The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1888-03-14
FREnRRInK,a POLICY.

FREDERICKS POLICY.
Preparations for Emperor Williams fun
eral have not been permitted to interfere
with the orderly assumption of power by
Frederick III Every step in this important
ceremonial has been taken with careful regard
to the proprieties of the occasion and to
political effect. Frederick's letter to Prince
Bismark is an instance. Addressed to MY
dear Prince" and signed tyour affectionate
Frederick, it was evidently intended to i'm
press the people with the perfect sympathy
and close accord that existed between the new
Emperor and his Minister This semi-person-
al form of communication also permitted 3
fuller statement Of policy on certain points
than strictly formal and official paper would
have done, and Frederick improves the OPP
portunity to say some things well calculated
to strike popular chord. A noticeable
feature of the letter is the frmness with
which it deals with the political situation and
the steadiness with which it fore
shadows a long reign. The new Emperor
is very sick man. His disease will probably
end fatally, and perhaps within few months;
yet his letter to the Prince makes not the
slightest allusion to this fact. On the con-
trary, there seems to be studied purpose to
call attention to the soliditY and permanence
of the empire and the fxedness of the imperi-
al policy. He expresses himself as if he ex-
pected to live and reign as long as his father.
This is something than accidental; it is
intentional and artistic. 1t is as if Frederick
had said in plain words: 81 am nothing.
Germany is everything; l may die, but the
empire will live; no matter what happens to
me, the imperial policy must hold its course"
There is something dramatic in the spectacle
of man in Fredericks critical condition of
health marking out the lines for the conduct
Of an empire and the continuance of dynasty.
The letter itself is in excellent spirit, mild
but firm, conservative yet liberal, and show
ing an apparently sincere desire for peace and
progress Almost every sentence formulates
some important principle policy, and many
of them hint at valuable reforms. The ideas
of constitutional freedom, civil and religious
liberty, religious liberation, home rule eco-
nomical government, popular education,
encouragement of art and science, and others
of like character are fairly presented, and if
language goes for anything, frankly Endorsed.
The whole tone of the letter is eminently
pacific, and if the new imperial policy holds
to the lines it marks out it will be new de-
parture in European politics. One of the
best passages in the letter is that referring to
popular education, in which the Emperor
says:
CLOSELY bound up with social questionss
I regard that OF education of the youth, and
efforts to this end must be higher scale
and more widely accessible. We must avoid
creating dangers by partial education and
awakening demands which the economic
powers of the nation cannot satisfy. We
must also be careful that. through one-sided
efforts for increased knowledge, the task of
education shall not remain neglected. Only
a generation growing up on a sound basis, in
fear of God and In simplicity of morals, can
possess sufficient rising power to overcome
the dangers which, in times of rapid econom-
ical movement, arise for an entire community
through examples set by highly luxurious in
dividuals."
This is admirably said, and every word of it
would apply to this country as we'll as to
Germany. 1t is appeal for genuinely pop
ular education, of a solid and earnest char
acter, as against superficial culture and
smattering of many things. There is some
thing radically wrong in system of educa-
ton that utterly fails to counteract the
growth or offset the influence of sugar-coated
socialism, and that recognizes, if it does not
encourage, an overwhelming gulf between the
labor. If popular education cannot arrest the
growth of such ideas and beat back their
dangerous assaults. what is it good for7
SOMETHING TO SIT ON.