Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1890-11-29
MIR. PARNELL-s MANIFESTO.
Secrets Of Home Rule--Liberal Compost Dis.
closed.

| SecreO OF Home hule--LfDerol Compact DIS
closed.
The manifesto which Mr.. Parnen issued las,
evening, a. announced in the London dis.
patches to THE EVENING STAR, is . remarkable
document and will become part Of the his.
| toricai literature Of the home rule movement
The London Post says Of it: 'Never has the
| veil Of secrecy been more ruthlessly torn aside
| Not single point Of the sordid conspiracy has
been omitted from the story Of the home rule
| compact now for the first time brought to light.
The bomb has been exploded in . moment Of
| anger and Parnell turns evidence against bis
| fellow conspirators in order to save his own
political life. The manifesto proclaims Parneils
| intention to promote a complete separation as
fully as did his famous speech in America and
has rendered the prospects for home rule worse
tnan they have been at any time since 1885"
| The Daily Ne,us says the publication Of the
manifesto is the most striking and astonishing
event that the crisis has yet produced.
The Times says: The manifesto shivers for
ever the superstition that Mr.. Parnen can ever
| honorable foe. 1t is probably the most shame
| less document English public life has seen since
the days of the revolution.
The Chronicle admits that Parnell has dealt q
smashing blow in most INSCRIPTIONS manner
at MIR. Gladstone and Mr.. Morley.
The Standard says that grave and, perhaps.
fatal blow has been struck at the prospects of
| the home-rule party in England. It adds: ssThe
manifesto is highly damaging to the credit of
Mr.. Gladstone and Mr.. Morley as straight
ever trust Parnell again, but he has chosen
exactly the right line to win back the fanatical
regard OF Irishmen."
THE MANIFESTO.
The manifesto is as follows:
10 the Irish peoples The integrity and indie
pendence OF a section of the Irish parliamentary
party having been apparently sapped and de-
stroyed by the wire-pullers of the lib eral party
II mas become necessary for me as leader of the
Irish party to take counsel with You, and, hav-
| ing given you the knowledge which is in INV
possession, to ask your judgment upon a mat
ter which now solely devolves upon you to de-
eide.
MR.. aLADsToNE's LETTER.
The letter from Mr.. Gladstone to Mr. Morley,
written for the purpose Of influencing the de-
| clslon OF the Irish party in the choice of their
Leader, and claiming for the liberals and their
Leaders the right of veto upon the choice as the
| immediate cause of this address, the purpose
OF winch Is to remind you and your parlia-
mentary representatives that Ireland considers
| the independence of her party as her only safe
guard within the constitution and above and
beyond all other considerations whatever.
The threat In the letter, repeated so insolently
on many English platforms and in numerous
British newspapers, that unless Ireland con-
cedes this right of veto to England she will in
definitely postpone her chance of obtaining
home rule, compel me, while not for a mo-
ment admitting the slightest possibility of such
loss, to put before You information which.
unli now, SO far as my colleagues are con-
cerned, has been solely in my possession and
which will enable you to understand the meas
ure OF the loss with which you are threatened
unless you consent to throw me to the English
wolves now bowling for my destruction.
THE LIBERAL PROPOSALS.
In November of last year, in response to re-
peated and lOng-standing request, visited Mr..
Gladstone at Hawarden and received the de-
tails of the intended proposals of himself and
his colleagues of the late liberal cabinet with
regard to home rule in the event of the next
general election favoring the liberal party.
1t Is unnecessary for me to do more at pres
emit than to direct your attention to certain
points OF these details, which will be generally
recognized as embracing elements vital for
your information and the formation of your
Judgment. These vital points of difficulty NAV
be suitably arranged and considered under the
following heads:
l. The retention of Irish members in the i'm
perial parliament.
2: The settlement of the land or aerarian
difficulty in Ireland.
3. The control of the Irish constabulary
4. The appointment of the judiciary, includ-
ing Judges OF the supreme court, county court
judges and resident magistrates.
Upon the subject of the retention of Irish
members of parliament, Mr.. Gladstone told me
that the oplnlon-and the unanimous opinion
OF his colleagues and himself. recently ar
rived at after mature Observation-Disclosures al
Tentative proposals, was, that in order to con-
cllate English public opinion, it would be
necessary to reduce Irish representation from
ioo 70 ". Upon the settlement of the land
hal tJntx
questions which must be regarded as questions
reserved from the control of the Irish legisla-
ture; but at the same time Mr.. Gladstone init
mated that while he would renew his attempt
to settle the matter by imperial legislation on
the lines of the land purchase bill of 1886. he
would not undertake to put anv pressure mon
his own side or insist upon their adopting his
views. In other and shorter words. that the
Irish legislature was not to be given the power
OF solving the agrarian difficulty.
With regard to the control of the Irish con-
stabulary, 1t was stated by Mr.. Gladstone that,
public opinion, he and his colleagues felt that
1t would be necessary to leave this force to the
appointment OF its officers, under control of
the imperial authority, for an indefinite period.
winnie funds for its maintenance, payment and
equipment would be compulsorily provi6ed
out of the Irish revenues. A period of ten or
twelve years was suggested the limit of the time
during which the appointment of Judges and
resident magistrates should be retained in the
hands OF the imperial authority.
HOW MIR. PARNELL VIEWS THEM,
have now given short account of what I
gathered of Mr.. Gladstone's views and those Of
his colleagues during the two hours converse
ton, which, am bound to admit, was mainly
monopolized by Mr.. Gladstone and will pass to
my own expressions of opinion upon these COM
munications which represent my views then and
now, and, firstly, with regard to the retention
OF the Irish members, the position which have
always adopted and which l then represented
is that with the concession Of full power to an
Irish Legislature equivalent to those enjoyed by
state OF the American Union the number and
position OF the members so retained would he
come a question of imperial concern and not of
pressing or immediate importance for the in
terests of Ireland. but that, with the important
and all-engrossing subjects of agrarian reform
constabulary control and Judiciary appoint,
ments, left either under imperial control or
totally unprOvided for, it would be the height
OF madness for an Irish leader to initiate Graf
tan's example and consent to disbard an army
which had cleared the way to victory
l further undertook to use every legitimate
influence to reconcile Irish public opinion to
the gradual coming into force of new priyi-
leges and to the postponements necessary for
English opinion with regard to cOnstabularv
control and Judicial appointments, but I
strongly dissented from the proposed reduc-
ton of the number Of members during the in.
terval of probation, and pointed to the abb
sence of any suitable prospect of land settle
ment by either parliament as a constitutional
and overwhelming drag upon the prospect of
permanent peace and prosperity in Ireland.