Richmond planet. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1883-1938, 1890-07-05


lean pure and simple, and TO aban-
don the prefixes which denote race
distinctions, then he is better outside
thiscountry than in it, and this
truth which is susceptible of wide
application / would now apply to
the men of the colored race. We
have clothed them with the attri-
butes of American citizenship. We
have put in their hands the emblem
of American sovereignty. Whether
wisely or unwisely done is of no con-
sequence now; it has been done and
it is irrevocable.
THE MEMORABLE LAW.
We owe them no more and no less
than we owe to all American citizens.
but we do owe them all that the
Government gives to any American
citizen, be he rich or poor, white or
black. The Government which made
the black man a citizen of the United
States is bound to protect him in his
rights as a citizen of the United
States, and it is a cOwardly Govern
ment If it does not do it? No people
can afford to write anything into
their Constitution and not sustain
it. A failure TO do what is right
brings it's own punishment to
nations as TO men. There is no
escape from the inexorable law of
compensation. AS Lincoln said in
his second inaugural:
"Fondly do we hope, fervently do we
pray, that the mighty scourge of war may
speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills
that il continue until all the wealth piled
Nsx-N ndcr, ar,en H.. ~ a IL.
years of unrequited toll shall be sunk
and until every drop of blood drawn with
the lash shall be paid by another drawn
with the sword, as was said three thous-
and years ago. Sd still t must be said
The Judgements of the Lord are q ne ard
righteous altogether"
Ii we fail as a people to deal with
this question rightly we shall pay
Tor 1T just as we paid the debt of
slavery of which all this is part.
What, then ought we to do? After
the war, when this great body of
slaves was cast helplessly into free
dom with all the responsibilities of
citizenship suddenly forced upon
them, / believe that il was wholly
within the power of the white race to
have so conciliated and divided them
that the Negro as a sectional polit-
ical question should never more have
been heard of. Perhaps it was ask
ing too much of human nature to
expect this TO be done At all events
1t was not done, and il was declared
that the problem could be solved by
methods other than those known to
the law. Those methods have been
tried and they are failure. For
fifteen years they have prevailed
completely, and yet the South comes
to this Congress with the demand
that measures should be taken to
deport the Negro population. That
the proposition is impracticible does
not deprive il of it's significance.
1t is confession of failure and n
cry of despair. Whatever the cor
rect policy is by which TO deal with
these problems which the South thus
presents OF it's own accord this is
neither thesstime nor the place to dis
cuss. One thing is certain No in
telligent remedy can be applied so
long as the Negro question is made a
matter OF party politics, dividing
sections and keeping alive sectional
animosities and agitations. With
the governments of the states and of
the municipalities we here have moth
ing to do. Each State and each
community must work out its own
salvation in its own way. If they do
right they will profit by it. If they
do wrong they will pay for it, and
pay for it to the last lot and little
for if "The mills of God grind slowly.
yet they grind exceeding small -
But the election of men to sit in this
Hall is different question. 1t is a
mere pretense to talk about the
rule of an inferior race" of cor
gained barbarism, " when dealing
with this part of the problem. If
Negroes or men nominated bv Ne
groes had always beer elected from a
dozen or twenty districts of the
South 1T would have been but a trif-
ling element in the great movement
of the National Government.
But if such elections had been Der
mitted the political agitation in the
North about the Negro and the
Negro question would have died out
long ago. But here party suprem-
acy came in and the race question
was falsely used as an excuse for
Selling a certain number of seats in
this body.
There is announcer Hnd more lmpOr-
tant point to be considered here.
When Congressional elections are
lnterfered with anywhere, they touch
the like elections everywhere. Cab
this bill revolutionary Mr..
Speaker, the revolution" lies in
those figures that have read which
show that while the Constitution
guarantees an equal representation
on this floor, that equal representa-
ton has ceased to exist. There. Mr..
Speaker, is where the revolution y
has been wrought. Whether we can
turn it back, whether we can check
1T, whether we can succeed in undo
ing it's work by legislation here, | do
not know; know that it is our duty
to attempt it by every fair and
proper means.