New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1890-01-19

course 1t was a military policy, not moral
conviction, that finally determined the issue, and
in losing sight of this fact, Abolition writers
confuse history and build elaborate structures
upon very unstable foundations.
To say that emancipation was the effect of po-
ltical methods applied against slavery is to make
an assertion the demonstration Of which must be
/ exceedingly troublesome. In point of fact there
is nothing to 20 upon herE. Up to the election
Of Lincoln the South had the advantage politically
II is true that that event was a handwriting upon
/ the wall which could not be misunderstood. Bun
| it is easy enough to see now that if the South
had ben wise-if its blood had been cooler-it
might have preserved slavery, even though its
own political dominance was at an end. There
/ is, in short, no good evidence that in 1861 the
sentiment of the North had even nearly reached
the point of favorinG what-apart from civil war
would have been the only possible emancipation
measure namely, the purchase of the slaves out
of the National Treasury. We may. indeed, feel
sure that such a proposition would have been
strongly opposed at the North, and we can but
suspect that it would have killed any political
party advocating it. Even in he middle of the
war. when passions were inhamcd and sectional
animosity was at its height, the emancipation
proclamation did not encounter anything like
unanimous approval at the North. We do not
refer to the opposition of CoppcTheads'
/ but of Union men. many OF whom
were theory hostile TO slavery. The
moral education Of the people on this issue was
really much slower and much less general than
has been assumed by writers whose desire IS TO
magnify the achievements of connections ana
friends, and this tendency to minimize the con-
sidcrations and conditions which initiate against
theories of moral and political influence, Vltlatcs
many highly ingenious and otherwise interesting
biographical and narrative works
James G. Birncy never made any unfonnueo
! claim for himself. He was not at all Inc man
| TO trouble himself about the light in when pos
terity would regard him. He simply ana tIc
work that lay at his hand, and he ana IL VII"
all his might 1t was inevitable that there
should be want of sympathy between nm ana
Garrison Birney was lawyer and saw the
whole situation from the lawyers poln, Of view
He was also a gentleman of the old school VINO
regarded strong language, imprisoned argument
rhetorical forms, with dislike and Suspicion
His Scotch-Irsh blood perhaps rendered him
little hard and cold in these matters. He
had al the steady enthusiasm, iWlomitapl"
courage. and cool persistence, of Covenanter,
but he could not feel with those whose tcmp'ra-
mcnt impeed them 10 fcrvid expression and the
fire Of whose feelings drove them t. me en-
,,lovrent If fine most energetic LANGUAGE they
could find No doubt. too. William Lloyd Garri-
son i'm the earlier part Of his career was dillcuU
man 10 ret on with General Birncy has drawn
a graphic picture Of the Boston of the Come
CUTTERS and il gives insight into the diihcui'lcN
encountered by the more sober and methodIra
Aholitionists of the period. Boston in a
strange Intellectual lerment new Individual
ism had fascinated the restless class Of rcormcIs,
4f.,fr modes
Of Interpretation in the most amazing and cc-
centric WAYS Garrison of course clucht the
prevailing craze, and went for No-Govcrnment,
and Grahamism. and all the Issues that roS"
to tie surface like bubbles, to disappear in like
manner after short time. General Birncy thinks
that Garrison at one time almost concluded T.
withdraw from the Abolition cause and devote
himself mainly 10 the advocacy Of the eplemcr'l
whimscys which attracted the Boston rcforrcrS
but the evidence for this cannot 10 considered
convincing and in fact the Editor Of "Ihc
Iiherator7 grew more absorbed in tie slavery
issue as the crisis approached.
Birncy established an anti-slavery paper, The
Philanthropist,' al Cincinnati, and the slave
holders first bounded on the local Democratic
press to attack him and lis enterprise, and. finding
that course vain, raised the mob and destroyed
his presses. The first attempt AT mob violence
failed through the splendid courage tact and
GOODNESS Of Birney, who attended the meeting
called 10 organize the attack, disclosed his identity
and asked for a hearing, and being allowed 10
speak 50 wrought upon the audience that they
cheercd him at the close, and the leaders were
compelled to abandon their lawlcss purpose for
that NIGHT This was really an heroic deed. and
proves the calibre Of the doer. As to ms paper.
it was conducted with dignity. moderation and
force. but it may well be doubted whether tine
time for convincing men Of the South, at least,
by argument. had not already passed. The arsu-
mcnts which finally convinced the North were
principally acts of Southern arrogance and aggfcs-
sion. and not appeals to reason and judgment
In 1910 James G. Birney was nominated for
the Presidency by the Aboitionists, and received
some 1000 votes. In 1874 he was again noln-
mated and received 81, 900 votes. He was then
about 70 pass out of political and public life al
together. for the accident which made him
chronic invalid occurred in the following year, and
closed his career prcmaturcly and in melancholy
way General Birncy has given a spirited oc-
count of the principal events in his fathers life,
and all that he says on this score tends to in
crease the esteem and respect which are tho
Tightful dues Of this gallant, capable, hlgh-prn
cipled Southern gentleman. Whether the BIZ
Ographer has done well in giving 50 marked
controversial tone TO MS book is quite another
consideration. II appears 10 MS that the part
Of wisdom lies in dcprccating all such renewals Of
old enmites jcalOuscs and mutual misunderstood
ings occurring between men who, whatever their
shortcomings, were unqucstiOnaby equally moved
by genuine conviction and love of country. If
one Abolitionist sought to shame his fellows into
revolt against slavery, and another held 10 political
and constitutional methods as the only ones likely
| f. al hat eft
lessly wrong. The world is made mp Of many
minds, and appeals which succeed with some viii
always fail with others. In word, all the in
fucnces and agencies which arrayed against