The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1888-08-02
WASHINGTON LETTER.
From our Washington Correspondent.
WAsH1EeroN. D. g., July 30, 1883.

from, our washington correspondents
WASHINGTON, D. O., July 80, 1883.
MEssRs. EDITORS: At last ''the great
tariff debate" in the house of representa-.
tives, is ended. Tariff reform,;which was
introduced by the president in his last
annual message, has been dragging its
slow length through the house of repre-.
sentatives for more than seven months i;
and to-day it emerged from the house
and made its appearance in the senate.
If the American people shall fail to
understand the tariff question now, it will
not be the fault of the representatives of
either party. For no question was ever
more industriously or exhaustively deba.
ted. II is true that the average of loren.
sic talent in the house is not now at its
highest, and no names have been made
| illustrious by this debate. But it is also
true that, in all our congressional history,
no discussion has ever occurred in which
the tariff question, which is certain to
concern our republic for generations to
come, has been 80 thoroughly treated in
| all its aspects of justice and policy.
In the nature of things it was impossi-
BILE that the interest of the people at
large, or even the interest of the repre-.
sentatiyes themselves should remain at q
white heat through 30 long q debate; and
all parties contemplated with satisfaction
the exit Of the measure from the house
on. Saturday.
The vote on the passage of the bill, in
the house, stood yeas 162, nays 149. The
majority in favor of the bill was Is. Of
the l62 representatives who voted for the
measure, two, Fitch of New York and
Nelson of Minnesota, were republicans,
and three, Anderson of Iowa, Smith of
Wisconsin, and Hopkins Of Virginia,
were Independents. If these five gen.
| tlemen had voted against the bill, the Ii.
ma. vote would have stood, yeas l57, and
nays 154. The majority would have
been exactly in total vote Of Bill.
This is close work.
| at present it is quite impossible to pre-.
dict the course of the senate on this bill:
The republican senators have not yet
decided, in their own minds, what action
| it is advisable for them to take. The
development of the next two weeks, in
the senate, will be of great interest to the
country. If the senate should find it
necessary to deliberate upon this subject
seven months, as the house has done, the
session would continue without adjourn
ment until March 4, 1889, the end of the
present Congress.
From the outset it has been manifest
that the Mills bill, if successful in the
house, could not pass the senate. It has
been equally certain that no tariff bill,
which the senate would frame, could be
satisfactory to the house. If the object
of the respective parties to thi, long
battle had been merely the settlement
of the form of new tariff, it would have
been certain, from the outset, that victory
was not a possibility for either party.
But the democrats end republicans are
playing for q higher stake. 1t is strug-
/ gle for the possession of the government.
Aud it is amazing to see how the shadow
| of the coming November election over.
spreads and influences every vote, on
every question in the senate and in the
house.
The confirmation of Chief Justice
Fuller suggests some interesting possibil.
tiles as to the future of the supreme court.
Three of the members of that court, the
new chiefjustice and Justices Field and
Lamar, are democrats. The ages of three
of the other justices render it probable
that if the democrats carry the November
election they will within four years have
possession of all the departments of the
federal government. The transfer of the
executive power of nation from one
party to another, once in twenty years,
seems to be matter of great moment on
this side of the Atlantic. But John Bull
can do it twenty times in one year,
without any trouble beyond his customary
believing.
There is rum0r that some ofthe dem.
ocrats, who have not been entirely recon-
ciled to the presidents virtuous dealing
with offensive partisans among democrat.
lie oHice.h olders, are pointing tothe case
/ of chairman Brice,, ofthe national dem
ocratic campaign committee, and calling
upon the president to take little of bis
own medicine. But their wicked repub.
lican friends are ready, as usual, with
scripture texts for the consolation oi
these aggrieved democrats. They quote
as follows: "But when he saith all
things are put under him, it is manifest
that he is excepted which did put things
under him."
/ Senator Ransom and Col. Bright, Of
the campaign committee, deny that there
is the slightest truth in the charge OF
interference, on the part of the president
or his private secretary, with the func.
tions of Mr.. Brice.
/ Soon after the death of representative
in congress, part of days session is
devoted to eulogies on the deceased,
exaggerating his virtues and whitewash
ing bis vices. These eulogies are deliv.
cred by members of the house. Ordins.
rily there is no difficulty in obtaining the
j floor on such OCCASIONS. But sometimes
there is such s'rush" for the floor, by
those who seek to shine in the lustre Of
departed greatness, that the representa-.
tives entrusted with the management oil
the ceremonies are greatly embarrassed
in selecting the speakers. This embar.
rassment was experienced to an unusual
degree, on the occasion Of the obsequies
of Thaddeus Stevens Mr.. Dickey, bis
successor, had charge of the arrange
ments. Being new member he vas not
we'll acquainted with the representatives,
snd was overwhelmed with applications
for the floor. Mr.. Dickey found himself
at his wits end, in his attempts to decide
who should and who should not speak.
Being spiritualist be finally concluded
to consult the spirit Of Thaddeus Stevens,
aud to select such speakers as Mr.. Ste.
vens should prefer for his eulogists.
Before this consultation was held he
notified the committee of his purpose to
confer with che spirit of "the great com
moner," on the subject, and there was
considerable curiosity to learn the result
Soon afterwards he met the committee,
and informed them that he had had an
interview with Mr.. Stevens, but was 90
wiser than before. Mr.. Stevens, he said
declared that, inasmuch as he (Stevens)
hadn't got to listen to the speeches, he
didn't care d-n who made them.
It was my purpose to give your read
ers, to day, q continuation of the con.
gressional history of the constitutional
amendment which abolished slavery in
the United States. But this letter is
already too long, and I must return to
that subject at another time.