The Vermont watchman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1883-1911, 1888-08-22

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ence, man of heroic record in the
war, man of great purity of char
acter man of great firmness and
worthy of the best days of the admin
istration in this country. And you
have associated with him a man whom
to New Workers | need not further de-
scribe than to say that his name is Levi
p. Morton--a man of most generous
character, of the widest and most states
manlike views on all the public ques-
tions pending before the American
people.
Against this you have two gentlemen
of whom | would not speak in terms
other than those of entire personal re-
spect. OF the vice-president other than
that in him | have friend of many
years standing, and | am a personal
admirer of Judge Thurman; but beg
YOU to observe that at critical period
in this country the vice-president,
George NJ. Dallas, on a casting vote in
tied senate, destroyed the protective
tariff of 1912. To-day the senate of the
United States has, or on March 4 next
will have, thirty-two senators from the
solid South, and unless you make a
change six democratic senators from
bIG NOIlll, DltCloClN DuC-lldil, anu 4nl
Thurman will be in a position to re-
enact the vote of George M. Dallas in
1912. Therefore, however available a
man he may be and however able he
may be, the more amiable and the more
able he is the worse will be his in
fluence before the American people.
Now, gentlemen, l know that in dis
cussing the question of protective tariff
we are always pointing out what En-
gland is doing. | have lately been in
England for some months and found
in English public opinion very great
difference of opinion upon almost all
questions. They are about divided upon
what you call the Irish question; they
are about divided on the forcible policy
of Gladstone and Salisbury; they are d.
vided even upon the continuance of the
house of lords and they're not absolutely
unanimous in support of the monarchy.
But from one end of the kingdom to
the other there is a unanimous chorus
on the part of tories and wings, of lib
erals and conservatives and of radicals,
and that is that Hon. Grover Cleveland,
president of the United States, embod-
les in his person the regular form of
revenue and free-trade for the United
States which they like.
Now l have no objection to their
right of opinion and if / had it would
amount to nothing. The American
people find their interests in one policy
and that the English want to change
that policy so as better to conform to
their interests, and that, gentlemen, is
the prime question before you in next
November's election. l am glad that
this meeting is called in the name of the
laboring people, because this question
is from first to last question of labor.
If you will agree to live in as poor a
house and eat as poor food and receive
as low wages as the people of England
receive we can produce as cheap goods
as democratic administration wants to
see. But if you wish to better your con-
dition you want the industrial system
of protected interests to be maintained,
The entire savings that the wage-work-
ers of England, Scotland and Ireland are
drawing upon now are not near as great
as those that lie in the savings banks of
Massachusetts to the credit of wage
workers of that small state, and if you
turn the administration of this republic
to-day into free-trade channels, you
may not expect those great savings, for
you will put our laboring men through
out the country into competition with
the laboring men of Great Britain, and
in the course of five or ten years you
will make them as poor upon this side
of the water as they are upon the other
| will not in this campaign stop to argue
the question upon any other basis. |
have no personality to indulge in; l
have no sores to heal. / would rather
have your cordial and heartfelt and
sympathetic welcome than any office
you care to bestow upon me. But in
this canvass, in which l shall take
greater or less part, shall hold this
question from the beginning to the end
as question that interests every man,
woman and child in this country that
depends upon daily labor for daily
bread. There is no need to make any
laws to protect capital; capital always
takes care of itself and always gets a
full share, but there are laws that can
elevate the condition of the laboring
man and there are laws that can degrade
him.
The republican party has stood for
twenty-five years and it will stand,
believe, with the blessing of God and
the will of the American people, twenty
five years more, upholding and main
tanning the laboring man, for the gov
eminent which takes care of the bone
and sinew and the working-muscle of
the land is taking care of the men who
created the wealth in the country and
who are therefore entitled to the pat
ronage and protection of the govern
ment. Now, gentlemen, you represent
critical state; you represent the state
of New York. Your votes are to tell
in that issue. Your votes can be de-
cisive upon that one issue. Do not be
diverted from that one question by side
issues. Do not be misled by petty
squabbles upon this or that small issue
or upon personal questions of abuse on
the one hand or the other, but give your
votes as independent laboring men and
give them for the interests of your own
homes, of your own firesides, and
thereby for the great interests of the
great republic.
never, Mr.. Chairman, thought of