The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-08-08

There would be no sense in urging the reform
wrought by high license In many states If the
tonal government shOuA neutralize the good effect
by making whisky within the reach OF every one at
once in all the states.
And in the senate, March IL, 1882, John Sher-
man held the following language on the same
subject:
BY the common consent Of all nations of every civ
iiEed nation which imposes any kind OF taxes WHISKY
taxation. why7 Because they are articles Of lux
ury In sense and the more tax tends TO pre-
vent the consumption Of whisky and tobacco the
better for the consumer. These taxes ought 70 be
lett as part OF our permanent system OF taxation
oppressive remain on the statute book =,
In all European countries where taxes are levied,
ton largely in excess of t6er Saae Here we have
comparatively moderate tax on whisky, TOBACCO
and beer.
Judge you how strong the behests of mo-
nopOlIes must have been when these explicit
and authoritative utterances were all swept
away, and the emancipation OF whisky beer
and tobacco from all taxation declared to
ba the highest wisdom of craftsmanship.
appeal TO the republican farmer, the repub-
Hcan mechanic, the republican wage-worker,
and to the republican laborer of ever descrip-
ton. Do you think you have been fairly
treated upon this question: DO you think
Blaine and sherman were right and that the
Chicago platform is wrong? Do you not think
you and your wife and children consume,
while whisky. beer and tobacco bear no taxes
AT all? do not believe you viii indorse such
an infamous policy.
The Iron Kings Policy.
But the leaders of the republican party, who
believe in tax on salt and no tax on whisky,
stubbornly insist in season and out of season,
that high rates OF duty, and high-priced COM
modties furnished by the manufacturer,
Nl ii, -.
and interests of the laborer. | deny it.
This has long been a favorite and mis-
leading plea. | once tried to believe il was
true, but 1t is not. The protection given to the
manufacturer against competition in trade and
in a monopoly OF high prices and vast profits,
is as plain TO the view as a mountain peak, but
/ challenge the ingenuity OF men to show under
the tariff laws wherein the laborer has
the slightest protection in regard to the
amount of his wages, the certainty of
their payment, or the permanence o. his en-
ployment, the three most vital points in his
life OF toll. Does the law compel the manu-
facturer, out of his huge, ill-gotten gains, to
pay such wages as will enable the laborer and
his family TO live decently and in comfort?
is there any law making il a penal oifeDse for
the manufacturer to reduce the wages of the
laborer in the dead of winter, when living is
most expensive? Can you point TO me a stat
ute making it unlawful for the manufacturer to
close his works il the market happens to be
dull, and thus leave the laborer unexpectedly
and entirely without employment, and perhaps
to starvey No, there is not line or letter of
law in existence, in the so-called protective
system, giving the laborer the faintest trace of
legal protection IN anything. His only re-
lance is on the sordid seli-interest of invested
capital, seeking all the time and in every way
TO multiply its own profits, with other con-
Germ for him than to obtain the greatest
amount of work at his hands for the smallest
amount Of pay possible. This is all the pro-
lection known for labor under our system of
tarln, and defy anyone to show the contrary.
A short time ago, in discussing this great is
sue IN the senate, / said:
While these halls vocal from day to day, and
from week to week, with eulogies the protection
afforded 70 labor by the present tariff, yet the hard
clear, bold determined fact that labor has no pro-
lection at all uLd the pre- system of tariff tax
stlon eoniTonts ecn successive speaker and mocks,
derides and stares bin out of countenanee
While we are listening here on this tiOrr to we'll
rounded periods poured forth as perpetual chant
OF laudatioD TO our present tariff laws the sheet
anchor OF protection safety and happiness for Amer
lean labor the lab0rers themselves are filling the
whole country with the uproar OF their strikes, reyOs
compels them 70 pay double value for everything
sumed by themselves I'd their families, and 10 pay
not 10 the governm to the monOpozer OF trade
and to swell his profits, while the monop.
olizer, employer, can and constantly does dt-
minish the laborers wages and force him to work at
low rates or starve. . Under the highest tariff
rates evsr known IN this country there came
the panic of 1878, which for five
cursed interests
Of labor % extent before known in the same
length Cf time in the history OF the world. And
with tariff taxes but little, il any. reduced, we
have the authority Of the U. s commissioner OF la
Dor, Carroll Wright, that in lsSj-'s6 the number
OF strikes and lOckOuts the number OF unemployed
the resulting money loss to capital and labor, eSpe-
cally in states where industries are largely protect
ed, has been unprecedented. The truth Is, a close
look into the workings of the republican tariff, as
illustrated by the naked facts transporting around
every day, plainly dscoSes that the meat of what is
styled the protective system has thus Tar been all
devOuret by the manufacturing mOnOpOllSts, while
the bones. scraped clean. and with all the marrow
sucked GU, have bee thrown TO the working classes
This system, when watched closely in its practical
operations, will be found 10 scatter not even the
crumbs that fall from the tables of the rich among
the tOiling millions. Labor has share in the
wealth il creates aud protection against the tyr
amy of reduced wages at its employers unrestraned
will and pleasure While the legislation Of the
country remains in this shape the labOring classes
have the same protection against the greed aud
actions of capital that unshelered unherded sheep
have against wolves, and no more