The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1888-05-20
His Views on the Tariff Expressed
as He Alone Gan Do 1t.
He Does Not Want Free Trade, But
an Honest Reform.
The Pure Sentiments Of a Pure and
Upright Man.
LThero "a No Buncombe. No Ambiguity,
\ No Waste of Words, But a Straight
forward Presentation Of Facts
In His Talk.


As Speaker Carlisle rose and asked for
recognition from the chair an enthusiastic
greeting was accorded him. Amid the
clapping OF hundreds, and the cheers which
came from the floor and galleries, Mr.. Car
''lisle stood at the desk OF Mr.. Catchings, OF
Mississippi, and quietly waited for the
demonstration to cease. II was some mo-
ments. however, before Chairman Springer
was able to secure order but when he had
finally succeeded in doing so Mr. Carlisle
proceeded: / shall not, said he, attempt
to follow the gentleman from Maine in all
the arguments he had; in all the illustra-
tons he has submitted, for in fact was
unable to hear large part OF what he said.
He started off with the proposition that the
supporters OF the pending bill were either
inconsistent or insncere or perhaps both,
because, he says, II protection is wrong a
tariff for revenue Is also wrong, and there
Is no difference in principle between them,
the difference being only in degree. The
gentleman therefore argues that the sup
porters OF this bill should advocate absolute
free trade. might retort 10 the gentleman
by saying that il the doctrine OF protection
Is correct, that doctrine should be carried
by himself and his friends TO its logical re-
sult-absolute prohibition Of foreign inn
ports But the gentleman himself has
said that it is his purpose, and the purpose
OF his political associates, 70 preserve
in this country all its own wealth, even II
they are compelled to erect Chinese wall
around II. China preserved all her wealth
Of I.r ,.tslfr har I..sfa To-
thousands OF years, and / do not think
that the advocates of diversified industries
and the friends OF labor can find much to
encourage them in the social and CONNER
cial condition OF that country. Their pro-
lection, pure and simple, was carried 10 It's
logical result and produced its inevitable
effects. With the oldest civilization in the
world; with every variety OF soil and cli-
l mate and natural resources with frugal
and industrious people; with q literature
aicynding in philosophc aud specula-
five Thought, tho useful arts Of in
dusiry are still in their infancy
and labor is there the abject slave OF
capital. We do not wish another wall OF
China here, nor do we want absolute free
trade. We all recognize the fact that the
government must have revenue, and
that revenue must he raised by taxation,
In some form or other. / presume the
gentleman win concede that all taxation
rs an evil, which il would be well 20 avoid
II possible; and we are reduced 20 choice
between that system which would confine
the trade Of our people to our limits with
out increasing the revenue OF the govern
ment and the more liberal system which
will make commerce rs free rs possible,
consistent with raising sufficient revenue
for the support OF the government II
under this latter system our manuiactur-
ing and mining industries receive benefit
from the duty on imported goods they are
entitled TO il. II Is impossible TO impose
taxes under any system that can be de-
viscd without hurting somebody and hep.
ing somebody, and for my part, and |
speak the sentiments Of my political
friends, would rather help them than
hurt them. But the gentleman from
Maine, In his long discourse, made no
reference whatever TO the actual situation
which now confronis us-a situation which
makes Il the imperative duty OF the repre-
senlatiycs OF the people 10 reduce the
revenue before this Congress shall adj
journ.
On the hst day Of the present month,
there was In the treasury $3.50, $4,000 In
excess Of all the current liabilities OF the
government, showing that there has been
since December |, an average monthly nc
cumulation OF moro than Sll,0OO0O0.
Every dollar OF this enormous sum has
been taken by law from the commercial
sAursuits OF the people nj time whom II
WAS rcly needed in the prosecution Of
their bleiness, and under circumstances
which afford no justification whatever for
the enactment. Tho question this Con-
grcss must decide Ia, whether this policy
shall be longer continued hero In this
country where the people are supposed 10
govern In their own right and their own
interests.
can imagine no financial condition
moro dangerous 10 the integrity OF legisla-
ton, and the prosperity Of the people than
that which results from an accumulation
Of a largo surplus In the public treasury.
Even II Il was possible for such an accu-
mutation rs VIC now have TO como into our
public treasury without the imposition OF
any tax II would still be great mis-
fortune, because It's inevitable effect Is TO
| encourage useless and .exirayagant appro-
priations Of public money. In yio-
lalion OF those principles OF public
economy which have been found 10 be
absolutely essential 10 the preservation
Ol loHNtaA Va E'f'hhhtN.ssf assf 49,
constitutional limitations ON It's powers
II IL safe to say that 80 long a. this policy
continues, largcScs and bounties for the
promotion Of purely private enterprises
will bo demanded, and new fields for the
exercise Of legislative labor, new objects
for the appropriation Of the public money
will be discovered.
But, Il Is said, we still have outstanding
vast public debt, and that no great dan.
ror can beiall the country II the present
rates OF taxation are continued and the
surplus applied 10 the purchase Of The
\ bonds. Ibclicye that so long rs VIC actu
ally have a surplus, It's application TO thu
exiinguishmcnt Of the public debt Is Thu
very best use that can be made OF II. Bu
/ totally dissent from the proposition tina
II u either wise or Just 10 pursue q iisca
policy that taxes the people merely for th'
purpose Of raising revenue 10 be used u
tho purchase, nj premium, OF TN
unmaturcd bonds Of the government
except 40 far m may be necessary Z
comply with the requirements Of the sink