Fort Worth weekly gazette. [volume] (Fort Worth, Tex.) 1882-1891, 1890-04-10


and has no casting vote in case of tie.
He can name in open senate, or IN
writing, a senator to perform the duties
of the chair, but for no longer period
than one daily session, except by unani-
nous consent.
The president of the senate IS the Gus
todian of the electoral votes for president
and ce-president of the United States,
and opens the certificates, 20 be counted,
in the presence of both houses in the
February preceding the expiration of the
term
The senate has exclusive power to try
impeachmeuts, which are proceedings to
remove the president, the vice-president
and all civil officers of the United States,
if proven guilty of treason, bribery, or
other high crimes and misdemeanors.
When the president is tried, the chief
justice of the supreme court presides over
the senate, as the vice president could
not be disinterested, although he might
be impartial.
Executive sessions of the senate are
held for the consideration of business
connected with the executive department
of the government, consisting principally
of nominations for Office and treaties
with foreign powers. These sessions are
usually held with closed doors, the gale
ries being cleared of visitors and all per-
sons excluded except senators and such
clerks and other officials as are requisite,
these being previously sworn to secrecy.
There is no other parliamentary body
that habitually holds secret sessions, the
reason beng that the senate is the only
legislative assembly that possesses ex-
ecutive functions, and shares with
=
in the exercise of executive powers.
These sessions are a continuation of the
deliberations begun by the president
and his cabinet, or by the diplomatic
representatives of our own and other
governments, which are confidential in
their nature, and for prudential reasons
are not made public until the transac-
tiOns are concluded. When nomina-
tons are confirmed or rejected and
treaties ratified the result is announced
through the press, or by proclamation
of the president, but the votes, speeches
and other proceedings in the cabinet
and in the senate are not disclosed.
After a sufficient interval has elapsed
the journals of the executive sessions
are printed, the publication at this time
coming down to the year 1869.
The alleged wits OF the newspapers,
when times are dull, and other sources
of recreation fail, are accustomed to dis
parage the senate by describing it as
'club of millionaires' and the "Ameri-
can house of lords, - intimating thereby
that wealth is a condition precedent to
admission, and that it is a supertiuous
and unnecessary part of our political sys-
tenn. Upon occasions of public excite
ment and discomfort no appeal is more
effective from the stump, or in the reso-
buttons of Jacobins and anarchists, than
the demand for its abolition
These denunciations proceed from a
mIsapprehension of its relations to our
government, which has been defined as
ian indissoruable union of understandable
states. - The senate represents the states
IN their corporate capacity, as distin-
guished from the nation, the great bod
of the people, whose powers are expressed
in the house of representatives. It is
permanent and enduring factor in on T
complex system, so far as anything can
lie permanent amid the fluctuations an d
vcissitudes of democracy. It might be
by an amendment to the
but that instrument, which
permits changes in other respects by the
concurrence Of three-fourths of the
states, also provides that no state with
out itF consent shall be deprived of its
equal suffrage in the senate. It is thus
an indispensable element in the adjust
ment of power between the greater and
lesser states. Rhode Island, Delaware |
and Nevada practically disappear in the |
vortex of the house of representatives, |
but in the senate they are not inferior to |
Illinois and New York.
L is placed beyond the reach of popular |
rancor, and is builded, like the presi- |
dent, the supreme court and the house of |
representative, upon the solid rock and |
foundation of the constitution.
The senate is in no sense analogous to |
the English house of lords, whose mem
bers are hereditary peers, created by the |
crown, and representing nothing but |
precedent and prerogative.
1t Is undoubted true that, from the |
enormous expansion of powers, due to
the small number of states and the pro-
1igious aggregate of population, senator
ships have become the chief objects of
desire to men of force and ambition.
The states themselves recognize the i'm
DOrtance Of able membership in that
body. where all the states have an equal
representation, so that their influence
depends upon character and ability
tenure of office becomes more secure,
ind terms inevitably grow longer and
onger for those who render faithful and
efficient service.
Naturally enough, some men of for
une, some who have achieved grea-
success in practical affairs elsewhere,
md are without special training or apis
tude as legislators or publicists, are
ent TO the senate from states requiring
he service that such representatives can
most efficiently render, but the impress
ZION that wealth has special influence
leTe is incorrect. The number of mill
ionares in the senate has always been
elatively small. The great majority of
enators are men of moderate estate and
many of them are dependent wholly
lpon their salary for support.
A century ago seats in the senate were
egarded with Indifference; but there are
ew men in any state of the Union of
Thatever station, profession, occupation
r estate who would not now consider an
lection to the body a coveted distinction
nd honor. It's dignity will be constantly I
augmented with the development of ma
onal resources and power. Its influence I
MI dispFopOrtionateIy increase with our