davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05
A Suicidal Policy.

'NTr Walsh could not represent the views of his
people at St. Louis; hence he was not chosen"
The above paragraph has been travelling
the rounds of several Georgia papers which
have been attempting to explain the reason
of Mr.. Walsh's defeat as delegate to the
st. Louis convention. Notwithstanding the
fact that it is now generally admitted thas
the convention made a mistake in the pros
scriptiye policy it adopted, there are a few
papers which are yet trying to explain the
action in the hope of justifying the stand
which they took against the minority.
Let us carry the argument a little further,
Suppose every democratic state had resorted
to the same methods which characterized
the proceedings of the Georgia convention.
Had this been done in New York, New JerS
sey and Connecticut, very large element
of the democratic party would have been
put OH notice that it must take a back seat
and yield without word to the party lashs
as welded by the majority. The inevitable
esult of such course would have been to
have created an immense amount Of dissat.
isfaction in the ranks of the party at time
when harmony was most to be desired above
all things. The democrats of New York,
New Jersey and Connecticut recognized the
fact that the success of the party depends
upon the combined strength of the demos
cratic vote, as it did n 1884. Consequently
they were not ready to act, to say the least
of it, ungraciously, to very large and inns
portant element of that vote, which was
taken into caucus with the majority, and
which was given representation in the dele4
cations to the national convention. !,
OF course it makes no material difference
in Georgia, with the state so overwhelmingly
democratic, but the Georgia policy would
have been ruinous one in other states.
Even the democratic majority Of congress
is steering clear of the course adopted by
the Georgia convention, and it is not at all
improbable that the spirit of compromise
which is now manifested by the democratic
caucus is prompted by the indignation With
which the news of the action of the Geor-
gia democracy was received. Instead Of
profiting by the advice of our convention II
has yielded, to very great extent, to the
| minority, and thanks to the wisdom Of the
leaders-Mr. Mills being almost the only
one protesting-the Mills bill is being rap4
| idly made unobjectionable.
The developments Of each day attests the
| democracy's Endorsement of THE CoNsTITU-
TIoN position, not as to the tariff, but as
to the policy which the party should adopt.
| In few weeks the field will be the place
| for MI Walsh and others like him, and
they will do valuable service for the de-
mocracy at time when their aid will be
| needed.
Then who will dare question the sincerity
of their democracy?
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05

Admitting, however that Colonel Walsh
has been INDUCING in all the talk Of which
the Advertiser speaks, would he not, in
the face Of the statement which it makes,
be justified in having said all that has been
said on the subject? The stand ascribed to
Colonel Walsh in the fight he made for the
denomination Of Governor Colquitt is a
perfectly true statement of the part he took
in the convention. Governor Colquitt
would never have been renominated had it
not been for the mcompromisfng leader
ship of Colonel Walsh, who was offered the
goyernorship provided he would desert him.
lie spurned the offer, and his faithful stand
resulted in the reelection of Governor Col
quit. Colonel Walsh knew on that occas-
ion that his position represented the wish
of the overwhelming majority of the people
of the state, and his course was afterward
ratified by the people
The parallel which is drawn between the
two conventions will not hold. The mi
nority in the former convention was fixed
In its determination not to yield to the ma
jorty, and saw the convention break up
rather than do so. It was different in the
recent state convention. Colonel Walsh
was in the minority, and announced that
he would readily yield his position to the
majority for the sake of. democratic har-
mony. lie had no fight to make, but was
willing and ready to be governed entirely
By the instructions of the convention. Had
Senator Colquitt stood by Colonel Walsh
then, as Colonel Walsh did by Governor
Colquitt in 1880, there would have been no
complaint about intolerance. There was
no principle whatever involved, all differ
ences having been adjusted as soon as it
became apparent how the democracy Of
Georgia stood. The minority did not make
a fight in single county in the state, read
lily yielding its views for the good of the
party.
Colonel Walsh never deserted friend.
Can the same be said of all those for whom
he has fought SO CALAMITY in the past?
1t is significant that the News and Adver-
tiser-then bitter anti-Colquitt organ
discloses the fact that Mr.. Walsh was
beaten in the convention of this year
largely to punish him for the stand he made
for Senator Colquitt in $780, The anti
Colqujtts of 1880 were loud in their de-
mands for Mr.. Walsh's scalp in 1888 be-
cause of his fight for ColQuitt in 1880. And
yet Senator Colquitt never said word in
extenuation of this animosity raised on his
account
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05
WHAT HAS BECOME of Joey Bagstock For
aker? Has he been killed in the crush?
The Nationnl l,rohibition pnrtv.

The prohibition movement will probably
figure more conspicuously in the national
campaign of this year than it has ever done
before. There is no doubt but that the
third party has gained considerable strength
during the past few years, and while, of
course, its vote will be decidedly insignif-
cant in comparison with that polled by the
other two parties, yet its canvass will be the
most active it has ever made, and its candi-
dates for president and yice-president will,
it is expected, receive a larger vote than
any of their predecessors.
In 1880 the national prohibition vote for
Neal Dow, for president was II $40. The
vote for St. John four yeas later was ISL,
90 This increase was phenomenal, as the
vote of 1880 was not 1900 more than that
of 1876, and that WAS but 1900 above that
of 1872. Even should the vote of 1888 be
anything in keeping with the past ratio of
increase, it will run up into the hundred
thousands, and the prohibitionists them
selves count on showing strength of from
$50. 600 to $4,000 Should this increase
continue it will not be many years before
the third party will interfere very seriously
with both of the great parties as they exist
today.
1t is not at all improbable however, that
the third party vote viii show avery decided
decrease in It's ratio Of gain this year. In
deed, it is possible that it viii not poll as
large vote for General Fisk, It's present
nominee, as it did for St. John four years
ago. Should this happen the party will
lose the importance which it gained by the
results Of its active participation in the cam
paign OF 1854. Had It not been for the pro-
hibiton vote then, Cleveland would not
now be president, as Blaine would almost
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05

for the supplies necessary to carry on their
business The result is that they have been
at the mercy Of the retail merchants.
TIE CONSTITUTION has frequently called
attention to this state Of affairs. Without
crticizing the supply merchants, we have
stated the facts, coupling the statement
with advice to the farmers to raise their
own supplies and to improve their methods
Of farming. The merchants might easily
have taken the cue. II was their policy to
nurse the farmer along so as to get him
squarely on his feet, just as it was the policy
of the railroads to do justice to the public.
But, somehow the matter was not regard
ed in this light. A policy that compels
farmer to pay from % to 200 per cent inter
est on supplies bought on time, is precisely
the policy pursued by the man who killed
the goose that laid the golden egg. The Al
lance proposes to reform all this, and there
seems to be no sort of doubt as to its success.
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05
Modifying the Mills Bill.

The work of compromising with various
democratic interests on the Mills bill has
been boldly carried on by the majority of
the house. This compromise, which is just
as necessary step towards genuine tariff
reform as it is in the direction of democratic
success in some of the important manufact-
uring states, has been urged by THE CONSTR
TUITION from the very first. 1t gratiies us
to know that our views in this matter,
which have been persistently and conscien-
tiously urged, are also the views of an over
whelming majority of the democrats i'll the
house, and, as We believe, in the whole
country.
1t is not, as one of our contemporaries
has suggested, a compromise with Mr. Ran
dali. 1t is compromise with that large
body Of democrats in New York, Connect
cut, New Jersey and other states who in
dorse Mr.. Randall's views. The south is
vitality interested in the compromise, for it
is movement that will harmonic and
solidify the democrats of several important
democratic states and thus insure the sue
cess of the party in the coming campaign.
The south is solid in any event; it would
be solid if Mr.. Cleveland's message had
been high tariff document; it would be
solid if the Mills bill had proposed to abol-
ish all customs duties; but the soldity of
the south would amount to very little if the
democrats in the manufacturing states were
not equally as solid.
The Washington correspondent of free
trade contemporary says some of the demo-
cratic members "are FESTIVE under the
changes that have been effected in the plan
of the bill, the amount estimated to be two
million dollars,' and they ''even wish to go
back to the original measure as it came
from the committee"
We have not the least doubt of it. To
some minds the idea of compromise is poi
sonous. They are so intolerant-t their
minds are so perverted-that they would
willingly sacrifice the party itself to their
pride of opinion.
Happily for the party and for the coun
try, the democratic majority in the house
are not willing to risk the defeat of the
party, for they know that if the democracy
is beaten at the polls, the whole plan of
tariff and revenue reform will fall to the
ground with dull, sickening thud.
THE CONSTITUTION congratulates the
democratic members of the house on their
| wisdom and patriotism.
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05
The DUTY of the nemocroov.

For the first time in many years the demo-
cratic party and the republican party are to
go before the people OF the country on a
distinct and decided tariff issue. The cam
paign, which is soon to be inaugurated. will
be one of the most active and closely con-
tested OF all those in which the democratic
party has ever participated. The republic
cans occupy, practically, the same ground
that they have held for many years. The
democrats are shifting their position. ana
instead OF attacking the enemy from the
rear are 20 charge tho front in a dashing
and desperate onslaught Democratic vie
tory This time means tEe eftctual ANA ever
lasting defeat OF the republican party. which,
realiang the importance Of It's stake. viii
contest every inch of ground, and contend
for its only hope Of salvation inthe bittsrest
fight which 10 has ever made.
What is tile duty Of the democracy
It is true that There are differences Of opjn-
ion as to therolicy BY which tie party should
bo guided, but the final orders viii be issued
by the national convention, which assemblies
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05

certainly have carried New York by declss
i've majority. 1t was the prohibition defeos
ton from the republican party which gave
the state to the democrats.
The republican party has left nothing una
done to prevent the possibility of such q
thing happening again, and in New Yorlz
and New Jersey, particularly, it has made
every endeavor to re-establish itself with
those who left it on accout of the dilatorv
manner in which it treated the prohibition
question, and it is possible that it has sucy
ceeded in bringing great many of the bolta
ers back into the republican camp. To ac3
complish this, many concessions had to be-
made, and in New York the republicans
have put themselves squarely in line with
the prohibitionists against the democrats,
1t was driven to this action by the realizas
ton of the fact that heroic treatment wax
necessary, and that without the prohibition
vote which had left it, the party would rap@
idly go to pieces.
Thus, after the patching of the past few
years it may be that the republican NOMINEES
for president will get back many of the prog
hibition votes which deserted the party in
1884, though President Clevelands re-elec4
ton would scarcely become less certain il
every third party vote in the country wens
to the republican nominee.
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05
ATLANTA GA, JUNE 5, 1888.
Our Soldiers and Their Monument.


"No soldiers that ever fought on earth
have such an enduring monument"
says Mr.. b. L. Abbott whose Richmond
letter is printed in todays CONSTITUTION,
''as Lees soldiers who rest under the granite
monument at Richmond"
There is fitness in that No soldiers ever
deserved more enduring monument! The
cause for which they fought was lost-the
banner under which they fought forever
surledl 1t is fitting that their heroic lives
and splendid valor and devotion should be
held in grateful remembrance, until the his
tory Of their deeds shall have been dimmed
into tradition, and men shall stand wonder
ing at the base of that granite pile. as men
stand at the foot of the pyramids, knowing
only that illustrious things are comment
Grated there!
In the meantime, shall the grave Of Am
brose Powell Hill be left without fitting
monument to tell that great general and
q noble heart lies buried there?
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05
The Negro win Work His Own Destiny.

The discussion in the Presbyterian assem-
bly, in Philadelphia over the position OF the
colored race in the south, in its connection
with the church, was characterized by
pretty much the same points as have been
made in other similar discussions.
1t seems that this question has been the
chief obstacle in the way of the unison of
the northern and southern Presbyterian
churches. The latter holds that the col
ored people should be organized in separate
synods, and the former contended for a
general organization covering both races.
No definite action was agreed upon, and
the matter was referred to committee.
The negro will work out his own destiny
if let alone, and no interference by the
church or state will do anything toward
benefting his condition or giving him adj
vantages or rights which he would not
otherwise have, and by which his position
viii be improved, any more than it will be
improved in the general order of things.
The colored people are thoroughly compe-
tent to take care of themselves, and they
should not be troubled by outside interfer-
ence. They prefer to have their church
organizations separately, and it is mani
festly better for them that this should be so.
To force any other solution of this fea-
ture of the social question would work more
harm than GOOD.
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05

may be we'll to show how fallacious its con-
illusions are.
Once upon time, it will be remembered,
the late Roscoe Conklng, while making
bitter attack on the south, remarked IN
his weighty way that the state of New I ork
paid more revenue into the treasury than
all the southern states combined. This was
a master stroke; it was just such master
stroke as that which the Evening Post has
soemnly delivered.
There could be only one justification OF
Mr.. Conklmg's remark. If the people OF
New York bought and used all the mer-
chandise that enters that state through the
custom house, then Mr.. Conkling was cor
rect Otherwise he made ridiculous blum
der, and it was blunder the Evening Post
was among the first to expose.
Now, if the people of Illinois, Kentucky,
New York and Ohio buy and consume all
the whisky distilled in those states, why,
then, those states pay more whisky revenue
into the treasury than the other states. 1t
is very simple matter indeed. The DIS
tillers put their whisky in bond, and at the
end of the bonded period, it is bought and
paid for by dealers in all parts of the coun-
try. Sometimes there is not as lively de
mand as at others, and then the whisky
ring rushes off to Washington and demands
an extension of the bonded period.
This is the secret of the agitation the dis
tillers have been making in congress and
out of it. But even if they were to pay the
tax out of their own pockets, it would
eventually be collected elsewhere. The peo-
pie of Illinois pay no more of the tax on
whisky, in proportion to population, than
any other state, probably not as much.
If the internal revenue system were
abolished, as it should be, and as it will be,
Illinois and all the other states could deal
with the distillers as they saw fit, and in
this business the temperance people would
be able to take very lively part.
We are surprised that so self-contained
newspaper as the Evening Post should run
headlong into such mares nest as this.
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05


We print elsewhere a talk with DR.. T. o.
Powell in which he shows the necessity for
the establishment of a private insane asy-
lum in the south.
Every consideration Of philanthropy and
business support the suggestion of DR.. Pow
ell. An insane person is brought back to
sanity more certainly among people whose
habits, customs, speech and appetites are
his own, than among strangers. Many
families that would be able to maintain
their afflicted in private asylum near
home, are unable to stand the expense of
sending them north and OF visiting them
there as occasion may require.
There are others who would be willing to
see an insane relative sent to private asy-
lum conveniently placed, who would not be
willing to send them two or three days jour-
ney away.
Atlanta viii be glad to welcome the dis
tinguished gentlemen named by DR.. Powell,
to listen with interest to their discussion
and 10 give them such material aid as MAY
be necessary to put their conclusions into
force.
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05
A Socialist a. a Pbilant,,ropis.,

Henry George has made lis appearance
in a new role.
Last week the great expounder of pro-
gress and poverty spent dag in a police
court, and the results OF his observations
and reflections fill three columns in the
New York World.
1t goes without saying that Mr.. George
believes that our police courts are part Of
the machinery OF social oppression. OF
course he makes some very striking points
in the course Of his article, but they are the
points that have suggested themselves to
thousands OF thoughtful men generations
ago.
a wretched man is brought before the
court charged with vagraney. 1t makes no
difference whether he is honest and sober
or not lie is out of work, and has no
means to support him. For this misfortune
he is branded as a criminal and sent OF to
work with conyicts.
A workingman gets drunk, and the judge
lectures him about the injustice his intern
perance works to his family. Then he fines
him heavily, and is done with him. Now
this very fine Inconvenience the drunkard's
family more than anything else could do.
But what is the remedy?
Again, many persons who are charged
with misdemeanors have plenty of money
They pay their fines and so about their
business. There are others, however, who
have no money, and they are made con-
victs. But what is the remedy?
Mr.. George may sentimentalze over
these inequalities until doomsday, but he
cannot change the existing order of things,
Our judges are well aware that they do not
administer perfect justice They aim in
that direction, and this is all that they can
do. More than half century ago some of
the hardships of the law were shown up by
Goodwin in his enquiry Into Political JUS
tice." The book created quite a stir at the
time, and statesmen and lawyers took hold
of it with desire to reform matters if pos
sibe Nothing was done. Nothing could be
done. So long as the world stands poverty,
misery and suffering must be the lot of the
majority. Legislation and the decisions of
the courts cannot change this universal
natural law.
Still Mr.. George deserves full credit for
his good impulses, and the fact that his
theories are up in the air will not hurt him
with good people. Occasionally an absurdly
impracticable word from kind-hearted
theorist like Mr.. George puts men in a good
humor with their neighbors. Good humor
is so scarce and so precious that it is some
times worth while to sacrifice what we call
common sense in order TO bring it to the
surface.
The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-06-05
The Situation,


days ago has recently come to the surface.
The Blaine letter, which was at first received
complaicently, or with calm regret, has
turned out to be regular bomb-shell in the
republican camp. Everything is in confu-
sion. Tie rank and file are rushing wildly
about, and the suffers are scurrying hither
and yon. Even the staid old organs that
have been through many curious campaigns
appear to be on the verge of a stampede.
The Tribune cries out, CATER Blaine,
who?" and the cry is echoed by the Phila-
delphia Press and all the smaller fry.
Who, indeed? VIII it be Gresham? The
suggestion has been made even by republic
cans, that Gresham is trihe 100 good for
his party. The party is emphatically a
Blaine affair, fitted up with Blaine machin-
cry. Naturally such an organization will
desire to follow leader with something Of
Balne's morals and methods, to say moth
ing of his magnetism. Gresham is not a
man of that stamp.
VIII it be John Sherman, the cold and
calculating schemer, who never knew there
was any fire in his bosom until he met Eliza
Pinkston in the fervid cline of Louisiana?
1t is not likely. Sherman is well thought
of by some Of the bankers, and he could
probably get the support of Wall street, but
the 'boys," the heelers, the men who make
the noise and get up the enthusiasm, do not
take to him kindly.
win it be Depew? The trouble with this
suave citizen and after-dinner stump speak
or is that he is the manager of a great rail-
road corporation that has frequently offend
ed the public. As yet, he has cut no great
caper as statesman, and it is likely that
some more popular candidate will be select
ed. But what Is his name, where does he
live and what is his present vocation?
The democratic party, on the other hand,
presents q solid and harmonious front to its
opponents. 1t is united all along the line.
Since the caucus, in the spirit ef compro-
mise-which THE CONSTITUTION has advo-
Gated all along, has seen fit to conform the
Mills bill to the wise provisions of the plat
form of 1854, there is not, so far as we can
see, single element of discord in the party.
The delegates who are now on their way
to St. Louis, have large part of their work
cut out for them. They 90 to nominate Mr..
Cleveland for reelection, and this can be
done without any elaborate prelimnaries
AS to the second place on the ticket, that
can also be settled in few minutes Who
ever Mr.. Cleveland decides to accept will be
nominated. The president is now supreme
so far as the purposes of the party are con-
cerned, and we are confident that he will
select as candidatefo for vice president one of
the worthiest men in the party.
There are numerous aspirants, but the
most prominent is Judge Thurman, who,
as our kilograms today announce, will CON
sent to be candidate should Mr.. Cleveland
and the party insist on his running.
Though Judge Thurman has been out of
politics for some time and has no ambition
in that direction now, his name is one to
conjure with