Martinsburg herald. [volume] (Martinsburg, W. Va.) 1881-1920, 1888-01-28

priatiops made for their relief. The House,
too, had refused to provide for system Of
coast defenses, for a proper increase and
building of the navy and OF the commercial
marine for postal communications with the
South American states, and for the encour-
agement and support OF schools. 1t had
also neglected or refused to appropriate for
SS,000,000 of deficiencies admitted to be
due, or to pass the Senate hill for the re-
funding to the several states the direct tax
levied in 1862 (s14 200, 000), and had these
several appropriations, sanctioned by the
Senate, been made by the House and APP
proved by the President, and had the residue
OF the surplus been applied to the purchase
Of the public debt, the condition of the treas
ury which now SO alarmed the President
would not have existed, the public debt
would have been greatly reduced, and
improvements of vital Importance to
American commerce would be In
course OF construction. The President
had cast doubt upon the power of the Sec
rotary OF the Treasury to enter the market
and purchase bonds. He spoke of 1t as a
s'pretense" and a ''supposition," but the
second section of the sundry civil bin of
March 3, 1881, gave the Secretary of the
Treasury power at any time to apply the
surplus, or SO much of it as be may consider
proper, to the purchase or redemption of
United States b .Dds, such bonds to be
Cancelled, and not to constitute partsof the
sinking fund. The law had been passed at
his (Mr. Sherman's) request while he was
Secretary of the Treasury to meet the very
difficulty and to operate at any time.
Ind 70 tho Treasury
could have, and ought to have, applied the
surplus from time to time to the purchase
or redemption of United States bonds. Be-
sides, If the dangers from the surplus reve
nue. were so great and imminent as the
President said, why had not the President
convened Congress during the last summer
to deal with what he called 1.-THE precarious
condition Of financial AFFAIRS" and the
ABSOLUTE PERIL AT HAND?''
What more extraordinary occasion could
occur for the exercise of the power
to convene Congress? But the Presi-
dent had not done this, and Con-
gress (now In regular SESSION. was not
to be driven in pell nell by an cutlery
to reverse the country's policy for thirty
years, that policy being to build domestic
Industries by reasonable and proper protec-
ton of foreign productions.
He (Mr. Shermsn) wished to approach
the question presented by the President
with sincere respect for him and his high
office, but with a consciousness that sena-
tors and representatives had the RESPONSE
bility of acting upon such matters with
fuller information and a broader view of
the interest Of their constituents than any
executive officer, however elevated, could
have. He agreed Gas he had said more than
once last Congress) that the revenue should
be reduced. 1t would be a pleasing and
gratifying task, and the moment that the
House Of Representatives would give the
Senate jurisdiction of the subject matter
the Senate would be ready to share 10 that
duty, as it had done as many as six times
since the close OF the war, and II the Secre-
tary of the Treasury would from time to
time do his part Of applying tle revenue
and to the judicious purchase of the public
debt, the delays of the Democratic party
might be repaired, and taxation reduced
without gripping industry. He cid not
attribute either to the President or the Sec
rotary of the Treasury an intent to produce
the dangers and difficulties of which the
country was threatened; nor did he call In
question their integrity or fidelity; but when
THEY TRIED TO ALARM THE COUNTRY
SO as to induce Congress to break down great
industrial interests, be pointed them to the
discretion as the fountain of their woes.
II evil came to the republic by this surplus
it was their fault. They had the power
now; and power neglected was often IS
great crime as power usurped, and arti-
fetal scare could not be made to cover the
faults and defects Of the administration.
The country had two distinct systems of
taxation, one upon the American produc-
ton of spirits, tobacco, and beer; the other
upon imported goods, the products of
foreign nations. The first OF these the
President had dismissed with single SEN
tence, saying that none of those articles
were necessarfes, that there seemed to be
no just complaint of such taxation by con-
sumers, and that there seemed to be nothing
so well able to bear the burden without
hardship to any portion of the people. 1t
might be that there was no complaint OF
consumers, but could that be said of the
producers of these articles? They were all
either the product Of the farm or immediate
fruits of the product of the farm. Their
chief cost was 10 the leaf tobacco, the corn,
the rye, the wheat, and the barley, Did not
the farmers complain OF the tax? Ii the
President thought they did not he was
greatly mistaken. Tobacco manufacturers,
dstillers, and brewers might not complain
because the necessary requirements of col
lcCtiOu laws gave huCli a CloSC LhohoPOiJJs
but the farmers, who had to sell to }icensed
dealers alone, did complain. The tax on
whisky might land to a certain extent did,
restrain the use of whisky as beverage;
and in that way the tax did good.
but the taxes on beer andtobaccO did not.
The traditions and policy Of the American
people were against internal taxes. They
were necessity during the war, but now
II continued
THEY SHOULD BE REDUCED,
and the tax on tobacco especially should be
RENTED. Though not necessity like bread
and meat, the use of tobacco was so general
that it's tax was burden to the farmer
aud to the consumer. The special taxes on
rectifiers, dealers, stills, &c, yielding an
nually S., 200 600, ought to be repealed, and
their imposition left to the states, and the
tax Oh spirits and beer might be so modified
that the states could make taxes on the
consumption of these articles bounteous
source of revenue and proper means OF re-
lief from the burdens of local taxation. Ii
the object sought was only to avoid the ac-
emulation of surplus. the easy, natural,
and logical course was to repeal or
largely to reduce internal revenue. But the
President proposes to continue these taxes
without 1iminution, so that he might strike
a more effective blow at the taxes now rest
ing upon foreign productions. 1t was Of
these latter that he had used the epitbets,
'svicious. inequitable, and illogical" 1t
was at the tariff laws that the President
and the Secretary of the Treasury aimed
their epithets ana arguments the surplus
revenue being the mere pretext or OCCASION.
1t was the protective industrial poNfy built
up by the Republican party that theH would
break down. The Presidents message,
fairly Construed, was severe Indictment
of all engaged in manufactures; sweeping
accusation
AGAINST THE POLICY OF PROTECTION
as supported by the great mass OF his
countrymen, and recommended by his
most illustrious predecessors. 1t showed
that he favored q public policy which would
leave American manufacturers and work