The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1888-04-18

tables. citing flannel, bar-iron. oessener steel,
wool suits and other articles exhibiting cases
where the tariff charge invariably greatly ex-
ceeded the labor cost, and We're none of the ex-
cess got beyond he manufacturer TO help the
laborer. This policy. lie said nuilt up palaces,
it concentrated wealth, but u distributed not of
it's benehcence in the homes of the poor labor
ers. It compelled the government to take q
large share of their daily earnings. Ii was
making vast distinction in this country be-
tween TWO cIasses-one poor and numerous aud
one small and powerful, and rich. The concen-
tration of the wealth of the country IN the
hands of few would overthrow our free
government. In conclusion, ne said that he
hoped that the bill which the committee had
presented-which had met with favor through
out the country-would receive majority of
the votes of the House. though 1t was not all
the committee could ask. It was very mod
crate bill, yet il WOULD send comfort and hap
piness into all the homes and bosoms of the
poor laboring people of this country, and he
asked the House, in behalf of these people, to
consider their claims and help to reduce the
burdens that has been loaded upon them. APP
plause and cries of Vote, VOTE from the
Democratic aide
Mr.. Mills spoke about an hour and three
quarters, and he took his seat he was sur
rounded by crowd of Democratic members
who pressed forward to shake his hand and
tender their con calculations
Mr.. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, took the floor in
opposition 10 the bill. He said that the enact
ment of this bill would instantly paralyze the
enterprise and energy of the people. Under the
haneful influence of such law the report of
the census OF 1890 would announces the over
throw of our manufacturing supremacy and the
reduction of our commanding commercial cen-
dition to that of colonial dependence IL was
studiously designed TO produce these dire re-
suits, and nicely adapted for it's purpose. 1t
was confessedly q partisan measure, and was
framed in the in terest of party whose leaders
appeared to be oblivioils to the ov-rwh lining
social and economic changes wrought by the
abolition of slavery. By putting wool on the
free list it would abolish sheep industry, destroy
the immense canital embarked therein. and inn
poverlsh more than million of men who own
Het~. NV
ing this It would diminish the sup
ply of cheap and healthful animal food
the mining and manufacturing laborers of the
country. 1t would also render the production
OF American tin plates and cotton ties i'm possible
by placing those articles on the free list with
wool. By the transfer of these and other prod
ucts of coal and iron ore to the free list. and
By reducing the duties steel rails, structural
iron, and many other forms of iron and steel
sufficiently to withdraw protection from them
and permit foreign producers to flood our mar
kets. it would. though it maintained existing du-
ties coal and iron ore, close a majority of the
bitiminous coal fields and ore banks. which were
now giving profitable employment to hundreds
of thousands of laborers not only in Northern
States but IN the South. and turn them adrift
without prospect of other employment else
where than in cotton and coru-felds. But while
processing to have abandoned their purpose to
put coal and iron ore on the free list. the bills
trainers had ingeniousjy coutrived to
make the Importation of both free by such
measures of indirection as might enable them
cary with the political consequences of their de-
hberate tergiversations. The gentlemen who
framed this bill and could brook neither modif-
cation nor discussion of its provisions by their
associates in the committes. we're, with but two
exceptions, representatives of what was slave
territory. The bill anachronism; it had
no relation to this era; it belonged 20 the sad,
dest epoch in our national history, the period
between 1924 and 1865 During that period
slavery dominated national councils
and guided the administration of
in IN al
interests. and in the interest of free trade twice
threatened war. Ii was in the interest of free
trade that war threatened in support of the
doctrine of notification, and it was in the in
terest of free trade that the country was in
! volved for more than four years in fratricidal
war; As measure proposed for future guld-
ance the bill an anachronsm. and was
illustrative of systems of ethics and economic
philosophy against which history had written
IN blood DEGREES that were final ard immutable
None of its provisions were in harmony with the
spirit of the age Its first effect would be to ar
rest the magnificent development of mineral
wealth. of manufacturing power, aud of the
diversification of agriculture taking place
throughout the South, and to paralyze the or
ganized industries of the North.
s Passing to the question of the duty
! sugar, Mr.. Kelley said the world was indebted
to tho fostering care of government for the
beautiful supply of sugar which enabled the
hum blest of our laborng classes to include it in
the list of their daily necessities. Presidents
Clevelandis free-trace message, by it's assump-
ton that the duty was always added to the cost,
COmmOOlLie1,
price OF like commodities produced in this coun-
try, showed now profoundly ignorant he was OF
economic science To illustrate the puerile
absurdity of this assum ption he Mr. KeIeyl in
vited the Presidents attention TO the fact that
though the duties i'm posed by our government
sugar. when reduced to ad valorem stand
ards. were never SO high as they now are. the
price of sugar was never so low in this country
as it now is. The progress of sugarmaking in
Louisiana since 1867 might be cited illus
iration of the vitalizing influence OF protective
In mil nj hA faadv lima in he
price Of foreign sugar, the poverty of her people
and the decentralization of her plantations at the
close of the war, Louisiana. encouraged by pro-
tective duties, had added materially to the
worlds supply of cane sugar.
Coming to the subject of surplus Mr.. Kelley
said: II would SO legislats on the question of
the surplus aud the sources whence Il flows as
to increase the wealth. power and dignity of the
country by promoting the development of its
natural resources and the diversifcation of its
industries, and thus diminish its dependence
on foreign importations upon which duties
ara collected l would derive the national reve-
nues from customs duties so adjusted to stim-
uiate and defend home productions. while pre-
venting combin stions. trusts, and onopolies of
any kind. The reduction of taxation should be
effected Immediately by the abolition of sources
puted month by month, II not absolutely day by
day. The politics of this country now domi-
mated by the whisky trust. absolutely they
were by slavery before the war, and king alcohol
is proving that he is hostile to national de-
velopmenr king cotton ever was" He said
that Kentucky was the most INDUSTRIOUS victim
of the whisky trust and that in the midst of
almost unparalleled wealth and general physical
ADVANTAGES the mass of her people are stepped
IN poverty and illiteracy.
In concudng Mr.. Kelley said: "The per-
petuation of the internal taxes is the issue pre-
eented to the American people by the President
in his free-trade message, and by five Southern
gentlemen who have dominated the councils Of
the committee ways and means, and submit
ted this bin to the House for consideration. For
myself, / will stand for the protective system
nd Aa m nj m Tar a rat of huH ma
will insure the development of all the resources
of the country increase the number of its in
dustriee and perpetuate its national independ-
euce commercial and industrial, as well as po-
lticaL This cannot be done il the international
tax system is to be maintained for the surplus
is in a condition that cannot be perpetuated with
safety to our republican institutions. The
purity of the Covenant the safety of business
and the morals of the public demand the abate-
ment of the surplus by the repeal of the internal
HAnh 1a- e -.