The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1888-01-30

estiy oeg you not to consider theSe words
outburst of what is called revolutionary fanati
cism.' 1t is The expression of sad Russian reali
ties. and Its truth is sometimes recognized II
our country by men who have little to do with
Jan. "a 1878. young Nihilst girl. vers
Zassulicht, shot at the chief of the st Peters
burg police, General Trepof, infiic.ing on him
wound in the abdomen. which for many weeks
held in suspense bis life BY special order shs
has been tried by jury. and was acquitted on
the 3lst of March, 1878. The dastardly act Of
fender named Bogolinbodd for not having takef
off his hat before him-was considered by Tho
jurymen, mostly small officials of the civil
service. sufficient provocation to justify an acs
of retaliaton of such kind Now, according q
the terms of the projected treaty, cir
who, under similar circums tances, shall commit
mon-law breakers are tried by the jury, though
the privilege has aever been extended TO polit-
lcai ohenses, which are tried by special courts,
or rather special commissions nominated by the
government. The tree Republic proposes to bt
more relentless in pursuing offenses against ths
Car and police than Russian jury has been IN
the single case wnen it has been called to pro
nounce upon an orenSe of political character
Are the every day acts of the Russian gov
ernment such TO call forth aud Justify acts o1
retaliation OF this kind in generals This is .
question or fact, and the to it depends
on the amount of knowledge upon Russian inneI
conditions. 1t may be said without any exaegers
alton that the Russian autocracy has used to tho
utmost the advantages which the command over
enormous military force gives it, TO suppress
the legitimate aspirations of the people. and to
main tain a regime hateful to all the educated
classes aud disastrous for the material and
moral interests of the people. imperiiing the
future OF the nation and of the state. In tbs
absence Of representative institutions the prssa
was the only vehicle to give some utterance "a
the popular needs During the last fifteen years
of reaction. the press has been gradually
crushed, because it aid not cease to speak OF tho
popular grievances Now. Russia has practically
no press at all. The censorship and the private
orders of the ministers prevent our papers from
speaking upon any question OF some public i'm.
portance Thus, to quote one illustration ouf
of thousands: Whilst all the European papers
are indignant at the barbarous suppression by
the Cossacks' whips and the butt-ends of sol.
our universities and the killing of several dis
armed students, the Russian papers moi
allowed to say anything. to publish any detail.
beyond the mere reprint of the official announce
ment of the closing of such and such unit
versty.
1.-THE popular education. upon which the
future of the nation reposes. has been subjected
since 1874, to restrictions which became more.
and more cynical as the reaction increased, bo-
cause the government knows we'll that the
Masses in becoming educated, will see where
the cause of their suffering lies and will cease ia
be obedient The inviolability of the person,
all judicial guaran tees, the freedom Of speech,
rather the freedom of talk in the sacred pre-
cinctS of mems own houses, are violated shame.
lessly, because they constitute standing dan
ger to the despotism. For words uttered at pri-
vate parties in private houses people of all ages.
duraute beneplacto, or exiled to Siberia or
other deserted regions by hundreds ana thou
sands, without even the Formally of trial. A
simple order of the police suffces. No counsel
is allowed to visit them; they are kept Ignorant
of the name of their accuser; they, a rule,
are informed but vaguely upon the nature OF the
charge brought against them. Very often they
are not told what they accused of, and have
TO start on their melancholy journey with notk-
ing but the knowledge of the fact that the po-
lice conceived some suspicion that their politi-
cal faith is .unsound.' Is il not an exageeration
of party statement can only refer those
who would be doubtful to the extensive ltsra-
ture the subject; and il they have tine
for it, to the pages of contributions to the Amer
lean press, which has the advantage of being
perfectly unim peachable and very recent Be-
fore starting his journey American
writer declared opponent of the Nihilisrs.
He has not become their convert advocate
now, and his testimony Is that of an impartial
observer who gives to his fellow countryIneu
some samples of the sulk of facts he has col
lected OH the spot Thus rhe Americans learn
from . short account how girls OF seventeen and
fifteen, and boys CT fourteen, were exled to ST.
IBERIA by order of the police because their elder
brothers were KILLED by the gendarmes and it
was suspected the younger were likely to SYM
pathize with them and pity them; the others
had the same fate because they refused to turn
informerS against their elder sisters They
learn likawise how, at the time when the great
trial of the 1913 Propagandisis was set up,' 800
admittedly innocent people, young men and
girls. were kept in close solitary confinement
for periods ranging from one to four years,
during which time eighty prisoners lost reason
or committed suicide in their cells, or died from
prison maladies-all this because the accusers
wantsd to get from them useful information. If
all this is not sufficient provocation, what isf
The Irish Feuians have also taken, occasionally.
the laws in their hands. American public opn-
ion excused them and sympathized with them,
nevertheless because great were their provoca-
tlons. But our provocations are greater than
those of the Irish were within the last two CEN
turies. And we are iaboring under enormous
disadvantages; they had their OConnels and
their Parnel at Westminster, and their Michael
Davitts before the masses of the English people.
who control in the last resort the ministers, and
the Parliaments and the governing class. And
veto whom have we appeal for the redress
of our wrongs? The American people. approving
of the Irish. cannot blame US. if they are con-
sistent
tsTnere is another reason, still more per-
emptory. why the Americans cannot ratify the
proposed treaty; it is that such an act would be
paramount TO a solemn sanction given by them
to the Russian despotism. The Russian griev-
ances little known in America. If they
were there would be only one voice of approba-
tion and encouragement to the Nihilists. to per-
severe In their individual rebellion till the timS
when they viii be able to get up a wholesale re-
bellion. Certainly no American statesman
would have proposed a monstrosity like the
prof ected treaty. But enough is known upon
Russian conditions to make 1t matter of COM
mon property that the Russian government il
abomiuable one. Two forces are in deadly
feud in the Rnssia OF to-day
liberty, championed by the so-called Nj
hilsts, and despotism. IL you disapprove,
for one reason or another, of both contending
parties. the natural course to follow 10 to keep
alooff and to let them settle their dispute best
they The maintenance of the asylum right
in statu quo is nothing but policy OF nom
interference You will afford the same rrotec-
tion of your laws and the same facilities for ex-
pressing their opinions 10 our bitterest enemies
if they choose to settle among you. Besides,
have you not in your midst the accredited rep
resentatives of our enemies, ambassadors and
consuls2 We do not ask you to expel them from
your territory parties to the heinous crimes
committed by the Cars government, which
sends them to you. The proposed treaty breaks
this policy of non-interference in the Russian
interior struggle in favor Of one OF the contend.
ing parties. You offer to lcnd the assistance Of
your police and magistrates to the Czar'e gen.
darmerie and spies in bunting down the Cars
enemies The disapprobation of these enemies
is sufficient to justify such step;
it implies the full appreciation Of the
party whom you propose TO assist. You
make common cause with the Cars