The Big Stone post. (Big Stone Gap, Va.) 1890-1892, 1890-10-10

ti0n ls perhaps the lalrest ana Dcst, anu
the example set by Mississippi, will per-
haps be followed in South Carolina, Ar
kansas and Louisiana, if not by other
Southern States.
The Mckinley Bill and the South.
Our dispatches from Washington indi-
cate that, after all, the South will be no
loser by the Mckinley Bill. Though the
measure betrays throughout partisan ami
mus and sectional hostility, and wherever
an opportunity was offered to discrimi-
nate against an exclusively Southern in
terest, it was done, yet the result shows
the prescribed section has nothing to fear
from it, It increases the duty on cotton
ties which the South has to use, and
places jutc on the free list without mate
rally reducing the duty on cotton bag
cling. 1t also admits machinery for the
manufacture of beet sugar free, pro-
vision which is directly in the interest
of the Northwestern States, while it COM
pels the Southern sugar manufacturer
to pay the usual duty on his machinery.
1t also reduces the duty on coarse cotton
and WOODEN fabrics which are manutac-
tured in the South, and increases the
duty on the finer grades which arc manu-
featured in the North.
But what the South loses in this respect
it RECEIVERS in the metal schedule, it be-
ing impossible to discriminate against us
in these instances, as there were power
full interests at the North which would like
wise he affected.
We owe the majority in Congress no
thanks therefore for the advantages we
gain, since they could not strike the South
without dealing severe blow at the
North.
The general effect of the measure on
Southern interests will be more favorable
than unfavorable. 1t will stimulate our
iron and steel industries as we'll as our
cotton manufacturing enterprises. 1t
will give confidence to capitalists, for
whatever the Southern politicians may
think or say against the bill, and what
ever may be its injurious effects upon GER
tain interests, the money lenders of the
North and even of Europe unquestion-
ably believe its operation will he bene-
fetal to their investments and they will
the more readily make loans and inaugu-
rate new enterprises.
1t is we'll to take practical view of the
question, and examine it without all that
ll-informcd twaddle and clap trap by
which Southern politicians confuse and
obscure it, In view of the actual facts
We have no sympathy with the politicians
in the South who go about saying it will
ruin our people. They excite alarm
where no alarm is justified, and de-
stroy the confidence of our own COM
munitics in the permancncy and pros
pcrity of our own enterprises. 1t is only
necessary for any intelligent person to
travel through the Industrial section of
the South in order to he convinced that
we can live and develop our resources
with an astounding rapidity under a pro-
tective tariff. 1t is idle to say we could
do better under free trade. There is
not an instance III all history, ancient or
modern, sacred or profanc, where 4 people
prospered and advanced in all the arts of
civilization, as those Of this country have
done under the protective tariff. The
development of our resources, the acqui-
sition of all the elements that render
nation powerful and rich, the extraordi-
nary advancement Of the sciences, under
such system, the elevation and pros
perity of our laboring classes, are suih-
GENTLY conclusive to the practical mind
that the tariff is not as destructive and
ruinous rs the politicians represent it, and
that this is no time to try the experiment of
free trade, mere theory which has been
abandoned by every civilized country in
the world except England. where it only
partially prevails, and where there are ex-
ceptional conditions which in no way cor
respond to our situation and needs.