Morning journal and courier., 1888-05-25
Fiftieth Gongress--First Session.
WASHINGTON. May "a

SENATE--Mr. Stewart, of Nevada, callef
up the joint resolution offered by him on tn
14th inst. for q constitutional amendment re
ducing to simple majority the vote neces
sary to override presidential veto, and adj
dressed the Senate on the subject. No mar
ever lived, he said, who could safely be en-
trusted with the liberties of the people, ano
no people had ever surrendered their liberties
to one man without losing them eventually
The veto power was the most striking illus
tration of the irresistible desire in human
nature to appropriate the liberties of tbs
people when confided to the keeping of one
man. The power to prevent the enactment
of laws and to suspend the execution of ex
listing laws had been known for two THOUSAND
five hundred years as the veto power. It wal
an essential element of despotism. 1t had
been incorporated in demonstration of the
United States on the false assumption that
every president would exercise it Gf at all
with extreme caution so as not tc
interfere with the legislative departments
The whole number of presidential vetoes uI
to the incoming of the present administrator
had been only 133. In a little over three
years President Cleveland had vetoed 17S
bills and had pocketed or refused to sigr
fifty. The objection that many of them were
individual pension bills was not satisfae-
tory reason for the exercise of arbitratary
power against the deliberate Judgment of q
majority of Congress. None of the vetoed
bills could be cited as within the range OF
cases proper for the exercise of that extraor-
binary power. He contrasted the admins
trations of Washington and Lincoln to that
of Cleveland in respect to the exercise of the
veto power. and said that Washington during
his two terms of eight years had only vetoed
two bills, and Lincoln during four years had
only used that kingly prerogative once,
while Cleveland in three years of his
administration had vetoed more than one
hundred finaas that 71unnhar Tho naop1a did
not realize the growing power of the execu-
tive. The President had more than one hun
bred thousand Offices at his disposal and a
member of Congress was not even allowed to
give evidence of the qualifications of an ap-
plicant for Office The President alone de-
termined all questions relating to the ap-
pointments to Office either by himself or by
a board called the-civn service commission
appointed by him and removable at his
pleasure. The vast revenues of the govern
ment were practically used by the admins
tration as private fund to augment the
power of the executive. This result was reach
ed partly by legislation and partly by forced
construction of the laws. The legislation of
Congress (no matter how secured or by whom
devised) permitted the administration to
loan the accumulated funds in the treasury
to such national banks as might be in favor
with the executive without interest or re-
ward to the government, and this power had
been literally exercised by the present ad-
ministration in loaping over sixty million
dollars to such national banks found favor
in the eyes of the Secretary of the Treasury
1t would be interesting, he said, to exhibit
for the consideration of the people the
various rulings and discrimination of the
Treasury department "whereby special privi-
Ieges were granted and merchant princes
were created in the great city of New York
and elsewhere at the expense of the people. u
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limited discretionary power exercised by the
executive to benefit his friends and destroy
his enemies" AS examples Of this extraor~
binary power he referred to the litigation
of private land claims in California, to the
raid of the Attorney General on the Bell
Telephone company and to the treaty making
power which might be used to advance the
ambitious projects of the executive. All
these things he said might be remedied or
checked by legislation and the liberties of the
people might be guarded by law if Congress
had power to 1egislate against the will of the
executive. Mr.. Stewart quoted several edi-
torial articles from the Washington Post, a
"most devoted friend of the President" as
to the purposes and designs of the chief mag
istrate and 'the real reasons for his vetoes
and other executive acts" One of the arti-
cles drew q parallel between Napoleon the
First taking the imperial crown in the cathe-
dral of Notre Dame and crowning himself
and "Grover Cleveland the first" also " a
man of destiny renominating himself in st.
Louis on the 9th of June next. The situation
he said was forcibly stated in that ar
ticle No one denied Mr.. Cleveland's abso-
lutte ownership of the Democratic
party Before reaching Washington he had
sent word to the Democratic members of the
House to discard one of the precious metals
and in all things to do the bidding of Wall
street. The refusal of patriotic Democrats
to abandon their constituents and join the
golden bondholding ring had challenged the
admiration of the country. The House of
had seemed to be an impreg-
nable fortress against any assault from Wall
street. But it had fallen with a wave of the
hand of Grover Cleveland I. At the present
rate the growing power of "this man of des-
tiny" had but to- continue unresisted for an
other term of four years to so intrench
Grover Cleveland I. in the White House that
nothing but revolution could remove him.
Never before in the hands of one man had
such vast powers and resources been intrust-
I'D by a confiding people. It remained to be
seen whether he would fulfill the expectations
Of the Post by initiating Napoleon and crown
ing himself because ne regarded all others
to perform that service. The most
alarming feature connected with the exercise
Of the veto power by the President was that
it no longer attracted attention; on the con-
trary the people were fast being educated to
regard the executive as. the source of power
The vetoes of the President were treated by
the press as no more remarkable than the
passage of bills through either house of Con.
yress, while in the earlier and better days of
The republic the exercise of the veto power
had been regarded as most extraordinary. A
hundred vetoes in single session of Congress
would have created a revolution in those
days. It was absurd to suppose that one man
in the White House charged with the multi
farious duties of the executive Office csuld
more deliberately legislate than the
majority of Congress aided by its
committees with no other business but to
perfect and pass laws. 1t was equally alb
surd to suppose that the one man in the
White House absorbed and monopolized all
the honor and integrity of the nation. The
first step in the way of reform in legislation
and administration was to restore to Congress
legislative power to the end that the peoples
might defend the rights of
their constituents regardless of the frowns or
smiles of an ambitious executive. He had
great respect for Grover Cleveland's sagacity,
his ability, and above all his matchless will
power. The trouble was that he was too
strong for the weak restraints imposed upon
him by the constitution and the laws. The
exercise of the great natural force with which
he was endowed was concentrating the whole
power of the government in the executive,
and if not restrained i. would ultimately lead
to monarchy. The people admired cour-
age Independence, audacity and will. These
qualities were possessed in high de-
gree by Mr.. Cleveland. The selection
by Mr. Cleveland of the money kings and
aristocracy of Europe and
America as his allies proved his sagacity
and showed his appreciation of the necessi-
ty for the use of money in accomplishing his
Napoleonic schemes. If such assertions did
not arouse the people to action before it was
too late it would be because the boldness
and daring of this 'sman of destiny" dazzled
and blinded them.
The conference report on the pension
appropriation bill was presented and agreed
to
The Senate then at LAO proceeded TO ex-
ecutive business and remained in secret ses-
sion until 4:20 and then adjourned until To-
HousE.-The House went into committee
on the postofiee bill. There was long de-
bate on the ineffciency of the mail service in
the West and South. A desultory discussion
on the question of subsidies and free ships
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