davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08

the growth of savings bank deposits in the
United Kingdom under their policy, or
he would not have invited attention to
the facts.
OF course all intelligent workingmen
understand that there is no question of
free trade before the people of this country.
The democrats propose to levy a
tariff affording the enormous protection of
4Oper cent, on an average, to our manu-
features, and the monopolists oppose this
because they demand prohibitory tariff
But we suggest to such over-zealous cham
pions of prohibitory tariffs as the Journal
correspondent that if they don't want to
make intelligent workingmen look kindly
upon free trade, they will fight very shy
of the British saving bank statistics
They are very dangerous things for the
high tariffites to handle. They are loaded,
so to speak.
Down with mOnoDolv taxes
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08
A Few Questions Answered.

The Chicago Herald is OF course abund-
antly able to take care of the Indianapolis
Journal in tariff controversy. But there
are some questions which the latter asks
the Herald that we take the liberty of an
swering, because the readers of THE SEN
TINEL, as a rule, do not read the Herald
Here they are:
Do you not know, as a matter of fact, that
tailors and seamstresses, men and women, now
sew for very low wages?
Yes; it is protected labor" so called,
and most protected labor, so called, works
for starvation wages. The manufacturers
reap the benefit of the 80 per cent.
duty on ready-made clothing, and they
enjoy the benefit of free trade in labor.
And that to cheaper clothes would be to
lower wages, thus bringing tailor and seam
stress nearer to the starvation point and max
ing cheaper men and women?
No; not by large majority. To cheaper
clothes would be to make the wages of
every man, woman and child in the land
go farther than they do now. 1t would
increase the consumption of clothing, as
reduction in the price of any commodity
always increases its consumption. In
creasing the consumption of clothing
would increase the demand for the labor
employed in its manufacture and thus in
crease the wages, which always advance
when the demand improves.
Do you not know that a very large majority
of the male population of this country, probably
90 per cent, wear ready made clothing the year
round?
Yes. What of it?
Do you not know that common, a good or a
frst-rate ready made Atwood suit of clothing
can be bought in this country to-day as cheap
or cheaper than in ony other, and we may
add, much better made and better fitting?
No. We know just to the contrary. A
better suit of clothes than costs $50 in this
country, can be bought for SIP or So in
England, France or Canada. Everybody
knows this to be fact who knows any,
thing about it. Most of the monopolists
buy years stock OF clothing when they
go abroad on their annual tour, and save
on this and other purchases the cost of
their journey. The so-called protected
laborers" do not enjoy this blessed
privilege.
Do you not know that the repeal Of the duty
on wool could not possibly reduce the price Of
ready-made clothing unless a reduction of
wages followed?
No. Common sense teaches us better
than that. The cheaper the manufacturer
gets his raw material the better wages he
can afford to pay, and the cheaper he can
sell clothing. If the Journal got its white
paper for half what it pays now it could
pay higher wages and at the same time
sell its paper cheaper.
We like to answer the Journals ques-
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08
4 Simple Issue.


The issue between the two great parties
in this campaign is so simple that a child
can understand it. Cheap clothes VS..
cheap whisky. That is all there is of it.
The democratic party favors cheap clothes;
the republican party favors cheap whisky.
The democratic party opposes cheap whis-
ky; the republican party opposes cheap
clothes. Stated thus plainly it will be seen
that the question is not a political or an
economic one-it is moral one. What
ever mans views may be about protec-
ton and free trade he must, if he have
ordinary sense and honesty, own that the
tax on whisky, which the republicans pro-
pose to repeal, is a most righteous tax.
Mr. BLAINE himself thought so when he
wrote his Paris message" in which he
said, speaking of the whisky tax, that it
involved a moral question, and that so
long as there was whisky to tax he would
tax it. Mr.. BLAINE was right, and he was
right when he said that to remove the tax
on whisky would be to increase its con-
sumption enormously. This is what the
republican party proposes to do. 1t says
to the American people: "We will keep
up the tax on the thread and needle of
the poor woman who is paid starva-
ton wages for making shirts; upon
the slate pencils of the little
children; upon the shovel and pick
and red shirt OF the poor fellow who lives
upon what wouldn't be enough to keep a
e-11f ,o-,~oo+.,,o. ha,--o. 1s,,,, Hor or,1
hardware and crockery and glass and
wool and salt-in short, upon everything
that the people need, but we will do all that
we can to increase the consumption of
whisky enormously and so to increase
vice and misery, and poverty and crime,
and insanity and death among the people
of these United States"
That is the issue. There is no getting
away from it. Mr.. HARRISON himself has
expressed fear lest coats should get to be
too cheap. As an 'uninstructed political
economist" he cannot favor cheap coats.
Free and cheap whisky is more to his
taste. Such being the case it is certain
that neither that wretched thing, state
pride" nor social. or business, or religious
pressure can influence the people of Indi-
ana to give their Endorsement to the mon
strously cruel and wicked platform upon
which the republicans must fight this cam
paign. HARRIsoY's personality is, rela-
lively, very small factor in the prob
lem. He is the free whisky candidate, and
a vote for him means a vote for free
whisky. He must stand upon his plat
form. 1t is impossible to disassociate one
from the other. The man who attempts
to make the distinction is simply trihing
with his own conscience. We have no
doubt that upon this issue Indiana will be
carried by the democrats. We believe it,
because we know that her people are an
honest, moral, temperate, God-fearing
people, and that they always vote their
convictions. If they do this in this cam
paign-as they will-they will make it
impossible for Mr.. HARRIsoN's political
friends to redeem the pledges that they
made at Chicago.
Down with monopoly taxes
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08
The Starch Tax.

The Journal has finally ventured to at
tempt the discussion of the tariff in some
ofits practicaraspects,b but, of course, makes
a mess of it. For instance, it SAYS:
There is no tax on corn-starch, because 90
per cent. Of that consumed in the United States
is of American manufacture, and never passed
through a custom-house. Corn-starch is re-
tailed in indianapolis to-day cheaper than in
the free-trade city of London, and from 20 TO
so per cent lower than it was sold in the free
trade times of 1860. It has been retailed in
this city, in close competition, for less than 8
cents per pound, and yet the free-trade organ
tells 1t readers that they are paying a tax Of
100 per cent. on their starch under the present
tariff. If starch retails for less than 5 cents.
where is the cost of the corn, the profit of the
manufacturer, the jobber and retailer to come
from?
Now,ifthe Journal win refer to a pamphlet
purporting to have been composed by
starch manufacturer, and which is being
circulated in Indiana as a republican cam
paign document it viii find it there ex,.
pressly stated that if the Mills bill "a
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08
Down with monopoly taxes!
The Chinese Organ in a Hole.
The Journal saws

Inc 0OuI1tUC saws.
The necessities OF free traders require them
to treat American manufacturers as public
enemies, and capital invested in mauufactur-
ing as fair subject for confscation by demo-
cratic legislation. The course of THE SENTINEL
illustrates this. 1t is attacking one industry
after another by name, and each one is a greater
robber than the other. To-day it is the wooden
business the next day starch then glass, saws,
straw pulp and so on in order. Each one, ac-
cording to The SENTINEL, is ga peculiarly
odious monopoly" and more outrageous
form of highway robbery than the other. The
men engaged in these different lines of bust
ness are all treated as public enemies.
There is not the slightest foundation
for the above. THE SENTINEL has not "at-
tackled the wooden business, nor the
glass industry, nor saws, nor starch"
nor any other legitimate business 1t has
told the truth about the pulp monopoly.
but has not spoken of it in half as strong
terms as the Journal has applied to it re-
peatedly. THE SENTINEL printed some
facts and figures showing that certain
statements made by certain saw manu-
facturer of this city were untrue, and
asked him, in courteous way, a number
of questions, which he has never at
tempted to answer. 1t printed some
figures about the glass industry from the
census reports, and showed that
this business was adequately pro-
tected by the Mills bill. 1t did
the game thing touching the starch
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08
Harrison's Chinese Record.

Ex-Gov. LONG sends to the Boston Globe
what purports to be an accurate statement
of BEN HARRIsoN's Chinese record. AS
ment Of it. 1t says in the first place that
HARRISON voted against the Page bill to
restrict Chinese immigration, because it
was in conflict with treaty stipulations.
This is simply not true. Ben HARRISON
voted against this and other anti Chinese
measures, because he believed that
Chinese immigration ought to be en-
couraged. He made no attempt to dis
guise this opinion at that time. He ex-
pressed it openly, and in an essay read
before a literary society in this city
advocated it with good deal
of earnestness. He never put his
opposition TO anti-Chinese legislation
on the ground that it conficted with
treaty stipulations, either in the senate or
elsewhere. As matter of fact, they con-
stituted no valid objection to either of the
anti Chinese bills which HARRISON voted
against. Upon this point read the testi-
mony of an ex-treaty commissioner,
printed in the Indianapolis Journal, OF
April 6, 1872 two days after President
ARTHUR'S veto of the first anti-Chinese
billy:
l fully hoped suspension could have been
proposed for thirty years, and the Chinese gov
eminent would not have considered the faith
of the treaty trespassed on if it had been made
Tor fifty years, or even more.
A bill was drawn, however, with the
express view of obviating the objection
OF conflict with the treaty. 1t was passed
by congress and became law with the
approval of President ARTHUR. BEN HAIR
RIsoN resisted it at every stage; voted for
all amendments designed to weaken it,
and against all amendments designed to
strengthen it. He was as strongly pro
Chinese as any member OF the senate.
Gov. LONG also says that Senator HAIR
RIsoN voted against an amendment to one
of the Chinese bills, prohibiting the
naturalization of Chinese, because the
laws already forbade it. If that was the
case, what possible harm could an ex-
press prohibition in the statute books
have done? 1t would have settled he
question absolutely, and it was in great
doubt then, when courts all over
the country were naturalizing Chinese.
They had been naturalized right here in
Indianapolis to Gen. HARRIsoN's knowl-
edge and by his party friends; and had
voted the republican ticket in 1880 over
democratic challenges. The fact is that
BEN HARRISON voted against the prohibi-
ton of Chinese naturalization because he
dind't want it prohibited. He wanted the
Chinese to become citizens and voters, and
it is said, predicted that in such event they
would ally themselves with the republi-
can party, making much needed addi-
ton to its voting strength.
Why can't BEN HARRISON and his
friends face the music on his Chinese rec
ord? What's the use Of lying about it?
Such defense as ex-Gov. LONG makes is
no defense at all. 1t does not harmonic
with the record, nor with Ben HARR1soN' s
public utterances. 1t is pettifogging,
quibbling plea, not worthy Of police
court shyster.
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08


The company pays nothing for fuel or
water, and has no money invested in
land. 1t is enabled by the tariff to sell its
product to paper mills at $50 per ton, or
more than four times the cost Of manufacture.
Making liberal allowances for expenses,
insurance, ETC., it will be seen that the
Muncie company will realize vast fort
une every year on the present basis. The
secretary puts the capacity of the works at
twenty tons day. This is 6.240 tons
year, for which it gets, over and above the
cost of manufacture, S64 ton. or the vast
sum of 1893, $3.50. Making the very liberal
allowance of 25per cent. of the gross value
of the product, and deducting the amount
paid for labor and materials, we have
net annual profit of S266, 760 on an actual
investment of $4,000, or over 100 per
cent What farmer, or merchant or I'M
protected manufacturer of Muncie makes
such an unconscionable profit? No won
der these avaricious pulp-makers want
the duty on pulp kept up and German
pulp kept out of the country and all COM
petition prohibited. They have got a
'soft thing'-a very soft thing indeed. If
the people want to know what monopoly
means, they will find very striking IL
lustration in the case of this Muncie
pulp company.
And at whose expense does this cor
poration thus wax fat? At the
expense of the people. The tax
on pulp is a tax on intelligence.
I'll tax on newspapers and school books
and bibles, and all the agencies through
which information is principally dissem-
mated. 1t is tax on education. The
Muncie pulp company sells Its product to
paper mills. The paper mills are "pro-
tected" by tax of 10 per cent. The
paper mills sell it to the newspaper and
book publishers, and they in turn sell it
back to the farmers who get from the
pulp company the munifcieDt price of so
cents (net) per ton for straw, and the men
who work in the pulp factory for
meagre wages. Thus the latter foot the
bill, or their share of it, at last.
Now we regret to say that the Mills bill,
as passed, leaves the duty of 10 per cent on
pulp. AS originally introduced it put
pulp on the free list, where it belongs.
We are very sorry it wasn't left there.
We should like to see the odious pulp
monopoly broken up. We know, and
every person capable of adding up figures
knows, that with cheap raw materials and
free chemicals (which the Mills bill gives
and with free fuel and land the Muncie
company, or any other company, can do
business at a handsome profit in
competition with the whole world.
The people of Delaware county
need have no fear of losing the
precious pulp factory, with its sixteen
hands and 30 cents ton for straw, what
ever may be done with the pulp tax. The
pulp factory will keep moving right along,
even if the people are not taxed to keep
it up, just like the farmers and merchants
and workingmen OF Delaware county, for
whose benefit no taxes are levied.
Down with monopoly taxes!
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08

tons. They are so easy. And by the
way we have propounded the Jour
nal divers questions about the
tariff on wool, and about the effects of
high protection on wages as shown in
Spain, Mexico and Italy, which it has en-
tirely ignored. This is not courteous, to
say the least.
We may add that we think when
BEN HARRISON said 'cheap coat neces-
sarily involved cheaper man under the
coat" he meant every word OF 1t. BEN
HARRISON never did have much use for
men who wear cheap coats
Down with monopoly taxes!
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08
Some journal" Figures Which Lie.

Some journal" Figures Which Lie.
Some fellow who is either grossly ignor-
ant or willfully dishonest, sends the
Journal the following:
The Finaneier of July %, 1883, shows the fol-
lowing, comparing the laborers OF New York
and Great Britain:
Neg York Grea. Britain;
Savings bank deposits. s469, 900 S4S6, 100000
increase since 1861. 800 per cent. lis per cent.
Average deposit TO each
persoI..--....-....... SooO SZJ
In Massachusetts depositors in savings banks
average two to each family; in Great Britain
the average is one to thirty families.
In 1860 the total deposits in savings banks OF
the United States were $3.50 202, 900, and in 1880
S2,627, 900. Increase in twenty years, 9S5
per cent.
Increase in New York city and Brooklyn
savings banks:
Depositors 2270O0 $4,000
Total deposits s4soOO,OOo s2s4,OOOOOO
person. $4,000 s2l6 1854
An increase of 600 per cent in amount of de-
posts, and 70 per cent 10 each person.
And all this under the blessing of
PROTECTION.
The above figures are wild. The total
deposits in saving banks in the United
States in 1880 were not 1921, 34S, 900, but
less than third of that amount, or $780,
1O6,973. From 1877 to 1SS7-ten years
the deposits increased from 1878, s97, 425 to
s., 235, 1909, or 40 per cent, an average
of 4 per cent. year.
In Great Britain the savings bank de-
posts amounted in 1SS6-two years ago
to S4S6, 000, 900, or the trifle of S50,000,O00
more than they are above put down for
1888.
In 1S41, Just before Great Britain dis
carded the protective system, only per
cent. of the population were depositors in
savings banks. In 1881, more than II per
cent. of the population were depositors in
savings banks. Thus, under "free trade"
(or tariff for revenue only) the number
of savings bank depositors in the United
Kingdom increased more than four times
as fast as the population. Under a pro-
tective tariff three persons out of every
hundred had an account in savings
bank. After thirty-ive years of free
trade" twelve persons out of every hun
bred had an account in a savings bank.
The average savings bank deposit per
capita in 1871 (protection) was S4.32 In
1881 free trade) it was 5000, an increase
OF about 25O per cent.
Between 1881 and 1883 the deposits in
British savings banks increased about II
per cent.-within shade of per cent.
year, or nearly 80 per cent faster than the
increase in the United States between
1877 and 1887.
The above figures are official and
strictly accurate. These for the United
States are taken from the reports Of the
comptroller of the currency, as summarized
on page 81 of the statistical abstract of
the United States for 1887" Those for
the United Kingdom will be found on
page 343 of vol. q of the ninth edition OF
the Encyclopedia Brittanica."
It is never safe for a monopoly taxer to
monkey" with statistics. They invari-
ably floor him. The Journal correspon-
dent was probably unaware of the fact
that the champions of British free trade"
find one Of their strongest arguments in
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08

THERE is marked revival of business
all over the country. The splendid crop
prospects no doubt have much to do with
this The yield of wheat will be much
larger than was anticipated. The corn,
oats and barley crops will be almost un-
precedented. The corn crop is estimated
at 2,000,00 bushels. The cotton crop will
be the largest in our history. OF course
these magnificent harvests havea tendency
to revive business and the almost GER
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08

tainty of President CLEvELAND's re-elec-
ton, and of the speedy relief of the iegit-
innate industries of the country from a
portion of the excessive taxation they
now stagger under operates the same way.
There are good times ahead, and every
body ought to feel especially dem
cnrotr
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08
WEDNESDAY. AUGUST s.

For PRESIDENT,
GROVER CLEVELAND of New York.
FoR VICE-PREsIDENT,
ALLEN G.. THURMAN of Ohio.
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08
PRESIDENTIAL. EIFCTOR6

At Iarre-THoMAs R. CoBB and JOHN z. LAME.
First district, s. B. VANCE; Second district, c. s.
poBBrSs; Third district, CHARLES L. JEwETT;
Fourth district NICHOLAS CoRNET; Fifth district,
JOIN r. EAST; Sixth district, THOMAS J. STUDY;
eeventh district, DAVID S. GooDING; Eighth dis
trict s. B. PUErT; Ninth district, JOHN +. Mo
HUGH; Tenth district d. d. DYKEAAN; Eleventh
district JOHN n. TURNER; Twelfth district, JOHN
H Bass: Thirteenth district NJ A. o. PACKARD.
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08
DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET.

Governor-CoURrLAND G. WATSON.
observation-disclosures r. MYERS
Secretary of State-RoBERT W. MIERs
Auditor of State-CHARLEs A. MUSsON.
Treasurer of State-THoMAs B. BYRNES
Reporter Supreme Court-JoHN w. KERN.
Attorney-General-JoEN r. WILSON.
Superintendent Public Instruction-E Z. GRIF-
nth.
Judges of Supreme Court
First District-W. E. NIBLAcK.
Second District--G. V. HowK.
Fourth Distriet--ALLEN COLLARS
The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08

operations of the Muncie pulp works will
afford an idea of the amount of plumber
which the pulp monopoly takes out
OF the people every year. 1t requires
three tons of straw to make ton of pulp.
This straw is delivered at the mill for So
per ton. The labor and chemicals used
in ton of pulp cost S12. The total first
cost of a ton of pulp therefore is:
San Antonio daily light. [volume] (San Antonio, Tex.) 1886-1907, 1888-07-30
Tunnel Across the Channel.

was talking to lady France fearer the
other day on this very subject of the
channel tunnel Such a dreadful thing
as it would have been" she said, her
cheek almost blanching at the thought.
For whom" | asked.
why, for England. of course" she an.
swered. with stare.
But why not for France as well?" said
| WAS there no danger to France
from us?"
"Oh, l don't care about France. 1t
doesn't matter. Fancy the danger it
would have been. Imagine if the mouth
of the tunnel were left unguarded, and
horde of Frenchmen came pouring in
upon us!'
But" said l. what strikes me as curl,
Gus, what always has seemed odd to me,
is this Why were the French not afraid
Of usr The danger of invasion from us
to them was the same as from them to
u.s." | must say | feel rather ashamed
when think of 1.-THE funk we were in
from the tunnel, and the seeming indif
ference with which $50 far as know the
French people acted. 1t is the same now
in this war scare. France is laughing at
us and asking What is the natter" 1t
is pity England can't discover an Eng
lish Gen. Boulanger to strut up and down,
and wave his sword at France.-London
Cor. Argonaut.
San Antonio daily light. [volume] (San Antonio, Tex.) 1886-1907, 1888-07-30
An UnweIcone Guest.

The way in which people go unbidden
to church weddings is notorious, and
thereby hangs trifing but not unamusing
tale. At recent wedding in Arlington
Street church one of the ushers saw a
lady come in who was so stylishly dressed
that he Immediately jumped at the conclu-
sion that she must be a guest of import
ance. He accordingly offered her his arm
and started down the aisle to escort her
to the seats directly behind those reserved
for the families of the contracting parties.
Just as he neared the slip into which it
was evident be meant to show her the
lady looked up and asked ingenuously:
Can you tell me whose wedding this
isr'
The usher's eyebrows contracted invol-
UNFAIRLY.
Certainly" he answered. 1T is tnat
of Miss Blank and Mr. That"
Then, being man of presence of mind,
he kept cooly on down the aisle, turned
and crossed the chancel. brought the lady
up the next aisle, and seated her obscurely
near the door.-Boston Letter.