The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1888-01-05

old the government itself; and yet il was as
masses of mankind at any former per-
| iod of the worlds history. The contraction of
| the volume of currency bad always bsen q policy
| by every friend of the general welfare
| of the country. But when that abominable
policy was still further aided and executed by
| snatchinR, as it were the money of the people
| from their very hands, ar the rate of $780,
| 100000 month, without necessity, excuse or
| palliation, every honest mind bad to revolt
against such wanton robbery. 1t was a crime
against every home, every Preside, aud every
living man and woman in the United States 1t
was crime national in its proportions gigantic
in It's strength, omnipresent in its vistations,
and brutal in its rapacity. And yet, the day
before the recess the Senator from Colorado
Mr. Teller had sneered at the idea of the sur
plus being OF any consequence, and the Senator
from Ohio Mr.. Sherman had also declared mot
by cable from Paris, but on the floor of the Sem
atel that 1t was fortunate for the country that
there was surplus of SO, DOC, 600 in the treas
ury. 1t would be for that Senator, if he should
become the Republican candidate for the presi-
dency next summer, to explain to the people
why 1t was fortunate that their money
gathered into the treasury in excess of all the
uses and wants OF the government, instead of
remaining In the pockets of the people.
There was in tho Republican press and among
Republican politicians determined. persistent
aud brazen campaign of mendacity on this sub
iect; and it would continue in the councils and
field work OF the Republican party day by day,
morning, noon and night, until the frosts of
next Novemb er come to wither and blast alike
nOoQs hopes.
that the President had departed one jot or little
from the declaration of the last Democratic plat
form on the subject of taxation. That declara-
ton had been bold explicit and peremptory. It
was made IN few plain, strong words, the
meaning of which it was impossible to pervert
or misunderstood. Incidental protection to
home manufacturers had always been the policy
of the Democratic party 1t was recognized in
the last Democratic national platform He re-
joced in every element Of American success.
He was proud of the inventive genius of the
tai lah
where skilled labor abounded. He looked
with delight on the cotton mills, the
mills of the South, we'll those of New
England Pennsylvania and many Western
States. He would encourage them in their gil
gantic career of Developments and usefulness;
and he held that the policy of the Democratic
party had been always ample for cir prosperity
and progress. That was the only safe policy
for American manufacturers themselves. If it
were once clearly understood that the manu fact-
urers, class, demanded that they be
riched by means of fraudulent taxes: that they
accept the guidance of the leaders of the Repub-
lican party and join in their praise; then.
indeed. perils would environ the manu-
interests of tn the e Soor
If the Democratic party, with its record OF more
than fifty years in the administration of the
government, and its frank and constant declara-
ton of principles, was to be charged with the
folly of free-trade every time attempt was
made to modify the tariff. the people would
very soon and very clearly find out that such
ton from the evil designs and schemes of plum
der Of which they were the victims. lie could
not believe. however, that the sagacious and
patriotic business men of the country who con-
trolled manufacturing Industries would permit
themselves, for political purposes to be put in
an attitude of unjust, selfish. over-weening
avarice, and of unfairness toward the great
mass of their countrymen.
Proceeding to discuss the message of the
President, he said that 1t was pleasure to him
declare that this remarkable state paper was
true to the principles and teachings of the DEM
ocratic party from its foundation by Jefferson,
eighty-seven years ago, to the present day, and
that the thanks of the laboring and business
classes of the country were due to the executive
for Selling that vital issue with the grasp of
a strong, honest man, and for presenting it to
his countrymen in such shape and light that
it never would disappear until the wrongs there
in presented were exposed and redressed, and
until the outrages of over-taxation ceased In
the present age of swollen preteDses, of shallow
aris.ocracy and of gilded vnlgarty, the splendid
utterances of the Presidents message fell on
the minds of the people as s token, as promise
of relief. reform and redemption from
who had never broken pledge
forgotten public duty. The President had
declared for the lowly and oppressed Since
the matchless and immortal inaugural of Jeffer-
son on the 4th of March, 1901 no communication
had ever emanated from the chief magistrate of
this government more able more elevated In
craftsmanship more humane and benevolent in
it's purpose, or more conducive to the general
welfare and good government than the message
under consideration.
Coming down to the practical question of taxa
ton, he was aware he said. that there were
many objections to internal taxes, but OF
grounds far different from desire to perpetuate
enormous and unjust tariff taxes on the neces-
saries of life He appreciated the fact that for
many years, and especially in several States,
the whole system had been used as a powerful
instrument of partisan political warfare. and
had been rendered odious to every free-minded
citizen. He was also often reminded that it was
a war tax, and that it should pass away in time
of peace All these opinions had their weight
with him. But while heavy taxes which had
been laid by war tariff on every article
entering into the wants and necessities
Of the people were not reduced at all,
he su omitted that the work of reform and re-
duction should be pursued in that field, and the
while, subject to certain notifications. AS to
tobacco he suggested that the tax on cigars and
snuff producing $12 800 000 might be retained.
and the rest of the tax, producing SIT 100000 DO
abolished. But this, however, was feature Of
detail, and perhaps feature Of promise. The
great bulk of abatement in the present total I'M
necessary taxation of the people would have to
take place in careful and prudent review of
the tariff, and would have to leave to the
future what might seem the best means and
arrangements by which to attain that end AS
q choice between reducing internal revenue or
tariff taxes. he would labor to cheaper woolens.
linens, cotton fabrics, salt, lumber, coal. iron.
than such articles INDUCED
in from acquired habits luxurious
modes of living After nsa.; quoting .. some
Mr.. Voorhees, asked whether it from such
wise conservative statements-guarding the in
terests of American manufacturers on the one
hand while seeking to relieve the people on the
other-that the charges of '.free trade" were
made against the message. Did it not rather
seem that those who cavilled with Mr. Cleveland
and denounced his views were such as had pre-
determined quarrel, and who would not ap
prove the Declaration of Independence if it came
from his hands2 Such political leaders might
have their uses. but the present instance it
required no gift OF prophecy to foresee that "as
blind leaders of the blind" they and their fol-
lowers would roll in the ditch of defeat together.
4 persistent and violent effort was being made
by those who managed and led the opposi-
ton to the present administration
to convince the public mind that
the President untriendly to labor
interests and labor organizations, and that the
reduction of taxes would be powerfully
forced to prove hurtful to the workingman.
and especially to wage-workers employed in
manufacturing industries. He Mr. Voorhees,
might pause to ask the meaning of the present