New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1888-03-03

down inside the hon as III any OincF way. IN
fact, there are physical impoSsibitics in Tie
way, if the lamb undertakes to swaliow tho
lion, and there are political impossibilitics in
the way if the Free Traders try TO deyoT the
supporters OF protection in this country. Mr..
Randall and his friends represent districts in
which the strongest of them would be suddenly
snulcd cut like Il candle ii he should vote for
ANY measure pointing in The direction Of free
trade For them it is definite and practical
question; other members can yield little and
keep their heads above water, but they cannot.
In that state Of facts, the chances arc that the
harmony Mr.. Randall forcshadows is the sort
Of harmony which prevailed when Mr.. Morrison
tna ~ consented to abandon his tariff bill.
some weeks after it was dead
The frce-tradc editors. and possibly some Of
the free trade members Of the House are throw
ing dust in their own eyes by induging tho
hope that Mr. Randall may conclude that their
cmincntly conservatives bill will not hurt
any industry. IF he were representative OF
some Southern district where a manufacturer
is looked upon as u public enemy, that would
be possible. He happens to represent district
in which there are able manufacturers Of many
kinds, and an army Of wOrkngmen who know
what foreign competition would do for them in
the matter of wages. Mr.. Randall is certain to
be enlightened by his constituents about any
bill that is offered. There is not the slightest
doubt that he will get information, not from
the so-called manufacturers who produce moro
frcc-trade letters and interviews than cloth or
ron but by practical persons who have wages
and capital at stake. Those who ike may in
duIcc the hope that he will deliberately commit
suicide by disrcgarding The information re-
ceived from his constituents. but it would be
considerably safer to calculate that he will not.
The members who usually act with him arc
in the same position They represent districts
in which there are constituents who read, think
and have votes. The Southern Congressman.
who gets his seat by the skill Of judges in count
ing half the ballots of coOrcd voters for Demo
cratic candidates, can hardly conceive what q
hamperng thing it is to have constituents who
can vote against man if he displcascs them.
If sundry Democratic members from Ohio, for
example, should vote for free wool, the places
that now know them would know them no more
forever. 1t does not make bit Of difference
whether they think abolition Of the duty on
wool will help wool-growers or not. Those of
their constituents who grow wool have an opn-
ion about that. and if a member does not want
to represent their opinion he had better go
South and represent some district where the
election Judges do the voting, and arc all
selected by one party.
The Free Traders will perceive that their
Democratic associates from the North are not |
in position TO promise any kind Of harmony |
which their constituents disapprove. The
workmen and the employers. the wool growers, |
lumber cutters, miners and fishers have voice |
in the Government in this section. They ought |
to have at the South, and will have. by-and-by. |
ANTT-RATLROAD MOTEIfENT ~ IOWA |
The anti-rairoad agitation in Iowa is attract
ing much attention, because il recalls in several |
respects the Granger crusade, and seems likely |
TO repeat some of its eXtravaganccs. The two
political parties have been vying with each |
other in hostility TO the railroads, until now the
Legislature Is flooded with bills providing for
sharp reduction Of passenger and freight rates
and, among other things, for the election by |
popular vote of Commission having absolute
power oyer ratcS-a most extraordinary pr0po-
stiOn. Governor Larrabee, who hopes, it is
said to succeed Mr. Allison in the Senate, if the
latter should become President, is leader in
this movement. OF him it can only be said
that he has strange notions of the way to adj
vance the political fortunes Of himself and his
friends. 1t may be that Governor Iarrabce will
win temporary popularity among The unthink-
ing by indiscriminate onsIaughts on the rail
roads, but the reaction will surely come, even
in Iowa and outside of Iowa. especially In the
East, Mr.. Allison could not suffer any more
grievous injury than to be identified by foolish
friends with legislation tending to cripple Iowa
railroads ard so imparing the value Of the
securities owned by Eastern investors.
Railroads should be objected to proper reg1l-
latiOns and, like all corporations, should exist
to serve the public not to rule or Cypress them
But the welfare of the railroads is incxtricably
bound up in the general welfare, and for a com
munity to be hostile TO its railroads is as absurd
as it would be for a man to be hostile to his
heart or his liver To compel railroads to run
at loss is to make sure that life and limb will
be less safe, because bridges, road-bed, etc.
cannot be kept up TO the highest standard, to
cause a general depreciation Of the holdings of
investors, decline in employees wages. and
brighten away capital. The ACCESSIBILITY Of
such legislation as is proposed in Iowa is to be
determined by practical considerations. and not
Dy vague sentiment to the effect that railroads
are vampires "tyIants,' and on. From
lS7B to $50 the average passenger rate on the
cading Iowa lines has declined from 3.5 cents
,cr mile to about 90 cents per mile. In nine
rears rates fell more than one
quarter. In 1870 the average freight
stc per ton per mile on the Iowa roads
vas PAP cents in 1886, 1.l2 cents In other
words, rates sixteen years before were more
han 100 per cent higher than in
he last year named This has been
brought about by the operation Of natural
auses, and partly, perhaps, because the rail
Dads have been let alone, the total mileage Of
he State has doubled within nine years.
If, with all this, the railroads were making
l. H. ;GonA L.. |