The Democratic press. [volume] (Ravenna, O. [Ohio]) 1868-1901, 1890-10-29
THE FEDERAL
ELECTION BILL
And The Tariff +!
Speech of Captain AL
fred E. Lee,
AN Independent Republican, at
Columbus.

voter and promote the purity of the
ballot should have the cordial approval
of every good citizen. But the measure
against which we make our protest is
not one of that kind. 1t is not con-
ceived in any such motive. 1t will not
produce any such result. 1t is the mis-
begotten offspring of selfshness and
greed. 1t is a scheme to create out
rage, and reawaken sectional conten-
tion. 1t is a scheme to convert new
army of Office holders, dissipate the sur
plus, and perpetuate war taxes. 1t is a
scheme to convert the national judiciary
and the national army into partisan
machines controlled by partisan boss.
1t is a scheme to destroy the representa-
tive character of the lower house of
Congress- and commit the choice
OF the peoples representatives to
partisan board appointed for life.
1t is scheme to enlarge the
area of bribery and corruption in cleo
tions. 1t is a scheme to count in pro-
hibitory tariff majority in the next
House of Representatives regardless of
the popular verdict.
The demand for this measure is wholly
q manufactured demand. The necessity
for it is wholly partisan necessity.
The motives behind are neither gener-
Gus nor humane What those motives
are a brief retrospect of political history
will make perfectly clear.
At the time the war broke out in 1861,
our national revenues were derived
mainly from duties on imports so ad-
justed as to afford whatever protection
was necessary for the industries of the
people. Under that economic system
the country had prospered for nearly a
decade more than it ever had prospered
before-more, relatively, than it is pros
peripg now. But the war produced a
necessity for extraordinary rev.
enues, and every taxable subject
that could be found was laid under trib-
ute. To enable our manufacturers to
pay these taxes and at the same time
hold their ground against foreign COM
petition, the tariff duties were enor-
mously raised. This was war expedi-
ent, resorted to for war purposes. When
the war closed our great armies were
mustered out and dissolved into the
mass of the people, our armoured fleets
were sold for scrap-iron, and our war
legislation was mostly swept from the
statute books. But the war tariff was
permitted to stand. Our tremendous
war debt seemed to make this necessary
for the time being. But as the country
increased in wealth and population,
and the debt melted away, the financial
necessity for this excessive taxation
disappeared, and it existed by artificial
necessity only. That necessity had no
other foundation than the clamor and
greed of great monopolies which de-
manded continuance of the high taxes by
which they had been enriched at the ex-
pense of the people. The taxes acre
continued, but the clamor of their ben
eficiaries was not silenced. The more
they got the more they wanted; the
stronger they grew the more bounty they
demanded from the Government.
In an evil hour the Republican party
saecumbed to this demand, and commit
ted the greatest mistake in it's history.
Tempted by expectations if not prof
fers of monopolistic bounty for so-called
election purposes, the Republican lead
ers abandoned the traditional principles
OF their party, and adopted tariff plat
form such as no other party in this coun-
try ever adopted before, or thought of
adopting. That was done at the Ma
tional Republican convention of 1885,
which nominated General Harrison for
President 1t was new departure such
as the old Republican Guard never an
ticipated and never would have
tolerated. 1t was the selfish
and short-sighted purchase of tenn
porary triumph at hhe price OF
future degradation and disaster. 1t was
subsection to "a sou1less master, whose
selfish 'exactions know nc limit. Never
did great party more foolishly sell and
bargain away it's birthrigkt of freedom.
For thirty years prior to that time the
Republican party had uniformly adher-
ed to the policy. of levying duties prima-
rily for revenue and secondarily and in
cidentally for protection. Such was the
policy advocated by all the great lead
ers and statesmen of the party from
Greedy, Wade and Sumner to Grant
Lincoln and Garfield. Suck was the
platform doctrine Of the panty, State
and National, down to 1888. There was
no thought of levying taxes on any one
class of citizens, or on all classes, for
She benefit of another or Single class.
accidental protection was deemed suf-
feient protection. and it was suf-
eient. 1t preserved and stimulated
our industries without producing
monopolies to Cypress the people.
Fostered by it, our manufacturing
interests prospered. our commerce,
both foreign and domestic, was
enormously developed, our home-buflt
shipping visited the principal seaports
of the world. and our farmers, as well as
mechanics, found a profitable market
for all they could produce.
The Republican National Convention
of 1883 renowned this benefcent policy
and embraced that of a prohibitory
tariff. 1t reversed the old-time doctrine
"a tariff for revenue with incidental
protection-and substituted that of
tariff for protection with incidental
revenue. A quarter of a century after
She war had closed it declared that the