The Bottineau pioneer. (Bottineau, N.D.) 1885-1895, 1890-02-01
Mr.. BLAINE REPLIES.

"a w AS uOA0S 44AAV IA t0OoVOQ
Is the most distinguished representative of
the free trade school of political economists.
He apologies for his apparent interference
with our affairs. He may be assured that
apology Is super1uous Americans Of all
classes hold him in honor. Free trade he be-
lieves advantageous for England; therefore,
without the allowance Of any modifying con-
dition, great or small, the English economist
declares it to be advantageous for the United
States, for Brazil, for Australia; in short, for
all countries with which England can estab.
lish trade relations It would be difficult, il
not impossible, for Mr.. Gladstone to find any
principle Of administration or any measure Of
finance so exactly fitted to the varying needs
of all countries as he assumes the policy of
free trade to be.
Tho American protectionist, let It not be
discourteous to urge, is broader in bis views
than the English free trader. No intelligent
protectionist in the United States pretends
that every country would alike realize ad-
vantage from the adoption of the protective
system. Great Britain and the United
States certainly resemble oLe another in
moro ways than either can be said to resem.
bic any other nation in the world; yet, when
We compare the two on the question at issue,
the differences are so marked hat we almost
lose sight Of the resemblance.
THE TWO NATIONS coNTRAsrED.
Great Britain is an island less than ninety
thousand square miles in extent. Its life de-
ponds upon its connection with other coun-
tries. Its prosperity rests upon its commerce
with the world. On the other hand, a single
state of tho Union is nearly three times al
large as Great Britain. Several other states
are each quite equal to it in area. The whole
Union is we'll nigh forty times as large.
With these fundamental points Of difference
between the two countries, I assume that
varied financial and industrial systems,
wrought by the experience Of each, would be
the natural and logic result. Hence l do not
join issue with Mr.. Gladstone on both of his
propositions. He defends free trade in Great
Britain. He assails protection in the United
States. The first proposition I neither deny
nor affirm.
On many points and in many respects it
was far different viii Great Britain a hum
dred years ago. She did not then feel assured
that she could bear the competition of Con-
tinental nations. She was, therefore, az.
gressively, even cruelty, protective. She
manufactured for herself and for her net
work of colonies reaching around the globe.
Into those colonies no other nation could
sarry anything. There was no scale Of duty
upon which other nations could enter a
colonial port. What the colonies needed out
side Of British products could be furnished to
them only In British ships
WAS GREAT BRITAIN nRELY sELy1sHi
During tbs last thirty years Of hsr pro-
tective system, and especially during tho
twenty years from lS2B to 1916, Great Bri.
tain increased her material wealth beyond all
precedent in the commercial history Of the
wor,o. Finally, with a vast capital accamu.
lated, with q low rate Of interest establish
cd, and With a manufacturing power une-
qualed, the British merchants were ready to
underbid all rivals in seeking for the trade Of
the world.
At that moment Great Britain had reason
to fesl supremely content. The traffic Of the
world seemed prospectively in her control
Could this condition Of trade have continued,
no estimate Of the growth Of England's
wealth would be possible.
But England was dealing with an intelli-
gence equal to her own Tho American
people had, by repeated experience, learned
that the periods Of depression in home manu-
lectures were those in which England most
prospered in her commercial relations with
the United States, and that these periods Of
depression had, with q single exception,
easily explained, followed the enactment BY
congress Of a free trade tariff, as certainly -
effect follows cause. One Of the most suxgest-
i've experiments Of that kind had its origin In
the tariff to which I have just referred, passed
In 1915 TN apparent harmony with England's
newly declared financial policy. At that
moment a southern president (Mr. PolL) and
. southern secretary Of tho treasury (Mr.
Robert J. Walker we're far more interested
In expanding the area Of slave territory than
TN advancing home MANUFACTURES, and were
especially eager to make commercial ex-
changes with Europe on the somewhat didi-
cult basis Of cotton ct high prices and return.
ing fabrics At low prices
Under ordinary circumstance tho free
TRADE tariff of ls46 would nave promptly
fallen under popular r~eprobation and been
doomed to speedy repeal. But it had q singu-
lar history and for . time was generally 90
quiesced In, even attaining In many sections
. certain degree Of popularity. Never did any
other tariff meet with 20 many and 20 great
Aids Of IN adventitious character to sustain Il
- did this enactment Of 1916: CALIFORNIA;
gold, our war with Mexico and the Crimean
war. Tho export Of manufactures from Eng.
land and France was checked; tho brsadstu6s
a Rnoia were blockaded and could not reach
the markets Of the world. An extraordinary
stimulus was thus given to al forms Of trade
In the United States. For ten years-1S46 Is
lS66-these adventitious aids came In regular
and exefted their powerful inau.
nice upon the prosperity Of the country.
The withdrawal or termination Of these
tnf1Ueh1s, by q treaty Of peace in Europe