St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1890-12-01

we fear that they may do the further
mischief OF dlvertlng the minds of
many people from grave national to
Purely Personal Issues
in the natural resentment of ungener-
Gus attack on great leader in an hour
OF stress and disaster, but, while max
ing every possible allowance for Mr..
ParnelPS feeling on this score, we con-
slider it unjust to the English people
and lamentable from the point of view
of international good feeling tOdescribe
as English wolves bowling for his de-
struction those who have not been able
to bring themselves to the same view
TO which gratitude and the necessity
for union impelled Mr.. Parnell's own
colleagues and countrymen. The plea
OF Mi. Parnell that Mr.. Gladstone's
letter involves claim to die
tate to the Irish party and there
by strike at the independence of that
party as strictly Irish national body,
is one calculated to inspire every Irish
Nationalist with alarm if that plea were
not an obvious fallacy. The Irish party
was formed for the purpose of winning
home rule for Ireland. Any attempt to
divert the Irish party from that object
in the interest of English parties would
be an invasion of the independence of
the Irish party, and wonld, we believe,
be repelled by no one more Sternly than
by our colleagues and ourselves, who
are now in opposition TO MIR. Parnell.
But the very basis of our independent
alliance with the Liberal party is the
adoption by them of the programme for
which the Irish party was formed and
the recognition that it must be
The First Attack
of Liberal cabinet to realize that pro-
gramlne. Whatever differences of opin-
ion may exist as to the haste with which
.GladStone'S letter was communicated
to the public, it was obviously not his
hostility to home rule, but his earnest
desire to save it from disaster, that
prompted Mr.. Gladstone to write his
letter. We deplore that the difficulties
OF Mr.. GladStOne'S position were not
frankly recognized by MIR. Parnell. and
that on the contrary friendly private
communications = communications OBJ
Vlously made with a view Of smoothing
the passage of the home rule bill-have
been made the basis of insinuations of
treachery to the Irish cause. BY his
conviction again and again expressed,
that home rule, to be effective, must
be such measure as will satisfy
the Irish people, Mr.. Gladstone is bound
to full and ample measure of Self-gOv-
ernment to Ireland. To offer any other
scheme would be an act not only of in
credible baSeneSs, but of incredible
folly; and we emphatically separate
ourselves from any such charge against
Mr.. Gladstone. We think it deplorable
that Mr.. Morley's suggestion that some
OF the Irish party might cooperate in
carrying out the Irish programme of a
r.r11n Ia lNfN
strangely misinterpreted by Mr.. Par
nell. Every member of the Irish party
will, of course, agree with Mr.. Parnell
that the acceptance by any Nationalist
member of Office from an English min
lstry would be breach of the element
airy principles upon which our party is
founded. But nobody who knows
Mr, NIOrley's Character
will doubt that the suggestion was made
in the honest belief that a Liberal min
istry would be helped in the difficult
work of carrying through the details of
an Irish home rule bill by the co-opera-
tlon of Irish colleagues, and it was not
an lnsldlouS attempt on the integrity
and independence of the Irish party.
We have now to confront the statement
that Mr.. Parnell's leadership opens an
impossible gulf between the representa-
tiyes of Ireland and the Liberal party
who have faithfully observed their part
OF their side of the agreements as to tine
national claims of Ireland. and the sit
uation is aggravated 10y deplorabIe ex-
pressionS of ill-will toward the
British people. who have again and
again, within the past five years, mani
tested their determination to do Justice
to Ireland, and have by their votes par
alyZed the arm of coercion. In deliber-
ately bringing things to this position,
Mr.. Parnell has entered upon rash ana
fatal path upon which every consider
alton of Ireland's safety as well as of
personal honor forbid us absolutely to
follow him. In the future of party
thus isolated and diScredited, we cannot
imagine how any Irishman can see any
thing but destruction of the hopes of
self-government, happiness and peace,
which, but a few weeks ago, were on
the point of being realized for our peo-
pie so tried by many years of
Sacrifice and Suffering.
That Mr.. Parnell asks us to do.
stripped of all side issues, is to sacrifice
all the hopes of an early settlement of
the Irish struggle to his resolve to MAIN
tain his personal position. We are driven
to choose between our leader and our
cause. In that sad choice we cannot
hesitate. We lay these views respect
fully before all our colleagues of the
Irish parliamentary party, i'll the earn
est belief that decisive vote on their
part will deliver Ireland from the fear
ful anxiety which now overhangs her
people. We are convinced that calm
but resolute course of action OH our
part in this cruel emergency will re-
dound to the advantage of our cause by
furnishing conclusive testimony of the
capacity of our party and of our people
for f-gOvernment. We cannot relin-
Quish the hope that. in the face of such
decisive action by the elective repre-
sentatives of the Irish people, Mr.. Par
nelFs sense of patriotism will withhold
him from plunging Ireland into those
horrors of dissension which have so
often already in her tragic and unhappy
history robbed her of liberty at the mo-
ment it was within her grasp, and will
save him from undOing,in one passionate
hour. the results of all his incompatible
services to his country.
JOHN DILLON.
WILLIAM O'BRfEN,
THOMAS Z. OCoNNoR.
7. ID. SULLIVAN,
THOMAS L. GILL.
Chicago, Nov. so. 1890.