The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1890-06-27
RIGHTS OF THE VOTERS.
THE DEBATE ON THE ELECTIoN
BILL IN PROGRESS.


Rolling In Plea for the Passage of
the Bill-Mr. Hemphill Makes a
Strong Argument Against It-Mr.
Rowen Follows in Lodges Foot
steps-Lehlbach Kicks Out of the
Traces.
WASHINGTON, June 26.-In the House
this morning, the regular order being de-
manded, Mr.. Lodge Of Massachusetts, began
the debate on the national election bill He
said that he did not think more grave and
serious subject had ever come before the
House. 1t demanded serious and deliberate
treatment. He had no personalities or re-
flections to make, but he desired to discuss
the matter dispassionately. The bill pro-
posed to extend the existing laws regarding
the election of members SO that they would
be effective throughout the United States
whenever the people wanted them SO ex-
tended. He proceeded to sketch the plan of
the bill in outline. No local machinery was
disturbed, he said. The ballots were
to be cast as at present, and
no secret ballot was to be interfered with
where it now prevailed. Everything that
concerned the government should be open.
The business of the people must not be
transacted in dim light, but open and be-
fore the peoples eyes. The assurance of
honest elections lay in making public every
step and act by which the representatives
of the people were chosen to their high
office. To secure publicity at every stage
of the election. therefore, was o leading
principle of the bill.
CoNCEALMENT IMPoS SIBLE.
Under its terms concealment became i'm
possible without resort to violence and
violence was itself publicity As to the
power of congress TO enact such legislation,
the constitution and decisions Of the supreme
court were absolutely conclusive The
power was found in section 4, article l of
the constitution. relating to the time, place
and manner of electing representatives. It
was not enough that elections were fair;
thoy must be known to be fair. The ques-
ton of expediency was the most important
one. 1t had been charged that the bill was
sectional Observing the heat of certain
persons and newspapers and their vehe-
mence, he was led to remember that sus-
picion always came to guilty minds The
acts which it was proposed to extend had
been called into existence by gigantic
frauds in the city Of New York prior to
1870 and 1871. That certainly was not
sectional origin, in the sense that the charge
was now made.
CHARGES AGAINST THE SOUTH.
AS to the southern states, Mr.. Lodge con-
tinued, it was apparent that many believed
that great frauds were committed there.
If the belief be true that such
thing as a fair election in the south
was unknown. then it was high time
that the United States should put stop to
the evil if it had to exercise every power
the constitution put into its hands. Mr..
Lodge presented statistics to show INSULT
cheney of representation in the south. He
said that in forty-one election districts in
the south members were elected by an
average of less than Il, 900 votes.
eIsSIssIPPI AND NEW JERSEY.
He compared Mississippi and New Jersey,
where the populations in 1880 we're equal in
number. The total vote in Mississippi was
1900 and in New Jersey 245, 600. In 1888
the total vote in Mississippi had dwindled
to 1l5,000; while in New Jersey it was
$685. ,000 No intelligent and fair-minded
man would deny that there had been frauds
in the north, and the proof was the efforts
made there by both parties to throw open the
election to publicity. 1t was not necessary
to argue that southern elections were not
always fair and free. Where wrong doing
occurred in the north it was where one party
sought to get ahead Of the other by unlawful
means.
A QUESTION OF RACE.
As to the south, it was largely question
of race. The negro problem was one Of the
gravest before the American people. 1t
was one in which all were concerned, and
for which all were responsible, whether
living in the north or south. The wrong Of
slavery was to be expiated by the north,
which condoned it, as well as
by the south, which upheld it.
The negro was not forced on
II 10 bo 70 hot
he was better off than if he had not been
brought to civilization. Better an eternity
of savage liberty than the civilization
which came to them with the auctioneer's
hammer in one hand and the slave drivers
whip in the other.
FIDELITY OF THE NEGRO.
Such fidelity as the negro had shown to
the government and master deserved a
better reward from the country, north and
south, than it had yet received The negro
wanted no brutality on one side nor senti-
mentalism on the other. The government
which made the black man a citizen was a
cowardly government il it did not protect
him in his right. Failure to do right
brought its own punishment. The bill had
been called a revolutionary measure. Rev
olution was to be found in the speeches ne
read, speeches which showed that oonstitu-
tional representation did not exist. The
0rSG SLep toward UD0 SOluUlou OA lue EdCe
problem was to take it out of national pol
itics
EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL.
The national government must extend to
every citizen the equal rights which the
constitution guaranteed.
In conclusion, he said: "Let us
do our whole duty to every Amer
lean citizen - rich or poor, black
or white weak or strong, and we can
safely abide by the result. Let us secure to
every man the liberty and freedom which
are the cornerstone of American liberty"
AT the conclusion of his speech Mr.. Lodge
was warmly congratulated by his repub-
lican colleagues.
HEMPHILL ON ITS UNCoNsTITUTIoNALITY
Mr.. Hemphill Of South Carolina followed
Mr.. Lodge with an argument to demon
strate the unconstitutional nature of the
bill-that congress had no power to inter-
fere with elections. He read from
legislative declarations in the past by the
states of New York, Ohio and New Jersey
against congressional right to conduct
elections. He declared that this was not
national bill 1t was sectional. Under the
provisions of its first section, some portions
of the United States would be under the
supervision of from two to three supervls-
ors, according TO the respective size OF the
congressional aud judicial districts. he
could conceive of no honest purpose for
such provision. 1t could have no effect
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