The gold leaf. [volume] (Henderson, N.C.) 1881-1911, 1890-10-16
THE TARIFF AS 1T STANDS.
New York Herald

- hoSt lilS tASoSdAS VI PAOAi~ oPiA
ion, as it were from a sheer sense of
shame the proposed tariff has vir-
tually become a law. The Com
mittee of conference have reported to
the Senate and House. The changes
made by the Senate are as a general
thing accepted. Twese changes look
ed toward a protective spirit more
stringent than those proposed in the
House. The special interests support
ed by powerful lobby and the
friends of what is called "American
industry" may rejoice in the severest
measure of protection that ever came
from an American Congress.
In its general features what do we
see? A new measure as stringent and
sweeping as was found necessary at
the outbreaking of the war A conse-
quence of that unhappy strife was that
the government needed vast sums of
money. Property was taken as lives
were taken-the public safety the su-
preme issue. 1t would be proftless to
discuss what was then done. History
will individually say that our finances
were managed as miserably as the
military affairs, and rapine in CAM
paigns was followed by rapine in the
Treasury.
Financial rapine thrived upon what
it lived. When the war ceased it
was hoped that the war measures
would end. This was not to be.
The special interests which the war
tariff had served-wool, iron, cotton,
salt, oil and wine-were not disposed
to surrender the vast revenues which
ubiquitous impost brought them. The
tax on wool meant tax upon every
blanket, shawl or bit of winter drapery
necessary to the comfort of the labor
er. No matter, wool must be protect
ed. The tax on iron came home to
every farmer who owned plough, to
every laborer at the forge. No matter,
the Carnegies must have their unnec-
essary, semifelonious millions, that
libraries may be endowed in Scotland.
Cotton goods, the proceeds of the
cotton plant, might be free, and with
that the commercial empire of the Pa.
cific. But no! The cotton manufac.
turer of New England subscribed tc
the success of the Republican party
and poverty must bear the the bur.
den
Yes, b00ertp must lear the 6araea
The time will come-and within the
lives of many who read these lines
when this Mckinley tariff will he
studied as a remnant of barbarism
TO that happy result we shall come al
ter bitter experience. The United
States is too great a country, and it:
commercial influence, on the worle
too widespread for such measure t
be passed without revulsion and re
action. Already we hear faom Ger
many, England, France and Spain
the rumble Of resentment. One indus
try is destroyed here and another there
And there is a soft chuckle of satisfac
ton in some protection papers, a
though of victory won, because SOM
{ German town has gone into starva
ton, or some French industry ha
fallen into blight and ruin. Their
may be an amusing side to these real
: tiles, but we cannot see it. American
5 labor means American manhood, an,
, American manhood would live by i,
own energy and courage. To live a
the expense of human beings, fello,
Christians in other lands, was neve
intended in the economy of our inst
tutions.
Nor will the policy IMPLIED in tn
tariff bill be without its penalties. On
: hundred, better perhaps two hundred
' millions taxation imposed every yea
upon American labor, in order ,hs
Mr.. Carnegie may endow libraries
[ Scotland; and thousand trusts, con
t blnations, leagues, pools, or whatev,
n name the nefarious monopolies ma
h assume cannot last forever. The w
is over, so far as it means the slayin
OF men and the destruction Of propert
y The war is not over as to its financi
: burdens. The time will come whe
n 1t will not be endured, when il wi
o bring panic, stress and change.
would be we'll were wisdom to loo
that way now. We have no such hop
IS The tariff we accept with shame an
:. sorrow. 1t BODIES no good to the n
n ton. To the people it means burde,
# that should never exist. To tho:
who profit by its immediate iniquity
means ultimate sorrow, the cons.
quences of which they should stud
with concern.