The Vermont watchman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1883-1911, 1888-11-21

eight years of this period the republi-
can party had the presidency, and re-
publican laws were in force. The
same laws, with no material abatement,
continue in force without any definite
prospect of any change in the near fu-
ture unless for the better. The idea
that Northern manufacturers and mon
eyed men are ready and eager to league
with the successful party to crush down
their rivals in Southern industries is
fallacious and morbid. Whatever evil
dence they see of the progress and fair
promise of these industries by virtue
of superior natural and local advantages
they must recognize as call and an
opportunity for them to transfer or ex-
tend their capital and skill in such
manner as to get the largest benefit of
the same advantages. Certainly they
would not enter into a conspiracy to
kill goose that offered them endless
and increasing lays of golden eggs. 1t
is far more likely that republican poll
ticians, such as Sherman in Ohio and
Kelley in Pennsylvania, consulting the
views and ambitions of northern manu-
featuring and moneyed interests, will
endeavor to dissolve the democratic So
lidity of the South by policy of con-
citation and fOrbearance, rather than
of interference and evaporation, with
regard to the delicate and sensitive
problems of a domestic nature in the
several Southern States.
louisville Courer-Journal (Dem), November lO.l
WHEN, in the early days of 1887, the
Courier Journal undertook to sound the
alarm and to warn the administration
of the dangers which its want of SYM
pathy with the democratic party was
invoking we were filled by the assur-
ance that the denomination of the
president was inevitable and inspired
by the truest desire for his reelection.
In the light of the returns from the
state of New York all that was said by
by us at that time reads to-day like
prophecy. Mr.. Cleveland goes down
among his own people because of the
friends he chilled into indifference or
converted into enemies, partly through
overconfidence in the star of his destiny
and partly through the lack of those
amenities which go so far to make men
strong or weak on occasions of emer-
gency. When the trial came there was
literally no one among the professional
politicians to make the presidents
fight, his fight; no one among the great
capitalists to advance considerable
sums of money; no one among the
leaders inspired by the sublime energy
of personal devotion, and no enthusi-
asm among the masses other than that
brought out by the cold issue of tax re-
form or started spasmodically by the
figure of the Old Roman flashing ftfully
through the confusion and tumult of
the fray. To all approaches for help,
which the president thought he had no
right to give, his one answer was that
this was not the administration but
the peoples battle. When he was
asked directly from national democratic
headquarters whether he was for us or
against us, he smiled pleasantly and
considered that which was only half
jest as all tribute to his integrity, as,
indeed, it was, though at the expense
of his wisdom. 1t is true to say of him
that he did not raise his hand to help
himself from the beginning to the end
of the campaign; that he did not en-
courage anybody else to help him, and
that in many cases he did not permit
his official subordiuates to help him.
This was magnificent, but it was not
politics. Undoubtedly it and all that
preceded it made the difference in the
vote of the state of New York. 1t cost
us and him the loss of it.