The Washington critic., 1888-04-13
WASHINGTON, APRIL 1a, 1888.
THE ELECTION OF SENATOR'S.

THE ELECTION OF SENATOR'S.
II isn't likely that we shall hear
anything more this session about the
proposed amendment to the Constitu.
ton providing for the election of
United States Senators by the people,
and il will be just as well if we don't.
The Senate would gain nothing by it,
and the House would lose the dis
tinguishing characteristic it now has
of being the popular branch Of the
Federal Legisl lture.
II was deemed wise by the founders
of the Government that the two
branches of its legislative machinery
should be organized on somewhat diff
fcrent lines and invested with some
what dissimilar functions-that the
one should be the direct creation of
the people, the other of the Legisla-
lures of the several States--a step
removed from the people. 1t was not
intended that the one should be of
patrician and the other of plebeian
blood, for the principles ON which our
institutions rest are antagonistic to
exclusive castes or orders, and the
humblest citizen is eligible to the
highest position of trust in the gift of
his countrymen.
As between the Senate and House,
however, certain dignity has always
attached to the former that does not
belong to the latter.
The Senate is regarded as the pre-
eminent place of honor and the high
est deliberative body in the world.
Its tenure Of office is longer and, as a
rule, more permanent than that of
the House. Its numbers are limited,
and subject to no fluctuations by rea-
son Of reapportionments, and we are
accustomed to look to the Senate for
a matured experience in public af-
fairs, which may or may not have
had its early training in the House,
but which the House, for obvious
reasons, does not exhibit to the same
extent or with such uniformity.
Sir Henry Sumner Maine, in his
admirable essay on the Constitution
Of the United States, says; "The SEN
ate reflects the great fact of their his
tory-the original political equality of
the States; and although this may have
become purely historical fact, it is
shown that nothing but an historical
principle can be successfully opposed
to the principle of making all public
powers and all parliamentary assem-
blies the mere reflection of the opinion
OF the multitude"
1t is true that men of mediocre
abilities and wholly without prior ex-
perience sometimes find their way by
political accident or possibly devious
courses to the chamber of the Senate,
while statesmen Of resplendent ge-
MUS illuminate the annals of the
House; but this does not change the
general fact of the Senates supremacy
in rank, nor are we aware that this
admitted supremacy has ever worked
preiudicially to the safety of the Gov
efnment or the interests of the peo-
pie,
But we are told that if the people
had the same voice in the election of
Senators that they have in the elec-
tion of Representatives better men
would be chosen--merit would stand
better show as against mere wealth,
and the standard of Senatorial excel
lence would be raised.
We question the reasonableness of
the, assumption.
The people certainly do not show q
discrimination, invariably nice or
wise, in their choice of Members of
the Lower House, and an examina-
tion of the record in many of the con
tested election cases is not calculated
TO increase ones faith in the infalli.
bility of popular election methods,
What reason have we to believe that
any greater SUCCESS would attend q
scramble for the Senate at the polls
Those familiar with the workings OF
machine politics in this country must
know that if man is rich enough
and unscrupulous enough to buy his
way into Congress, he can do 50 quite
rs effectually through the primaries
of his party as through the legislative
caucus.
The chief effect that we can see as
likely to follow the adoption of the
popular election system in the case oi
Senators would be TO lower the grade
of qualification and encourage the
candidacy of incompetent and com
monplace politicians.
As for the distinguishing relations
Of the two Houses, firmly adjusted as
they are in sound principle and con
secrated by historic association, they
would be forever overthrown and
there would no longer be an Upper
Chamber in the sense Of its original
constitution as the representative Of
State equality.
EDITOR HALsTEAD is of the opinion
that Grover Cleveland is fraudulent
President. That's what comes Of Mr.