Sacramento daily record-union. [volume] (Sacramento [Calif.]) 1875-1891, 1888-07-14
THE CAPITAL.
CONGRESSMAN RANDALL'S CASE
QUITE CRITICAL.
ministration-The Mail Sub
sidy Debate Etc.
lHEc1AL nIsrArcHzs TO THE RrooxD-uK1os.l
AMERICAN HONOR DEFENDED.
Strong Speech by Senator Dolph on the
Fisheries Treaty.

Fisheries Treaty.
WASHINGTON, July 13th.-In the Senate
to-day George concluded his speech OF pes-
terday on the fisheries and Dolph then
addressed the Senate on the same subject
He quoted from the official correspondence
of Minister Phelps and of Bayard to show
that the operations of the Canadian Gov
ernment against American fishermen had
been a fragrant violation of treaty rights
and had been resorted to for the purpose of
driving the United States into admitting
Canadian fish free. and asserted that it was
proposed by the pending treaty to surrender
the American position concerning BAYS and
harbors and the American claim to recip-
rocal commercial privileges, and to pur-
chase partial commercial privileges for
American fishermen, with the annual re-
mission of duties to the amount of a mill
ion dollars. He claimed that under the
arrangement with Great Britain in 1880 the
American fishermen were entitled to full
commercial privileges in British colonial
ports, and said that if this were not so the
United States should say to Canada, with
what judgment you judge you shall be
judged, and with what measure YOU mete
it shall be measured to you" Commercial
relation had been practiced by the United
States since the foundation of the Govern
ment, and such relation had been author
lied by Congress by the Act of March 3,
1887.
BRITISH ARGUMENTS IN THE SENATE.
He quoted at length from a speech of
Senator Morgan when that Act was under
consideration, to show that the Senator
then thought that retaliation was peace
full measure. He alluded to the fact that
the Republican majority IN the Senate had
been charged with being governed by po-
litical consideration, and asked how the
sudden change in Morgan's position was
to be accounted for. What, he asked, had
put British arguments as to the construc-
ton of the treaty of 1880 into mouths of
Senators on the other side of the Chamber?
1t was politics, he said. The decree had
gone forth that the State Department and
administration must be sustained in this
matter. The Republican majority in the
Senate had been threatened with free Cana
dian fish if the treaty were not ratified
but he could inform the Senators
and the other side that that was not
the way to secure free Canadian fish,
1t was the ratification of the treaty that
would lay the foundation for free fish.
NOT AFRAID OF THREATS.
He was mistaken in the temper of the
American people if they would be driven
into such concession. If he were to vote
against the treaty on political grounds, or
IL ue were 10 NOle LOT 1t as naO
been charged, the President would-if it
were rejected--execute the Act of March 3,
1887, and TO bringing bankruptcy upon the
country, or because as had been intimated
upon the other side of the chamber, the re-
lection of the treaty would be made pre-
text for the declaration of war by Great
Britain, he would be unworthy of his po-
sition as a Senator. The only American
battles with Great Britain would be battles
~fI Ill -. L
diplomacy all that the United States was
weak enough to yield. Even if the rejec-
ton of the pending treaty should be made
pretext for war by Great Britain, that
argument was not worthy of consideration
y the Senate.
AMERICAN DIGNITY OUTRAGED.
When it came TO pass that the most i'm
portant acts of the highest legislative body
in the country were controlled by fear of
foreign war, or by the threats of Executive
proceedings that would involve the coun-
try in financial distress and ruin, then re-
publican institutions would indeed be in
danger. But the danger would be from
within, not from without. He did not fear
a war with Great Britain. The sentiment
of the two countries in favor of peace, and
of peaceful means for settling differences,
was so great as to prevent war. Great
Britain would not resort to war with the
United States, because it was not to her iu-
terest to do so. He was free to admit that
with the exposed coasts of the United
States, and with its unprotected coastwise
commerce, the country did not want war
with Great Britain, and he was equally
sure that Great Britain could not afford a
war with the United States.
A GAME TWO CAN PLAY AT.
Her fortified naval stations at Halifax,
Bermuda and Esquimalt were menace to
American commerce, but no forts could
protect the Canadian frontier, and the
great ironclads of England could not pro-
tect her commerce in hundred seas. At
the call of even the present pro English
Administration, in case of war, armed men
would spring into the field from every
State and Territory to make conquest of
the Canadian Provinces, and few months
of hostilities would find American privat-
eers on every sea where British merchant
vessel was to be found. While war was
brutal and barbarous, there were some things
more to be dreaded than war. A nation
could emerge from costly and sanguinsry
war with its honor untarnished, its love
of liberty intensified and its foundation
of prosperity strengthened, but when
it yielded to unjust demands it lost its own
self-respect and the respect of other nations.