Press and daily Dakotaian. (Yankton, Dakota Territory [S.D.]) 1880-1889, 1889-03-06
le people, We're organized in many of

working people against injurious for
eign competition. is an incident worthy
of attention. 1t is not departure but
return that we have witnessed The
protective policy had then its op-
ponents. The argument was made, aa
now, that its benefits Injured to par
ticular classes or sections. lf the ques-
ton became in any sense or at any
time, sectional, it was only because slav-
cry existed In some OF the states, But for
tflin there was no reason why the cotton
producing states should not have led or
walked abreast with the New England
states in the production of cotton fabrics
There was this reason only why the
states that divide with Pennsylvania
the mineral treasures of the great south
eastern and central mountain ranges
should have been so tardy in bringing to
the smelling furnace and to the mill
coal and iron from their near reposing
hillsides. The mill fires were lighted at
the funeral pyre of slavery. The eman-
clpatlon proclamation was heard in the
depths OF the earth as well as in the sky.
Men were made free and material things
became our better servants.
The sectional element has happily been
eliminated from the tariff discussion. We
have no longer states that are necessa-
rily only planting states. None are ex-
cluded.from achieving that tdiversitication
of pursuits among the people which
brings wealth and contentment. The
cotton plantation will not be less valua-
bic when the product is spun in the
country town by operatives whose ne
cessities call for diversified crops and
create home demand for garden
and agricultural products. Every
Va
is an extension of the productive
capacity OF the state more real and valu-
able than added territory. Shall the
prejudice and paralysis Of slavery con-
tinue to hang upon the skirts of prog
ress? How long will those who re-
joice that slavery no longer exists cher
ish and tolerate the incapacity it put
upon their communities? | look nope
fully to the continuance of our protect
| i've system and to the consequent devel-
| opment OF manufacturing and mining
| enterprises in states hitherto wholly
| given to agriculture, as potent intiu-
| ence in the perfect uaitication of our
| people. Men who have invested their
| capital in these enterprises, farmers
| who have felt the benefit of their neigh
| borhood and men who work in the shop,
| or field, will not fail to find and to de-
ASiu pLC Vi lnttEtbJ. Ii III uOt
| quite possible that the farmers and
| promoters of the great mining and
! manufacturing enterprises which have
| been established in the south, may yet
| find that the free ballot of the working
man, without distinction Of race, is
1 needed for their defense, as well as for
| his own! | do not doubt that il those
| men in the south who do not accept the
tariff views of Clay and the CON
| stitutlonal expositions of Webster,
would courageously show and defend
| their real convictions, they would not
| find it difficult, by frank instruction and
cooperation, to make the black man
| their efficient and safe ally, not only in
establishing correct principles in ma.
| tional administration, but in preserving
| for their local communities the beneftt
OF social order and economical and hon
est government. AT least until the good
| offices of kindness and education have
been fairly tried, the contrary conclusion
can not be plausibly urged.
have altogether rejected the sug-
| gestion of special executiveHpolicy for
any section of the country. it is the
duty of the executive to administer and
enforce in methods and by instrument
alities pointed out and provided by the
4 "
congress. These laws are general, and
their administration should be uniform
and equal. As a citizen may not elect
what laws he will obey, neither may ar
executive elect which he will enforce.
| The duty to obey and to execute EN-
| braces the constitution in its entirety
and the whole of laws enacted under
it The evil example of permitting in.
dividuals, corporations or communities
to nuilify laws because they cross some
selfish or local cares or prejudices. is full
| of danger. not only to the nation at
large, but much more to those
! who use this pernicious expedient to ss-
| cape their just obligations or to obtain
| unjust advantages over others. They
| will presently themselves be compelled
to appeal to the law for protection, and
| those who would use the law as do
Tense must not deny that use of tito 9th.
| ers. If our great corporations would
more scrupulously observe their legal
limitations and duties, they would have
| less cause to complain of the unlawful
| Limitations of their rights, Of violent in
reference with their operations The
community that. by concert, open or se-
| cret, among its citizens denies to por-
| tion of its members their plain rights
under law. has severed the only safe
| bond of social order and prosperity.
Evil works from bad center both
ways. 1t demoralizes those who practice
| it and destroys the faith of those
| who suffer by it. The efficiency of law
as a safe protector to man in whose
breast that faith has been darkened is
naturally a subject Of dangerous and
uncanny suggestions. Those who use
| unlawful methods, if moved by no
higher motive than the selfishness that
| prompted them, may well stop and in
| quire what is to be the end of this.
| Unlawful expedient cannot become q
| permanent condition of the government.
] If the educated and influential classes
in the community either practice or
connive at systematic violation of the
laws that seem to them to cross their
conyeniences, what can they expect
| when the lesson that convenience or
| supposed class-interest is a sufficient
| cause for lawlessnesS, has been well
| learned by the ignorant classes? The
| community where law is the rule of
conduct, and where the courts, not mobs,
| execute its penalties, is the only at
| tractive field for business investInen is
| and honest labor.
| Our naturalization laws should be so
! amended as to make inquiry into the
| character and good disposition of per-
sons applying for citizenship more care
| full and searching. Our existing laws
| have been in their administration In an
| unimpressiSe and often unintelligible
| form. We accept a man as citizen
without any knowledge of his fitness
| and he assumes the duties of citizen.
He is without any knowledge as to what
they are. The privileges of American
citizenship are SO great and its duties SO