The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1888-09-06
GREAT ISSUE.
Discourse on the Tariff Question
by Secretary Litchman, of
the knights of Labor.
Views on American Labor and
Its Relations to the Tariff.
-
Interesting Items.

WASHINGTON, August 30.-Chas. w.
Litchman, general secretary of the
knights of Labor, has written long let
ter to Hon. M. s. Quay, chairman of the
republican national committee. The let.
ter takes strong ground in favor of the
American protective system as against
what he calls the British free trade system,
and offers his individual services to the
national committee in any capacity in
which they think he can be useful to the
republican party.
In the course of his letter he says: SIN
a gigantic political struggle now begun,
side issues count as nothing except to aid
or hinder one of the principal combatants
in the political arena. However sincere
may be the advocates of measures
TO secure which these separate
political organizations are formed, and
whatever strength in votes may be
shown at the polls, the fact remains that
the candidate of either the republican or
democratic party will be the next presi-
dent of the United States. Therefore, for
him who has the good of his country and
the welfare of her people at heart, the
necessity exists to choose to which of
these old party organizations shall be
given aid, either directly or indirectly, by
voice or by vote. While it may be that
neither party offers all that labor organi-
cations desire, believe that the republi-
can party, in adopting and advo
eating the American system of
encouragement and protection to labor
and the wage-workers of our own land is
nearer the declarations and desires of
organized labor than its free trade op-
ponent, the democratic party. The
benefit is between, the American system,
rs represented by the republican party,
which would foster and encourage the
labor of our own people and retain for
them market and wages of our own
country-and British system, as repre-
sented by the democratic party, which
would break down the barriers of pro.
lection and throw open our home market
to the productions of foreign factories
and foreign labor, thus making idle our
own toilers and reducing to a
lower level the standard of Ameri-
can wages. When the Knights
of Labor and kindred organizations shall
have obtained, in foreign lands, the same
commanding position and influence en-
1oyed in the United States, the ineq uality
in wages will disappear, but not by level
ing our wages down by leveling their
wages up. It is harder to level up than
to level down; as the larger the income the
larger is the power to consume. Until
this equalization can be accomplished
and unril the wages abroad slall equal
those at home it must be proper to place
restrictions OF immigration, 80 that
our land may not be the dumping
ground of the pauper and degraded
labor of the balance of the world The
restriction, supplemented by the continu-
alton of the thorough and systematic
organization of labor already here in con-
junction with the American idea of pro-
teotion to American labor, cannot fail to
secure for our people the best results of
their toll, and, by our example, lift the
labor of the whole world to higher and
better plane of existence. Whichever WINS,
something must be done to regulate more
strictly this importation of foreign labor
under contract and the immigration of
paupers and dependents. While under
free trade goods may be
cheaper to the consumer in
certain lines, the labor made idle in these
lines must turn 10 other means of en-
ployment, and thus by competition com
pei lower rate of wages to those already
employed therein. The power of the
workingman to consume depends on what
he receives for his labor. Unemployed,
his power to consume, except on charity
or theft, ceases. 1 prefer that America
should be land of workers rather than
the land of thieves and paupers. What
is true of the individual is equally true of
the nation. The primary elements of
national wealth and national prosperity
are production, distribution and con-
sumption. Whatever affects the power of
labor to consume affects the interests of
the nation. Whatever lowers the wages
of labor affects the power to consume.
An average reduction" of per cent
in the cost of goods imported will not
compensate American labor for the loss
of 100 per cent in wages in the lines
affected, and of from 10 to so
per cent in wages in the lines of en-
ployment by the substitution of free
trade for the protective system. Ihold it
to be far more statesmansphip to build
up and retain our home market by a sys-
TEN that protects American labor than TO
command market in foreign lands
secured by the wholesale degradation and
"a