The state republican. (Jefferson City, Mo.) 1871-1896, 1890-03-20
RIGHTS OF THE SPEAKER,
MT. Reed Ably upholds His Patriotic and
Mlse Rullngs.

hl1NiInI jus lltItDy d Iudu tOulu Dt
present and absent at the same moments;
could be visible to demand his yeas and
nays and invisible when they were
called. 1t did not occur to their simple
minds to glorify themselves for being
silent, while they felt it an insult to
have that silence pointed out They
thought that opposition meant voting
against q bill. Hence ilibustering is OF
modern origin. 1t had its beginning as
a business in the House of Representa-
tives at Washington. Thence it spread
all over tho country, until from one end
of the United States to the other mere
inertia had got to be a match for both
ballots and brains. When flibustering
began it took a whole political party to
block business. In the last Congress it
had ripened to such a degree of impos-
sible perfection that one man held the
country at bay. The doctrine OF the
''rights of the minority" seemed to have
eliminated at that moment.
But the trying time for all ill-doing
is the summit of prosperity. When Mr..
Tweed wanted to know "what you were
going to do about it," he had challenged
both the ingenuity and the courage OF
mankind; md from that time it was
Tweed against the world. and the result
not doubtful. Had flibustering con-
fined itself to the House Of Representa-
tives or held itself within bounds Of
reason it might have fourished long and
had many defenders. 1t was a con-
venient method of demanding debate,
of calling the attention of the country
to violent political measures, and de-
served many of the commentators it
then received. But when in 1882 it
commenced to be the common method of
preventing a decision of election cases,
and finally in 1889 re-established the
liberum veto of the old Polish Diet,
whereby a single member became the
arbiter of destiny, every man of sense
recognized the fact that the practice
was doomed.
Moreover, flibustering VENT on grow
ing in the direction of another disaster.
1t reached the State Legislatures, where
the people could see it face to face. 1t
came down to municipalities and school
boards. 1t invaded aver the assemblies
of the churches, and rule 25 among the
rules for iudicatories adopted by the
Presbyterian General Assembly of Penn
sylvania bears witness alike Of the evil
and its suppression when it declares
that silent members must be consid-
cred as acquiescing with the majority"
1t is no wonder that the scheme of OPP
position by not voting spread so rapid
~. 1t is so much easier to sit still than
to argue, so much more restful to use
the attraction of gravitation thar to ex-
H. 49, -, ,,,, -, Nra,-, +lay I -.. -. i
human nature to refrain from the use of
this power, which had the high sane
tion of Congress and "thc presidents of
OF Il hundred years" But men never
remain reasonably bad; they almost al
ways carry badness to cXcess, and there
fore to correction. And thus this scheme
of silence, which worked SO we'll in the
distant atmosphere of the National cap
ital, soon met its death when 1t got
down to the regions of business. Wash
ington is far away and only little under
Stood, but a man whose contract may be
~adjudged void and his business career
ruined by this doctrine of corporeal
presence and parliamentary absence
soon begins to understand one place
where the rights of minorities ought to
leave off. Hence when municipal
bodies began to initiate their superiors,
and tried to break contracts as we'll as
quorums, the gladstone light of iuris.
prudence was soon shed upon them, and
the parliamentary fiction that a man
present could truthfully declare himself
absent disappeared from every place
except the capitol at Washington.
1t is useless to cite the debates Of the
constitutional convention. 1t is true
that they would remove any shade o
doubt, If we had any, but the language
OF the constitution leaves no room TO
question. If by any chance there is no
a quorum, the constitution provides
way to get one. 1t Is not by recordin,
those present as voting either yea o.
nay, but by making the absent present
1t provides for the supply of what il
lacking. That which was lacking wa
aquorum. 1t supplies that lack by 'at
tendance" Attendance alone was anC
is necessary. Is it inconceivable tina
our ancestors should have tried to sup
ply by '~attendance' I lack of a quorum
IL they knew that attendance" would
not supply the lack? Why send TO
men if that was not the remedy?
Along with this doctrine of the in
visibility OF the visible have come som,
specious arguments which, by dint o
frequent repetition, have taken on TIN
Importance of formulas or accepted
facts. Among these is the alleged dut,
of the majority to furnish a quorum
Why should good Democrats, washin!
their hands, like Pontius PLATE, of thi
matter, and desiring only the quiet ant
convenient seclusion of their owl
seats, be compelled to submit to tn,
outrage of being noticed in order en-
able legislation to march? Let the ma
jority have their men here. Let ever,
Republican be in his seat where he be
longs, and there would DO no trouble.
Another specious form which this ar
gument sometimes takes is the d~eclara
ton that there are great and solemn oc
c~asions when the minority should hav'
the right to demand a majority vote o
all those elected to membership. VIII,
is to Judge of these solemn occasions
Why, tho very gentlemen whom GU
Government by majoritics co~nclusiyel,
presume to be wrong-the minority
Why, said Mr.. Mills, of Texas, this is i
the constitution of this State, that Stat
and the other State, and therefore /
right. 1t would seem to an ordinar,
constitutional lawyer as if the fact tina
It had to be put into other constitutions
and had not been put into ours, was con
elusive that it was not there either b,
implication or design. 1t is to be hopeo
that the time is far distant when any
body Will even propose to put into tn,