The clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1883-1888, 1887-05-11

IN ueIense OF the action OF his State,
and in opposition to the doctrines Of
Gen. Jackson's proclamation and the
legislation in support of it, Mr.. Calhoun
put forth, said the speaker, those pro-
found expositions of political principle es
which, as Mr.. Webster afterward said,
will descend to posterity under the
sanction OF great name"
THE PERIOD OF NULLIFIcATIoN.
The leading idea of those expositions
is that the American Union is demo-
cratic, federal republic-a political sys-
tenn compounded of the separate govern
ments of the several States and of one
common government of all the States,
called the Government of the United
States. Each was created by written
Constitutions, those of the particular
state by the people of each acting sepa-
rately, and that of the United States by
the people of each in its sovereign
capacity, but acting jointly. The entire
powers of Government are divided be-
tween the two-those lodged in the
General Government being delegated
by specific and enumerated grants in
the Constitution; and all others not
delegated being reserved to the States
respectively, or to the people. The
powers of each are sovereign, and neither
derives its powers from the other. In
their respective spheres neither is sub
ordinate to the other, but coordinate,
and, being coordinate, each has the
right of protecting it's own powers from
the encroachments of the other, the
two combined forming one entire and
perfect government. The line of demar-
cation between the delegated powers to
the Federal Government and the powers
reserved to the States is plain, inasmuch
ernment are expressly laid down, and
those not delegated are reserved to the
States unless specially prohibited.
The greater part of the powers dele
gated to the General Government relate
directly or indirectly to two great divis-
ions of authority; the one pertaining to
the foreign relations of the country, the
other of an internal character, and per-
tanning to the exterior relations of the
States, the purposes for which the Con-
stitution was formed being power, secu-
rity and respectability without, and
peace, tranquility and harmony within.
After full exposition of these propO-
sitions, Mr.. Calhoun employs the follow
ing strong and vigorous language:
Taking all the parts together, the
people of twenty-four independent and
sovereign States, confederated by a
solemn constitutional compact into one
great federal community with a system
of Government, in all of which powers
are separated into the great primary
divisions of the constitution-makinga and
the law making powers, those OF the
latter class being divided between the
common and joint Government of all
the States, and the separate and local
Governments of each State, respectively,
and finally the powers of both, distrib-
uted among three separate and indepen-
dent departments, legislative, executive
and judicial, presents in the whole a
political system as remarkable for its
grandeur as it is for its novelty and re-
tinement of organization. For the struc-
ture of such a system, so wise, Just and
beneficent, we are far more indebted to
experimenting providence, that so
disposed events as to lead as if by an
invisible hand TO its formation, than we
are to those who erected it. Intelligent,
experienced and patriotic as they were,
they were but builders under His super
intending direction. To preserve this
sacred distribution as originally settled,
by coercing each to move IN its pre-
scribed orbit, is the great and difficult
problem on which the duration of our
Constitution, of our Union, and, in all
probability, our liberty depends"
He next addressed himself to the
great question, "What provision does
the Constitution of the United States or
the system itself furnish to preserve
this and the other division of powersT'
He then proceeds to show that from the
relations which subsist between co-ordi-
nate Governments, and from law uni
versally applicable to division OF
power, whether between Governments
or departments of Governments, a
mutual negative on the part OF each Is
necessary to protect each from the
other; and that in case of conflict as to
the limits of their respective authority
| neither has the right to impose by force
| its decision against the other, but must
appeal to power paramount to either,
whose decision is final and binding on
| both. That paramount power IN our
system is the convention OF States, the
most august and imposing embodiment
| of political authority known to the
American system of Government. And
| this is the doctrine of notification.
| As a result of the events, which In an
earlier part of these remarks i have dis
| cussed, the right of notification, even
| in the minds of those who once asserted
that right, no longer has place IN the
apparatus of our political system. Nc
one now has the slightest dream OF any
resort to State interposition as remedy
for political grievances. Nor would 1t
be fair to state the arguments adduced
by him in support of notification with
out presenting those advanced in oppo
sition to the doctrine.
But the sincerity of his patriotism II
this matter should, in justice to hi'
name and fame, be cleared of the asper
sions of those who have reported him al
a conspirator, impelled by ambition u
arouse sectional animositles and passions
with view of tearing the Unlor
asunder. And il is with a view to thu
alone that / shall further refer to hi
course on this question.
THE UNION NECESSARY TO LIBERTY.
4 He then quoted Mr.. Calhoun's solemn
assertion of deep and sincere attach
ment to our political institutions an'
the union of the States. His reiteratloi
of the assertions made in 1917 that h
considered the Union necessary to tn
preservation of our liberty and the pro
motion of the happiness OF ourselve
and our posterity, and his further asser
ton that if he did not believe the righ
in question to be the only solid founda
ton of our system and of the Unlol
itself, he would not be its advocate.
In reply to the charge that nullitica
ton was secession in another form, Mr
Lamar quoted Mr.. Calhoun as saying
sThere is, indeed, one view, and on
,, only, of the contest, in which terc
could be employed; but that view, q
between the parties, would suppressed
|, the Constitution itself-that nulllncs
ton is secession-and would, conse
, ouently place the State, as to the Others
in the relation of foreign State.
y Standing thus toward one another
! force might, indeed, be employed agains
state. but it must be a beligeren
: force. preceded by a declaration of wa
i and carried on with all its formalitie
Such scould be the certain effect Of secession
}. and. if notification be secession, sucl
, too. must be its effect, which present
= the highly important question, Al
!, ! thew. in fact, the same? on the decisio
: of which depends the question wheths
= notification be peaceable and constif'
! fional remedy that may be exercise
without terminating the federal relation
of the State or not.
AL az am aware that there is conside
+ able and respectable portion of o.
I state. with a very large portion OF II
Z Trr;,n constitus ting. in fact, q gres