The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1888-08-16

their platform declared that a sur
plus is a disease cancerous in character,
dangerous to the health of the patient
and if not removed perilous to his life. 1t
is the part of patriotism, they said, to
cut out the dangerous growth and by
skillful lne3icament prevent its recur-
renee. The people accepted this sensible
AID wise diagnosis and urged an imme.
date application of the knife.
The democratic doctors also convened,
examined the case carefully and reached
precisely the same conclusion. There was
unanimity for once. In their pronun-
oameHto you will find that they sub
stantialy agreed with the republican
doctors both as to the nature of the
disease and as to the imperative dnty to
take it in hand and at once operate.
No matter why just now, but in that
year 1854 the democratic doctors were
appointed by popular vote to take
charge of the sufferer and restore him to
health if possible. They went to work.
Mills, of Texas, and his committee pre-
scented a detailed plan of action. This,
that and the other thing were to be done
i'll this, that and the other way. With
free wool and other raw materials, the
duty on lumber and other necessaries of
life removed or decreased, the patient
could have a house to live in, good
wooden shirt, not shoddy, and cheaper
groceries. He could have steady work,
fair wages, prosperous home and q
happy and contented family.
What is the result Why, the republi-
can doctors are having pretty howdy do
-snarling, growing, swapping. Some of
them have gone so far as to say that the
patient has no cancer-there is no sur
plus-that he is simply suffering from
general debility and will come out all
right if literally supplied with free
tobacco and free corn Juice.
Others-a later deve'opment-have
made a very odd propOsal-one which dis
credits their understanding and impeaches
their patriotism. The safest policy, say
many of the senators, is to stand by the
democratic doctors, find fault with every
thing they do, right or wrong, prevent
them from operating on the disease and
let the patient take his chances. II he
dies, then they can claim that if he had
been given into their charge they would
have brought him round all right.
Senator Allison, however, has cried
shame on such a policy. He has told
them plainly that the American people
have common sense and won't stand that
kind of dog in thu manger nonsense; that
if they haven't some definite plan to offer
they are party without purpose, with
out an idea, and will be driven into per-
manent retirement. He is right. There
are two courses to chosse from-to keep
abreast of the hour, or to get out of the
way.
If the republican party, therefore, has
the moral courage to ignore the free
whisky platform of 1883 aud stand on the
tariff reform of 1884; dares to introduce a
more radical measure than the Mills bill,
and boldly strikes for larger reduction
than that bill contemplates; repudiates
its heretofore sympathy with combines
and truss, and declares for equal rights
and fair play for all, wage earners and
capitalists alike, it will gain the respect
of the people and we shall have very in
teresting campaign.
That is its opportunity, and its last OPP
portunity. 1t has no other chance for
life. Its present policy-the people, the
laboring classes, may go to sheol, but the
party must get on top once more by hook
or CROOKS kind of generalshlp that
makes Waterloo inevitable.
The result of such political short
sightedness will be, as it should be, that
the republican party, unless it gets over
its fit of cowardice, will itself go to sheol,
and the people will get on top and stay
there.