-if proof were needed-of
what tariff reformers have all along
been saying of the evil effect of class
legislation.
The protective tariff is the best ex-
ample we have of this legislation. 1t is
enacted into law for the benefit of a
class. as was confessed by the prominent
Republican Senator referred to, and
| legislation for the benefit of any class
of men clearly acts as a bride for the
support of these men. To buy vote is
everywhere among honest men looked
upon as corrupt and criminal. Is it any
less corrupt and criminal for a great
party to pass laws for the enrichment of
a class of citizens in order that they may
gain their votes and also fry the fat
from them for use in ''blocks-of-five'
campaigns of direct bribery?
Furthermore, we usually look upon
the poor devils who are out of job and
to whom few dollars mean bread and
butter for a week or two, as the men
who are most susceptible to a bride.
Everybody who uses money in elections
approaches the poor fellow who is hard
up; nobody will make an attempt on the
rich, well-fed man who drives up to the
polls in his carriage.
But is it certain that he is above taking
bride? Is it ceEtain that Congress has
not put him into ''block OF five" for
election day? Look below the surface and
both these men have sold themselves
and are therefore equally base.
But with the bribe-givers the case is
different When a Dudley writes a
letter from his party's headquarters di-
recting that the fioaters be divided into
''blocks of FIVE" that is case of very
grave corruption-but it is the corrup-
ton in the management of a particular
party only-what, on the other hand.
shall be said of this party when it uses
the law-making power of the Govern
ment in such way as to divide
the manufacturers into ''blocks of five'
for the support of that party? Is
not this a prostitution of the Govern
ment to the basest party uses; and
is 1T not corrupting of the people in
the most insidious and dangerous man
ner? What shall be thought of men
who are elected to guard the interests OF
the whole people and to establish JUS
tice between man and man throughout
the whole land-what shall be thought
of them when they use their Legislative
functions for party purposes by corrupt
ing large class of voters through spe-
cial laws in their private interests?
The party that does such things
knows only too well the meaning of its
actions Accordingly it CLOSES over
with glib words of patriotism the shame
full policy that it pursues-steals the liv-
cry of the patriot to serve the party in.
Like the cuttle-fish it blackens the
water around it so that its crooked
course can not be followed. After buy
ing up the manufacturers with high
protective duties which make the CON
ditions of life harder for the great farm
ing population, they turn around and
put higher duties on corn and wheat
few bushels of which are imported by
our farmers for scotland then have ths
brazen impudence to call the high tariff
fabric which they have reared ''ths
farmers tariff"
Do these McKinleys and Dingleys and
Baynes take the farmers to be the very
blankest of all the blank fools in crea
ton? Do they think they can parade
these tariff absurdities before the farm
ers forever and that the farmers vii
not see through them? Last year W.
imported 2, 40 bushels of corn and 100,
ISL bushels of wheat Mckinley pre-
tends to see danger in this to oul
farmers; and accordingly he changes