New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1888-08-02
GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
THEODORE RoosEvELT's NEW BOOK.


BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT lsmo, PIP. 37o
Houghton M,flin & Co.
Among the group of Fcderalist statesmen who
created the Union, the figure Of Gouvcrncur Morris
stands out, distinguished by certain picturesque
ness and brlliancy, rather than by those weighty
qualities which constitute greatness Of the first
rank, like that of Hamilton Morris was not
indeed, even firstratc politician. As MIR. Roose-
welt observes he was too much Of a free lance
He was too apt TO be carried away by side issues
and sudden prcludices But he was unQucstion-
ably man of superior mind, true patriot well
equipped IN finance especially, powerful reasoncr
and writer and Of great service to his country
ut a time when she needed the best abilities Of
her wiscst sons. The life OF Gouvcrncur Morris
has been hitherto known only through the dull
and dstorting biography of Jared Sparks The
latter wrote in period when frank memoir
was perhaps impossible; when historical science
was unborn, and when, too, public opinion was
in so morbid state that il tolerated only level
euloyy in the discussion Of the beginnings of the
republic Sparks rs recent research has proved,
was not trustworthy editor. He thought moth
ing Of altering, suppressng, garblng, his original
documents lie did this with Washington, with
Morris, with every one he edited. lie had his own
standard Of literary propriety and if his material
did not come up TO it, SO much the worse for the
material -.Gr ,-.-
Morris was an admirable correspondent and
darist, but he wrote naturally freely, spontane GUS
iy and never thought for moment about MS style
which was of course all the better for this ease OF
composition Sparks trained TO believe IN dreadful
Johnsonesc style, was evidently shocked by what
he must have regarded as the fiippancy and want
of dignity in Morris's whiting and he did what
he could 10 tone it down and take the life out of
it, Mr. Roosevelt suggests that new edition of
&c adeH nd IF
can. be no doubt for it is certain that the American
people have never yet had the opportunity Of
reading those interesting writings their author
left them, and moreover much comparatively new
matter has been brough forward recently, which
ought TO be incorporated in revised edition.
Possibly Mr.. Roosevelt or Mr.. Cabot Lodge might
be Induced 10 undertake this enterprise. The
time is auspcious now that new editions OF
Hamilton, Franklin and Washington are IN pro-
Cress or projected; and there is in MorrsS diary
80 much material which is not political so much
important historical matter of the deepest interest
and value regarding the French Revolution, that
as a purely business undertaking the success oil
such AN edition would be certain In the present
neat volume Mr.. Roosevelt has compressed most
readable and lively account of Gouvcrncur Morris
md he has written the sketch broad enough lin
TO exhibit the salient features Of the period
Morris himself a man of unusual breadth OF
view. While his own family divided on the
issues which seraratcd the colonies from the
mother country while the influences were power
full which pressed him toward Toryism, he was
strong enough. in time Of uncXampled confusion,
not only to choose his own course, bat having east
in his lot with his country, to realize that the OPP
ponents of separation were not necessarily mon
scrs. In fact, he could see both sides of a case
and though far too active-mindcd and rcsolutc not
10 be n partisan. he refused 10 shut his eyes to
facts or TO surrender to any clamor even OF
his swn friends. lie suffered for this individu-
atty in later years, but men like Washington,
Jay and Hamilton recognized his intellectual
abilities his strength of judgment and his states
manshp, and eagerly welcomed his alliance
The gift which distinguishes Morris during the
greater part Of his career and, in fact, until his
final return from Europe, is prcscience. There is
no man of the time Whose judgments regarding the
future seem to have been sounder than his. This
quail. of looking forward and estimating the
ISSUE apparently doubtful conflicts is q rare one.
In the life of Gouverneur Morris it was exhibited
repeatedly and sril1ingly. When the British
were hunting the Continental forces up and down
New-Yor< State and the Congress was anbulant
with headquarters almost in the saddle when the
apathy and sluggshness OF the people made even
Washington respondent, and the beginning Of the
end seemed approaching Morris never ceased to be
dcbonair and cheerful, never lost his conviction
that the English would he defeated finally. never
ceased to believe that when the pressure became
heavy enough the slow and Indolent farmers would
take up arms and fight their countrymen had
fought at Lexington. II must he acknowledged
that there was cause Tough for Encouragement at
one time and that the lack of union among the
Provinces appeared the most omiDous symptom of
al-unlcss it was the indisposition Of the majority
to make material sacrifices for independence They
were fierce partisans bnt at times they would nci-
Their light nor pay: and after they had been worked
to fighting pitch and had won the victory they
were stubborny opposed to footing the bill Hence
the wildcat finance of the period. Hence the
dcmagogic fecundity in all manner of delusiye
measures whereby the cost of the war was to be
showed on to the shoulders Of postcrity. Now Nor
rs had something Of Hamiiton's gift Of finance
His clear mind pierced the tanges of these disn-
genuous and evasivc projects swiftly, and they
fretted him much. Happily his colleagues saw
where he would be of most use, and so put him
on all finance committees in convention and Con-
gross, and enabled hin to straighten out crooked
bills and TO shclve impossible ones.
Mr. Roosevelt justifes the attitude Of Morris on
The slavery issue in the Constitutional debates,
and think the defence sound. In the first place,
slavery not then what it afterward became,
public opinion concerning it sensitive.
Civilization had not advanced far enough to make
! Garrison possible. There was indeed a strong
feeling that slavery was political blunder. and
probably also an economic blundcr; and the North /
resented and opposed the proposition that proper
nonal representation should be given on the basis !
h the slave element But the primary ques- |
bon was that Of Union. and il was evident that |
Union could not be effected if abolition was in
nsted upon as a sine qua non. Such condition /
would have driven the South out pcrcmDtorily. !
Il would also have dspleased considerable New
England element which profted, sad rs the fact