New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1888-10-16

MT McCuli0cnS long CONNECTION Wioh
Johnson as a member of his Cabinet will of course
be taken into account in considering what is writ
ten of him. Mr.. McCuloch makes no secret OF
his admiration for Johnson, who, he contends,
has been more imperfectly understood than any
other public man in the United States. All Of
what is said in this book upon this subject is Of
great interest and much Of it is historically i'm
portant Stress is laid upon the propriety of
his habits, IN spite OF general impression to the
contrary:
For six weeks after he became President he oc-
cupied room adjoining mine, and communicat-
ing with it, in the Treasury Department. lie
was there every morning before O'Clock, and he
rarely left before 3. There was no liquor in his
room. 1t was open to everybody. His luncheon,
when he Had one, was like mine, cup OF Tea and
a cracker. IL was III that room that he received
the delegations that waited upon him. and the
personal and political friends who called to pay
their respects. 1t was there that he made the
speeches which startled the country by the bit
tcrness of their tonethcir almost savage denuncla-
tion of secessionists traitors who meritcd the
traitors doom. So incorporate were some OF
these speeches that should have attributed them
TO the use of stimulants if had not known them
TO he the speeches of sober man, who could not
overcome the habit OF denunclatory defamation
which ne had formed in his bitter contests in
tennessee. They were, like all Of his subsequent
offhand addresses quite unsuitcd to his position
as President. If he had been slnittcn with dumb
when he was elected Nlce-Presldent, he
would have escaped world of trouble From
that time onward he never made an oiihand pub
lie speech by which he din not sDner In public
estimation. but none OF them could be charged TO
the account Of strong drink. For nearly four
years had daily intercourse with him, frequently
at night, and | never saw him when under the
influence of liquor. | have no hesitation in say
Ing that whatever may have been his faults, in
temperance was not among them There was
marked difference between his carefully prepared
papers and his ofhand speeches. The former
were well written and dignifed; the latter were
inconsi1erate, retaliatory and IN style y Wnlcn
could only be tolerated in the heat OF poilucai
campaign-hence the opinion that they were MADE
when he under the influence OF liquor
Concerning the relations between President
Johnson and General Grant Mr. McCulloch writes:
1t was upon the Mexican question that the
first difference arose between MIR. Johnsons Ad-
ministration and the General of the Army. No
sooner had our civil been terminated than
General Grant became the advocate Of forcible
measures for freeing our sister republic from the
presence of her enemies: lie expressed 10 the
President and TO Mr.. Seward the opinion that
notice should he given to the French Government
that the presence of its army in Mexico could no
longer TO be tolerated by the United States, and
that unless il was speedily withdrawn. the United
States would be bound, in maintaining their we'll
known policy, TO aid the MeXlcans in eXpclng
them. General Grant was not content with the
frequent and earnest expression OF his opinion
he ordered troops to the frontier, not only Tor
readiness TO march into Mexico in case war should
be declared, but apparently to provoke hostil-
tiles, and thus make war between the two coun-
invasion of Mexico had been in the interests of
the Confederate States, the independence of which.
and the breaking up of the great republic, had
been hopefully if not confidently expected by
France as we'll as by England, and that the sue
cess of the Government in its war for self-pres-
ervation had made it abortive. He knew that
the invasion of Mexico had never been popular
with the French people, and that. as it was bur
densome upon their treasury without rejecting
glory upon the French arms it was becoming
odous to them. He knew also that the French
people cared nothing for Mexico, but that they
did care for the honor Of their flag, and that
in which renOwn might be won was what
Napoleon the Emperor needed to repair the blum
der he had made in placing, at the expense of
France, an Austrian Prince upon the throne OF
Mexico 1t was therefore very clear TO the mind
of Mr. Seward that all that necessary on the
part Of the Government 10 secure the removal OF
the French was peace and time.
But this was not all. Mr. Seward perceived,
tempt to expcl forcby the French from Mexico
might mean not war between the United, but the
disunited States, and one OF the most powerful
Nations of Europe. Fortunate was it for the
people of the United States and for the cause
OF civil liberty ghout the world, that at the
close of our great civil war the control Of the
Government was not in the hands of self-con-
fidcnt soldier.
The account given Of the impeachment trial is
exceedingly interesting. AS to Mr.. Stanton, it
is said:
In this whole matter Mr.. Stanton acted in ac-
cordance with the wishes OF his party and in OPP
position TO his own opinion as lawyer in regard |
10 the constitutional authority OF the President
lie never thought that Congress could deprive |
the President of his right TO remove civil officers
whose services he desires to dispense with. He
did not believe in the consttutionaity Of the Ten
urc-of-Ofiice Act He had denounced it Mt the |
time Of its passage In the severest language. He |
felt that he had placed himself in false position
by denying the right Of The President to remove |
him from the office of Secretary of War in oppos |
ton TO the opinion which he had given to the
President in writing, and after his return 70
private life he was anxious that on this point he
which he had with Of his most intimate
friends. he said that although he had stood by |
those who had stood by the Government. Mr. |
Lincoln and himself during the war. and had re-
manned in the Cabinet in opposition TO the wishes |
Of his chief, he had never doubted the constitu |
t,iona right Of the President to remove the mem
bcrs of bis Cabinet without question from any |
quarter whatever The Reconstruction measures |
which were advocated by President johnson were |
the same that had been favorably considered by
Mr.. Lincoln. and in the same conversation referred
10 Mr.. Stanton expressed the opinion that if
Mr.. Lincoln had lived he would have had hard
time with his party, as he would have been at odds
with 1t on Reconstruction
This is the final summing up of Mr. Johnson's |
character and career:
No matter how unpopular or severely criticised
a man occupying a high position may have been |
while in active life, there is usually disposition,
to him. TO be generous to his memory. This |
disposition has not been manifested in Mr. JohnSOns
case IT Is not often that kindly mention is |
made of him upon the platform in the press. |
Among these who have filed high places with |
ability rendered distinguished services to their
country, his name Is rarely classed; and yet when
the history Of the great events with which he was
connected has been faithfully written there will |
appear few names entitled to greater honor and |
respect than that of Andrew Johnson His faults |
were patent he incapable Of disguise He |
was a cOmbaiant by temperament. II he did not |
court controversy, he enjoyed it, He rarely tried
TO accomplish his ends by policy; when he did, |
he subjected himself to the charge of demagogy. |
In tact he was utterly deficient; and he ran against
Naturally dstrustful he gave his confidence re-
luctantly-never without reserve: he had there |
fore few constant friends. These peculiartics and |
defects in his character were manifest. and they |
were drawbacks upon his usefulness IN |
public life On the other hand he never cherished |
luminosity after contest was over. He never
failed in generosity toward defeated foe He |
was brave. honest, truthful. lie never shranlS |
from danger, diSrcgarded engagement, or was |