, 1888-01-05
CONGRESSIONAL.
SENATE,

CONGRESSIONAL.
SENATE.
WASHINGTON, Jan. 4.-Senator
Sherman began his speech on the
presidents message at O'Clock. "The
president of the United States" he
said, "depnrting from the practice OF
his illustrious predecessors, dropped
from his recent annual message all
reference to the foreign relations OF
the country, and interesting questions
Of national affairs, even emitting the
usual recognition Of the Supreme Ku-
Ter of the universe, postponing all
things celestial and terrestrial in order
that the surplus revenue be got rin of.
The existence of surplus revenue
mad been constant occurrence ever
since the close of the war, Instead of
its being IL danger, it is an indication
Of IL continuous increase of domestic
productions of the country and it's
foreign and domestic commerce and
of the steady improvement of its IL
nancial condition. Larger sur
plus had frequently been
dealt with wisely by republican ad
miristrutions, by the reduction or 1e.
peal of taxes. These simple remedies
had been applied during the ndmins
tration Of each Of Mr.. Cleveland's pre-
decessors since the close OF the war
without II cry Of alarm being raised.
The democrats had now had control of
the house since the success of the
Mississippi plap," except for two
years, and had not proposed II reduc-
ton of taxes. Why had not the presi-
dent followed the example OF his pre-
decessors by using the powers confer
red upon the secretary of the treasury
and applying the surplus to the reduc
tion of the public debtP His admins
tration had changed the form of the
debt statement 80 as to conceal nearly
thirty millions OF money as unavaila.
BILE assets. If the president regarded
this growing surplus as dangerous,
why had he not brought his influence
to bear upon congress to provide for a
reduction of taxation?"
Proceeding to details, Sherman said
that in not over one'third OF all the
articles of foreign production con-
sumed in this country was there abso-
lutte free trade. They were mainly
such articles as could not he produced
here and did not come into competi-
ton with domestic industry. With
that kind of free trade, he was in
hearty sympathy. The moderate
protection given to the laborer and
ca apital employed in mining and agri.
cultural industries was favorite point
of assault by the president and all free
trader, upon the protective policy. The
farmer performed as valuable labor as
the artisan, and the rights OF every
producer should have equal and just
consideration without fear or favor,
and yet the president had selected
that class of production under the
name of "raw material for distruc-
ton, and had especially selected wool
as an article not to be protected. His
argument rested on the fact that the
price of wool was increased to the ex-
tent of the duty, yet but for the duty
the merchants could buy this wool
in South America and Australia. This
argument was fallacious, because
the destruction OF the wool indue-
try in the United States would at once
advance the price of wool in foreign
markets. But even If the argument
were true, it would apply
as we'll to all domestic produc-
tions and TO all manufactures.
Wool was q completed article of the
farmer, just as cloth was OF the manu-
facturer and as the coat was of the
tailor. and the objection that the duty
on wool raised the price to the con-
sumer applied as well to the duty on
cloth and on every article on the tariff
list. The allsufficient answer was
that the duty encouraged the produc-
ton of wool, the manufacture of cloth
and OF an infinite variety of articles
produced by American labor compet-
ing with foreign labor. Cheap labor
IN this country meant the degrada-
ton of American politics.
He had thus endeavored to give
respectful answer TO the presidents
message. He was willing to correct
irregularities OF tariff and 20 reduce
the surplus, not by vicious and uu-
discriminating process of horizontal
reduction, but by such methods as
would relieve the taxpayer without
injuring the laoorer or great produc-
tive industries vi the country.
A. Il ~