Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1890-12-04
TIE 51ST CONGRESS.
DEBATE ON THE FORCE BILL OPEN
60 IN THE SENATE.

rnr Telegraph % the plann,ch.l


srSATR.--Presenting a petition as an
amendment 10 the tariff bill in relation
to the rebate on manufactured tobacco,
Mr. Allison said the conferrees on the
part of both houses had agreed 10 that
section OF the tariff BILL as the con
terence report would disclose. but that
ii had been omitted in the enrolment.
He had no doubt the matter would re-
ceive early attention.
oNE-cKST POSTAGE.
Mr.. Cullom introduced a bill TO re-
duce letter postage TO one cent Re
icrrcd.
Mr.. Call offered a resolution directing
the Superintendent Of the Labor Blu
reau TO report as 10 the extent OF the
phosphate industry Of Florida, the num-
Ter Of laborers employed, and the OPP
portuniiies for employment of labor IN
the future development of that industry.
MIR. Plumb suggested that the inquiry
should extend 20 ali States containing
phosphate deposits.
Mr.. Call assented 10 the suggestion,
hat the resolution went over till to-mOr-
row.
THK THREATENED INDIAN WAR.
A long and and interesting discussion
took place on the subject OF the threat
ened Indian war dprODOs Of Joint re-
solution 10 issue arms TO the States OF
North and South Dakota and Nebraska,
Mr.. Voorhees, having charged the situa-
tion 20 the fact OF the Indians beng
starved and being replied TO by Messrs.
Dawes and Pierce
THE FORCE BILL.
The debate was interrupted at 2
o'clock by the elections bill coming up
"a unfinished business Mr.. Hoar, IN
charge Of the bill, said that in view of
the fact that on reporting the bill at the
close Of the last session, he had adj
dressed the Senate upon It, he would
now forego any opening OF debate, but
would content himself with answering
whatever objection should bo made TO
the bill on tho Democratic side OF the
chamber. Mr. Turpio thereupon
opened the discussion in opposition
TIE RADICAL ALLEGATION AGAINST THE
SOUTH.
Mr.. Turpie said the substitute measure
rested for its support on what was called
the suppressed co!Orcd Republican vote
in the South. The returns OF elections
showed an abstinence from voting, an
abstinence much greater IN Massa-
chusetts and other northern States than
elsewhere Theextromists with meagre
majority in both houses said that this
was proof enough of the suppression of
the colorcd vote, and thereupOn pro-
ceeded 10 revolutionize the whole method
Of congressional elections.
WHERE THE coLoRED voTE Is SUPPRESSED.
There had been suppression-suppres-
sion patent. well known. undeniable,
and widely prevalent. The recent cen
rus would show that in the States Of
Pennsylvania. Ohio, and Illinois there
were about 2j0, 600 colored people. Yet
in those States no colored man has ever
served as Governor or been elected TO
any department Of the State govern
ment There had been not only
10 proportional division of Offices
there had been none at all. The
colored race IN those States had
leen deprived OF participation in official
government. The colored citizens OF
those States were not barred by any CON
ttitution or statue. 1e was barred 10y a
a more potent law-the law of race and
blood. The colored man in those States
had no more chance OF preierment than a
Roman Catholic had had IN New hamp-
shire or Great Britain hundred years
ago. The suppression of the colored
vote in the South was thing manlfestly
in question, affirmed on one side and de-
MED on the other, but the suppression OF
the colored voter OF the North was a
thing without the question, actual, abso-
lutte. unconditional.
WHITE SUPREMACY NOT PECULIAR TO THE
SOUTH.
The supremacy of the white race was
not peculiar TO any portion OF the United
States South Carolina was not more
completely under its sway than was
PENNSYLVANIA. Its supremacy was not
one whit more firmly established in Texas
and Arkansas than in Illinois and Ohio.
Much might be said Of the injustice of
this supremacy 1t was easy to write
and PRINT aphorisms, even to give them
the shape of legislative formulas that all
citizens are equal. Political rights rs
between the races might be granted, de-
fined, and decrecd, but political equities
could only be adjusted 10y action. That
action was everywhere wanting. Ii was
everywhere withheld. The supremacy
of the white race had not been brought
about by force or fear. 1t had not been
wrested or seized from others, but 1t had
been given, granted, voluntarily coded
to those deemed for the time most worthy
of its possession.
THR OUTRAGE or ENROLLING THE RACES.
The man especially the man Of the
White Housed who sought 10 embroil
the white and black races for purpose
he could not conceal and dare not avow
was guilty Of Al outrage ten-fold greater
than any of those he invented or de-
scribed. The solution OF the race pro
bltm was process, not of abstract spe-
culation, but OF real experience. Wherever
the people of different races were living
peacefully together under the same laws,
members OF the same body polite, with
out any other thought than that some
must command and Others must obey,
this problem was being solved.
PURPoss oP THE FORCE BILL.
The purpose Of the national elections
bin lso-called) WAS SO far. as IL related &c
tine south, to wreck and destroy this
pendipg condition of interacial adjust
ment. II proposed not 10 maintain the
will Of the majority. but TO overthrow il
on the single issue of Iace-to make 8
majority Of black men because they art
black 10 establish a government OF
complexion not of opinion. The kernel
and purpose Of the pending bill was thai
the law of the land must be subordinatec
10 set enmity between the white man
and the black man.
MAIIGNIrY or TUE BILL.
The bill was not artfully framed. IT
onlv art was its absolute malignity