The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1888-09-13

OF recompense for this reduction
in wages and the loss of the American
market, it is suggested that the diminished
wages of workingmen will have an I'M
diminished purchasing power, and that
they will be able to make up fer loss of the
home market by an enlarged foreign
market.
OUR woRKNGMEN
have the settlement of the question in
their own hands. They now obtain higher
wages and live more comfortably than
those of any other country, and they will
make choice between the substantial ad-
vantages they have in hand and the de-
oeptive promises and forecasts of those
theorizing reformers. They will decide
for themselves and for the country
whether the protective system shall be
continued or destroyed.
The fact of treasury surplus, the
amount of which is variously stated has
directed public attention to considerG-
ton of the methods by which national
income may be best reduced to the level
of wise and necessary expenditure. This
condition has been seized upon by those
who are hostile to our protective custom
duties as an advantageous base of attack
upon our tariff laws. They have magni-
fed the surplus, which they affect to
depreciate, seemingly for the pur-
pose of exaggerating the evil,
in order to reconcile the people
to the extreme remedy they propose.
proper reduction of the revenues does
not neoessitate, and should not suggest
the abandonment or impairment of the
protective system. The methods sug-
gested by our convention will not need to
be exhausted in order to effect the neces-
sary reduction. We are not likely to be
called upon, think, to make at present
choice between a surrender OF the protec-
tive system and the entire
REPEAL OF INTERNAL TAXES.
such contingency, in view of the pres
ent relations of expenditure TO the rev.
enues, is remote. The surplus now in
treasury should be us ed in.
THE PURCHASE OF BONDS.
The law authorizes this use of il, and, If
it is not needed for current expenditures
or deficiency appropriations, the people,
and not the banks in which it has been de-
posted, should have the advantage of it's
use by stopping interest upon the public
debt At least, those who needlessly hoard
it should not be allowed to use the fear of
q monetary stringency. This is produced
to ooerce public sentiment upon other
questions.
Closely connected with the subjeot OF
the tariff is that of
THE IMPORTATION OF FOREIGN LABoRERs
under contracts of service to be perfected
here. The law now in force prohibiting
such contracts received my cordial sup
port in the senate, and such amendments
as may be found necessary effectively TO
deliver our working men and women from
this most inIquitous form of competition
will have my sincere advocacy. Legisla-
ton prohibiting the importation of
laborers uuder contract to serve
here will, however, afford very
inadequate relief to our working
| people, if the system of protective duties
is broken down. II the products Of
American shops must compete in the
4 American market, without favoring duties,
with the products of cheap foreign labor,
the effect will be different, if at all, only
in Representatives. the cheap laborer Is
across the street or over the sea. Much
com etition will soon reduce wages here
to the level of those abroad, and when
that condition is reached we will not need
any laws for abridging the i'm
portation of labOrers under contract.
, They will have no inducement to come
and employer nc inducement to send for
them. In the early history public sgen.
cies to promote inning grafton were com
mon. The people, however, wanted a
neighbOr with more friendly instincts
than the Indian. Labor was scarce and
fully employed, but the day of the immi.
grafton bureau has gone by. While our
doors will continue open to proper immi-
grafton, we do not need to issue special
invitations to the inhabitants of other
countries to come to our shores, or
to share our citizenship. Indeed,
the necessity of some inspection and
emulation is obvious. We should reso-
lutely refuse to admit the people OF
foreign governments to send their paupera
and criminals to our ports. We are also
clearly under a duty to defend our civili-
cation by excluding alien races where
ultimate assimilation with our people is
neither possible nor desirable. The fam
lily has been the nucleus OF our best immi
grafton, and the home the most potent
assimilating force in our civilization. The
objections to
CHINESE IMMIGRATION
are destructive and conclusive, and ar,
now SO generally accepted as such tina
the question has passed entirely beyont
the range of argument. The laws re
4 lating to this subject would, If should b
charged with their enforcement, be faith
fully executed. Such amendments o
further legislation as may be necessar!
, and proper to prevent evasions of thu
laws and stop further Chinese immigra-
q ton would also meet my approval. TIT
expression of the convention upon thu
subject is in entire harmony with mJ
views. Our civil compact is govern
o ment by majorities, and the law loses 1T
0 sanction and the magistrate our, respec
d when this compact is broken.
y The evil results OF election frauds d.
i not expend themselves upon the voter
!. who are robbed of their rightful influence
! in public affairs. The individual, or com
& munity, or party that practices or con-
d hives at election frauds, has suffered ire
g parable injury, and will sooner or late
If realize that, to exchange the American
IS system of the majority rule for minorit,
r control, Is not only unlawful and unpatri
IT otto, but very unsafe for those who pro
: mote it. The disfranchisemen of singl
a legal elector by fraud or intimidation ]
y a crime too grave TO be regarde
a lightly. The rights of every quslifie