Springfield daily republic. [volume] (Springfield, O. [Ohio]) 1887-1888, 1888-07-14
TARIFF DISCUSSION.
Speech of Hon. John Foos in the Buckeye
Club Rooms Monday Evening,
July 9th.
An Able Expose of the Democratic Free
Trade Faiiaey and Solid Facts From
the Records favoring the Repub-
lican Plan OF Protection.


club rooms, this city, Monday evening, July
9th. There has been such general demand
for the speech that it will be published
in pamphlet form for distribution. II is
one OF the most intelligent, Ineligible
and exhaustive discussions of the tariff
question ever published, and should be
read and pondered by ever voter into whose
hands it comes:
The subject of my address this evening Is
not wholly of my own selection, but was
suggested to me BY friends. This sugges-
ton. however, met my own wishes, and l
will therefore talk TO you upon the - Tariff"
or protection to our home industries.
1t Is perhaps well understood by most of
you that my address will be devoted to
answering the free trade address of our fel-
low citizen, the Hon. John Ii. Thomas. de-
livered before the Jefferson club, demo-
cratic organization of this city, and re-
pexted, by request, at Blacks opera house
q few weeks since.
desire to state now. that in Mr.. Thomas
/ recognize man whom our citizens, with
out distinction of party, esteem very
highly. L know of no trust, public or pri-
yate, placed under his care, that has not re-
ceiyed his most careful attention, but 1
have not now to deal with him as a munich
pal legislator, or as holding any municipal
trust, nor rs a citizen, but must deal with
him as public man, seeking state and ma
tional trusts.
That he Is honest in his views as to state
and national interests is not questioned.
only distrust his Judgment. and it will be
my effort this evening to show you that in
his political economy he holds opinions that
are not justified by the history of our coun-
try, either In its agricultural or manufactur-
ing interests, or the progress we have made
In comparison with the nations of the
world. will show you that, almost with
out exception, every alleged fact or figure
In his address is erroneous. Ii l can do
this, OF course the free trade idol he has
spent 80 much time and trouble to erect
must fall to the ground.
Am l justified in saying that Mr..
Thomas's address was unquestionably in
favor OF free trade, in face of the state
ment he made that If he were called upon
10 frame tariff law he ''would admit tree
all raw materials required for the success
fui operation OF our factories, for the rea-
son that Ii would enable them to turn ont
cheaper goods for our own people and for
the outside markets; on everything else he
would impose uniform duty, high enough
70 raise the revenue wanted. which would
be more than enough to protect labor. but
low enough to throttle all home combina-
tons formed to raise prices?"
am fully Of the opinion that it was
nothing more or less, so far as he advanced
any arguments, than an out and out free
trade address, and will give yon my rea-
sons for calling it free trade address.
They are all taken from his printed speech
and now for the proof:
In speaking OF the tariff legislation In
this country, he says-l quote his exact
words-''That il began In 1859 with the
very first protective tariff, and has con-
tlnued ever since. That tariff (the tariff OF
17s9) was n combination of selfish Interests
and so was every other protective tarifi
since"
Certainly, II language means anything.
Mr.. Thomas would never have voted fol
the tariff Of 1889, and yet IL was low
tariff-the lowest We have ever had in this
country; under it cotton and wooden goods
were imported at q duty of less than pei
cent. Now If my friend Thomas would be
satisfied with any rate Of duty, certainly )
per cent. would satisfy him; but 1t seems q,
though it did not, for he says of this tariff
Of 1889 that 1t was "a combination of selfish
interests" thus showing coneiusively that
In principle he is a free trader"
Let me quote from him still further to
show his love and admiration for free trade
and England.
In speaking of England, he says: ''Hel
commerce is fettered by no narrow-minded
legislation; il sweeps over sea and cont
nent creating a demand for goods and
labor, and the demand makes the price.
Our commerce is chained to the rock OF
nd
sweep or continents TO traverse, and, while
full Of possibilities, it is dwarfed by re
strictions until it fails to be able to use the
labor so rapidly aecumulating, and hence
Its decline in value"
Again, he says: mot only is labor sd
vancing in England under her liberal tariff
beginning In lS46, but her paupers are dis
appearing, her criminals are lessening anC
the price of goods chespening."
while as under our high tariff all is the
other way-more paupers, more criminals
and higher prices for goods"
But this is not all he still goes on eulO
gizing England and free trade until tn,
though. enters his mind that he had possi
bly, said too much, and he apologies b.
saying that he is not eulogizing England t,
the discredit of his own country.
would suggest that If this eulogy o
England was not for the purpose of discred
itipg the United States, and in advocacy o
free trade, then language has lost its fore
and meaning.
Ii anything further were necessary u
show that Mr. Thomas is free trade
Though he may not believe it himself iri
only necessary to say that he was a dele
gate TO the ST. Louis convention that nom
mated Mr.. Cleveland and helped to endOrs
his free trade message of last December.
The London (England) Times says: .'Th
arguments which President Cleveland use
are those which Golden used to empiol
forty-fiye years ago and which any Englis
free trader would employ now.n Ii Presi
dent Cleveland used just such arguments q
Golden, the father OF English free tradSrs
used forty-five years ago, it must unques
tionably follow that when Mr.. Thomas on
dorsed Cleveland's message he endorse.
free trade and must be classed with tina
party. LIS any further proof necessary?
He says that after Investigation he ha
reached the conclusion that the tariff (tha
is. the tariff or 1861 is
First-More than anything else respOnsi
BILE for the many serious conflicts betwee
capital and labor.
.Second-That it is more than anythin
else responsible for the high prices of man
manufactured goods and tor the burden
under which farming interests are goin
down.
Third-That it is not a protection +
labor, but is more than anything else re
sponsible for the depression in the lsbo
market.
Fourth-That il is the foster parent O
most OF the trasts and combinations whicl
are now extracting fortunes from the many
for the pride and glory of the few.
Fifth-That every tariff from 1889 to th
present. in proportion as it was levied fo
protection, iii that proportion injured tn
farmer and laborer, because one OF the oh