The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1889-07-18
IEH STATEHOOD OF T A

ALL p4h46aOOD VI o4hns
while the Journal agrees with the al
MOST unanimous opinion of the Ameri-
can people that Utah should not be
clothed with the dignity and authority
of statehood, while retaining her present
social and political rottenness, it does
not cOncede the sOundness of the argu-
ment by which the conclusion is usually
reached. To assume that, once a State,
it would be so clothed with sovereignty
that it would be impossible to correct,
or even hold in check, its monstrous
outrages upon civilization and good gov
eminent, is to assume that our political
existence is a rope of sand. 1t was a
similar political heresy that developed
and matured the State-rights dogma of a
half century ago, until it led to open re-
belliOn and a bloody war. The necessi-
ties of self-preservatiOn merely called
into activity powers of government
already existing, but until then dor
mant; they did not create those powers.
So, again, when the necessity comes, the
power to correct existing and growing
evils will be found to exist in our form
of government. We may be slow to as
sert it-tOO slow, perhaps, but it will be
asserted in the end, or the end of our
national existence will come. There is
no doubt now hat if one 1.-THE of the
federal authority displayed in the wal
had been used firmly a quarter of a
century earlier in maintaining the SOW
ereignty of the Nation, as against the
doctrine and practice of State SOW
ereignty, the shedding of rivers of blood
might have been prevented.
Let us keep Utah in territorial lead
ing-strings a little longer. 1t is at least
more convenient t o hold her i'm check as
a Territory than as a State; but she
must ultimately, and not very remotely,
become a State. Will she thus pass
from under the control of the Nation?
Certainly not. State sovereignty
is a very limited sovereignty,
yet the phrase is becoming the
language of the dangerous demagogue,
just as it was in the times which pre-
pared ine>psiderate men for the battle
field. Utah never can become a SOW
ereign State. New York is not, Indiana
is not, and New York, and Indiana, and
Utah must each and all submit to the
supreme authority of the Nation.
There are yet many undevelOped
points at which national authority may
have to touch the Individual States.
With commendable patience that u
thority is withheld, in hopes that the
wrongs already developing may be
righted without national interference.
Thus, for instance, in practice one voter
in Georgia has as much voice in the cleo
ton of a President Or in the House of
Representatives as seventeen and a half
voters in Indiana or New York. He
must be a political lunatic who imagines
that that condition of affairs can be per-
petual. Or, again, under existing laws a
party lacking $1,000 of a majority in
Indiana has ten representatives in Con-
gress out of the thirteen TO which
the State is entitled, with hardly
a possibility of its ever becoming other
wise in either case, without the inter-
vention Of the superior power of the Ma
ton, which is bound to see that at least
the forms of a republican government
are preserved.
Let Utah remain q Territory vet a
little longer, but the Journal wishes to
be on record against that politicalheresy
which is rapidly striding to the front, as
it did thirty years ago, and fraught with
as many dangers-that any State may
regulate all of its institutions in its own
way. While demanding local govern
ment to the very verge of local indie
| pendence, the Journal maintains both
the right and the duty of the national
government to protect the humblest cit
izen of every State in his social and po-
litical rights. The occasion will develop
the right, and, warned by experience, it
is not likely that the conflicting claim to
sovereignty by any State wilfbe disre-
| garded until it has blossomed into re-
| belliOn.