The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1888-06-10

o,ev are subjected to the test Of comparison. II
- >c~rere the declarations that have mar
-, 49, h fhs rsien OF Frederick III with those
s,,se 100000 the reign OF William |. We remark
Al arrt sirht the immense and transcendeutal
d;ffsrencs between them; 50 great Is it that they
sssr. diamsrrical opposites-
to- a.. II : great sovereign nation, govern
a.. vr,fh the Emperor. truly associated with tho
monarch by common laws add rights, Is revealed
- .v.rv psrzerapn OF Frederick's state papers
.nd marks progressive movement. in strong
~n-,--sf With the old harssine about imperial
se.h,l,fv and immutablity. This ASPECT OF the
- no';cr IL strikinely brought out IN the let
ter .sdrssed by Frederick III to his Prime Min
whosvsr ignores the hidden meaning en-
bod;sd Ia THE document does not fully appreciate
fbe virtue and force inherent in a character
Ike That Of Frederick Ill Monarchs in such
An GRATED position who have inherited through
4 long line OF ancestors. both government and
power In such . vast country as Germany and
among men prond like Germans cannot think
much less act, with the Independence of those
Who have shaped their own fortunes. who have
risen. By their own eloquence, by their good star
or By their merits. to high places in public
favor. Frederick 10 an emperor, not a. tribune,
snd JET, nevertheless, in bis letters and in his
recent proclamstions. are found ideas and SEN
tsncss stamped with the sediments OF q tribune.
-Four principal features characterize the reign
Of Frsdericke father and the policy Of the
Cbsncellor. They are the anti-CathoIic and
snti-Semitie movement. state socialism. Cesar
ism and militsrism. Now. concerning these
four questions. Frederick III shows scruples
ard makes objections with the prudence that
bshoovss man IN his high and delicate posi-
tion- He tells che author OF the May laws. the
man who Enthusiastically protected the old Cath
olics while be attempted to convert the or
thodox Catholics Of Germany into a semi-Prot-
estant church; he tells the disciples OF ex-
Court Preachsr Stocker. ut the head Of the
anti-Seritic movement; be tells the advocat es
Of . scientific and religious socialism supported
BY the forces and powers of the state-Frsd-
srick tells them all that he far prefers to all
these tyrsnnical aud arbitrary sophisms the
liberties and rights Of our human conscience.
He faces that most eminent statesman who
has devoted his whole political life, while hold
ing the pest Of Chancellor, to the doctrines Of
state socialism. and reminds him that he cannot
assent TO the cabalistic formulas of this social
alchemy, and that be believes to be indispen-
sable . return to the observance and accomplish
msnt Of all the great principles Of political
economy. He declares TO those who have al
ways shown more regard for personal power
than for the constitution, identifying and con-
fusinR 10 with their notion Of the state, that it
10 absolutely necessary 20 accept the co-opera-
ton OF the nation and to respect its laws, be-
cause, above all other considerations, stand the
rights Of the German nation
He admits that wicked military glory does not
tsmpt nor seduce him. and dales to make this
frank confession in that veritable camp called
Germany. kept on such an offensive and defens-
i've footing. that one might think Europe still
lived in times Of universal warfare; in that
camp where the only mouths that open are those
Of cannon. the only flashes that light the air are
the eleamincs OF bayonets, and where every
thing is crowned with the peaked helmet Of
Mars
II to al this you add a very bitter criticism of
the legislative mania of Bismarck, who would
interfere with everything and regulate every
thing according to his own way of thinking. we
may truly assert that never has reign opened
with such m absolute contrast with the proceed
ing one - that which exists between the reign Of
Frederick III and that Of his great father, the
modern William the Conqueror.
have followed with great attention all
Fredsrick's words and all his scts. and am able
data can never forget the delightful speech
he made some years ago before the learned pro-
fessors of Heidelberg University on the occasion
Of IN acsdsmicsl centenary. AL my ardent as
pirAtlone for intellectual development, all my
fundamental conceptions Of human rights. all
my love Of progress were expressed in that
speech. true manifestation of the im-
mortal spirit or our century. Again, IN 1881.
Frederick III. then Crown Prince read another
speech recommending the study OF the grand
authors OF thelast century. those who had broken
ssunGer the chains of our mental servituds
Another time. in 1885, conversing with the
students Of krnicsberg. he told them thatthey
ought to try and attain to the plenituds and
maturity of their powers By holding progressive
and humanitarian ideas. Standing before the
statue Of the immortal Minister Stein. he de-
>efxfkd, Is any one o<---s N ghs nave done, that
nations acquire their dignity through liberty and
that they develop and grow robust through free
dom alone. At another solsmnity. in honor OF
Luther. Frederick spoke just as / might speak.
in favour of liberty of conscience and free
thought And in one Of the radical Masonic
lodges he once asked heaven to give light and
warmth 70 the souls Of the good in their efforts
10 advance contemporary nations.
After all this it IL not fooihardy my part
20 assert that the policy Of the Crown Prince
Frederick, raised to the rank of German Caesar,
is different from the policy pursued by
William a. were. in yonder servile Russia, the
acts OF humane Alexander, bsnsfsctor of the
serfs, from the stern abeolutisr conduct OF Ncho-
las, as different as were the fesolute and war
like William and his predecessor and brother,
the perplexsd and romantic Frederick William
~. Human progress requires that it should DO
thus and against this onward march the oppo-
sition Of she whole world would be powerless-
EMILIO CASTELAR,