The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-07-31

There is probably more general discus
sion now concerning the proposed purchase
of Cuba by the United States than there
has been at any time since James Buchanan,
as president, labored zealously to effect such
a trade The question is one which has at
several intervals been seriously considered
by American statesmen, though no formal
action has ever been taken to invite nego-
tiations with Spain for such purpose.
There are strong arguments both for and
against the United States acquiring posses
sion of the island at the price which it
would have to pay to secure it, or even at
any price at ALL for naturally it will be
asked why should any other government
want Cuba, if its burden to the present
owner is such as to put it on the market as
an undesirable possession. The New York
Sun answers this by saying:
The productive and strategic capabilities Of the
island not to be measured by its slight utility to
Spain. As well compare the actual condition of
Ireland with that which it might occupy but for its
long subsection to English misgovernment. Those
who know Cuba best pronounce it impossible to fix
any limt-to her output of valuable staples, if she
could enjoy a civil government at once firm and
Just, and wise and economical fiscal adminiStra-
ton. We need not dwell on the strategic signif
canoe of the sland-ying as it does, in the jaws of
the gulf of Mexico-to great commercial power
like England or France or Germany, which desires
a large share of the trade with the west coast Of
South America and which aims also to control the
tanscontinental route that is certain one day to be
oDened by the way Of Nicarauga, if not by that of
Panama. To France in particular, should her
government be ultimately prevailed upon by popu-
lar clamor to undertake the completion of the Pan
anna canal, the acquisition of Cuba would be of in
estimable moment 1t needs no argument to prove
that, whatever might be the strategic usefulness of
Cuba to certain European powers, the possession Of
it would be, in the event Of the construction of
transisthmian canal, incomparably more important
to the people of the United States.
The Chicago Inter-Ocean does not look
upon the plan as being feasible, or in the
interest of the betterment of Cuba, holding
that the conditions which prevailed there
twenty years ago have been SO modified as
to no longer afford humanitarian arau-
ment for annexation OF purchase.
The question of slavery has not, nor has
it ever had, anything to do with the real
considerations in favor Of the acquisition of
Cuba by this government, and the fact that
slavery has been abolished on the island
does not make its acquisition any the less
desirable or important than it has been for
many years past.
Spain will never loosen its grip OF tyranny
on Cuba as long as it is in possession of the
island, and the Inter Oceans argument that
education and advancing civilization will
work out the independence of Cuba,
amounts to nothing. No possible condition
of affairs on the island would allow Cuba to
liberate herself from Spain, without outside
assistance. To make the effort would in
yolve the certainty of increased oppr ession.
1t would be as the sparrow battling for free
dom from the clutches of the hawk
Cuban independence must come by the
peaceful purchase Of the island by some
other country, or by revolution in which
Cuban patriots have the assistance of for
eign governmental aid. As TO whether or
not the United States should make itself the
means of bringing about the separation of
the island from Spain by either of these
means, is question upon which much can
be said on both Sides