The Greenville times. [volume] (Greenville, Miss.) 1868-1917, 1889-01-12

tnOugnL Is 10 ulScnaTge the dutN re-
gardlesS of consequences. And then
we think of the colored man as we
him. But the negro of the cotton
field and sugar plantation, are widely
different men. There is gap gilmore
than three generations between them
in education, intelligence and fitness
for public affairs. Il is impossible to
admit men to the full enjoyment of
their rights without taking all the
chances of their conduct. Along the
low lands of the Mississippi river in
Arkansas, Mississippi and Louisiana,
and in parts of Alabama, Georgia and
the Carolinas the negroes would con-
troll the elections. That they would
manage public affairs wisely 1t would
be folly to expect. That they would
bankrupt every state aud county conn.,
ty controlled by them is not an extrav-
agant prediction.
More serious, even, than this, Is the
deep, undying prejudice of race
another element of the situation which
we ofthe north can hardly comprehend.
| do not justify IT. | win not stop to
anaylize it. l only say that it is there |;
that it is human: and that 1t has deep
er root than any other motive that
actuates men. There are men in the
south-thousands and thousands of
them, who are just, honorable. kind
aud patriotic in all things else, but
who will commit, or aid others to CON-
NIT fraud, perjury. or murder rather
than to submit to be governed by ne
groes or the votes of negroes.
have not over stated the case in
any particular; could not if | should
try. 1t is beyond exsggeration. And
it is not strange that, with a realizing
sense of the situation in mind, we
should return in despair to the qucs-
ton began with,-What can we do !;
what shall we try to do?
think we can not do that which we
would like to do. We can not rein
state the negro forthwith, or within
any brief period to come in the full
enjoyment of his rights. 70 do that
by compulsion would require the occu-
patton of the southern country by an
army. No can we do It by means
of federal appointments. 1t would be
easy enough to displace every Demo-
crat in office, and to appoint Republi-
cans, and encourage them to organize
the party, and take up the negro's
cause. But | believe such a course
would only intensity the animositics
that exist, draw the color line tighter,
and hurt the colored man the more.
And yet we can not be and ought not
10 be content to do nothing, TO aban-
don the helpless black man to his fate
without an effort in his behalf would
be an act of cowardice and pertidy.
Moreover, the situation is one of dam
ger to ourselves and our children. BY
the census of 1880 the colored popula-
tion of the south was within a fraction
of six millions. The rate of increase
from 1870 to 1880 was 34.67 percent.
Assuming like rate of increase from
1880 would give us a present popula-
tion of over seven and half millions
which would present a million and a
half voters, or one eighth of all the vo-
ters of the United States. That all
these citizens should be disfranchised
by lawless means is ofitself bad enough.
But that they should be counted in for
the apportionment, and out at the cleo
tion that the political power allotted
to them should be seized by others and
be the means in their hands ofcontrol-
ling or threatening to control the Or
ganization and policy of the govern
mcnt year after year and nothing so-
rious come of it is impossible. How
the catastrophe will occur We know
not, any more than Lincoln knew when
he said the Union could not stand
half slave and half free. We only
know that society has in war It's one
cure for disorders SO deep that no 9TH
er remedy can reach them.
And so, vain as 1t seems, let us turn
over the possibilities, and look at them.
The thing which | think ought to be
done is to amend the southern consti-
tutions and laws so as to impose an
educational limitation upon the cleo
tive franchise. The first effect of such
change would be to exclude the
great body of the negroes from Inc
ballot box. This would disfranehise
them, to be sure, but 1t would be bs
law. and not by fraud. which is iniin-
itely better. Its second effect would
be to reduce the representation of the
states affected in the lower branch of
Congress and in the electoral college.
Such a case is expressly provided for
by the fourteenth amendment of the
constitution, which declares that when
the right of suffrage is denied to any
citizens by any state its basis of repre-
sentation shall be proportionally rcdu-
ced.
This, 1t seems to me, would be the
happiest possible present disposition
of the problem. 1t would exclude
most of the colored votes at this time
and SO relieve the strain of the exist
ing situation. II would not be accep-
table to just men unless accompanied
by ample provision for the education
of the coming generations, and in this
the United States ought to aid. Il
would not solve, but only postpone to
some future day the final settlement
of the race question. But 1t would
give room for the influences of time,
emigration, industrial growth, and the
development Of new forces in society.
For the negroes 1t would supply the
highest possible incentive to progress !;
and for the whites it would obliterate
the color line in politics, and encour-
age that normal division of parties on
matters of legislation and administra-
ton which is now prevented by the
present spectre of negro domination.
The reduction of representation
which ii would involve, would be,
think, real benefit to the south, as
well as an act of justice to the nation.
The great need of the south Is material
development. The complete and last
ing pacitication which will most con-
duce to that end can come only on the
basis of mutual justice and candid
dealing. And with this win come a
self approving sense of satisfaction
which seems to me impossible in the