The weekly Floridian. [volume] (Tallahassee, Fla.) 1867-19??, 1888-05-24

tected !" interests which ere opposing the
Mills bill. At ooIorsd Baptist INNER
sion the clergyman held one of his flock,
burly colored brother, somewhat too
long under the water. He came up splut-
tering, and q soon - be could gee back
his breath, shouted out, Look heah eff
you don't stop dis fooiin,, fust ting you
know some gentleman will lose a mig
ger!"
Monopolies, as everybody knows, die
hard but all history shows that they
perish mainly because of their own stub
born resistance to the most moderate re-
formers. Louis Napoleon
dreamed for years Of giving France her
liberty, but before he could make up his
mind to abate anything of his monopoly
came Sedan.
If the capitalists engaged in what are
called the protected industries have
common sense, and desire TO save q part
of their privileges, they ought to rally at
once to the support of the Mills bill,
which, so far, they are stupidity opposing.
They will never see so mild, so temperate,
so extremely conservative a measure Of
tariff reform proposed again as that which
they allow their thick witted spokesmen
in Congress to denounce as free trade
bill. This bill is in fact so small, so in
adequate a measure Of reform, that if it
had been brought forward by the monop-
olist capitalists who are opposing it it
could well have been opposed as a meas
ure ingeniously contrived by them to
stave of a real reform of tariff abuses.
Look at it. The present tariff exacts
an average rate of sixty-6ve per cent
the Mills bill proposes to reduce this to
forty eight per cent. That is a reduction
of only seventeen per cent
And the protectionists denounce this
reduction, which leaves an average rate
of for,yeight per cent. duties, as " free
trade"
Their own tariff commission, in 1882,
urged a reduction of twenty-five per cent.
To be sure, the capitalist monopolists
turned their backs angrily on the COM
mission they had themselves created, but
that was only another of their stupidities,
for their rejection Of moderate reform then
has kept them in hot water ever since,
and brought them face to face with the
question now in shape far less hopeful
for them than ever betore-unless they
wisely submit.
For, we repeat, they will never again
see 50 mild, so temperate, so conservative
a measure of tariff reform.
What the legitimate industries of the
country need above all other things is
peace, rest, security from change. The
Mills bill offers that Inadequate as
it is as a measure Of reform, if it becomes
law it will end tariff agitation for at
least dozen years, unless the "protected
interests should themselves foolishly
revive it. 1t is a measure under which
the country can live for dozen years.
1t secures raw material for some of our
most important industries, which will
give US new and sound lease of prosper
GUS growth and enable manufacturers to
extend their works and sell their surplus
product abroad. Thus it will very greatly
benefit workmen by giving them steadier
employment and at better wages, while
at the same time it will revive and greatly
enlarge our foreign commerce.
With free wool we shall rapidly and
greatly increase our trade with Australia,
which wants from us agricultural imple-
mCuSSS eOOic civ - AANAeAS~NN
of other American products.
With free copper ore we shall regain
our valuable trade with Chill, which was
swept away at blow and handed over to
England by the enactment of prohibit
tive duty on copper ore in 1852.
With free salt we shall regain our trade
with the British West Indies, which was
lost when the salt duty made it impossi
BILE for American ships to bring home salt
as ballast, and thus make their West In
dia voyages profitable.
Already wooden manufacturers in New
England and in this State are planning
engagements Of their mills and increased
activity in production-excellent things
for workingmen of all trades-based on
the expectation that the Mills bill will
pass. Do not the opponents of the Mills
bill put themselves fatally in the wrong
before the working people, the voters of
the country, when they plan to defeat
measure the mere expectation and hope of
whose passage act as a stimulus to one of
the most important of our home indus
tries
The Carnegies, who pocket million
and half dollars profits each in single
year while they are kicking out their
workmen for refusing to accept ten per
cent. less pay-these monopolists natu
rally oppose bill which, after all, would
only slightly lessen their monstrous prof
its. But business which allows its few
owners to pocket million and half
year apiece while they are cutting down
the wages of their workmen is not a
legitimate industry.
It is monopolistic speculation. E, Lee
Ultimate industries have no loss to fear
from the passage of the Mills bill. On
the contrary, they will gain in every way,
and most of all in that steadiness of the
market, that security against changes and
against agitation for changes, which the
passage of the bill villas everybody
knows insure.
The Republican Senators threaten to
crush this bill Well, what then? Can
they crush the question? Do not the
protected industries see that this
would be only to enlarge the area of the
contest; to prolong and continue that
agitation so peculiarly hurtful to these
protected" industries? Does any pro-
tectionist in his senses believe that when
this question has been discussed before
the people, as it will be if the Mills bill
is defeated, the end will be favorable to
restriction, to monopoly?
1t is our deliberate judgment that if the
Mills bill fails to become law at this ses-