The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1889-07-20
CLADSTONE'S PICTURE OF SO
The Slaughter and Intrigue Used to
Bring About That Wrecked
Compact.
TYRANNY AND MURDER RULED.

An Exhaustive Review That Shows Up
The Baseness Of TIE Union
Policy.
Gladstone has often raised his voice
and pen in defense of Ireland and her
afflicted people, and each Grafton seems
10 eclipse all preceding ones. But
never IN the "Grand Old Mans" life
time has he portrayed more lucidly the
wrongs of that unfortunate country,
than he did in a letter to the July num-
Der of the Nineteenth Century, in which
he pays ALLOWING tribute to the martyrs
OF '98 and their successors, down to the
present time. Here is his latest:
TO vindicate truth, buried in the dust
of other centuries, or generations, is a
noble but not always an urgent duty.
There is in this case an urgency Of a
character perfectly separate, and, when
stated, glaringly clear. Englishmen
are in truth an imperial race But they
are not and cannot be faultless. They
have been comfortably ensconced in
the belief of their own habitual modera-
tion snd humanity, past as we'll as pre-
sent and they have, at least in their
governing classes, cherished and handed
Onwards an assumption that the Act of
Union bears ON it no damniug stain,
even If it may present to us such notes
OF human iniirrnity as are ''unhappy"
and ''regrettable. According to this
view nothing has occurred 20 deprive it
of the m raj authority which, in addi-
tion to physical backing, is in a civilized
country the general and necessary at
tribute OF law. No one has been more
ready than the Eng)ishman to admit,
or even to contend, that tyranny may
Justify and require revolt, and that laws
brought into existence by tyranny may
DO proper objects of national resistance.
But he has managed to see and know in
the Irish Union not tyranny, atrocity,
and baseness, but only such an inter
mixture, with the inception OF great
statute, as is ordinary enough OF things
''unhappy'' and things "regrettable. I"
With such ideas for a point OF departure
he, as law.-biding citizen, is consist
emily shocked when he finds an Irish
man declining to admit the moral
authority Of the Union regarding the
sovereignty exercised in it's name by
England over his country as illegit-
innate, or even in his natural exaspera.
tion desiring that that sovereignty
should be destroyed.
All this have lately had the adyan-
tage of seeing vividly brought out in a
visit to the Parnell Commi sslon. If 1
offer remark upon the proceedings in
that court it will, think, be seen to be
historical rather than political, and to
be entirely free from the objection
justly attaching to all attempts to inter
fere by antecedent criticism with the
proceedings Of court OF justice. For
the Commission was appointed, as I
understand, for a double, not a triple.
purpose. 1t was to examine into the
origin Of certain forged letters, and into
an alleged completely of Nationalists
with crime, but not, SO far as I know,
to investigate the views of Irishmen on
the moral authority of the Act of
Union. Yet l heard questions ad-
dressed IN evident good faith by the
Attorney-General to Mr.. w. O'Brlen,
which appeared to imply that some
grave and special charge would be es-
tablished against certain Irishmen in
particular If it could be shown that
they regarded the power welded in
Ireland by England under the Act of
Union as an alien and intrusive power.
1.-The only oblection,'' asked Sir r.
Webster, 'that you had to rebellion was
that it was hopeless ?" ''CeftainlY,"
replied Mr.. O'Brien, at the same time
stating that his opinions had been
every much in advance of most Irish
men" Doubtless, they are in advance
as regards such near contemplation, at
least in idea, of the terrible contingent
ClC0 VI NAVAA wal oAO IL Wa eACIuUo
the actual phraseologv of "blood and
iron.'' should like to have put to Mr.
O'Brien the question whether he, and
whether so far as he knew the Irish
nation in common with him, regard the
Act of Union (under which Ireland is
now goverued) as possessed of the
same moral authority as they would
ascribe to the laws against theft and
murder, or, indeed, as possessed Of anY
moral authority at all, I have not a
doubt that Mr.. O'Brien would have an
swered (for it is the judicia. basis of
the reply I have quoUed) that they regard
the Act of Union as being for Ireland
an act Of force to which Ireland has no
moral but only prudential obligation
to conform.
There may. indeed, be immortality in
miscalculated resistance even to inn
moral laws, but such resistance is not
IN itself immoral. The Imperial Coy
.ernment, as it legally subsists in Ire