St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1888-08-12
ONLY A FIGURE HEAD.
Germany's Real Ruler Is Not
the Youthful Emperor
William.
His Principles IL Home Policy
Are Borrowed From
Bismarck.
Progressists Now Realize That
They Are Out in the
Cold,
! Letter That Puts Emperor
MiIlio,,o IL, Rad
j Letter That Puts Emperor
William in a Bad
Light.
Annc,sl Cable to the Globe.

visit to the ear VIII nave the elIecI OF
maintaining peace for years has les
sened the talk of war. but it still seems
Opportune to consider the state of Eu-
rope with reference. not to its military
resources, but to its political and social
condition. For some years the relations
between the powers have been
so unsatisfactory that not only
statesmen and diplomatists, but
even merchants and manufacturers
have had to keep constantly
in mind the eventuality of a great in
ternational conflict. In a period of such
uneasineSs many considerations are for
gotten, which in normal times would
I'LL large space i'll the intellectual
horizon of mankind. Under influences
like these it is natural that many Ques
tions, which deeply concern Germany
as well as the other powers, should be
overlooked. Foremost among these are,
perhaps. those concerning the internal
political development of Germany,
which, in all probability, through the
accession of William II. mark the
BEGINNING OF A NEW ERA.
The public utterances with which the
CillbClOl DGSdu lClSIs lQIt NOWll
with. perhaps, more emphasis than dis
tinctness, the general nature of the con-
Stitutional programme he adopted, and
phrases used in his proclamation an
in his speeches 10 the imperial and
PruSsian diets, will hardly be under
stood except by those who know some
thing of the history of the German con-
situations. A brief examination of the
German charters and of the nature of
their origin throws considerable light
on the scope of the emperor's
tional affairs. The Prussian CON
stitutiOn dates from the revolution
of 1S4S. King Frederick William ".
after much hesitation and trifiing with
the popular movement, called national
assembly to discuss constitution. The
assembly proved itself anything but do
cile. and rejected the draft laid before
it by the ministry, whereupon the king,
of his own act, granted the constitution
which still subsistS. This document
lays down abstract principles. among
others, that all Prussians are equal be-
fore the law: that the freedom of the
person is guaranteed, and that the home
is inviOlable, but it could hardly be said
to contain provisions for securing these
BOONs To THE SUBJECT.
The essential part of the charter is
that which gives the king the executive
power, the appointment of ministers,
and the command of the army, while he
shares with the chambers the right of
legislation, over which he has veto.
The theory of this constitution was that
the king, out of the plentitude of his
authority, could yield to the chambers
and the people just so much authority
as the letter of the charter described.
The Interpretation put upon the conSti-
tuition by King William l.. in the early
years OF his reign, enabled him to gov
ern according to his own views
irrespective of the protests of par
Lament, The Conservative party,
of which Bismarck. in the
years that Immediately followed
the publication of the constitution was
the chief spokesman, regretted that the
king had given away any of his rights,
and the practice since 1913 has been to
guard against any further inroad upon
the royal pr9rogatives. William H., in
his address to the PrusSian diet, gave a
solemn pledge to respect and maintain
the constitution, and having done so
gave brief exposition of his views, to
the effect that, like William l., he re-
garded the charter of 1913 as marking
the limit of Prussian constitutionalism.
The constitution of the German en-
pire, based upon that of the North Ger
man confederation of 1867, was in MANY
respects the
RESULT OF 4 GRADUAL GROWTH,
and as such did justice to historical
claims that could not easily be passed
over. The working of the constitution
for seventeen years has shown that
many OF the expectations formed at its
foundation were delusiye. Legislation
requires the agreement of the majOrities
in the federal council and in the reichs-
tag. but a change in the constitution is
inadmisslble if opposed by fourteen
votes in the council. Prussia alone has
seventeen votes. so that the emperor,
who (as king of Prussia dis
posed of these votes. can at all
times prevent constitutional change.
The emperor has thus the
power of preventing legislation, for he
alone is empowered tOpubliSh law and
no law is valid until published. The
letter of thanks from the German en-
peror to Prof. Won Treitscheke, who
has published an essay upon William |.
and Frederick III. goes far to mark his
principles in home policy and also char
acteriZes in most favorable manner
his attitude towards the memory of his
father. Prof. Won Treitscheke is so eX-
IRENE a partisan of Prince Bismarck
and of the doctrine of personal govern
Il
byword even with the most plant of the
ultra section of the moderate \ ational
Liberal party as distinguished from the
ProgressfstS. In the essay alluded to
Prof. Won Treitschke said: ''The gov
eminent of the dying emperor could
only be a wretehcd episode in the his
tory of our Fatherland: wretched by the
nameless sutferings of the noble patient:
wretched by the lying
TIL IN
and his nuclean journalistic henchmen:
wretched by the impudeHce of the
ProgresSist party which GENEROUSLY
pressed round the emperor as if he him
self belonged TO them and which
once at least obtained success
by the overthrow of the Minister
Won Putkamer, whilst the monarch
ial parties were forced by feeling of
piety as well as by the certainty of Il
near end, to speak in subdued tones"
There Is great deal more of this kind
in the essay. The progreSSists, with
whom Frederick III. was undoubtedly
in sympathy. are called 'sycophants''
and ''terrOrists. !" and men like Virchow.
with whom the late emperor had been
in personal contact since 1864 are ridi-
culed as ''Stray savants, accidentally
stranded Oh the shore of politics." Now
it Is for this essay that William II. ex-
presses his admiration in the follow
ing words: pray receive my most
heartfelt thanks for the splendid monu-
ment you have raised in history to my
two predecessors who are dwelling in
God. In this case. as always, your pa
role has been 10 do honor to TRUTH
This short letter speaks volumes and
removes all doubt as to the young mans
policy and feeling.