The Bennington banner. [volume] (Bennington, Vt.) 1858-1894, 1888-08-30


been paid by the II, 900, 900 families of this
country, consumers of this article. Eighty
seven million five hundred and eighty
four thousand pounds of tea were import
ed last year. At 10 cents pound $780,
900 and upwards would have gone into the
treasury, every dollar of which would
have been paid by our own people. Take
sugar as another example. We produced
last year in this country about s per cent.
of what our people consumed. The duty
collected from imported sugar amounted
to S5S,00000O The domestic production
was so inconsderable as compared with
the domestic consumption as to have had
little, If any, appreciable effect upon the
price to the consumer, and therefore this
sum was almost wholly paid by our own
citizens, and the cost of sugar to the
American consumer, because of the made
quate home supply, is practically the for.
eign price, duty added, the domestic pro-
ducUion being so small, contTasted with
the domestic demand, that IL in no wise
controlled or influenced the price.
The price to us is fixed by the 90 per
cent which came from abroad, plus the
amount of the duty collected at the GUS
tom house. 1t would have been otherwise
il the bulk of our consumption was pro-
duced at home. If you take any American
production which is large enough to sup
ply the domestic demand, the effect is diff
ferent. Then the foreign production must
undersell the home production in order to
get foothold in this market, and, there
fore, the foreign producer is willing to
surrender the whole duty, or a consider
able part OF 1t, consuming to less profits
for the sake of extending his markets,
with the hope of ultimately destroying
home competition. The real question,
therefore, is whether in raising money to
supply the governments needs, we should
have thoughtful concern of the
INDUSTRIAL INTERESTS OF THE PEOPLE
we represent, or, discarding every other
consideration, shall adjust our duties upon
the revenue principle to secure revenue, and
revenue only. The money must be raised,
and in raising it the protectionist is mind
full of the interest of our own people.
The tariff reformer is considerable of every
body else's interest but our own. l cannot
understand why any patriotic citizen
should prefer revenue tariff to protec.
tive tariff | cannot understand why, 50
long as taxation. must be resorted to,
(and that will be the case so long as gov
ernments EXIST it should not be raised up
on the foreign article which completes
with the domestic article, and thus dis.
criminate in favor of our own and against
the foreign, rather than to admit TO equal
ity in our markets untaXed, and upon
equal terms with our own producers, the
products of our foreign rivals
The protective system but invokes the
highest law of nature, that of self preser
Walton. There is every reason, founded in
justice, why the American producer
should in every constitutional way be fay
ored as against the foreign producers
whose products compete with his. This is
no bot W. T. Il.
We have made it after a century of strug-
gle. We have made 1t at cost of capital
and brain and muscle. We have presery-
ed 1t against foreign wars and domestic
conflicts, at great sacrifice of men and
money. The foreign producer has contri-
buted nothing to the growth or develop
ment.of the country. Whatever influence
he has eXerted has been against us and to
our detrlment. He has nothing in COM
mon with us. He is without Ihe iurisdic-
ton of our laws. He cannot be reached
by the taXgatherer. He is exempt from
all civil obligations in every part of the
republic. We can make no reuuisition
upon him, either in peace or in war Our
mode OF reaching him is through the pro-
duct he would send to our markets. We
can demand of him that his merchandise
shall make contribution to our treasury il
he would enjoy the use of our markets.
We can make him serve us in no other
way.
In the case of revenue tariff, as I have
pointed out, his product never bears the
burden. Whatever we put upon 1t Is
borne by our own people, and in no wise
| shared by him. This principle of caring
for our own is founded upon the highest
authority, human end divine. 1t com
mences with the family, extends uI
through the the community, to the State
and ct last to the nation. There is no city
in the country in any section that does
not invoke this principle in the admins
ton Of municipal government for the pro
| lection and
| ENCOURAGEMENT OF ITS OWN CITIZENS.
The interant vender is taxed in every
city of the land. If he would expose his
wares upon the streets of Atlanta at pub
lie auction doubt not the city government
compels him to pay tax for the privilege
OF doing it, and that tax isadded to the ordi
nary revenues Of the city to assist in meet
ing its obligations. Now, why is this
| done Upon exactly the same principle
! that we tax the foreign competing product
| under the system of protection. tits done
| to protect and defend the resident mer.
chants Of your city, who are with you al.
ways, within your jurisdiction, subject to
your laws, contributing to the wealth and
progress Of your city, paying taxes to
adorn and beautify it, paying taxes to sup.
port your public schools and make public
Improvements. The itinerant vender has
no such relation to your community. He
is no part Of your political organism. He
comes and goes he is not taxpayer; he
shares in nOne of the burdens of your peo-
pie he is a free trader; who looks upon
your market as much his and as open to
him as to your own tradespeople. Your
city government taxes him to diminish
the burdens borne by your own citizens
This is protection, simply and pure, and is
the exact character OF that which we
would apply to foreign nations seeking
our markets. Our fathers recognized this
principle. 1t was emphasized in the
second act ever passed by the Congress Of
the United States. The ringing words of
that declaration for industrial indepen-