The Greenville times. [volume] (Greenville, Miss.) 1868-1917, 1889-01-12

I her industries and earn Tor her those
universal plaudits of mankind which
do not fail TO reward brave aud gem
erous action.
The trouble with such plan is that
it necessarily rests with the state them
selves, and in them il would meet the
opposition of two classes of voters -
first, those politicians who would be
unwilling to submit to any curtail-
ment of the political power ofthe state
in the federal government, and second,
the voters who would be DISTINGUISHED
by the change. suppose il would be
impossible to ratify such an amend
ment IN any of the states where it is
most needed without excluding from
the ballot-box the voters to be affected
by it, or fraudulently throwing out
their votes;-a suggestion too afro
cious to be considered.
There is way, however, in which
the thing could be done without re-
sorting to crime for Its accomplish
ment. 1t is by amendment of the fed
eral constitution. 1t would be entire
ly possible to provide in that manner
that in certain states, (and should
be glad If it included all of them) and
for limited time, if that were thought
best, the elective franchise should be
limited by an educational test. No
one would think of imposing such an
amendment on unwilling states but if
any number of states should ask it.as a
means of relief from evils beyond their
own power TO deal with should think
1t should and would be done without
regarding the wishes of either the
black or white men 10 be disfranchised
by the change. 1t would be the act
Of all the people of the Union for the
good of all, and that fact would purge
II of any element Of injustice.
Another, and widely different plan,
would be to let the federal government
take full control of elections in states
where the negro is denied the full ex-
ercise of his rights. Every American
voter enjoys dual citizenship.--one,
state, and the other, national. II is as
a citizen of the state that he votes at
state and municipal elections, and it is
the duty of the state government to
protect him in that right. 1t is as a
citizen of the United States that he
votes for members of congress and
presidential electors; and 1t is the
duty of the United States to protect
him In that right. For this purpose it
would be within the power ofcongress
to pass national registration law, up
point election boards, and provide all
necessary safeguards for the casting,
counting and return of votes for all
federal officers chosen by the people.
This would be q radical, and III some
respects severe measure. But IL
would rest on incontestible grounds of
right and 1t would be less objection
able in practice than any scheme in
volvlng interference by Federal au-
thority in local elections. It is the
participation Of the negro in the affairs
of the State and county that excites
the deepest hostility of Southern white
men. 1t is there that his presence
touches their race prejudice most
keenly, and his incapacity threatens
their interests most seriously. BY this
means National and State pelitics
could be entirely divorced, and the
elections held at different times.
Such scheme would not put the
negro in the full possession of all his
rights under the law. At State elec-
tions he would still be at the mercy of
the State government and his white
neighbors. But it would protect him
in his rights as Federal citizen by all
the power of the Federal government,
which would be a full discharge of its
immediate duty. II twoud make more
difficult the unlawful suppression of
the colored vote at State elections.
But that Is not an object to be listened
to. On the contrary, IL Is in favor of
the plan that 1t would increase the ur-
gency of the necessity for some Just
solution of the difficulty by the States
themselves.
| proposed, moment ago, to look
at the possibilities. Here are two of
them, If we may call them by that
name. Perhaps conceivabiltres would
be better word. The difficulties at
tending both are SO great that they
sound in my own ears like Ethiopian
dreams as | outline them. | have
spoken of them no. so much to pro-
pose them seriously, as to illustrate the
dire extremity of the situation; situ-
alton SO dreadful that the only RENE
dies that can be proposed are them
selves all but impossible. Not In
legal sense, for there is no difficulty of
that sort in either of them, but be-
cause of the angry collisions and Bit
ter resentments that will attend any
attempt to protect the negro by the
power of the law. One of the embar-
RAISING features of the business is that
anything that may be done by the Re
publican party for the benefit of the
colored man will be instantly denoun-
ced as mere pariisanship. Any means
employed TO protect the ballot box
will be assailed as invasions OF its free
dom; and such hue and cry will be
raised that men who love peace and
quiet, and who do not adequately un-
derstand or appreciate the situation
will become dissatisfied and withdraw
their sympathy from the party. The
Republican party can extend its hand
to help the negro only Mt the same risk
at which a man jumps into the water
10 save his drowning brother.
need not say that in whatever we
do we ought not to be actuated by any
desire of mere party advantage TO
do justice because It is duty, and to
save the union from the peril of false
votes ought TO be the governing mo-
tive in all that we undertake. And if
possible, we ought to make that fact
so plain in our conduct that no man
can gainsay it.
Until the South is prepared to move
in the direction of limited suffrage, or
Congress takes the matter in hand by
legislation, there Is nothing within the
power of the Republican party. thro'
its control of the government, that will
affect the question except Federal ap-
pointments In the South. It is to this
that the country will look with first
1 atrI nruf t.xa.x II. Il.