The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1888-08-22

keep her from the front rank of the industrial
States of the Union.
Whether We discuss this question from princi-
pie, from statistics. or experience, We must
reach the same conclusion; all lead to the same
conviction. Let me give you some important
evidence from high and undoubted sources,
which confirms the argument which have been
making. President Fillmore said on Dec. 2,
1851. in his message to Congress-. speaking of
the condition of the country:
The value Of our exports Of breadstuHs and pro-
visions. which it was supposed the incentive of a low
tariff and large importations from abroad would have
greatly augmented. has fallen from $6S, FOL 92l. in
1S47, to 500, O51 1873 in 1850, and to $21, S4S, 653
IN 1901, with a strong probability, amounting almost
to a certainty, OF q still further reduction in the cur
rent year. = The policy which dictated a low
rate of duties on foreign merchandise, it was thought
by those who promoted and established it, would tend
to benefit the farming population of this country by
increasing the demand and raising the price Of agri-
cultural products in foreign markets. The foregoing
facts, however, seem to show incontestably that no
such result has followed the adoption of this policy.
Again, he said in his message of Dec. 6, 1852:
Without repeating the argument contained in my
former message in favor of discriminating protective
duties. l deem it my duty to call your attention to
one or two other considerations affecting this subject.
The first is the effect of large importations of foreign
goods upon our currency. Most of the gold of Cali
fornia, as fast as it can be coined. finds its way direct
ly to Europe in payment for goods purchased. In the
second place. as our manufacturing establishments
are broken down by competition with foreigners, the
capital invested in them is lost, thousands of honest
and industrious citizens are thrown out or employ
ment, and the farmer to that extent is deprived of q
home market for the sale of his surplus produce. In
the third place, the destruction Of our manufactures
leaves the foreigner without competition in our mar
ket, and he consequently raises the price OF the article
sent here for sale, as is now seen in the increased cost
of iron imported from England.
In December, 1857, President Buchanan, in
his annual message to Congress. said:
The earth has yielded her fruits abundantlv and has
beautifully rewarded the toll of the husbandman.
We have possessed al the elements of material wealth
in rich abundance, and vet, Notwithstanding all these
advantages, our country in its monetary interests is
at the present moment in a deplorable condition. In
the midst of unsurpassed plenty in all the produc-
tons, and In all the elements of natural wealth, we
find our manufactures suspended, our public works
retarded, our private enterprises of different kinds
abandoned, and thousands of useful laborers thrown
out OF employment and reduced to want.
This testimony would condemn ga revenue
tariff" in any court of the land. 1t ought to
force a like verdict from the great jury Of our
countrymen.
One of the chief complaints against the pro-
tective system is its alleged hindrance to for
eign trade and a foreign market for our own
products 1t is argued that il we could import
raw material from other countries free, and
manufacture such raw material into products
for use. we could export them at great profit and
thus secure a standing in the markets Of the
world. This theory is wholly, as L believe. illu-
sory. It is without substance. We have an ex-
ample OF free raw material IN q certain
line of maDufactures-tha OF leather for boots,
shoes, ETC., etc. In 1872 hides and skins were
made free SO that our manufacturers could i'm
port them without ustom-house burdens. They
have had free trade" in their raw material now
for sixteen years. This industry has been an
exceptionally successful one. and yet you can
not avoid being surprised when i say to you
that ia those sixteen years we have been able
to export but 2 per cent. OF the leather produc-
ton of the country.
But If free raw material be necessary to BE-
1900 80 I. ~->,- l.
then / answer that our manufacturers to-day
have subst antial free trade in foreign raw ma
terials which they make into the finished prod
net in the United States, provided they export
IL. Sections 3019, 1920, 1921 and 1922 Of the
United States statutes provide for the remission
OF duties on all foreign materials used in manu-
featuring for the export trade. The law is posi-
tive that all articles manufactured for export
from imported materials, upon which duties
have been paid, shall, when exported, be enti-
tied to a drawback of 80 per cent. of the duties
paid on such raw materials. Some use has been
made of these laws The remission of duties in
1854 paid upon imported material manufactured
fer foreign markets amounted to g.. 256. 638. On
some articles the drawback is equal to the duty
paid, but In no instance where articles are i'm
ported to be manufactured here and sent abroad
is the duty to exceed 10 per cent.
And yet We are grAvsly told by the tariff re-
formers that we cannot reach foreign markets
on account OF the high tariff on the raw mater.
ial, when, 10 fact. for foreign trade, foreign raw
materials are practically free. This principle was
recognized as early as the administrator OF
George Washington, and has been enlarged and
made applicable to all imported materials. thu,
drawbacks varying from 80 TO 100 per cent!
What becomes, then, Of the cry for free raw
materials in the presence of this factl The truth
is, we are not so much concerned about the for
eicn market as we are about the homo market
The latter is the best, and We have not yet been
able to control it, and until we do, that should
be our chief concern. But if any OF our people
80 -k.- 60 G~-~.-- l.
more highly than our own, they can import for
eign raw material practically free Of duty, and
after advancing into the higher forms of manu-
facturs can 60 out and possess the worlds mar
kets. Taxed raw materials do not now stand in
their way, and 1t Is hypocrisy to claim otherwise.
1.-The markets of the world" In our present
condition are a snare and q delusion. We will
reach them whenever We can undersell compel
ing nations. and not sooner. Tariffs do not
keep US out and free trade will not make ii
easier TO enter them. Let me give you a brief
exhibit of some of our foreign trade, what We
buy and what we sell. In the year ending June
80, 1887. We bought Of Mexico, the Central
American States, British Honduras, and the
governments Of the West Indies aud South
America, products to the value of SlI2, 4C8, 526,
and we sold these governments OF our products
about 80 Is per cent. in amount of what we
bought of them, or about $50. 600. GOO; and as a
showing that our protective tariff did not pro-
duce this uncomfortable balance against us /
need only state that more than ons-half of the
products We bought were not subject TO any
tariff tax at all, but were admitted free of duty.
Upon what terms can We adopt q revenue
tariff system in this country2 In one way only,
by accepting European conditions, and sub
uniting to all the ciscomforts and disadvantages
of our commercial rivals. Tue chief obstruction
in the way Of q revenue tariff are the wages
paid American workInemen, and any return to
that policy involves a reduction or the cost of
labor. We cannot afford, Mr.. President, to have
cheap labor IN the United States. Cheap labor
means cheap men and dear money. / would
rather elevate and improve the condition Of my
fellow-citizens than increase the value of money
and the power of 'money-bags.' This is a Re-
public Of free and equal citizenship.
The government is in the hands OF the
masses, and not Of the few. This is our
boast, and it is a proud one. The condition of
their preparation for the civil duties which rest
upon them, depend largely upon the scale of IN
dustrial wages. 1t is essential. therefore, that
the best possible wages attainable shall be Sc
cured and maintained. This is vital and funda-
mental. We cannot without grave danger and
serious disturbance-we ought not under any
circumstances-adopt a policy which would scale
down the wages and diminish the comforts of
the American workingmen. Their welfare and
independence, their progress and elevation, are
closely related to the welfare and independence
and progress Of the Republic. We have got no
pampered class in this country, and we want
none. We want tho field kept open. No mar
rowing of the avenues; no lowering of our stand
ard. We want no barriers raised against a
higher and better civilization. The gateway Of
opportunity must be open TO all. to the end that
they may be first WHO deserve to be first, wheth-