Pittsburg dispatch. [volume] (Pittsburg [Pa.]) 1880-1923, 1890-08-21

resolution. Everybody who voted for It
committed himself forever to the principle
that the Senate had the right at its discre-
tion to cut off debate and to order the ques-
tiou to be taken.
Those gentlemen (if there were any) who
had once thought that they could not CON-
scientiously vote to limit debate in the Sen
ate, and that every State had the constitu-
tional right to be heard there at its own
discretion, were now invited to say that they
would, 10 or II days beforehand, make q
despotic order that debate should close, al
though they could not then know what
amendments might be pending, or what
shape the bill might have assumed five min
utes before the vote. What consideration,
he asked, did the resolution hold out to
these gentlemen for that wonderful change
OF policy or of opinion? It was this-and
this only-that the national election bill, to
which the administration, Republican repre-
sentatives and the Republican party in
national, State and local conventions had
been solemnly pledged would be defeated.
THE PRICE OF DIsHoNoR.
No man, he thought, would challenge the
sincerity of his devotion to the protection
system. But he should take little satisiac-
ton in the pending tariff bill if its passage
was to be the price of the dishonor of his
country or of the broken pledges of his
party. The protective tariff was measure
to increase the wages of American labor, so
that thereby American citizenship and
American manhood might be exalted.
1t should be brought to pass
that the American workman should
have his equal share in the
government of his country ard should
everywhere through the whole land cast his
vote in freedom and in honor. Whatever
else of its handiwork the United States
might show Or fail to show in the great COM
petitive exposition of the world, it should at
least give an example of the Republican
power to cause the arrogance of the proud
to cease, and to lay low the haughtiness of
the terrible, to make man more precious
than fine gold, even a man than the golden
wedge of Ophir."
At the conclusion OF Mr.. Hoar's speech,
Mr.. Spooner moved to refer the Quay reso-
luton to the Committee on Rules.
FRYE's STRONG SPEECH.
Mr.. Frye made an impassioned address to
the Republican Senators against that mo-
tion and in favor of an amendment to the
rules, providing for the adoption of the pre-
vious question. He said that If 43 Repub-
ican Senators would sit from 10 till every
dav, and all night if necessary, the rules
could be changed in three days; the tariff
bill passed in ten days afterward, and the
election bill in ten days after that. But
cowardice had never won a battle and never
retained friend.
Mr.. Hiscock took the same view, and op-
posed the reference of the Quay resolution
as leading to delay.
Mr.. Edmunds replied to Mr.. Frye's re-
marks, and declared his opposition to the
muzzling process, though he favored the
consideration of the election bill and thought
it more important than the tariff bill. If 1t is
evil, he said, defeat it; if it is good pass 1t.
While Mr.. Edmunds was speaking the
clock struck IL, and the tariff bill was laid
before the Senate as the unfinished business.
Mr.. Aldrich was asked to let the tariff bill
be laid aside temporarily, but he declined
doing SO: and so the Senate proceeded with
its consideration.