The National tribune., 1888-05-24

them They cannot be successfully denied
They cannot be disputed They will stand as
mile-stones to mark the progress we have
made in industrial development. They tell
how, under the wise, practical and benifcent
system of protection, we have so diversified Ia
Dor industries that the price paid for labor here
Is two and one-balf times greater than the price
paid for similar work in London, England.
First. I make the point that labor here in
protected America is paid 40 per cent, while in
London, England, is paid only l64 per G2Gt OF
the cost of clothing for making the clothes.
Second. / show that while the merchant
tailor in London received $50, per cent. of the
value of the clothing he made and sold, the
same person here in protected America received
only go per cent. for the material furnished, for
cutting the goods and profit on his business
These figures and illustrations are conclusive,
and prove that labor is equally as well protected
under our system of taxation as the manu-
facturer. Does any man pretend to think or
believe that the protected American tailor who
Is paid SIG here in Washington city for making
q suit of clothes cannot buy more of the neCes-
sares of life here, cannot live better here, can,
not save more money here, is not better off
here, than the English tailor in London is, or
can ever hope to be, who is paid and receives
only $3.50 for doing the same work in that
great metropolis of free trade?
Sixteen dollars paid here in the capital of
protected America for making q suit of clothes
versus $3.50 paid in free-trade London! Gen
tlemen Of the South advocates of the proposed
Mills bill, measure which should be entitled
can act to paralyZe American industries and
pauperize American labor for the sole benefit of
foreign manufacturers and Iaborers, and Ameri-
can importers, whose only interest in America
is the rent they pay" how do you like this
photograph from real life? How can these
facts, and figures, and conclusions be evaded =?
VIII any advocate of the bill under cOnsidera-
tion stand up here, in the presence of this com
mittee and of the country, and even pretend to
say that the tailor who made my oyercoat here
| in Washington, and was paid $40 for the work,
does not live on that sum infinitely better than
the tailor in LondOr ever can hope to live who
was paid So for making an OvercOat there
Ten dollars for making an overcoat here in
protected America versus So for making the
same article in free-tTade London carries with
the statement its own conclusive answer to all
the arguments that can be formulated against
| it, and shows in way so plain and simple and
conclusive that even a child can see and know
and comprehend, and at the same time so con
Vincing and irresistible that human sophstry
cannot impair the force of the truth in the dec
| laraton that protection does not protect the
wages of American laborers.
AMERICAN LABORERs HAVE A SHARE OF THE
WEALTH WROUGHT BY THEIR HANDS.
My distinguished colleague, Mr. Bynum,
said the other day in his able tariff speech
| The advocates of protection tell us that the
! country has grown rich under this system.
| True, it he's grown rich but where is the
! wealth? In the hands of the few, while pow
/ erty abides in the homes of the many Why is
/ it that the great masses of the people have no
/ share in the wealth that has been wrought by
! their hands?"
My reply to this statement is that the only
| true measure of prosperity is the balance the
laborer has left after he has provided the ueces-
| saries of life for himself and those dependent
upon him and it is by comparison of this
/ balance under different conditions that we can
/ arrive at an intelligent and correct conclusion
/ of the queries, whether the money made is in
| the hands of the few, and whether labor has a
! share of the wealth it produces here in pro-
| tected America. My colleague boasts that he
represents thousands of intelligent wage work
! ers and manufacturers of 100000 of annual
products. / admit that fact, and then / chal-
| lenge him to show community where there
are equal number Of wage-workers, n city
whose manufacturers produce 50,000000 year
| beyond the limits of the United States, any
/ where on the face of the earth, where the
| wage-workers own as many homes and have as
much money to their credit in the banks, the
savings Of their labor. / tell the gentleman
and the committee no man can find such q
place anywhere.
! MIR. RANDABLS GREAT SPEECH.
The floor was then given Mr. Randall, fol
! whose speech the packed galleries had been
waiting. He opened his speech by referring
to the Presidents recent message in which the
/ Executive advised Congress that the surplus in
the Treasury by the Both Of June, at the end
of the current fiscal year, would be expected tC
reach the sum Of $l40,000000 including prior
accumulations, or more closely stated, the sum
of $ll3, 100000 apart from prior accumulations
over and above all authorized expenditures
| including the sinking fund for the current
year. lie then quoted from the Presidents
message defining his position on the tariff and
| internal revenue questions and said that from
/ the utteTanCes Of the President he understood
| the Executive to be adverse to any reduction
of the internal taxes, as that mode Of taxation
afforded in Die opinion Of the President, INC
Just complaint, and that nothing IS so well able
to bear the burden without hardship to any
portion Of the people" The President further
said that the tariff law was vicious and illog
ical source Of incquitable tax aud ought to be
! revised and modified and the President had
urged upon Congress the immediate expression
of this matter to the exclusion of all others
The President had asserted in substance that
the reduction necessary should be made by al
ditions to the free list and by the lowering o
the rates Of duty.
He disagreed with the President as to the
method Of disposing of the trouble and haG
| prepared a bill embOdyiug his ideas
The remedy he lRandallj proposed was
through the repeal Of internal revenue taxes
as well as by full revision of the tariff as
promised to the people by the Democratic Con
Vention of 1884. The reduction provided fol
in his bill aggregated $1,000, 600 on interna
taxes. Those taxes has always been the last Il
be levied and the first to be repealed when n,
longer necessary Jefferson had given tn,
death blow TO excise taxes, that most vicious o
all taxes, and among the things he received the
thanks Of the Legislature Of his native Stat
for doing was for having the internal take
abolished. The first tax also to be repealed afte
the war Of 1912 had been the excise tax, which
was recommended by Madison, and was the frs
law enacted under the administration of Mon
roe.
The Democratic Convention of 1884 declared
that internal revenue was a war tax, anC
this declaration, taken in connection will
the other declarations of the platform, clearly
established the fact that the opinion of thu
convention was that some of the internal reve
nue. taxes should first go and that they
should all 20 whenever q sufficient sum wa
realized from custom-house taxes TO meet the
expenses Of the Government economically ad
ministered. The country was practically il
such condition now, and the true response t.
those declarations warranted the repeal of thu
internal revenue taxes to the extent proposed
by his bill He favored now, as he had Away!
done, a total repeal of the internal revenue
taxes Applause. In the bill which he haC
NT,r