The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1890-07-07
TO DEBATE OR TO DO.

In his recent speech on the silver Dill
Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, took occa-
sion to express thanks that there is still
one - meaning the Senate - deiiberatlve
body connected with the national govern
ment. This was understood to be fling
at the practice which prevails at the
other end of the capitol. Of limiting debate
within reasonable bounds for the purpose
of expediting the tran saction Of the public
business, for which. rather than for in
dulgence in long-winded harangues. SEN
ators and representatives are chosen.
There is no apparent reason to fear that
within this, or the next, or within many
succeeding generations of the American
people will freedom OF opinion, or of speech,
or OF the press, or Of debate in legislative
assemblies be SUI pressed or hurtfuliy re-
stricted in this country. Bat there is as
wide difference between legitimate free
dom of debate and the practice OF fiilibus-
tering as there is between legitimate free
dom OF speech and the practice OF melting
to sedision and to deeds of outiawry.
There is no principle more firmly
grounded in the American conscience than
that which. recognizes the right and the duty
of the majority to control results There is
no more reason in allowing this right and
duty TO be overthrown by an abuse of the
debating privilege than in submitting to
its overthrow by q resort to force, or fraud,
or other confessedIy illicit means. AL
branches of the federal government are
under control of the Republican party.
This is so in obedience to the behests of
the people. expressed under constitutional
methods. This represents q distinct line of
principles which have been deliberated
upon and freely debated in the press and
on the hastings from end to end of the
country. After full and free debate, and
with due deliberation those principles and
their opposites were crystallized into party
platforms and pledges.
The party in power represents. within
the purview of the constitution, the views
and the will of the majority of the Ameri-
can people on those questions. The people
expect from the party in power, and
have right to demand, legislation con-
the party in power bound, and for q failure
to do this they hold it responsible. They
will not excuse failure in this respect on
account of q permitted abuse of "deliber-
ating" and of debating privileges any
more than they would excuse such failure
because of . surrender to force or fraud.
In fact, circumstances beyond control
might make the latter excusable; no cir
cumstances can excuse the former.
The Republican party has elected ma
jority to both branches of congress sufii-
cient to enact, and a Republican President
to approve, certain measures upon which
the party has deliberately placed the stamp
Of its approval. and to which it stands SOL
EMMY pledged before the country. There
Is . clear obligation to pass and approve
those measures. They are expected to
"do" certain things, and not to be diverted
therefrom on any pretense; not even by a
strained recognition of an extreme parlia-
mentary privilege Of defeating them by
talking them to death.