New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1888-11-18
This is the light and

Tho intervention OF Ilc hlncElC'h
is carefully explained in an elaborate note at the
close of the volume. The author charges MI.
Blaine with gross indifference to the rights of
American citizens arrested in Ireland and not
brought to trial This accusation was made by
McSweeny and other suspects during the Presl-
dential canvass of 1884, bat completely reiuted
by the official correspondence which disclosed MT.
Blaine,s quick discernment of the essential prln-
ciple that Amer leans arrested abroad were en-
titled to speedy trial The author is most unjust
and unreasonable in his structures upon MI Blane'
but this is not the place for controversy on Ihab
point Full credit is given 10 Secretary frenn2-
huysen for insisting upon the trial or release OF
the Americans imprisoned in Ireland. and the
astonishing statement is made that eX-Secrelary
Fish was prevailed upon to assist in these dlplo-
matte transactions. AT the end of March. 1882,
Mr.. Fish is said to have sent dispatch TO an
eminent public man. well lnown on both sides Of
the Atlantic. with authority to show it personally
to Mr.. Gladstone In effect it was
warning that if there should be any further
DELAY in complying with the demand
of the American Government for the immediate
release or trial of the suspects the relations Of
the two countries would be very seriously strained.
This dispatch was communicated to Mr. Gladstone
and the suspects were released within a week.
Mr. Fsh's part in these transactions has not before
been suspected.
Mr.. Forster, after the Treaty OF Kilmainham,
described Mr.. Parnell as the Uncrowned King.
Mr. Hurlbert evidently dissents from this view,
for he declares that the Irish leaders incapacity
for managing the social revolution initiated by
the founder of the Land League had become fully
apparent even sympathetic observers in America.
Neveaheess, he is constrained TO admit that
considerable progress was made In the dlrectloh
of Home Rule during the succeeding three years
since Mr.. Gladstone was converted TO Mr. Parnels
policy, and appealed to the country Oh the issue
of a separate legislature for Ireland These
events were however less significant in the
authors Judgment than the conversion OF Dr.
McGlynn to the doctrine of the new social revolu-
ton and the canvass of Mr. George as candidate
for Mayor Of New-Yorl< on platform that implied
confscation of property. The Dattering prospects
of that canvass, despite the firm and courageous
action of Archbishop Corrigan in suspending Dr..
McGlynn from his functions encouraged Mr. Dillon,
acting under Constructions from Mr. Davitt, to
omen a similar campaign in Ireland against rent
paying The Plan of Campaign was first PRO-
claimed on October II 1856 three weeks before
Mr.. Georges defeat in New-YorlI with $4,000
supporters The author maintains that If the
highest authorities of the Roman Catholic Church
in Ireland had antagonizcd that immoral proposal
as jnheXibly as Archbishop COrrgLn met the
socialist doctrine of confscation in New York. 1t
might never have been necessary to issue the fapaI
decree ot April, 1888. As it was, the Archbishop
of Dublin bestowed upon the Plan OF Campaign
a left-handed benedcton and thereby openly
arrayed himself on the side Of DR.. McGlynn against
Archbishop Corrigan. The immediate settlement
of both issues by Rome was prevented, moreover
by certain vague, but therefore more veXatlous'
measure of countenance given to the theories OF
Mr. George by the Cardinal Archbishop of Baltl-
more The final adjustment by the Pope OF
both the McGlynn and Plan of Campaign con-
troverscs the most conclusive vlndlcaton OF
the wisdom and courage Of Archbishop COrrigan.
1t is plain from this reproduction of the authors
argument that while in his character of an i'm
rartial American observer, he excludes all Nation
alist and Home Rule politics he does not entertain
the same prejudice against ecclesiastical politics.
Mr.. Parnell and his Parliamentary associates are,
in his estimation, contemplate pygmies The
real figures in a social revolution that vastly ex-
ceeds in importance the Home Rule movement are
Mr. Davitt and Mr.. George; and the Roman Cath
Ole Church is now arraying the resources OF it's
moral and spiritual force against one and the
other With these convictions dominant IN his
mind the author went from Rome, after the Popes
Jubilee directly to Ireland to survey on the
spot the conditions under which the conflict be-
tween the Vatican and the immoral forces of
land agitation was to be waged.
The diary of this Irish journey is in no sense
controversial 1t is bright animated and spark
ling chronicle of visits to Dublin, Belfast Linn
ericlu and Cork of experiences among the
peasantry of Donegal, Galway, Glare, Kerry and
Wicklow; Of familiar conversations with Castle
officials and police constable prelates and priests
land agitators and the occupiers of the soil; of
observations on the actual conditions Of agricut-
ural distress the social restlessness induced by
continuous land agitation, the circumstances in
which evictions ordered and resisted, and the
practical operation of land courts, boycottng and
the Plan of Campaign; and of general reflections
on the anomalous state of Irish society and the
difficulties with which the Roman Church is beset
in restraining the forces of disorder The authors
method was to take thrgs great and small and
people high and low, just they came and to
see and hear what he could, making stenographic
notes every night of whatever had attracted his
attention or seemed worthy of record. In this
way he is able to reproduce Irish life and thought
with characteristic vividness and local coloring.
No summary of the essential chapters Of the work
will do justice either TO the compass and variety
of the information collected to the fresh and
fascinating style of the narrator.
1t is with the conclusions expressed in the cpl
logue rather than the well-crammed budget of
information contained in the diary that the re-
viewer has to do If, despite the authors pro-
testations, the prologue reveals marked bias
against the leaders and allies Of the Home Rule
and land movements. the epilogue abundantly
confirms the impression left by the diary that he
carefully nursed his prejudices and developed his
theories as he went along. lie finds no warrant
for the very common impression that Ireland is
either msgoverned or ungovernabe or more capable
of governing herself than England is of governing
her He sees nothing in the conduct Of the
Nationasts to encourage or excuse belief that
the island can be governed as civilized country
if it be turned over to morrow TO their control
Agricultural distress he regards as real in some