Los Angeles herald., 1890-05-08
TARIFF AND SILVER.
Debates on Both Subjects
Opened.
Mckinley Leads Off With His
Bill.
Mills Replies in His Most Cutting
Vein.
The Jones Silver Bill Taken UP in the
Senate Through the Efforts
of Vest.
Associated Press Dispatches.

Associated Press Dispatches
WASHINGTON, May THE house
today began debate on the tariff bill,
Payson, of Illinois, occupying the chair.
The committee on elections reported
on the Alabama contested election case
of McDuffie VS.. Turpin, in favor Of the
claim of the contestant. Ordered
printed.
Mckinley, OF Ohio, moved to go into
committee of the whole for considera-
tion of the tariff bill. He said he hoped
to close the debate by Saturday evening.
Mills, of Texas, protested against the
short time allowed for debate.
McKinley's motion was agreed to, and
the house went into committee of the
whole.
McKin1ey's Argument.
Mckinley then took the floor in sup
port of the bill. He said the result Of
the last political campaign-a republican
majority in this house, and the presence
of Harrison in the presidential chair
meant that the revision of the tariff was
demanded by the people, and that that
revision should be along the line and in
full recognition of the principle and pur-
poses of protection. [Applause.]
The bill presented was in full con-
tinuation of the policy of protective
tariff. The bill did not abolish the in
ternal revenue tax The committee had
found its abolition unnecessary. The
bill recommended the abolition of all
special taxes and the reduction of the
tax on tobacco, and removed the restric-
tions upon the growers of tobacco.
With three exceptions the internal
revenue law stood as at present. This
reduced internal taxation over ten mil
lion dollars. The bill also liberalized
the drawbacks on imported raw materi-
ais when exported after manufacture.
The present law allows 80 per cent of a
drawback; the new law will allow 80
per cent. This will dispose of the free
raw materials question.
After discussing the bill more in de-
tail, Mckinley said under the duties
fixed by the bill, annual imports of
$25,000,000 worth of agricultural pro-
ducts would be supplied the people of
the United States by the American
farmer, rather than by the Canadian
farmer, and that $25 100000 distributed
among the farmers would relieve some of
the depression prevailing, and give them
confidence and courage and increased
ability to raise the mortgages upon their
farms. During twelve years of recip-
rocity with Canada, the United States
had bought more than it had sold What
Canada wanted, what other countries
wanted, was free and open market in
the United States.
Mckinley explained and defended the
wool schedule and the paragraph in the
metal schedule concerning tin plates,
and considered the free list. Referring
to the growth of the carpet industry in
the United States, he said the price of
carpets had gone down while the ad
valorem equivalent had gone up. The
favorite result of the democratic free
trader and revenue tariff reformer was
to parade this high percentage and ad
valorem equivalent, to show the enor-
nous burden taxation imposed upon the
people. When steel rails were worth
500 ton there was an equivalent ad
valorem duty upon them of 2S per
cent but when rails were reduced to $50
ston, because of this duty of % per
cent. which had induced our manu-
facturers to engage in that business, the
ad valOrem equivalent went up to Sc per
cent. The democrats looked at the
per cent. the republicans looked at the
prices. The democrats would rather
have low ad valorem equivalents and
high prices, than high ad valorem equiv
alents and low prices. There was COM
plant against the bill that it would stop
expectation and interfere with our for
eign markets. Was the foreign con-
sumner better consumer than
the American consumer? Under
the system Of revenue tariff we bought
more abroad than we sold and paid the
balance in gold-an unhealthy state of
affairs. Organized opposition to the
bill came from consignees here, and
consigners and merchants abroad The
press of other countries condemned the
bill. Why? Because it works against
them. This bill was an American bill,
made for American interests. Notwith-
standing all the croaking, we are now
exporting more produtcs than at any
time in our history. Our exports increase
35 per cent more than exports from free
trade Great Britain. While Great
Britain had between 1870 and 1880 lost
13 per cent of her commerce, the
United States gained 22 per cent, and,
with the same aid to shipping Great
Britain gave, the ships of the United
States would show on every sea under
the American flag in successful competi-
ton with the ships of the world. We
had enjoyed twenty-nine years of con-
tinuous protection, the longest period
since the foundation of the govern
ment, and found ourselves in greater
pr ,sperity than at any other
Tune. In 1860, after fourteen years of
revenue tariff, the country was in state
of depression. We had neither money nor
credit. We have both now. The accu-
mutations of the working classes had in
creased; their deposits in the savings
banks exceeded those of the working
classes in any other country. These de-
posits told their own story The public
debt OF the United States per capita was
less than any nation in the world. We
lead all nations in agriculture and min
ing. Could any nation furnish such
evidences of prosperity? Yet men were
found to talk about the restraints
we put upon trade. The greatest good
to the graatest number; the largest op-
portunity for human endeavor, were the
maxims upon which our protective sys-
tenn rested. [Applause.l
AT the end of McKinley's speech, he