New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1890-11-02

In his preface to the seventh and eighth VOL
umes Of this history Mr.. Iecky explains 'he NC,
votion OF so much space to Irish affairs Tic naa
hoped. he says. to deal with the ques.ons NC
longing to the last years of the eighteenth century
in single volume, but he continues n'ole
careful examination has convinced me that IN
order to do Justice to this eventfp period OF Irish
history, it is necessary 10 treat it on larger
scale 1t is a period which has been very I'M
perfectly written, and usually under the influence
of the most furious paTtisanship. Ihere Is hardlS
a page of it which is not darkeneu ny tue most
violently contradictory statements III LII mafkeu
nv obscure arrarian and social changes by sudden,
and sometimes very perplcxing, alterations IN the
popular sentiment. which can only be elucidated
and proved by copious illustration. IL is also a
period of great crimes and great horrors. ana the
task Of tracing their true causes and measuring
with accuracy and impartiality the different de-
gres Of provocation, sggravation. palliation. and
comparative guilt, Is an extremely difficult one"
To this extremely difficult task, however, the
author has addressed himself and with results
which must strengthen confidence in his imparti-
aIitv though the judicial distribution Of blame
NAV fall short Of the demands or expectations oil
partisanship Mr.. Lecky's method in these vol
'umes however. at once operates as q protectoh
10 himself and as help to all who seek only
the truth. regardless where it may lead them
He has, in a word, laid his evidence In large
measure before his readers. enabling them to form
independent judgments and to check MS own
conclusions by constant reference to the representa-
tions of fact made by contemporary witnesses
One unavoidable effect of this way OF wrltlng
history is, as Mr.. Lecky points out to impair
its symmetry and its artistic charm; but 1t
is as he considers. the one method of arriving
at truth, and it certainly adds realism and force
10 the narrative. which, Notwithstanding Its
length, never appears proliX.
The seventh volume contains the Prologue to
the Great Irish Rebellion of 1903. and surely
history has never offered a more impressive or
moving picture of human perversity. OF blind strlv-
ing after relief of mistaken remedies. of colossal
and shameless selfshncss, of confusion and anarchy
crime and savagery, fanaticism and oppression,
than characterized the distressful years here re-
viewed. The action opens with the "Fltzwilllam
episode" which Mr.. Lecky examines with great
care Whether il Pitt had adhered to his engage
ments with the Duke of Portland, and Lord Fitz-
william had been permitted to carry out those
measures of Catholic Emancipation with which he
went charged to Dublin, the Irish Rebellion would
have been averted. is. though purely conjectural
an interesting speculation. Mr. Lecky, however,
is careful not to commit himself to the affirmative
theory even here Causes far dceper-rooted than
any emancipation bill, influences greatly stronger
than any an Irish Parliament could control, were
already in motion. All that can be said with GER
tainty is that Pitts course in the premises ag
gravated every dangerous symptom and paraiyzed
every conciliatory agency. Mr.. Lecky has, We
think. succeeded in demonstrating beyond serious
controversy that Pitt really did at the outset
sanction Portland's explicit understanding that he
was to have free hand in Irish affairs. 1t is
equally clear that Lord Fitzwillam went to
Dublin fully believing himself empowered to ac
cept Catholic Emancipation. The evidence for
this consists in the behavior of the English Cabi
net. On his arrival Fitzwiam was received as
the friend and representative of Emancipation by
country so completely prepared for it that even
the Protesta ats had wholly and frankly acquiesced
in the measure. At no period could the reason
abeness of emancipation have been more con-
spicuous. No voice was raised against it, and the
appointment of Fitzwilliam universally
regarded as a guarantee for the concession. that
all Ireland hailed the enactment of the Relief act
by anticipation, and showed the best possible dis
position in every Inspect.
But unfortunately no abstract considerations of
right wrong. not even any highest considera-
tions Of imperial policy, could at this time de-
tefnne q matter upon which the fate Of Ireland
hung. Parliamentary CORRUPTION had reached
climax in the Irish Parliament Two-thirds of
the House was in the hands of little clique who
virtually governed Ireland. This clique of place
holders. headed by John Beresford. whose nick
name The King of Ireland" really dominated
the Castle completely Lord-Lieutenant who
desired to introduce reform Of any kind must make
his account with first pacating the Beresfords.
II he did not, he was sure to he beaten. But
the BeTesfords and their creatures detesed reform
since all reform struck at some of the swarming
abuses by which they fourished. Lord Fitz-
william had not been twenty-four hours in Dublin
before he realized that unless John BeresfOrd could
re moved out of his path he might as well go
back to England. He was man of prompt rcsolu-
ton, and twenty-four hours later he struck ut
the very head of corruption by Diminishing the
king of Ireland from Office. Then he con-
vcyed his wishes to the ObsequOus Government
majority in Parliament, and the bill for Catholic
emancipation was introduced and went smoothly
forward. But Fitzwilliam had ill-cstimated the
power OF the evil forces he he'd lefed. Bercsford
appealed TO Pitt. lie was leagued by family ties
with several of the great English houses, all of
which were forthwith set on the Minister Pitt
was strong man, but he could not stand the
prcssarc. Portland, who was not strong AN,
weakened at once. Thus it came to pass that
after Fitzwilliam had been permitted, by ST.
lencc which unquestionably amounted to consent
and approval To raise the highest hopes in the
breasts Of the Catholics of Ireland after the
Irish Parliament had passed the Emancipation bill
TO first reading; after it had come to be regarded
as foregone conclusion, Pitt suddenly turned
round gave the lie to all his own conduct of the
previous six weeks, violated abruptly the COM
pact with Portland and Fitzwilliam, and sent
pcremptory instructions TO the latter to have the
bill withdrawn defeated.
There is, indeed, political explanation of this
,lt hrt H.. ~,
holds that 1t is not without certain weight he
does not believe that it applies to the FitzwiIliam
episode as a prime cause. The theory is to the
effect that Pitt decided not to permit Catholic
Emancipation because he already had the scheme
of legislative union between the two countries
in contemplation, and because he feared that Cath
nIir Emnncinafion would create an ernslon of