New-York tribune., 1889-10-13
THEIRS.
AN ADMIRABLE MONOGRAPH
LES GRANDS ECRIVANIS FRANCA1S. a, LndGrs, LVSs
Par Paul de Remusat, Senateur Par1s . .iDr aii40
Uachette ct Cie New-YOrk: F. W. Chrlsterh'

| the statesman and politician; nor would IL III
/ any case be desirable, snces his speeches. are aS
| much part of his literary career as MS pooAs'
This monograph. consequently, is an outline skeVon
| of the public life of a man who for the ere"'eA
part of fifty years occupied a prominent pi'ee AZ
the affairs Of France. NJ de Remusat mas ho"
ever merely referred to the history of the period
so far as Sch allusion is necessary 10 Ihe eluou'
tion of Thierss action and policy 1t is his course
| and development that are the main oDJec,s Va
| ANALYSIS, and they are examined with mpartiaii'y
| and catc Theirs began his career deeply lmpueu
with the principles of the Revolution but from
! his first appearance as editorial writer Ill INC
| Constitutional" he evinced pracucal sagaclS'
| a sobriety of Judgment and a respect lol d"
| complished facts which prove that so lar oacA
! as 1923 the main lines of his character were
! erml,, established The view he then took OF
tbe situation is interesting and suggestive. he
| did not believe that the Revolution coulu DC
restored for the reason that the memories u Une
Terror were still too fresh in the minus oi Oic
people. He did not believe IN LegiuniisV le'-
! toration. on the other hand, because 1ne very
nrinciple Of legitimacy was hOpelessly opposed
70 free government. implying and involving as 1t
did acceptance of the theory that certain iamliy
nossessed a hereditary right to reign, wholly
| apart from popular consent and choice. liners
/ ALI through his life hated anarchy, however, ana
]
| his panacea was a constitutional monarchy.
lie lived TO see this form of government tried
| and found wanting, too and he was frankly sur
nrised at the miscarriage of his sanguine predlc-
| tions. But. being above all things patriotic he
| always accepted the situation, ana at once seU
! himself to make the best of 1T. Ills ann was
| ordered liberty, as far removed from anarchy aS
| from despolism. but unfortunately for MS coun-
! try the balance of power was never allowed ~
remain with the conservative elements which he
so faithfully and ably represented. IL Is IN
! deed curious to observe how general was Ihe
| confidence nThers's practical sense now hatufally
he was appealed to for help in critical Juncturesi
how nobly and modestly he gave his services, and
how when his advice had restored stability, the
extremists invariably pushed to the front and
disnlaced him. After serving Louis Philippe
lovallv and with distinguished capacity he found
himself called TO assist the RevolutiC of lS4S,
and at this point Of his career he made the mis-
take of supporting Prince Napoleon. The motives
of his course are evident enough. Of the three
candidates for the Presidency General Cavalgnhc,
the Prince de Joinville and Napoleon, 1hers be-
Heved that the last offered the best guarantee
for the maintenance of order lie did not think
either of the others could be elected, moreover,
and, while he had little confidence IN the states
manship of the hero of Strasburg and Boulogne,
he not unnaturally thought that he might be
trusted to uphold the Republic
The year 1852 undeceived him, and he made
one Of the distinguished crowd condemned to
exile Ills banishment shortened-nobody
knew why-but he only returned to
France to take up his literary work again.
and for several years he devoted himself to his
great History of the Consulate and the En-
pireo NJ de Remusat has few critical remarks
on the historians overlaudation Of Napoleon, which
is indeed the chief fault Of the work. Ii is
fault too which detracts more seriously from the
value of the volumes than the biographer appnars
to realize for it involves an apologize and often
iustiicatory attitude on the part of The writer
which leads to undue manipulation and deceptive
| cooring of events. The literary excellence OF
Thers's histories is unQuestiOnable and the whole
| work is a great one; but it would certainly have
been much greater had the author not confined
himself so closely 10 the purely French aspects
of affairs which had important European relations
without a knowledge of which their full scope ana
! significance cannot be realized. Later on IN the
Second Empire NJ. Thiers conceived it TO be his
duty to Weld to the invitation of the Government,
and resume his place in Chamber which had
ceased to represent France to possess the power
of initiative but which might still, he thought, be
made the vehicle of patriotic suggestions In this
anomalous position he retained his independence,
and made his voice heard whenever the oppOr-
tunity occurred on behalf of wise and good gov
ernment When the Empire, sinking TO its de-
cline. was about to be staked upon the desperate
chances of war with Germany, Thiers dehed the
blind infatuation of nearly all his colleagues and
on the 5th of July, 1870, delivered-or tried to
deliver-a speech memorable for its courage It's
patriotism and the penetration of its provision
He predicted the disasters which fell the country
lie protested passonately against the frivolty and
himsiness of the preteXt urged. All TO no pur-
pose; he was literally howled down, and when
he left the Chamber that afternoon he narrowly
escaped being mObbed in the street
Not many weeks had elapsed when the same
| men who had drowned his voice in the tribune
were implorng his assistance, while the same
| crowd that had sought to stone him AS he passed
homeward were implorng him with frantic cries
of Draw us out of this messP The time that
followed was a terrible one for Thers, and his
| humliating and bootless round Of the European
Courts in search of an alliance was supplemented
hv the ever-growing difficulties of negotiation
with the German headquarters owing TO the an
arcbical state of the Paris government, and 10 the
dosna rate independent efforts of Gambetta and the
Tonrs administration 10 continue the deferce long
after il had been proved TO be impracticable. But
| Tbiers did his duty 10 the full extent Of his OPP
portunities, and when the Germans had been dis
nosed Of he found himself called upon to deal
with the Commune. He at once realized that
there must be no temporizing here, and he hurled
the Versailles troops upon Paris with promptness
and energy which soon stopped the mad work of
destruction and restored order 1t was inevitable
that Theirs should be made President Of the new
Republic, but the very qualities which had done
so much to save France from anarchy arrayed
against him formidable political elements, and
after having deserved well of his country in 20
many things the last days Of his onieial life were
vexed by legislative attacks and insults which
bespoke the bindest ingratitude once more he
re etred into private life, and this time TO remain
| L. L.