New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1889-01-18

thor;ties have disclsimed any desire to prevent
eou;table settlements II is clear from the
tome of the German Minister'S letter to Secre-
tary Bayard dated June 2, 1888, that all dis
nutas Of this class can be satisfactorily adjust
cd and that American commercial rights will
not he Vantonly disregarded at Berlin. 1t is
the second group of questions relaVing TO ior-
eign Intervention in Samoan anairS that Is tne
real source of diplomatic embarrassment.
Secretary Bayard reiterates IN the closing
dispatch of the series the assertion frequently
made by him in the course of the correspond
ence that the United States desires the main
tenance Of Samoan autonomy, which is the
common basis Of the three treaties recently
negotiated. Secretary Whitney, in his instruc-
lions to Admiral Kimberly, briefly defines this
policy. "The United States Government" he
saws ais willing to cooperate IN restoring
order in Samoa on the basis Oh tne iull
preservation of American treaty rights and
samoan autonomy as recognized and agreed to
INV Germany. Great Britain and the United
States. and has so informed the German Gov
ernmentn Prince Bismarck in September,
1887, explained the German poncy with his
customary lucidity. "The conclusion cannot
he avoided,n he remarked, THAI what Is now
regarded as the independence and autonomy
Of the natives of Samoa is nothing but absolute
anarchy. and. as was the unanimous opinion OF
the snecial commissioners recently sent to Apia
nv Germanv. England and the United States,
chat native self-eoyernment without foreign
assistance il now impossible, and must be SO
for long time to come"
These extracts disclose a sharp divergence
of opinion between Washington and Berlin.
Secretary Bayard insists upon the maintenance
of autonomy. Prince Bismarck asserts that
foreign Intervention is necessary, and for years
he has been acting on that theory. In 1887,
after unceasing attempts to secure the annexa-
ton of Samoa, Germany deposed King Malietoa'
proclaimed Tamasese as his successor and took
charge Of the administration. since Septem-
Der, 1888, Gerraan warships have been bonn
harding towns and cooperating in every way
with the king in his warfare with the forces
in inslrreotion. While England and the United
States have professed neutrality between FAC
tions, and been willing to recognize any de
facto Government Germany has been over
turning one king and setting up another, and
has lent to Tamasese the support OF the guns
of it's squadron and strong force OF marines.
German intervention in Samoa has been in
direct contravention of that principle Of au-
tonomy which Secretary Bayard declares to be
the chief object Of American policy.
The impending overthrow OF TamaSese, who
has steadily been losing ground since Septem-
ber, may involve a temporary diScontinuance
of German aggression in Samoa; but even II
new king be enthroned with the sanction OF
the three Powers, intIigues will be renewed
and new complications will inevitably arise.
The presence Of the American, Klein, as
leader Of the anti-German forces may not i'm
peril the relations of the two countries; and
Admiral Kimberly may succeed in protecting
American rights and property without giving
offence to the arrogant consular and naval
officials OF the Empire; but even If imminent
dangers Of the Samoan situation are averted,
the country has been drawn unnecessarily into
diplomatic ENHANCEMENT which cannot fail
TO prove a source Of vexatious embarrassment.
Samoa lies entirely outside Of tho circle Of
American interests. England and Germany
may have something at stake in the control of
the islands, but the United States has nothing
10 gain from the controversies which have
arisen. The Monroe Doctrine is a standing
warning against meddesome activity in Eu-
ropean broils such as these