New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1888-03-13
THO ISIS YES C0NPARED.~

I'm order Ia cycuse its unwcaricd abors for
the party of the rum shops, "Ihe VOICE
argues that the tariff is a question so compIl-
Gated and mysterious, 80 far beyond The com
prchension Of ordinary men, that the people
cannot be safely trusted to vote upon it, and
thc whole matter ought TO be rclegatcd 10 a
commission. by way OF striking contrast
there comes TO hand at the same time copy
of "Thc Albany Journal containing extracts
from letters OF Ncw-Ioik farmers by hun
drcds. expressing in no uncertain language
their opinions on the tariff question. The ex
tracts show that the writer's Of these letters
have better practical and theoretical knowl-
edge Of this question than the President him
self or any man he would be likely to appoint,
on such a commission. What the political
Prohibitionist wants is to convince the dear
voters that they are JUS. competent enough To
vote against rum, but not competent enough
To decide any other question, which should be-
turned over To the Democratic party until
political Prohibitionisis be elected TO Office.
There is less complication and less popular
misunderstanding by great deal about the
tariff question in the minds of voters than
there is about the temperance question. The
reason is that the whole people have had prac
teal experience Of the workings Of one and
the same tariff each year; whenever there has
been change, all the people have been able to
Judge for themselves whether industries have
been better or worse off : and meanwhile for a
quarter of century the general policy pre-
vaing has contributed vsibly and powerfully
TO the prosperity of every part Of the country.
The wOrkingmcn well know how il has affected
wages, and how far it has made food, clothing
and other ncccssaIicS cheaper or dcarcr The
employer knows how il has stimulated new in
dustrics by giving them Il measure of safety
not before enjoyed.
But there is no such common understanding
about the best mode of dealing with the tenn
pcrance question because there has never been
any such common experience Of the workings
OF any method whatever. For a generation
past the men Of Maine have known practically
nothing Of the workings of "a license system,
and other States have known nothing of Pro-
hbtion in some states laws enacted have been
so defective in detail that they could not be
enforced at all. and in others the enforcement
of laws has differed greatly, because that de-
ponds upon the differing temper OF the people.
The result is a great uncertainty in the minds
of nearly all iudciOus and conscientious men
as TO the best policy to be pursued respecting
all localities except their own. OF their own
neighborhoods, or cities or States, they feel
that they know something. They know the
temper of the people. and the strength of public
opinion. and the possibilities OF enforcing this
or that measure Bat beyond the range Of
their personal knowledge, such men feel that
they cannot conscientiously decide which policy
is best.
Tha. is because the temperance question Is,
in its very nature, essentially Local. II must
be dealt with by local officials, and thus must
depend entirely upon the local sentiment which
may elect or sustain those officials. II ii were
possible to practically prohibit the liquor traffic
by employing a few officials ut the custom
houses, as the competition OF many foreign
products can be practically prohibited, the
whole character of the temperance question
would be altered radically. The people know
more about the tariff than 1.-THE Voice" sup
poses. and this thing especially, that they arc
competent to decide that question for the whole
country They also appear to know more about
the temperance question than "The Voice"
knows, because they recognize in most OF the
States the principle that States and localities
must of necessity settle that question for them
selves