New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1888-04-19
THE ONLY. LOYAL POLICY.
PROTECTION AND THE FATHERS OF THE
NATION

II. W. Thompson ex-SecltS%5 % Wv S,aeS g.
Navy. Chicago: Il. S. Peao Co, 1855 eVo',
500 PIP.
The subject chosen for this work is most timely In
the presence OF attempt TO overthrow the prorcVs
policy, IL would be well If ali Americans could realize
how earnestly and perss.cntly that policy was main
tansa hy the fathers Of the Republic and By all their
saccesSos in It's government, for fully forty years
9Anclent History those viii snecrngy say ana
only those Who consider Mr.. Cleveland wiser ana
more patriotic statesman than Washington, MI Car
Isle OF Kentucky ADLER nnanccr than hamigon-
and Mr.. NILS Of Texas a greater genius than Thomas
yefesop. 1t can DO out OF place to reitorste
the proof that the precise policy which Washington,
Hamilton. jefferson, Madison and Monroe advocated
Il thar which has made the Nation more mighty and
more prosperous than they dreamed 1t could be,
since there are persons called statesmen who FANCY
themselves wiser than the founders OF the Republic
But IT IS grave defect tha; this work strong end
fl in ancient history only, giving hut most barrcn
and meagro idea OF protective legislation during tho
last wcntycght years, or Of Its marvellous and con-
Stnoing fruits The simple statement that not ton
lines ia book of 52e pages, contain all the history
that given OF the origin, maturing and adoption OF
the many tariffs enacted within the last twontyeight
years with no statement Of their provisions or Of the
votes either house of them, or on the many
hostile which have been defeated, shows how
fur short of History of Protective Tariff taws this
work falls II might more accurately hsyo boen styled
history Of tho origin of tho protective system in this
country.
The proportion of the work which such title would
describe s at all events, that which gives 1t value NO
adequate history is given Of part of the period
subsequent TO Mr.. Folks election In 1914 Neither
he faults nor the merits OF the tariffs Of 1915 and
1857 nor workings Of the later protcctivc laws,
arc fairly set forth. serious defect Of the work
that IFS space Is almost entirely devoted to discus
sion Of the opinions Of individuals, and not to
an examination of the industrial. commercial or
social results of the measures enacted The anthor
scarcely garces any other effect Of tariff except
It's return In revenue the Treasury So great Is
the attention paid TO the demonstration that tariff
which protects also yields large while Sc little
70 said of tho relative condition of the people, tho state
Of wages, the products Of industries at different
perieds tha, It mgct also be imagined that the autaor
considered the sovency bankruptcy Of the Treasury
the only test of tho prosperity of the Nation
But there Is in this work singularly thorough and
valuable disclosure of the attitude of every President
pgor to ths war; and of almost every leading states
Man OF the revolutionary groat question OF
National policy. II Is first shown that the very exist
ence Of the United satos, instead Of the Confederacy
which had preceded. largely due TO the almost
universal desire of the people to encourage diversified
industries, and defend themselves against tia dostruc
tive policy Of Great Britain and to their experience
provink THAI enactmenfs by the several States were
inadeouate to that ond Because convinced of this,
and decrmined to achieve industrial well political
independence, the people wanted q stronger Govern
nAsnt which by regulation Of commorosS for al tho
Etates alikc, could supply tho needed Incentive and
defence. The opinions expressed In multitude Oh
public meetings aud resolutions preceding the adoption
81 the Con. utlon, tho action Of Its trainers In shaping
HAT Instrument the opinions Of all the leading mon Of
Aaf era, srs set forth with instructive fitness IL
seems incredible that readers and voters OF the present
day are almost entirely ignorant In regard to portion
Of our history which important to the National
development. Yet those are very few to whom this
book will not be In that respect surprising revelation
II Is part of tho history Of this Nation, now the
most prosperous and powerful ON earth, that tho
revolution against English rulo was mainly caused
By British suppression Of colonial industries England
wanted TO treat the colonies as II did treat Ireland
II wanted TO crush in this country all composition
with Industries of tho Mother land. aud to force TINS
colonies to be content with the production OF raw
materials for British labor and capital to work Into
rrisbe6 nroducts The colonies rebelled, and were
victorious Their first passionate dosirs. when Joy
halls told OF independence achieved. was to confront
British industrial tyranny with resoluoe encourage
unsnt and defence Of their industries Tho confeoer'
,y however had power, and tho States were unable
70 erectually restrict British composition Most OF
them did what they could by bountios and other In
ancements establish manufactures, but this nrst ana
ouly cru Of practical free trade proved utterly dsss
ts TO the colonies and ended In reputation OF cur
rcncy and debts. Had not the more perfcct union
with its larger powers taken the place OF tne ohsos
of separate and helpless commonwealth IL evident
that some Of the States, at least, could not long nave
maintained their political, and would never hsVo
achieved industrial independence.
The Nation created Government for itself, and the
first great act of that Government was to protect lts
Industry 10 exercise the power which the states mad
surrendered to it, and for which In largo degree u
had boon created The history Of this and other acts
of the first forty years of the National existence is set
md Mr.
ION and especially Mr. Madison's argument that IL
Congress should fail do not fulfil the object of our
tppontmentr that the states had rcllnqushed the
bower OF defence only under the impression that
more efficient government would exert that power.
Almost unanimously passed. the first protective tariff
was hailed as a second declaration of Independence.
The reports OF Hamilton and Gallatin, the messages
OF Jefferson and Madison. are examined at longth,
with the strong protective arguments OF Clay and
Calhoun and Mr.. Monroe's most forcibls statement
Of the SURPRISING value Of hone market for Amer-
products.
Union had been practically unanimous in this policy
Southern members had especially asked for it, because
thcy could not at that time rely upon British mar
bet for cotton Tho first development Of froe trade
policy found in the selfish desire Of South Carolina
sotton growers regardless Of the National welfare,
to get British goods because they wcre cheap. Tho
gradual concentration Of cotton States In essentially
dsloyal policy which naturally resorted TO the tes-
son Of notification Hrst and afterward to the tros
son Of secession. is traced with By the author.
But his discussion Of Mr. Jaoksons opinions 10 nsed-
lessly voluminous. he lamentabiy pegiects the his
tory OF the compromise measure OF 1893 and fails to
find in Mr. Clay's compromising weakness that CO.
casion the seeds Of his anal defeat Nor any his
tory given Of the tariff of 1s4o there is q wesrying
surieit Of discussion about what Dir. Tyler probably
thought or probably meant by some phrase, but
anything is said Of tbs acts and words Of tho mon
who did change tho history Of tho country, ~ Mr..
Tyicr's vetocs did not.
1t Is to be regretted that the latter part Of this
work Is so inadequate. Nor is 1t free from errors
possibly typographical: tins Secretary Robert j.
walker called Robert l. WALKER, and tho statement
Of revenue under the tariff of 1912 and for four
years following agree with any known record
ana makes dutlablo imports s1os,oooo0o larger in
latter than In fbo farmer reriod whereaS thew