Pittsburg dispatch. [volume] (Pittsburg [Pa.]) 1880-1923, 1890-02-02
PITTsBURe. SUNDAY. FEB. 2. 1890
a DANGEROUS PARTISAN ZEAL.

Though the fight in the national House Of
Representatives during the week past was
esteemed party question by the excited
Congressmen, it is Just this sort of question
which the public cannot and will not be
persuaded to look at through partisan
glasses. The organization of Legislative
bodies for working purposes is the very be-
ginning of government. It has been the
first step in every parliament since parlia-
ments began; and the voice of the people in
elections can have no force or effect unless
this organization is fairly conducted. 1t is
therefore not merely because the public like
fair play, and will tolerate none other, but
because, without fair play in organizing
Congress, the voice of the ballot is sooner or
general protest is now heard against the po-
sition which the Republicans have taken at
Washington, and which the Democrats have
assumed in Ohio.
By common understanding and custom
all parliamentary bodies have right to
make their own rules for the government of
their proceedings The Constitution of the
United States expressly vests this power in
the House of Representatives. Yet, though
: the House has now been nearly two months
in session the spectacle is presented of the
Speaker continuing not only as a law unto
himself, but also to the House. He decides
what he pleases, or rather what he thinks
will suit his party, and refuses the ordinary
privilege of appeal. Undoubtedly there is
period during which the Speaker, or the
presiding officer of newly organized legis-
lative body, must be supposed to govern
under general parliamentary usage, and to
possess for his own part wide discretion.
But that period can be no longer than is
reasonably needful for the House to prepare
and adopt its own rules. Particularly is
this true where known division of senti-
ment and conflict of interests exist. The
duty of introducing rules, and the power to
do so have rested with the Republican
majority in Congress. The Republicans
should have performed this duty long be-
fore now. They should not in the face of
the Democratic protest, have brought on
such pronounced partisan issues as
contested elections without having es-
tablished rules for debate, and for
voting. The will of Speaker Reed
has been unduly and inexcusably
raised up into absolute domination; and that
he has chosen to violate all former prece-
dents in deciding what constitutes quo
rum is but the smallest reason for COM
plant. The great and assured danger is
that Speaker Reed is himself setting a pre-
cedent of abuse of might and abuse of posi-
tion which may later be used disastrously to
the public interests by less capable and
even less judicIous men.
The Speakers contention that filibuster-
ing and obstruction should be ended is en-
tirely correct. But he is wholly wrong in
assuming that the Speaker must end fill
busiering in place OF the House. 1t is
the House, by its rules regularly
adopted, which alone is capable of
deciding how legislation shall be passed.
The Speaker of the British House of
Commons is always much less of partisan
than the Speaker of our House of Repre-
sentatives; yet, when the wheels of legisla-
tion were blocked for years by the National
lists at Westminster, the British Speaker
never dared assume the arbitrary power
which Speaker Reed now claims. On the
contrary, the British Government had to
bEng in what WAS known as the Cloture
bill, long and tedious enactment specially
made to shut off flibustering. 1t took
long time to pass this; but when passed it
was effective.
There cannot be any party fight over this
matter outside of Washington, no matter
how high the temper RACES there: Republi-
cans as we'll as Democrats are interested in
maintaining fair play. Otherwise they can
not tell what is going to happen tomorrow;
but can look for frequent and serious mis-
chief, commotiOn, fraud and danger to the
public peace.