Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1888-03-11
Mr. Lincoln.

The Cbicaeo Tm's, in commenting
on the O'FEBEArL episode, says:
"Not long 400 Hanuioal Hamlin, who
was Vice President during Mr. Lincol. S
first term, publ she'd certain facts IN re-
gard TO the famous proclamation OF
emancipation, which show that his sign
, inc was the result Of long aud mature
deliberntion. Re pondered long and
waited one hundred days before ai.iNnS
his signature as he had promised. There
arc vet multitude Of living witnesses
intimate with Nh Lincoln TO reiute the
theory of Nd OFerrall, which Is just
the opposite Of the truth, for the signing
OF the emancipation proclamation Was
done with a fall knowledge of its lar
reaching consequences sud inevitable
results, but after painful thought and de-
hberate consideration.
II HANNIBAL HANmrN is quoted cor
rectly the T,mcs's criticism Of Mr.
O'FERnAr.L answers itself. Outside Of the
constitutional question involved IN sign
ing the emancipation proclamation, it is
hardly probable that man of Mr..
I1NcoLS's character would not have hest
tated to take the final step in n matter
that had caused him SO much worry.
1t is a poor tribute to the memory of
Mr.. LINCOLN to say he did not hesitate.
But HANIH's testimony is not oil that
goes 10 sustain Nr. O'FERBAIL. In
Nav, 1862, General HUNTER issued an
order declaring the slaves in Georgia,
South Carolina, ana Florida forever
free. That order was rescinded and
repudiated by tina President, who at the
time was urging Congress and the bor-
der States to adopt a policy Of gradual
emancipation, with compensation to
loval masters this to be followed by the
colonization OF such freedmen as might
wish to leave the country. The result
VAS that CONGRESS passed a resolution
that "tAa United States ought to CO.
operate with any state which might
adopt a gradual emancipation Of slavery"
and placed at the disposal Of the Presi-
dent $500 eco for GA experiment in colo
nization. About $4,000 was spent in
the work and then it was abandoned. In
August, 1862, Nr. LEcoLN wrote to
Horace GREELEY:
my Paramount object is to save the
Union, and rot either TO save or destroy
slavery. If I could save the Union
without freeing any slave | would do II /;
if I could save 1t by freeing all the
slaves would 90 it and if could do
it by freeing some and leaving others, l
would do that.
Again, to a depntation Of the Chicago
religious denominations who urged I'M
mediate and universal emancipation,
1.-THE President replied at considerable
length, arguing the probable futirty Of
the measure" a good authority says
that after the proclamation was pre-
pared it was, by the advice OF Mr..
SEWARD. withheld until it could follow
Federal victory instead Of seeming 20
be a measure OF desperation. The
whole history Of the proclamation tends
10 show that Mr.. LINCOLN was brought
TO it by tremendous pressure and that
the evil genius of the act was SEWARD,
who never hesitated to 60 outside OF the
Constitution. That Mr.. LINCOLN knew
that he was acting without constitutional
warrant in signing the proclamation, and
consequently the moment of signing
was one of hesitation and mental strug-
gle, is further proved by the fact that in
his message OF December !, 1862, he
proposed to Congress a constitutional
amendment for the abolition OF slavery,
with compensation, in 1900.