The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1888-04-15

The independents nave undertaken II, and
with Gods help will carry II through. A
moral purpose multiplies us by ten, as IL
multiplied the early aboltionists. They
emancipated tho negro, and we mean TO
cmancipatc the respectable white man."
The speaker then rapidly sketched the
favoring circumstances which developed
the people Of this country in the direction
of sclf-govonment men, while yet subject
to Great Britain, aud the feeling that grew
with II that we, ~ u people, were born
"lucky." He continued; but the condi-
tons Of life led TO other results that left
less salutary effects behind them. They
bred a habit OF contentment with what
would do rs we say, rather than an inn
patience of whatever was not best; a rcadi-
ness to put up with many evils or inCoa-
venienCes because they could no, be helped,
and this has, especiallyin our politics, con.
Quoted 10 the greatest weakness OF onr
American chaacter-the acquiescence in
makc-shilts and abuses which can and
ought TO be helped, and which, with hon
est resolution, might he helped"
We have revived the English system OF
rotten boroughs under which the electors
return the candidate but handful OF
men select the person to I've so returned.
II this be so--and think tits sol should
give ms matter for very serious reflection
| admire the splendid complacency OF
my countrymcn, and find something cN-
hilarating and inspiring in IL. We are
nation which has struck Gle" but We are
also q nation that Il il sure the we'll will
'noyer run dry"
In looking about inc am struck with
the fact that while We produce great cap.
tains, and industrial leaders in abundance,
and political managers In ovcrabundance,
hero seems TO be pause in the production
OF leaders In craftsmanship.
II IL not that we have lost tho power Of
bringing forth great men. They are not
the product OF institutions, though these
may help or hinder them. am thankful
10 have been the contemporary OF one and
among the greatest OF whom ] think II is
sale 10 state that no other country aud no
other form OF government could have fash.
Toned him, and whom postcrity will pcog-
MIC IA the wisest and most bravcly hui
name OF modern times II IN bcncdiction
10 have lived In the same country with
Abraham Lincoln.
But under every form OF representative
government parties become necessary for
the manhaling and expression Of opinion,
and when parties are once formed those
questions the discussion of which would
discipline and fortiiy mems minds tend
more and more 10 pass out Of sight, and
then topics that interest their prciudiccs
and passions 20 become more absorbing.
What will be Of immediate advantage To
the party Is the first thing considered,
what VI permanent advantage Ia the coun-
try the last. refer specially 10 neither OF
| the great parties which divide the country.
| am treating question Of natural his
tory. Both parties have been equally
guilty, both have oyadcd m successfully as
| they could the living questions Of tho day.
| Az the parties have become more evenly
balanced, the difficulty OF arriving at thcil
opinions has been greater In proportion Il
the difficulty OF deNisng any profession O
faith meaningless enough not TO alarm,
Il could not be no interpreted rs TO concil
ate. tho varied and sometime c1nfliciin
interests Of the different sections OF ih
Parties being necessary things, u fol
lows, Of course, that there must be poll
ticians 10 manage and leaders 10 ppre
sent and symbolic them. The danger
always is that loyalty 10 the man shall in
sensibly replace loyalty 10 the thing he u
supposed tocprcscni Gil at last 10 question
what he represents fade wholly out OF
| the mind.
II the dangers and temptations Of par.
| ties be such ns have indicated, and ] do
not think have Ovcmtatcd them, II Is foI
| the interest Of the best men In both par.
ties that there should be neutral body,
not large enough 10 form party by itself,
nay, which would lose its power for good
| " Il attempted 10 form such q party, and
| yet large enough 10 moderate between both
aud make both more cautious Ia their
choice Of candidates aud in their conniv.
ance with evil practices. II the politicians
must look after the parties, there should
be- somebody 10 look after the politicians
somebody TO ask disagccable question,
aud 10 utter uncomfortable truths.
II we have not got all that We hoped
| from the present administration, we hay,
perhaps got moro than We had reason q
/ expect, considering how widely spread nrc
the roots Of evil aud what AN inoonycnicni
habit they have Of sending up suckers In
the most unexpected places. IL Is much
that We have compelled a discussion OF the
question from one end Of the country "a
| the other, for II cannot bear discussion,
and for one have 10 much faith In thc
| good sense In the American people ~ Ia
| feel sure that discussions mean victory.
| Two great questions have been opened
anew 10y the President, which really ~.
solve Themselves into one that OF the war
tariff. Ey Of the war tariff because u Ia
| q mere cloCiionocring device 90 call II n
question OF free trade, pure and simple.
| All that reasonable men contend for now
| IN the reduction Of the tafin In such way
a. shall be- least huIilul 20 existing inter
csis, most helpful 10 the consumer, and,
above all, ~ shall practically test the qucs.
ton whether we are better of when We
get our raw material nj the lowest possible
prices ! think the advocates OF
protection have been unWisc, aud are
beginning 10 zee that they are unwise In
shifting the ground Of debate. They have
sot many people 10 asking whether robbing
Peter 10 pay Paul is a method equally
economical for both parties, and whether
the bad policy be not all the more fragrant
in proportion, as the Peters are many and
/ the Pauls few.
But tho tendency Of excessive proicc-
ton which thoughtful men dread most IN
that II stimulates an unhealthy home
competition, leading 10 over production
and 20 the disasters which are its tainted
offspring, that II fosters over population,
and this Is Of the most helpless class when
thrown out Of employment. 1 confess
cannot take a cheerful view Of the future
OF that New England love 10 well when
her leading industries shall be gradually
drawn 10 the south, as they infallibly vii
be, by the greater ehcaPnoss Of labor
there. 81.
OF the anrplua In the treasury. will