The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, 1888-10-20
sToRRs ON THE TARIFF.

STORRS ON THE TARIFF.
What the Dead Orator Said of It-A Tax
Which, the People Did Not Pay to the
Government, but TO the hIanufacturers-
Strong Talk from un Old Republican.
Emery A. Storrs, one Of the most brilliant
advocates of his day, who from 1868 up to
the time Of his death, September 10, 1885,
correspondent with every President except
Cleveland, stood, it is well known, in the
very front rank among the leaders of the
Republican party.
Mr. Storrs addressed IN agricultural
convention at Springfield, ILL.,, in 1870. An
enormous surplus was in the Treasury and
the people were demanding relief from nigh
tariff, which had been rendered necessary
for a time by the war of the rebellion. Mr..
Storrs riddled protectionist fallacies most
nercilessly on this memorable occasion.
Eubjoined are extracts from his address,:
s'The fundamental principle Of American
politics is the greatest good to the great
est number. AS member of the Repub-
lican party l. at the organization Of that
party, believed that the institution of slav-
cry was special interest. was willing to
say Of it: If it can stand up and sustain
itself against the sharp and eager compe-
tition Of free labor, let it stand. IT it can
not, let it fall lam opposed to protecting
it, for the protection of that interest is
war upon all other interests deny that
the imposition of heavy tariffs upon l,artic-
! ular articles Of manufacture is protection.
1t is a burden instead OF a protection;
burden upon those who use or consume
such articles; bounty to the person man.
| niactu,jng them, that bounty being paid by
the consumer; and ii the consumers are
| more numerous than the manufacturers,
the fundamental idea Of our politics is al
once violated, government then being ad,
ministered, not for the greatest good to the
greatest number, but for the greatest good
to tbs least number, and the least good to
the greatest number. Moreover, it is not
the policy Of our Government to confer
special privileges upon any special class of
men. Our theory is that Of individual de-
velopment, of leaving each man the archi-
tect Of his own fortunes. All that our Gov
ernment, or, indeed, any Government
should do is to see to it that in the race each
man starts before the Law even with his
neghbor.
Further Oh he said:
+" Not only does the so-called protection
system offend in the particulars which /
nave ISaNicU ouG IL ~ blSO ~ ultGCU VluiatlOu
of the liberty OF the citizen to sell where
he pleases and to buy where he car buy
cheapest Every man should he permitted
| 80 sell his labor where he can get the high
est price Tor it, The question is not, after
all, how many dollars does the laboring
man receive fer days work, but how
much Of what he must consume will his
days Labor purchasey Ii days labor at
three dollars per day will purchase for the
laboing lllar his hat, Or bis boots, or the
blanket which be needs, be is receiving bet
ter pay than when ne gets five dollars per
any, but his boots, or his hat, or his blanket
costs him ten dollars. The laborer should
be permitted 10 take his labor OF it's prod
acts to the market, where, ia exchange for
those commodities which he needs, he can
get the most Of such commodities But to
compel the farmer to exchange one days
labor for one yard Of cloth manufactured
in New England, when ne might exchange
F; the same amount Of labor for two yards of
cloth manufactured in Old England, is
merely system Ut legalized plumber of the
farmer. instead Of projections to American
industry.
Again he said:
"Before tbs tariff a large and profitable
| trade was carried on with South American
ports, where our calico and sheetings and
other products Of our labor were exchanged
for their WOODS. This trade gave employ
ment to the ship-builders and ship-owners
and to the sailor It opened market for
cur own products, and gave thereby era-
plOyment 10 our own labor Cur own
| wares were sold at profitable prices. We
were supplied with cheap and fine woods.
Every one was benefited. But the pro-
tectiyc tariff laid its bands upon wool, and
all these interest perished as il they had
been bllghted with q mildew. On the
shores OF the Mediterranean the Almighty
has seen fit to confer warmer suns and
more genial heats than shine upon the salt
marshes OF Syracuse and Saginaw Cen
grcss has sought to correct this order OF
Providence, and to protect the Onondago
| and Saginaw salt, manufactured by me-
cbanical heats and appliances, against that
perfected by the cheaper agencies Of solar
heats We bring in our vessels 20 more
salt ircro the shores and islands of tie
Mediterranean. We get poorer salt, and at
q higher price, than formerly; but be as
sured Providence will win.
Concluding, be says:
"Finally, what is tariff? It is tax.
It is nothing less than and nothing but
Government but to the manufacturer for
Ills private enrichment; for where protec-
| ton begins revenue ceases Tho consumer
is impoverished, the Government is not
aided Shall this system be continued
The question we must answer. We ruay
dodge it and evade it for time; but the
millions of men who protected the Nation
in the hour of its sore peril and with their
lives demand that this question be an
swered. am for myself prepared to an
swer it. Ny answer is: Our soil is free,
our men are free, our thoughts are free, our
speech is free, our trade shall be free"
An Editor In Congress.
When an editor is put into place where
he can do some active work he does not
generally allow the opportunity to pass by
unnoticed Take the case of Amos J.
Cummings, editor Of the New York Eoentno