Wood County reporter. [volume] (Grand Rapids [i.e. Wisconsin Rapids], Wis.) 1857-1923, 1888-10-18
PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE.
Is 1t Wise and a Good Business Policy to
Vote for Free Trade.

a correspondent OF the Cincinnati
Commercial says:
These are principles involved in this
campaign? Is protection right? Is it
wise and good policy for Americans to
support and indulge in, or is free trade
advisable? II protection is right in
principle and wise in practice, let's keep
It, If a0rong or injudicious it should be
abandoned. 1t is not q question of
surplus or the rate of per cent. of duty
that should be levied, unless it is sunk
to the level of tariff for revenue
only" and that does not in the least in
volve the principle of protection to
American labor and American industries.
1t is question Of markets, from the
standpoint of both parties.
The Democrats argue that the tariff is
a tax on the consumer on whatever he
wants to bug. That is, at best, one.
sided or half-sided view of every persons
interest. THE poor consumer" is an
object of their deep sympathy.
What about the producer? Who are
the producers and consumers that are SO
vitality interested in American markets?
Are they distinct and separate people,
or are they one and the same7 If not,
who are the exceptions2
Every man Except the EXCEPTIONS is
not only consumer, but a producer
also. He is producer first. This is
his first interest. He must produce
something before he can buy and con-
sumo He must sell something to put
money in his pocket before he can buy
anything.
No matter whether it is the product Of
the farm, the factory, the shop, the
c hi tho -
his muscle, or the two combined, if his
product is the daily labor of his good
right arm, he must sell it before he has
anything to buy with. He is first inter-
ested in that market which page him tie
sayst.
mat policy which helps man to in
crease his income is the best policy.
1t is laudable ambition upon the
part of any man to try and honestly in
crease his receipts; and whatever amount
his income may reach, he can spend it
al in any country. high tariff, or free
trade, if he chooses; but his chances for
saving part of it is best when it reaches
the greater sum.
1t is what a man sares that makes him
wealthy. No law can make a person
economical, and no law can make him
save much if he receives but little.
Suppose he saves, say. twenty per
cent, or one-fifth his income. If he re.
ceives $4,000 per year, he can spend
81 600 and have $500 left; if 81 900 he
can spend $500 and 5000 will remain; but
if he receives but $500. can only spend
$500 and have but 500 more at the end
of the year than when he began. and so
on. At one dollar per day for 300 work
ing days, by being very economical and
saving the one-ffth, he could only lay
up $50 per year.
1t needs no student of political econo-
my or Mills bill to teach so plain alesson.
The laboring men of the United States
are prominently producers, and that
policy which enables them to increase
their incomes, that they may not only
live well but save something for old age,
is certainly for their own interests. If
they don't receive it, they can neither
spend nor save it.
the only really exceptions to this are
the beggars, the gamblers and those
who having retired from toll on liberal
surplus. They are the strictly consum-
ers, with no interest on the side of the
producers. The millionaire. who hav-
ing ceased from toiling. is consumer,
| and unlike Grover Cleveland. they re-
gard a surplus as thing to be proud of.
| Their worry is not to get rid of it, but
to buy cheap and keep it growing. l
| am in favor of that policy in America
| that enables Americans to increase their
| incomes, and that's the effect of good
market to sell in.
With the money in ones pocket the
American people may be trusted to buy
we'll. and it matters little what articles
cost if one has nothing to buy with.