The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1888-01-05

and in this the Speaker had. it was understood
the hearty sympathy and support of the Pres i
dent and the Secretary of the Treasury. He
MIR. Sherman had called the attention of the
Senate, on the 18th of July, 1886. to the precise
difficulty and danger of the situation, and 20 the
readiness of the majority OF the Senate to pro-
vide for the reduction of taxes and the applca-
ton of the surplus; aud, il it had not been for
the action of the President and his admnlstra-
ton. including the Democratic majority in the
House of Representatives, the taxes would then
have been reduced without. endangering domes-
tic industries. Even without areduction of tax
alton the surplus revenue m ight have been APP
piled for great national objects but for the
vetoes of the President for the failure of the
Secretary of the Treasury to exercise plainly
discretionary powers conferred upon him by
law, and for the failure of the Democratic House
of Representatives to make appropriations for
some of the highest national objects demanded
by the people. The President had. on what he
IMr. Sherman regarded q frivolous reason,
refused his signature to the river and haroor
bill, which would have appropriated more than
$40, 900, 900 for necessary public works and by
his veto of the dependent pension bill, he had
withheld from Union soldiers approximations
made for their relief. The House, too, had re-
fused to provide for system OF coast defenses,
for a proper increase and building up of the
navy and of the commercial marine. for postal
communication with the South American States.
and for the encouragement and support of
schools. 1t had also neglected or refused to ap-
propriate for SIS, 000 900 of deficiencies admitted
TO he due, TO pass the Senate bill for the re-
funding to the several States the direct tax
levied in 1s62-$14 000 000 Had these several
appropriations. sanctioned by the Senate, been
made by the House and approved by the Presi-
dent, and had the residue of the surplus been
applied to the purchase of the public debt, the
condition of the Treasury which now so alarmed
the President would not have existed, the pub
lie debt would have been greatly reduced. and
improvements OF vital importance to American
commerce would ba in course OF construction
The President had cast doubt upon the power
of the Secretary of the Treasury to enter the
market aud purchase bonds. He spoke of it as
'.pretense" or a ''supposition, but the second
section of the sundry civil bill of March 3, 1881
gave the Secretary of the Treasury power, at
any time, to apply the surplus. or so much of it
IS he might consider proper, to the purchase or
redemption of United States bonds-such bonds
to be Cancelled. and not Ito constitute part Of
the sinking fund. That law had been passed at
his Mr.. Sherman'sl request while he was Secre-
tary OF the Treasury, to meet every difficulty,
and to operate at any time. Under 1t the Secre-
tsry of the Treasury could have, and ought to
have applied ED. the surplus ,na nn,o from
of or redemption of United States bonds.
Besides, if the dangers from the surplus rev.
enue were so great and imminent as the Presi-
dent says why had not the President convened
Con gress during the last summer, to deal with
what ne called "the precarious condition OF
financial affairs" and the absolute peril at hand2
What more extraordinary occasion could occur
for the exercise OF the power to convene Con-
CREST But the President had not done this;
and Congress NOW in regular SESSION. was not
to be driven pell-mell by outcry to reverse
Fey being to build mp domestic industries by
reasonable and proper protection against foreign
productions. He Mr.. Sherman wished to ap-
proach the questions presented by the President
with q sincere respect for him and his high Of
fee, but with a consciousness that Senators and
Representatives had the responsibility of acting
upon such matters. with fuller Information and
q broader view of the interests of their con-
stituents than any executive officer, however
elevated. could have. He agreed las he had
gaid more than once last Congress) that the
IA n
pleasing and a grateful task; and the mo-
ment that the House Of Representatives
would give the Senate jurisdiction of the sub
ject matter, the Senate would be ready to share
in that duty as it had done many six times
since the close OF the war. And if the Secre-
tary of the Treasury would from time to time
only do his part of applying the revenue to cur
rent appropriations and to the judicious pur-
chase OF the public debt, the delays of the DEM
ocratic party might be repaired. and taxation
reduced without Gripping industries. He did
not attribute to the President or the Secretary
of the Treasury intent to produce the dan
gers or difficulties by which the country
threatened; did he call in question their in
tegrity fidelity; but when they tried to alarm
the country 80 as to induce Congress to break
down great industrial interests, he pointed them
10 the neglect OF q public duty intrusted TO their
discretion. as the fountain of their woes. II
evil came to the Republic by this surplus it was
their fault They had the power now. and a
power neglected was often as great crime as
power usurped. An artificial scare could not be
made to cover the faults and defects of the ad-
ministration.
The country had two distinct systems of taxa
tion-one upon the American productions of
spirits tobacco and beer, and the other upon
imported goods, the products of foreign nations.
The first OF these the President had dismissed
with a single sentence, saying that mono of
those articles wero necessaries; that there
seemed to be no just complaint Of ouch taxation
by consumers, and that there seemed to be
nothing SO we'll able TO bear the burden without
hardship to any portion OF the people. It
might be that there was no complaint of con-
sumers, but could that be said of the producers
of these articlesl They were all either the
product of the farm or the factory. Their chief
cost was in the leaf tobacco, the corn, the rye,
the wheat and the barley. Did not the farmers
complain of the taxi If the President thought
they did not, he was greatly mistaken. To
bacco manufacturers, distillers and brewers
might not plain-because the necessary re-
quirements OF collection laws gave them a close
monopoly-but the farmers who had to Sc"
to licensed dealers alone, did complain. The
tax whisky might aud to a certain extent
did, restrain the use of whisky as a beverage;
and in that way the tax did good, but the taxes
on beer and tobacco did not The traditions
and policy of tie American people were against
internal taxes. They were necessity during
the war; bat now, if continued, they should be
reduced, and the tax on tobacco, especially,
should be RENTED. Though not a necessity
like bread and meat, the use of tobacco was so
general that it's tax was burden TO the farmer
and to the consumer. The special taxes on recti-
ers. special dealers, stills, ETC., yielding annu-
ally S., 200 000 ought to be repealed, and their
imposition left to the States; and the tax
spirits and beer might be modified that the
States could make taxes on the consumption Of
these articles a bounteous source of revenue.
and proper means of relief from the burdens
of local taxation. If the object sought was only
TO avoid the accumulation of surplus. the easy,
natural and logical course was to repeal, or
largely to reduce internal revenue. But the
President proposed TO continue these taxes,
without dimnution, that he might strike
a more effective blow at the taxes now resting
upon foreign productions. 1t was OF
these latter that he had used the epithets.
vicious, inequitable. and illogical" Il
ut the tariff laws that the President and the Sec
rotary of the Treasury aimed their epithets and
the surplus revenue being the mere
pretext or occasion. 1t was the protective in
dustrial policy built up by the Republican party
that they would break down. The Presidents
message, fairly construed, a severe iudict-
msnt Of all engaged in manufacturer sweep
ing accusation against the policy of protection
ms supported by the great mass of his country
men. and recommended by his most illustrous
1t showed that he favored pub
lie policy which would leave American manu-
ND workman the hard sharp and