Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1888-03-22
TWO ISSUES COMPARED.
New York Tribune,

NtN loIh lIluullC-
In order to excuse its unwearied labors
for the party of the rum shops. The
Voice argues that the tariff is a question
so complicated and mysterious, so far
beyond the comprehension of ordinary
men, that the people cannot be safely
trusted to vote upon it. and the whole
matter ought to be relegated to Il COM
mission. BY way of striking contrast
there comes to hand at the same time a
copy of The Al6GHy JOufnHl, containing
extracts from letters of New York farm
ers by hundreds, expressing in no uncer-
tain language their opinions on the tariff
question. The extracts show that the
writer's of these letters have a better
practical and theoretical knowledge of
this question than the President himself,
or any man he would be likely to ap-
point on such a commission. What the
political PrOhibitionist wants is to con
vince the dear voters that they are Just
competent enough to vote against rum,
but not competent enough to decide any
other question, which should be turned
over to the Democratic party until po-
litical PrOhibitiOnistS can be elected to
office.
THERE'S less complication and less
popular misunderstanding by a great
deal about the tariff question in the
minds of voters than there is about the
temperance question. The reason is
that the whole people have had practical
experience of the workings of one and
the same tariff each year; whenever
there has been a change, all the people
have been able to Judge for themselves
whether industries have been better or
worse of; ; and meanwhile for a quarter
of a century the general policy prevail
ing has contributed visibly and power
fully to the prosperity of every part Of
the country. The wOrkingmen well
know how it has affected wages, and
how far it has made food, clothing and
other necessaries cheaper or dearer. The
employer knows how it has stimulated
new industries by giving them meas
ure of safety not before enjoyed.
But there is no such common under
standing about the best mode Of dealing
with the temperance question, because
there has never been any such common
experience of the workings OF any meth
cd whatever. For generation past the
men of Maine have known practically
nothing of the workings of a license
system, and other States have known
nothing of Prohibition; in some States
laws enacted have been 50 defective in
detail that they could not be enforced at
all, and in others the enforcement of
laws has differed greatly, because that
depends upon the differing temper of
the people The result is a great uncer-
tainty in the minds of nearly all judi
ciOuS and conscientious men as to the
best policy to be pursued respecting all
localities except their own. OF their
own neighborhoods, or cities, or States,
they feel that they know something.
They know the temper Of the people, and
the strength of public opinion, and the
possibilities of enforcing this or that
measure. But beyond the range Of their
personal knowledge, such men feel that
they cannot conscientiouSly decide which
policy is best.
That is because the temperance ques-
ton IS, IN It's very nature, essentially
local. It must be dealt with entirely
upon the local sentiment which may
elect or sustain those officials. If it
were possible to practically prohibit the
liquor traffic by employinga a few officials
at the custom houses, as the competition
of many foreign products can be practi-
cally prohibited, the whole character Of
the temperance question would be alter
ed radically. The people know more
about the tariff than The Voice supposas,
and this thing especially, that they are
competent to decide that question for
the whole country. They also appear to
know more about the temperance ques-
ton than The Voice knows, because they
recognize in most of the States the prin-
ciple that States and localities must of
necessity settle that question for them
selves.