Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1889-09-28

der is that the world gets ON as well as it
does, and not that there is an least side"
to London and New York! The conclu-
sion is inevitable, that as capital has
now become the condition of the well
fare, civilization and liberty of the peo-
pie, it must be under their control for
their common benefit, or they must
be practically the dependents, serfs and
slaves of those who have that control.
When the Romans were excluded
from their lands and became unequal
dependents, Rome, exhausted by usury,
became Plutocracy, then an Oligarchy,
then an Empire. Similar results will
always follow similar conditions So
clear is this conclusion that from Plato
down, the wisest of every age have
told us how liberty was conditional
upon the substantial equality of all, not
only before the law, but before the con-
! ditions of life. OF course the monopo-
lists and their political economists, au-
thors, editors and political dependents,
naturally think that what is for their
benefit is best and should always be,
according to Rob Roy:
"For why-becauset the good old rule
Sufficeth them, the simple plan,
That they should take who have the
power,
And they should keep who cam"
This is all natural enough for our in
dustrial Rob Roys, but the surprise is to
find Mr.. Herbert Spencer, the boasted
Philosopher of Evolution, apparently
refusing to evolute beyond that which is.
But like Agassiz among naturalists, he
is Balaam among Sociologists, He
goes out to curse the friends of prog
ress and humanity, and his laws and
very words become their blessing. His
Coming Slavery" as he calls socialism,,
is not only answered by Prof. Huxley's
administrative Nihilism," which can
never be read enough, but it shows how
easily the objections to public admins
tration are removed by his own law of
evolution. According to that law, prog
ress is always higher indignation at
tended by an increasing differentiation
and freedom Of the individual parts of
the organism. Thus, as in the political
SO in the industrial republic slavery
can be avoided only by the protection
which All give to Each. Mr.. Spencer's
objections lie only against State Social
ism in countries where political freedom
hasnot yet been attained. He has written
for the European market, and his best
answer is found in his friend, Mr.. John
Fishes book, "The American Idea in
Politics." By achieving political liberty
our fathers made industrial liberty pos
sible.
AS the world now stands, the United
States Of America furnishes the best
people and form of government for the
extension of public administration,
without danger of increasing the des-
potism over the people. There can be
no slavery from it when the govern
ment is the consent of the governed,
the instrument of and always subject
to the people. Where the slave controls
the master there is no slavery, nor even
a "Paternal Government" but a COOP
erative partnership of equals, working
out the interest of each by the aid of all.
Again, as John Fiske shows, the divis-
ion of powers under our national, state,
and local governments, all proceeding
from the same people, is the security of
our political liberty. So would it be of
our industrial welfare and liberty; each
would check and supplement- the other
and balance all, for the same people
would contrive all.
The general affairs, like interstate and
international transportation and COM
merce, would go to the care of national
government. The holding and the cul-
tivation of the land and manufacturing
would fall chiefly to the State govern.
ments. The local affairs, to the coun.
ties, cities and towns. While the gen.
eral control of all would be by the peo-
pie through their Congress and general
government by equal laws, administered
by departments of agriculture, manu-
features and commerce. Thus, gradu-
ally, from year to year, as necessity re-
quired the transition would be made.
Mr.. Spencers Coming Slavery" is
much used by capitalists as sort of
bugaboo, to keep the people fearful Of
any change, however gradual. But the
laws of evolution and conditions of
American freedom effectively put it to
rest on this side of the Atlantic. That
the conditions of American freedom
have already been seriously threatened
under the influence of capital, we
have pointed out. But they yet remain,
and political action may be still used by
the people in aid of public industrial
administration. But politics will not
avail without motive power. The
greatness of the object to De attained
and its necessity, if the Republic is to
live, admonishes that little can be done
effectively, unless the moral sense of
the people is aroused against industrial,
serf and wage slavery, as it was against
the far lesser evils of chattel slavery.
This moral sense slumbered in regard
to that evil until Its consequences were
upon us in fearful war-the necessity
for which was disgrace to our age and
will it he if. in the ace Of evolnfion we
again smo Their the sense of liberty, right