The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1889-08-21

political condition differing in every respect
from that existing among other nations of the
earth. In the participation of this enterprise
so full of promise and hope all were invited to
share-those who were restricted of their per
sonal freedom, those who were denied religious
liberty, those who were oppressed or abridged
In the exercise OF their personal rights, came
and were welcome. They assisted to bud the
great nation. In every work going 10 its de-
velopment moral, social, financial, political
they labored unsel6shly and devotedly. In
moments of public danger in times of VIZ tur-
bulence, bloOdshed they were resolute, earnest,
courageous.
This nation became the heritage OF every
heir of human liberty, and. now. for upwa,d of
100 years, 1t has stood as beacon at sea making
proclamation 10 people OF all lands TO find here
home where conditions were more favorable
for individual betterment. Immigration
not in any way restricted. all classes came, all
classes were welcome. We had a homogeneous
population, with little tie of blood and
no more of kinship in tongue. Out
OF all these various elements, the
great fabric OF society was to be, and
has been constructed. You have often doubtless
considered the immensely of this undertaking;
we enjoy its blessings. But have you cOnsid-
cred that the vigor and vitality cannot be put
to a great tax, and that more circumspect and
restrictive policy as to immigration and not be-
coming very pertinent and very masculine
question? The rapid increase of population;
the exhaustion of the public domain; the
steady decrease IN wages, are some OF the fac
tors in this question. l take it that there is no
fair-minded man who Tor a moment desires to
deprive a worthy man or woman, whose acct
dent OF birth made he or she subject rather
than a citizen of a country, from sharing In the
advantages OF a country where individual en-
Geavor has the greater opportunity for success.
/ likewise take 1t that there is sentiment in
this country that that class of people who are
Objectionable at home should be Objectionable
In our household. That person who is bad
citizen in another country rarely becomes a
good one here. That person who comes to this
country, or is brought to this country under
contract who never intends TO identity himsSf
with our institutions permanently, who comes
a stranger and always remains a stranger to our
habits, customs, laws. is an Objectionable per
son, who should not only be restricted but pro-
hibited. /, of course, understand there is now
such a prohibitory law, but, like every
other prohibitory law is practically imperative
All persons belonging 10 the assisted pauper,
infected by disease or criminal class should
come within the provision OF absolute prohihi-
ton. We should not be the public dumping
ground OF all Europe, to dump on US her OBJ
Jeotionable people. We maintain as our fiscal
policy system which proponents say is for
the purpose of developing the country, and
especially to give to that class of citizens who
are wage-earners a security and certainty Of
permanent employment Many very good men
and very honest men believe this. Others unbe-
lieve while asking TO be sustained in their be-
lief No honest and Conscientious man be-
lieves that it is better to place high tax on an
article manufactured in another country in
order TO give employment to makers of the
same article In this country, and at the same
time permit the foreign workman to come
with his content, with lower wages and drive
the American mechanic from his workshop.
Ii a tariff laid is practical, if il is just, it
should have just and practical application. /
might be asked, would you restrict the immi-
grafton OF q worthy European mechanic who is
moved to come to this country from desire to
improve his condition? Certainly not. But l
would require of him that he should become
citizen OF the United States; that he should, as
the naturalization laws say, renounce forever
all potentates, princes and powers, and es-
pecially the reigning prince of that country of
which he is a native. de should become an
American citizen not only in name, but in fact
also. He should take his share of every bur
then which every other citizen is required to
support. He should identity himself and his
family with all our political institutions.
When the immigrant exists in such conditions
he does not underbid in the labor market sell
ing his product for less than other men sell for,
living penuriously and meanly, boarding that
which be earns, longing for the hour when,
having accumulated something of a compe-
tency, he can return to his native land does
the Portuguese from the Brazils or the China
man from the United States.
j am a believer in compulsory citizenship. 1t
is too plain and simple proposition to require
argument or illustration, and, if enforced,
would answer in part the question which you
have propounded here to myself to-day. A
foreign-born person may live in this country
any number OF years, competing with persons
who are citizens, avoiding almost
every obligation imposed by society.
especially that of a call to arms, when some
danger assails the life of the nation, shar-
ing in all the benefits of the bona fde citizen,
protected by the same laws enjoying the same
nd oil he inc rrror ali
duties and obligations. No other country in
the world permits such condition. Why
should we? Every six months all citizens IN
the Russian empire must report to the commits
sary of police for his district and renew his
passport to live in the land of his nativity.
The foreign born, who are not protected by
treaty, must do the same. While there is not
much in the Russian system of government L
approve, In that country no one is permitted 10
skulk or hide himself from the payment OF the
duty he owes to the power that gives him pro-
lection. As our law now exists IL Is optional
with the immigrant to become a citizen. 1t re-
quires residence of five years to do so. By
this probationary clause IL Is supposed that the
petitioner for citizenship will have become well
qualified for the duties of the same. Not
always, perhaps, but he at least makes an
effort and willingly renounces all allegiance
to any other government. The emigrant
who does not do this should be
compelled to do So and very simple and eff
gress to pass a law making ever foreigner re-
siding in the country without special pass
port from their own country citizen after q
residence of three years. / have seen so many
instances, had so much personal contact with
individuals who had no legal citizenship, indi-
viduals who escape all the ordinary obligations
of citizenship that | know that the only way
they can be reached is by compulsory citizen
ship. But compulsory citizenship will not of
itself correct the evil of unrestricted emigra-
ton. 1t will serve in part, and serve very well;
much more however, is refused. 1t is now at
tempted to restricted emigration as TO condl-
ton. This restriction has practically failed,
failed through either a dishonest or culpably
neglectful administration or enforcement OF
the law. Perhaps no other law would be any
more successful and certainly viii not until
there is something more OF an interest taken IN
the subject by the public generally.
No person who has ever seen an outgoing
steamer from an European port, or crossed the
ocean on one with a large number oil third
class passengers, but has realized the necessity
for a more restrictive law as regards the charac-
ter and class of European emigrants. 1t is an
object lesson that has the same effect on the
advocate of unrestricted emigration that Gus
tom-house official has on the advocate as pro-
tective tariff when trying to avoid the payment
of duty on the purchases he has madein Europe.
The one is converted 10 the belief in restrictive
legislation the other taken in the act denounces
all custom houses and custom officials, and Tor
the moment agrees with the most radical free
trader and regrets the doctrine that holds for
the abolition from commercial bondage the