The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-08-28

| lets The foreg ling facts however seem to show
incoutestibly That no such result has followed the
Again ne said in his message Of Dscember g. 1852:
Without repeating the arguments contained in
| my former message in favor of discriminating pro-
tective duties deem it my duty 10 call your atten-
ton to one or two other considerations fleeing this
subject The first is the effect Of large importations
OF foreign goods upon currency. Most Of the gold
of California, as fast II is coined, finds its way
directly to Europe in payment for goods purchased.
In the second place, as our manufacturing establish
| ments are broken down by competition with for
egners the capital invested In them is lost thou
SANDS OF honest and industrious citizens are thrown
| out Of employment and the farmer 10 that extent
is deprived OF home market for the sale of his
plus produce In the third place, the destruction
OF our manufactures leaves the foreigner without
competition in our market and he consequently
raises the price Of the article sent here for sale,
| from England"
In December, 1867, President Buchanan in his
annual message 70 congress said:
The earth has yielded her fruits abundantly and
has beautifully rewarded the toll of the husband
mRn. We have possessed all the elements of ma
teria wealth in rich abundance and yet, notwith-
monetary interest is at the pre,ent moment in de-
| porable condition. In the midst of unsurpassed
plenty in all the productions, and in all the ele-
ments OF natural wealth, We find our manufactures
suspended, our public works retarded private
enterprises Of different kinds abandoned. and
meut and reduced to want"
This testimony would condemn "a revenue tariff
in any court of the land. 1t ought to force like
verdict from the great jury OF our countrymen.
One Of the chief complaints against the protec-
1--WE system 10 lIs ulleBcu HluQIbDce 10
FOREIGN TRADE AND A FOREIGN MARKET
for our own products. 1t is argued that if
could import raw material from other countries
itee. ana manufacture such raw material into prod
ucts for use, we could export them at great profit
and thus secure standing in the markets of the
world. This theory is wholly, as believe, iusory
II is without substance. We have an example of
free raw material in certain line of manufactures
that of leather for boots, Shoes etc. etc In 1872
hides and skins were made free SO that our manu-
facturers could import them without cuStomhouse
burdens. They have had free trade" in their raw
~
been an exceptionally successful one, and yet you
cannot avoid being surprised when say to you that
in those sixteen years we have been able to export
hut two per cent Of the leather production of the
country
export trade and the foreign markets, then / an
sWcr that our manufacturers today have substantial
free trade in foreign raw materials which they make
into the finished product in the United States pro
Yidcd they export it, Sections 30l9, 1920, 302l
and 1922 OF the United States statutes provide for
used in manufacturing for the export trade. The
law is positive that all articles manufactured for
port from imported materials, upon which duties
have been paid, shall, when exported, be entitled
to drawback of 90 per cent OF the duties paid on
such raw materials. Some use has been made of
these laws. The remission of duties in 1884 paid
upon imported material manufactured for foreign
markets amounted to S. 25G, 638 On some articles
the drawback is equal to the duty paid, but in 10
instance where articles imported to be manu-
featured here and sent abroad is the duty to exceed
10 per cent.
And yet we arc grayely told by the tariff reform
ers that we cannot reach foreign markets on ac-
In fact for foreign trade
FOREIGN RAW MATERIALS ARE PRACTICALLY
FREE.
This principle was recognized as early as the adj
min'sTation of George Washington, and has been
enlarged and made applicable to all imported
terials the drawbacks varying from 80 to 100 per
cent What becomes then, of the cry for free raw
materials in the presence of this facR The truth is
we are not SO much concerned about the foreign
market as we about the home market. The lat
ter is the best, and we have not yet been able to
control It, and until we do, that should be our chief
INT # afC net, aigrrrf
foreign market and value il more highly than
own, they can import foreign raw material practi-
cally free of duty, and after advancing into the
higher forms of manufacture can go out and possess
the worlds markets Taxed raw materials 90 not
now stand in their way, and it is hypocrisy to claim
"Ihe markets of the world" in our present CON
dition are snare and deluson. We viii reach
them whenever we can underseu competing ma
lions and not sooner. Tariffs do not keep MS out,
and free trade viii not make it ensier TO enter them
Let give you brief exhibit OF some of our for
eign trade, what we buy and what we sell. IN the
year ending June 30, 1857 we bought of Mexico the
governments of the West Indies and South America
Isoducts to the value OF sl72,46s5 s, and we$0ld
cent IN amount of what we bought Of Thcm, or
about $50, 100000; and as ashowtng that our pro
teetive tariff did not produce this uncomfortable
one half of the products we bought were not sub
ect 10 any tariff tax at all, but were admitted free
of duty.
WAGES OF AMERICAN woRKNEN.
Upon what terms can we adopt revenue tariff
pYsteIn IN this country N one only, by accept
ing European conditions, and submitting to all the
diseomioits and disadvantages OF our commercial
rivals. The chief obstruction in the way OF a reve
nue. tariff are the wages paid Alneucan working
men, and any return TO that policy involves re-
duction ofthe cost of labor. We cannot afford to
have cheap labor in the United States Cheap labor
means cheap men and dear money. I would rather
| elevate and improve the condition of my fellow
| citizens than increase the value of money and the
power of "money bags" This is a republic of free
| and equal citizenship. The government is in the
| hands of the masses, and not of the few This
ia nd
The Condition of the masses. their weibeing.
their intelligence, their preparation for the civil
duties which rest upon them, depend LARGELY upon
the scale of industrial wages It is essential, there
Tore that the best possible wages Gtaiuabe shall be
| secured and maintained. This is vital and iunda'
| men,al. We cannot without grave danger and e
rious disturbance-we opght not under any circum-
| stances-adopt policy which would scale down the
wages and diminish the comforts of the American
w0ikingmen. Their welfare and independence,
their progress and elevation, closely related to
the welfare and independence and progress of the
republic. We have got no pGmpered class in this
country, and We want none We want the field
kent open No narrowing of the avenues; no low
eriug OF our standard. We want no barriers raised
against higher ana better civilization. The gate
Way of opportunity must be open to all 10 the end
that they may be first who deserve TO be first,
whether born in poverty or reared in luxury. We
! do not want tie masses excluded from competing
FOX the first rank among their eolntrymen and for
the nations greatest honors, and we 60 not mean
! they shall he
Free trade, or revenue tariff, viii Of necessity
shut them out IL has
NO RESPECT FOR LABOR.
II holds II rs q mere machinery of capital 1t
would lal cheap men that it might have cheap
merchandise With all of its boosted love for the
s,IuyGlng millions it is infinitely more interested
in cutting down The wages OF labor than in saving
twenty-five ceuts on blanket; more intent in re-
| duoing the purchasing power of mans labor than
I the cost of his coat
Things are not always dearest when their price is
/ numually the highest. The price is not the only
measure but The wherewth to buy il is an essential
! factor Few men before me but nave found in the
course Of their lives more than once that that which
| was UheAps when measured by mere price was the
| dearest Mneu they were without money and employ
| meut or when their products could find no market,
/ and, finding H. commanded no price at all COM
meusuratc with the labor required 10 produce them
| Primarily. il is labor which is interested most in
! this question of protection. The man with money
can seek other avenues of profit and investment or
can wait for his dividends but the laborer cannot
wait for his dinner. and the United states do not
want citizens who make presidents and senates and
the house of representatives 10 be in condition of
dependence ana dosutution That is not the sort of
| citizenship we want
AND THE FARMER.
! Next t. the laborcr the farmer Is the immediate
beneficiary ofthe American system. Il brings to his
plantation city Of consumers. The farmer and the
! factor are brought into close proximity The prob
| lem OF transportation is largely eliminated. He
finds market not only tor staple products