The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1889-03-07
INAUGURAL.


the past use every endeayor TO MAINTAIN
and restore our friendly relations Win
all the great powers, bnt they Will not e1-
pect us to look kindly upon any project
that would leave us subject to the dan
gers of hostile observation. We have not
sought to dominate or to absorb any OF
our weaker neighbors, but rather to en-
courage them to establish free and stable
governments, resting upon the consent OF
their own people. We have a clear right
to expect, therefore, that no European
government will seek to establish colonial
defenses upon the territory of those inter
continental American states. That which
q sense of justice restraints US from seek
ing they may be reasonably expected will
ingly to forego.
1t must not be assumed, however, that
our interests are so exclusively American
that our entire inattention to any events
that may transpire elsewhere can be taken
for granted. Our citizens, domiciled for
the purpose of trade in all countries and
in many of the islands of the sea, demand
and will have our adequate care in their
personal and commercial rights.
The necessities of our navy require con-
venient coaling stations and dock and
harbor privileges. These and other trad
ing privileges we will feel free to obtain
only by means that do not in any degree
partake of coercion, however feeble the
Government from which we ask
suoh CONCESSIONS. But, having fairly OBJ
tained them by methods and for purposes
entirely consistent with the most friendly
disposition toward all other powers, our
consent will be necessary to any modihca-
ton in the i'm pairment of the concession.
We shall neither fail to respect the flag of
any friendly nation or just rights of its
citizens, nor to exact like treatment of
our own. Calmness, Justice and consider
alton should characterize our diplomacy.
The Offices of an intelligent diplomacy
or of friendly arbitration in proper cases
should be adequate to a peaceful adjust
ment of all international difficulties by
such methods. We will make our CON
tributiOn to the worlds peace, which no
nation values more highly, and avoid the
opprobrium which must fall upon the ma
Gion that ruthlessly breaks it.
CIVIL SERVICE.
The duty devOlVed by law upon the
president to nominate and by and with
the consent of the senate to appoint all
public officers whose appointment Is not
otherwise provided for in the Constitution
by act of congress, has become very bur
densome and its wise and efficient dis
charge full of difficulty. The civil list is
so large, the number of applicants SO
great, that it is impossible. The president
must relyOn the representations of others,
. and these are often made inconsiderately
and without any just sense of response
billty.
Ihave a right think,to insist that those
who volunteer or are invited to give ad-
vice as to appointments, shall exercise
consideration and fidelity. A high sense
of duty and ambition to improve tho SER
vice should characterize all public officers.
There are many ways in which conven-
fence and comfort, to those who have
business with our public officers, may be
promoted by a thoughtful and obliging
officer, and | shall expect those whom
l may appoint to justify their
selection by conspicuous efficiency in the
discharge of their duties. Honorable
party service will certainly not be es-
teemed by me disqualification for public
office, but it will in no case be allowed to
serve as shield of official negligence, in
competency or delinquency. It's entirely
creditable to seek public Office by proper
methods and proper motives. All appli-
Giants will be treated with oOnsidera-
tion but / will need and the heads
of departments will need time for inquiry
and elaboration. Persistent importu
nifty will not therefore be the best support
of an application for Office. Heads of de-
partmeuts, bureaus and all other public
Int
with will be expected to enforce the civil
service law fully and without evasion.
Beyond this obvious duty, | hope to do
something more to advance the reform of
civil service.
The ideal, or even my own ideal, shall
probably not attain. retrospect will be
a safer basis of judgment than promises.
We shall not, however, am sure, be able
to put our civil service upon a non-psr-
tisan basis until we have secured an in
-cumbency that fair-miudei men of the
opposition will approve for impartiality
and integrity, As the number of such in
the civil list is increased removals from
office will diminish.
FINANCIAL.
While treasury surplus is the greatest
evil, il is q serious evil. Our revenue
should be ample to meet ordinary annual
expenses and demands upon the treasury,
with sufficient margin for those
extraordinary but scarcely less imperative
demands which arise now and then. Ex-
penditures should always be made with
economy and only upon public necessity.
wastefulness, proaigacy aud favoritism
in public expenditures is criminal. But
there is nothing in the condition of our
country or our people to suggest that
anything presently necessary to public
prosperity, security or honor should be
unduly postponed.
1t will be the duty of congress wisely to
forecast and estimate those extra
ordinary demands, and having added
them to our ordinary expenditures to so
adjust our revenue laws that no consider
able annual surplus will remain. We will,
fortunately, be able to apply to the re-
demption of the public debt any smaller
unforeseen excess of revenue. This is
better than to reduce our income below
our necessary expenditures with the re-