The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1888-09-19
Those Tales of English Poverty.

Inc republican press, lncluulng the
Cincinnati Enquirer, is printing narrowing
accounts OF the poverty in London and
other great cities of England. These pain
ful narratives are, of course, built 10 order
in the interest of the monopoly candidate
for the presidency. 1t is apparently sup
posed by the republican managers that
this sort of literature will make votes for
Ben HARRISON. They seem to expect that
voters who read it will reason after this
fashion:
Behold the terrible poverty in En-
gland
"And England is a free trade country.
English poverty is, of course, due to
English free trade.
'The Mills bill, which protects our
manufacturers on an average ~ per cent,
is a free trade measure.
'lf President CLEVELAND is reelected,
the Mills bill will certainly become a law.
Then we shall have free trade.
"Then we shall have poverty, even like
England"
OF course the republican managers pro-
coed upon the assumption that the
average voter is fool. That is the repub-
llcan theory in this campaign, as evidenced
by HARRIsoN's letter of acceptance and
his Castle garden and South American
speeches. However, we think it very
mistaken theory.
The average voter is not fool. He can
read and write. Reads the newspa-
pers. Keeps his eyes and ears open, and
prefers to accept the evidence of his own
senses and to exercise his own faculties
rather than to take his facts and conclu-
sions at second hand from cheap dema-
gogues. This, at least, is the democratic
theory in this campaign. We are very
sure it is the correct one.
Now, the average voter, when he reads
the republican stories of British poverty,
will reason to himself in this way:
''There is poverty everywhere. There
is less OF it in England than in any other
old and densely populated country under
the sun. 1t isn't caused by free trade be-
cause there was great deal more poverty
in England before the days OF free trade
than there is now; because there is much
less in England than there is in
other European countries which have
high protective tariffs; because in the
United States, where one would least ex-
pect to find much poverty, it abounds in
all the great cities and is increasing every
day. The restitution in the east end of
London cannot possibly be worse than the
restitution in the lower part of New York
city; there is as much poverty In pro-
portion in Chicago as in Birmingham or
Liverpool; misery more abject is not
found on the face of the earth than is to be
seen on every hand in the Pennsylvania
coal regions, and the Hooking valley OF
Ohio. These facts prove to my mind that
free trade is not responsible for the poverty
that exists in England. But even if it
were it would not influence my vote in
this election, because there is no question
OF free trade before the people. There is
no political party and no presidential
candidate proposing free trade. The Mills
bill, which is specific expression of the
democratic policy, provides a protective
tariff averaging ~ per cent. This is three
or four times as high as ALEXANDER HAM
ILToN favored; it is twice as high as HENRY
CLAY ever asked for; it is much higher
than any of the protective tariffs before
the war; it is away above the mark set by
the republican tariff commission, composed
altogether of protectionists, only six years
ago; it more than covers the entire cost of
labor to the manufacturers. Therefore,
even if free trade had reduced every in
habitant OF England to pauperism, it
would be no more reason for opposing
GROVER CLEVELAND and the Mills bill than
the existence OF yellow fever in Florida
would be for joining a base ball club.
The issue here is whether we shall take
taxes of of whisky or off of the neces-
saries of life; whether we shall hand the
surplus in the treasury over to the bond
holders or restore it to the people; whether
we shall tax ourselves to death for the
benefit of monopolies or give American
laboc chance. am for cheaper clothing
rather than cheaper whisky; l am for the
people rather than for the bondholders; /
am for American labor rather than for the
monopolies. So go to grass with your
VI pONFANs AZ HAdhus Cdu Iuu
enough poverty to make my heart ache
and my blood boil in protected Pennsyl-
vania. Ii the question of free trade ever
comes up III this country shall investi-
gate the subject, and if find that poverty
and protection never 90 together and that
poverty and free trade always do, shall
certainly vote against free trade. But the
question isn't before me now, and your
stories of English poverty will have no
more influence upon my action at the polls
In November than the idle wind"
This is the way the average voter, being
an intelligent man with mind OF his own,
viii reason to himself. There are, doubt
less, few ignoramuses who will be hum
plugged by the English poverty stories into
voting the free-whisky, monopoly tax
ticket. But there are not enough OF them
10 decide this election.
Lost, Strayed or Stolen?