The National tribune., 1889-07-25
dealers would be that much richer, and that
is all.


A PIECE OF ANTIQUATED LUMBER.
II, as she says she win, North Dakota re-
tains the veto power for the Governor, she
will make n great mistake. The veto is an
obsolete and obstructive inheritance from
the despotism of Kings. 1t has no place
whatever in the Governmental theories Of
to-day, which place the sole responsibility
for the making of laws where it properly
belongs-on the direct representatives of
| the people. The Executive has no business
supervising or correcting the work of the
legislative branch. IF the latter makes
blunders it is responsible to the people, and
not to any man, no matter what his station
The veto in our form of Government was
inherited from the English. When the
English reformed and popularized their
Government by taking away from the King
nearly all his legislative and judicial pre-
negatives, they left him the veto power by
way of concession. But no King or Queen
of England has exercised it since 1922
nearly 200 years ago, and would not dare ex-
ercise it. Every English writer agrees that
an attempt to veto law would produce
revolution.
The profound distrust of the people as
rulers, which was so prominent in many of the
acts of the founders Of our Government, led
them to engraft the veto upon our system,
though even at that time there had not been
a veto in England for nearly a century. On
the other hand, they had had most irritating
experiences with the vetoes of the royal
Governors of the Colonies. It was constantly
used by them to thwart the will Of the peo-
pie and extort money or other favors. Frank
lin says that in Pennsylvania
1t became at last the regular practice 10 have or
ders the Treasury in his (the Governor'sl favor
presented along with the bills TO be signed, so that
he might actually receive the former before he
should sign the latter.
The annoying use of the veto power by
the Governor of South Carolina led to his
expulsion by the indignant colonists before
the Revolution broke out. In other Colonies,
particularly Virginia, it was nearly as bad,
and the evils suffered from the vetoes form
one of the loudest complaints in the Decla-
ration of Independence. But when our
fathers came TO form our Government they
were beset with many fears. A popular
Government for nation was new expert
ment, and they trembled at the risk. They
feared to allow the people TO elect their Chief
Ruler, and so they devised the cumbrous
machinery of the Electoral College They
feared TO trust the representatives of the
people with unrestricted liberty in making
their laws, so they clothed the Chief Execu-
tive with the veto power. Franklin gave as
his reasons for supporting the veto:
A single man may be afraid or ashamed OF doing
injustice; body Is never either one or the other.
| II Il Is strong enough II cannot apprehend assas-
snaiion, and by dividing the shame among so many
| II Is 80 little apiece that minds IT,
Both the Electoral College and the veto
are now recognized as blunders The former
has become mere fora, with its essence as
dead as that of the royal veto of England,
for no Elector will dream OF voting for any
other man than the one on the head OF his
ticket. Even If he wished to do so the peo-
pie would not permit IL. To attempt 10 seat
a President who had been chosen by the
Electors, outside Of the regular candidate,
would inevitably produce civil war. Yet
the trainers of the Constitution intended
that the Electors should have power to
chusep whomsoever they pleased, without
reference 20 the popular voice. Right-think-
ing Presidents have regarded the veto-power
as nearly as obsolete as the Electoral College
idea Washington vetoed but two bills in
his eight years; John Adams and Thomas
Jefferson vetoed none in their IL years; Mad
ison vetoed six in eight years, and Monroe
but one in his two terms. Jackson vetoed
nine bills, mostly for internal improvements
Van Buren, vetoed none. Tyler vented his
spite against those whom he betrayed by six
yetoes. Polk vetoed two. Neither Taylor or
Fillmore vetoed any. Pierce vetoed nine,
mostly for internal improvements, and Blu
chanan vetoed one homestead bill. Lin
coin vetoed but one. In the course of his
contest with Congress Andrew johnson ve-
toed number, most Of which were promptly
passed over his veto, which was the FIRST time
in our history such thing was done. Grant
vetoed but two bills, both relating to the
currency. Hayes vetoed number, and Ar
thur two Cleveland grossly prostituted the
veto power, disappearing in all over 600 bills
passed by Congress.
In four Of the states-Ohio Rhode Island,
North Carolina and Delaware--the Governor
has no veto power, and the system works
! admirably. The entire responsibility oil
law-malking rests on the Legislatures, subject
! only to the Supreme Courts decision as to
Constitutionalityr and il is exercised with
, due sense Of accountability TO the people. In