Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1888-05-09
BADGERS TALK TARIFF.
Caswell and Guenther Occupy the
Attention of the House.
THEY ATTACK THE MILLS BILL
The Member From the First District
Makes Telling Protection Arguments
-Guenther Directs His Guns
Against His Free Trade
Colleague Hudd.


man Casweu was the first speaker to-
day, after the House went into COM
mittee of the whole, to discuss the Mills
tariff measure. He obtained the floor
late yesterday afternoon, but the House
adjourned before he had a chance to
begin his speech. Mr.. Caswell said
Il do not believe that the surplus in the
treasury is any cause for alarm to the
country. 1t consists largely in credits
to the government in the banks, which
are public repositories, throughout the
United States, and there is no contrac-
ton of the currency working injury to
business. It furnishes far less appre-
hension than does the assault made by
the President upon the industries of the
country. This surplus is no greater than
would have appeared at any time in the
last twenty years if the President had
cut off the actual needs of the govern
ment, and ceased to apply the surplus
upon the national debt as has Mr..
Cleveland. He has created this surplus
for political purposes, and to coerce
Congress into reduction of the rev.
enues, and the people into the support
of his administration. But we accept
the issue, we will agree to reduction
of taxes, but will differ materially with
the bill reported by the committee on
ways and means, in the plan of reduc-
ton. Iwould take the duty from neces-
saries, such as enter into general con-
sumption and are essential to the sup
port of life. l would also take the duty
from articles not produced in this
country or if produced, not in quanti-
ties sufficient to warrant the protection
which the present law gives to them.
If they wish to tighten the burdens of
the people, and give substantial relief
to every one, why do they not take the
duty entirely off sugar; that would re-
duce the revenues $50 100000 per year,
and take from the shoulders of the poor
man the same number of dollars it
would from the rich
81 would reluctantly take protection
from any industry which promises a
growth that would reduce the price of
the product by competition, but the pro-
duction of cane sugar in the Southern
states, is now on the decline instead of
increase, and after a protection of TWEEN
ty years we are only able to raise 10 per
cent. of the sugar we consume In the
United States. And even now | would
pay reasonable bounty for all
the cane, beet or sorghum sugar
which can be raised. If further
restriction be necessary, [ would
take the tax from tobacco, except its
manufacture, and we also may remove
the tax from spirits used in the arts and
for medicines. But in that direction [
would 90 no further The demands of
the treasury, with our maturing bonds,
can stand no further reduction.
Before we make substantial changes
in the duties which protect our farming
Il i
consider whether this country, or some
other, is benefited by it. Whatever we
raise or manufacture ourselves adds to
our aggregate wealth. But whatever
we import, as the product of other
countries, we must pay for in gold, or by
an equivalent. Goods, and products, i'm
ported upon us, are the products of
labor, and take the place of an equal
amount In this country. A reduction of
the tariff could result only in greatly
increasing these importations. In fact
that is the alleged cause for making
change in the present law.
'The bill before the House takes only
SIC, 900, 900 from the duty on sugar, while
it leaves at least 500, 900 year yet to
be collected. 1t undertakes to protect
louisiana in raising her sugar, but it
places wool, which is raised in every
state in the Union, upon the free list.
This will drive the entire sheep indus
100000 employed therein.
eve can compete with every nation in
the world in everything except in
cheap labor. If the food-gates are to
be opened by reduction of the tariff
we must curtail, cut down our produc-
tons, or close our factories or indus
tries in which competition comes, or we
must scale down the price of labor. On
this is the struggle. We insist the price
of American labor shall be maintained
as it now is. Our tariff reformers say,
admit these importatiOns. We say no,
not till the importer pays into our treas
ury sum that will compel him to re-
spect our labor, and place their fabrics
on an equal footing with our own.
"They tell us our protective policy
has driven away our commerce upon
the high seas, and that we have but few
ships under our flag, while free trade
England covers the seas with her masts.
Great Britain has her provinces in every
part OF the world, and her carrying trade
with them is all by water. But while
England has invested her capital in
ships, America has invested in railways.
Our possessions are at home, our COM
merce is internal, and worth vastly more
to us than England's ocean trade is to
her. The United States has $50, 900 miles
of railroad track, valued at $8, 00O, 900, 900,
nearly one-half of the railroads in the
whole world. We have a coast marine
not excelled in any other country. Our
trade, our commerce, and our markets
are at home, and we ale here to defend
and protect them, against all assaults or
invasions, whether foreign or domestic.
"But while we are now in the enjoy
ment of every great prosperity, we
should not close our eyes upon the
future. The delusive picture of foreign
markets for our products is drawn be-
fore our eyes with promises of foreign
trade and great expectations, as soon as
we open our gates to the admission of
foreign commodities. | ask what do
We produce in this country except, it
may be, our cotton and wheat, that is
not produced in other countries, with
cheaper labor and cheaper lands? Re-
ports tell us, to-day Russia alone can
supply the United Kingdom with
wheat, and have 100000 bushels
of her surplus yet to spare. India
can do the same. The storehouses