The comet. (Johnson City, Tenn.) 1884-1916, 1888-01-12

1t is conceded on all sides that Gro
yer Cleveland and James G. Blaine
will be their repective party leaders in
the contest OF next year, and each has
selected his line of battle The men
and the issue are practically accepted.
Mr.. Cleveland would be more than
human if, after serving term in the
Presidency, he did not accept prof
fered nomination for reelection, and
Mr. Blaine would be more than hui
man if he did not accept a protfered
denomination that gave chance TO re-
trieve his defeat OF 1884, The Repub,
lie has never yet produced a man who
preferred to retire from the White
House at the end of one term, or
whose appetite for Presidential honors
was not whetted by defeat. Greater
men than either Cleveland or Blaine
have fretted their lives away over the
disappointments of Presidential ambi-
ton.
The men are, therefore, decided up
on for 1888, and both have presented
their respective causes to the people,
and thereby framed the issue on which
the battle is to be re.fought between
the political glGdiators OF 1884. When
Cleveland presented his platform of
revenue reduction to Congress and
the country, Mr.. Blaine promptly re-
sponded from beyond the seas, defn,
ing the issue as he interpreted it and
virtually challenging Cleveland to the
combat. Whether he would have
said just what he did say, had he been
in Washington or in Maine during the
last six months may be doubted; but
he has flung his glove into the ring and
he is there to stay.
Could Mr.. Blaine persuade the coun-
try to accept his Interpretation of Mr.
Cleveland's message on the tariff, he
would have an easy victory; but he
either had not read the message or
chose not to understand its plain
teaching when he assumed that he was
accepting battle against free trade
There is not an important paragraph
of the Presidents message that does
not emphasize the necessity of reduc.
ing tariff duties in harmony with the
positive protection Of American labor,
and how can that be harmonized with
free trade? Will Mr.. Blaine propose
to carry the protection principle be.
yond the protection of labor? If so
he plunges headlong into monopoly
just when the country is exceptionally
sensitive about the growth and cppres.
sion of monopoly; if not, wherein will
Mr.. Blaine and Mr.. Cleveland differ?
Both agree to reduce revenues; both
agree to project labor, and how is the
issue to serve Mr.. Blaine unless he de.
mands the continuance of a measure
OF so-called protection that grievously
oppresses labor2
Mr. Blaine was the iorerunner OF
Mr.. Cleveland in demanding that coal
salt and other raw materials should be
put on the free list, and will he now
oppose the enlargement of the free list
in defiance OF his own teaching? H.
has also proceeded Mr.. Cleveland in
demanding reduced duties on the nee.
essaries of life, and will he now arraign
Mr.. Cleveland for teaching the same
theory to the country? If he had q
free trade issue to combat, he could be
consistent with himself in antag.
onizing the President; but as the mes.
sage is as distinct in its antl-free trade
ideas as any utterance that ever came
from Mr. Blaine, he will be in danger
of both flank and rear attacks when
he moves upon Mr.. Cleveland's works
The particular phase of the revenue
issue to be considered by the people
will largely depend upon the attitude
and actions Of parties in the present
Congress, and either party may easily
blunder itself to death. The Demo
Gratis, being the majority, are more
likely to play the picturesquely idiotic
role than is the Republican minority
but there is fair chance for either tC
defeat itself II Congress shall ever
up on both sides in wisdom or folly
Cleveland and Blaine will have a fail
fight on the issue that they have joint
ly pressed upon the country, witt
hopeful leaders and followers on boti
sides and the odds apparently in favor
of Cleveland's hitherto undimmed stal
OF fortune,-Philadclphia Times,
One Democratic Congressman sem