The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1890-12-04

TURPIE STARTS THE ATTACK.
MIR. Turpie.thereupon opened the d:soussicn
lDsopposition TO the hill He said the substi-
tute measure rested for its support on what
was called the suppressed colo ed republi-
can vote in the south. Tie returns of
the election showed an abstinence
from voting an abstinence mucl
greater In Massachusetts, aud other
northern states than elsewhere Extremists
with a meager majority in both houses,
SAID that this was proof enough of the sup
preston of the c0lOred vote, and thereup1n
proceeded to revolutionize the whole meth d
OF congressional elections. There had been
suppression - suppression patent, well
Known undenable, and widely prevalent.
NO NEGROES IN OFFICE
The recent census would show that in the
states or Pennsylvania. Ohio and Illinois
there were about 250,000 colored pc ople: vet
| In those states no cllorad man had ever
served as governor, or been eected to auy
department of the state government. There
mad been not only no proportional division
OF the ottices-there had been none at all.
The colore1 race in those states
had been deprived Of participation in
official preferment. The colored citizen in
these states was not barred by any consti-
tlon or statute; he was barred by a more
potent law-the law of race and blood.
The colored man in those states had no more
chance OF preferment than Roman
Catholic had had in New Hampshire or
Great Britain hundred years ago.
THE SITUATION IN THE SOUTH.
The suppression of the colored vote in the
south was thing manifestly in question,
affirmed on the oae side aud denied on tae
other, but the suppression of the colored
voter OF the norJh was a thing without
question, actual, absolute, unconditional.
Ihe supremacy of the white race
was not peculiar to any portion
of the United States. South Car
olina was not more completely
under its sway than Pennsylvania. It's
supremacy was not one whit more firmly
established in Texas and Arkansas than in
Illinois and Ohio. Much might be said Of
tho injustice Of this supremacy. 1t was
easy to write and priAt aphorisms, even to
give them the shape Of legislative formulas
that all citizens are equal
ENFORCEMENT LACKING.
Political rights as between the races
might be granted, defined and decreed, but
political equities could only be adjusted by
action. That action was everywhere want
ing; it was everywhere withheld. The su-
premacy of the white race had not been
brought about by force or fear.
1t had not been wrasted or
seized from others; but it had
been given, granted and voluntarily csded
to those deemed for the time most worthy
OF its posse sion. The man especially the
man of the white house, who sought to en-
broil the white and black races for a pur-
pose he could not conceal and dare not
avow was guilty OF an outrage ten-fold
greater than any of those he invented or
described.
SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM.
The solution of the race problem was a
fNf uas+r not l,,,t taf
real experiences. Wherever people OF differ
ent races were living peacefully together
under the same laws, members of the same
body polite, without any other thought
than that some must command and others
must obey, this problem was being
solved. The purpose of the national
election bill (so-called) was, So far
Us related to the south. to wreck and destroy
this pending condition OF inter-racial ad-
jusGment. It proposed not to maintain the
will Of the maj ,rity, but to overthrow it
on the single issue of race-to make a ma
jority Of black men because they are black:
TO establish gov ernment Of complexion,
not OF opinion.
KERNEL OF THE BILL.
The kernel aud purpose of the pending
bill was that the law of the land must be
suoordinated to set enmity between white
man and black man. The bill was not art
malgnity. Pass this Dill and the right of
the people to choose their representatives,
that right SO precious and priceless
to every lover of liberty, was lost-loSu
beyond recovery and beyond recall. He
then proceeded TO make a constitutional
argument against the power of congress to
pass law regulating the election OF repre-
sentatives in the lower house of congress.
Not having this power itself, it could not
dplAQatA il TO faleral election boards
SCREENS FOR FRAUD
These boards would be the screens behind
which she lowest forms of fraud aud wrong
would be practicsd with iInpunity. The
effect on the colorei constituency of the
south would be most unfortunate. Negroes.
stripped of al! motive for
further self-exertion, would be-
come perpetual pensioners on the
natio al treasury. Facile ard venal repre-
sentatives would be ready for any assault
on the public Golfers; taxes would be levied
on the labor Of the white men and women Of
the north for the support of negro con-
stituencies who, abandoning every thought
of self-improvement, would idly wait for
their annual dole.
DIxIE's PROGRESS.
The south had had for period of years a
rest. It had made great industrial progress,
and invited northern capital This h1d
the normal ascendancy of the white race.
Should this bill become law the investor
would find in many places in the south
not shares, dividends and income,
but chilled furnaces, idle mills
and smoking ruins. The future would
intone maiediction exceedingly rare and
vehamenant against certain men Of our day
who would betr ay their own race to subju-
gation-white apjstates SCARED with the
brand sinister, au illeg Ultimate off
spring, recreant to their kindred
and lineage, beings OF perdition,
doomed 10 reproach which would
darken in infamy as the past receded, until
time. grown weary of such remembrance,
should cast their miscreant names prey to
the dumb forgetfuluess OF oblivion.
At the conclusion of his speech Mr..
Turpie received the congratulations of his
democratic colleagues, and the Senate al
1926 o'clock adjourned.