Perrysburg journal. (Perrysburg, Wood Co., O. [Ohio]) 186?-1965, 1888-08-31

| hCllOn WHICH cmphuslzeS This eide oil the
question, without recognizing in the faint
est degree the embarra@ments and diff.
cuities Of the white people Of the South, in
presence of the problem winch actually
conironis them from the negro vote, il un.
patriotic and muwise, The attitude of the
North toward the white men OF ll,e South,
ns touching tins problem, shonld he dis
tinctlY one of sampathy. Partisan oppo-
silion based upon the suppression of the
vote, but which overlooks entirely the
gravity and difficulty of the problem, only
delays lis solution. Pressure of this kind
from the North being withdrawn, the way
is LETT clear for division in the white vote
at the South upon the political Issues of
the present time. A division in the white
vote of the South, and when the time
comes, the black vote OF the South will be
cast, and will he counted IS ii is cast for
in that case there will be two white parties
| upon the spot, each of which will pro-
tect their own friends among the negroes
III the exercise OF their right to vote.
Meanwhile IL is 10 be remembered that
The ballot is the weapon of man. 1t is
not given TO n slave or to child; and II
~ matter OF fact the negroes of the
South by reason of their antecedents are
children still in deyelopement and form,
there is no conceivable method by which
they can be secured IN the exercises OF
their legal rights when they are not strong
enough TO maintain them for themselves,
even where they are IN majority.
The difference OF the situation now as
compared with that which existed before
the war is MS broad as the heavens. Then
he negro's complaint was against his re-
lation to the law. That has been changed
by the decision of the battlefield. The
negro's relation 10 the law now is the sam,
as that of the whileman. National power
can 60 no farther than this. To attempe
TO 20 farther is to meet precisely the di fiji
Guilty upon which prohibition breaks down.
1t is easy TO pass law applying in its
own language To all parts OF state: but
its administration, if it applies TO matters
upon which public sentiment is divided,
will be regulated by the public sentiment
Of the locality. 1t is conceivable, of
course, that the national government
might pass laws tending to amelorate this
trouble, |, is not conceivable that such
laws can be enforced in any state, or In
amy part of state, under llie conditions Of
popular government which we enjoy con-
trary 10 the sentiment Of the locality feet
ed oy them. The aim, therefore, of Amer
lean patriotism as to this grave problem,
should be to solve it by breaking down
race lines at the South, aud aeeking to
bring about there division both Of the
white vote and of the black.
Besides this difficulty arising from the Co,
cen,ration in one section OF the country OF
peculiarly ignorant and unframed vote
American patriotism is called upon to face
another problem, scarcely less difficult
which springs from the spread of knowl-
edge and high average OF intelligence
Up 10 the time OF the Revolutionary War,
the dwellers In the American colonies were
in the habit OF looking up TO the King as
the fountain of authority. Al the copcln-
sion OF the war, with an auiacity of cour-
age, which we Of to-day can scarcely COM
prehend, they ventured to found their new
state upon the dignity and worth of man
hood, and fearlessly lodged all power in
the hands OF the people, Time has re-
ta Il.
limitation which was retained in the ear
lier days OF our national life, and to-day
the world witnesses the unprecedented
spectacle of great, a powerful and
wealthy people administering their affairs
on the basis Of manhood suffrage. Amer-
cans rejoice in this spectacle and point
with pride, not only 10 the material
achievements Of the Republic, but TO the
high average Of intelligence among the
people as evidences OF the wisdom of their
forefathers. 1t may Justly be said, there
fore, that the value of the individual man
and his inalienable rights, represent fun
dnmental American ideas. Whatever
threatens the individual with the loss of
his right to lie, liberty and the pursuit. OF
happiness is blow at American clviliza.
tion. BY the advances OF science and the
developement of society, in recent years
this indiyidualizing tendency, which i.
represented in the political institutions
of the United States, is brought INTO sharp
opposition to another tendency, equally
resslless, which upon the surface appears
to be working IN quite the opposite direc-
ton. The individual capitalist is dis
appearing in the corporation. The midi
vidual is disappearing in the trades union
or the knights OF Labor. Immense in
crease of power and efficiency has been
found to follow combinations both on the
part OF capital and on the part of labor.
Combined capital has achieved results
which at any earlier period of the world.
history would have been impossible
Modern society could not have been conduc
ted rs 1t is except for such combinations OF
capital. On The other hand, combined
labor has secured for the cnnse Of labu
the ear of every community and indeed o
the whole nation, as it never commanded
attention before. Many points OF NOR,
or less consequence 10 vast numbers U
men, which before were beyond ilei
reach, have been conceded to combin,
labor. 1t is interesting TO note that com
binations Of capital and combinations o
labor, in their efforts for developemen
and for power, have committed precisely
the same sort of wrongs against indiyid
uals of their own class, against society n
large and against each other. Society fo
the moment appears to be the arena in til
midst OF which the forces which make ~
combinations, whether Of capital or o