National Republican., 1888-01-05

,osst defenees, for a proper increase and |
building Of the navy and OF the commercial
marine, for postal Communication with the
South American states, and for the encour--
agement and support OF schools. IL had
also neglected or refused to appropriate Tor
81, ,000, 900 OF deficiencies admitted to be
due, or to pass the Senate bill for the re-
funding to tho several states the direct tax
levied In 1862 ($14,000,000), and had these
several appropriations, sanctioned by the
Senate, been made by the House and ap.
proved by the President, and had the residue
Of the surplus been applied to the purchase
Of the public debt, the condition OF the treas
ury which now so alarmed the President
would not have existed, the public debt
improvements Of vital Importance to
American commerce would be In
course OF construction. The President
had cast doubt upon the power Oh the sec.
retary OF the Treasury to enter the market
and purchase bonds. He spoke OF 1t as
"pretense' and ,'supposition," but the
second section Of the sundry civil bill OF
March 3, 1881, gave the Secretary OF the
Treasury power at any time to apply the
surplus, or so much Of It as he may consider
proper, to the purchase or redemption OF
United States bonds, such bonds to be
Cancelled, and not to constitute partof the
sinking fund. The law had been passed at
his (Mr. Sherman's) request while he was
Secretary Of the Treasury to meet the very
difficulty and to operate at any time.
Under It the Secretary OF the Treasury
could have, and ought to have, applied the
surplus from time to time TO the purchase
or redemption OF United States bonds. Be-
sides, II the dangers from the surplus reve-
nue. were so great and imminent as the
President said, why had not the President
convened Congress during the last summer
to deal with what he called "The precarious
condition Of financial AFFAIRS" and the
"ABsoLuTE PERIL AT HANDY'
What more extraordinary occasion could
occur for the exercise OF the power
to convene Congress? But the Presi-
dent had not done this, and Con.
grees (now 10 regular sestion) was not
to reverse the country's policy for thirty
years, that policy being to build domestic
Industries by reasonable aud proper protec-
tion OF foreign productions.
He (Mr. Sherman) wished to approach
the question presented by the President
with a sincere respect for him and his high
office, but with consciousness that sena-
tors and representatives had the reeponsl-
bilty of acting upon such matters with
fuller information and broader view of
the interest Of their constituents than any
executive officer, however elevated, could
have. He agreed (as he had said more than
once last Congress) that the revenue should
be reduced. 1t would be a pleasing and a
gratifying task, and the moment that the
House of Representatives would give the
Senate jurisdiction of the subject matter
the Senate would be ready to share 10 that
duty, as 1t had done as many as six times
since tbe close OF the war, and II the secre.
tary OF the Treasury would from time to
time do bis part OF applying the revenue
and to the judicious purchase of the public
debt, the delays OF the Democratic party
might be repaired, and taxation reduced
without crippling industry. He did moi
attribute either to the President or the Sec
retary OF the Treasury an intent to produce
the dangers and difficulties ef which the
country was threatened; nor did he call In
question their integrity or fidelity; but wher
THEY TRIED TO ALARM THE COUNTRY
so as to induce Congress to break down grea'
industrial interests, he pointed them to thu
neglect Of a public duty intrusted to theil
discretion as the fountain Of their woes
II evil came to the republic by this surplut
1t was their fault. They had the power
now; and power neglected was often o.
great crime as power usurped, and arti
fetal scare could not be made to cover tht
faults and defects Of the administration.
The country had two distinct systems o
taxation, one upon the American produc
ton of spirits, tobacco, anu beer; the othe
foreign nations. The first Of these tn
President had dismissed with single sen
tence, saying that none Of those article
were necessaries, that there seemed to b.
no Just complaint Of such taxation by con
sumere, and that there seemed to be nothing
| SO we'll able to bear the burden withou
hardship to any portion of the ,pso2ls.-I
might be that there was no complaint O
consumers, but could that be said Of tn
either the product OF the farm or smmediat
fruits Of the.product of the farm. Thei
chief cost was 10 the leaf tobacco, the corn
the rye, the wheat, and the barley. Did no
| the farmers complain OF the taxi II tn
President thought they did not he wa
| greatly mistaken. Tobacco manufacturers
distillers, and brewers might not complat
because the necessary requirements OF col
lection laws gave them q close monopoly
but the farmers, who had to sell TO license
| dealers alone, did complain. The tax o.
whisky might land to O certain extent did
restrain the use of whisky as a beverage
| and In that way the tax did gooG
| but the taxes on beer andtobacco did no
| The traditions and policy Of the America
| people were against internal taxes. The
| were necessity during the war, but nov
| II continued
THEY SHOULD BE REDUCED,
and the tax on tobacco especially should b
remitted. Though not necessity like brea
and meat, the use Of tobacco was so generi
tia. Its tax was burden to the farmt
and to the consumer. The special taxes o
| rectiilers. dealers, stills, &c, yielding ar
nuslly s., 200, 900, ought to be repealed, an
their imposition left to the states, and th
tax on spirits and beer might be so modife
that the states could make taxes on th
J consumption Of these articles bounteou
I source OF revenue and proper means Of n
lief from the burdens OF local taxation.
the object sought wps only to avoid the al
cumulation Of surplus. the easy, natura
and logical course was to repeal O
largely to reduce internal revenue. But tn
President proposes to continue these take
without diminution, so that he might strik
more effective blow at the taxes now resi-
ing upon foreign productions. II was @
these latter that he had used the epithet
"vicious, inequitable, and Illogical"
was at the tariff laws that the Presidel
and the Secretary Of the Treasury aime
their epithets ana arguments surph
Itwas the protective Industrial policy bui
up by the Republican party that they woul
break down. The Presidents messag
fairly Construed, was q severe indictmeI
Of all engaged In manufactures; sweepln
accusation
AGAINST THE POLICY OF PROTECTION
as supported by the great mass OF h
countrymen, and recommended by b
most illustrious predecessors. 1t shove
that he favored public policy which woul
leave American manufacturers aud worl
men to the hard, sharp, and grinding con
petition Of the capital and labor OF th
world.
Proceeding TO details, Mr. Sherman sal
that during the fiscal year ending June 81
was SS Gs sGss 200 Cco Su' 8 oco OF thu
amount being free OF duty, so that, as
over one-third OF all articles OF f0reigu pri
ductlon consumed In this country, ther
was absolute free trade. They were mainl
such articles as, by reason OF climate, coul
| not lie produced here and did not CON