The Greenville times. [volume] (Greenville, Miss.) 1868-1917, 1890-03-08
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.
SuNNYsIpE. Feb. 26th. 1s9l

SUNNYsIDE. Feb. 26th, 1890.
EDITOR OF TINES:
In youI last issue have read tho
editorial entitled "The Constitutional
Convention In it you designate a
number of gentlemen and invite them
to discuss the suggestions made by you
in an editorial of the same heading in
your issue of the 10Th inst. am one
of the number designated. | had not
before learned that was being dis
cussed as delegate. certainly do
not aspire to the position. 1t Is in no
true sense an office, and the man must
be vain indeed who aspires to it and
thinks himself capable of wisely and
worthily filling the place. II is the
gravest matter to frame the organic
law of State, and in the performance
of this delicate and difficult task
PRINCIPLE, the eternal, invisible dis
tinction between right and wrong,
should be solely regnant, and expedi-
ents only resorted to when rendered
necessary by reason of ignorance or
prejudice in the individuals composing
the august assemblage. | hazard the
opinion that in all the history of Con-
stitutional government graver difficult
ties have not yet confronted people
than now confront us and our future
will be largely influenced by the action
of this convention. Our great danger
is negro suffrage, aud if the convention
will only adopt expedients the two
suggested by you, viz: longer resi-
dence and prepayment of poll tax are
the best and should be Incorporated
into the Constitution. But why stop
hereI Why not remedy the evil for
all time! Why not by one supreme
act of intelligent patriotism free our
people from the ills of negro suffrage
at home and in Washington The
answer is ready that the 18th Amend
ment to the U, S. Constitution is in
the way. | deny the truth of this
position. We are certainly under no
obligation to do more than OBEY the
10Th Amendment. and its language is
the only evidence of its meaning. II
is as follows: "The right of citizens
of the United States to vote shalt not
be denied or abridged, by the United
States or by any State, on account of
race, color or previous condition of
servitude." If the action of the Con-
stitutional Convention is not in con-
flict with the terms of this Amendment,
it will not be obnoxious to criticism,
although in its practical working il ac-
complishes negro disfrauchisemen
The two expedients you suggest are
valuable because for the nonce they
will work partial negro disfranchise-
ment. In my opinion the convention
should adopt small property quslif-
cation for the franchise. There is GER
tainly nothing in the way of this, so
far as the Federal Constitution is con-
cerned, and It would apply to white
and black alike. The RIGHT TO VOTE
activn oy-saotv IN those Whoan NOS
ia Legislature subsequent to the adoptit
ht of the new Constitution, would pr
Mt pose an amendment to the Constitute
m enfranchising the disfranchised white
90 and of course such an amendme
A. would be adopted by the legal vote
or at the polls. The State would n
I'M thereby "deny or abridge the negroC
IN right to vote. The non-property hol
II. ing negro would have no such right
IL be ''denied or abridged" Their rigl
no to vote would remain under the clau
no in the Constitution and when they b
er came the owners of the requisite pro
m erty the right would attach and n
he before. Such an amendment wou
or not infringe the 18th Amendmel
on The word discriminate" was soug
n to be incorporated into into 1t at 4
ia time Of its passage, and in this shape
,is passed the Senate. but was eliminat,
,ec by committee of conference after
ed hot coetest, and passed in its prese
"a. shape.
nd 1t is asserted, however, that the ne
ct- property holding white man wou
le- not submit to temporary disfranchis
nv ment, even in order 10 give quiet al
ve peace to his State and await for /,
nd time the horrid danger which no
cd threatens his civilization. | have
~ better opinion of his manhood, of b
In intelligence, of his patriotism, and b
h lieve that If ever the opportunity
cd afforded him TO make this temporal
nd sacrifice to secure enduring publ
wv good, his cheerful, willing acceptan
oh will bring blush to those who doub
ssr ed him.
h. 1t has also been argued that prol
to erty qualification is un-American.
r. might answer such an objection tn
on the Mississippi plan is un- Americs
N from his standpoint, and ask him
on designate what there is that is "Ame
r. ican" in the politics of communii
h made up of minority of self-respec
,rs ing white people and a majority
M negroes. If this course is un-Amer
de can 1t is far less Objectionable tina
an other un-Amcrican things which GOO
people deem necessary to the exsten,
10. of some community. Such action b
Ia- the Constitutional Convention woul
a give us absolute quiet at home, an
n. remove us forever as an angry issue
as national politics. The nefarious occl
of patton of tho ingalls,, Chambers an
40 Hoars in Washington would be gon
"a. The Northwest with the "bloody shirt
"a forcibly torn from them, would hay
n to think and vote in national election
,;s OH the merits or dement's of tariff r,
be form. For the negro it would suppl
" the needed stimulus so we'll put in you
10 editorial. l take second place to n
90 man as his true friend, aud it is fc
re him as well as for us that | make th
be advocacy. He was mcrcilessly treate
az when the ballot was forced into HI
of hands, and he was thereby brought
rv sharp antagonlsm to his only genuin
ny friend-the Southern white man. II
a, has deservings at our hand, but polit
cal power is not one of them. Amict
BILE relations between the two races
"a all industrial necessity. 1t is my oil
lis servation that whenever negro begin
to save and invest his earnings he b,
o. comes conservative in his views an
pi, cautious III his actions, and deserve
in and receives the respect of white pc,