St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1889-09-01
NEEDS MORE nerve.
Gov. Merriam Is Bluffed by
a Fifth District Gran
ger,
Who Believes in Tariff Re-
form and Votes as He J
PleaSeS.
A Comparison OF the McGill
and Merriam Plurali- 1
ties. =
If McGill Was Unsafe Last
Year, How About Mer-
Ram in 1890?
Merriam lacks 'tnerYe."

MSlllllh ldCho HVlfCs
He could fire ex-Deputy Insurance
Commissioner Todd and Gen. ''Chris"
Brandt without even hearing or tn e
slightest preteXt In the way of cause,
bnt he hesitates, consults, and-wilts-
when it comes to ''bOuncing" HodgsOn,
the Farmers Alliance grain inspector
who is holding down a snug berth In ST.
Paul. Only few days ago Gov. Mer-
riam sent for Mr.. Hodgson and informed
him that it was only his questionable
Republicanism" that stood IN the way
of his reappointment.
Il have always reserved the right to
scratch the name of an unworthy candi-
date on my ticket" replied Mr.. Hodg-
son, land | consider myself better
Republican for so doing"
Eyes, of course, that's So" unused the
governor as the independent Fifth dis
trict granger departed.
There hasn't been a meeting of the
railroad commissioners for long time
at which the HOdgSOn case has not been
considered, End the fact that the mde
pendent tariff reform granger is still on
deck is simply owing to the fear that
his dismissal will widen the breach be-
miniStration. Nearly the entire grain
inspection force, with the exception of
HodgSon, have disappeared. and their
places are now filled by staunch Mer-
RAM men. All these men were dyed
in-thewOOl Republicans, but Staunch
RepubIicanism availeth little when
compared to man who can control a
part of the farmer vote and the entire
delegation from Grant county to almost
any Republican state or district cOnven-
ton.
If Farmer Hodgson would only kindly
resign, as requested, how it would clear
up things for the governor and Judge
Williams, of the railroad commission.
But he resolutely declines to do this,
and-the administration is afraid to fire
the only man in the service who refuses
to pledge himself to the governor year
hence.
Tim" Byrnes, who cleft $4,000 a
year practice to learn politics at the
feet of Window" l notice, makes the
prophecy that Merriam will be renomi-
mated without opposition next year.
With all due Difference to Tins CANA
lel, it does look as though the gov
ernOr might have just a little opposition
in the convention. And, by the way,
weren't Tim" and his gang loudly pro-
claiming last year that it would never
do to renominate McGill because he ran
behind his ticket in 1886? In this con-
nection it may be interesting to COM
pare Merriam'S run for governor last
fall with that made by McGill in 1856.
This question becomes especially inter-
esting when one recalls the fact that
one of the main arguments adduced by
the advocates of the nomination of
the present governor of Minnesota
at the Republican state convention last
year was the plea that his nomination
would add strength to both the state
and congressional tickets. Nominate
Merriam was the cry, land he will
carry Minnesota by au Old-time major
ity." The governor was nominated,
but where was the ''old-time majority?"
Was there ever more desperate fight
made to save one man on a ticket than
was fought for Merriam in every pre-
cinct in the entire state. The interests
of local. state and congressional candi-
dates, all were sacrificed, and still Mer-
RAM was 14,003 behind the head and av-
erage of his ticket.
Gov. McGill, in the memorable Ames-
McGill campaign of 1886, was just a.
GAL votes behind Lieut.. Gov. Rice.
And in this connection one must recOl-
ect that the last gubernatorial election
was held at time when nothing but
the straight ticket VENT; that this cry
was aided by vast sums of cash which
the 1886 campaign knew not; that MeT-
Iiam was aided by the hardeSt-fOught
campaign the Republicans ever made in
Minnesota; and finally, that he was as
far behind his ticket in presidential
year as was McGill in an loft year."
The voters of the Republican party
for several years previous to the cam
paign of 1886 had been growing restless
under the lOng-continued and arrogant
rule of what they considered a ma
chine, run by the millers of Minneapo-
lis, and no man who could have been
nominated i'm the Minneapolis conven-
ton of that year could have pOlled any
thing near the full party vote. The
people at large were dissatisfied and
they manifested their spleen by "cut-
ting" the head of the ticket.
Had Gilman been nominated at that
time. he would not have polled heavier
vote in the cities than did McGill. and
Southern Minnesota would have dis
counted all his gains in the ''bloody
fight" while the nomination of Gibbs
would have been casting sop to the
farmers, and having them turn up their
noses and refuse it.
Is. Doodle all-powerful in politics,
after all?
Which one was the stronger and more
popular candidate before the people.
the man who. in an off year, amidst a
campaign of Misrepresentation with the
brunt of the fight on his own shoulders,
and with very little money, pulled
through 1862 votes behind his ticket,
or the man who, with an inexhaustible
supply of doodle" and aided by strong
presidential and congressional CAIN
paignS, managed to secure an election,
although he was 14,003 behind his
ticket?
In 1886 what may be called Demo
cratic wave swept over Minnesota, ana
Democrats were elected to congress in
no less than three out of the five ais
trictS in the state. In 1888 all these dis
tricts were carried by the Republicans
by very large majorities, all of which
helped Merriam greatly, as the defeat
of Lovely, Herbert and Gilfillan was
bad for McGill.
All things being considered, using the
same arguments as were employed by
the opponents of McGill year ago, can
Merriam be considered safe candidate
for his party next year? j. A. n.