Los Angeles daily herald., 1888-10-05
The senate Tariff Rili.

c0nn0ctlOn IS bnaC IL Is IN QlrecC COuulCt
with the position the Republican party
has taken on this question since the day
when Mr.. Blaine played the deuce with
the party by sending over his famous
Florentine Protection Mosaic. How
often have we heard since then that
there was no surplus anyhow, and that a
surplus was the proper thing to have !!
That is, that we grow rich by over-taxa-
ton, and that business is stimulated
by the withdrawal of millions of
dollars from circulation. The framing
of this tariff bill by the Senate gives both
these propositions the lie direct. For, if
there is not an excessive amount of rev.
enue being raised, then the Senate is
wrong to reduce the income of the Gov
ernment by the enormous sum of
$75, ,OOO, 900; and if surplus is good
thing then the more we have of it the
better for us; but if it is a good thing
then the Senate should not make this
movement to stop it.
The next thought that occurs is that
the false cry raised by Mr.. Blaine in his
Florentine letter, and SO eagerly taken
up by all the hide-bound Republican
press, and all the politicians Of that
stripe, to the effect that the Presidents
message was Free Trade movement also
falls to the ground, and those who approve
the Senate bill, to be consistent, must
stop the Free Trade cry. Mr.. Harrison
writing, after the question has been un-
der discussion for months, and after the
Conventions of both parties have passed
judgment on it, interprets the Republi-
can position with an attempted aphor-
ism to the effect that it is not the
length of the step taken, but the
direction aimed at which makes Free
Trade or Protection. The Senate
bill takes $6,500,000 off raw materials
which are added to the free
list. 1t takes $27 100000 off sugar. If
the one step is shorter than that taken in
the Mills bill, the other is longer, and
the general average is quite as vigorous
stride towards Free Trade as that taken
by the bill passed in the Democratic
House. The result, too, is about the
same, for both measures aim at getting
$75, ,000, 900 per annum nearer Free Trade
than we are now under the present
schedule.
Take next the method by which
this is reached, and all in
telligent people who are not
blinded by prejudice must see that the
Senate bill is reform in the interests of
the millionaire manufacturers, while the
bill framed by Mr.. Mills is made to
benefit the people generally. In many
cases the Senate bill is so framed as to
make it impossible for any person not an
expert in tariff schedules to decide what
the resultant effect will be. We have
Mr.. Sherman's word for it that it is
meant to make the cheaper articles
cheaper and the finer ones dearer. But
Mr.. Sherman is the man who worked
like a mole in the dark to
demonetize silver, and of him the people
may we'll say: We fear such Greeks
even bringing gifts. They are likely to find
enemies in any Trojan horse John Sher-
man brings as an offering to the tenn pies
where labor worships, A study of the
bill reveals the fact at once that many Of
it's provisions consist in changing specific
to ad valorem duties. No one less skilled
in schedules than bureau clerk can tell
what the resultant effect of such changes
will be. The Mills bill is all in the
direction Of simplifying the schedule /;
the effect of the Senate bill is
to make it still more complicated.
A specific tax leaves the least loophole
for fraud, the ad valorem system is an
open invitation to fraud. Taking the
cases in which the effect of the two bills
is plain, it seems apparent that Mr.. Sher.
mans view Of what his bill will &C.
complish is not correct. The great
manufacturer will lose nothing on the
price of his fabrics; but the workingman
will not get a shirt, a blanket or pair
of stockings cheaper. The iron barons
will not suffer the value Of cent in their
enterprises. Mr.. Carnegie's 81, SOC, 900 a
year income will not be curtailed cent.
But the farmer will not be able to buy a
spade or horseshoe a cent cheaper.
The poor mans shingles will cost him
just as much; but the lumber mill pro-
prietor will still reap all the benefit of q
tariff which puts many thousands year
in his pocket. Luxuries will not be
raised in price, nor will prime necessities
be made any cheaper. The Mills bill
frees salt; the Senate bill frees mineral
waters. The laborer will have to pay
the same price for his salt and for
his cabbage; but the rich nabob
will get his Apollinaris . water,
and other similar luxuries which he
mixes with his wines for half price.
Taking the bill with reference to our
own state, it is hard to avoid the conclu-
sion that we get the worst Of it in all ways.
Passing over minor matters, such as the
duty on chicory which is remitted, that
on oranges and lemons which is re-
duced, beeswax which goes on the free
list, jute, ramie, etc., which are made
free, and taking sugar alone, and the
effect on this Coast will be far more
disastrous than all the changes in