St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1890-11-29
SPEAKS FOR HIMSELF.
Charles Stewart Parnell Is
sues a Manifesto to the
Liberal Party,
and Exposes Some Impor-
tant and Sensational State
Secrets.
Ee Stoutly Objects to Being
Thrown to English
Wolves.
& Pressing Duty to Now
Hold Fast To Every
Safeguard.


LONDON, Nov. 2s.--Mr. Parnell has
issued the following manifesto:
To the Irish People: The integrity
and independence OF section of the
Irish parliamentary party having been
apparently Sapped and destroyed by the
wire pullerS OF the Liberal party, it has
become necessary for me, as leader of
the Irish party, to take counsel with
you, and, having given you the knowl-
edge which is IN my possession, to ask
your Judgment upon a matter which
now solely devolves upon you to decide.
The letter from Mr.. Gladstone to MIR.
Morley, written for the purpose of influ-
encing the decision of the Irish party IN
the choice of their leader, and claiming
for the Liberals and their leaders the
right of veto upon the choice, is the I'M
mediate cause of this address, the pur-
pose of which is TO remind you and your
parliamentary representatives that Ire
land considers the independence Of her
party as her only safeguard within the
constitution and above and beyond all
SQuSluClullOllS
The Threat
in that letter, repeated so insolently on
many English platforms and in numer-
Gus British newspapers, that. t.unless Ire
land comedies this right of veto to Eng
land. she will Indefinitely postpone her
chance of obtaining home rule, cOmpels
me, while not for moment admitting
the slightest possibility Of such loss,
To put before you information which
until now, so far as my colleagues are
concerned, has been solely in my pos
session, and which will enable you to
unC erStand the measure of loss with
which you are threatened unless you
consent to throw me to the English
wolves now bowling for my destruction.
In November of last year, in response
to a repeated and lOng-standing re-
q iest, 1 visited Mr.. Gladstone at Ha-
warden and received the details
of the intended proposal of himself
and his colleagues of the late Liberal
cabinet with regard to home rule in the
event of the neXtgeneral election favor
ing the Liberal party. 1t is unneces-
sary for ME to do more at present than
TO direct your attention to certain points
of these details, which will be generally
recognized as embracing elements vital
for your information, and the formation
of your judgment. These vital points
of difficulty may be suitably arranged
and considered under
The Following Heads:
First-The retention of Irish members
In the imperial parliament.
SecOnd-The settlement of the land
OF agrarIan difficulty in Ireland.
Third-The control of the Irish con-
Stabulary.
Fourth - The appointment of the
Judiciary, including judges of the su-
preme court, county court judges and
resident magistrates.
Upon the subject of the retention of
Irish members in parliament, Mr.. Glad
stone told me that The opinion, and the
unanimous opinion, of his colleagues
and himself recently arrived at, after
most mature consideration of alterna-
tive proposals, was that, in order to con-
ciliate English public opinion, it would
be necessary to reduce Irish representa-
ton from 103 to 50. Upon the settle
ment of the land question. it was held
that this was one of the questions which
must be regarded as question reserved
from the control Of the Irish legislature:
but at the same time Mr.. Gladstone in
timated that, while he would renew his
attempt to settle the matter by imperial
legislation on the lines of the land pur-
chase bill of 1885, he would not under
take to put any pressure upon his own
side or insist upon their adopting his
Vlews-in other ana shorter words, that
The Irish Legislature
was not to be given the power of soly
Ing the agrarlan difficulty. A period of
ten or twelve years was suggested as
the limit of the time during which the
appointment OF Judges and resident
magistrates should be retained In the
hands of the imperial authority. l have
now given short account of what I
gathered of Mr.. Gladstone's views and
those of his colleagues during the two
hours conversation atHawarden. a con-
verSatlOn which am bound to admit
was mainly. y.monOpollZed by Mr.. Glad
stone, and will pass to my own express
sion of opinion upon these communica-
tions. which represent my views then
and now. And firstly, with regard to the
retention of the Irish members, the
position which L have always adopted,
and which L then represented,
is that with the concession of
full powers to an Irish legislature,
equivalent to those enjoyed by a state
of the American Union, the number
and position of the members so retained
would become question of imperial
concern, and not OF pressing OF imme-
diate Importance for the
Interests of Ireland:
but that with the important and allen
crossing subjects of agrarian reform.
constabulary control and judiciary ap-
polntmentS left either under imperial
control or totally unprovided for. it
would be the height of madness for any
Irish leader to initiate Grattan's eX-
ample and consent to disband an army
which had cleared the way to victory. |
further undertook to use every
legitimate influence to reconcile
Irish public opinion to the grad
aal coming into force of new
privileges, and to the post
ponement necessaey for English opin-
ion with regard to cOnstabulary control
and judicial appointments, but l
strongly diSSented from the proposed re-
ductiOn of the number of members dur
ing the interval of probation, and |
pointed to the absence of any suitable
prospect of land settlement by either
parliament, as a constitutional and
overwhelming drag upon the prospects
of permanent peace and prosperity in
ireland. At the conclusion of the in
terview l was informed that Mr..
Gladstone and all his colleagues were
entirely agreed that pending general
election, silence should be absolutely
preserved with regard to any points of
nliference OH the question of the reten-
uon OF the Irish members. / have