The true northerner. [volume] (Paw Paw, Mich.) 1855-1920, 1890-01-22

| ease, 10 prosperity among the people. Anu
this happy condition lasted in each case with
no dminution of It's benefcent influence. until
i!legitinate political combinations, having
precipitated another era Of free trade. A per.
fectly impartial man, unswerved by the excite
ment which this question engenders IN popular
discussion might safely be asked IL the half
century's experience with its three trials OF
both systems, did not cs,nblish the Wisdom OF
protection Ia the United States. III the Undue
tive method OF reasoning may be trusted We
certainly have logical basis OF conclusion In
the facts here detailed.
And by what other mode OF reasoning can we
safely proceed i'm this field of controversy? The
great method Of Bacon was by rigid and pure
observation aided by experiment and fr -ctihed
| by induction" Let US investigate from Effects
TO causes, and rot from causes to Effects
SUrsly IL Ia by n long series OF experiments, and
by that test only, that any country can establish
an industrial system that will beat aid in devel-
oIing tts hidden wealth and establishing its per-
manent prosperity. And each country must act
intelligently for Itself. Questions OF trade can
no more be regulated by an exact science than
crops can be produced with accurate forecast.
The unknown quantities are many that
problem IN trade or agriculture can never have
an absolute answer In advance. But Mr.. Glad
stone, with an apparent confidence In results
unshaken as though he were dealing with the
science OF numbers, proceeds To demonstrate the
advantage OF free trade. He IL posti yery certain
In advance of the answer which experiment will
give, and the inference Is that nothing Is 10 be
gained by awaiting the experiment. Mr. Glad
stone may argue for Great Britain as he will.
but for the United States must insist
being guided by facts. aud not by theories; We
must insist on adhering TO the teachings OF ex
perime2ts which shave been carried forward by
careful generalization TO well-grounded conclu-
sions."
MIR. Blaine proceeds from this point 10 show
that the cause OF the panic in 1873, when the
protective tariff OF 1861 was in full force no
fault Of the protective tart system, and also
serts thai Mr. Gladstones argument that the
increase Of wealth under free trade would be
greater than IL was under IA protective tariff
runs counter To the fifty years of financial ex-
perience through which the country has passed.
He then shows, by quoting from Mr.. Citizens
official ngures-Mr Gladstones acknowledged
best authority in England-that Mr. Gladstones
statement does not agree with those official
figures. Having done this Mr.. Blaine continues
his argument
might ask Mr. Gladstone what he would
have done with the labor OF the thousands ct
men engaged in manufacturing rail IL IL hat
been judged practicable TO buy the rail in Eng
land? Fortunately he has given his answer In
advance OF the question, for he tells that lin
America we produce more cloth and more iron
at high prices instead OF more cereals and more
cotton at low prices The grain-growcrs OF the
West and the cotton growers OF the south will
observe that Mr.. Gladstone holds out 10 them IA
cheerful prospect They should produce more
cereals and more cotton at low prices !" Mr..
Gladstone sees that the protective system
steadily tends to keep up the price OF cereals
and cotton and he asks that manufactures of
cloth and iron" be abandoned, so that we may
raise "more cereals and more cotton ut low
prices" Mr.. Gladstone evidently considers the
present prices OF cereals and cotton as high
prices
Protectionists owe many thanks to Mr.. Glad
stone for the outspoken mode OF dealing with
the questions Of free trade. He gives us his
conclusions without qualification and without
disguise. The American free-trader is not so
sincere. He is presenting half-truths and
i holding back the other half thus creating false
impre ssiOns and leading 10 false conclusions.
But Mr.. Gladstone is entirely frank. He tells
the laborers On protected articles that they
would be- better engaged in raising more cereals
and more cotton at low prices" Where does
Mr.. Gladstone suggest "a market for the Hddf-
tional grain and cotton TO be raised by Ameri-
can mechanics becoming farmers and increas-
ing the productions OF those great staples? The
foreign market is filled with competing grain
supply TO such degree that already the price
OF wheat is unduly lowered TO the Western fan
mer. The farmer needs a still larger home con-
sumption of his grain, while Mr.. Gladstone
thinks he needs still larger home production.
The legitimate involvement OF Mr. Gladstone's
argument IL that all mechanical and manufact-
uring enterprises in America producing articles
OF higher price than the same produced in
Europe should be abandoned, and the laborers
so engaged should be turned To the production
OF "more cereals and more cotton n low prices !"
The Western farmers instinct is wiser than Mr..
Gladstones philosophy. The farmer knows
that the larger the home market the better are
his prices. and that as the home market is mar
iowed his prices TALL.
Mr.. Gladstones pregnant suggestion really
exhibits the thought that lies deep in the Brit
ish mind: that the mechanic arts and the
manufacturing processes should be left TO
Great Britain and the production of raw ma
| terial should be left t. America. 1t is the old
colonial idea of the last century. when the es-
tablishment OF manufactures on this side Of
| the ocean regarded with great jealousy by
| British statesmen and British mel chants
The zeal Of Mr.. Gladstone for free trade
| reaches its highest point in the declaration
| that all protection is morally well as econ
| omically bad" He is right in making this his
strongest ground of opposition IL protection is
n question Of morals But his assertion leaves
him in au attitude OF personal inconsistency.
| There is protection on sea a. well as on land.
| Indeed, the most palpable and effective form
| of protection is in the direct payment of public
| money TO a line of steamers that could not tie
| maintained without that form OF aid. DO not
| say that such aid is unwise rejection least
Of all do L say il is immoral On the contrary
/ i think IL has often proved the highest com
| mercial wisdom, without in the least infringing
| upon the domain OF morals. Mr.. Gladstone,
| however, commits himself 10 the principle
| that all protection is morally bad" II this
| has been his belief ever since lac became an
| advocate of free trade his conscience must have
| received many and severe wounds session
| after session, while Chancellor of the Ex-
| chequer, he carried through Parliament n
| bounty-may not say II direct protection of
flS000O sterling TO a line OF steamers running
between England and the United States-a pro-
| lection that began six years before free trade
was proclaimed in English manufactures. and
continued nearly twenty years after. In the
| whole period of twenty-five years an aggregate
| OF many millions of dollars was paid out 10
protect the English line against all competition
Does not this justify the opinion that the
! English policy OF free trade is urged where Eng
land can hold the field against rivals and that
| ates free trade and substitutes the most pro-
| nounced form OF protection?
Does Mr.. Gladstones estimate of the immor-
| ality OF protection apply only to protection on
! land, or il supremacy on the so important
| TO British interests that IL il better TO throw
morals To the wind and resort to whatever de-
| gree OF PROJECTION may be necessary TO secure
| the lead TO English ships?
1t will not escape Mr.. Gladstone's keen obser-
vntion that British interests in navigation -four
! ish with less rivalry and have increased in
| greater proportion than any other of the great
! interests of the United Kingdom / ask his
candid admission that IL Is the Que interest
| which England has protected steadily and de-
terninedly regardless of consistency and re-
| CARELESS OF expense. Nor will Mr.. Gladstone
fail to note that navigation is the weakest of the
great interests in the United States, because 10
| Is the one which the National Government has
| constantly refused to prot ct. II since the
| Civil War the United States had spent i'm pro-
| tecting her shipping merely the annual interest
on the great sum which England has expended
10 protect her ocean traffic American fleets would
now be rivaling the fleets of England, as they
rivaled them before the war, ON every sea where
| the prospect OF commercial gain invites the
| American flag.
The opposition TO the policy OF extending our
| foreign commerce by aiding steamship lines
| with n small sum, Just have aided in
| ternal commerce on railroads with vast sum,
originates with the American frce-trader. Mr..
Gladstone cannot fail To see how advantageous
the success OF this free trade effort in the
| United states muse prove 10 Great Britain The
steady argument OF the free-trader is that IL the
L