The new North-west., 1888-09-21

It, and it it is not used for current or de-
nclency appropriations, the people. and
banks in which it has been deposited.
should have the advantage of its use by
stopping interest upon the public debt.
Az least those who needlessly- hoard It
should not be allowed to use the fear of
monetary stringency, thus produced,
10 coerce public sentiment upon other
questions.
Closely connected with the subject of
the tariff Is that of the importation of
foreign laborers under contracts of SER
vice to be performed here. The law now
In force prohibiting such contracts re-
| ceived my cordial support in the senate,
and such amendments as may be found
! necessary effectively to deliver our work
ingmen and women from this most in
equitable form of competition will have
my sincere advocacy. Legislation pro-
hlDltlng the importation of laborers
under contracts to serve here will, how
ever, afford very inadequate relief to our
working people, if the system of protec-
tive duties is broken down. # the pro-
ducts of American shops must compete
In the American market, without favor
Ing duties, with the products of cheap
foreign labor, the effect will be different,
II at all, only in degree, whether the
cheap labor is across the street or over
the sea. Such competition will soon re-
duce wages here to the level of those
abroad, and when that condition is
reached we will not need any laws for
bidding the importation of labor under
contract-they will have no inducement
to come, and the employer no induce
ment to send for them
In the earlier years of our history pub
lie agencies to promote immigration
were common. The pioneer wanted
neighbor with more friendly instincts
than the Indian. Labor was scarce and
fully employed. But the day of the i'm
migration bureau has gone by. While
our doors will continue open to proper
immigration, we do not need to issue
special invitations to the inhabitants of
other countries to come to our shores or
to share our citizenship. Indeed, the
necessity of some inspection and limita-
tion is obvious. We should resolutely
refuse to permit foreign governments to
send their paupers and criminals to our
ports. We are also clearly under duty
to defend our civilization by excluding
alien races whose ultimate assimilation
with our people is neither possible or de-
sirable The family has been the nucleus
Of our best immigration, and the home
civilization.
The objections to Chinese immigration
are distinctive and conclusive, and are
now SO generally accepted as such that
the question has passed entirely beyond
the stage of argument. The laws relat-
ing to this subject would, if I should be
charged with their enforcement, be faith
fully executed. Such amendments or
further legislation as may be necessary
and proper to prevent evasions of the
laws and to stop further Chinese immi-
grafton would also meet my approval.
The expression of the convention upon
this subject is in entire harmony with
my views.
Our civil compact is government by
majorities; and the law loses its sanction
and the magistrate our respect when this
compact is broken. The evil results of
election frauds do not expend themselves
upon the voters who are robbed of their
rightful influence in public affairs. The
individual, or community, or party, that
practices or connives at election frauds
has suffered irreparable injury and will
sooner or later realize that to exchange
the American system of majority rule for
unpatriotic, but very unsafe for those
who promote it. The disfranchisement
Of a single legal elector by fraud or in
timidation is crime too grave to be re-
garded lightly. The right of every quail
ified elector to cast one free ballot and to
have it honestly counted must not be
questioned. Every constitutional power
should be used to make this right secure
and to punish frauds upon the ballot.
Our colored people do not ask special
legislation in their interest, but only to
be made secure in the common rights of
American citizenship. They will, how
ever, naturally mistrust the sincerity of
those party leaders who appeal to their
race for support only in those localities
where the suffrage is free and election
results doubtful, and compass their dis
enfranchisement where their votes would
be controlling and their choice cannot be
coerced.
The nation, no less than the states, is
dependent for prosperity and security
upon the intelligence and morality of the
people. This common interest very early
suggested national aid in the establish
ment and endowment of schools and col
leges in the new states. There is, I be-
lieve, present exigency that calls for
still more liberal and direct appropria-
tfons in aid of common school education
in the states.
The territorial form of government is
q temporary expedient, not permanent
civil condition. It is adapted to the ex-
fgencv that suggested it, but becomes in
adequate, and even oppressive, when ap-
piled to fixed and populous communities.
Several territories are we'll able to bear
the burdens and discharge the duties of
free commonwealths in the American
union. To exclude is to deny the just
rights of their people, and may well ex-
cite their indignant protest. No question
of the political preference OF the people
of territory should close against them
the hospitable door which has opened to
two-thirds of the existing states.
But admission should be resolutely re-
fused to any territory, majority Of
whose people cherish institutions that
are repugnant to our civilization OF in
consistent with a republican form of
government.
The declaration of the convention
against call combinations of capital,
organized in trusts or otherwise, to con-
troll arbitrarily the condition of trade
among our citizens" is in harmony with
the views entertained and publicly ex-
pressed by me long before the assembling
of the convention. Ordinarily, capital
shares the losses of idleness with labor;
but under the operation of the trust. in
some of its forms, the wage worker alone
suffers loss, while idle capital receives
diyidends from trust fund. Producers
who refuse to join the combination are
destroyed, and competition as an ele-
ment of prices is eliminated. 1t cannot
be doubted that the legislative authority
should and will find a method of dealing
fairly and effectively with these and
other abuses connected with this sub
ject
It can hardly be necessary for me to
say that am heartily in sympathy with
the declaration of the convention upon
the subject of pensions to our soldiers
and sailors. What they gave and what
they suffered had some opportunity to
observe and, in a measure, to experience.
They gave ungrudgingly; it was not
trade, but an offering The measure
was heaped up, running over. What
they achieved, only q distant generation
can adequately tell.
Without attempting to discuss particu-
lar propositions, may add that meas
ares in behalf of the surviving veterans
IF the war and of the families of their
lead comrades should be conceived and
executed in spirit Of justice and of the
most grateful liberty, and that, in the
for civil appointments, hon
orable military service should have ap-
oropriate recognition.
The law regulating appointments to