Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1890-09-27

llSn iron Ill our uldTkets we mac loi tlle
first time in the history of the United
States been able to ship American iron
to England. And yet the great Associa-
ton of lronworkers, which is affiliated
with the American Federation of Labor,
had not dared TO demand from the "mas-
ters" any concession. Why? Because
the iron industry, though not yet con-
centrated in the same degree as he rail.
roads and the telegraphs, is sufficiently
so to make The advantages that might be
gained by strike of little permanent
value as compared with the enormous
sacrifices which it would entail.
| might consider every industry and
show you, by actual figures, that the
helplessness of Labor. so long as it is
organized on purely economic basis,
must grow in proportion to the growth
of capitalistic concentration, temporary
success being still possible in those trades
only which, like the carpenters and other
builders, the bakers, the cigarmakers,
etc, are still to some extent OF en- to the
competition of second class capitalists
But here, as elsewhere, the process of
concentration is rapidly advancing, and
if the lines of the labor movement are
not so advanced that Labor may concen-
trate its political as well as its economic
forces, make bold to predict that the
trades unions will be utterly powerless
within a few years, owing chiefly, of
course. to the amount of unemployed
labor-of surplus labor which newt
ably follows capltalistic concentration.
Now, we Socialists represent here this
idea, that labor must concentrate all its
power, political and economical, against
the common enemy; and with this end
in view we promote by all the means at
our command the organization of trades
unions, as the alpha-the first letter in
the alphabet of Labor. 1t is an idea that
the force of circumstances would of 1t
self in the natural course of events, force
into the heads of the working people,
whether they liked it or not.
We believe that they are ready to
accept it; that most of them have, in
fact, already accepted it; and that the
only ob-tacle to its being carried out is
the cowardice of so-caIled conservative
leaders, who while claiming to enter
tain advanced views, are actually doing
their best to keep alive old prejudices
by persisting in false assimilation of
the Socialist Labor party to the old
political parties. 1t were high time this
humbugology were exposed and repu-
dated. Let the G. l.. F. stamp it out;
let it boldly proclaim that the economic
and the political movements of labor
must be one; and that the Socialist
Labor party, as the only representative
OF this idea, is of necessity the party of
Labor and Its only party.
Delegate Vogt said that Mr.. Gompers
must be Judged by the public effect of
his action; and the pubic impression as
to his letter was that it was aimed against
Socialism. That public impression was
well voiced to the delegate shortly after
the publication of the letter, when
prominent politician sneeringly told him
of the blow dealt to the Socialists by
Gompers, who had thereby won for him
self the sympathy of the public. Such
an effect was to be foreseen and it must
be taken as having been intended.
When McMackin in 1887 issued his edict
against the Socialists. he too employed
at first the dodge that he meant the
Socialist Labor party as an organization
and not the individual Socialists At
Syracuse he, with George and McGlynn,
threw off the mask and openly entered
upon that famous campaign against
Socialism, that resulted so disastrously-
to its orginators We know that Com
pers had socialist leanings, in fact he
was member of the Socialist party;
but we also know that in his public ac-
ton he has ''gone back" upon his for
mer convictions; we remember his anxi-
ETY. TO accept an old party nomination
for Senator, his open attacks upon
Socialism in the convention of the Cigar
makers International Union, and there
by we must measure him. While we
have proof that other central bodies
comprising Socialist Labor party sec
tions have been chartered by the Ameri-
can Federation of Labor, we refuse
to predicate our case on precedent.
This movement will not halt in Its on
ward march because of any precedent.
The formation of the Central Labor Fe-
deraton was a departure from prece-
dent, a revolutionary step, declaration
of war upon the old tradition of political
scabbism in the labor movement. The
c. l.. F. was founded upon the very
principle OF unity between the polltical
and the economic organization of la bor,
upon which the American Section
claimed and was logically admitted to
representation. What this unity means
was demonstrated by the workingmen
of Germany in February last, when for
a few weeks they laid down their eco
nomic struggles, postponed strikes and
trades union work and devoted them
selves exclusively to the task of piling
up 1,500, 900 labor votes at the polls.
Hasn't that vote done more to benefit
the cause of labor in all its interests than
1000 strikes. The 6S,000 votes cast in
New York in 1886 and the large labor
votes polled in Chicago, Milwaukee, Gin
cinnati, msde capitalists and capitalistic
politicians tremble and platforms began
to overflow with promises of labor laws