The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1888-10-03

practicable simply by ~enacting them as stat
utes If it could it would be well TO enact the
golden rule. The true reformer will hold his
high ethical ideal, az an ultimate end, and adj
vance society towards 1t as fast as he can.
.. IL should be kept In mind that this is the
hrst time either Of the two great parties have
said anything In favor OF temperance in their
national platforms. The Democrats have re-
peatedly declared against ''sumptuary legisla-
ton" but the Republicans have been silent on
this subject l have examinad the entire rec
ord. The 'Raster resolution" in 1872, which,
the third party men say, was against temper
ance, had no reference to that matter. as We
have been told by General Hawley and other
members of the on resolutions that
year. i could hold up both hands for that reso-
luton. every day, both before and after prayers.
6. The reason for this silence Of the national
convention has been . general conviction that
the suppression OF the saloon Is chiefly q matter
for ths States and localities, at least for a con-
siderable time to come; aud that but little can
be effectively done. in q national capacity. until
after the temperance reform shall have more
fully prepared the way in the States. This con-
viction is honestly held by large multitudes Of
the wisest and best men.
z. We could not reasonably expect that the
first uttersnce Of . national convention, upon so
complex a question, would be OF the most radi-
cal character. In the language OF General Har-
rison, at is not so much the length OF the step
which Is taken, as the direction of tho STEP"
& Consider, too, that the temperance senti.
ment is much more advanced in some States
than in others: hence the difficulty of making
all the delegates from the whole country, a. one
body, declare the same views, IL very radically
expressed.
8 Tho plank adopted by the convention,
when broadly and discrimiua tinely viewed, ID
eminsntly wise and strong for . national body:
virtue and ~soeriety of the people and the purity of
the homo. The Republican party cordially sympa.
thize with all wise and wsll-direoted efforts for the
promotion of temperance and morality.
np %h;. ala, m xc1o H.
ever radical, can stand and labor without hind
rance; and those not so radical can also work in
their w way. Each one judges what he re-
CARDS as wise and well-directed Efforts" All
will judge for themselves. No party lash can or
ought to make them do otherwise, for moral re-
forms cannot be hurried faster than the growth
OF individual convictions.
10. While our national platform has been
silent until this year, almost every year and for
many years the Republican State convention
platforms have contained emphatic temperance
declarations. Though not as radical as some
have desired. yet these declarations have been
advancing and strengthening year by year. The
length Of the step has been increasing. 1t is a
patent fact that the average sentiment among
Republicans has been stronger than that en-
bodied IN the platforms, aud 1t Is every year
showing itself in q practical way by more radi-
cal leeislation. This is better than 20 talk loud,
and do nothing but TO help to elect rum Demo-
Gratis to the Legislature to defeat temperance
legislation.
II. The work of enforcing the liquor laws
has intellectually advanced within a decade by
law and order leagues and other agencies; and
who ever does anything in this line Of action
bat Rspublicsnsl Seldom does a Democrat. and
almost as rarely a third party man: but these
classes. with few exceptions. throw cold water,
or, worse than that. actually obstruct liquor
prosecutions.
III. Would il not be better to
have a political party distinct
perance policy and to its en-
fOPcement?
By no means. / have already said that I have
not so much confidence in the efficacy of merely
partisan action, IN settling the saloon problem,
as msny seem TO have. This icss is . kind Of
virus with which many are too easily inoculated.
l. They do not duly consider that this prob
lem has many elements entering into il which
political action cannot solve. 1t has, indeed,
political and economic bearings, but it more
fundamentally pertains to social aud moral life,
to appetites and drinking customs, which polit-
zeal partisan action can only incidentally touch.
z. If / could have my way, no political party
would champion specific temperance measures.
l would have party conventions strike the
saloons sharply, sn6 stimulate to action against
them az . means OK making strong and io1uen-
tlai sentiment, but no party shibboleth of specific
legislative measures should divide the reform
forces. Strong sentiment will inevitably crys-
tallize itself into enactments as fast Is it de-
velops and inteDsifies, and laws thus brought
about can be and will be enforced. But to ex-
traneousiy force measures. by political party
platforms, divides aud A~lienates true friends OF
reform, and postpones desired results. In q re-
public laws which DO not grow out Of the COM
mon sentiment and life Of the people are worth
but little. But Republican conventions have
recommended legislatures to submit c~onstitu-
tional prohibition TO the people. as a sure basis
on which TO decide the question OF statutory
prohibition.
3. Matters so vital to the best welfare Of our
common life ought not to depend upon the acct.
dental fortunes and fluctuations of political par
ties, with the jealousies, chickering's and reckless
ambitions Incidental thereto. These interests
are too great and too sacred TO be periled as the
footballs OF politicians.
L. Thus far in its history the actual influence
or the third party has been 10 handicap temper
ance legislation
8. In q republic no party can long retain the
ascendency. and when . party goes down the
interests Unidentified with it suffer q decline aud
possibly a collapse. So must IL be with . po-
itical temperance party.
. b. Moreover, it 10 a mistake 20 presume that
only those questions which are made issues in
party platforms are settled at the polls. The
prohibitory legislation in Kansas, Iowa and
Maine was not enacted by any party organized
on that Issue, but through parties organized on
other issues. and having Ia them q common sub
stratum of temperance sentiment, diffused like
the sentiment against larceny. Local option has
been extensively adopted as a favorite and eff
fective policy In treating tbs liquor question,
bet in only a few instances has IL been q party
measure. From the nature of the case. local op-
ton must sustain an bipartisan relation, if it Ia
to succeed.
z. Besides, it is a matter OF common observa-
tior that strictly partisan legislation can be en-
forced only in limited localities The best en-.
forced laws are those freest from party faint,
like the laws against larceny. etc.
s. The idea OF q prohibition party to enforce a
prohibition policy, which third party leaders
reiterate, sounds well. and is very misleading to
those who have DOT thought the matter through.
Prof Bascomb, the aolest expounder or this
theory, says: ''Tbs State must be Offered
from top to bottom" On this basis, '~'electing the
officers, from judge to justices of the peace. Gov
errors, mayors, aldermen and policemen" aud
must ''hold the power for a dos On years or so,n
then 'is can enforce prohibition"
This 10 the ideal scheme the third party is
entertaining. And some such machinery
through all the towns and cities of a State will
indeed Do necessary to justify their theory of a
prohibitory party behind . prohibition policy to
enforce il.
But what a vain delusion. Where is the State,
especially if it has any large cities. which IS
"oficered from top TO bottom and in all its
municipalities. by the party that holds the State
eficesf Not one can be mentioned. The Demo-
Gratis are now in the ascsndency in the State OF
New York. but large areas Of the State are Re-
publicau; a1d when the Republicans have held
the State Offices in New York the Democrats