The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1890-12-16
FLYING THE TRAcK.


followed the example of the Chicago Trib-
une, the st. Louis Globe Democrat and one
or two other weak kneed Republican jour
nails at the East, and has reversed its en-
gines in respect to the tariff question. 1t
feigns to attack only the Mckinley bill,
but its argument, or pretense of argument,
applies with equal force to the whole pro-
tectiye system.
To appreciate that papers position, and
as clue to its motif, it must be understood
that the Record Union is the mouthpiece
of the great railway monopoly which holds
California as in wise, and is especially
devoted to the political fortunes of Senator
Stanford. Therefore, although it supported
the Republican ticket and platform in 1888,
and again during the campaign which
ended on the 4th of November with a
triumph for the Republican party and its
principles in California, there is no oc-
casion for surprise that the Sacramento
paper has taken a later cue from the Al
lance convention lately held in Florida,
which, among other things, Endorsed STAN
ford's "cedula" scheme while attacking the
tariff.
So now the Record Union, which afore-
time advocated the principles upon which
the Mckinley bill was framed, and later
supported the candidate who seood for
those principles after they had been en-
bodied in the Mckinley bill, now refers to
that measure as "an egregious and costly
blunder," and declares that "the people
are becoming more intelligent upon the
tariff question hourly" This upon the as
sumption that the people are coming to
look upon it in different light from that
in which the Record Union and the candi-
dates and speakers of the Republican
party presented it to them before they
voted last month.
In support of its newly assumed posi-
ton that paper repeats the familiar Demo-
cratic fanfaronade that the new tariff rests
on the idea shat manufactures must be
bolstered, and to that end millions of pro-
ducers must be forced to pay for supplies
enough to attain that object" 1t follows
the same lead in declaring that it is falla-
cious to claim that protection to home in
dustries serves to maintain high wages for
the American workingman.
These are the views that have been main
tanned by the Democratic party time inn
memorial. By speeches and votes they were
maintained by the Democrats in congress
while the Mckinley bill was pending. Al
most unanimously the Republicans in both
branches of congress, and through their
executive, and by their platforms and pub
lie expressions in 1883 and 1890, held the
exactly opposite view. Senator Stanford,
by pairing, if not by direct vote, was re-
corded with the Republican majority, and
so were all of the Republican Representa-
tives from that state, and distinctly on
that issue they were endorsed.
If the views expressed by the Record
Union are sound now, the were sound on
the 4th of November, and if SO, that
paper and the people of the state were
guilty of qualification in supporting the
Republican ticket, and stultify themselves
in supporting Stanford for reelection as a
Republican. If the Record Union is right
now, the Democrats have been right all
along. The sophistical plea it now puts
forward has been conclusively answered
times without number in its own columns
and in the columns ofevery ably conducted
Republican paper in the country.
On any one article protected by tariff
duty, taken singly, it might be made to
appear that the few are helped at the ex-
pense of the many. But in a wisely adj
justed protective scheme, such as is
embraced in the Mckinley bill, there
are mutual concessions and COM
pensatory benefits, so adjusted as
to be of advantage to all. The enhanced
prosperity which California derives from
the moderate duty on fruits-scarcely APP
preciable to any one consumer-makes her
a larger consumer of tin-plate, and of
merchandise, and of the varied products of
other states, and thus, both directly and
indirectly promotes larger demand for
labor, for which, as a matter of course, the
larger demand creates enhancement of
wages.
The positions and arguments of the Chi
cago, st. Louis and Sacramento papers
above named are significant of the fact
that there is but a step, in fact but an
imaginary line, between an assault upon
the Mckinley bill, or upon any of its
schedules, and an assault upon the whole
protective system. 1t admonishes that the
fabric must stand as whole or not at all.
There is no middle ground. Those who
pirate about repeal or modification of one
or another schedule naturally fall into the
Democratic habit of dilating on taxation
of the many for the benefit of the few"
and are on the high road to free trade.
That is the issue, and there is no use in
trying to mince it-thorough protection or
thorough free trade. Candor and good
faith require that public men and newspa-
pers and the people take sides accordingly.
1t is reported from Washington City that
government experts have discovered
process by which sugar may be manu-
featured proftably from sorghum. If
this discovery is in fact all that IL Is srIp