Fort Worth daily gazette. (Fort Worth, Tex.) 1882-1891, 1888-01-11

ing proposition" es stated by the honor
able chairman OF the committee, In favor
CT the passage of this bill. st one oounoi
without constitutional warrant (as ex.
pect to be able to show, and without
reason or authority 20 sustain 1t, snd IN
violation Of the theory of our government
and In disregard of our political traol-
tons, would overthrow the great distlnc-
tive difference between our theory OF the
sovereignty OF the people and the theory
of the monsrchies OF the old world, that
the king or emperor is the sovereign
source of political power. 1t Wouid maze
this grand eleemosynary ESTABLISHMENT,
formerly known as the government OF
the United States, the supreme ana the
sole Judge Of what is needful Tor the well
fare of the people. In reference 10 our
political system 1t would make the pyrs-
mid stand upon it's apex. II would treat
the states and the people as dependent
on the will of the Federal government in
all matters in which it might determine
tbat whenever, from any cause" they
failed to come up to the standard OF quail
itications and duty which Congress re-
CARDS as the correct one the Federal
government can of right intervene and
remedy the supposed evil.
Our political theory is that the govern
ment derives its powers from the consent
OF the governed; that the people are the
sovereign source Of political power; that
they delegated such of their sovereign
power as seemed to them best to the
federal government, and such portion OF
it as they thought best to the several
states, retaining to themselves such rights
as they were unwilling to commit to the
control of either of these governments.
II there is no express grant OF power to
Congress to pass such bill as this,
and II the passage Of such
q bill Is not necessary as
q means Of executing some expressly
granted power, then it can only be pass
ed for the reason that the federal govern
mept is the sovereign source OF oliticsl
power and mSy do what 1t pleases with
out reference to the wishes and consent
of the several states or of the people. To
do this would be to overthrow the Con-
stitution, to destroy the rights OF the
states, to disregard the will OF the people,
to change the character of our govern
ment from thai Of 8 free, constitutional
republic to despotiem Of centralized
msj critics, and in effect to deny the ca
pacity of the people for self-government
The control of merely local and do
nestle questions by Congress would, in
large measure, destroy the direct &C
countability of the representatives to
their constituents by removing them too
far from the observation of the people,
and would thus open the way for reck-
less, improper, and prodigsl legislation.
Already by loose construction OF the
constitution !end by usurpations OF power
the jurisdiction OF Congress has become
so extended as to render Ii difficult for 1t
to pass the required laws. Up to quar-
ter of a century ago it was rare thing
for session OF Congress to PASS more
than half dozen general laws outside OF
appropriation bills. Now, by these ex-
tensions of Jurisdictions, we pass a con-
siderable volume of laws at each session.
II we adopt the principle which underlies
this educational bill, that Congress may
do whatever it supposes the general wei
fare to require, then a perpetual session
Of Congress will not give sufficient time
for the passage of such laws as may be
called for.
The passage Of the bill under consider
alton has been urged by some Senators
and accepted by hers because of the ex.
ceptional condition In which some of the
states were left as a result of the late
civil war, because by it about 100000
slaves were made free people and Mere
invested with the rights aud privileges OF
citizenship, which they were not, as 8
rule, qualified to exercise intelligenffy;
and because by it the states in which most
Cf them reside were greatly impOverishsa.
We must sll recognize the great force
of this philanthroplc desire to enlighten
go larg4 a number of citizens who are 10
so great need of the knowledge which is
necessary to enable them to understand
snd TO perform the duties Of citiz eDship
and to take care of their own persona!
rights. And SO strongly do sympsthize
With this view that nothing less than the
fear Of subvertipg our form of govern
ment and endangering the liberty of both
races could induce ms to oppose its being
carried out by some such law rs the one
now proposed.
It Is true that at the close Of the late
civil war the southern states were utter
~ impoverished and in q large measure
desolated. Their social and industrial
systems, which came down to them
through the traditions of thesges and hsd
been secured to them by constitutions
provisions and legal enactments, were ut
terly destroyed, at 8 sacrifice to them Of
thousands Of millions Of dollars, anC
rich and poor alike were involved in al
most universal bankruptcy. Their schoo
systems and educational institutions
were in abeYauce. They were without
means to sustain them, and education
lansuished.
l do not mention these things to com
plain Of them now. They were IN lsrgs
measure the result Of causes for which
the generation which suffered for then
was not responsible, and they sre burieC
In the irrevocable past. But mention
them for the purpose OF contrasting the
educational condition in those states nov
with what it was then; to show that the
interests of education are not being neg
lected there, and that that country is no'
in the danger from illteracy which SONS
OF the friends Of this bill seem to sup
pose.
do not propose to go fully into thi
subject. But make the general state
ment that ell the southern states nev'
now fully organized systems of free publ!'
schools in operation, sustained by tn
revenues of these states, in which all TIT
children OF scholastic age receive instruc
/ IL l. h. in,