The Ohio Democrat. (Logan, O. [Ohio]) 1886-1906, 1888-08-18
A NOTABLE CONVERSION.
Ono OF the severcst Blows Sustained B
the Rcpubltcan pnrty.

One of the most important late con-
versions from the Republican party to
the principles OF tariff reform and
Democracy Is that OF Mr.. Owen Il.
Lovejoy,. o prominent resident OF
Princeton, ILL.,, and the son Of the fa-
nous Abolitionist Owen Lovejoy. Mr..
Lovejoy has been all his life a Repub-
iican. But the high-tariff absurdities
of that party are more than he can en-
dure. AS he asserts, ''the history of
the country, from Alexander Hamil-
ton and Thomas Jefferson to james G.
Blaine, declares in one voice that tax
alton shall be imposed upon the luxu-
ries and relieved from the necessaries
OF life." This sentiment secured for
him the Democratic Congressional
nomination in the Seventh Illinois dis
trict
Mr.. Lovejoy is absolutely right
when he asserts that the history of the
Nation is in favor OF the taxation of
the luxuries. The protectionists
know 1t, too. But to gain their own
ends, which are synonymous with those
OF the trusts and monopolists, they
raise an irrelevant hue and cry, which
they mean shall deceive the public.
It was never the thought OF Alex
ander Hamilton, who was really the
founder of the american" system,
that his idea would be developed into
the huge octopus which it has since
become. With him protection was
merely an incident OF tariff tax
levied to raise revenue. Henry Clay
was likewise believer in this same
liberal construction of the theory OF
protection. He did not believe in the
prohibition of imports, and when re-
preached by his friends for want of
discretion and inconsistency in intro
ducing his bill of 1888 to reduce the
tariff taxes, and when informed that it
would cost him the Presidency, he made
the celebrated answer: "1'd rather be
right than be President" From the
tariff which Hamilton himself prepared
in 1898 down to the time of President
Arthur, who appointed a commission
to revise the tariff, it has been held
that the correct tariff philosophy was
the taxation OF the luxuries for revenue
and the reduction of taxes on the
necessities of life to the minimum
The Chicago convention took the di-
rectly opposite position, placing the
tax on the necessities and removing it
from the luxuries; position opposed
to the correct principles of government
and the welfare of the taxpayers, which
in the United States is chiefly COM
posed of the men who work for their
living.
Presidents Grant, Arthur and Gar
field all took precisely the same view
which is outlined in the Mills bill, which
the Republican leaders are now so busi-
ly engaged in denouncing, because, as
they foolishly and impudently allege,
it would be fatal to the business in
terests of the Nation. What did Pres
ident Grant say in his seventh annual
message to Congress in 1852 Read
this:
~ would mention Qor tho free list and for
lower duties) those articles which enter into
manufactures of all sorts. All duty paid upon
such articles goes to the cost of the article
by the consumer. These duties not only come
from the consumers at home, but act as o pro-
lection to foreign manufacturers In our own
and distant markets."
President Arthur held the same prin-
ciples which were before expressed by
President Grant and which have been
declared subsequently by President
Cleveland. In his second annual mes
sage in 1882 President Arthur treats
of this vital subject in the following
words:
Either the surplus must be idle in the
Treasury or the Government will be forced to
buy ut market rates its bonds not then redeem
able, which, under such circumstances. con not
fail to command IN enormous premium; or
the swollen revenues will be directed to ex-
travagant expenditures which, as experience
has taught. is over the bane Of an overfowing
Treasury. II the tax on domestic spirits is to
be retained, it Is plain that large reductions
from the customs tax are entirely feasible.
The present system should be so revised Us to
equalize the public burdens among all classes
and occupations and to bring 1t into closer har-
mony with the present needs Of industry"
President Garfeld's opinions were
parallel. In one of his tariff speeches
before his election as the Chief Execu-
tive, he said: "Duties should be so
high that our manufacturers can fairly
compete with the foreign product, but
not SO high as to enable them to drive
out the foreign article, enjoy a monop-
oily of the trade and regulate the
price as they please. I am for protec-
tion which leads to ultimate free trade.
] am for that free trade which can be
achieved only through protection"
In another speech in the House Of
Representatives delivered in June,
1873, on taxation as method of
raising the revenue, General Garfield
said: lin the third group l place
wines, spirits and tobacco in its vari-
Gus forms. On these the duties range
from eighty-five to ninety-five per
cent. ad valorem, and from them we
collected last year one hundred million
revenue. The wisdom OF this tax will
hardly be disputed by any one." Here
is the free whisky plank of the Chica-
go platform vigorously condemned by
the lost Republican President elected
oy the people. Here is turning
against the Republican party the words
OF its own statesmen. What they said
was said in the interest OF the poor
taxpayer. Their sentiments certainly
were not in the interest of free whisky,
trusts and oppressive taxes.
One point more. Mr.. Mills, in his