Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1890-12-20
NATIONS CAPITAL.
The Negro and His Vote Dis.
cussed in The Senate.
Speeches For and A6ii1st ths Election
Bill Made Yesttfday.
The Authorities Responsible Tar Ac'
lions OF Irdian Police.

WASHINGTON, Dec. l9.-The Sena,e
took up the elections bill. Mr. Gibson op-
posed the bill, said it ought to be entitled
"Bill 10 vest the supervision and control of
elections in the republican party, and vest
in that party q permanent organization of
house of representatives" At the close of
Gibson's speech, Vice President announced
the question on Gfsy's amendment Ito
strike out House provision, and asked
whether the Senate Was ready for the Ques-
ton. Gray withdrew the amendment de-
elaring elections supervisors, deputy mar
snals, etc, executive. not judicial officers.
Faulkner offered an aunt ndment being a
substitute for Section IA, as to the appoint
ment of three election csnvassers for the
Stale. upon application therefor. He had
the floor to speak upon it and yielded to
Stewart. who made an argument against the
~ill on the ground that an attempt to exc
cute it in the South, would be disastrous to
both races. He was friend Of the colored
man. and deeply sympathized with him and
could not ask him to put his life in jeopardy
10 order to fight political battle for his
(Stewsrt) advaptage. He said he was
equally friend to the white man and de-
5ifcu " ICAtAIu AiOlh Aby hSt~ HiSh AZ Sht
seem to justify him (whi mani in masking
upon the defenceless race which Congress
had enfrancbised.
Whatever was done in the matter of pro-
tecting suffrage at the South, unless it was
done through the voluntary action of the
people Of that section. il would result in
one of two things. If the negro vas pro-
rected BY force. the same force woult in
evitably be driven TO the necessity of de-
stroying bis enemy. That involved the
enslavement and final determination of the
whites. The employment of force would
re suit ultimately in the determination either
Of the blacks or whites. He reviewed the
reconstruction legislation and pointed out
the stringent provision by which the pro-
lection of the negro voter was supposed to
have been all sufficient, and quoted argu-
ments by leading republicans in both
Houses sgains. the suspension of habeas
corpus and against allowing the military
power of the United States to be exercised
in the South during the presidency of Gen
Grant. He asked how, If President Grant
was unable to protect the colcred men in
the right of suffrage, any other President
could do better.
If military power was to be used in the
execution of the pending bill, the bill
should be defeated. II it is to be a dead
letter, why pass it: Instead of protecting
the colored man it would bring upon him
persection and misery if not death. No
assumption of party necessity could
justify the act.
Stewart recalled the speeches in opposi-
ton to the force bill in 1875 made by
Senators George r. Hoar and j. r. Haw-
ley, then representatives in the Honse.
Among those then voting against the force
bill were foster, Garfield. William Walter
Phelps, Kasson, Kellogg. Gen. Hayley
declared there could be no genuine protec-
ton in the South under legislative enact
ment.
In his Judgment the solid South was
maintained by reason of the leaders use Of
the cry that it was intended, on the part of
those who controlled the general govern
meLt. TO interfere with their local affairs.
The moment such cry is effeciuslly prov
en- to be without foundstion the South could
not any longer be kept solid Ii had in al
ready begun to dsintegrate. That disteg
ration must necessarily bring about pro
lection to the negro vote. The colored man
needed education The white man of the
South needed the sane. If oigarchy ex
listed in any of those States, it was the duty
the United States government TO suppress
it under the constitution.
The general government are required to
maintain republican form of government in
each Of the States. The general opinion
of the land was in favor Of giving all legal
opportunity TO the colored man. If the bill
passed the white man would be still further
consolidated, and the trained power and
organization of the late confederate States
be brought to insure destruction of the
colored race in the South. The colored
men have yearly improved. He could no,
be removed from this country. There wa,
no room for slaves, no room for caste
The white people of the South must be
taught to see that this was the only way in
which the colored voter could finally be
protected.
The tact that this was the frs. open op-
position to the bill on the part of the re-
publican Senator caused the closest atten-
iion to be pad to Stewsrl's speech on both
sides of the chamber. At the close of the
speee eh Hoar rose and said he would not
now reply to it. He wished 10 have put
upon record the provisions of the force
bill to which reference was made, which
passed the House in 1875 He had lis
provisions read fer the purpose of Justify
ing the opposition made to it by himself
and other republicans and show no incon-
sistency in their opposition to tha. measure
and support Of pending measure.
Stewart repeated that he opposed the
pending bill because it proposed to do a
thing which could not be done without
force. The Senate should not attempt to
deceive the country. He did not waat to
enter upon such campaign as was entered
upon fifteen years ago, to meet with defeat
as on that occasion. when the bill had to be
dropped. If the time had come when the
republican party was wiling to pass the
bill aad put the necessary force behind it,
and If that was the will Of the republican
party, he would 60 with it.
He did not believe the time had arrived
believing the bill would be a failure be
regretted separating from his party. The
discussion on Faulkef's amendment was
psrtic psted in BY many Senators. No vote
was taken.
Dawes introduced bill prohibit the open
ing, on Sunday, Of any exhibition or ex-
position where appropriations of the United
States are expended.
The Senate at ) 40 adjourned.