Morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven [Conn.]) 1848-1894, 1890-06-25
Israel Lyman Psres, B. A.. Memphis,

animation. Israel Lyman Peres B. A., Memphis,
Tenn.
SENIOR CLASS.
Degree Of LII B-Magna Cum Laude
Walter F. Frear, B. A.. Yale university Jewell
Orland s. Isbeli, B A.. Yale university.
Lyman o. Per'ey, B. s.. Northwestern univer-
SHY.
George B. Fowler, B A, Yale university
Erank " w M%SSasc ga as unSsssy
j. JUNIOR CLASS.
Israel L. Peres B. A., Yale university (Betts
prRis sn}}amin w. Jacobs B A., Yale university.
George A. Kellogg B A. Amherst college,
L. geo sSss
susumu uchida.
The Grafton to the senior class was deliver
ed by Charles J. Bonaparte, a grand nephew |
of the great Napoleon. 1t was a finished, |
brilliant, mastery address. The subject |
was 1.-THE Strength and Weakness of Pop |
Mar Government in the United States" The |
speaker based his address upon the 14th |
amendment to tho constitution and said, |
among other things:
To whatever exergencies of the time Its |
enactment may have been Immediately due, |
this provision expresses principle which is
every day more generally and practical.
| ly recognized In our political ethics, although
| to our great-grandfathers 1t would have sp-
peared equally unreasonable and unjust. We
are not yet prepared to say thas the right
| to participate in government shall not be
| limited by sex; it seems scarcely possible
| that We shall ever say this shall not in SONS
| degree depend upon age, or that 1t may not
| be forfeited by crime; but any other distinc-
| an anomaly, and prima facia oppressive. We
| do not admit that a mans intelligence or
education, habits, reputstion or means, can
appreciabIy affect his fitness to exercise
| political power. Founded upon this princi-
| pc we have "a government of the people, by
the people end" in theory, "for the people"
| would first note that our form of govern
ment has nothing to dc, either as a hindrance
or as help, with two of the greatest bless-
ings enjoyed by the American people; COM
pulsory military service is unknown here and
war very improbable, mot because we have no
king and no nobility, but because we have no
neighbors who, according to any human fore
sight, can grow into rivals; and there is room
here for everybody, not because every
body has vote, but because land
il SO plenty. When the people of
these United States had to decide the mo-
mentous question whether in North America
there should be one great power or more than
sacrifices we reap the just fruit. It has been
we'll said that an immense store of moral
energy has gone into the material develop
ment of the country, but in such a task this
energy Is exercised, not exhausted. Oar two
leisured classes, club men and tramps,
if always useless and sometimes annoy
ing, are in nowise dangerous, and we
can turn potential nihilists into pioneers.
But democracy is not the cause Of all this;
| men are not fitted to be pioneers by the
privileges of voters, although they are fitted
to be voters by the training Of pioneers; our
system of internal colonization owes little or
nothing of its success to our system of pop
: ular government, although our popular gov
eminent owes much to our internal colonial
| ton.
To form an intelligent Judgment Of any
| government, We should consider its scope,
it's means of action and it's efficiency and
economy or in other words, what work is
given it to do this work and how thoroughly
| or imperfectly and at what cost the work is
done. One of the most marked character
istics of our polity is the limited scope of
| governmental action. 1t is because, and
| only because we strive to make the states
duties as few and as easy as possible, that
we have perfect religious liberty and yet
we'll nigh ell the political advantages
which fow from legal sanction to religious
influences. This aspect of our national life
lis peculiarly puzzling to foreigner. The
! | explanation ia very simple. We are essen~
; TALLY religious people, but We do not deem
| the civil government competent to determine
| the comparative merits of the different faiths
| That function is reserved to the individual
citizen, and wherever public opinion ceases
to be practically unanimous Gs to questions
| of beliefs or morals the states province ends.
) And as we forbid the state to become a
church, so we forbid, or at least discourage,
) its undertaking any business to which any
body else can and will attend. Advocates of
communistio experiments among us are
. men who have not yet become, who,
; for the most part, never will become
, Americans; for the mass of our peo-
, pie their visions of Utopia are not
only dream but nightmare. Are we go
, free because We are 80 nearly equal before
: the lawa To my mind the gravest problem
uf our future Is whether individual liberty,
as we know it, can permanently co-exist with
| popular government; whether it is possible
to make or keep men equal without abridg-
= ing their freedom, trades union prevents
. one workmans overtopping his fellows only
} by dwarfiug all alike.
Our government has the undoubted merit
, of irresistible strength. We jsalously mar
| row its sphere of action, but within that
o. sphere we permit no resistance to its will
Public opinion in the United States ia per
8 fectly sound and healthy when dealing with
j. law breakers As the law is made BY all, i,
Is the business of all to aid in its enforce
ment. The aense of this solidarity among all
: citizens Is illustrated little, parsdoxically
a perhaps, but nevertheless conspiouously, by
our much misjudged custom Of lynching
This summary system of criminal proce
dure has very serious drawbacks, but be.
a underestimated and its theory misunder.
= stood. Lynchipg is caused by the
% conception of crime as a wrong to society, al
> an aggregate of all it's members some OF
# whom believe that they have been wronged
% they only see to it that the wrong receives lit
appropriate punishment. In doing SO the,
take some liberties with the law; in prsctic,
the system is unquestionably liable to abuse
. A few defaulting state treasurers or "boodle'
= aldermen hanging untried to lamp post
!. might not be an edifying spectacle, but /
would have q more wholesome effect on pub
? lie officials than a long series OF quashet
= indictments, disagreeing juries, forfeited
70 "straw" recognizances and varying phases o
legal immunity for prosperous scoundrsls.
i In the exuberancs of our strength We thinl
- we can neglect little ailments, but day o
reckoning awaits this heedlessness. We can
3, y not dismiss from thought the character ant
!. conduct of our public men, although we ma.
- be rich enough to bear any degree of mis-
u management and profusion. To-day Ameri
VI cans confront the problem whether they shal
| purify the government or their government
shall debase them. We shall purify our gov
!. eminent and the universities of Americ
u must lead in the work. 1t Is for Yale and he
= sisterb 10 supply tnese men.
"a BRILLIANT CONCERT.
= The twenty-fourth annual spring concer
C of the Yale Glee club and Banjo club at tn
q Hyperion last evening was a brilliant sue
It Gees and enjoyed to a high degree by tn
n very large and fashionable audience present
d Many society bellies Of this and many othe
}. cities were present and beautiful summer
,. toilets abounded. The stage had fine set
Is ting of foliage, plants and flowers. TIL
program throughout was enjoyed and man,
:, encores were given. In the lower boxes wer
q DR.. Parker, Mrs. Parker of New York, to
Il gether with Miss Parker, Miss Cavity ani
" Miss Rogers, all of New York; an,
# Miss Skiddy of Stamford; St. Johr
o of 91 with several Hartfor.
D. ladies'; Dalzell '91 of Pittsburg, Pa, son o
IL Congressman Dalzell, together with hi
10 mother, Mrs. Dasell, Miss Parker of Phila
?. delphia and Miss Bella and Miss Archibald
10 of Scranton, Pa; Mrs. Or. Winchell an,
"a Mics Winchell of this city, with party. Ii
y the audience were President Dwight and Mrs
l. Dwight, Professor Wright and ladies, Pro
d fessor Daniel G. Eaton and ladies, and man,
le New Haven families were represented. TIL
d program was as follows: