The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1890-01-11

be able to defeat, but which will defeat
him (cheers), and there is a situation of
affairs in that country, entirely brought
about by his own folly, which utterly
prevents him or his Government from
boasting that they have governed Ire
land we'll, or that they have succeeded
in pacifying that country.
TRANQUIL BUT UNSETTLED.
Now, Ireland, it is true, is tranquil and
free from crime, but she is not at ease;
she does not submit to the Government
(hear, hear); she is not governed by her
own consent. On the contrary. the
aversion to the Government methods
and measures has been intensified ten
fold curing these three years 0fcOerc1ol,;
and If Ireland is tranquil and free from
crime, the credit is not due to the firm
government and coercion of MIR. Bal
four. The credit is due to your great
leader, Mr.. Gladstone Cloud and pro-
longed cheering}, and to the Liberal
party (cheers), who, by their sacrifices
in leaving office in 1886, in allowing
their ranks to be more than declmated
at the general election, in giving up the
prospect of place and power, of govern
ment for many years, have shown the
Irish people that they can sacrifice a
great deal for their sakes (cheers), and
have persuaded them that the time is
coming in the near future when Mr..
Gladstone (renewed cheers,, returned to
power, will give them that power OF
dealing with their own affairs which
can be granted without injury to your
greater and more important interests
This is something to be proud of. To
anyone who knows how, ten short years
ago, how little the great mass Of the
people of Ireland trusted to any constr
tutional action, 1t is great consolation
to reflect tha5 you hereafter will be ap)e
to say--':I heIped-we helped-to win
Ireland to the Constitution" (cheers).
The Catholics Of Irelard-and [ speak
as Protestant (uear, hear )-have not
As
regret to say that there has been too
mucn of it on the other side. And they,
having suffered in the past, are not the
men 10 destroy their own future by
doing chat which would brlng upon
them the Indignation Of the English
people.
A STORM IN A TEACUP.
Say these men, I'VE are armlng these
Orangemen in the North of Ireland,
ard ii The Imperial Parliament and the
Queen dare to give legislative tights to
Ireland. we will oppose the forces OF
the Crown by aimed insurrection"
(laugtlter). Why, their armed Insured
tion would be a storm III a teacup.
They would be surrounded and their
arms taken from them the first moment
they took the field, and they would be
sent back sadder and wiser men, to look
after their own business in Belfast. l
know that the people Of Great Britain,
as whole, are in favor of Mr.. Glad.
stone and of Home Rule (cheers); and
once they are convinced that in no
other way can ireland be justly govern
ed, it is not the tin trumpet and the
drums of the Orangemen of Belfast
that will frighten them out of it
(cheers).
LOWERING THE FLAG.
Now, there IS another argument
used, ''that we are lowering the flag IN
accepting Mr.. Gladstone's proposals. )"
This is used by the Tory party. They
ask US to remember our history, whlle
in Que and the same breath they say we
have no history. They remind US OF
the qlories OF Grattan's Parliament,
and they say-''Are lrlshmen going to
give up their national birthright OF
Grattan's Parliament for this contempt
IDLE mess of pottage?' Grattan's Par
lament was what we asked for, because
we had historical precedent for it; but
[ have no hesitation in saying that
there is q danger of friction and mis-
chief contained in Grattan's Parliament
which is not contained in the measure
of 1886 (cheers). Grattan's Parliament
gave us power to separate action in In
perial matters-a most dangerous power
(hear, heal) and a power which we
abused in those days. For instance,
the supplies for the army and navy
were voted separately by the Irish
Parliament; an Irish Mutiny Act was
also passed distinct from the English
Mutiny Act; and the Irish Parliament
could refuse to vote the forces Of Ire
land for the purpose either of England
or for foreign wars. They could take
all this separate action, and it was a
danger to the integrity of the empire,
and also led to friction.
THE BILL OF 1886.
Well, now, confess prefer, for the
advantage of Ireland, the notifications
and alterations suggested IN 1886 to the
hard and fast system of 1882 (cheers).
think the teaching Of experience has
HEr -