The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1888-08-21
THE DISASTERS or FREE TRADE ERAS.
Old Times When Every New England
Woman was Spinner.
And Times When America could not
CIothe Her Armies.
Our Present Prosperity and How II Is
to be Retained.


sylvanla, In the independently
From the beginning Of civilized govern
ment on this continent 1t has been assumed
that 1t was right and necessary for the State
to make some sort Of oversight Of the indus
trial development Of the people, and to act
as a eo-ordinating power In securing variety
OF industries. In some colonies this was
done In one way. in others In another. In
Virginia premiums were erected into sys-
tenn. In Massachusetts the business Of spin
ning was made legal duty for the women Of
tne colony, and whoever failed to comply
with the requirement as TO amount was TO be
nned by the seleetmen. At the same time
Dlood-sheep were imported by the Proprie-
tOfy company and sold TO the cOlonists at
COST and exemption from taxation was
promised to those who set up iron works in
this and other New England colonies. In
pennsylvania fairs for the sale Of manufae-
lures were held, prizes offered, and special
advantages extended to those immigrants
who brought new industries with them. The
notion that nothing was needed but 70 Leave
all things to the private interests Of indiyid-
uals, and to drift along as far as collective
action was concerned, was not entertained
by any cf the founders Of the American
nation.
II they had entertained that notion, 1t
experience Of the War for Independence. 1t
was found that the policy OF promoting the
manufactures Of the country had not been
pursued with half the vigor that was
aedui1ed' nSt a Inere wv was not the means 70 ft
were stripped OF their awnings TO make
tents, and twice the women Of the
city searched their household store of
blankets, to send all they could pare to
the army. Yet the patriotic forces were
handicapped from first to last by the want Of
proper clothing and other equipments, and
when 10000 pairs Of shoes were wanted for
the army at Saratoga only $500 could be
obtained for them.
The American people came out OF that war
with strong conviction Of the need Of man
ufactureS, but they were so cramped by the
ramshackle character of their government
that they came near losing those they had
built up under the necessities Of the strug-
gle. They adopted the Constitution, Fisher
Ames says, as much to secure the govern
ment that could deal with this question as
from any other consideration. But Il still
was the age OF homespun, and the first tariffs
covered very few articles. The consequences
Of tnis were felt in the second war with
Great Britain, when again there was not the
means 70 ut out an army, and the Secretary
OF War had to buy English blankets on the
sly. But during that war the factory system
OF the United States arose to supply the
needs OF the country, after the cessation Of
peaceful intercourse with the country on
which IL depended for manufactures. The
nation formed the purpose not 10 allow that
system to be crushed by foreign competition
from any quarter, and expressed this pnr-
pose in the tariffs of 1916, 1924 and 1928.
Twice since that date, under the attractive
influence OF free trade theories. the country
has swung away from the protective policy.
Twice, also, under the sharp lessons Of ex-
perience, 1t has come back TO protection.
The present era, 1861-'88, Is the longest OF
persistence In any kind Of policy.
We now are asked TO try free trade third
time. We are told, indeed, that the Mills
revenue bill Is not free trade measure, and
Mr.. Cleveland objects TO being called a free
trader Ii Is true that the bill does not enact
free trade along the whole line Of our pro-
tected industries; but 1t puts the products Of
some OF the most Important absolutely upon
the free list, and It reduces the duties upon
much greater number below the protective
level. And the bill Is feeler, not fnallty.
Its approval at the polls next November
would be pleaded. and not unjustly
10 @ova pat tne ba people
who votes for the Mills bill this year
votes by implication for series Of such
bills. until we have achieved that ''entire
destruction Of the protective system" which
Mr.. WattersOn told his neighbOrs two months
back was the ideal Of his party.
The Irishman who was c0nfesslng TO a
theft Of turf, was asked by the priest how
much he had taken. Indeed, Father, you
may as well say the whole stack, for Pm go
ing back tonight for the rest" SO our reve-
nue. reformers may as well confess 10 hostile
designs upon the whole protective system, as
Mr. WattersOn does; for they ''are going
back for the rest, II they can re-elect Mr..
Cleveland. That victory would fasten. the
hold Of the free trade leaders upon the Demo-
cratic party, and would be claimed at once
as victory for free trade by newspapers
and orators who now are very chary Of that
term, and who would nearly as soon becalled
froa kwn1 - l..
heard that free trade was not an issue Of the
election; but right after IL came a Brooklyn
dinner TO Messrs. Carlisle, HuFd and Morri-
son, at which 1t was announced that free
trade had won grand victory.
1t Is, therefore, an issue between free trade
and protection that the American people
have before them this time. And it Is pro-
posal to set aside protection and substitute
free trade. This Is an important point
against free trade proposals. II we were at
the point Of choosing a policy without ever
having adopted either, there would be no
presumption against either. When we have
built up great system Of industries by one
policy, even though 1t were the wrong one,
there Is presumption In favor OF going on
as we began, rather than attempting change
that might be ruin0us to what we have got
There are cases where a blnnder well
stuck to Is better than an inopportune shift
from lit to a better course. As Col. GrOsve-
nor says II man starts from Chicago TO 20
to London by way Of San Francisco, il still
may be time to bid him take the other direc-
tion when he has reached the Pacific Coast.
but hardly as he is getting through the Suez
Canal. And this consideration Is the weight
Ter In this case as the Inconvenience which
attend the adoption Of protective policy are
greatest at the outset, when profits and
prices are high because there has not been
time TO Improve production by experience in
the producers, and to cheaper 1t by the in
crease Of home competition. Even on free
trade principles 1t may be quite right to 20
on as we have begun, although 1t was wrong
to begin.
That the abandonment Of protection at this
time will revolutionize the conditions Of in
dustry In America, nobody whose opinion Is
worth hearing has doubt. Upon whom Is
the new strain to fall? The manufacturers
for the past fifteen years, with one brief in
teTval excepted, have been making very slight
profits. In some great branches OF industry
they have made none at all. They can't
stand any great reduction In their share OF
the joint earnings of capital and labor, with
out going TO the wall. Perhaps, as after the
War of 1872, those who buy their factories Of
the sheriff may be able to resume the busi-
ness in view Of the cheapneSs with which
they got the plant; but that Is not desirable
kind Of continuity.
1t Is upon American labor that the reduc-
tion In the cost Of production must fall that
Is the line Of least resistance, since a reduc-
tiOn OF profits In most lines OF protection Is a
simple impOssibility. Our manufacturers are
paying about 81, ,0OO,OO0,OO0 year Tor LABOR.
At English rates they will pay about SS13,-
100000 for the same amount Of labor, and its
purchasing power will be increased S9i3, ,00O,-
coo II the prices Of what wOrkingmen have
to buy should fall to the same level as In
England-including hOuse-rent, which makes
nearly GA per cent Of the difference In the
cost of living. This calculation Is based on
the elaborate and careful comparison OF the
wages paid In Massachusetts, In 1851 Win
those paid in England. In other parts OF the
country the cost Of food Is at least as mueh
lower than In that state, as It's wages are
higher. This leaves margain Tor reduction
of S6S7, 100000 In nominal or SooLUOO,OOO IN
real wages, IL we are TO equallze the costs OF
production In the two countries.
But there Is no security that the reduction
Is 10 stop at the English level. With modern
facilities for transportation, in the absence
Of Protection the great battle for cheapness
Of production cannot stop until IL has brought
all labor down to the level OF the worst paid.
worst fed and worst housed labor In the
world. British capital Is now turning 10 the
labor OF India, which the British Government
during our war OF Independence employed to
destroy our indigo industry. India has 257,-
VVOOOO Oh people, of whom One-ffth live on
the verge OF starvation. being hungary the
year round. With this labor, cotton factor
les have been established In Bengal which
are run thirteen hours day for seven days
Of the week, stopping ouly on a few Of the
native holidays. As TO the wages we have
no exact statement, but we know that In
RRnOal thrQQ rants a dav Il anouOh 10 baar, a