The Press., 1890-11-27
Issued Every Thursday Evening.

Issued Every Thursday Evening. (For The Press.) AN EXAMINATION or THE LABOR PROBLEM. So long as the present organization of industrial society continues, differences between two of the great classes of which it is composed, employers and employed, will unavoidably arise. While it is true that in many of the relations growing out of their association they have common interest, which in such relations permits of no feud, it has been shown by experi- ence to be equally true that in other re- lations their opinions and interests diver9e and differences result The various ques- tions of labor difficulties demand wide interpretation, an interpretation wider than that over which the laws of political economy are competent to extend, an in- depreciation which includes more of hu- man nature. About forty years ago a transition touching the labor problem be- gan, transition from the principles of 1 political economy to the more complicated question of the relations between individ- uals. This transition, which first took shape in England, was accompanied there by extraordinary changes, such as the Chartist movement, the agitation of the corn laws, and innumerable riots. These violent outward changes indicated the progress of inward changes, which changes were the expression of new demands of the people. It was not that the condition of the people was growing worse, but rather that they were becoming more capable of seeing and understanding the situation as it was. The old calm was broken, and though it was accompanied by violence it was none the less sign of the new awak- ening that popular education was bringing about.
 Out of this discomfort also arose a new literature, which may now well be styled the Literature of discontest. After 1840 a number of writers appeared who may properly be called the prophets of the new era. These prophets were not political economists, because political economists are specialists who are always concerned with the problem of the present. The prophets of new period are not apt to be specialists, and those who discern the problem and point it out, too, are not apt to be the persons who are to finally fur nish solution. Dr. Chalmers was the first person to see and declare in England the coming issue between capital and la- Dor. He saw and stated the problem, but could lay down no rules for its solution.
 The more immediate prophets of the com. , ing issue were Carlyle and Ruskin. Car. lyle in Past and Present gives as a remedy, Ca government by the bravest, by the fit test" Carlyle had nothing to offer ex. cept the ''strong man." Carlyle's proph. ecy has been exemplified by such organ. izations as the Knights of Labor, with one man as absolute head but it is now be. | coming plainly evident that the needs oi the labor problem cannot be found in ac . cordance with the views of the great thinker,
 The outcome of Ruskin's doctrine was f displayed in the Burlington strike of two years ago, wherein the claim was made
 that one mans work was as good as an
 others. Carlyle's doctrine is the doctrine e of the strong maG,a, while Ruskin's doc a Urine IS that of the equality of all men y Carlyle calls for one great man, while | Ruskin calls for great mass ofequal men s s At this point graver question, which is d often asked, may be touched upon, name ly, is not the present interest in the labol V question unmistakable evidence of the awak
 ening new sense of human fraternity, { q new sense of the social life of man, a new d awakening, perchance, of christianity
 This IS the view that one class of strong e modern thinkers have taken. In the life
 and letters of Frederick Dennison Morris is beautiful view of this doctrine. Those who have been in sympathy with the views 7 of such men as Morris and such as Kings A ley have had 8 suspicion and hatred of the . . orthodox school of political economy, be V cause it dealt only with gain, and left ou of consideration the worth and value O ! human souls. A German Roman Catholi, t bishop took the view that the struggle il e favor of labor ought to be taken into chris U tianity he even asserted that the Roman l. Catholic church had never advocated pri e vate property. At first, until within 2( l. years, the prospect of reformation il u favor of labor, worked out through th' christian church, was good, but it proved l. later that the revolt against aU authority e which the struggle finally assumed, mad' IT it evident that the church could not inter n fere. Defiance of authority threw tn, J. struggle out of the christian church. Tn,
 doctrine of socialism, one element in thu ,f labor struggle, is in utter hostility to re le ligion, is professed atheism. Bax zoe e. even so far as to boldly champion thu of cause of socialism against christianity = Such things, then, are the outcome of tn t dreams of Morris and Kingsley. The so E. cialism of christianity would renovate s. while the socialism of today seeks to ex
 t1rpat0, to Clc6f away the ground cntlr6ly Until a comparatively recent time tn
 interpretation given even by thinking me-
 to the questions which pertain to labo
 was confined 10 very narrow limits, and
 solution of all of the differences of the ls
 bor problem was principally sought fror
 the side of the science of political econ
 omy. Political economy failed to solv
 the difficulties of labor, and, failing, ther
 has been a revulsion of feeling against tn science by those who cannot discern tn
 wide reach of our problem nor understan
 the character of the remedy needed
 Tn discussing the labor problem W
 might we'll omit all consideration of tn
 science of political economy, if mischie,
 ous notions concerning that science an
 it's relations to our subject were not sti
 unfortunately present. These notions, tot
 are by no means confined to the ranks
 At labor meeting in Boston few month
 ago the editor of a well known newspape
 declared that political economy says to th
 workingman "abandon hope" The labc
 agitator asserts that the political economis
 has done nothing to elevate the laborin
 man, and the political economist, If he
 honest, will admit the charge and repl
 that he has aimed to do nothing to elevat
 him. Political economists recognize the ed science as pure sclence, while the labe ny agitator looks for practical scienc