Fort Worth weekly gazette. [volume] (Fort Worth, Tex.) 1882-1891, 1890-10-30
Consider for a momen. what it has BEEN

Consiier for moment what It mas beeu
and now is.
To go no further back than the wsr of
the rebellion, 1t was claimed that "a high
rate of duties known as the war tariff
was necessary for two purposes to-wit:
To raise revenue to meet the extraor-
binary expenses of the war abd to en-
courage infant industries. The high
rates thus justified appeared'aot entirely
unreasonable, and were pretty generally
| acquiesced in-the more SO because the
people were assured BY tho authors of
the Morrill, bill that the rstes were only
temporary. and would be reduced as
soon as circumstances would admit.
In the course of tine the taxpayers
| fell to complaining about their burdens,
/ and asking when that promised -educ-
| ton was to be inside, pointing at the
same time to the injustice of longer sub
sidizing manufactures that appeared to
be resting on solid foundations. The
protectionists, seeing that the infant in
dustry racket vas played out, took up
the cry of high wages, and protection to
American labor. 'Ah, yes echoed
the factory bsrons, with SNUG hypocrisy,
"we want to pay our workmen the high
est possible wages, so as to elevate and
enuoble American labor. To do that,
we must be protected. We can be de-
pended on to divide up honestly With our
operatives.
But soon the notion got abroad that
they we're not dividing up honestly, and
that whatever advantage in wages the
American laborer enjoyed over the Euro
pean peuper was due, not to the tariff
but to the great possibilities of the coun-
try, and the settlement and development
of the vast region west of the Mississippi.
1t was seen that tradesmeu in unpro-
tected industries were getting better
wages, as they still are, than those in
the protected ones. It then became
necessary to discover another pretext for
continuing protection.
It was soon found, and the cry of pro-
lection to the "home market was
raised. But that is now a mouldy ches-
nut, and entirely worthless. The home
market idea has been buried in the grave
of reciprocity and "the greatest living
statesman and erstwhle protection
champion Is consumed with q burning de-
sire to enlarge the foreign market for
domestic product, by which he terms
1.-the annexation of trade'' or "friendly
barter.'
On what then does the present exor-
bitant tariff rest, since an appeal can
no longer be made to protection for in
FAINT industries, for American labor, or
for the home market2 The answer is
plain enough; on the cohesive power OF
public plumber and the needs of the
party. The tariff question has Gegener-
ated into most demoralizing, debasing
aud rapacious game of grab. 1t has SO
shamefulIy debauched the morals of
Republican leaders that it is now openly
and deflantly employed 10 extort 'enor-
NOUS slusU IuUus from IT'S DenelclarleS
to be used by the Quay's, Dudley's and
others IN wholesale bribery OF voters. 1t
is grand political compact between Re-
publican politicians and the manufacture
ing uabobs to rob and plumber the
masses and to maintain the e. o. p in
power. Hence the overfiowing Golfers Of
campaign committees,
which are openly boasted of by their or
gans, while Democratic committees are
penniless. 1t Is absolutely
without pretext, scorning any longer |
to mask its brigandish character Its |
''staud and deliver' is far more afro |
cious than the summons OF Claude |
Duval or Dick Turpin, because its plum
1erings inure to the benefit of horde of |
and depreved political cormo-
rants and wolves.