Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1890-06-28

rTNH TO NrrnYIRR.
Mr.. McComas-Whsn the legislative power
takes from the people the inherent power of
local self-coutroi IL 10 time TO invoke some
power under the Constitution that will stand
between the Vaccinations of legislatures and
leave them free.
Mr.. Tillman-You would take away the
power from the people and put Il in the hands
OF one man. Do not take to yourselves any
nattering JUNCTION that q local quarrel among
democrats in South Carolina means revolt
against the democratic party.
Mr. McComas-1 have no doubt that the
str ong centralized power in that state will put
down the uprising in the end. l do not take
any fatterng unction that the black man will
get his rights II the state be left alone.
MIR. Tillman (warmly)-Every decent white
man in South Caroline Is . democrat loud
spplause.l
SUPPRESSION OF THE ooLoREp VOTER.
Continuing, Mr.. McComas went on to say
that the result Of the suppression of the black
man in the south had beer the Generalization
OF state governments, was shown in the large
number of defaulters Voters had to cast their
ballots for bad men because they wanted to
keep the blacks down. The triumph of the white
mans party Ia the south moant the control
not only of the states but OF the national legis-
lature. Against tissue ballots, against false
counting, against night raiders, against the
shotgun policy, against intimidation. the re-
publicans array the dignity Of the courts. the
majesty Of the law, the powers of the Consti-
tuition to assure justice to all men, white or
black, in this country. loud applause.l
SUFFRAGE IN TIE DISTRICT.
Mr.. Bland (Mo.) twitted Mr.. McComas for
having taken away from the black man of the
District of Columbia the power of local gov
eminent and Of suffrage and never giving it to
them again.
uPRoAR on THE FLOOR
This soon resulted in an uproar on the floor,
MIR. Bland and Mr.. McComas shouting at the
top of their voices, amid the applause of their
colleagues and of the galleries.
Mr.. McComas declared that when the gentle
man from Missouri stood on this floor and af-
fected an interest In giving suffrage to eight
or ten thousand black voters of the District
and when he recalled the fact that the gentle
man, during his long service here, had never
raised his voice in behalf OF the eight or ten
millions Of poor and oppressed black men in
this country, he felt like saying in the language
OF the scriptures; Thou hypocrite; first cast
the beam out Of thine own eye"
Mr.. Bland denounced Mr.. McComas as I'M
worthy of confidence and vehementiy declared
that it was he and his colleagues who we're the
hopocrites in pretending for party purposes an
unfelt interest in the negro.
BEDLAM BROKE LOOSE.
At this point the uproar became so great that
nothing could be heard save the commlnglei
shouts of the debaters and the rapping Of the
Speakers gavel
Mr.. McComas time in the meanwhile had ex-
pired, but, amid cries of regular order" he
men In this District were treated like the
whites. and he appealed to the people of the
south to treat the blacks and whites alike.
Mr.. Breckenridge (Ky.). when quiet was
finally restored, requested the Speaker to see
that quiet was observed in the galleries.
Mr.. Milliken (Me.) suggested that those on
the floor should set the galleries the example.
WORD TO THE GALLERIES.
Mr.. Peters Gin the chair admonished the
occupants of the galleries that they were there
by courtesy, and must preserve order and also
informed the members of the House that it
would facilitate business if permission we're re-
quested before interrupting those having the
door,.
Mr.. CUMMINGS HAS THE FLOOR.
Mr.. Cummings On. Y.) began his speech
against the bill by quoting John Wilcox, a re-
nowned republican statesman of California, as
saying: 1.-THE time has come when 1 believe
my duty requires me to rise above principle
for the benefit Of my party"
This sentiment seemed to be the underlying
principle Of the bill Popular government
was certainly impossible without local rule
Home rule was the tap-root Of our political
system. Even in the most extreme cases il
was doubtful il interference with il did not
create more wrongs than it remedied. He
had never before known the gentle
man from Massachusetts to fail to give
philosophical reason for any measure
he framed. In this measure he had for the
first time departed from his high plane Of
craftsmanship. This was the first time he had
favored an lnequitabie measure, one that is
nc thrn fba fne
was no pretenss by the gentleman that it was
needed in his own state.
WHEN GEO. s. BOUTWELL, RAN FOR CONGRESS
the manufacturers had posted notices that
those failing to support him would be dis
charged. Yet Massachusetts had purged her.
self Of this blot without judicial interference,
he believed Federal law would
have prolonged the contest for purity of
election. Admitting that the charges against
the south were true. was she not as capable of
purifying herself as Massachusetts? Why
apply the red-hot iron to the cicatrized sore.
But while election frauds were being talked
about it should be remembered that republi-
canism was
SYNONYM FOR FRAUD.
They were guilty Of frauds in &c, in Mon
tana last year, and in this House this session in
turning out elected members. Now. the re-
Publicans felt that in words of
JUN NhCoA, they must rise ABOVE
principle for party, They had, there
fore, sprung this bill without notice,
and were driving il through with a
whip. Look at it! Seventeen thousand words
or IL. 600 more than in the constitution; and it
was to be passed in six days There was no
sincerity in the measure, as the Speaker him
self had admitted in a magazine article. The
Speaker had the nerve, il not the cruelty of
Oliver Cromwell He talks right up in meet
ing.
WITH RICH NASAL rwANd
[laughter.l Like Wilcox, the Speaker felt that
he was required to rise above principle for the
benefit Of party. He thinks it proper that the
blacks ought not to control their own local
government but asserts the right of the re-
publican party to have his vote counted in its
favor at the national election. He tolerates
negro prescription for state purposes and denies
when the domination of his party was at stake.
Could John Wilcox ask for more than that?
The bill was q sectional one and in order to
disguise it The gentleman from Massa Oh use it's
had talked about elections in New York city.
1t was more than sectional legislation;
it WAS race legislation. 1t was a
devilish device aimed at devilish ends The
republican party proposed to make the negro
a chattel TO be used as convenience whenever
necessary.
cRITIcIzINa THE BILL
Mr.. Cummings then proceeded to criticism
of the powers given by the bill to circuit court
judges and to chief supervisors. Moreover,
as some Of the United States Supreme
Court judges sat on circuits and were
democrats and others were old and could
not be depended upon to do the will
OF the party, it was proposed to create nine
teen new judges to be dlled by vigorous new