New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1890-11-29
Mr.. PARNELL'S MANIFESTO.
AN APPEAL FROM THE IMPERILI.ED STATES
NAN 10 THE IRISH PEOPLE.
REASONS WHY HE THINKS HE SHOULD NOT u
THROWN TO THE ENGLISH voLvEs'-Ax
INSIDE VIEW OF THE HOME RULE
AGITATION NOT WORD
ABOUT MRS. O'SHEA.

The integrity and independence Of section Of IT,
Irish Parliamentary party having been apparently
sapped and Destroyed by the wirepullers Of the Lib
eral party, 1t has become necessary for leader
OF the Irish party to take counsel with you and having
given You the knowledge which is in my posses
sion, to ask your Judgment upon matter
which now solely devolvs upon you to decide.
The letter from Mr. Gladstone to Mr.. Morley, written
for the purpose Of influencing the decision Of the Irish
party in the choice of their leader and claiming ~
the Liberals and their leaders the right Of veto upon
the choice is the immediate of this address, the
purpose Of which is to remind you and your Parlis-
mentay representatives, that Ireland considers the In
dependence OF her party a. her only safeguard
within the Constitution and above and beyond au other
considerations whatever The threat in that letter. 70
pcated so insolenty on many English platforms and IN
numerous British newspapers that unless Ireland
cedes this right Of veto to England she will indefinitely
postpone her chance OF obtaining Homo Rule. compeS
me, whilo not for moment admitting the slightest pos
sibilty Of such loss to put before you informato0
which until now SO far as colleagues concerned.
has been solely in my possession, ard which viii
enable you to understand the measure Of tho
loss with which you are threatened, unless you
sent to throw mo to the English wolves now bowling
for my destruction.
THE INTERVIEW AT HAwARDEN LAST NOVEMBER
In November of last year, in response to repeated
and long standing request, visited Mr. Gladstone ct
Hawarden, and received the details of the intended
proposals Of himself and his colleagues OF tho lato
Liberal Cabinet with regard to Home Rule, in the
event Of the noxt general election favorng the Liberal
party 1t unnecessary for to do at present
than direct your attention to certain points Of these
details which will be generally recognized as en-
bracing elements vital for your information and the
formation Of your judgment These vital points Of
difficulty may be suitably arranged and considered
under the following heads:
First-The retention Of Irish members In the I'M
peral Parliament; secondThe settlement Of the land
or agraran difficulty in Ireland thirdThe control Of
the Irish consabulary fourh-The appointment OF the
Judiciary, including Judges Of the Supreme Court,
County Court Judges and resident magistrates.
Upon the subject of the retention OF Irish members
In Parliament, Mr. Gladstone told that the opinion
and the unanimous Opinion-of his colleagues and him.
SELF recently arrived at after most mature considera
ton Of alternative proposals, was that In order to
conciate English public opinion, it would be necessary
reduce Irish representation from 103 to 80. Upon
the settlement of the land question it held that
this Of the questions which must be regarded
questions reserved from the control Of the Irish
Legislature, but at the same time Mr.. Gladstone in-
timated that, while he would renew his attempt to
settle the matter by Imperial legislation on
the lines of the Land Purchase bill of 1885,
he would not undertake to put any pressure upon
his own side or insist upon their adopting his views
In other and shorter words that the Irish Legislature
was not to be given the power Of solving the agrax1an
difficulty. With regard to the control OF the Irish
constabuary 1t was stated by Mr.. Gladstone that in
view of tho necessity Of conciatIng English public
opinion, he and his colleagues felt that 1t would b
necessary to leave this force to the appointment Of
its own officers under control Of the Imperial au-
thorty fer an indefinite period, while funds for it,
maintenance, payment and equipment would be COM
pulsorIy provided out Of the Irish revenues period
of ten or twelve years suggested as the limit OF
time during which the appointment OF judges and
resident magistrates should be retained in the hands
of the Imperial authority.
HOW GLADSTONE'S PROPOSALS WERE RECEIVED.
have now given a short account Of what gathered
of Mr. Gadstone's views and those If his colleagues
during the two hours conversation at Hawarden-a
conversation which, am bound to admit, was mainly
by Mr.. GladstOne-and will pass TO my
own expressions of opinion upon these
which represent my views then and now and, hrstly
with regard the retention Of the Irish members, the
position which have always adopted and which then
represented is that with the concession OF full powers
TO an Irish Legislature equivalent to those enjoyed by
a state Of the American Union, the number and posi-
ton Of the members so retained would De-
come question OF Imperial concern and noe
of pressing immediate Importance for the interests
of Ireland. that with the important and alien
crossing subjects OF agraran REFORM constabuary con-
troll and Judiciary appointments left either under
ImperaI control or totally unprovded for, 1t would
be tho height madness for any Irish leader TO I'M
itate Grattan's example and consent to disband A
army which had cleared the way to victory. further
undertook to every legitimate influence to reconcs
Irish public opinion the gradual coming into force
of new privileges and to the pOstponements necessary
for English opinion with regard to consabuary control
and judicial appointments, but strongly dsscnted from
The proposed reduction of the number Of members dur.
ing the interval Of probation, and pointed to the
absence of any suitable prospect Of land settlement ~
either Parliament constitutional and overwhelming
drag upon the prospects OF permanent peace ana pros"
perity in Ireland. At the conclusion OF tho interview
l was informed that Mr.. Gladstone and all his col
leagues were entirely agreed that pending general
election silence should be absolutely preserved with TO
gard to any points of difference on the question OF he
retention Of the Irish members.
I have dwelt at some length upon these subjects,
but not think, disproportionately TO their ina
portance. Let me say In addition that II ana
when full powers are conceded to Ireland over
her own domestic affairs, the integrity, numbea
and independence of the Irish party will be matter
of no importance. But until this ideal Is reached
Is your duty and mine to hold fast to every safegua
need not say that the questionable vital and H.
portant queston-Of the retention OF the Irish men,
bers on one hand and indefinite delay In granting
ul powers to an Irish Legislature on the other gave
me great concern. The absence Of any provision for
Tho settlement OF the agrarian questonof any policy
On the part of the Liberal leaders filled me with coD
cem and apprehension
AS TO THE IRISH LAND PURCHASE BILL.
On the introduction Of the Land Purchase bill By
he Government, at the commencement Of tho last
session, Mr.. Morley communicated with me as to
he course to be adopted. Having regard to the
vowed absence Of any policy on the part OF the
liberal leaders and party with regard to the matter os
he Land bill. strongly advised Mr.. Morley against
nv direct challenge Of the principle Of sateaaded
and purchase, aud finding that the fears and alarm
4 the English taxpayers 10 State aid by the hypohece-
ion OF grants for local purposes in Ireland ~ counter
uarantec had been assuaged, that tho hopeless
tlugge against tho principle Of the measure snouia
ot be maintained and that should direct our sole
forts on the second reading Of the bill TO tho assor
ion of the principle of local control In this. am
ound to say, Mr. Morley entirely agreed with me-
. hs ,,-,s al the same time much hampered, and