Wood County reporter. [volume] (Grand Rapids [i.e. Wisconsin Rapids], Wis.) 1857-1923, 1890-01-23
MIR. CLADSTONE'S HOPES.
The Sage of Hawarden Talks on the
Political Prospect.
!" The Doom of the Dignities Strikes
as Benefit TO Labor-The
Record of a Remarkable
Interview.

ny way nom London TO Edinburgh l
stepped off at Chester, and after short
drive found myself at the Glygne Arrae
Hotel, Hawarden. and just opposite the
main entrance to Rawarden Castle, the
home of Hon. William Ewart Gladstone.
Armed with a letter of introduction
soon found myself ushered into the pres
ence of the best known man in the British
Empire. His reception of me was at the
same time dignifed and affable, but as far
removed from any appearance OF patron
age as from familiarity.
L need scarcely inform you" said he.
as soon as was seated, 'how DESTROYS |
am to be well thought of IN America, and
! am sure the friendly feelings | entertain
for the people of the United States is large
" reclprocated by them. Relative TO home
rule for Ireland have not much to say. as
1t would certainly be 1mpolite for me TO
make any statement now which have not
already uttered in public.
People complain that the leaders of
the Reform party are not sufficiently ex-
pllcit In defining the powers and limita-
lions of the proposed Irish Parliament,
but those persons seem to forget that. if
such Parliament is created, it must have
something to say as to the functions and
merely deliberative and advisory. and
without any legislative power whatever.
Further, it would be impossible for the
most far-seeing statesman to anticipate all
the contingencies arising from the COM
pick relations of public life. A Just policy
will concern itself principally with what is
right, and leave questions of mere ex-
pediency to casuists whose moral percep-
lions are less influenced by conscience than
by self-interest and personal predictions.
1t is quite safe for nations. as for individu-
ais, to do right; but whether safe or not,
right is obligatory. The question to be
considered is: Is Home Rule for Ireland
right?' and fit be 50, it should be grant
ed. That there may be details in con-
nectlon with the schemes that do not admit
of easy explanation is not to be wondered
at; but as | am not political pessimist
| am read to hope that any difficulties
that may be encountered shall be Of such
nature as to be readily overcome.
Whatever the Irish Home Govern
ment may choose to do when they have
home rule is not our affair 1t is a ques-
ton which 1t Is not necessary to take into
view. What Immediately concerns the
British public is the question of doing
justice to Ireland and redeeming the
character of England from the dishonor
which attaches to it all over the world
for its treatment of Ireland during the
last 700 years. Until the Irish difficulty is
settled there will never be real union be-
tween the two countries. which are now
united on parchment, 1t is 1mperat
i've that it should be settled-settled on the
ground of policy, settled on the ground of
justice and settled especially on the ground
of our hope and ardent longing for that
union, and that affection and that loyalty
which cannot be attained by the present
false and artificial system, by which will
be obtained beyond reasonable question at
once and forever from the free assent and
the loyal attachment of the Irish Nation
'As may be known from the records of
Parliament, am dissatisfied with the re-
fusal of the present Government to give
due weight to the Scottish opinion upon
Scottish matters 1t may take time to see
this right; but | am confident that the
granting of justice to Ireland, which is so
wantonly violated by the imposition on her
of unequal laws, will assist and accelerate
the acknowledgement of the just claims of
Scotland. In promoting that knowledg
ment shall ever, while remain In Par
lament, be DESTROYS to aid As far as
disestablishment of the National Churches
in Scotland and Wales is concerned, the
question ought to be decided according to
the sense of the people of the respective
countries The question of disestablishing
the Church in Wales, however, owing to
its forming part of the Church of Eng
land, presents much greater difficulties
than In Scotland.
at is almost needless for me to state
that | am in favor of free trade; trade as
free as it can possibly be made. Free
trade for England has meant enlarged COM
tence, and protection means the reverse of
all this. 1t means contracted profits, low
er wages and dear subsistence.
In reply to a question as to whether
some of the members of Lord Salisbury S
Cabinet did not favor moderate system
of protection Mr.. Gladstone replied:
eyes, there can be no doubt as to Mr..
Chaplin being a protectionist, and hardly
less doubt that other members of the Gov
eminent, including Lord Salisbury himself,
are in favor of such modification of the
tariff as would be tantamount to protec-
ton. OF course they don't call it by that
name; they introduce it with an alias, and
call it fair trade. | believe the whole of
the people of England know what fair
trade is--that it is protection which dareS
not show its face, and puts on hood over
its ug y features.
mo doubt there are few men Of ex-
IRENE views in Parliament who would be
in favor of naturalization of the land of
the country. but if motion to that effect !
was made In the House think out of the |
$40 members of that body all who would |
vote for it could be counted ON ones |
fingers. If naturalization of the land |
means simple plumber of the proprietors |
and sending them to the Union Work
house / consider that robbery; and think |
that naturalization of the land, with COM
pensation, as far as | can understand it, |
would be folly, because the State is not |
qualified to exercise the functions of a |
landlord. The State could not do it; it |
would breek down At the same time |
fully admit that if the time came when |
the British nation found that the land |
should be nationalized and if it would be /
wise to do it they have a perfect right to
10 it.
Il think It very important that the la
boring man should learn to adjust the ma
ehinery by which labor can act, as he is
loing. The meaning of it is a great in
;rease in the strength and power of labor
IN its competition with capital. COMPETE
ton between labor and capital is not to
be considered hostile thing. The bal
ance of force and adjustment between
them must always determine In what de-
gree the profits of industry ought to be
given to the man who works with his
hands, and what degree to the capitalists
who is supposed to bring, and generally
Ices being, as his contribution to the gen