Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1890-08-20
ton expected Of it The Constitution declared

ton expected OF it The Constitution declared
(aIticle 1, section ~ that the times, places
and manner of holding elections for Senators
and Representatives shall be prescribed in each
state by the legislature thereof; but that the
Congress may, at any time. by law make or
alter such regulations. Congress had exercised
that power repeatedly over and over again,
from the very foundation of the government
Ihe whcle manner and time Of electing Sena-
tors was regulated by the act Of 1868. That act
compelled the two branches Of the state legis-
iature to lay aside all other business to merge
themselves into one body and to devote them
selves to the choice Of a Senator until that was
accomplished. II fixed the hour OF their meet
ing, determined what they should enter upon
their journals and compelled the executive and
the secretary OF state to sign and countersign
the certificate. Provisions had also been made
long ago, and much against the will OF some Of
the states, in regard to the election Of Repre-
sentatives The federal election bill struck
AT TIE NORTH QUITE As MUCH AS AT THE SOUTH.
He did not think that bribery was generally
believed to be southern offense 1t was the
offense Of large cities, of old communities.
He could not affirm that his cwn COM
monweaith had wholly escaped from
it. Unless well-informed men were much
mistaken there had been at least one election
where it rained shekels even under the very
shadow OF Harvard College. Mr.. Hoar referred
at much length to
which gave Che said) absolute satisfaction.
Were the English judges Che asked) more trust
worthy than American judges? Were the
| learned and able men who adorned the Ameri-
can bench incapable of the judicial function
when the dearest rights Of their countrymen
were at stake?
The election law Of 1870 had been passed at
| time when Tweed had said that he did not
car who did the voting il he did the counting
rod (ac tha l,,,rx \,
had) an outcry from the whole democratic
party. In that connection Mr.. Hoar read some
extracts from the New York World Of October,
1870 calling upon the citizens of New York to
resist military interference), and said that he
had learned on good authority that there had
been no contested election case in New York
city In regard to members of Congress since
1870.
THE REPORT OF SUNSET cox
He quoted the report of Mr.. s. s. Cox, chair
man of a committee Of investigation. strongly
commencing the statute Of 1870, and said that
that law had been designed specially to effect
cities having population of 20, 900 or upward.
BY the census of 1880 there were 80 such cities
IN the United States, all but % Of which we're IN
those cities, OF which all but 16 we're in the
north.
NOT A SECTIONAL MEASURE
How idle it was, then to speak of the pend
ing bill as a sectional measure or as threaten
ing bloodshed. How idle it was to tell it's
friends that they we're reopening the issues of
the war. Was cheating at elections IAN issue
OF the WARP" Had Jackson died, had Lee gone
through that struggle (more bitter than DEATH
between his allegiance to his country and his
love for his state. in order that ballot boxes
might be stuffed; that naturalization papers
might be forged; that returns might be altered,
and that votes might be falsely counted?
IT WAS FOUL WRONG
upon the authors of the bill to say that it re-
opened the issues of the war. 1t was a fouler
calumny Of the mighty shades OF the confeder-
ate dead. A majority Of the people of the
United States believed firmly today that for
fourteen years the House of Representatives
had been a usurpation, and that for four years,
usurper had sat in the executive chair of the
nation; and yet when it was sought to transfer
the ascertainment of the will Of the people from
such processes to the courts, the friends of the
bill were met by the cry that they were raising
race issue and that this was a force bill. There
HAD NEVER BEEN MORE sENsELEss UrrFRAscE
than to call that force bill which transferred
the settlement Of great public question from
the shot gun to the court unless it was to call
it a bill to create negro domination. to create
race issne. The bill only touched elections
for Congress. The negro was in large minor
ify in every state in the Union but four What
tendency, he asked, had the bill to put any
state under the dominion of the African? The
bill could not possibly create any friction be-
tween the states. The republican party was
pledged to the policy Of the bill by everything
that could bind party. Among the proofs Of
that fact Mr. Hoar
QUOTED FROM PRESIDENT HARRIsoN's INAUGURAL
and from his frs. annual message; from Presi-
dent Hayes second annual message Of Decem-
ber 2, 1878; from President Garfield inaugural;
from the republican national platforms Of
1888 and 1884 and from the state republican
platforms OF Massachusetts, Nebraska Pennsyl-
vania, New York, Mississippi, Alabama and Mis-
souri,.
MIR. Paddock here interposed the statement
that at the recent republican state convention
In Nebraska not a word had been said ON the
subject Of the election bills Mr.: Hoar sug-
convention was that 1t did not deem it neces-
sary TO repeat instructions in that regard
trusting to the representatives of that state to
do the will of the republican party.
COMING DOWN TO THE QUAY RESOLUTION,
mr. Hoar said that no body doubted that its
purpose was to defeat the federal election bill
for this Congress. The next session would last
but thirteen weeks, fDom which the Christmas
holidays would have to be deducted There
would be thirteen great appropriation bills to
be passed, besides the apportionment bill and
the other business which pressed upon the at
tention Of Congress. That consideration should
be enough to defeat the resolution. Every-
body who voted for it committed himself for
ever to the principle that the Senate had
the right at its discretion to cut off debate and
to order the question to be taken. Those gen.
tlemen 0f there were any) who had once
thought that they could not comcientiously
vote to limit debate in the Senate and that
every state had the constitutional right to be
heard there at their own dis
cretion were now invited to say
that they would ten or twelve
days beforehand, make despotic order that
debate should close. although they could not
then know what amendments might be pend
ing or what shape the bill might have as
sumed five minutes before the vote What
consideration Che asked) did the resolution
hold out to those gentlemen for that
wonderful change Of policy or of
opinion? 1t was this-and this only
that the national election bill, to which the ad-
ministration. republican Representatives and
the republican party in national, state and To-
cal conventions had been soiemnly pledged,
would be defeated. No man, he thought,
would challenge the sincerity Of his (Mr.
Hoar'O
DEVOTION TO THE PROTECTION SYSTEM.
But he should take little satisfaction in the
pending tariff bill if its passage was to be the
price Of the dishonor Of his country or of the
broken pledges of his party. The protective
tariff was q measure to increase the wages Of
American labor, so that thereby American
citizenship and American manhood might be
exalted II could be brou0ht IN