St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1890-04-13

without moro euidenee at command to
charge him with the distinct intention
of goading the people into civil war in
order that he might introduce martial
law and effect the union by force, but,
In face Of the warnings he received from
official sources, it was, if such were
not his wish, the maddest and most
inconceiyable conduct on the part of
an otherwise powerful statesman to act
as he did. The pacific recommendations
of Lord FitZwilliam found no favor, and
he was recalled. and this tended still
further to aggravate the popular dis
content. Meanwhile the unrepealed
enactments against Catholics were re-
ylved. Lord GOsfOrd says: "a .perSe-
cution accompanied with all the circum-
stances of ferocious cruelty now ragged, !"
and the sentences pronounced against
delinqucnts protesting Catholicism
were, according to him. concise and
terrible" The late Lord Holland gives
a graphic account of all that followed
the recall of Earl Fitzwilliam, the
burning cottages, tortured backs
and frequent executions by a
lawless banditti composed of Orange
men and military, which we cannot stay
to consider. THAT fact Is incOntrO-
vertible." he adds, ''that the people of
Ireland were driven to resistance
by the free quarters and excuses OF the
Soldiery, which were such as are not
permitted in civilized warfare, even III
an enemy's country"
In an address issued in 1877, Grattan,
of whose political honesty the bitterest
Orange partisan does not urge doubt,
fOrmulates specifically charges of crime
against the government, which include:
''The order to the military to act with
out waiting for the civil power; the inn
priSonment of the middle order without
law: the OBTAINING them in prison
without bringing them to trial; the
transporting them without law; burn
ing their houses; burning their villages
numbering them; crimes, many of which
are concealed by the suppression of a
free press by military force" Then
the rebellion of 1898 broke loose with
all its horrors and crueltieS. The
Brotherhood of United Irishmen had
long been in existence to the knowl-
edge of the government. which could,
at any time, have prevented the Outburst
had it been so DESTROYS. When it came,
the country was flooded with 10000
troops, and again the sister nation
waged internecine war. The result
was never in doubt, and when attained
the final agitation for the union began.
Every effort that was possible had
been made to debauch the legislature
up to this time. 1.-THE peers" writes
the Duke of Rutland so early as 1884, in
a most secret dispatch, ''under the con-
Stitution have more power than before.
A share in the lucrative favors must be
set aside for the purpose of gaining at
tachments in that house. 1t is
absolutely incumbent on me to estab-
liSh the strongest and most immediate
connection with a certain number OF
powerful members, who may be- all
times looked to and may be de-
pended upon, for the fidelity and
firmness with which they will execute
their trust" The ''CornwalliS" CORE
spondence further discloSes the fact
that at the time of the Union Gig hty-
four borOughs which it was proposed
members helped by their very votes to
pass that law, we're purchased with the
nations money for $500 each from
private owners claiming them as their
freeholds. Lord Castlereagh, says Sir
Erskine May, estimated the cost Of buy
ing up support of the Union at mill
ION and half, and the price was forth
coming. In view Of this the charge
that the Irish parliament was
corrupt, and therefore merited ex-
tinction, begins to lose some of its
force. Modern legislators have con-
tracted habit of refusing to recognize
any difference between Driber and
bribed. And, after all, assuming col
ruption on the part Of Irish senators, it
is matter for dispute how far, if at all,
that constituted sound reason for
robbing nation of representative in-
stitution going back to Magma Charta.
Senatorial prOfligacy has not been pecu-
liar to Ireland. Our own Charles III. of
blessed memory knew how to eXpend
judieiously portion of his pension
from the king of France to buy a major
ity of votes upon matters of finance,
while Macaulay, referring to the time
of George III. in England, says it
was 'sas notorious that there was a mar
ket or votes at the treasury as that there
was market for cattle at Smithfield."
By partly of reasoning, therefore, the
humiliation of the English parliament
should have ensued. Considerations
such as these, however, did not enter
into the matter. The Union had been
determined on, and it was impossible
for the nation to resist the varied re-
sources of the government. The first
attempt to carry the measure in 1899
was defeated, but between them and
the following year it had been possible
to negotiate majority. In the minor
ity, however, were still lis members
whom it was not possible to corr upt. land
who had they chosen might have had
any terms they pleased. And this
minority had for their successors the
RepealerS and the Home Rulers of to-
day.
10 aver that all this has no connec-
ton with the present Irish question is
apparently to deny the relationship of
cause and effect. By the union the
Irish nation had gained little. The
year 1900 found her. after generations
of ill-usage, with her foot upon the first
rung of the ladder Of prosperity; to-
day many of her then prosperous in
duStries are but memory. The linen
trade of AthlOne, and Mullingar, and
Ferbane is as dead as Caesar. In Ban
d0n-Protestant BandOn-tnere -four
ished before the union the manufacture
erick gave employment to 1000
woollen weavers. and Carrick to
5000; the rattle of the loom has ceased
in all these places to-day. And Ireland
thinks and says that the union bears no
small share of the responsibility of this.
She lost by the union two-thirds of her
representation while England preserves
hers intact. She lost the power of leg
islating for herself. while England ac-
CURED it and gave nothing in return.
She lost the advantage of the resident
expenditure; England got the advan-
tage of the residence Of Irish delegates
and largely augmented crop of Irish
absentees. /. She has lost control
of her revenue which the act
of union promised should be
appropriated to exclusively Irish
purposes, and has been burdened with
a share of our own pre-union debt
charge in addition to her own. Is 1t to
be wondered at then that we have an
Irish question still? 81 wish to heav-
en-, said Sir T. Russell when attorney
general, ''the Irish people could forget
the past. For them it is in the main
melancholy retrospect. But England
ought not to forget the past-until at
least great act of reparatiOn has been
done. 1t is not too much to say
that Ireland and Irishmen of to-day are