The progressive farmer. [volume] (Winston, N.C.) 1886-1904, 1890-09-09

clear and pay duLl0s IN auOIuoI. Az
money shall be drawn from the Treas
ury but in consequence of approprla-
tions made by law; and a regular
statement and account of the receipts
and expenditures of all public money
shall be published from time to time.
No title of nobility shall be granted
bv the United States; and no person
holding any Office of profit or trust
under them shall, without the consent
of the Congress, accept of any present,
emoIument, Office, or title Of any kind
whatever, from any king, prince, or
foreign State.
Sec. 10. No State shall enter into
any treaty, alliance, or confederation;
grant letters of marque and reprisal;
coin money; emit bills of credit;
make any thing but gold and silver
coin a tender in payment of debts;
pass any DILL of attainder, erpost tacto
law, or law impairing the obligation
of contracts, or grant any title of no
bllity. No State shall, without the
consent of Congress, lay any imposts
or~duties on imports or exports, except
what may be absolutely necessary for
executing its inspection laws; and the
net produce of all duties and lmposss,
laid by any State on imports or ex-
ports, shall be for the use of the
Treasury of the United States; and all
such laws shall be subject to the re,
vision and control of the Congress.
No State shall, without the consent of
Congress, lay any duty of tonnage,
keep troops or ships of war, in time
of peace; enter into any agreement or
compact with another State, or with
a foreign power, or engage in war,
unless actually invaded, OF in such
imminent danger as will not admit of
delay.
Let the above provisions be read
carefully, for within their powers and
limitations every law upon the statute
books relating to the material interests
of the people are based. By and
through these provisions Congress has
made laws for the establishment of a
United States bank, for the disposal
of the public domain, to divide the
surplus in the n 4tional Treasury among
the States, to make grants of land to
railroads, to give subsidies to steam
ships, to improve rivers and harbors,
grant pensions to soldiers and annuities
to In iians to issue legal tender paper
money at any time, to establish nation
al banks, refund the national debt,
demonetize silver and change the unit
of money; to tax State bank issues
out of existence, erect monuments and
statutes by the hundreds, purchase
lands and build warehouses, store and
care for whisky, control interstate
commerce, purchase Alaska, buy
patent rights, guarantee the payment
of Pacific railroad bonds, pay interest
on these bonds to the extent of $62,
600, 900; loan to the banks, without
interest, over $50, 900, 900 at a tine;
purchase its own bonds, and pay as
premium up to the present time $43,-
00O, 900; loan money to the worlds
fair and cotton exposition; expend
100000 yearly experimenting in ish
culture, grant pensions to civilians,
appropriate money to fire and food
sufferers, rent out water privileges,
send expeditions to the North Pole,
sustain a bureau of education, expend
an enormous amount on a geological
survey, put in operation a weather
bureau, establish coast life saving
stations with a corps of practically en-
listed men, build lighthouses along
the coast, authorize the construction
of bridges, and to arm a large corps
Of men to police the sections Of coun-
try where distilling is done, under a
system of internal revenue laws, which
have not a line in the Constitution for
a foundation.
There are thousands upon thousands
of laws similar in character to those
mentioned above. Yet they are based
upon nothing but the implied powers
of Congress. The Constitution ought
to be plain in its provisions. 1t was
framed by plain lei and ratified by
those of still more humble attainments.
Taking this view of th,. matter, why
is it so very improbable that d calm,
considerate thinker, though he may
bea farmer, is not capable of forming
quite definite conclusions as to what
may be right or VIZ ing under the
Constitution. This instrument was
intended to benefit all worthy classes,
and its objects are perverted when
such results are not attained. Agri-
culture is now suffering from legisla-
tive privileges granted to the enemies
of labor in production. 1t demands
redress and is met with the reply that
such demands are unconstitutional.
AS proof that these demands are
within the provisions of the Constitu,
ton, she language of the Constitution
itself 10 uivan in this article opd q