New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1889-03-20
OUR BOSS.

Public attention is being ulrecVo" Ia
manner to the extraordinary uSurpauoh oi
mower nv Governor Hill One OF the poiiaoal
c,uhs has inst given up an evening TO the as
o,,..io, ~ the way in which he has thWarted
the wish of the people for CONSTITUTIONS Oon-
vantion. This was fragrant example Oh MS
arbitrary and unscrupulous use OF Tne 'e'o
mower. full parallel to which VIII haraly DC
found in the whole history oil our country.
Other instances have been given recently OF
the domineering control which he seeks to exer-
cise over even the origin of legislation, as when
the other day Ballot-Reform Dill was lnTo-
duced into the Legislature by one OF his spokes-
men. and at the same time copies on an e4-
pIanatory statement made by the typewriters
IN the Governors office were distributed to the
reporters, who were frankly told by the spon-
sorS Of the bill that the Governor would sign 1t.
Tn fact, Governor Hill has absorbed pretty
much all the functions OF the State govern
ment, except that he does not dictate the de-
cisons of the Court of Appeals. He no longer
renresents merely q coordinate branch. lie
Is not only the Executive, but has become the
supreme factor in legislation, which begins ana
ends with him. II is notorious that the custom
has grown I'D at Albany Of submitting bills TO
him in advance Of their introduction In order
IN learn whether he will sign them, II they
pass. No doubt there are circumstances under
which such consultations can be had without
improperly, and they are not uncommon else
where. But when the custom degenerstes, rs
IL has done, according TO common report, at
Albany, into a habit Of barter between the
Governor and members, It is evident. not only
that the independence OF the Legislature has
been broken down, but that dangerous aid
corrupt system has been inaugurated. There
are, Of course many members who wall nos
stoop TO such dickerns, and II IA likely that
when their bills come b the Executives Cham
Der, il the Governor finds he can make some
political profit out Of vetoes or threats OF
yetoes, he employs both freely.
This bargaining process is necessarily car
red on in the dark. and the public can only
get hint Of It now and then. But the Gov
ernor's yetoes are matters Of record, and ID IL
here that his offence is the most fragrant. The
Legislature has at least the night to discuss and
pass bills, whether O veto seems inevitable or
not, and his control over the iniassive OF
legislation ia limited by the cupidity and the
fears Of members. But there is no restraint
upon the use Of the veto power except tho
moral sense N the Executive, and in the case
Of Mr.. Hill, that seems TO mean no restraint
whatever. Not even Mr. Cleveland nsed this
power, which, Il was always intended, should
be exercised with discretion, and even with
forbearance, so extensively as Governor Hill.
He has made himself the lawmaking power OF
the State There can be no High-LieenSe law
because he has sold himself to the Saloonkeep-
ers. There can be no Eectoral-Reform law
because the Democratic bosses do not want II.
There can be no Constitutional Convention, no
cengUrs--a score Of things cannot be done, sim
ply because single citizen out Of million
and half, David B. Hill by name, Is opposed
| TO them.
II is mere truism to say that, in the founda~
| ton Of the veto power, no such application OF
| IL was ever dreamed Of. II was never supposed
| by any one that II would be used by an Exeou-
| tive In INSCRIPTIONS political and personal
| Vaccinations, to manipulate legislation, TO pun
ish enemies, 10 defeat reforms that would inter
fere with the projects Of friends The pos
nbility Of snch an employment of II would have
| filed the trainers Of the Federal Constitution
with dismay. The history of the veto in Ma
tional legislation shows how ypahngly IL has
been used. Up TO the time Mr.. Cleveland took
Office there had been only 1873 Presidential
vetoes, and of these so, or more than one
third, were by one OF tho most contentious OF
all the Presidents-Andrew Johnson. The veto
power is too valuable as q corrective Of care
less legislation to be given up, even under
great prOvocaton; but it is not an eXaggera-
ton to say that If all Executives were 30 be as
constituencies as MIR. Hill, some means would
have to be found TO limit Il, for good govern
ment would be impossible. II 10 equally
within bounds TO say that II it were possible TO
Judge public officer by the spirit in which he
has exercised q discretionary power, there
would be good ground for impeaching Gov
ernor Hill and driving him from office.
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4 NER DEPARTURE IN FARMING.
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