The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1888-01-05

that there is not a single manufactured commo-
ditv that is not cheaper to-day in the United
States under the protective system than it
in 1860 under free trade, and that nine tenths of
the manufactured commodities used by
American farmers-tihcuding clothing, house
hold goods, furniture. indictments of hus-
bandry, tools, etc. are cheap
in this country as they are in England, and, in
some instances. cheaper. The fact that large
importatfons were now made of manufactures
of iron, steel, cotton, wool. wood, leather,
china .and glassware was evidence that the duty
certain grades of these goods was not beyond
the revenue standard. If the present systems
were maintained, American home industries
could and would compete with European pro-
duction in articles essential to human life and
comfort.
As to the Presidents assertion that more than
1000 articles were subject to tariff duties, that
was gross but common exaggeration. He
would agree with the President, however, in
saying that if on a careful examination it should
appear that any duty on any article could be
dispensed with, without detriment to American
industry, it should be done; and that if any
article now paying taxes could not be manu-
featured here, it should be placed on the free
list The object of the tariff laws to
courage homo manufacturers in competition
with foreign rivals as we'll as to secure reve
nue.; and therefore, these laws should be
permanent as possible, consistent with the needs
encouraged to invest their money in
expensive machinery and buildings but they
had special privileges. monopoly. All the
world might. in this country, enter into compe-
tition with them. The President, however,
seemed to think that they were public enemies.
TO chase away the successful manufacturer by
q change OF duties was to legislate for the for
eigner and against the American citizen. The
most important benefits conferred by the tariff
were that they not only diversified American in
dustries, but secured to the laborer employed in
manufactures higher wages, and better sur
roundings and advantages than were enjoyed by
laborers in similar employments anywhere in
the world The treatment of this question by
the President was a delusion and a snare. The
President
cially of food and clothing, was higher in the
United States than in Europe. That was not
cheaper here than in any market in Europe
The clothing worn by workingmen, including
blankets, was sold here at as low prices in
London OF Liverpool The quantity and quail
ity of the food of laborine were
confessedly better and greater here than
in Europe; and the rate Of wages
dent did not dispute these points, but appealed
to the manufacturer who had been represented
as a robber, q cons pirator. and extortioner-not
to reduce the workinemen's wages. bur to pay
found on the wrong side of the ledger. What
workngman did not feel that this sheer
reduce his wages by inviting close competition
with pauper LAHORE The workngman would
have to share the fate of his employer and divide
with him the loss. The question was one purely
of wages If wages were not greater here than
in England, France, and Begum-America's
chief competitors this country could, no doubt,
compete now with all the world in all metalic
and textile fabrics But would it be wise to pur
policy that would compel the reduction of
wages to the general standard in Europe The
Republican party had declared it to be the duty
of the national government not only to levy
enough duties on imported merchandise to sup
port the government, but to levy those
duties to secure to laboring men
employed in manufactures such wages as would
enable them to support, maintain and educate
properly their wives and children. Cheap labor
in this country meant the degradation of Ameri-
can politics.
He had thus endeavored. he said. to give
respectful answer to the Presidents message.
He was willing. according to the Republican
national platform of 1884. to correct the irregu-
larities of the tariff, and to reduce the surplus
not by the vicious and indiscriminating process
of horizontal reduction, but by such methods as
would relieve the taxpayer without injuring the
laborer the great productive industries of the
country. He was willing, recommended by
the President. to join in careful examination
of the details of tariff laws, with view to
the reduction of the taxes. He was willing,
the President enjoined, to take a broad and ma
tional contemplation of the subject, with a prac-
as unreasonable, and regardless of the 5n-'
tire country. But ne could not do that and at
the same time follow the recon N endations of
the President. He could not strike at the in
dustral interests built up by the tariff laws.
He could not deepen and intensity the struggle
now going on between employers and employed
manufacturers and reducing wages. He
greatly preferred policy that would
encourage home industry. diversity home
productions, discourage home importations add
to the external and internal commerce, open
mines, increase raw material, light new fur
n aces and establish rolling mills, factories
a nd workshops, and develop the wonderful nat
ural resources of the country He preferred
that policy which looked to the interests of the
American people, rather than to those of for
eign nations. He preferred the policy of re-
ducing prices by home competition rather than
by foreign competition. of cheapening ma
terials by increasing production. by the i'm
provement of rivers and harbors, and by rail-
road competition. In other words, he preferred
the development increase, and growth of the
productions of this country, without regard
to the policy or the theories of the interests of
other nations. Whatever might be said of other
nations protection 60 homo industries,
bodied in the tariff laws. was the best for this
country; and he, for one proposed to maintain
it, even against the ADVICE of tho President. In
he said:
I'VE do not appreciate as We ought the COM
mandng position now held by the United States
among the nations of the world. Our fathers
won the freedom of the ocean and proclaimed
the doctrine of continental exemption from
European ageressions. We in our day have
tested the strength of the Union. We have
principles on which our currency and public
faith are founded, to command the respect
and approval of the civilized world. We are
now united in bonds of growing strength, aud,
trust. in perpetual union. We have built up
our industries by policy founded upon the
highest patriotism. Its success is marked by
the general wealth. anu prosperity OF our people.
By taxing them it seeks to benefit and to ex-
tend It's benefits impartially to every industry
and to every section. It gives employment to
the laborer in every field. 1t concentrates in
our own land and among our own people. agri-
culture, commerce and manufactures, aking
each support the other, and all contributing to
the wealth and grandeur of the Republic These
great departments of industry not now di.
vided by section lines. but interviewer like
the veins, arteries and muscles of the human
body. What want now is the cultivation of
the sentiment of patriotism. intense love of
country. feeling of national pride Every
whether native or naturalized, ought
to feel that this is his country, to which ha
allegiance duty and pride The President
any President-in his elevated secusion, ap-
preached only by fatterers and office-seekers,
should regard the interests and honor of his
its development and prosperity, and
the employment and happiness of his country
menas higher far than the interests of foreign
srs or the development of thsir products. 1t is
to the Senate only that have right to appeal
The best can do for mankind is to 10 the best
for our country