The Charlotte Democrat., 1890-12-05
The G ha rIntts ssa esa IT, Ghaeauttey a. OIL

and wholesome Il infinennes Mhich. are
operating to give our. people profitable
returns in all branches oflegitimate trade
and industry. li.,ib,a ~ ,tsa,.F sAaaS Aaaas4'-'.a
The apprehension that our tariff may
again and at once be subjected to i'm
portant general changes would undoubt.
edly add depressing influence of the
most serious character. The genefaltarif
act has only partially gone into opera.
tion,i some of its important provisions
being limited to take effect at datesiyet
in the future. The general provisions of
the law have been in force less than sixty
days. It's permanent effect upon trade
and prices still largely stand in -conjec.
ture. It is' curious TO note that the adj
vance in the prices of articles wholly un-
affected by the tariff act, was by many
hastily ascribed to that act. Notice was
not taken of the fact that the general ten
dency of the markets was upward from
influences wholly apart from the recent
tariff legislation. The enlargement of
our currency by, the silver bill .undoubt
edly gave an upward tendency to trade
and had marked effect on prices, but
this natural and desired effect of the silver
legislation was by many erroneously
attributed to the tariff act = - .
There is neither wisdom norju tice in the sug.
gestion that the subject of tariff revision shall be
again opened before this law has had fair trial.
IT, is quite true that every tariff schedule is sub
ieet to objections No bill was ever framed,
suppose that in all of its rates and classications
had the full approval even Cf party caucus
Such legislation is always and necessarily the
the product of compromise 40 to Details and the
present law is no exception. But in its general
scope and effect think it willjustify the support
of those who believe that American legislation
should conserve and defend American trade aud
the wages of American workingmea. The mis-
information as to the terms of the act which has
been 90 widely disseminated at home and
abroad will be corrected by experience and the
evil auguries as TO its result confOunded by the
market reports, the savings banks, international
trade balances, and the general prosperity OF our
people. Already we begin to hear from abroad
and from our custom houses that the prohbtory
effect upon importations imputed to the act is,
not justified.
The imports at the port of New York for the.
first three weeks of November were nearly 8 pei
cent greater than that for the same period of
1859. and % per cent greater than in the same
period of 1888 And, SO far from being au act TO
limit exports / confidently believe that under it
We shall secure q larger and more profitable
participation in foreign trade than we have ever
enjoyed, and that we shall recover proportion
ate participation In the ocean:carrying trade of
the world. s.r.,-.- .-..-
! The criticisms of the bill that have come to US
from foreign sources may we'll be rejected for
repugnancy. If these critics really believe that
the adoption by US of e-traGe policy or Of
tariff rates having reference solely 10 revenue
would diminish the participation Of their own
countries in the Commerce Of the world their
advocacy and promotion by speech and other
forms Of organized effort Of this movement
among our people IS rare exhibition OF unset
fshness in trade and, on the other hand, il they
sincerely believe that the adoption of protec-
tive-tariff policy by this country inures to their
profit and our hurt it is noticeably strange that
they should lead the outcry against the authors
of policy so helpful to their countrymen and
crown with tLeir favor those who would snatch
from them a substantial share a trade with
other lands already inadequate 10 their necessi-
ties. Tnere Is no disposition among any of our
people to promote prohibltory or retaliatory
legislation. Our policies are adopted not to the
hunt of others, but to secure for ourselves those
advantages that fairly grow out of our favored
position as nation. Our form of government
with it's incident of universal suffrage m ikes it
imperative that we shall save our working people
from the agitations and distresses which
scant work and wages that have no margin for
comfort always beget, but after all this is done
it will be found that our markets are open to
friendly commercial exchanges of enormous
value to the other great Powers -N@- .ss4s
From the time of my induction into office the
duty of using every power and influence given
by law to tue Executive Department for the
development of larger markets for our products,
especially our farm products. has been kept con-
stanlly in mind, and no effort has been or will be
spared to promote that end. We are under no
disadvantage in any foreign market except that
we pay our workmen and workwomen better
wages than are paid else ewhere-better abstractly,
better relatively to the cost OF the necessaries OF
life. III .a,-~.Ga1s- ~ "a a... .-
do not doubt that very largely increased
foreign trade is accessible to us without bar terng
IL oft fI,pr m rkpf
of the farm and shop as our own people can
supply, or the wages of our working people in
m any of the products of wood and iron, and in
meats and breadstuffs We baye advantages that
only need better facilities of intercourse and
TO secure for them large foreign
markets. ---aa III. ,r.rfs - .-E O., ..
The reciprocity clause of the tariff act wisely
and effectively opens the way to secure large
reciprocal trade in exchange for thu free aimis.
sion 10 our ports of certain products. The right
of Independent nations to make special reciproci-
ty trade concessions Is well established and does
not impair either the comfy due to other Powers
to what is known as the " favored nation clause
so generally found in commercial treaties
What is given to one for an adequate agreed
consideration, cannot be claimed by another
freely. %2ssa 1904 .. u d" - - ~ /
the state of the revenues was such that we
could dispense with any import duties upon
coffee, tea, hides, and the lower grades of sugar
and molasses that the large advantage resulting
articles by placing them the free list entitled
US to expect a fair return in the way of customs
concessions upon articles exported by US to
them was 80 obvious that to have gratuitOusly
abandoned this opportunity to enlarge our trade
would have been an objectionable error. There
were but two methods of maintaining control OF
this question open to Congress-to place all of
these articles upon the dutiable list, subject to
such treaty agreements as could be secured, or to
place them all presently upon the free list, but
subject to the reimposition Of specified duties If
the countries from which we received them
should refuse to give US suitable reciprocal
benefits Tnis latter method. ] think. possesses
great advantages. 1t expresses in advance the
consent of Congress to reciprocity arrangements
affecting these products which must otherwise
have been delayed and unaseertained until each
treaty was ratified by the Senate and the neces.
sAry legislation enacted by Congress. S'5
Experience has shown that some treaties look
ing to reciprocal trade have failed to secure
twothirds vote in the Senate for ratification, and
others having passed that stage have tor years
awaited the concurrence of the House and Senate
in such notifications to our revenue laws as
were necessary to give effect to their provisions.
We now have the concurrence Of both Houses
in advance in distinct and definite offer OF free
entry to our ports of specific articles. The Ex-
ecutive is not required to deal in conjecture as to
what Congress will. accept Indeed, this re-
ciprocity provision ia more than an offer. Our
part of the bargain is complete. Delivery has
been made and when the countries from which