The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1890-08-21
A SUGAR COATED EXPLANATION.

nor less than proposition to remove force
and fraud from the election of members Of
our great representative chamber, and 70
substitute for the election processes with
which we a>e all, unhappily, too familiar,
the peaceful arbitrament of the courts OF
the United States
PUGH INTENDED NO THREAT.
Mr.. Pugh-I desire to inquire of the SEN
| ator IL he alluded to what said at the time
he reported the bill from the committee on
privileges and elections in relation to the
effect of the attempt to execute It,
Mr.. Hoer-l did.
Mr.. Pugh-I desire to say that l made no
threat. What said was mere prediction,
a mere expression of opinion that has been
repeated in the House and the press-that
the effect of an attempt to execute that law
would lead to bloodshed. made no threat.
1t is utter perversion. am bouad to say, of
my language at the time that this bill was
reported to say that / made any threat as
| TO what should be or would be the conse-
quence of the execution Of the law. IL
was a mere predictions mere ex-
preston Of opinion. 1t was an ex-
preston of fear and not desire or intent
that that would be, or should be, the con-
sequence Of an effort 20 execute that law.
HoAR RESORTS TO CHESTNUT.
Mr.. Hoar-The difference between a pre-
diction and a threat, coming from the
leaders of the gentlemen who have managed
elections in some parts of the country, has,
unhappily, been found in experience a
pretty thin and narrow one, but If the
senator does not like that phrase l will
withdraw it and read from the Record
what he did say.
HoAR's EXPLANATION OF THE BILL.
Mr.. Hoar said the national election bill
undertook to defend the constitution ag ainst
| a.
the majority of the people Of the right
honestly to elect q representative in the
other house OF congress, and by substituting
for the election processes of fraud, inJirni =
dation and bribery. 1t related to a matter
of national concern. Its main object was
to provide for obtaining evidences upon
which the House of Representatives could
safely proceed in rendering judgment as
! to the election of its members. 1t seemed
to him that 1T was the most important of
legislation that that spring of liberty should
be kept pure The House had sent TO the
Senate measure which it deemed essen
tial to its preservation. The provisions Of
that bill were the result of the most salts
factory experience in the Uni ed States and
in England.
NOTHING NEW IN THE BILL.
There was nothing In it that was new. 1t
was simple blending of the provisions of a
law which had been in operation in Engla
for twenty-five years with general public
satisfaction with the provisions Of a law
that had been in operation in the United
States for nineteen years with equal salts
faction. 1t struck at tue evil In
all parts of the country alike
1t applied to the whole country special safe
guards. The national power had again anc
again been invoked by the republicans Of
the south to protect their people against
| bttr rda mi hf
necessaries Of life, and which combination
the states found themselves unable to con
troll In pressing this measure he was doing
exactly what the trainers of the constitu
ton expected of it.
SECTIoNALISM DENIED.
The federal election bill struck at the
north quite as much as at the south. Ht
did not think that bribery was generally
conceded to the south. 1t was an otfense o.
all large cities and old communities. He
could not affirm that his own common
wealth had wholly escaped from it. Unles
well informed men were mistaken, ther,
had been at least one election where i
rained shekels, even under the very shadow
of Harvard college.
THE ENGLISH SYSTEM.
Mr.. Hoar referred at much length to the
English system, which gave absolute salts
faction. Were English judges, he asked
more trustworthy than American judges
We're the learned and able men wh(
adorned the American bench incapable O.
judicial function when the dearest rights OF
their countrymen were at state. He quoted
, the report of S. S. Cox, chairman Of th'
committee of Investigation, strongly
commencing the statute Of 1870, anC
said that the law had been destgneC
specially to affect cities having
a population Of 10000 or upward By thu
census Of 1880 there were ninety sucf
cities in the United States. al
but twenty-five of which were il
the north. The law had been en-
forced in fifty-seven of those cities
of which all but sixteen were In the north
How idle it was, then, to speak,. of the bill a
a sectional measure or as threatening blood
shed.
NOT REoPEEING WAR ISSUES.
How Idle 1t was to tell Its friends that
they were reopening the issues of the war.
Elections ian issue of the warP' Ha6
jackson died9 Had Lee gone through thai
struggle (nore bitter than death between
his allegiance to his country and his love
for his staoe In order that the ballo
boxes might be stuffed, that naturalization
: papers might be forged, that returns nigh
be altered and votes be falsely countedl II
was foul wrong upon the authors of the
bill to say it reopened the issues of war. L
was fouler calumny of the mighty shades
of the confederate dead. A majority of the
people Of the United States be
lieved firmly to-day that for fourteen
years the House of Representative
, had been q scene of usurpation, and that fol
four years an usurper had sat In the execu-
tive chair of the nation, and yet, when i
was sought to transfer the ascertainment o.
the will of the people from such processes tt
Z the courts, the friends Of the bill were me
) by the cry that they were raising the wal
/ issue, and that this was force bill.
, NOT FORCE BILL.
. There had never been more senseless utter
ances than to call that force bill which
transferred the settlement of elections from
) the shotgun TO the court unless 1t was tn
.. bill TO coionize the negroes or 30 create
race issue. The bill oaly touched elections
!. Tor congress. The negro was IN q larg
minority in every state in the union bu
: four. What tendency had the bill to pu
= !, any state under the dominion Of the Afrl
: cans The bill could not possibly ere
ate any friction between the states
The Republican party was pledged TO th
policy Of the bill by everything that coul
bind the party. Among the proofs of tha
tact Mr.. Hoar quoted from President Har
r rlson's inaugural aud from his annual mes
q sage; from President Hayes second annua
a message Of Dec. 2S, 1878; from Presiden
"a dhrnelds iuauRural from the republican