New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1889-01-25
A SIGNAL FOR ACTION.

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Administration is to be installed within six
weeks, and the responsibility for the conduct
of foreign affairs will be transferred from
Democratic President and his advisers to
Republican President and Cabinet. The situa-
ton will be analogous to that which confronted
the Gladstone Administration in 1880 at the
close of Lord Beaconsfeld's six years of diplo-
matte adventure. His critics, who had been
denouncing his policy Of meddlesome activity,
became responsible Ministers. While they had
differed from him on nearly every question OF
diplomacy, they were compelled by public con-
siderations to maintain continuity OF action
with his Administration. Great sections OF
the Liberal party were disappointed when
sharp diyergences in diplomatic action were
not Immediately disclosed, but a certain de-
gree of consistency was requisite, and the dig
nifty of the Empire had 10 be upheld. In the
same way the incoming Administration Will
have to take up questions with which Score
tary Bayard has been dealing, and to preserve
so far as is practicable continuity OF policy.
II cannot initiate new order of diplomacy
without regard for the course Of the previous
Administration. American diplomacy after
March must be made to fit in with American
diplomacy before March 4. Hence 1t Is most
important that neither Congress nor the pres
emit State Department should multiply or in
crease the embarrsssments under which the
next Administration viii labor, and also that
questions affecting the honor Of the Nation
should not be discussed with heat and partisan
feeling.
It is in this spirit that the amendments Of
fered by the Senate Committee to the Consular
and Diplomatic Appropriation bill should be
considered. The Administration will be armed
by these amendments With power 10 survey and
occupy the harbor of Page Page in Samoa, and
to secure the execution of treaty engagements.
By the treaty negotiated in 1873 the Govern
mept has an undisputed right to avail itself OF
these privileges. 1t is perhaps the finest har-
Dor in the South Pacific. 1t Is wide and deep,
completely landlocked, protected by lofty
mountains from hurricanes, naturally fortified,
and provided with landmarks which afford
safe and easy entrance. The privilege Of con-
verting it into coaling- station is valuable
one, especially in view Of the future develop
ment of American commerce and the seizure
by foreign Powers Of all other available islands
In the South Seas. The only use that has ever
been made of the privilege has been the dump
ing of cargo Of coal on the beach several
years ago, where it was left without care and
shelter. The adoption of these amendments
will be a formal notice to Germany that the
advantages which the United States honorably
and incontestably acquired by treaty will be
utilized. 1t will also be a warning both to
England and Germany that the rights and in
terests of the United States in Samoa are here
after to be protected, and foreign Powers held
to account for their treaty engagements.
In one word, the adoption Of these amend
ments will imply action Secretary Bayard has
been discussing for four years the points in
controversy, and his argument on the American
side has been logical and unanswerable; but
the Administration has never acted. 1t has
not acted even at the last moment in sending
ships of-war to Samoa, for under the vague in
structions which he has received Admiral Kim
berly can do nothing, as Mr. Bates demonstrates
In the lucid and very important interview pub
lished on another page. Germany, while oSten-
tatiously disclaiming any purpose of disturbing
the political status Of the islands, has been
steadily acting without reference to their neu-
trahty and autonomy. On Mr.. Bayards side
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paper. On Prince Bismarcks side there has
been unceasing aggression. The Senate's
amendments are signal for action on the
American side.
1t will be signal, moreover for action, not
by the present, but by the incoming Admins
tration. President Cleveland has had oppor-
tunities for action and has neglected them.
The deposition of Malietoa in 1891 at the close
Of the conference was an affront which would
have justified naval demonstration. Nothing
was done. Nearly two years were occupied
with repetitions Of the diplomatic by-play, and
now a half-hearted naval demonstration is
planned Just in time for the incoming Admin
iStration to assume the full responsibility for
it, 1t is the Republican Administration which
will be armed with authority if these amend
ments are passed and which will not be in a
position to shirk it's responsibilities.
Then, too, it will be signal, not to Germany
alone but to England as well. Consul-General
Sewall in his testimony before the Senate
Committee, has declared that those two Powers
are acting in concert, and have not only agreed
to partition Of empire in the South Pacific
but are planning a campaign Of aggression
against the Hawaiian Islands. That may be
an exaggeration Of the rumored secret under
standing between England and Germany but
it is undoubtedly true that at the conference
in Washington those Powers Joined hands
against the United States so far as Samoa was
concerned. England seconded the proposal
that Germany should have exclusive control of
the islands, and subsequently entered no real
protest against the various acts OF usurpation
by which hIalietoa was taken captive and
Tamasese made King. II the United States
Government be now committed to policy Of
action, it will be necessary for it to assert, and,
If necessary, to enforce, it's rights against a
secret alliance of the two Powers The gray
ity of such proceeding requires no comment
The signal for action may be a wise and neces-