Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1888-11-03
ONLY AN ALLY OF THE SALOONS
To the Editor of the Tribune

chief and acting under a strange delusion.
Its leaders ard its constituency are in the
main conscientious persons, devoted to a
good and great object, the suppression of
intemperance and its vast brood of evils.
But every reader of history knows that a
huge proportion of the mischief and folly
that have cursed the world and hindered be-
nefcent reforms has resulted from the un-
fortunate dellsions of conscientious, we'll
meaning men in adopting unwise means for
the promotion Of good end. 1t cannot be
denied that co1scientiousness and wisdom
are not INTRIGUE ntly found in sad antagonism,
and il is my sincere belief that this is just
what 10 the matter with our Prohibition
friends. Zeal in good cause is both neces-
sary and admirable, but it may be so hot as
to defeat the purpose of those who indulge
it.
The champions of this party are constant
ly pointing US to the example of the Liberty
party, the assuming success of which, after
feeble beginnings, led up, step by step, it is
alleged to the abolition of slavery. 1t is
time that this bubble were pricked by some
one who knows the history of that party. and
how little there is in its example to encour-
age the hopes of the Prohibitionsts. As a
q conte mporsry of its founders and one who
took part in the discussions preceding its
formation, allow me to perform this needful
task. In doirg so shall recte a chapter of
history, ''all of which | saw and a part of
which | was"
The liberty party was formed in 1870.
The anti-slayery movement under Garrison,
which had its beginnings ten years earlier,
contemplated the removal of slavery by
moral and political action, as prescribed by
the Constitution of the United States
These are the very words of Garrison in the
Declaration of 1888 In the annual report
of the American Anti-Slavery Society for
1888, the Executive Committee, of which
James G. Birney, the Tappan brothers, Eli
eur Wright and Joshua Leavitt were all men,
bers, bore this testimony: "Abolltionsts
have resolved from the first to act upon sla-
very practically, not by organizing new po-
litcsl party, but by making it the interest of
the parties already existing to act upon aboli-
ton principles. At an earlier date the same
committee said at is to be expected that
some political wolves will put on the clothing
of abolitionism and seek to elevate them
selves and manage the anti-slavery organiza-
ton to secure their own purposes But they
ought to be met on the threshold and stripped
of their disguise. The best safeguard
against their entrance is for the Abolitionists,
while they firmly refuse to vote for man
who will not support abolition measures, TO
avoid setting up candidates of their own"
On this ground the Abolitionsts were a
unit until 1910. Their movement was pri-
marily moral and religious, but they , either
forgot nor neglected the political bearings of
their cause. BY their nom partisan societies.
newspapers, lectures and tracts they created
an agitation which reached the halls of Con-
gress and of State Legislatures, and kept the
political parties in a constant ferment. They
flooded Congress with anti-slavery petitions,
asking that body tC do whatever it constitu-
tionally could in opposition to slavery. John
Quincy Adams, Joshua K. Giddngs, William
Slade and others gladly presented these petit
tons. Much has been done to inform and
arouse public sentiment in favor of abolition
measures, and the work was going on
as rapidly as could be reasonably ex-
pected when few persons firing
of moral agitation and impatient
for more pronounced political action, pro-
posed to turn the movement into a political
party engine. If they had left the societies
to continue their legitimate work and organ
lied their party by itself, independently
their action would have been less fragrant
reputation of solemn pledges but they made
deliberate attempt to carry the National and
State societies over to their scheme and thus
make the whole movement tributary to a
political party. In this, thanks to Garrison,
its founder, and his friends they were foiled ;
but they created division over which the
enemies of the cause exulted, and struck a
paralyzing blow that was most disastrous to
the work of moral agitation. Many anti-slav-
cry societies that had for years been centres
of light and power were left to perish, their
members contenting themselves thenceforth
with the spasmodic activities of the caucus,
and doing little to counteract by any more
direct means the Vaccinations of pro-slay
cry pulpit and church. On the moral field
one man chases thousand, and two put ten
thousand to fight, but in politics noses alone
count, and when the supporters of slavery
saw how few Abeltionists rallied to the new
party they were greatly cheered. They had
been in terror of the moral movement t, but
now they said Aha. who cares for what so
feeble squad can dor" Looking back to
that day now, after the lapse of forty -eigh,
years, | am sure that Garrison and his friends
were right in regarding the new political
organization as most unfortunate 1t was an
abortive attempt to lift the standard of NOR
ais in the State higher than in the Church,
and to array the former against a sin for
which the latter was offering apologies out
of the Scriptures.
political party, composed of a small
minority of citizens, presenting moral issue
but having no chance of electing its candi-
dates, always tends to embarrass and weaken
the best and help the worst of the two great
parties which divide the country. 1t was so
with the Liberty party. In 1874 the main
issue was the scheme of the slave power to
annex Texas. The Democratic party was
committed TO this scheme the Wings, though
far enough from being Aboltionists, were
as party, openly arrayed against it. This
was the only question at issue in that conflict
that related to slavery What did the Lib
erty party do? 1t directed the whole weight
of its influence to the one purpose of defeat
ing Henry Clay, keeping up constant fire
upon him a. a stakeholder, and SAYING little
or nothing about the STAKEHOLDER Polk. The
Emancipator," which had been most unhand-
somely tlched from the American Anti Slav-
cry Society, became the organ of the party.
and was purposely SO edited as to make its
issues available to the Democrats for cam
paign purposes. They scattered them BY
thousands in neighborhoods where there was
chance of detaching voters from the Wing
party. Then. as now, the State of New
York was close, and these Vaccinations of
the Liberty party alienated just enough
Wing voters TO give it to Polk and insure the
triumph of the slave power. 1t was a scan
dalous spectacle, disgusting thousands of
honest anti slavery voters; and it is no won
der that when the Free Soil party was formed.
four years later, it felt it necessary to leave
the name and the baggage of the Liberty
party behind. To have done otherwise would
have diminished its small chances of success
Eight years later still, when the time had a,
ZENITH come that there was a chance of carry
ing the country against the further extension
of slavery, new and independent party was
organized under colorless name, free of all
connection with previous parties, and bring
ing new men to the fore. The movers, as |
happen to know, took good care to avoid any
possible imputation that their movement was
a continuance of the Liberty party or of any
other. They felt instinctively that to claim
q descent from the too previous" and far
cical Birney movement would be fatal to
success. And it may be with truth affirmed
that the moral agitation, which. under the
lead of Garrison, was continued after the
division of 1910, did far more than the Lib.
erty party to create the public sentiment out
of which the Republican party grew, and that
finally prepared the way for emancipation.
II the AboRitonists had remained united after
ls40, as they were before, and continued