The Ottawa free trader. [volume] (Ottawa, Ill.) 1843-1916, 1890-02-01
Mr.. BLAINE REPLIES.

Mr.. BLAINE REPLIES.
There can be no doubt that Mr.. Gladston,
is the most distinguished representative o.
the free trade school of political economists
He apologies for his apparent interference
with our affairs He may be assured tina
apology is superfluous. Americans of al
classes hold him in honor. Free trade he be
lieves advanta geous for England; therefore
without the allowance of any modifying con
dition, great or small, the English economist
declares it to be advantageous for the United
States, for Brazil, for Australia; in short, fol
all countries with which England can estab
lish trade relations. 1t would be difficult, il
not impossible, for Mr.. Gladstone to find any
principle of administration or any measure OF
finance so exactly fitted to the varying need:
of all countries as he assumes the policy OF
free trade to be.
The American protectionist, let it not bt
discourteous to urge, is broader in his view:
than the English free trader. No intelligen,
protectionist in the United States pretends
that every country would alike realize adj
vantage from the adoption of the protective
system. Great Britain and the United
States certainly resemble one another il
more ways than either can be said to resem
BILE any other nation in the world; yet, when
We compare the two on the question at issue
the differences are so marked that we almos,
lose sight of the resemblance.
THE TWO NATIONS CoNTRAsTED.
Great Britain is an island less than ninety
thousand square miles in extent Its life de
ponds upon its connection with other coun
tries. Its prosperity rests upon it, commerce
with the world On the other hand, a single
state of the Union is nearly three times as
large as Great Britain. Several other states
are each quite equal to it in area. The whole
Union is well nigh forty times as large
With these fundamental points of difference
between the two countries, | assume that
varied financial and industrial systems
wrought by the experience of each, would bt
the natural and logic result. Hence do moi
join issue with Mr.. Gladstone on both of hi:
propositions. He defends free trade in Great
Britain He assais protection in the United
States. The first proposition neither deny
nor affirm
On many points and in many respects it
was far different with Great Britain a hun,
dred years ago She did not then feel assured
that she could bear the competition of Con.
UlnenIdl UaUlOlS. IOUe WAS, uS
gressively, even cruelty, protective She
manufactured for herself and for her net
work of colonies reaching around the globe.
Into those colonies no other nation could
carry anything There was no scale Of duty
upon which other nations could enter a
colonial port. What the colonies needed out
side of British products could be furnished to
them only in British ships.
WAS GREAT BRITAIN MERELY sELFIsH3
During the last thirty years Of her pro-
tective system, and especially during the
twenty years from 1926 to 1916, Great Bri-
tain increased her material wealth beyond all
precedent in the commercial history of the
world Finally, with a vast capital accumu-
lated, with a low rate of interest establish
ed, and with a manufacturing power une-
qualed, the British merchants were ready to
underbid all rivals in seeking for the trade Of
the world.
At that moment Great Britain had reason
to feel supremely content The traffic Of the
world seemed prospectively in her control.
Could this condition of trade have continued,
no estimate of the growth of England S
wealth would be possible.
But England was dealing with an intelli
gence equal to her own. The American
people had, by repeated experience, learned
that the periods of depression in home manu-
features were those in which England most
prospered in her commercial relations with
the United States, and that these periods of
depression had, with a single exception
easily explained, followed the enactment by
congress of free trade tariff, as certainly as
effect follows cause. One of the most suggest
i've experiments of that kind had its orr gin in
the tariff to which have just referred passed
in 1916 in apparent harmony with England'S
newly declared financial policy. At that
moment a southern president CIR. Polk and
a southern secretary of the treasury (Mr.
Robert j. WalkerJ were far more interested
in expanding the area of slave territory than
in advancing home manufactures, and were
especially eager to make commercial ex-
changes with Europe on the somewhat diff
cult basis of cotton at high prices and return
ing fabrics at low prices.
Under ordinary circumstances the free
trade tariff of 1876 would have promptly
fallen under popular reprobatiOn and been
doomed to speedy repeal But it had a sngu-
lar history and for a time was generally &C
guessed in even attaining in many sections
certain degree OF popularity. Never did any
other tariff meet with 50 many and so great
aids Of an adventitious character to sustain it
as did this enactment of 1876: CALIFORNIA;
gold, our war with Mexico and the Crimean
war The export Of manufactures from Eng
land and France was checked; the breadstuifs
Of Russia were blockaded and could not reach
the markets Of the world. An extraordinary
stimulus was thus given 70 ali forms of trade
in the United States. For ten years-ls+6 to
lsJ5-these adventitious aids came in regular
succession and exerted their powerful ,nflu-
ence upon the prosperity OF the country.
The withdrawal or termination of these
influences, by treaty Of peace in Europe
and by the surcease Of gold from California,
brought a widespread financial panic, which
involved the ruin Of thousands, incluiing