St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1889-12-25
FIELD OF PUBLIC SCHOOLS.

1t is eauee for regret when an i'm
portant question of public policy is dis
cussed from partisan basis, either po-
litical or religious. In the present dis
eussien of the proper relation of the
public school to the moral and religious
training of the child, there is constant
danger that the public shall be blinded
as to the real question 10y the polemic
utterances of the advocates of this or
that theory; particularly of this or that
religious sect. 1t would be especially
unfortunate, should the question,
What shall our public schools teach?'
degenerate into raDGorous quarrel be-
tween Protestant and Catholic. That
this is the present danger is shown by
the character Of many of the cOmmuni-
cations appearing in tine daily papers
from religious partisanS who have
sprung into che arena for the defense of
one or other of the chief combatants.
and also by recent regrettable occur
rences in certain states of the Union,
where pulpit has been pitted against
pulpit, doctrine against doctrine.
1t is TO help little, if possible,
toward clearing the ground that this
article is written, The attempt shall
be confined to the statement of few
Fundamental principles, which may APP
pear to some axionIatie.
The common schools of this country
are public Institutions. That is, they
are maintained By the state for her own
ends. These eads are the training of
ha oh 81 he rfa in
and in such manner as snail fit them
for citizenship. The schools are the
states lneaRS of seif-perpetuatien
They touch the children only as chill
dren of the state, and have no rights
with them On any other grounds or in
any other relation. They cannot inter-
fere in the least with the relation of
parent to child or of church to child.
This will doubtless readily be granted.
The public schools must teach the chill
dren such things, and such only, as the
parent state requires. How shall that
be determined? The answer to this
question involves clear statement of
what constitutes the state.
The opinions Of political philosophers
do not aid US materially here. The
state is not an executive or legislature,
nor is iE any nor all of the machinery Of
government, nor yet is it majority.
A free state is an entity composed
of continually changing constituents,
the people. It's vitalizing and unifying
principle is the common g0od-not the
good of the majority, or q minority, or
even compromise between the two,
| but the common good. This common
good is determined by a practical coIIsen-
sus of opinion. Upon this basis only can
public institutions be permanent A
ruling class or person may decree; a
majority, or even minority may tyran-
nize; but unless there comes to be a
| practical consensus with regard to a
| given institution, Il must fail. IL is use
| less for individuals to complain because
| public institution does not serve this
purpose or that purpose, unless it is the
| wish Of the state Is above defined.
| Now the state recognizes the need of
certain qualifications for citizenship.
| Hence she establishes public schools to
instruct her children In these essentials.
This she must do for herself, as thus
| alone can she be sure that 1t is uriver-
ally and thoroughly done. She cannot
delegate it TO another. There is prae-
| teal consensus as to these quaiifca-
tions. Children must become. as good
citizens, self-supP0rting, intelligent.
moral. with powers thoroughly trained
to meet all now difficulties along these
three lines. No enc is prepared to dis
! pute this. AS to the kinds of training
by which these ends shall be attained
there is practical agreement except as to
the last. No one even here denies that
morality should be ineuicated. ALI adj
nit that children IN school should be
taught the principles Of moral conduct
and be COMPELLED to practice them.
Upon fhis practical consensus our pub
lie curriculum Is based, II includes, In