New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1888-09-20

ktruKycu
) they ncd that possible threat OF pciyeuIty wss
%messn nsstnio tS Of gosenment by the people
and for the people were declared perpetual ana Tor
s hundred years q s s"s l Sssns e.
attended, By revolutions IN watch citizen has been at
Ss.'ss,a throat Ss. sSsa Ss SwSS tie
and civilization set back Italy, Germany anu Aus u,
DARK Ss CTR q Ruls Which CONTAIN ali c
and civilization and hopc Of nnPc nave uaen and 81
time again. by The bursting q the dynamite OF esfS
Sso the Gs Of sas Ss a fe sSm bod the
whole strength Of he people or sams e ap baso ea a
ssiiea every intcssnt statesman Eopc
the problems be solved which involve the nleg-
rs think iss and has BEEN upon Often @
point nn,nss esse Sa pepM PG To sop p pesn
1t has been often asserted that the one Government
surcst 70 live IN rs Institutions Is the mn o OF
with those who study and who know you find every
where apprehension expressed OF the future The
House Of Lords IS in danger The agitation reaches
even the foot of the throne.
DANGERS WHICH THREATEN ENGLAND
With veto power In the sovereign, with no re-
sIstance in the Upper House. with written Con-
stitution to guide them and supreme Court TO
regulate them the passions of night In the House
of Commons may overthrow In Great Britain the in
sttutitDs upon which based its business. Its pros
One of the most eminent English statesmen said to
me: : I would that between us and what might pos
siby Happen stood the majesty Of your supreme
to state In the fcwcst words the element which
is the preservation OF your Institutions, should say
II was the doctrine of ultra wires. the power of the
SUPREME ccur, to say TO your leesa,ure and to your
interpret it IN the lines of the fundamental law Of the
p. The American, having thus settled that this Coy
ernmeri; of the people Is stable because the people
are satisfied with what they DO or themselves would
country differs sm citizenship ip every other and
citizenship worth the having in the larger return for
labor In the more frequent possession of ndv idual
the mbre universal exercise by educated Intelligence
Of The right of sovereignty. IN resrcct for law and
and honor. the citizen gets more out of lfc In this
.ountsy. than he docs anywhere in the world
Mr.. Gladstone said 20 me in charming comment
% s IN h"s9 sn and GhbSs soM Of e s:
c There IA one great gap in hisory which should be
sSs Be sS os Of Of
II to The present day and that most important work
tisl' said to hin Sir, q The thirty sevcn years
close of the American Civn War tho United. States
had "t no n history no which de- 1cggcyes
Of material development political development and
social n,eyel9pment since that war have DOM morc
Government" Npplausel
PROBLEMS FOR THE HISTORIAN.
II Mr. Gladstone's philosophical historian should
iSnd mere ana Tree MS nina ffOm inc thcofcs oI
the book from principles Of the polti-
cal economists, and stand facing the
original conditions which found here and the mag
nihoent evoutions of this great people and this
wonderful country, he would need to write a history
Sum r is rcgn IFS maoraes which
be for all T lie ye would a d hc that ds en-
traordnary progress known In the whole history CT
that while the Republic had at the commencement 4
the Civil War an estimated wealth OF sixteen thousand
DESTROYED in the war, and with thousand mintns
Of capital only in twenty three years me marvellous
growth Of the Republic had aggregated TO the superb
sum OF sixty thousand millions # dollars eGreat
Fl: would find that while the wages of labor had In
creased twenty-five Per cent IN the twSn,ythrcs
labor BUY had decreased nearly ho same
the same period lapplauscl SO that the existence OF
YOU'D aEp ss' %
from less than millions ,S 70 three se
manufactures which had stimulated IT had grown
millions a year. and he would discover that this
Per was TS found at home and within he
plause.)
NOT A QUESTION OF RACE OR CHANCE
The philosophical historian, looking at these facts
which patent to your memory would instantly in
Quire: "what the which have produced |
those marvellous these astounding. these miraculous
tsls The political thcorist would say They
have been caused by country with Its great op
portuntes, It's rich virgin fields, It's mines, its wafer
heds and as big mines before The war as since. ZAP
glausc) AND the political economist i. would say
VII It's fiery energy is resisiless pluck But the
create the same opporuny and here mo- dae
ence, so far as we know; in the results or in the
helped accomplish it all.
Besides that the Anglo-saxon has during the |
with vast Opportunities, been in australia, been in
canada %meusc laughter and never has c 1I
!Renewed laughter) President Cleveland says in his
kindergarten in this country cauehter for the eda.
cation Of plain people in the industrial and economical
the members Of tho Union League Club We are The |
asssa Of hs G h. hS n% IL
home. Continued laughter and voice: Where is |
Bun looking at this matter. reading Mr.. cleveland's
speech, his letter of acceptance reading eombina
his letter Of secepaSe %sR eSpahed i
Il sp,,Slo o lapgher his Instructions 70 he Dem
time mounting higher in the notes which sing of the
protection OF The american home, Notwithstanding the
Of Mills BILL am reminded Of thai good man up In |
he murdered WIFE, found that was With h he a n&@
OF picture that hung aS9 fe their bed on which was
laughter and applauseJ
VAST POWER OF THE EXECUTIVE
There is another peculiarly that observant Amer
fcan would see between the institutions Of the Old
World and those OF his own and that is the anomaly of
the vast power in the hands of Executive greater
than anywhere else outside Of Russia The vetoes
which President Cleveland has given frequently
would have sent the sovereign of Britain the
Tower. The President Of the French Republic would
have been deposed had he attempted TO watt the de
lberafc judgment Of the two houses OF the Legislature
The Emperor OF Austria. with all his autocIac ability;
the King Of Italy, the Emperor OF Gcrmany-none OF
them could, without revolution defeat the will of
both branches Of their constitutional assemblies But
the President Of the United States sits down without
s to 70 inss apo ie e dSe tear Sne S Of
the House Of Representatives and the Senate Of the
United States and when q constitutional appeal Is
made from his judgment back again to the Legislature
the enormous power Of the patronage 81 a hundred
thousand Office holders controlling the nom nations OF
the members of bis party comlels them ~ sustain
his veto and 10 swallow their deliberate judgment
So that the President Of the United States stands
absolutely the king Of sixty min ons Of people with
In regard TO Its interests, its legislation, Its
general welfare, possessed by no other sovorc en-
upon earth.