The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-04-25

quent in speech, logical in argument forceful
in presenting his side of question firm to the
point OF obstinacy, his actions and utterances
attracted universal attention, andw invested
with an enormous degree of importance. A
strong supporter of the war policy of Lincolnis
! administration, he rallied to the presidents
support majority in the house which had
been hesitating and doubtful as TO the proper
course, and with dash and enthusiasm carried
| through measures for the prosecution of the
war when large minority at least of the states
men and people or the North believed it 10 be
| failure. He startled the country by his bitter
arraignment of Gen. Mcclellan, and was largely
responsible for the policy which deprived
/ that commander of his power and changed
| the whole tactics of the war. He steadfastly
| fought the legal tender act from its introduction
/ TO Its passage and il was during the discussion
/ 1--WE believe) of this measure that the long and
| bitter enmity between Blaine and Conkling
! began. Blaine, himself as ambitious of power
and leadership as ConklDg had long fretted
under the growing popularity of the New
| Yorker. On this issue ConlSling was opposed
| TO the majority OF his party both in and out
/ OF congress. After speech by Conkllng
I Blaine arose in his seat and compared Ccnll-
/ ling to GOuverneur Morris, whom he was said
! TO greatly resemble in style of OratOry and
/ political methods. like Hyperion to a saytr;
/ like Olympus to dung hill; like the eagle TO a
turkey gO5bler,w was Morris TO the gentleman from
| New York" said Blaine. Owing to a trait of
considered personal vanity, and owing
TO his neatneSs of dress, his perhaps uneon-
scious pride OF bis natural manly beauty, and
to that superciliousness of manner which then
marked his intercourse with men, and which
he never wholly overcame until the very last
years OF his life after his retirement from politics,
the turkey-cock comparison was generally ac-
cepted as exceedingly apt and the changes
were rung upon il in all quarters: Conkling
never forgave Blaine, and, though the latter Is
credited with having made overtures for a re-
Cancellation, the feud was never settled, and
may be said to have caused the political down
fall of both.
During this period, as before stated Mr..
Conkling was steadfastly for the uncompromis-
ing prosecution OF the war. He opposed the
legal tender act against the sentiment OF his
party, demanded an interest bearing note and
advocated the payment in coin of the interest
on the public debt, an attitude in each instance
which he maintained on all questions concern
ing the financial policy of the government to
the end of his congressional career.
In 1861 Mr.. Conkling first opposed in
canvass by his old law preceptor, Francis NJ
Herman, who defeated him for congress. But
the tables were turned in 1866 when ConklIng
defeated Herman. Later in the same year he
also defeated Mr.. Herman for the senate, as he
did In 1873. In 1873 Herman was chosen his
colleague in the senate; in 1879 he was his dem
ocratic opponent and again after the resigna-
ton in 1881. Notwithstanding their political
friends.
Entering the senate in 1867 Mr.. Conkling bit.
terly opposed the johnson policy and voted for
the presidents mpeachment. \ great admirer
he took 4 leading part in his nom
nation and election TO the
presidency, and for his reelection, though often
urged then and for twelve years after to make
the race himself. With all the events of Grants
presidential administration Mr.. Conklinr was
closely identified IL va If ba Of 4l,nt
famous senatorial coterie, composed of Conk-
Ing Cameron, Morton, Chandler and Logan,
which formulated and carried out the recon
structiOn policy of the government Notwith-
standing the formidable opposition within the
republican party, and the numerous and gigantic
scandals growing out of the fultiilment of this
policy, II was driven rough-shOd over the
country for eight years. Whatever may be
said as to Its righteousness, il was boldly
planned and audaciously executed. Under the
Grant regime the machine" had become
an almost invincble power in the republican
party. The machine" controlled conventions,
dictated platforms, distributed the spOils The
public offices were bestowed as rewards for
party services; fealty to the machine" was
prOhtahly recognized: characterization was
punished by political death. The power of the
machine for the time was absol Ite. At its
head, controlling its every movement, stood
Roscoe Conkling. Closer 10 the president than
any other man, skillful in politics, faithful in
worth, with congress that recognized himself
and bis associates as masters whose lightest
word was law, il is little to be wondered at that
Mr.. Conkiing practically controlled the eight
years administration.
But day OF reckoning was coming The
scandals of the Grant administration, for
which the system then in vogue was largely re-
sponsible, had aroused general apprehension
and mitigation. In Conkling's own state had
arisen another great leader OF an opposition
MOI fr in oil he .,,l
many things the superior to the senator
When the Tevulsion came in public feeling
against the system which made possible the
national, state and municipal scandals of the
day, Samuel j. Tilden was the acknowledged
leader OF the crusade against public protiigacy
and dishonesty. He was chosen governor and
Conkling found that the machine" of which
he was the head had lost New York though il
still controlled the party. The disaf-
tected members OF the party, who
saw in the party disaster chance to break sle
power OF the machine. Blaine encouraged the
revolt, and the republican party was soon split
into two very hostile factions, the "stalwarts"
under the leadership of COnkling, and the
"haf-breeds."
Before the republican national convention at
Cincinnati in 1876 Conkling was himself
candidate for the presidential nomination
b a,ne was the fayOrite. To defeat the latter'S
nomination was Mr. Conkling's dearest desire
ahh IL hdc PIbDdDls VNiLk Eftdlll 10 HIS III
tuence that Hayes secured the prize. The
New York senator had nothing but contempt
for Hayes, but he knew him to
be weak and pliable, and expected to
use HIM as ready tool II elected.
When Mr.. Tilden was elected the republican
leaders saw ruin ahead. All the covered scan
dals years were 10 be exposed. The exposure
meant political death 10 many of the republican
leaders. Conscious of a clean record himself
Mr.. Conkling did not seem TO greatly regret the
result. For time he appeared willing to ac-
cept the popular verdict and at one stage in the
controversy il was thought he would insiSton the
seating OF Illden. Not so with Chandler, Sher- |
man, Blaine and many others The gigantic
conspiracy t. overthrow the popular will was
rapidly pushed Still Conkling held aloof
But finally he yielded to the demand of others |
and, PROFESSIONALLY against his better instincts |
and judgment, stood silently by while tb,t
greatest of outrages on American people the |
stealing OF the presidency, was contaminated.
He took leading part in framing and securing !
the passage OF that most extraordinary |
measure, the electoral commission bill |
He deSpiSed Hayes for accepting the seat |
which belonged to another and soon broke off |
all relations with those most conspicuous in |
bringing about that criminal reversal of the |
popular verdict.
While never in sympathy with the HAYES |
he yet took a prominent part |
in shaping its policy and controlling the dispo- |
sition of the presidential patronage during the |
early part OF the Hayes administration. Using |
his control over the offices in New York he soon |
began to pave the way for a return of Grant to |
the presidency. He was heartily disguised |
with the weak and vacilating policy of the |