The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1887-06-12

He seems to see that this inferiority on the
psrt OF the Dublin Parliament Was rather aoci-
dental and temporary than essential. though he
does not take tho trouble TO explain why twas
60 The truth 10 that the Dublin House OF Com
mons, though Il possessed precisely the same
Sorrows, namely, an annual Mutinv ast and an
annual supply bill, did not uniformly tnsfse on
applying them. because representing only
small minority Of the Irish people, IL lacked
the commanding and Irresistible moral power
possessed by the English House OF Commons.
Had It had time TO complete the process which
Il began, of placing the Catholic majority on
the same political footing with tho Protestant
minority, Il would have acquired tho needed
moral power and would havo called into play
its ooerciye resources with English energy and
infiexibility OF purpose.
There 10 another important difference be-
tween the Irish Constitution OF LISA and tho
Constitution which Mr.. Gladstone endeavored
to establish year ago. Grattan's Parliament,
like the lpresent Parliament Of the Canadian
Dominion, had the power to foster native in
dustries BY protective or prohibitory duties on
English goods and such discrimination.
although It might prove both economically and
politically dangerous to England, could only
be averted by treaty arrangement between
the two countries. It is well known that on
this rock the Irish Constitution Of lisa was
shattered. On the other hand. the Irish
system contrived by Mr.. Gladstone would
have been In no danger Of fracture from
this cause. It's author was woll aware that he
could not hope to Garry the great manufacture
ing districts Of northern England In the ex-
pected appeal to the constituencies unless
they were assured that precautions had been
taken to prevent Irelands following Canada
In excluding British goods. Accordingly the
power to impose duties on imports from Great
Britain, or to trammel In any way the COM
MERGE between the two countries. was to DO
expressly withheld from the new Dublin Par
lament We may glance finally at two more
distinctions between the drattan and the
Gladstone Constitutions, Under the S6gime
established in 1852 there was no provision
for tho formation Of an Irish navy. or
for any participation OF Ireland In the expense
OF the British navy which protected Irish COM
merce. On the other hand. Ireland did main
tain her own regular army, which was by
the way, on peace footing nearly as large az
that maintained In Great Britain. the normal
proportions being $4,000 to 17,5O0 Had Mr..
Gladstone's bill become law ireland would
have had no regular navy or army Of her own.
but she would have made a fixed annual con-
tribution to the support OF the imperial land
and sea forces from which ireland would have
derived her share Of protection. 1t seems
patent that, in these respects, Mr.. Gladstone
had provided important additional guarantees
OF the inviolabillty Of the imperial bond.
Alike in many particulars. tho Constitution Of
17S2 and the system propounded in 1885 were
alike also In one obvious defect, which. never
theless, rs Mr.. Lecky Acknowledges. was rather
theoretical than practical. Grattan's Parlia-
ment. like the Parliament proposed by Mr..
~ ,-t- L. @Ak~ .A~t H.
capital question OF peace or war. and might ct
any hour be involved In complications which
she had not provoked and In which she had no
interest. It is even moro probable now than It
was In 1852 that war. when decided on By tho
British Parliament, would arise from some
question with which Ireland was totally
unconccrned. perhaps some commercial
question relating to parts Of tho world
from which Irish commerce was ex-
cluded." Tho danger was that. In such .
case the Dublin Parliament, II 1t disapproved
OF the policy which led to tho war. might Grip
pie the resources OF the United Kingdom
through refusing to pass the Mutiny act. by
which alone the Irish portion Of the regular
army was supported. l-r. Lecky admits, how
ever. that no such thing ever occurred. Moth.
Ing" he says, us more conspicuous In the his
tory Of the Irish Parliament than the disore-
sions on foreign policy and the loyalty and zeal
with which 1t invariably supported England In
time of war. Pitt, in Introducing the Act Of
Union In 1890. dwelt strongly on the dan
gers ] have described. and represented
them as leading motives Of his policy:
but he at the same time acknowledged
that the Emergencies in time OF war be-
tween the two Parliaments which he 80 gravsly
feared had In fact never taken place." Now,
even II the Irish legislature under Mr.. Glad
stones Homo Rule bill had possessed. like
Grattan's Parliament, the power to cripple o
British Government In time Of war by with
holding an Irish Mutiny oct. the sense OF SELF
preservation might have been trusted to pre-
ventit from doing For il It credible that Ire
land. now that her population Is outnumbered
by that Of England In the ratio OF about six to
one, would infiict a deep injury upon sister
kingdom which she carefully RETAINED from
inilicting when her population was nearly
equal to her neighborsp
But let US admit that tho constituency Of
Grattan's Parliament was materially different
from that to which Mr.. Gladstone's Irish Par
Lament would have appealed In respect Of
religion and race feeling-thRt the former, al
most up to the last moment, exclusively repre-
sented q Protestant minority. while the latter
body would have been entirely controlled BY
the great Catholic majority. Admitting this.
we find that Mr.. Gladstone had guarded against
all conceivable dangers on such score by i'm
posing upon ireland fixed annual contributions
for military and naval purposes. which. more
over. were to DO deducted by the Britiah Gov
eminent itself from the product of the customs
duties collected in Irish ports, which the Brit
ish Government alone. and not the Irish Gov
eminent. had the right to levy
From every point of view, In fine, from which
the Irish Constitution OF 1854, as we find 1t de-
lineated In Mr.. Lecky's pages, can be compared
with that devised for ireland by Mr.. Gladstone,
the latter seems decidedly superior In respect
Of security, freedom from friction and collision,
and Of praeticability. Where 1t differs from the
former Irish system and from that now In
vogue In the Dominion Of Canada, 1t differs
for the better. because It has borrowed provi-
sions Of tried utility from the Constitution of
the United States We are sure that Mr..
Lecky did not mean to make his discussion OF
this subject q storehouse OF arguments for the
Home Rule bill. but such storehouse we have