Morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven [Conn.]) 1848-1894, 1888-03-28
Fiftieth Congress--First Session.
WASHINGTON. March u.

WASHINGTON, March ~.
SENATE.-Mr. Blair called up the question
of the second reading of the bill introduced
by him some time since to give preference to
disabled Confederate soldiers as between men
who had been disloyal in appointments to
civil Office.
Mr.. Riddleberger said that he could not
see the force of the objection made to the
bill on the Republican side OF the chamber.
The ex-Confederate soldiers had had very few
men in Congress to voice their wishes. They
had had no channel through which to express
themselves. He had never ridden in an am
bulance; never had been sick day; never
was absent from single fight in which his
brigade and regiment were engaged and had
suffered two terms of imprisonment. The
man, therefore, who challenged his loyalty to
the Confederacy in the past did 60 with the
hazard of his veracity if he were to chal-
lenge his loyalty to the Union to-day. This
was not pleasant discussion for him. He
was sorry that the crippled soldier of the
South was not represented here by some
antagonized by those who should have
stood by him. He represented the
ex-Confederates who were misrepresented by
others who would go home and claim to be
their best Misunderstanding patriotism at
Washington aud talking confederacy at home.
In this connection he made an alusion mot
understood by the reporter) as TO some Con-
federate officer inducing his men to exchange
Confederate money, So for So of the like is
sue, and yet the Senator from Connecticut
(Hawley) he said had congratulated his col
league from Virginia on his statesman-like
speech. He (Riddleberger) was not here as a
persistent Confederate. He was not here to
ask for any other terms than those which had
been accorded to him years ago. He was
here to answer every accusation of the kind
which he found in the Congressional Record
against men who had been Confederates and
who had dared to express their own
Judgment and to have the courage of their
own convictions. He could not understand
how three Confederate generals and one Fed
eral general should oppose the bill.
Mr.. Blair defended the principles of his
bill, which he said he had intro
duced after prolonged reflection
and on the same afternoon that he had
conversation with q crippled Confederate
soldier. The bill was not, as some seemed
to think, an entering wedge to the pension
ing of Confederate soldiers. 1t was simply
bill enbodying an act of humanity, of hu-
mRnity blended with magnanimity, and
which he thought great nation might we'll
exhibit. So far as public policy was con-
cerned he believed the proposition to be
wise one. He had received very many letters
of thanks and commentator from ex-Con-
fedsrate soldiers since the bill had been in
troduced. He calculated that there were at
least q quarter of a million ex-Confederate
fifty thousand to sixty thousand were with
out arms or legs. These men could not be
pensioned. Nothing could be done for them
by the Federal government except in some
indirect manner. Ever since the close of the
war Confederates had been appointed to
Office not only by Democratic administra-
ton, but under Republican administrations
He supposed that ninsty-nine out of every
ono hundred appointments to the civil service
made in the South were of men who had
been disloyal during the war, and it was too
late for his Republican friends that it pro-
truded any novel doctrine upon the Senate.
He wondered whether if Lincoln occupied a
seat in the Senate, or if Grant or Sherman or
| Sheridan occupied seats in it, they would OBJ
| iect to the second reading of the bill.
Mr. Edmunds opposed the second reading
| of the bill.
| There was nowon the statute book a
saying that a particular class of United
States citizens who had distinguished them
| selves in fighting for their country should be
| preferred in certain class of government
| employment. This bill proposed that a GER
| tain class of United States citizens who had
| distinguished themselves in fighting against
| their country be in like manner preferred and
for the same reason. He thought 1t safe to
| say that no such proposition had ever before
been made in any legislative body and
| probably no such proposition would ever
| again besmade. It destroyed all distinction
between patriotism and the reverse. No
body objected to Confederate soldiers or Con-
federate citizens sitting in either house of
Congress. They did not occupy such seats
because they had been Confederates, but be-
cause they stood just like every other citi-
zen, no better and no worse. AS to the ap-
pointment of Mosby and other ex-Confeder-
ates by President Grant he said that Presi-
dent Grant had appointed them not because
they had been Confederates, but because they
were useful and patriotic citizens. He hoped
that the Senate would take no further step
with the bill.
Without disposing of the question the
Senate at p. m. took up the unfinished
business of yesterday, being the considera-
ton of the House bill to provide for the pur-
chase of United States bonds by the Secreta.
ry Of the Treasury, the pending question be-
ing on the amendment offered yesterday by
Mr., Stewart authorizing the deposit
of gold or silver bullion and the
issuance of coin certificates therefor
Mr.. Teller addressed the Senate, applying
himself first to the task of refuting the state
ment made by Mr.. Platt that the depreciation
of silver was due to over production.
On motion of Mr.. Sherman COMMITTEES
of Eve Senators to attend the funeral of tbs
late chief justice at Toledo was ordered, anG
Senators Sherman, Allison, sEvarts, Georg.
and Gray were appointed. The Senate wen
into executive session and afterward ad
1 iourned to meet at IL 80 q. m, tomorrow