Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1890-10-09
THE LODGE BILL.
Its Provisions Exp.ained-Reason Why 1t
Should Be- Passed.

ito amend and supplement- the election
laws Of the United States and to provide
for more efficient enforcement OF such
laws, wis prepared by the select COM
mlttee on the election of representatives
In congress. 1t is called the Lodge bill,
but 1t Is IN fact the embodiment of the
better features or suggestions of nearly
a dozen bills on the same subject which
had been submitted to the United States
congress and carefully scrutinized by
the select committee of which Repre-
sentative Lodge is chairman. The bill
passed the house July ,, and is now
pending in the senate.
Until the senate acts upon the meas
ure before it, and the house eoncurs in
such amendments as it may make, and
the president approves the act which
finally passes, it would be folly for us to
argue as TO the merits or demerits of
certain minor details which may become
a part of the proposed law and may
not.
The only question, therefore, which
we can at this stage Of the proceedings
intellig gently discuss, is this, to-wit:
Should law having in view the Federal
supervision Of congressional elections
receive the sanction of honest men and
sAC a. dl'pLONo4 VI lu6 NOtST!
Such law would discriminate
against no individual and no party. It
would apply with equal force to all Sec
tons or the country-to Ohio as well as
to Mississippi, TO Maine as we'll US to
California. If it affected one section
unfavorably 1t would affect all sections
unfavorably. If it bore heavily on
honest Democrats it would Of necessity
bear just as oppressively upon honest
Republicans. Why, therefore, should
our Democratic friends become alarmed
and denuuuce the p.oposel law with
such intense and unmeasurel bitter
ness?
1t is because such a law would be IN
constitutional! No; foc the very first
article OF the constitution in its fourth
section provides that congress nay at
any time by law prescribe the manner
of holding elections for senators and
Representatives. We may, therefore,
dismiss the idle assumption that con-
gre5s lacks the power to make such a
law and enforce it, as too absurd for ar
gum mt an too trifling to be worthy Of
Is it because such law must of
conflict with ary Intelligent |
Americans conception of home rule |
No; for even the bill which passed the |
house Of repI esentativeS does not, and |
the bill which finally becomes q law |
need not.
The people directly interested In the |
election of a congressman are not con-
fined to the district III which he may re-
side, but extend beyond the political |
of states and embrace the
population of the entire country. The |
from South Carolina may vote
yea or nay On laws which affect our
liberties and lives. 1t would
be nonrente, therefore, to affirm that we
nave no special interest in his election
no right to see and satisfy ourselves
hat he represents the will of that
which. under the Federal con-
'titutiOn can alone confer upJn him
to act as a Legislator. In
orief. the principal of home ri.ie, If in
diligently construed and fairly applied,
must OF necessity give to every citizen
If the republic the right to subject to
he mcst vigilent scrutiny every device,
method or arrangement by means of
which those who make laws for the
whole country acquire the right to do
%.
The bill now pending in the senate of
he United States, known as the Lodge
,lll, does not propose to relieve the local
tate election officers from their Gus
omary Of duties of opening the polls,
eceiving the ballots, recording names
Il voters and counting the votes; but it
lOes propose, whenever a goodly num-
'er of citizens demand it, to have repre-
entatives of the general government
resent to see that the election is con-
ucted legally, fairly, decently and in
rder. These representatives of the
alton, called in the Lodge bill super
1sors, are not to be simply spectators,
nd therefore powerlsss, but they are to
e clothed with sufficient authority to
lake their presence at the election pre-
met Of practical force and effect either
1 the furtherance of good or the re-
trainment of evil.
Such measure, instead of being ad-
erse to the principle of home rule and
/ conflict with it, would be its sure
)undation and impregnable bulwark.
he country coald then rest confident
; in the assurance that the people at
ONE did rule-that the will of the
Iajority had frse expression, that every
gal voter was permitted to enjoy, in
eace and safety, his constitutional
ght to free ballot and fair count. :
If this bill should become a law, who.
anybody, would be hurt by it? The
1nest local state election officers who
ceive the ballots and make true re-
rms? No; for these are precisely the
Iings which the law requires of them.
be honest voter? No; for the law Is
ade expressly for his protection. The
'norable candidate? No; for he would
co3nize the fact that no injustice had
en- done him. The honest people of L,
Ie whole country? No; for they be- "
we M the right of the majority to rule =.
ID this law secures and fortiies that a.
yht. Who then would be hurt by 8.
ch law? The ballot box stuffer,
Q bulldozer, the election bully, the
anipulator of tissue ballots, the tally
eet forger, the man who makes false L,
UNITS and fraudulent returns, the
iber, the intimidator, the ballot /"
-itcher, The election officer who disre-
rds his official oath; the scoundrel
10 registers and votes under a ficti- Al
us name; the ruffian who seeks by =
olence to prevent a fair election; tht
trickster who seeks by L
fting ballot boxes, or by bogus =
kets TO defeat the will Of the majori-
How would these violators of the
Y be dealt WITH They would be ar
ted, tiled in the United States courts,
if found guilty punished by i'm
sonment in the penitentiary. These
the men, then, who would be hurt Lv
re the Lodge bill to become a law, Ar
! the sooner such men are either re- :.
aimed or trampled in the dust the
ter it will be for free government