The true northerner. [volume] (Paw Paw, Mich.) 1855-1920, 1890-09-03
THE ELECTION BILL.
THE AUTHOR OF THE MEASURE
IN ITS DEFE.ISE.

Noting-Does NOT Advocate troops AT the
Polls.
speech Of Henry Cabot Lodge at Portland Mel
Mr.. Chairman and ladies and gentle
men, the national election law, about
which so much has been said in the news
papers, has been the best misrepresented
law that l have ever known. L have yet
TO see an argument against IL.
Ii is styled by good many hard names;
III has been called by all sorts of names,
As you are well aware; but fair argu-
ment, meeting the argument on which
we rest our support of that law, l have
not yet seen.
The Republican party for the last fif
teen years and more has pledged itself
lin it's national conventions and in it's
State conventions that whenever IL had
power IL would pass law to protect the
ballot everywhere. The very first plank
in the Republican platform in 1888 am
going To read. 1t was adoped as tho
first resolution by unanimous standing
vote:
ave reaffirm our answering devotion
especially to the supreme and sovereign
right of every lawful citiZen--rich or
poor; native or foreign-born, black or
whte-to cast one free ballot in public
elections, and 10 have that ballot duly
counted. We hold free, honest, popular,
and just and equal representation Of all
people TO be the foundation of our re-
publican government, and demand eff
fective legislation 10 secure the integrity
and purity of elections, which are the
foundation of our public authority. We
charge that the present administration
and Democratic majority in Congress owe
their existence 10 the suppression of the
ballot by the criminal notification of
- .,f tl,. T,,ft .1
States"
That was the resolution of the Repub-
lican Convention in 1883. | for one, and
l believe the Republican party at large
throughout the country, accepted that
declaration of principle in good faith
When we said IL we meant IL, and when
we found ourselves in control and in
power we felt, your Representatives in
Congress, that IL was our first duty TO
carry out the pledge that we had made
in our platform of lsSS.
Now what does the bill propose 10 do?
1t provides for this and nothing else-to
give publicity to every step in the cleo
tion of Congressman whenever the
people of that district anywhere in the
country petition for it. 1t touches no
local officers. 1t interferes with no local
system.
The first cry that is raised against the
bill is that il is force bill-that IL is
bristling with bayonetS in every line, as
one very able editor said.
Now, Mr.. Roger q. Mills, who is as
accurate as a statistcan as he is calm
in statement, and who formulated the
famous tariff bill that bears his name
Mr.. Mills has stated that there are 35, 900
polling-paces in the United States Let
us accept his statement, he boing an en-
.emy, as worthy of credcncc. We know
there are $4,000 United States troops.
Then, If you admit ii is a "force bill, il
is easy 10 see you would have five
sevenths of soldier at every polling
place in the United States,
When | think of 5000, 900 people in
this wide country groaning under the
disposition OF five-Sevcnths OF a soldier al
each polling place, the picture it con
jures up is positively appalling.
Mr. Chairman, the cry of force about
that bill amounts TO just as much as
that. There is no proposition of force
in it. There are no bayonets in it. 1t
is the law of the United States, and ii is
the duty Of the President 10 enforce the
law Of the United States if it is opposed
or defied, whether it be tariff law, cleo
ton law, or any other kind Ct law.
We discussed that question once for
four years in very serious way, and we
established then, l believe, the PROPOSE
ton that this is a national governments;
that this country is a nation, and that
the laws of the United States are TO be
,obeyed, and the same "force" lies behind
the election law that lies behind the
tariff law, or the internal revenue law,
and there is no other force to be con-
sidered.
And let me say further there seems to
be violent prejudice and cutlery about
bluecoats and bayOnets. l don't think
anybody need have any fear about blue
coat or bayonet; the only time that we
were familiar with them in this country
was when thin lines of blue coat and
bayonet stood between this Government
and destruction, and there seems to have
been lingering prejudice in the Dem
ocratic mind ever since.
But for one, Mr.. Chairman, would be
the last TO advocate troops at the polls
or anything OF the kind IL is utterly UNI
American; il is utterly unnecessary.
All that we need is TO pass such laws
AS we have prepared, and laws OF the
United States are going TO be carried out
in this country, and nobody need get in
the least restless about il or anticipate
violence or anything of that kind. That
is settled question, and as for bayonets
in this bill IL is merely cry raised to de-
.ceive-nOthing else in the world.
There is nothing of the sort in the bill;
there is nothing in it that any honest
man need fear it is simply bill to look
into elections, and is there anybody in
this district afraid TO have elections
looked into?
The election of n member in South
Carolina weighs exactly equal With the
vote of man whom you will elect. The
Constitution guarantees to US equal rep
resentation, but il takes six votes 10 elect
me where il takes one vote 10 elect a
man in Georgia. That is not fair and
equal presentation, and ii is not con-
fined to the South alone.
They raise the cry that this Is section
al. We always hear that cry If anybody
thinks the South is going TO be inter
fered with.
This bill was originally drawn TO meet
frauds i'm the State of New York. No
body called that sectional. II was only
intended then for the large cities of
New York, and that was not sectional;
hut Tho fnippta Won bovo anplioJ NJ