New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1890-11-05
THE HISTORY OF FREEDOM.
IT'S ORIGIN AND MAINTENANCE.

It has been the purpose Of Professor Hosmer
In this work to show the unity OF tendency
that runs through the whole history OF Anglo
Saxon political development. and the importance
Of establishing harmony betweet the several sec
lions Of the English-spealxing race, with view
20 the main, enance Of that freedom OF which the
race referred to has been hitherto the CHIEF Gus
todian. 1T Is not" the author observes, - the
polity Of any single people that Is outiined' ouc
that Of the English-spcaking race, that nody To-
day perhaps l2o,00O.O00 strong. scattered in
several nationaities actual or incipient, which
upon all the continents and all the great islands
Of the world stands now in the foreground OF
attention 1t Ia polty one and the same in its
essence in Enelapdk.in the United States, in Aus
tralia In Canada 6ne and the same in its essence,
moreover, as viewed In the institutions Of to-day
and In those of the North Germans OF the time OF
Christ. To bring into one view the main outlines
even of q race development stretching back 1000
years is clearly difficult task, though certainly
one the successful accomplishment OF which may
be productive Of decided good, since nothing Is
moro desirable or salutary than that q knowledge
Of what they stand for, and Of their relations
70 one another, should be disseminated among
English-speaking communities everywhere
BEGINNING with the Anglo-Saxons Professor
Hosmer seeks to show that the genesis Of govern
nent of the people, by the people, and for the
people" is to be found in that primitive crviliza-
don He is candid enough to admit that the part
PLAYED BY the Anglo-Saxons In the founding Oh
free institutions has not been demonstrated Win
certainty: that. in fact, some scholars OF to-oay
deny them any credit, asserting that In uneir
invasion of Britain they brought no liberty Win
them, but only savagery, and that they were aIter
ward totally exterminated by the Danes. anu leu
NO mark upon the customs and institutions OIL 'ne
island. But after all, it does not signify greauy
what we call the early inhabitants who ln'ro-
duced the germs Of free government. Inc "eisn.
of authority favors the belief that they were OF
T.utonic origin. and whatever their tribal names
It is undisputed that they did establish ON BRUSH
soil those tuns" and "scires" which they were
accustomed to in their old home that they ala
also introduce the mote and those other lnstitu
Sions which. variously modified have persisted 10
this day, and that long ago as the remote
period to which they are assigned may DC Iaceu
fhe bepinninQs of that independence and that
Individual share and interest in the government
which is and ever has been the core ana essence
of education In freedom 1t is one OF the piahheSo
lessons of history that the races which nave ~'
m early stage learned the value OF personal ihei
f.r.nce in government, and have provided for
a+s regular and systematic exercise, are the only
bnes CAPABLE Of maintaining democratic pohty.
The races which lost this discipline and eX-
s.rience NAV be better developed in some other
r.snects hut ii sy have invariably failed in every
sttemut to erect permanent democracies Enthu-
siasm. ardor. intelligence, bravery, have alike
proved insufficient to compensate for the aosence
Of that practical training IN government whic"
,rakes IL possiblc for the English-speaking races
n contend with one another for the mastery, TO
try great issues, to range themselves In hoS'iie
parties one against the other. without losing Sell
control without breaking through the constitu-
riopal bonds they have placed upon themselves
without endangering the system under "hich
they have prospered so amazingly
It is, indeed, necessary, in tracing the earliest
yorms Of free government, to assume much. There
are no many breaks in the record; the stream
sinks 20 often in the ground, only to reappear al
a distance; the sacred fire seems so frequently
near extinction, that in Judging by analogy the
resolves and aspirations of those distant ancestors
we are compelled to conclude that their rough
training must have been much more ehectlve upon
their simple natures than modern political dls-
ciuline is, or they never could have handed down
the torch unqucnched, past the tremendous dini-
eulties In the way. The Norman Conquest, the
Introduction of feudelism the rise Of the power OF
the mobiles and the Church, the GENERALIZATION OF
bower in the king and the decline OF the no
bility-every movement seemed at hrst directed
against popular liberty. Yet the persistence OF
the old institutions was wonderful Inc SHIRE
moot" survived; the "tun-scipe," though taking
on the new name of manor, was itself unchanged
IN form. Though the Normans tried to sweep
AWAY all social distinctions among the depend
mt classes and roughly generalize them as serfs.
she attempt was but partially successful. The
ambition Of the serf was bad, but as the towns
rose to Importance the class Of burgesses became
1t once q source Of hope, an asylum ana
means of enfranchissment for them; and trial by
fury. which, though introduced at the Conquest
only became O settled institution under Henry the
Second, was a further protection. Even when
things looked darkest, the right Of the people
70 take part in the election of their kings con-
tinued to be recognized, and, in fact, 1t may be
said that with all their leanings toward despot-
ism the early kings of England were less dan
rerous foes to liberty than those Stuarts who sue
ceeded them 30 much later and under civiliza-
lion 80 much more developed.
In the thirteenth century the Commons of Eng
land were joined with the Barons and the Church
IN the execution Of Magma Charta. and while The
great Charter was only maintained by constant
watchfulness and constant renewal, the fact chat
the Commons had political rights was never otter
ward suffered to pass out of sight. Between
Magma Charta in 1915, the Petition OF Right OF
1928, the Bill Of Rights Of 1888, the American
Declaration of Independence of 1915, the Con-
stitution Of the United States Of 1887, and the
Reform bill Of 1892. Professor Hosmer has labored
to establish direct connection, and, so far as es-
sontial principles are concerned, with consider
able measure of success 1t would of course be
idle to look for anything like steady progress in
the perennial struggle for free government. Action
Il ever followed by reaction. The expansion of
English liberties under Cromwell was followed by
nno1 dor ~ fbovn a fher Of tho
Restoration. The people endured more from Charles
the Second than they would have done two Gen.
turies earlier James the Second caused the
Df tolerance to overflow. and the pendulum of pub
lie opinion took another swing. But evils and
abuses are easily shifted than destroyed.
and when the worst dangers from Royal tyranny
were overcome the Parliament itself became a