The Kinsley graphic. [volume] (Kinsley, Kan.) 1890-1940, 1890-06-13
THE WORLDS FAIR.

. 1
Inc success of such an enterprise in the
cooperation of the great civilized ma
tons of the world The nations which
have made great advances in the arts
and sciences must be present with their
product, their machinery and other evil
dences of their skill. Unless this is the
case worlds fair is impossible. A fair
1t may be, but not worlds fair.
Mckinley's tariff and a worlds fair
are two things which can not work to-
gether, because they are not agreed.
Mckinley practically closes the doors
upon the world, and it is idle to expect
the world to come to us with its wares
to take part in a worlds fair. Manu-
facturers do not go to the trouble and
expense of shipping their goods across
the ocean merely to give summer
tourists a chance to look at them. They |
mean business; they want to sell their |
goods, and for this reason exclusively |
they send specimens as advertisements |
to fairs and exhibition in order to make |
known what they have for sale.
But where sales are made impossible, |
OF are greatly hindered by high tariff, |
the foreign manufacturer no longer has
any motive for exhibiting his wares. No
feeling of international good will can
tempt him to enter al exhibition in a
country surrounded by the solid masonry
of Mckinley Tariff bill.
Arecent dispatch from England makes
it evident that this will be the course
taken there in view of the tariff legis-
lation now pending in Congress. This
dispatch from London says:
1.-THE Worlds Fair that is to be held
in Chicago made its appearance before
Parliament last night and had chilling
reception. Sir James FERGUSON, re-
plying to the question whether Great
Britain would be officially represented
at Chicago, stated that the matter would
only be determined after review of
the probable advantages which might
accrue to British interests, and that it
was not unlikely that manufacturers
might to great extent be deferred
from sending their goods for exhibit
ton if the American customs duties
were such as to preclude their profitable
sale in the United States-'' Sir James
Ferguson was talking about the Nc
Kinley bill. The demands of inter-
national courtesy prevented him from
using direct and strong language; but
one can very easily read between the
lines that he considers the Mckinley
bill such barrier to trade that it would
be folly for English manufacturers to
send their exhibits to Chicago.
All this, of course, is good news for
Mr.. Mckinley; it is simply what he
wants. He boasts that his bill is an
American bill, that it is not Europa an
bill.
But in making what he calls an
American bill, may it not be true that
he has gone too far. and has given us a
bill that will do more damage to our
| farmers, who wish to sell abroad, than
it will do good to manufacturers, who
wish to sell at home.
A newspaper correspondent in New
York has been talking with some of the
representatives of European houses
there on this subject. One of these had
the following to say: 1.-THE United
States expect Europe to take all her
surplus agricultural products and such
of her manufactures as can be produced
here cheaper than in Europe, and yet
she proposes to prevent Europe from
selling in her markets the only things
she has to offer in exchange! With
what are they to pay for your wheat and
flour and corn and cotton and canned
|
and all the other things you send to
i them if not with their manufactured
goods? Do you think Europe is made of
gold that she can pay such prices as you
have been receiving for these necessaries
of life, and have no compromising trade
with you? How long could that last, do
you think?'
This gentleman then asks what the
SbinC Wh IA ayvaU c11p farm T1r0d III q
will be able to bring us back as return
cargo; and he answers that the ships
will come to US loaded with paupers.
''With paupers?" t'Yes! They will be able
to send you cargoes of pauper laborers
when this bill becomes a law. But for
more desirable freight America will
have no demand. You may-aye, you
will-have more paupers, because they
will be more plenty and will cost you
nothing, and, besides, there is no duty
on them. The European pauper crop
will increase in corresponding ratio with
the decrease of her export trade to
America. There is no compromising
market for the loss to Europe of the
American market, and if she is to be
driven out of that, as is the declared
purpose of the protection leaders, there
will remain nothing for her but to dis
charge her workmen and close up her
factories. With what are these work
men to purchase American farm pro-
duce when they are deprived of their
sources of income? With silver and
gold? They have none"
The gentleman who said this is no
hated Briton, nor is he a Free-trader
even. He is a German who has been
forty years a citizen of this country,
and who declares himself a believer in
the protective tariff principle. Con-
gresham Butterworth, too. has shown
the country how man may be Pro-
tectionist and yet may not favor Nc
Kinley's prohibitory tariff doctrine.
Mr. Charles Sternbach, of New York,
who has been in the wooden trade OF
that city for over thirty years, is very
confident that European nations will be
frightened away from Chicago by the
Mckinley bill. 'If this bill" he says,
ais enacted it will be with the avowed
object of driving those European manu-
facturers out of the American market.
II their interests are to be foreclosed in
this fashion, how can they be reasonably
expected to take any part in an Ameri-
can worlds fair? It will not be
done. Our European correspondents
have clearly indicated that the
enactment of this hostile measure will
be resented in every possible manner,
and why shouldn't it? What have the
English and French and German and
other European nations to expect of this
country if that bill is passed? Shall
they come here to be the spectators OF
our glorification over their discom
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