St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1889-11-14
THE LABOR CONVENTION.

MdSICI w Wv DEhA4I OOh-
servatism is to be put to the severest
test in the annual labor convention now
in session at Atlanta. Mr.. POwDERLY'S
supremacy over the organization has at
last been recOgniZed-so far, indeed, that
there will be no organized opposition to
his reelection; sothar whatever is done
by the body in session at Atlanta, or
whatever it fails to do, Mr.. PowDERLY
will be held responsible.
There are two important changes in
the laws of the labor association which
will be proposed, and as they have re-
ceiyed the approval of the committee on
revision of the laws there is probable
ity that they will be adopted. One is to
remove the veil Of secrecy from
the proceedings of labor conven-
tons; aud the other is in effect
to reconstruct the organization on
a political basis. Heretofore, while
the labor vote has been an important
factor, and sometimes a determining
one, in political contests, still the labor
organization has held aloof from poll
tics and has claimed to be non-partisan
association.
The interests of the labor movement
cannot be jeopardized by the first pro-
posed change. In the first place, no or
ganization that has to deal with public
questions, or whose actions influence
public matters, should attempt to con-
ceal its proceedings from public view.
There is a well-defined American SEN
ma - or M nd fhnrn
is no question but that the labor cause
has been retarded by the fact that its
movements are sbrouded in secrecy. If
the Atlanta convention will remove this
obstacle the cause of labor will be pro-
NOTED thereby.
1t is not so certain, however, that the
second proposed change will prove so
beneficial to the labor cause. At best,
it is an open question whether the time
is ripe for the organization of distinct
political party on labor platform, even
if such movement were considered de-
sirable. Politics is the rock upon which
all similar associations in the past have
gone to pieces. The very moment that
they became partisan their doom was
sealed, because it gave the politicians
the opportunity to wreck them. In the
light of past history it would be very
venturesOme thing for the labor Organi-
cation to enter the field of politics and
contest for supremacy in state and Ia
tiOnal affairs. There would be the risk
of losing the substance in grasping at
the shadow.
There are times when the labor cause
could be promoted if the members of
the organization would all stand to-
gether in political contests, And yet
it would be dangerous power to
confer upon the leaders of the move
ment to give them authority to swing
the organization into line in support of
this or that political party. In the fist
place, it would be temptation for the
venal element to get control of the or
ganiZation for the purpose of making
commerce of it. In the second place, it
would destroy the prestige the organi-
cation has won by its constant fidelity
to principle and a strict adherence to an
unselish policy.
There would not be so much objection
to the labor union being converted into
a political association ii 1t could manage
to preserve its political autonomy and
not be constantly made the tail to the
kite of some other political organiza-
ton. The interests of labor depend so
largely upon legislation and upon the
manner of enforcing the laws, it is but
natural that the laboring classes should
desire to have some control in the adj
ministration of the government. Still,
until the working classes are abb to
agree among themselves as to what
they want and to unite in their demands,
we question the wisdom of projecting
themselves as a distinct factor in Amer
lean politics.