Evening capital. (Annapolis, Md.) 1884-1910, 1889-05-01
ssR. pEPEw,s oRArIoN.

Century Under the Constitution.
FlNr. Depew's speech was originally about
10000 words, in length, but being limited %
half an hour be cut It down very materially.
It Is hare given substantially A. he dellv-
cred it:
We celebrate to-day the centenary OF our
nationality. One hundred years ago the
United States began their existence
Puritans in New England, Dutchmen in
New York, Catholics in Maryland, Hugue-
nots in South Carolina had felt the fires OF
persecution and were welded TO religious
liberty. They had been purified in the
furnace, and in high debate and on
bloody battle fields had learned to sacrifice
all material interests and TO peril their lives
for human rights The principles Of constitu-
tional government had been impressed upon
them by hundreds Of years of struggle, and
for each principle they could point to the
grave of an ancestor whose death attested
the ferocity of the fight and the value of the
concession wrung from arbitrary power.
They knew the limitations of authority, they
could pledge their lives and fortunes TO resist
encroachments upon their rights, but it re-
quired the lesson of Indian massacres, the
invasion OF the armies OF France from
Canada, the tyranny of the British crown,
TIC Scf6u years war "a tlC EcNOlQbtOli, ttLAt
the five years of chaos of the confederation
to evolve the ideal upon which rest the power
and permanency of the republic, that liberty
and union are one and inseparable.
The Continental congress partially grasped,
but completely expressed, the central idea Of
the American republic. More fully than any
other body which ever assembled did it rep
resent the victories won from arbitrary power
for human rights. In the New World it was
the CONSERVATION of liberties secured through
centuries of struggle in the Old.
=
These men were not revolutionists. They
were the heirs and the guardians of the price
less treasures Of mankind The British king
ard his ministers were the revolutionists.
They were reactionaries, seeking arbitrarily
to turn back the hands upon the dial of time
A year of doubt and debate, the baptism Of
blood upon battle fields where soldiers from
every colony fought under common stand
ard and consolidated the Continental army,
gradually lifted the soul and understanding
of this immortal congress to the sublime dec
laration: 1--WE, therefore, the representatives
Of the United States of America, in general
congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme
Judge of the world for the rectitude of our
intentions, do, in the name and by the au-
thority Of the good people of these colonies,
solemnly publish and declare that these united
colonies are, and of right ought to be, free
and independent states"
To this declaration John Hancock, pro-
scribed and threatened with death, affixed a
signature which has stood for century like
the pointers to the north star in the firma-
menr of freedom, and Charles Carroll, tainted
that among many CAROLS he, the richest
ton and Identification with 'tof Carrollton. y
Benjamin Harrison, delegate from Vir-
ginia, the ancestor Of theAiistinguished states
man and solder who today so worthily fills
the chair of Washington, voiced the unalter-
able determination and defiance Of the con-
gress He seized John Hancock, upon whose
head price was set, in his arms, and, placing
him in the presidential chair, said: 1--WE will
show Mother Britain how little we care for
her by making our president Massachusetts,
man, whom she has excluded from pardon
by public procamation;" and when they
were signing the Declaration, and the slender
Elbridge Gerry uttered the grim pleasantly,
1--WE must hang together or surely we win
hang separately" the portly Harrison re-
sponded with the more daring humor, ssIt
will be all over with me in a moment. but
you viii be kicking in the air half an hour
after am gonen Thus flashed athwart the
great charter, which was to be for its signers
death warrant or diploma of immortality.
as with firm hand, high purpose and UNI
daunted resolution they subscribed their
names, this mockery of fear and the penalties
of treason.
Sovereignty of the People.
The grand central idea OF the Declaration
Of Independence was the sovereignty of the
people It relied for original power, notupon
states or colonies or their citizens as such. but
recognized as tie authority for nationality
the revolutionary rights Of the people of the
United States.
More clearly than any statesman of the
period did THOMAS jefferson grasp and divine
the possibilities of p pular government. Up
on his famous axiom Of the equality of all
men before the law, he constructed his sys-
tenn. 1t was the trip hammer essential for
the emergency to break the links binding the
colonies to imperial authority and to pulver-
ize tho privileges OF caste Ii inspired him
10 write the Declaration of Independence and
persuaded him to doubt the wisdom of the
powers concentrated in the constitution. In
his passionate love Of liberty he became in
tensely jealous of authority He DESTROYED
the substance OF royal prerogative. but never
emerged from its shadow. He would have
the states as the guardians of popular rights
and the barriers against cent aIization. and
he saw in The growing power OF the. nation
ever increasing encroachments upon the
rights of lie people,
Where this master mind halted, ali stood
still The necessity for permanent Union
was apparent, but each state must have hold
upon the howstring which encircled its
throat. It was admitted that union gave the
machinery required to successfully fight the
common enemy, but yet there was fear that
It might become Frankenstein and destroy
It's creators.
Anarchy shows Itself
But, while the perils Of war had given tenn
porary strength To. the confederation. peaca
developed its fatal weakness. Il derived no
authority from tie people. and could not an
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