The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1888-10-02


Chandler in reading before the senate private
letters and newspaper extracts assailina tho
people of Louisiana, Mr.. Gibson said he would
rather be dog and bay the moon, than
make himself scavenger or medium by which
base impulses and neighborhood feuds, and
difficulties of his cOuntrymcn, in any state,
could be brought into such an august body.
He had in his desk numbers Of letters and
newspaper extracts alleging the open pubic
buying of votes in an election IN Rhode Island,
but he would scorn to bring them before the
senate He presumed that the resolution was
part of the political programme. 1T 1t could
convey qualification to the heart fanny senator
as If any senator felt that it would convey
qualification to his constituents, or would aid
the political party to which he belonged, lie
was welcome to it.
Mr.. Chandler replied to Mr. Gibson that the
senator had said that the conservative people
OF the country were weary Of inquiries INTO
tho affairs of the southern states. He (Mr.
Chandler) did not SO understand the temper
OF the American people. lie believed that
what they were weary OF was frauds, false
couutings, the murder OF legal voters that was
going ON in the south in order to mako that
section solid and to enable II TO govern the
north and the country. The senator from
Louisiana had refrained, as all democratic SEN
ators who had discussed general questions at
this session had RETAINED, from abiding TO the
facts of which complaints were made. They
refused TO enter into them saying that there was
no constitutional authority to investigate them.
They dealt entirely in generalities and did
not face speciiic facts. The charge was tnat
the outrages and murders OF colored people
in Louisiana and other southern state2 were
committed for political reason. They were
not sporadic in their nature. They were part
of n widespread deliberate system OF political
action on the part OF the democratic party, in
order that the control of congress and Of the
presidency might be wrongfuly and crim-
nally transferred from the party to which an
honest and fair and free election would give
- II. l.. lAn
by such frauds and violence as were now
patent to the whole nation.
lie read letters and newspaper extracts re-
ferring to the robbery Of negroes in the SOUTH
and particularly iii Louisiana, OF weapons
which il was their undoubted right to have.
He declared that the coored people OF Lou
isana would keep their arms In spite of the
white league OF kuklux ruflians and of all
gamblers, thugs, thieves and Williams, who had
sacrifice and heroic fortitude had never been
surpassed in all the long ages since men
learned to kill each other In war. But the
south could not succeed against fate. 1t went
down before irresistible numbers and was left
to commence the world anew.
Referring TO the quarrel between President
johnson and Congress. he declared it to be
the greatest misfortune that could have be-
fallen the south. The southern states had
been again reconstructed, and then had fol-
lowed those dark years OF government pillage
and official brigandage; OF belligerant peace
public or private, was treated as crime and
personal ignominy held to be no bar (but even
just claim) to high public station.
In discussing the relations between the two
races at the south, Mr.. George lin justification
OF tho position of the whtes) quoted from q
speech delivered in the senate by Mr.. Ed
munds, insisting on the necessity of the homo
genety of the people as essential to the sue
cess of the republics, attributing the downfall
of the Greek republic to the absence of such
homogeneity and asserting the belief that the
state of Massachusetts was not "hungering"
for an incurSion of million Of inhabitants of
the Dark Continent" lie described the re-
suit of the political teachings to which the
colored men had been subjected by republican
politicians at the south. Fountains of
great deep Of human depravity had
been, he said broken up the waters OF race
hatred had flooded the lands; and society had
been saved from utter dissolution and anarchy
only by the conservative forces Of the white
race. The people of Mississippi had had to
encounter all these dangers in tho most aggra-
waited form. Instead Of ono harmonious people
they had two races, two distinct peoples, the
most divergent in the physical formation OF
as wide asunder as the poles; only smartlng
under defeat, and irritated by enforced politi-
cal association with an inferior race the other
ignorant with the, memories of
recent wrongs and with passions
infamed by their INSCRIPTIONS political
leaders The result had been o contest for
race supremacy. In the first years of negro
supremacy in Mississippi, state taxes had been
increased 800 per cent. the first year, 400 per
cent. the next year and 800 per cent. the fifth
year and county taxes had been increased in an
equal, and in some instances, greater proper
tiun. Negroes had been commissioned as
judges and justices Of the peace. The prisons
had become las an eminent lawyer of Missis-
sippi declared) the abode of honest men and
dishonesty sat enthroned in the temples of
justice. The blacks Qed by few whites) had
boon in absolute control of the state, and COM
plants OF crushing taxation had been met by
avowas of purpose 10 load property with
such burdens as would make its surrender by
owners necessary and certain. The election of
1876 (whatever might be said of it) had saved
the state from anarchy and society from disso-
luton. Affairs, no was glad 10 say had been
improved since the whites came into power
Taxes had been reduced, expenditures cut
down and school facilities for both races pro-
vided. Most of the pestilent adventurers Of
both colors had left the state. The two races
were now face to face, the colored race being
in the majority, and II colored men voted as q
race, as in former years, they would control
the government of the state, as they
had done. To him and his
existing conditions were pregnant with tn Q
foreboding of disaster and ruin. He knew that
whatever harm might come to the people of
both races, there would be constitutional
change. and so he had not allowed himself to
relnquish all hope OF having in some way, and
at some time, permanently safe and orderly
government in the south with both races Of
equal political and civil rights and participant
ing equally in tho government although he
confessed that the prospects for 1t was gloomy
indeed. But the people Of Mississippi dared
nC despair.
In conclusion he declared that he had no
other aspiration, no other wish than to con-
tribute all in his power to the progress and
welfare Of any section and any part of the
union, and he earnestly desired his OVID section
and his own state TO participate in that pro-
gress. Ito never would surrender the hope
that participation would be accorded by the
people Of the north. AZ all events the white
people OF Mississippi meant to carry on the
struggle for the preservation Of their civilza.
tion, for their own safety and welfare and foI
| just equality IN the government.
At close of Mr. Georges speech the bill went
over without action. There was not more
than half dozen republican senators In the
chambe during the two and half hours that
the speech occupied and MIR. Dawes asked the
senator from Mississippi TO note the fact that
| Mr.. Hoar was not present.
Senator Daniel ON the Surplus.
! Mr.. Daniel then proceeded to address the
senate on the resolution TO refer the PRESIDENT
| annual message, lie declared that the issue
! hefOra tho peonle In tho Yresidept{al campaiyu