Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1888-01-11

country on account of the surplus, were
shown up in their true light and left COM
pletely bare. Senator Sherman argued
clearly and convincingly that the prin-
ciple of protection demands equality OF
benefits and of burdens, and that cheap
labor in this country means the degrade
ton of American politics. The following
is an extract from his speech:
If the object sought was only to avoid
the accumulation of surplus, the easy,
natural and logical course was to repeal
or largely to reduce internal revenue.
But the president proposed to continue
these taxes without diminution, so that
he might strike more effective blow at
the taxes now resting upon foreign pro-
auctions. IT was of these latter that he
had used the epithets vicious, inequit-
able and illogical" 1t was at the tariff
laws that the president and the secretary
of the treasury aimed their epithets and
arguments-the surplus revenue being
the mere pretext or occasion. 1t was the
protective industrial policy built upon
by the Republican party that they would
break down. The presidents message,
fairly construed, was a severe indictment
of all engaged in manufactures, a sweep
ing accusation against the policy of pro-
lection as supported by the great mass of
his countrymen, and recommended by
his most illustrious predecessors. 1t show
ed that he favored a public policy which
would leave American manufacturers and
workmen to the hard, sharp and grinding
competition of the capital and labor of
the old world. Proceeding to details Mr..
Sherman said that duriag the fiscal year
ending June 80, 1887, the total value of
foreign importations was $6S3,G00, 900,
$233, 900, 900 of that amount being free
of duty; SO that as to over one-third of all
articles of foreign production consumed
in this country there was absolute free
trade. They were mainly such articles
as, by reason of climate, could not be pro-
duced here, and did not come into COM
petition with domestic industries With
that kind of free trade he was in hearty
sympathy He would extend it to every
article eff common use, the growth or pro-
duction of which in the United States was
not profitable. 1t was exactly the oppo-
site policy that was proposed by the pres
ident and by the school to which the pres
ident belonged. They sought to place
taxes upon articles now free, such as tea
and coffee, in order that greater reduc-
ton might be made on articles that did
come into competition with home indus
try. After deducting the free list the
Of 1oot
$3.50 900 900, on which duties were levied.
Should there be uniform rate of duty on
the goods? No; but there should be
careful discrimination and classification
of rates, depending upon the nature and
quality Of the goods; upon who were to
be the consumers, and upon the effect
which the rates proposed would have up
on domestic industry. Therefore, articles
OF voluntary use, of luxury, ornament or
appetite, not in common use among the
people, and which are purchased almost
exclusively by the wealthy. should bear
a higher rate of taxation-the highest
rate collectable without excluding them
or inducing smuggling. This was found
ed upon the admitted maxim of political
economy, that taxes should be assessed
upon those best able to pay. This applied
to wines, liquors and cigars supposed to
be superior in flavor to the domestic ar
ticIes), and to silks, satins, broadcloths,
innumerable articles of dress ornament,
to porcelain, statuary, paintings, glassware
and tie like. As to all these articles the
price was matter of indifference to the
consumer, and the rate of duty was very
much like the price fixed by the manu-
facturer-that is, as much as could be got.
This was the policy of the present tariff
and it had operated even better than had
been hoped. The value of such articles
imported was not less than $120, 900, 900,
and the duties collected on them not less
than SEC, 1000, 00O-nearly one-third Of the
whole amount collected.