Pittsburg dispatch. [volume] (Pittsburg [Pa.]) 1880-1923, 1890-11-09
POLITICAL sUPERsTTTIoNs.

One o! the most gratifying aspects of the
late election, in this as in other States, is
the blow that it gives to certain theories
which have been sedulouslv cultivated as to
the surest way to carry elections. 1t war
rants the opinion which The DISPATCH
has often urged. that the ideas which the
practical politicians incuicate as TO the
necessity for certain things in politics are
wholly factitious, except as they accrue to the
benefit of the politicians themselves.
The first lesson that is to be drawn from
this last one of a series of elections is the
actual absence of any advantage in the pos
session OF patronage. Nearly every i'm
portant political fight for the past decade re-
peats this lesson. In 1882, the Republicans
had the patronage both Of this State and the
nation; and the Democratic tidal wave
which swept all over the country was not
more emphatic in disclosing the worth
lessness of patronage against popu-
lar convictions than by the cleo
tion of Pattison with 40 900 plurality.
In 1884, the Republican possession of
patronage could not save Blaine or defeat
Cleveland. In 1886, tue Democrats had
both the State and national patronage but
Beaver was elected. In 1888. the Demo
cratic oficeholders were powerless to defeat
Harrison. Finally, in 1890, although Re-
publican oficeholders were summoned alike
from England and Oklahoma to work for
Republican success, the landslide took place
with crushing effect, both in Pennsylvania
fha
amazing record of defeat for the party that
has the patronage and the victory for the
one that has not should show our political
friends that patronage used as spoils is a
burden tc any party.
Hardly less crushing blow is dealt to the
other theory that elections can be carried bv
immense campaign funds 1t is true that
there may be particular localities where
money can influence votes so as to control
local government, or perhaps turn a pivotal
contest But the late election shows that,
against general popular opinion. money is
powerless. This lesson is most significantly
taught in the State election. There is no
question that the financial resources in the
contest were on the Republican side. In
deed there are undercurreuts of talk in Re-
publican circles to the effect that Republican
Congressman from other States are CON-
planning that the bulk OF the national cam
paign fund was turned into the Pennsyl-
vania State campaign, leaving the other
States rather bare. But the result shows
that the money made no difference. 1t may
have diminished Democratic votes in few
localities; but whether in this State or else
where it was powerless to check the turn of
popular opinion.
The results also show that, beside the
broad and high view of earning public ap-
proyal by honest and careful policy, the
organization of campaign work by the most
skillful politicians is of slight value. The
Republicans had the most sklllful and per-
feetly trained organization, certified to be
so by success in 1885, and the unanimous
declaration of party experts. This organiza-
tlOn had the support of the ofice-holders of
the Government; and in this State the two
organizations were carefully blended into
one. The Democratic organization in this
State WAS hastily made, while the Demo-
cratic national organization was principally
conspicuous by the remarks of Democratic
newspapers on its ability to do nothing. Yet
with this contrast of perfect organization on
the Republican side, and of very little
organization on the Democratic side, the
result was a sweeping Democratic victory.
These facts point to the conclusion that
the necessity of patronage, of big campaign
funds and of expensive political organlZa-
tions are mere fetiches. The one sure way
of carrying elections is to take course
that will earn the popular approval, to ad-
minister government in the interest of the
people and to show al honest and sincere
adherence to real principles.