The Brookhaven leader. [volume] (Brookhaven, Miss.) 1883-1891, 1890-05-08
STRIKE, BUT HEARME
AN ADDRESS by JUDGE Campbell
TO THE PEOPLE OF MISSISSIPPI.
An Appeal to Thinking Men, aud Patriotic
Publishers of Newspapers to Place
These Views Before The People OF
Mississippi,

EtILOM NlllLENSs hC evil II ~
large negro majority. The remedy is
to increase the white vote, so as to
overcome it, and thus avert the pos
sibility of negro domination. The
negro cannot he DISTINGUISHED. An
educational or property qualification,
if allowable, would result in depriv-
ing a considerable per centum of
whites of the right to vote, and an
educational requirement would ex-
cluse the best negroes, who were
trained to industry in slavery, and
would admit those educated, since
the war, who are often the worst of
the race, having its vices, without its
virtues. My suggestion is, as we can
not diminish the negro vote, to in
crease the white vote, by doubling,
trebling or quadrupling it, as may be
found necessary, not by depriving any
man of his right to vote, but by add
ing to his voting power. To do this
it is necessary to have some basis. 1t
would not do to say every white vOt-
er may cast two, three or four votes,
for what would be to discriminate on
account of race or color. Personal
property is of too variable and unOb-
servable q character to be desirable
basis. Land and houses, constituting
the homes of people in country and
town are fixed, visible ,distinguishahle
and ascertainable as to ownership.
Most white men own homes in coun-
try or town. They who do not east
ly may. The home-Owners in country
and town, the farmers, carpenters,
timers, painters, brick masons, plas-
terers, blacksmiths, shoe makers,
boarding house keepers, livery men,
butchers, merchants, lumbermen,
clerks, lawyers, doctors and of all vo-
cations are those to whom ! would
give additionalpOwer to vote, by Civ
ing each one vote for his manhood, and
one, two or three, as may be deter
mined, for his or his wife's ownership,
ola home in country or town. |
would go by quantity in the country
and value in town. | would take
twenty, forty, sixty, eighty acres or
some other quantity in the country,
and $500, $1,000 or other sum in value
as corresponding basis in town, and
strive to secure equality among men
in the additional voting power confer
red. For instance, if doubling the
white vote is sufficient, give every
voter one additional vote because of
the home. Iftrebling the white vote
is desirable, give second additional
vote for the ownership of another
prescribed quantity or value of the
home III country or town. Any guam
tity or value of land may be taken as
the basis and approximation to equal
ity in additional voting power may
be attained. The plan may be mould
ed to suit the conditions found to ex-
list. 1t is simplicity itself. 1t is free
from any difficulty in practice. We
can preserve the system of registra-
ton of voters, whereby the capacity
of every voter would be pre-det6rmin-
ed; or which would be far better,
abandon registration. and, as we did
for fifty years, make the inspectors of
election judges of the qualification of
voters. Then, farmer Jones present
ing himself to vote two, three or four
votes, as may he the case, being
known to the inspectors, his neigh
bors, as owner of the prescribed guam
tity of land, would unUhallenged cast
his several votes according to his
right us prescribed; if challenged he
would be sworn and examined. and
his right be determined by the inspec-
tors. False answers would be PERU
ry, and the penalty for illegal voting
would be an additional safeguard. A
tax receipt for given sum might be
ntoHn fhn apn1nntin1S for 1,11itinno oil
votes. The details may be easily adj
.justed. All that | urge is the princi-
pie of additional voting power on some
basis to secure white supremacy.
This would certainly secure it. All
admit this. Most white men would
have additional votes, while only a
small per cent of negroes would. The
small number of whites, whose voting
power would not be added to, surely
have patriotism enough to recognize
the propriety of an arrangement not
aimed at them but at the ignorant
hOrdes whose supremacy would be as
hateful to them as to any. They
would more cheerfully acquiesce in
this than in loss of their votes be-
cause of an educational requirement
in any form. There is no cOnstitu-
tional objection to this plan. 1t does
not even violate the Fundamental
conditions" of the act admitting Miss
issippi to representation in Congress.
1t deprives no man of his right to
vote. 1t wounds no ones pride, and
does no wrong to anybody. 1t applies
to all alike. 1t is perfectly Unstable
as a protective measure against the
ignorant hOrdes enfranchised among
us, without our consent, and it does
them no wrong, for if they possess the
conditions. they too will have the adj
ditional power.
Not an objection has been made to
this plan that does not vanish under
examination. "All men are born
equal,n it is said. The plan allows
every one his "manhood's suffrage"
1t makes no distinction on account of
birth. at is aristocratic." at savors
of feudalism." at is undemocratic."
An aristocracy is where few princi-
pal persOnages possess the governing
power. But by this plan those who
now have it would be permanently
secured in 1.-THE farmers and home
owners of all vocatiOns in town.
They would be the aristocrats. The
essense of feudalism was holding hand
of superior, whereby the tenant was
a vassal of his lord. 1t is a misap-
plication of terms and ideas thus to
speak of this plan. A Democratic
OOyernment is one in which mower ia