The Hawaiian gazette. [volume] (Honolulu [Oahu, Hawaii]) 1865-1918, 1888-07-10

President cleveland upOu blS SbN'
where it was originally uttered.
Hon. H. S. Townsend, as orator OF the
dav, after rally from the band, dellV-
cred the following address:
Mr.. Minister Resident, Ladies and
Gentlemen: We are here today 10
celebrate one OF the greatest events In
the history of the world. The Fourth OF
July does not commemorate merely the
triumph OF handful OF Americans over
a handful OF Englishmen hundred
wears ago; else 1t were well 10 let 'he
day fall into oblivion. Many trlumphs
have been achieved since that time by
the side of which the American kevolu-
ton sinks into insignifcance, considered
from military point OF view: nor are
we here to call to mind simply the sub
lime fortitude OF our Revolutionary
Fathers. though this is worthy OF our
highest encomia. Their sturdy deter
mination. their lofty self-sacIihce, their
buovant hope in the time OF disaster,
their implicit faith in the living God and
the triumph OF the living right, and their
unwavering loyalty to one another ana
to their common cause, have made them
admired of all whose hearts respond 10
heroism. But we are here to-day TO
celebrate something rarer than heroic
virtue, and rarer than the birth OF
great nation. These are themes worthy
OF the highest oratorical powers; but |
wish to call your attention to the sigma
triumph OF q great principle, Tor which
the United States stands guardian to-day
before the world. 1t is the principle for
which the heroes of l776 fought. Its
triumph crowned their lives and deaths
with immortal glory. 1t is this which
makes the Fourth OF July day to be
celebrated in all lands.
Ask almost any American schoolboy
about the cause of the Revolution, and
he VIII tell YOU that the difficulty arose
on a question OF taxation. Britain had
been TO great expense 10 preserve her
American colonies and 10 protect them
from their French and Indian enemies.
Ought not the colonists to do something
to reimburse the mother country Tor her
outlaws? Parliament thought 20. Ac-
cordingly tax was laid upon various
articles. 1t was the tax on tea which
precipitated the contest, and 1t conse-
Quently demands our attention to-day.
No one could claim that the tax was OPP
pressive. 1t amounted to only SIX cents
a pound. Look at Valley Forge and see
soldiers leaving their tracks III blood
upon the frozen ground and snow for
want of shoes look at the perilous re-
treat from Long Island; look at that
dreadful night crossing the Delaware, We
who say that men can only be reached
and reused by touching their pockets,
and tell me if YOU think those grand old
heroes endured all these hardshipS and
dangers, and many times more, for the
sake of saving OF six cents a pound on
tea! If you think so, what must you
think of men who submit to the
present tariff laws OF the United
States! Yet this is the tax which was
the occasion of a war lasting eight years.
But it must be remembered that 1t was
not merely question of taxation. 1t
was taxation without representation
which they declared to be tyranny and
resisted so manfully. The only theory
on which the demand that representa-
ton should accompany taxation can be
justified, is that the people have right
10 govern themselves, and that all
rulers, be the kings, cabinets, parlia-
ments or what not, exercise only dele
gated powers. This was understood by
the leaders TO be the principle for which
they fought. Claiming that the people
possess all original and natural political
rights. they demanded the power OF the
public purse. With it they could direct
the course of their rulers. They eXer-
cised the power OF the public purse
through their representatives. Hence
they demanded representation IL the
body which assessed taxes upon them,
and declared that taxation without
representation is tyranny. You have
lust listened to their statement OF
the doctrine in the words of jefferson.
He declared that governments are IN
stituted among men for the purpose OF
securing to them their natural rights,
and that such governments derive their
Just powers from the consent OF those
governed. This is the key note OF the
Declaration OF Independence. 1t is this
doctrine which caused the document to
take such deep hold upon the hearts OF
Iiberty-loving men of all nations. And
it is the triumph OF this principle which
We are here to celebrate.
Precedent counts for much with Eng
lishmen; and we must remember that
our Fathers were English subjects,
descended from Englishmen, with all an
Englishman's instincts. Did they de
mand the recognition OF any new prin-
ciple? BY no means. 1t was an article
of the English Constitution almost for
ever beyond question when Henry VII.
became king, that all taxes must be
levied and disposed of by the peoples own
representatives. The Bill OF Rights was
q matter of more recent date. 1t was
less than century and hall since the
people OF England asserted their rights
so powerfully against Charles l. Henry
VII, conqueror though he was, himself
chose to reign as the chosen OF parlia-
ment. More than one OF the Plantag-
enets felt their power. King John
writhed under the demands Of the peo-
pie for their ancient rights. Magma
Charta is the oldest written acknowledg-
ment of the English peoples rights, yet
those rights were not considered new
even when they were first formally
acknowledged in a permanent way.
Back in the forests and giades OF Schles-
wick the English people were freer than
the colonists of 1776 dared ask to be.
There the people were supreme. They
were at once law-giyers and judges.
They chose their own leaders, afterwards
calledAkings. When and where, then,
did these political rights have Their
oriUin Not in America not in England,