The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1888-06-10

alton talk about national banks and the
vampires OF Wall street. that we're sucking the
blood Of the Nation; and he had lived TO see a
Democratic administration put sixty millions OF
the peoples money into the Golfers OF the ma
sional banks fAppiause on Republican side
OF these gentlemen, the gentleman from lows
mr. Weavsr Was The solitary survivor. the sole
posssss the Democratic side. lie would live to
see the day when the gentleman from Maryland
lRaynsrl would have got over HE condition
frusts on the Democrats side were taking the
same position in morality that fts were IN
medicine The gentleman from Mary
land and his compeers would tear
everything to pieces because q dozen persons
were going 20 crush out the citizens of the
United States Nothing but the destruction Of
industries would root out the parasite These
gentlemen were like the tame bear which. See
ing fly on bis masters face, determined 70 de-
stroy it He took huge paving stone and de-
stroysd his friend. Gentlemen on the other side
proposed to destroy the trusts by destroying the
industries and they appealed TO the people and
rent the stmosphers with their outcriesL 1t was
about time that Congress- talked sense. 1t was
not worth while evsrlastingiy 70 lie to the coun-
try.
Mr.. Hemphill. of South Carolina. referring to
his recent speech during the general debate.
said that his remarks rs to free trade in labor
had been misconstrued II he wished to hire
men to perform work for him be would hire
them ~ cheaply ~ he could. If he wanted to
make money; but, when it came to the introduce
ton of coolis. and Italian. and Hungarian labor.
there we're other things to DO considered besides
the question Of cheap labor. IL would be very
unwise to advocate the introduction of any set
of people who had not and would not have q
proper appreciation Of the institutions under
which We lived, or who would not be likely TO
assimilats with the people. But a. 70 ell others
who chose to come in and become good citizens.
he could sec no objections TO them, II they
chose TO work more eheaply than eome one elsa
Mr. Hopkins OF Illinois, asked IL the gentle
man IMr. Hsmphilll had been forced into rspu-
diation Of his former statemenss by the result of
the election in Oregon. There was dis
guisine the fact that the Mills bill leaned to-
wards free trade. and the gentemsn's whole ar
gument had led up to that
Mr.. Hemphill replied that he had had no prop
er opportunity, before to reply 20 Mr.. Horkinss
criticisms. Moreover. he did not pretend 20 DO
leader, and did not believe that his uttersnces
had the weight attributed to them. To Mr..
Hermann he said that he did not favor Chinese
immigration.
Mr.. Wilson. Of Minnesota, said his State pro-
duced oue-quarter of the fax produced IN the
country. When hax-sesd or linseed was reached
he would move to strike the item from the free
list. and he believed that be would have the sun
port of his side of the House 1.-The Democratic
sidsl
Mr.. Cannon, of Illinois. declared that every
one of the existing trusts bad grown up under
the Administration OF Grover Cleveland He
had not heard any proposition from the Demo
Gratis TO restrict the cottonsesd-oil trust.
the whisky trust the sugar trust the
anthracite coal trust. or greater than all-Hnd
without which no other trust could exist-the
transportation trust The gentleman from
Pennsylvania. representing the administration
Mr.. ScottI, had hurried to st. Louis to get IN
the platform . declaration against trusts. His
biography in the Congressional Directory showed
that he was the greatest railroad king in the
land While he Numbered against trusts. by
the action of the bill and the other side or the
House. the trusts still lived.
Mr.. Dockery, OF Missouri, quoted Mr.. Butter
worths speech to show his variance from Mr..
Reed upon the subject OF trusts. he said that
no man claimed that oil of the trusts were di-
rectly attributable to the tariff, and he cited the
Chicago cattle trust az case in point. Still,
the tariff as Mr. Butterworth had said, led to
the vast Accommodations OF wealth that made
these trusts possible. He tainted the Repub-
licsns with failure to carry out their platform
pledges to revise the tariff, and said that Mr..
Bayne. of Pennsylvania. had interpreted the
party's position when be said that I'VE do not
want any tariff revision until after the election
Of 1888" The party In this House could be
brought into alignment only py the policy of
non-Actiou. and lacked the courage that had
characterised its early daya
Mr.. Butterworth said lat there little
difference between himself and Mr.. Reed upon
the necessity for preventing the unlawful exer-
Reed believed that IL coulc not be done by loud
scolding; he objected to that kind Of stesmboa,
that had TO stop its machirery when 1t blew il
whistle. What steps had the committee on
wars and means. or the majority Of the House
taken to place in the hands OF membersof the
House the information contained In the book be
held in his hand-showing how the bill affected
tie articles imported
Several members Of the ways and means com
mittee maintained that il was not their duty 9.
In &hoa mil I'D 49,
coloouy upou the subject the committee ros'
and the House adjourned