The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1890-06-26
THE BILL WHICH CAUSED THE RUMPUS
Not a Measure Only to Meet the
Demands of Platform,
But a Practical Method to Secure
Fair Play, North and South.
the Bill's Champion and the Leader
of the Opposition Forces.
Especial to the Press.1

WASHINGTON. June 25.-The mistake
should not be made Of considering the fed
eral election bill merely as a measure con-
trived to meet the frequent demands of Re-
publican platforms. 1t is practical meas
ure devised with all the craftsmanship re-
siding in the combined wisdom Of the Re-
publican party in the House of Representa-
tives, to secure a free vote and fair count
Of that vote in districts both North and South.
In the great cities of the North as we'll as in
the more scattered regions of the South, such
a measure is generally admitted to be needed
in order to prevent tie most glaring frauds.
The present national election law has
brought about the happ.est results in New
York chy. The honest men Of both parties
would deplore its repeal; aud, partisan con
sideration aside, will approve Of the
strengthening Of that law. In Jersey City
there are now sixty-two election Judges -.
der indictment for the most glarlng frauds
The greatest reforms are expected in the
South, for in the large northern cities frauds
are gradually being eliminated. There has
not been contested election case from New
York city for years. the presence of United
States inspectors at the polls having almost
CuhilClJ uCAFhtCU buO ODJCOto Va shOoO WhO
would violate the ballot boxes. But in the
South there are fully twenty. eight districts
which, on full and fair vote, would un-
doubtedly be Republican or so nearly so as
to make them debatable ground. whereas, at
present, with one exception, the Republicans
have no show at all in these districts. In
sixteen of these twenty-eight districts no Re-
publican votes, whatever, were returned as
cast in 1886, while in several more districts
the Republican vote was merely nominal.
In 1888 more votes were credited o the Re
publicans, apparently with purpose to allay
any suspicious which the astonishing returus
Of 1886 may have aroused In northern minds.
Nevertheless, but one Of these % districts,
the Second North Carolina, is allowed to re-
turn Republican congressman. These 20
districts are distributed as follows; Ala
bama four, the first, second, third and
fourth; Georgia six. the second, third,
fourth, sixth, eighth and tenth; Louisiana
three, the fourth, fifth and sixth; Mississip-
pi six, the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth
and seventh; North Carolina one, the sec
ond; South Carolina seven, the first, second,
third. fourth. fifth, sixth and seventh; Ten
nessee one, the tenth.
In these % are not included any of the
Southern districts which are already repre-
sented by Republicans, except the Second
North Carolina. There are in the South
quite number Of districts from which Re-
publicans are returned pretty regularly.
Eastern Tennessee and Virginia have quite
a Republican group in the House. And
there are 27 additional districts, in most of
which Republican would win, and in no
one of which Republican candidate would
not have good fighting chance.
This is looking at the question from Re-
publican standpoint because it happens that
in nearly all these Southern districts the Re-
publicans are those who are oppressed by
the frauds. But the federal election bill is
intended to aid any and all who may wish
to take issue with the corrupt and cruel po-
litical machine which holds the South by the
throat. This machine turns against an In
dependent Democrat as quickly as against
Republican. The case of Featherstone Is
an example. Featherstone comes from the
Mississippi river district of Arkansas. He
was Confederate soldier and Democrat
until the farmers organization known as the
Wheel. of which he was president, wanted
tC run him for Congress as an independent
candidate. The Democratic machine of Ar
kansas then counted him out without hesi-
tatiOn and he never would have got his seat
but for tic Republican Congress.
In the debate on this election bill the lines
are to be drawn from the very first in very
significant way. Henry Cabot Lodge Of
Massachusetts, makes the speech introducing
the election bill and the leader Of the oppO
sing forces is John j. Hemphill Of South
Carolina. Perhaps it was chance and per-
haps not that led to the selection of young
Hemphill to lead in the defense Of what the
Southern people consider one of their rights
the right to count out the negro. Hemp
hill is Al years old, one year older than Lodge,
and is regarded both by his political friends
and opponents as an able and promising
young man. While Lodge was in Harvard,
Hemphill was in South Carolina University.
The one is as typical Southerner as the
other is typical Of New England
In one other respect it is peculiarly fitting
that these two young men should be antago-
nists in the contest over the right of the en-
franchised freedman to the privilege guar
anteed by the constitution. In respect of
the constituencies which send them here
these young men are representative. When
Henry Cabot Lodge was elected in Novem-
ber 1888, 24,791 voters went to the polls in
the sixth district of Massachusetts,. When
John j. Hemphill was elected in the same
campaign in the fifth district of South Caro-.
lima only 95S6 voters are recorded as having
gone to the polls in the district For Lodge
there were 19,59S votes; and against him
there were 1913. For Hemphill there were
$3.50 votes and against him there were 27.
Lodge represents voting constituency,
measuring by the number Of votes counted
nearly four times as large as Hemphilps.
Mr. Crisp Of Georgia, who, as chairman Of
the elections committee in the 50th Congress.
passed upon the claims Of all contestants,
was backed by only 1904 votes.
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