The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1888-05-12

The advocates of Protection to Amer
lean industries held a monster Mass
Meeting in Philadelphia on Saturday
night last, which was noticeable both
for enthusiasm and intelligent discus
sion of the questions which President
Cleveland's message has brought to an
issue before the people of this country.
Representative Mckinley of Ohio very
forclbly explained the difference between
the Republican and Democratic views
of the tariff question. He said: "What
is tariff? Why, l am not afraid of the
word, it is tax, and it is tax put upon
foreign goods that are brought into the
United States. That is tariff that is
a duty. Now the gentlemen who favor
free trade, or a revenue tariff, say you
must put that tax upon the non-com
peting foreign product. Find foreign
product that does not compete with an
American product, and put your duty
upon that. The other party-and that
is my party-says, put your tax or your
duty upon the foreign competing pro-
duct. What will that do7 Why, it will
raise money and at the same time it will
protect our own citizens in their avoca.
tons and employments, and encourage
our industries. Our tariff says to the
foreign manufacturer, if you want to
send your iron to the United States to
compete with American iron, you must
pay S6.72 upon every ton you send to
the United States. What does that do?
Why, every ton that comes here puts
S6.72 into the Treasury of the United
States, and at the same time 1t protects
American manufacturers and American
labor who are engaged in producing
iron in the United States. That is the
difference, in brief, between a revenue
and a protective tariff. Arevenue tariff
seeks out the non competing product
a protective tariff seeks out the foreign
competing product and makes that pro-
duct bear the load, carry the burden,
put money into the Treasury, and pro-
tect our people in their chosen employ
ments."
In demonstrating the practical effect
of the Mills Bill now pending before
Congress Mr.. Mckinley said that if a
body of manufacturers of the United
States were engaged to-day in preparing
a scale of wages which would reduce
the wages of American workmen from
IS to 40 per cent, there would be the
greatest movement among the working
men of this country, from one end to
the other, ever witnessed in our history.
1t would extend from Maine to Califor-
ina. There would be a stroke that
would paralyze every industry of our
country. And yet, to-day, my fellow
citizens, the statesmen at Washington
are preparing scale of American wages
reducing them IS to SO per cent. That
is what the Mills bill means-if it means
anything-and | say to this audience
here to highland l do not speak to
manufacturers, but say to the working
men here ton ight-that the very in
slant they are ready to accept the wages
paid under that bill they are ready to
accept the wages of their rivals on the
other side. That very instant we arc
ready for the free-trade principles of
the Democratic party. Free trade
means to open our gates and invite the
products of foreign labor and capital to
our shores to compete with our own,
unrestained by taxes, to 60 untaxed to
the people.
eff that Is done, one of two things
must surly follow. Either American
manufacturers must close up their shops |
or American workmen must accept the
same wages paid their rivals on the
other side OF the ocean. And that, my
fellow citizens, is all that there is in this
question of the tariff. 1t is the working
mans question. Capital will take care
of itself. Manufacturers will look to
themselves. Drive them out of pro-
tected industry, and they will invest
their capital in other avenues of bust
ness. Then what is 10 become of labor? |