Sacramento daily record-union., 1888-11-21
DANGER 20 THE REPUBLIC.


has excited such alarm that discussion has
been inauguarted of methods to prevent it
in the future. 1t is asserted by those COM
petent to speak that the foater" vote
that which as on the market in Indiana
is not less than 1900 and not in excess OF
$4,000. That means that in one State, and
one of the smaller States at that, from ii,
GOO to $4,000 men offer themselves to po-
litical managers for price, and stand
ready to cast their ballots as the buyer
may direct.
OF such importance does the United
States District Court Tor Indiana, consider
the matter, that last week the presiding
Judge spent nearly an hour in charging
the Federal Grand Jury upon the subject.
1t is said that the scene in the Court
room al the time, was one of profound in
terest. The Judge did not deliver the in
structlons from the bench. He came
down and took a chair in front Of the
Grand Jurors and talked to them in
and he did not confuse them with long
quotations fromthe law books, but he urged
Indictment of all persons who had been
guilty of violating the election laws. at is
supposed YOU will act independently and
fearlessly," he said, "and without partisan
bias or favoritism, and will return indict-
ments without regard to how the election
has gone" One Of the first things he told
the Grand Jurors was that they were not
limited to ohenses perpetrated entirely
within the State. If IN oflensa is begun
in another State and consummated in this"
he said, "it comes within your jurisdic-
ton"
The feeling is prevalent that a stop must
be put to this buying or selling of votes,
Or else the liberties of the people will be
wrecked. Just how to accomplish it is the
problem. OF course the direct method
would be by such political reformation as
will put the management of every detail
Of party work into hands that will not de-
file themselves by bribery; to bring the
better elements of the political parties into
such moral unity as will cut short the en-
ployment of the vote brokers, the vicious
men who come and go between the seller
and buyer of votes. But this is to be the
work of an age and cannot proceed in ad-
vance of general business honesty.
1 plo,, FoJ 80
quire all political committees, and all can
didates as well, to make exhibits under
oath of their outIays of money, and these
must not show expenditures outside of
specified purposes set forth in the law.
Candidates, as a condition precedent to
recognition in the canvass of votes, must
make oath that they have not expended,
or been priyy to the expenditure of money.
Or given or rraded UnIngs OF value, IN their
campaign, outside of the specifications al
lowed by law. To such statute it is pro-
posed to attach penal liabilities for viola
tion. This is somewhat after the English
system, and while it is not incapable of
being avoided and partially defeated, it
does not appear that there can be any sub
stantial objection raised to it. Its consid-
Grafton and debate will evolve other prop
sitions, for attainment Of the desired end.
Our laws against bribery, of which vote
buying is the worst form, are not so severe
as those of England, nor as were those of
Louisiana fifty years ago, but such as we
have are weak rather because of their
uncertainty. If the crime cannot be
checked by legislative rigor; if the moral
sense of the people does not sufficiently
revolt at the enormity of this phase of
venality, the moral debasement of politi-
cal contests will eat into the system of self
government as cancer does into bodily
vitality. Athens set up laws against
bribery that in their severity
deprived the detected of political
capacity and worked confscation of his
property to the State; yet bribery contin-
ued, and companies were actually formed
to bribe officials for the benefit of men,
bers, and Athens decaying, fell into the
slough of the most abominable corruption.
Toward the close of the thirteenth CEN
tury, according to Lieber, the example of
the Grecian bribery insurance companies
was followed in England, but they did not
maintain avigorous existence. The Roman
politicians followed the Athenian model of
venality, until the popular assembly itself,
because of the guilt of its members, inter
posed to prevent their punishment for
illegally obtaining their seats. The results
of such shameless crime are too well
known to necessitate repetition of the his
torical facts.
If the life of the American Republic is
sapped, the infamy of bribery will be a
chief cause of our decay. "Killing may
not be crime says Lieber in his admir-
able consideration of this question, =" but
bribery always is, and if bribe be opposed
by bribe general decentralization is only
consummated the sooner, while ore party's
abstaining from it may become the germ
Of better state of things, and may indeed
save the country" In Lieber's day boss
ism, as we know it, was not so proninent.a a
political factor as to.be taken into much
account 1t has grown to its present in
famous proportions and alarming power as
an instrument of intimidation and for the
manipulation of voters by bribery, either
in the direct disbursement, of money or the
traffic in place and pereuisites, and 1t
therefore is the twin of the cancer against
which the United States Court at H.
dianapolis urged the Grand jury to apply
the scalpel of inquisitIon Bu; that it will
be able to do SO Ilnder present laws with
effectiveness is not believed
The object of the secret ballot was to
check bribery and Intimidation, OF at least
to prevent their consunlmation. In tia. re-
spect California took long stride ahead
by the adoption of its Codes in 1872. Bus
there are States of the Union where not |
only is secrecy not censurad hut nuhlicitv !