New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1890-03-16

penetration Mr. Fyffcs analysis of the career
Of Napoleon and his Judgment upon its general
effects showed a rare capacity for dispassionate
appreciation. While fully recognizing the evil
qualities and tendencies of Bonapartc, this his
torian unlike extremists such as l.anfrcy. found
no difficulty in realizing that, Notwithstanding all
the vices of his system, the conqueror did, In
fact, give the countries which he ovcrran better
administrations than they had possessed under
their old rulers. According TO Mr.. Fyffe Ma
poleon, despite the selfish ambition which found
it's most pronounced expression in Imperialism.
and despite the absolutist principles which he ap-
Piled was az heart a Jacobin, and even while
scorning the Revolution, became its representative
and exponent. PsradoXicai as this position may
appear when thus boldly stated. as calculated by
Mr. Fyffe, it is of the most luminous and
plausible hypothesis. and explains Napoleon more
completely than any other writer has succeeded
in doing. In the concluding volume OF this his
tory of modern Europe period has 10 be dealt
with which abounds with complicated issues and
influences, and which consequently requires 10 be
treated with peculiar care and peculiar ucld!ty,
TO avoid hopeless error and confusion. The author
strikes the keynote of the situation in the first
chapter where he points out the cumulative eff
fccts upon Europe of the several revolutions OF
France The first great CONFUSION OF 1880 had
caused little perturbation on the continent gen
orally. Revolutionary ideas had not then been
widely disseminated. nor had the possibility OF
enamel pation from oppressive governments as yet
occurred 10 The nations generally.
The attempts of the monarchcial coalition 10 put
down the Revolution in France evoked that out
burst of democratic energy which not only swept
back the invaders, bat carried the tricolor vic
toriousy over the territory of many kings. Sue
ccedng 10 and increasing the aggressive force Of
this movement. the campaigns Of Napoleon seemed
TO put out of sight the ideas of 1888 and his
sumption of the purple was regarded as the end
Of the Revolution. But when. in 1915. his ter
rbe and the fabric he had reared
SO rapidly. with labors Titanic had fallen, the
soveregns and princes of Europe at once made
II apparent that the experiences of the preceding
twenty years had taught them nothing AMI that
their first thought TO put the hands of the
clock back TO where they had stood before the
revolutionary tocsin sounded. These rulers cvi-
IDENTIFY believed that, Napoleon chained to his
rock nothing remained but to re-estahlish abso-
lutism But they were reckoning without their
people. Through all these past years Of storm and
stress the European masses had been learning. The
teachings of the French Revolution had been slow
in spreading but they had not fallen upon stony
ground The expulsion of Charles from Paris
in 1880 was followed by popular uprisngs in
Italy. Poland and Belgium Still the kings and
princes could not realize the drift of things The
people went on learning. First failures bred no
encouragement. Eighteen Ncars passed. and the
fateful year 1sfs came. Once more Paris rose in
revolt. and the downfall Of Louis Philippe
the signal for continental revolution. :" From The
Rhenish Provinces 10 the Ottoman frontier says
Mr.. Fytfe, there no government but the
Swiss Republic that was not mcnaccd there Was
no race which did not assert its claim 10 q more
or less complete independence. Communities
whose long slumbcr had been undsturbcd by the
shocks of the Napoleonic period now vibrarcd
with those same impulses which. since 1915. no
pressure of absolute power had lcen able 10 ex-
tingush in Italy and Germany. The borders Of
the region of political discomfort had been en-
larged Where apathy or immemoria loyalty to
some distant crown had long closed the car TO the
voices of the new age now all was rcsilcs>ncss
all eager expectation of the dawnins epoch Of
national lite"
But the general agitation was not servile
imitation of the democratic movement in France
AS Mr.. Fyffe well points out The effort n make
the State one with the nation excited wider in
terest than the effort TO enlarge and cquaze
citizen rights, and it is in the action Of this
principle of nationality that find the eXplana-
ton of tendencies OF the epoch which appear at
first view 10 be in direct conflict with one an
other" Thus In Germany where a single race was
divided under many governments, the national
tendency was toward unity. while in Austria where
many races were held together under one gov
eminent, the tendency was, Just naturally, To-
waid separation. Almost for the first time the
nations were speaking for Themselves were as
sorting their rights, were challenging the Gre
dentals of absolutism. The history of the ncAt
which ensued between the old and the new priu-
ciples: between the divine right Of kings ard tic
divine right Of nations and more interesting
study can he found than that of this stormy
period. As ever the faults Of the extremists on
both sides became the best aids Of their OBJ
poncnts The absolutism Of Metternich and his
policy OF "thorough,, while il seemed 70 have
overcome all resistance and crushed ont even re-
monstrance. really FASTENED the commissions which
swept away his whole system and replaced il
with liberal by comparison. IL France in
like manner, the excuses and cXtTavaeances of
The "Reds" threw all ordcr-loving Fremchmcn
into the arms Of Louis Napoleon: while in Ger
many the fractional obstinacv and rcr.cisitv of
legislative bodies made the opening. which Bis
narck slSfully enlarged, for the Ccploying Of lis
autocratic purposes
In the Austrian revolution nothing is more
curious than the stubborn blindness - the Hun
sarian leaders and people in arranging th'ir
Iations with their Slavic noichbors and sul-moci
They treated the latter with an injustice cycl
greater than had been dealt out 70 Themselves
ny the Ausrians. Instead OF recognizing in Others
the legitimate national aspirations which n
siituted their own Justification, they cn'cavor'd
20 cxtnguish the nationality Of tlc.c subject
races, and went nearly rs far in this direction as
Russia did subsequently, i'm her efforts 10 stamp
out the individuality Of Poland The crime
brought its own punishment. for The Vienna Gov
eminent took advantage of the bad feeling thus
promoted 10 use the Slays for the subiu-aiion Of
the Magyars, and with signal effect In Iialy the
impotence of the more radical revolutionary Gle
mcnt represented by Nhz1ini repeatedly jcop-
ardixed the success 81 the whole movement on
behalf Of Italian unity; and Gaiib,ldi. with all
his fine snderX nnaliiies his nnrlrl ncss md Ii :