The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1889-12-11


it must be added before the argument is
complete. When those holding an admin
istrative Office so conduct themselves as to
convince Just political opponents that no
party consideration or bias affects in any
way the discharge of their public duties,
we can more easily stay the demand tor
removals.
am satisfied that both in and out OF the
classified service great benefit would ac-
crue from the adoption of some system by
which the officer would receive the dis
tinction and benefit that in all private en-
Payments comes from exceptional faith
fulness and efficiency in the performance
of duty. | have suggested TO the heads OF
the executive departments that they con-
slider whether a record might not be kept
in each bureau of all those elements that
are covered by the terms "faithfulness"
and efficiency" and a rating made show
ing the relative merits of the clerks OF each
class, this rating to be regarded as n test of
merit in making promotions. l have also
suggested 10 the postrnaster-generalt that
he adopt some plan by which he can, upon
the basis OF the reports to the department
and of frequent inspections, indicate the
relative merit Of postmasters of each class.
They will be appropriately indicated in
the official register and in the report OF the
department That Il great stimulus would
thus be given to the whole service | do
not doubt, and such record would be the
best defense against inconsiderate remoY-
ais from office.
Favors the Blair BIZ.
The interest of the general government
in the education of the people found an
early expression not only in the thought
full and sometimes warning utterances OF
our ablest statesmen, but in liberal appro-
priations from the common resource for
the support OF education in the new states.
No one will deny that it is of the gravest
national concern that those who hold the
ultimate control OF all public affairs should
have the necessary intelligence wisely to
direct and determine them. National aid
to education bas heretofore taken the
form of land grants, and in that form the
constitutional power OF congress to pro-
mote the education of the people is not
seriously questioned. i do not think it
can be successfully questioned when the
form is changed to that of direct grant OF
money from the public treasury
Such aid should be, as it always has
been, suggested by some exceptional con-
ditions. The sudden emancipation of the
slaves of the South, the bestowal of the
suffrage which soon followed, and the i'm
pairment OF the ability OF the states where
these new citizens were chiefly found to
adequately provide educational facilities,
presented not only exceptional, but unex-
ampled conditions. That the situation
has been much ameliorated there is no
doubt. The ability and interest OF the
states have happily increased, but great
work remains to be done, and | think
the general government should lend It's
aid. As the suggestion of a national
grant in aid of education grows chiefly out
OF the condition and needs of the enamel
pated slave and his descendants, the re-
lief should, as far as possible, while neces-
sariy proceeding upon some general lines,
be applied to the need that suggested 1t.
1t is essential if much good is to be ac-
complshed, that the sympathy and active
interest of the people of the states should
be enlisted, and that the methods adopted
should be such as to stimulate and not
to supplant local taxation for school pur-
poses.
As one congress can not bind a succeed
ing one in such a case, and as the effort
must be in some degree experimental,
recommend that any appropriation made
for this purpose be so limited in annual
amount and as to time over which it is to
extend that it will, on the one hand, give
the local school authorities opportunity To
make the best use OF the first years allow.
ance, and on the other deliver them from
the temptation to unduly postpone the as
sumption of the whole burden themselves