St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1888-05-21
Mr.. GILMAN'S CAUSE
Nobly Pleaded by a Fifth Dis
tpiet Republican and
Friend.
McGill's Treaehery May Lead
to Results Strange and
Unexpected.
Clique Candidates Seathingly
Reviewed, and Their Er-
rors Exposed.
Gilman's Friends Anxious to
Have the Wrong Done
Him Righted.

A prominent Republican of the Fifth
district, who was in st. Paul yesterday,
said to GLOBE reporter as they sat to-
gether in the Merchants hotel:
'In my opinion, if the delegates to the
next Republican state convention are
not throttled by the machine of the
party, they will nominate Charley Gil
man for governor
"And throw overheard McGill, Mer-
riam and Scheffer?"
Precisely, and for these reasons:
McGill is making his claims for a re-
nomination on the ground that he is en-
titled to the courtesy of second term;
that he is stronger to-day than he
was in 1856, and that his admin
Istration to the great mass of the peo-
pie has been satisfactory. His friends
assert that the cry that he has failed as
a governor is only political talk. This
is nonsense. There are but few sec
lions of the state where McGill Is ad-
classes favor him naturally, but among
the people he has proved to be a griev-
Ous disappointment. His inaugural adj
dress was manly. bold document. The
Dne sentiment expressed of it at the
time was "McGill is better than we
thought he was" But instead of fol-
lowing it up with actions as bold and
courageous, he shrank back into his
mole and began playing the part of
politician. He appointed a railroad
commission notOriouSly incompetent
with one eXception); a commission
afraid to say that its soul soul
handled the railroad laws with kid
gloves. He prostituted the judiciary of
the state to the lowest political purposes
by appointing as judges in every in
stance but one, men who had either
worked for him in 1856 or would help
him in 1888. He dragged into promi-
nence by his own laundering the scan
aal of the states prison, raising a stencil
that was offensive to the nostrils of
every decent man in the state. He Sc
cretly has worked in the interests of the
direct tax bill, and in his appointments
TO offices recognized only men who could
benefit him politically. He has made a
machine of the offices in the state capi-
tOl; subYerted them to uses that no
governor of the past has ever stopped
to. These things are cherished and
remembered. They will rise in the
state convention against him with
force that do not believe he can over
come. The better element of the Re-
publican party understand now that
with Loren Fletcher attached to him and
the grave errors Ito put it mildly of his
administration, he has become an Old
Man of the Sea to the party. They must
shake him off or be beaten.
HOW ABOUT MERRIAM?
If Merriam had never been in public
life he would be a very strong candi-
date. He is wealthy, and would be able
to do the ornamental business in great
style. He is genial in manners, and
personally a good fellow. But politically
his record is against him. | tell
you the farmers will not tie to
any man this year who is not square on
the issue OF the hour. As member of
the Legislature and speaker, Merriam
either dodge every grave issue or acted
directly against the people. The very
fact that he is wealthy, coupled with
the knowledge that his interests have
always been with the monOpolists, and
that he has not firm convictions on
public questions, makes people afraid of
him. "Bill's good fellow" said
former friend of mine, 'but where does
he stand?' That's the trouble with
him. He may spend every dollar that
he has and it will not nominate him for
governor.
And now Scheffer?
have not a word to say against him
Except that he cannot be nominated, ,and
that L am morally certain he intends to
run independent, which means political
suicide for him. Nor is there any use
of considering John l.. Gibbs, who tried
to sell his popularity to McGill for a
paltry office. Gibbs killed his own
ambition at that time. You can see that
outline situation in the next conven-
ton that means deadlock, and an
opening where independent and un-
trameled delegates can step in and de-
mand the nomination of the strongest
mau in the Republican party to-day
e. a. Gilman.
Since his defeat of two years ago, Gil
man has StudiouSly kept clear of any
interference in state politics. He has
minded his own business, confident
that in time the people would see the
injury that had been done him and
right it. If there is such thing as JUS
tice in politics it now demands that
Gilman be given recognition stolen
from him two years ago. He is not al
lied with any faction nor controlled by
rings. He has neither sought revenge
upon his enemies nor diSsensions in the
party.
Ii IllS CudlSS IS llduc dSdlllSG Hill
that he only half-supported Nc
Gill, answer that any man
IN his position would have done
the same thing. McGill did not repre-
sent the Republican party; he was NOM
mated by clique in the party, and Gil
man, as man whom he had outrage
ously treated, had the right to fold his
arms and say, "Let your clique elect
you. When the party nominates can
didate then Will l work." 1t speaks
volumes for Mr.. Gilman's character to
say that his nearest friend is Knute
Nelson, and that the two are one on the
burning. issues of the day. Charley
Gilman is not politically dead. When
the right time comes his friends will ask
the party, and not any clique, to bestow
OH him an honor, worthily his by all the
laws of right. He is free and independ-
ent, and more loyal Republican to-day
than either McGill or Merriam even
think of being"