The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1890-10-09

QOrse Dy YO[e G16 plaCkest auO uooV
unfounded charges that have ever been
made against the State.
This brings me to the last point: $50
far as my brother is concerned you may
state in the strongest terms that bis NOM
ination by the Republicans was unsought
by him, and that he is averse to any such
coalition"
No such nomination has been sought
nor has it been made. The sentence
taken by itself may be entirely correct,
but in conjunction with the preceding
produces wrong impression. Ofcourse,
cannot seek or accept a nomination by
the Republican party, for | am not a
Republican no, more could | accept a
nomination by the Tillman party, because
its platform is all anti-Democratic as IS
the Republican platform.
But will not avoid the issue, and will
speak the truth as plainly as can. No
man more than myself deplores the ex-
ercise of suffrage, or I should say the
right of suffrage, by the colored race. 1t
puts the weaker in conflict with the
stronger. The inevitable result where
the Anglo.Saxon race meets weaker is
subiugation. From 1853 to 1876 the
weaker, led by white men, backed by
armed force, oppressed the stronger. In
1876 the position was reversed, and this
State assumed the attitude held by other
Southern States-the white race dominant
and the colored race with the suffrage
majority passive. This condition is
anomalous and can only be continued by
Che preservation of two factors which
have prevailed, but have steadily dimin..
ished from year to year until now. The
first is government which commands
the approval and consent of the whole
white population. The other is such
protection of person and property and
all legal individual rights of the colored
race as reasonably compensates their
surrender of suffrage and renders their
I! condition better than one of antagonism.
This WAS the appeal made by our noble
leader in 1876, and this was our platform:
The election was carried by the aid OF
from twelve to eighteen thousand colored
votes, and our Governor was trusted by
all and beloved by most of both races.
Eight years of trial had strengthened the
patriotism of devoted people, and had
purged their reason. The nature of the
new government was then understood
and accepted by all. Concessions were
made by representatives of all classes and
all opinions were recognized and respect.
ed. In the State ticket of 1876
the leaders of the opposition were
given positions of rank and honor.
The State was united body. We will
not trace the history. Take the results.
The press denounces and the Representa-
tiyes of the people resent what is called
the arbitrary and oppressive rulings OF
the House of Representatives in Congress,
and perhaps properly. Take the conVeh-
tions held in this State in August and
September of this year and view the con.
duct of the president, sustained by his
majority. Speaker Reeds rulings are
but as child's play compared with the
expulsion of delegations and the passing
of resolutions by this Democratic presi.
dent. The unity is destroyed, and
party divided against itself is worse than
no party. Therefore, though the truth
be bitter, it is safer to recognize it and
act promptly.
[ will not make any personal comment
on the Tillman leaders or their records,
or the claims they may have upon the
hearts and minds of the people who have
adopted them as their guides. I simply
say that their principles and their prac-
tices are alike inimical to the notions and
actions of the ideal government Of 1876.
That ideal government was established,
and it's continuation has so far contribut-
ed to period of uuexampled prosperity
throughout the State. The party now
seeking power denounces it in epithets
that it is needless to repeat, as they have
been heard in every County and corner
in the State for six weary months.
The issue is plainly before us. Shall
we try to preserve these principles which
have been so dear to us and productive
of good to all, or shall we abandon them
for we know not what, with much to fear
and little to hope? We have a response.
bility, not of our own making perhaps,
but it is on US, and what an all-ruling
Providence has placed man cannot
remove. We have our own race to pre-
serve and we have another race to pro-
tect. Our government is dual in its
object, but single in its representation.
The white man is to govern, but the
black race is to be protected. This is
not only our moral duty, but the viola
tion of tits, and justly so, our temporal
ruin. We feel no assurance that the
Tillman government, an unrestrained,
powerful minority, will be other than
reckless and oppressive in it's execution
as it has been in its incipiency. ] there.
fore unequivocslly advocate an opposi.
tion ticket, to organize minority if we
can do no more, but to control the gov
ernment if possible. With this Demo.
cratic ticket in the field We should ask the
support and maintain the rights of col
ored votes as we did in 1876. I would
not mistake the colored people. The
white man controls the property and will
control the government, but when the
white race divides it is a question with
the colored race which party will best
govern the State. On this their vote
must depend. The wretched spectacle
of purchase and bribery is almost sure
to follow. Therefore I wish that the
race could be disfranchised if we could
have q guarantee Of their protection.
But that is impossible. Their right of
suffrage is their nominal protection
the class of white people theey support
is their real protection.
Friends may raise q great outcry
against any alIusion to colored voters.
I ask them is it without precedent? I
ask them and some of the most virulent
to rame the municipal elections, outside,
perhaps, of Charleston and Columbia,
when this vote has not been called to
the front. ask for the returns on the
elections held to impose the bonded debts
for the construction of railroads and
other purposes during the last twelve
years. These returns will show that the
Democrats whose interests were at stake
did not hesitate to outvote the taxpayers
by the aid of colored voters. I would
remind my friend from afar off, the editor
of the Atlanta Constitution, who has been
consistent Tillmanite, to look at the
scenes in his own city, when the force of
his paper was divided and worked on
both sides of the prohibition question.
What use they then made of the colored
vote at bis very door And he probably
an actor in it. Facts are stronger than
rhetoric The denunciations may be
bitter for political reasons, but the men
who utter them have asked for the color.
ed vote ere this for their perhaps proper