Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1890-06-26
the bill. Under its terms concealment became
impossible without resort to violence, and
violence was itself publicity.


impossible without resort to violence, and
violence was itself publicity.
THE QUESTION OF coSsTITUTIoSALrrY
As to the power Of Congress to enact such
legislation the Constitution and the decisions
of the Supreme Court were absolutely con-
elusive. The power was found in section 4,
article /, Of the Constitution relating to the
time, place and manner Of electing Represent
atlves. 1t was not enough that elections were
fair. They must be known to be fair. The ques-
tlon OF expediency was most important one.
1t had been charged that the bill was sectional.
Observing the heat Of certain persons and
newspapers and their vehemence he was led
to remember that suspicion always came TO
guilty minds. The acts which it was proposed
to extend had been called into existence by the
gigantic frauds in the city of New York prior
to 1870 and 1871. That certainly was not
sectional origin in the sense that the charge
was now made.
NEW YORK CITY CITED.
Mr.. Lodge gave description Of the state of
affairs at that time in New York city, citing,
among other cases, the tenth district of the
sixth ward, where, he said. the democratic
vote (atter throwing out all of the other votes)
was SS4, or IA more than the total number of
every man, woman and child resident in the
district The legislation enacted to meet these
frauds had been of enormous value to the
cause OF honest elections. There were other
cities and districts where the law was needed.
Investigation in one case had revealed in a
patent-lock ballot box the cuffs and buttons of
AL inspector of elections. In his own
state there had been complaint of the regis
tratlon system and accusations had been made
that the lists were not right. If they were not
right the bill would remedy the wrong He
did not believe that any body or party, honest
In intention and purpose, would be afraid to
have the truth aud the whole truth known.
The other side had criticized the
FRAUDS COMMITTED IN NORTHERN cIrIEs
He would put the secret official ballot in use
in every election district because he believed
that was the only way to stop the use of money
In elections. II must not be supposed that
legislation against bribery must be national in
it's character.
The bill, however, went as far as possible
toward meeting that evil. He asked the gentle
men who were SO warm in their denunciation
of corruption and bribery to unite with hlm in
attacking those and other evils besetting elec-
tions.
AS TO THE SOUTHERN STATES,
it was apparent that many people believed that
great frauds were there committed II the belief
that such a thing a fair election in the
| south was unknown then it was high time the
United States should put stop to the evil, if
1t had to exercise every power the Constitu-
ton put into its hands.
Mr.. Lodge presented number of statistics
to show the insuficiency of representation IN
the south. He said that in forty-one election
districts in the south the members were elected
by an average of less than $1,000 votes He
compared Mississippi and New rsey,.where
the populations in 1880 were equal in number.
The total vote in Mississippi was l17,000; in
New Jersey 245,OOO. In 1888 the total vote in
Mississippi had dwindled to III, ,O0O while in New
Jersey it had swollen to 100000. No intelli-
gent and fair-minded man would deny that
there had been frauds in the north, and the
proof was the efforts made there by both
parties to throw open the elections to publicity.
1t was not necessary to argue that southern
elections were not always fair and free. Where
wrongdoing occurred in the north it was where
one party sought to get ahead Of the other by
vulgar means. AS to the south it was largely
AQUEsTIoN OF RACE.
The negro problem was one Of the gravest
before the American people. 1t was one in
which all were concerned and were responsible,
whether living in the north or the south. The
wrong of slavery was to be expiated by the
north, which condoned it. as weIl as by the
south, which upheld it. The negro was no,
forced on us like the Chinese 1t was idle to
say that he was better off than if he
had not been brought to civilization.
Better an eternity Of savage liberty than a civ
llization which came to them with the auc ction-
eers hammer in one hand and the slave driver g
whip III the Otner. Sucn nQellty rs the negro
had shown to government and master deserved
a better reward from the country-north and
south-than it had yet received. The
negro wanted no brutality on one
side nor sentimentality on the other
The government which made the black man
a citizen was a cowardly government if it did
not protect him in his right. A failure to do
right brought its own punishment The bill
had been called revolutionary; the revolution
was to be found in the speeches he read
speeches which showed that the constitutional
representation did not exist The first step
toward
SOLUTION OF THE RACE PROBLEM
was to take it out of national politics. The
national government extends to every citizen
the equal rights which the constitution guaran-
teed. In conclusion. he said: Let US do our
whole duty to every American citizen rich or
poor, black or white, week or strong-and
We can safely abide by the result
Let us secure to every man the liberty and
freedom which is the corner stone of American
liberty.
81 would IN axe men free.
As much from mobs as kings,
Ilom you as me-"
IApplause.l
At the conclusion of his speech Mr. Lodge
was warmly congratulated by his republican