The Seattle post-intelligencer. [volume] (Seattle, Wash. Terr. [Wash.]) 1888-1914, 1890-12-20

banker horrows money from the govern
ment free Of interest and loans it at such
rate as lis use commands in the market.
lhis measure has been compared TO the
plan adopted in the Argentine Republic for
loans on land, but there is no analogy be-
tween them, and to compare the working
OF measure of that republic, of saw
5000 coo population. to that of our country.
with its enlightened 100000, would he
ike comparing the methods of an irrespon-
sible banker TO those of the Rothschiids.
The bill nxes the standard for tie amount.
80 long as money can be proatahly used at
more than per cent. per annuDs The
ability of the government to make money
Delng unlimited, the real wants and neces-
sites Of the people can be ascertained and
met. The foundation of the whole matter
ana the real question to be considered is
that inasmuch as the government reserves
the night TO issue money it is ITS duty,
means being provided, to furnish what is
necessary TO the wants of the people.
Al the conclusion of Stanford's remarks
the bill was referred 10 the committee on
finance.
= he Senate then took up the deficiency
bill, on which some discussion took place
rejecting on the House for the made
quacy OF the regular appropriation bills.
Inus neeessltating frequent dehciency bills.
The bill was passed
A bill by Ingalls,, to allow the exchange
OF the interest-bearing debt for legal ten
der notes, was referred 10 the finance COM
mittee.
A resolution by Manderson was referred
To the committee on Indian affairs. in
structIng that committee to INQUIRE into
the condition of the Indian tribes of North
and South Dakota, Montana and else
where: If 1t is necessary to disarm them,
etc
The Senate bill for public building at
fresno, Cal, appropriating $4,000, was
placed on the calendar
Ine elections bill was taken up, and
Bate and Gibson argued against it. Stew
art made an argument that an attempt to
execute the law in the South would be dis
astrous to both races. He was friend of
the eolored man, and deeply syrnpathized
with him, but could not ask him TO put
his life in jeopardy in order TO fight
political battle for his tStewart's) advan-
tage. He was equally friend to the
white man, and desired to refrain from
any act which might justify the
white man in making war upon
the defenseless race which congress
had enfranchised. Whatever was
done III the matter of protection of the
suffrage in the South, unless done through
voluntary action of the people of that Sec
ton, would have TO result in one of two
things: Ii the negro was protected bv
force, the same force would inevitably be
driven 10 the necessity of DESTROYING his
enemy. That involved the enslavement
and hnal determination of the whites The
employment of force would result ulti-
mately III the determination either of the
blacks or whites. If the military power
was to be used in the execution of the
pending bill, then the bill should be de-
feated; If it was to be a dead letter, why
pass it?
Public opinion at the South was entirely
against it. Instead of protecting the col
ored man, it would bring upon him perse-
cution and misery, if not death. No as
sumption of party necessity could Justify
such an act. 1t was the plain duty of the
Senate to trust to natural causes, in the
hope that they would remedy the evil.
The bill ought not to pass. because it never
could be enforced; because it would con-
soiidate the Southern whites; because it
would increase sectional animosity and
kindle anew the discord of the past
Stewart recalled speeches in opposition
to the force bill of 1875, made by Senators
Hoar and Hawley, then representatives.
Among those voting against the bill Stew
art recalled Foster, Garheld. William Wal
ter Phelps kasson and Kellogg. He sug-
gested that the supervisors and other of
hcers would become marked men, and
from the reports of investigating commit
tees, and all knowledge obtained during
the past twenty years, it was plain what
their fate would be. Unless congress was
disposed to proceed to the remedy under
the constitution, that of denying represen-
tation on account of exclusion from or OBJ
stacles to the exercise of the franchise the
only remedy that existed was in the enforce
ment of the laws on the statute books,
and in the assurance that no pressure
from the outside would be exercised. In
his Judgment the solid South was main
tanned by the use of the cry that it was in
tended on the part of those who controlled
the general government TO interfere with
their local affairs. The moment such cry
was effectually proven to be without foun-
dation the South could not any longer be
kept solid. The sectional party there had
already begun to disintegrate. That dis
integration must necessarily bring about
protection to the negro vote. The organi-
cation now irresistible in some states in
suppressing that vote would be among the
earliest TO bid for il when they found it
necessary for their existence.
Hoar had the provisions of the force bill
of 1875 read, for the purpose of justifying
opposition to it by himself and other Re-
publicans, and TO show that there was no
inconsistency in support OF the pending
measure.
Dawes introduced bill to prohibit the
opening on Sunday OF any exhibition
where appropriations of the United States
are expended. Adjournment.