New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1888-06-08
THE JSSUE MADE AT LAST

President in this instance. Tor the eXpnciu oohi-
mtment Of the Democratic party to the cause
of free trade In order to appreciate this, IL
must be remembered that the Presidential
slave driver has an owner behind him. lie
can crack his lash about the mutinous Demo
Gratis as a master but the Southern Free Traders
ara his masters. Other features of the ct.
Louis platform may be separately considered,
hut the issue upon which the coming contest
will turn deserves the first and most careful at
tcntion. The evidence is not scanty nor doubt
ful that the President had become alarmed, and
was willing to have his party attempt some eva
sion. But the Southern politicians, with more
practical wisdom, realized that the party had
been committed by his message and the Mills
bill beyond recovery, that evasion would only
weaken it. and therefore insisted that the Pres
ident should require, from his instruments at
St. Louis. an express approval of the message
and the pending bill.
At the outset, the committee voted down Mr..
Watterson's proposition, and decided by vote
of to 81 to report the tariff platform of 1884.
This Mr. Watterson had with truth denounced
as dsgraceful straddle; there was, he de-
clared, "no craftsmanship in duplicity." Yet
the committee voted for duplicity, and-let the
fact be carefully nOted-the immediate in
struments of the President, to whom his COM
mands go by private wire, voted on that side.
A recess followed. Of the character Of infu-
ences then employed, the country may judge
from the two dispatches sent by Mr.. Breckin-
ridge, of Kentucky and Mr.. McNlilln, of Ten
nessee declaring that failure to indorse the
Mills bill may defeat it," and commanding,
"have the convention do It's duty" Washing
ton dispatches also show that the active free
trade members went in haste to the Whlte
| House, with anxiety and determination in their
faces They knew that any cowardly aban-
donment of the President and the Democratic
Representatives, after all that had happened
would only make the party contemplate be-
fore the country, but would not alter in the least
| the commitment of the candidate and the party
TO the principles of free trade.
| Mr.. Scott, the St. Louis end of the Presidents
private wire, at once had long conference with
| Mr. German the Senator whose power with'the
President had been manifested in most dis
graceful appointments The dispatches OF
| Southern Brigadiers to members OFT the commit
lee were received The committee reasscmbled
at its evening session, and then the majority
voted to declare that the Presidents message
was the correct Interpretation Of the platform
of 1884" and to endorse, the efforts of our
Democratic Representatives in Congress to Sc
cure a reduction of excessive o. taxation" The
efforts of Democratic Representatives ended in
q caucus resolution to press the Mills bill as
party measure. The Presidents message in
terpreted the straddle of 1884 as demand for
free wool and free raw mat rialsl generally,
with heavy reduction in nd,tieso on manufact-
ured products. In adopting this platform, the
convention puts itself in accord with the can
didate, and with more than nine-tenths of the
Democratic Representatives in Congress.
Having once taken the plunge. the conven-
ton went further. In a separate resolution it
explicitly Endorsed the Mills bill. In we'll
written argument it presented the free-trade
theories more compactly and more forcibly
than the President did in his message. The
pretence that there must be a free-trade re-
vision or no revision of the tariff, that there
can be no removal of unnecessary taxation"
or esSening of the surplus revenue without
cutting off duties protective in character is
obviously fraudulent. A1rrRandall and other
Democrats have shown that the whole amount
of taxation that is needless can be removed
without touching single duty protective in
nature or intent. But the convention deserves
credit and thanks for avowing, at last, the
doctrines which have really governed the action
Of the party for fifty years.
This is not an end of dishonest pretences
| The party in Northern States will pretend that
| legislation on free-trade principles is in this
case intended for more effective protection.
| The message will be interpreted as plea for
protection, because it argues that labor will get
higher wages and manufacturers better profits
| with lower duties. But that is precisely the
free-trade theory, which may be found in every
document and heard in every speech of the
most ultra Free Traders. Mr.. Carlisle and
Mr. Mills argued that free wool and low duties
on woollens would make wool manufacture
more prosperous, and at the same time give
the people cheaper woolen goods, asserting
that the goods are now doubled in cost by the
duty. In adopting these false theories, the
convention accepts the direct issue between
Free Trade and Protection which the Presi-
dent has forced upon his party. If the Pres-
dent is right, free-tradc theories and legislation
In accord with them will help industry. If
the Republican party is right, those theories
and such legislation will PROSTATE industry
and curse consumers. On that issue the eoun-
try will decide, and Oregon has decided
already
Protection Of home industry does not mean
sacrifice Of many industries that one may
be favored. 1t does not mean a sacrifice of
the primary industries in which the greater
number of persons are employed and by which
raw materials are produced, in order to secure
imaginary and unreal benefits to 4 few manu-
features 1t means, broadly and frankly pro-
lection for American industry as whole.
Mr.. Cleveland proposes absolute free trade for
all wool growers, numbering one million. on
the false theory that manufacture employing
a quarter of million persons will be benefited.
Free trade believes that the few cannot be
helped except by abandoning the many to the
crushing influence of unrestrained foreign com
petition. The President, his party in Congress,