New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1888-07-08
A NEU VETO POWER.

An entirely new feature in Olr system OF
government has Just been developed. IL is i'll
the form of an additional veto power. BY the
Constitution this power is confined, or has been
supposed to be confined, to the Executive.
Prior to the present glorious Administration
it has been sparingly exercised, and the present
glorious Administration has not really made
business Of ii except in pension cases, when, as
everybody knows, are 80 full of disconnected
diseases, unrelated causes and similar inqulties,
undiscoverable at the other end of the ave-
nue., as to keep the present glorious Admins
tration awake nights with its sleeves rolled up
vetong things with precision and regularity
that have excited the wonder of the widow and
moved the admiration of the orphan As under
stood heretofore, the stage in the process OF
legislation at which alone the veto was applica-
bic was the final one. Even the present glori-
Gus Administration never offered to stop the
machinery Of legislation when in motion or
forbid its being started.
But it appears there is veto power at the
Capitol end of the avenue 1t is the power to
forbid legislation to begin. Ii resides in Mr.
Anderson, of Iowa and very properly in him;
for he discovered il. 1t is no figure of speech
to say that this gentleman is by virtue of his
discovery "a bigger man than old Grant, or
any other President The President can only
forbid bill becoming law after Congress
has passed it. And even then two-thlrdS OF
both houses can override him. Anderson can
forbid any vote being taken on bill, no mat
ter whether two-thirds or three-q quarters or
all the rest of his colleagues wish to have 1T
taken up. This is a large power to be welded
by one man; and that man a new member
But it is a comfort to know that Anderson is
friend Of the peope-elected as such-the
sort Of man who would rather have the votes
of twenty-five men not worth dollar in the
world than tho vote of one man worth hun
bred thousand-a statesman who holds TO the
fundamental doctrine that while 1t is the duty
of men who have saved money TO put 1t into
railroads to develop new country, it IL equally
the privilege of the free-handed citizens who
use the railroads to say whether, or how much,
they will pay for it.
Mr. Anderson's discovery of his veto power
came most opportunity. lie used it to defeat
n gigantic scheme of iniquty which has been
in course of preparation for many years-and
was on the eve of contamination to wit, the
passage of the Pacific Railroad Funding bill.
This or similar bill had been recommended
by every Railroad Commissioner since that
Office was created-melancholy proof of cor
ruption in that ohce--aso by Secretaries Of
the Interior annually for the last five or six
years, which shows the Generalization in that
Department. II was animously reported by
a committee Of the last Congress. which shows
how carelessly that body performed its work;
it was recommended by commission specially
appointed for the purpose which had spent six
months time and 81 1000 investigating tho
subject-anothcr proof of the power of great
corporation to bride Government officials; it
was unanimusly reported by the Pacific Rail
roads Committee of the present House, and
was understood to have the support Of over
two-thirds Of the mcmbers-clear proof that
they had "calls' on the stock it was favored
by the President which shows his ignorance
and was understood to be acceptable to the
Union Pacific stockholders all Of whom ought
to be in the penitcntiary. With this vast body
Of ignorance, heedlessness, corruption, bribery,
vice and crime behind it, there was danger
that the bill might pass by two-thirds vote.
Anderson saw the danger and rose to tho
height Of the occasion. Knowing that he was