The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1888-12-13
AMERICAN FARMERS AND PROTECTION.
Figures from Agricultural States
VS.. Theory from Texas.
What the Senators Said Yesterday
Concerning Tariff Revision.
A Liberal Dose of Southern Free
Trade Ideas.

morning business in the Senate today, and
the tariff bill was quickly taken up, the
question being on the amendment offered by
Mr.. Jones of Arkansas. to admit ''hoop or
band iron" free, instead of taxing it two
tenths of a cent per pound.
Mr.. Berry said the proposed tax illustrated
the absolute injustice of the whole protect
i've idea, running through the Senate substi-
tute. The article was not manufactured in
the United States. If the tax were removed
that fact would lot injure any business in
terest in the United States. 1t was a mere
proposition to force the farmers of the coun-
try to pay 108 per cent duty on the value of
the article. The tax was direct discrimi-
nation against farmers. He would not vote
one dollar more revenue than was necessary
for the economic administration of the gov
ernment.
Mr.. Hiscock, a member of the finance
committee, avowed his known understand
ing that the substitute was political meas
ure. The division between the parties upon
the tariff was a political division. The Re-
publican Senators on the finance committee
had prepared a substitute from the Republi-
can standpoint, illustrating by it the princi-
pies of their party. He believed in bill
that would afford adequate and complete
protection to all American Industries that
might be so successfully prosecuted in this
country as to supply the American market.
We have been through canvass in which
on Democratic hustings we heard this cry
about robbery by the tariff. The Northern
States that favor protection were especially
invaded by gentlemen who INDUCED in that
sort of defamation. The verdict has been
rendered by the people.
Mr.. Reagan remarked that radical mis-
take made by the high protectionists was
that they did not consider agriculture as an
American industry. On the contrary they
considered agriculture proper field on
which to levy tribute for the benefit of all
other industries.
Mr.. Hiscock suggested 20 Mr.. Reagan that
1t would be more to the advantage of the
cotton planters If all the cotton they raised
was manufactured in the United States. A
colloquy in reference to cotton and the ques-
tion whether its price was fixed in Liverpool
took place between Messrs Reagan and
Chace, and after it the causes of the defeat
OF the Democrats IN the last election were
brought forward, Mr. Reagan claiming the
tariff had not so much to do with it as the
veto OF the dependent pension BILL and Dem
ocratic discomfort with the Presidents civil
service policy.
Messrs. Chace and Dawes tried to corner
that the President had not carried out his
pledges or that the party was discontented
because he did carry out his pledges. Mr..
Reagan said 1t was the Presidents duty to
carry out the law but not to extend the
principle of the law to Offices not covered by
it. If, he said, he would that was his mis-
take. There was discomfort with the doc
trine of civil service reform, and the gentle
men on the other side will soon have evil
dence Of that discomfort
NJ IL A. ID
marks about agricultural interest in the tar
iif question, reminded him of the fact that
the Republicans of New York went to Har-
lem River with $1,000 majority, and that
part of the State was fairly agricultural; ;
that Iowa gave aRepublican majority of 80
State, gave Republican majority of $4,000
or $4,000. That proved, he said, that the ag-
ricultural interest of the country did not con-
sidei it was being injured by the tariff.
Mr.: Reagan accounted for it by suggesting
that for the last 20 years fallacies about the
blessings of the tariff have been preached to
farmers and the last campaign was too short
to undo the effect Of such preaching
Mr.. Hale stated that the Presidents tariff
message had be, more extensively circula-
ted among the farmers of the North and
Northwest than any other document in the
country for years. The circulation was
millions on millions Of copies which the far
mers had read and which they answered in
the election.
The House bill making an appropriation
for the contingent fund of the House was
passed.
The special order for 2 p. M, the Union
Pacific funding bill was presented, but Mr..
Allison insisted on proceeding with the tar
iii bill and said he would do so until it was
concluded; The funding bill went over
Mr.. Riddleberger gave notice that he would
move every morning to take up his resolu-
ton for consideration in open session of the
British extradition treaty.
The tariff discus sion was then resumed.
Mr.. Morgan characterized the proposition to
tax cotton ties as a very heartless and cruel
thing. 1t was the duty of the Senate to try
to lift the burdens of the Southern people in-
stead Of raising the duty on cotton ties 100
cotton product of the South from 5000. 900 of
bales in 1860 to over 100000 bales in 1888.
lie said the increase was of the products of
the labor of white men, white women and
white children. Black women no longer
worked in the cotton fields, as they did be-
fore the war, and black boys no longer work
ed at that or any other industry. In fact,
the Bedouins in the streets of Alexandria
were more promising race today than were
the young negroes of the South. That was
not the fault of the white people of the
South. Referring to the suggestion that the
cotton ties industry might be successfully
prosecuted in Alabama, he said there was no
doubt but that he found two classes of peO-
pie In bis State, one class prospering and the
other class continually going down. one earn
ing money by tariffs or independently of
tariffs, the other losing money by the drain
age of tariffs.
1t was his duty as legislator
to relieve those in distress and first
to try to build up industries that need
help before trying to make men rich
petition from Pennsylvania or England.
That was the situation of the iron industry
In Alabama; 1t did not need tariff legislation
He besought the Senate in behalf of the great
cotton industry not to impose higher bur
dens upon it than now existed but to reduce
such burdens. But here was a bill that
raised the duty on cotton ties 100 per cent
He referred to the remarks of Mr.. Stewart
| yesterday to the effect that tariff on every
| thing that could be produced in this country
should be practically prohibitory, so as to
let none but the rich enjoy luxuries from
abroad. He Mr.. Morgan] would adopt q
policy quite the reverse. He would put il
within the reach Of every young man or
woman in the country to wear not merely re-
| spectacle clothing, but fine clothing
He did not believe in taxing man to make
| him rich. His opinion was that if the Amer.
| lean people could be free and untrammeled
the resources of their own genius and the
| fruits of their own labor would raise them
| to riches, power and prosperity. He did not
believe it right to tax one man so as to en-.
rich another. The only legitimate use OF
the taxing power is to support government
economically administered, and not build up
fayorite classes at the expense of toilinp
| millions.
The amendment was rejected by strict
| party vote.
Mr.. Coke moved an amendment reducing
the duty on cotton ties to 35 per cert ad va
| lorenl, ana made an argument in support OF
1t. He declared the substitute went out OF
its way to create most glaring inequality
against the cotton planters by raising tht
existing tax of 35 per cent TO tax of los
per cent. 1t was a tax on labor. unequal
and unjust. Figures showed that for tn,
last % years the average dividend of manu-
featuring establishments did not exceed five
per cent. Mr.. Coke said he thought it sus
| ceptible of demonstration that the people O
the country had to pay 80 per cent additiona
for everything they consumed, by reason O.
the existence of the tariff. Without actor
on Mr.. Coke's amendment the Senate ad