New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1888-01-05

l IN
Of the Treasury. to meet the very difficulty and
to operate at any time: Under # the Secretary
of tie Treasury could have, and ought to have.
npprPcbase or redemption Of United States bonds.
| Besides, II the dangers from the surplus revenue
wbv ssss had mo e the Pesdsns Con-
| aress during the last summer to deal with what
| he called - the precarious condition OF financial
more extraordinary occasion could occur for the the
| exercise of the power to convene Congress But
now in regular session. was not to be driven pell
| NELL by an cutlery to reverse the countrys policy
for thirty years-that policy being to build up
domestic industries by reasonable and proper
| protection against foreign productions He tMr.
| Sherman) wished to approach the questions pre-
sented by the President with sincere respect
| for him and his high office, but with conscious
| ness that Senators and Representatives had the
responsibility Of acting upon such matters with
interests Of their constituents than any Executive
officer, however elevated could have lie agreed
the revenue should be reduced. 1t would be
! pleasing and great task; and, the moment that
the House of Representatives would give the Senate
jurisdiction of the subject matter the Senate would
| be ready to share in that duty it had done as
many as six times since the close of the War. And
if the Secretary of the Treasury would, from time
! to time only do his part of applying the revenue
to current appropriations and to the iudcious pur
chase of the public debt the delays, of the Demo-
| cratic party might be repaired and taxation re-
duced without crppling industry lie ana not
attribute either to the President or the Secretary
of the Treasury an intent to produce the dangers
| and difficulties by which the country was threat
| ened nor did he call In question their integrity
| or fidelity, but when they tired to alarm tne
country as to induce Congress TO nreak ao WI
great Industrial interests he pointed them to the
neglect of public duty entrusted TO thelr uls,
erection the fountain of their woes II ,f svin
| came to the Republic by this surplus 1T was their
fault. They had the power now ana power
neglected was often as great crime as power
| usurped. An artificial scare could not pc maac 10
cover the faults and defects OF the ADMINISTRATOR
| THE INTERNAL REVENUE.
| The country had two distinct systems of tan
| ation one upon the American productions Oh
spirits, tobacco and beer. and the other upon
| imported goods, the products of foreign nations
| The first of these the President had dismissed with
a single sentence, saying that none OF those art-
| cles were neccssaries that there seemed no just
complaint of such taxation by consumers; and
that there seemed to be nothing so well able to bear
the burden, without hardship to any portion OF
the people It might be that there was no COM
| plaint of consumers but could that be said Of
| the producers of these articles? They were all
| either the product of the farm, or immediate
| fruits of the product of the farm. Their chief
cost US Was in n the h Leaf !G mot sOf s
| complain of the tax If the President thought
they did not he was greatly mistaken. TOBACCO
| manufacturers distillers and brewers might not
| complain because the necessary requirements OF
| collection laws gave them close monopoly, put
| the farmers who had to sell to licensed dealers
alone. did complain The tax on whislsey might.
| land IN a certain extent did restrain the use Of
| whislley beverage; and in that way the tax
| did good. but the taxes on beer and tobacco ala
| not. The traditions and policy of the American
people against internal taxes They were
necessity during the War; but now, II continued,
they should be reduced and the tax on tobacco
| especially should be remittcd. Though not a
necessity like bread and meat the use OF tobacco
| was so general that its tax was burden to the
farmer and to the consumer The special taxes ;
on rcctifers special dealers, stills. &c yielding
| annually IS. 100000, ought to be repealed ana
| fboir i'm left to the States. ana the tax
on spirits and beer might be so modified that the
States could make taxes on the consumption OF
| these articles bOunteous source OF revenue ana
| proper means of relief from the burdens OF
| local taxation. If the object sought was only to
natural, and logical course was to repeal, or
largely to reduce, internal revenue But the i'res-
| ident proposed to continue these taxes. WITHOUT
diminution so that he might strike more effect
| i've blow at the taxes now resting upon foreign
productions It was of these latter that he had
used the epthets vcIrns % aat a tho Pres
idcnt and the Secretary Of the Treasury aimed their
epithcts and arguments-the surplus revenue beng
| the mere preteXt occasion. II was the protect
i've industrial policy built M by the Republican
party that they would break down. The Pres
| Indictment of all engaged in mannfacturcs-a
sweeping accusation against the policy of pro
lection as supported by the great mass OF ms q,
lustrions predecessors. IL showed that he favored
a public policy which would leave Anne rlcan man,
| ufacturcrs and worltmen TO the hard. sharp ana
| grinding competition of the capital and labor OF
| the world.
| APPROPRIATIONS AND HOME MISUNDERSTANDING
| Proceeding to details Mr. Sherman said that
| during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1888"
the total value Of foreign importatons was $685.
| OOO 900 1898, 100000 Of that amount being
free OF duty: so that as TO over one-third OF all
articles of foreign production consumed IN TINS
country there was absolute free trade They
were mainly such articles as by reason Of climate.
| no rod hcrp and did not
| into competition with domestic industry With
that kind of free trade he was in hearty sym.
| pathy lie would extend IL to every article OF
common use, the growth or production of which
| in the United States not profitable. 1t was
exactly the opposite, policy that was proposed ny
the President and by the school to which the
| President belonged. They sought to place taxes
upon articles free, such as tea and coffee.
| in order that greater reduction might he made
| on articles that did come into competition with
home industry. After dcducting the free list the
value Of imported goods last year was $4,000 oO,-
| 600 on which duties were levied Should there
sS N @n?''r% but r"' there should be
careful discrimination and classihcation OF rates'
depending upon the nature and quality OF the
goods npon who were to be consumers and npon
the effect which the rates PROPOSED would nae
upon domestic industry Therefore. articles OF vol,
| untarv uar Of luxury ornament or appetite. not
| in com,,on uso among the people, and which are
| purchased almost exclusively by the wealthy
| should bear higher rate of taxatiOn-thc highest
rate collect able without excluding them or intr'-
| ducnp smuggling This was founded upon the
admitted maxim Of political economy. that taxes
| should bc assessed upon those best able to paw.
This applied to wines, LIQUORS and cigars supnosed
to he SUPERIOR in flavor TO the domestic arflclesl,
and to silks satins, broadcloths innumerahe arti-
| clcs Of dress ornament. to porcelain. statuary.
| poiptincs glassware and the like. As ~ all these
articles the price was matter Of Indifference 70
the consumer, and the rate of duty was very much
lrl,. the price fixed by the manufacturer that Is
rs much rs could he got. This was the policy Of
tho present tariff and il had opcratcd even better
| tbap had bccn bopcd The value Of srch articles
imported was not less than sl2 900, and the
dutios collected them not less than $50. 600 600
| -nnarIv onc-third Of the whole amount collected
| II certainly could not he said Of these duties
| that thcv imposed p burden upon those who con-
| snmed domestic products rs well as upon those
| who consumed imported articles lusirc the Pres