The Portland daily press., 1888-04-12
ITS VALUE PROVED BY TRIAL.
Senator Morrill, Speaks of the Re-
suits of Our Tariff Policy,
AS Shown by the Peoples Progress
and Prosperity.
How the Mills Bill Would Affect
American Industry.

w A
to refer the Presidents message, Senator
Morrill, addressed the Senate this afternoon.
He contrasted the message with Washing
toms last letter encouraging manufactures
and said that tariff for revenue only was the
synonym for free trade. Henry George, the
free trade propagandist characterized the
message and the Mills bill as a deadly
blow to that ugly fetch, protection. There
was no encouragement in the message for
wool growers, for any new or old enterprises,
for any growing city or town, and for open
ing new fields of labos On the contrary,
it would slaughter present industries. Free
wool would ruin the wool industry, causing
prodigious loss to landed estates.
Since securing power, the Democratic par
ty had reversed its platform. If the anti
tariff raid was successful, the fondest hopes
of the New South would disappear forever.
The chronic failure of the Democratic
House, during its ten years of power, to re-
duce the revenue, proved that the Republi-
can party could be best trusted with that
work. The net ordinary expenditures OF
the Republican administration for the
four years ending in 1885, were $751, $40, 1888.
against 1878, 730, ,224 for the Democrats during
1886 and 1887 and their estimates for 1888
and 1889.
The internal revenue taxes were war taxes
and should be abolished, except such as are
necessary to meet the war debt. He favored
reasonable reduction of the revenues but
deprecated the
ATTEMPT TO CREATE A PANIC
over the expected surplus So long as there
remained debt of 81, 200. 100000. which the
treasurer was authorized to pay at any time,
there could be no congestion of the treasury
save by wilful refusal to pay the public debt.
Still there would be no opposition from his
side of the chamber to any reduction that
did not PROSTATE or ruin great industries and
reduce wages. All parties professed to seek
the diminution of the surplus revenues, but
it was preposterous to suppose that the sim
pie reduction of duties on competing imports
would effect the entire reduction, as the i'm
ports would be increased thereby. Expert
ence proved this, particularly the 1888 re-
vision.
Another vitaly important matter was to
preserve the bi-metalic coinage system. If
duties were so far reduced as to make the
imports exceed the exports, the balance of
trade would be against us and gold would
soon command a premium and go abroad.
The standard dollar would be based on silver
alone, and represent the commercial values
of that metal. The revenues would all be
paid in silver, and business arrangement
and the
REDUCTION OF WAGES
would follow to the extent of the difference
between the nominal and intrinsic value of
silver coin. General disaster had invariably
followed excessive tariff reduction inAmerica
as in '37, AZ and 81 and general prosperity
as invariably followed rise in duties,
especially in the tariff of 1861. The results
of that bill alone vindicated the protective
COnl6 fOn06
favor after the revolution which did not pro-
vide for protection. Madison championed
the theory until his death. Protection ORR
ginated with far seeing farmers who wanted
a constant and sure home market, and it
should be maintained by them. 1t brought
the manufacturer and farmer together, and
enabled the country to support two men
where only one had been supported before
1t had increased the wealth of America in
the past twenty years. Our savings bank
From 1872 to 1886. they increased from $685.
100000 to $12, $50, ,0000C0; while $947, zoo, 600
of public debt was being paid. The savings
bank deposits now would more than.
PAY THE NATIONAL DEBT.
This showed that domestic production had
largely increased, while labor's share of the
profits had increased relatively faster than
the capitalists share. The advent of 2,422,-
200 emigrants from Great Britain in the past
10 years proved as false as the assertion that
the cheaper cost of living in Great Britain
compensated for the lower rate of free trade
wages. Low wages and poorer living in
Great Britain expelled in the last year 281,-
4S7 British subjects, 72 per cent. of which
came to US. 1t was beyond all, question that
wages were higher in the United States than
any other country in the world, while the
cost of living here was increasing only by its
higher grade and more generous amount.
he
at the wages of laboring men. 1t was not
wholly true that Americans do more work
per day than the people of any other coun-
try. If it were true, then the extra
WEAR AND TEAR OF HUMAN LIFE
should not go unrewarded. The protective
tariff has vastly increased and diversified
American manufactures, and made their
production profound study among the peo-
pie of every State in the Union. 1t had ex-
cited the power of men of science and in
ventive faculties. Their new inventions had
diminished the hours of labor of working
men and increased their wages. The busy
race of American inventors should not per-
ish for lack of friendly care. They were
necessary in peace and indispensable in war
Their inventions in the arts OF peace would
fill an encyclopedia.
In diversity of employment resulting from
protection, American women were elevated
and made much more independent, largely
participating in the worlds useful work.
Far more than men would the fortune of
women be adversely affected by any step
toward the British goal of free trade.
The Mills bill if enacted would cripple
uany manufactures and destroy others, in
crease the revenue and force sacrifices by the
farmers. 1t was free surrender of the b0r-
der markets to those who would not allow
Americans to fish or call for bait within
three miles of their shores.