The Valley Virginian. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1865-1895, 1888-01-26

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pr,attnns made for their relief. The House,
TOO, had refused 10 provide for system Of
coast delenses, FOR proser Increase ard
bulldog of the navy and of the commercial
marine. for pos Al communication with the
South American states, and for the encour-
sgement and support of schools. 1t had
also neglected or refused to appropriation
s.. 000, 900 of deficiencies admitted to be
due, or to pass the Senate hill for the re-
funding to the several states the direct tax
levied in 1862 ($14, 000,000), and had these
several appropriations, sanctioned by the
Senate, been made by the House and ap
proved by the President, and had the residue
of the surplue been applied TO the purchase
Of the public debt, the condition OF the treas
ury which now SO alarmed the President
would not have existed, the public debt
would have been greatly reduced, and
improvements of vital importance to
American commerce would be in
course of construction. The President
had cast doubt upon the power of the Sec
rotary Of the Treasury to enter the market
and purchase bonds. He spoke Of it as
''pretense" and ''supposition," but the
second section of the sundry civil bill OF
March 8, 1881, gave the Secretary of the
Treasury power at any time to apply the
surplus. er SO much of it as he may consider
proper, to the purchase or redemption OF
United States bonds, such bonds to be
Cancelled, and net to constitute partpof the
sinking fund. The law bad been pssssd at
bis (Mr. Sherman's) request while be was
Secretary of the Treasury to meet the very
difficulty and to operate at any time.
Under it the Secretary of the Treasury
could have, and ought to have, applied the
surplus from time to time to the purchase
or redemption of United States bonds. Be-
sides, if the dangers from the surplus reve-
nue. were SO great and Imminent as the
President said, why had not the President
convened Congress during the last sumner
to deal with what he called 1.-The precafious
condition of financial AFFAIRS" and the
ABSOLUTE PERIL AT HAND?'
What more extraordinary occasion could
occur for the exercise of the power
to convene Congress? But the Preai-
dent had not done this, ard Csh-
gress (now ia regular session) was not
to be driven in pell neil by an cutlery
to reverse the couDtry's policy for thirty
years, that policy being to build domestic
industries by reasonable and proper prctec-
ton of foreign productions.
He (Mr. Sherman) wished to approach
the question presented by the President
with sincere respect for him and hts high
Office, but with consciousness that sepa-
tors and representatives had the response
bility of acting upon such matters vita
fuller information and broader vfsw OF
the interest of their constituents than any
executive officer, however elevated, could
have. He agreed (as he bad said more thsn
once last Congress) that the revenue should
be reduced. It would be pleasing and
gratifying task, and the moment that the
II I'D h.
Senate Jurisdiction of the subject matter
the Senate weald be ready te share in that
duty, as it had done as many as six times
since the close of the war, and If the secre
tary of the Treasury would from time TO
time do his part Of applying tae revenue
and to the judfcious purchase Of the public
debt, the delays of the Democratic party
might be repaired, and taxation reduced
without Gripping industry. He cid not
attribute either to the President or the Sec
rotary of the Treasury an intent to produce
the dangers and difficulties of which the
country was threatened; nor did he cell in
question their integrity or fidelity; but when
THEY TRIED TO ALARM THE COUNTRY
so as to induce Congress to break dewa great
industrial interests, be pointed them to the
neglect Of public duty intrusted to their
discretion as the fountain of their woes.
it was their fault. They had the power
now; and power neglected was often So
great crime as power usurped, and arti-
fetal scare could not be madeto cover the
faults and defects OF the administration.
The country had two distinct systems of
taxation, one upon the American produc-
ton of spirits, tobacco, and beer; the other
upon imported goods, the products of
foreign nations. The first of these the
President had dismissed with single SEN
tence, saying that none of those articles
were necessaries, that there seemed to be
no just complaint of such taxation by con-
sumers, and that there seemed to be nothing
SO we'll able to bear the burden without
hardship to any portion of the people. It
might be that there was ne complaint of
consumers, but could that be said of the
producers Of these articles? They were all
either the product of the farm or immediate
fruits of the product of the farm. Their
chief cost was in the leaf tobacco, the corn,
the rye, the wheat, and the barley. DID not
the farmers complain of the tax? If the
President thought they did not he was
greatly mistaken. Tobacco manufacturers,
distillers, and brewers might not complain
because the necessary requirements of col
lectien laws gave them a close monopoly,
but the farmers, who had to sell to licensed
dealers alone, did complain. The tax on
whisky might land to q certain extent did)
restrain the use of whisky as a beverage;
and in that way the tax did good,
but the taxes on beer andtobacco did not
The traditions and policy of the American
people were against internal taxes. They
were a necessity during the war, but now
il continued
THEY SHOULD BE REDUCED,
and the tax on tobacco especially should be
remtted a Though not necessity like bread
and meal. he use of tobacco was so general
that its Il was burden to the farmer
and to the consumer. The special taxes on
rectifiers, dealers, stills, &C., yielding an
nuslly Sc, 200 900, ought to be repealed, and
their imposition left to the states, and the
tax on spirits and beer might be so modified
that the states could make taxes on the
consumption of these articles bounteous
source of revenue and proper means Of re-
lief from the burdens of local taxation. II
the object sought was only to avoid the ae-
emulation of surplus. the easy, natural,
and logical course was to repeal or
largely to reduce internal revenue. But the
President proposes to continue these taxes
without diminutioB, SO that he might strike
more effective blow at the taxes now rest
ing upon foreign productions. 1t was OF
these latter that he had used the epitbets,
s'vicious, negotiable, and Illogical" 1t
was at the tariff laws that the President
and the Secretary of the Treasury aimed
their epithets and srguplents-the surplus
revenue being the mere pretext or occasion.
1t was the protective Industrial policy built
up by the Republican party that they would
break down. The Presidents message,
fairly Construed, was q severe Indictment
of all engaged in manufactures; sweeping
accusation
AGAINST THE POLICY OF PROTECTION
as supported by the great mass Of his
countrymen, and recommended by his
most illustrious predecessors. 1t showed
that he favored public policy which would
leavs American manufacturers ana work