St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1887-10-07
went, unnoticed. I felt that if they could

went, unnoticed. felt that if they could
stand it could.
THE XVIII CLAUSE IN THE DECLARATION OF
PRINCIPLES
reads as follows: "Thatt the government shall
obtain possession, by purchase. under the
rlght OF eminent domain. of all telegraphs,
telephones and railroads: and that hereafter
no charter or license be issued to any corpo-
n rae,om iof construction or operation of any
means OF transporting Intelligence, passen-
gers or freight" believe that the time lost
IN delaying action on that clause is time
wasted, and most respectfully call the atten-
uon OF the general assembly to the matter
VIII Win view TO having some action taken. l
Delleve that the government of the United
states should operate its own lines of tele-
grapn, believe that it is absolutely neces-
sary Ior the welfare and prosperity of the
graph system to be used in the interest of the
people. The last presidential election wit
messed scene which no patriot wishes to see
again. The fate OF the nation hung in the
, pd,ahce. Inc country was in doubt as to
MhiGn OF the candidates for the presidency
n I been chosen: 1t was plainly stated in
the metropolis of the United States that one
man, whose name will not mention here,
was tampering with the election returns from
certain parts of the country with a view to
uefeatlng the will of the people. 1t was not
only stated that such was the case, but no
one doubted 1t. 1t was only when threats of
hanging TO lamp-post were made that the
announcement went forth that the returns
would be given to the people as accurately as
tney came IN AT that time the telegraph COM
pany, on whose wires the news came in, had
a powerful and growing rival. To-day it has
absorbed that rival and is reaching out for
more power. At that time the telegraph sys-
TEN OF this country was under the control of
many men and different arrangements. To-
Gay II is under the control of one manage.
ment, II not one man. The tendency of the
present rd no two i,xaf 80
not unreasonable to suppose that in the near
future the railway lines of the nation will be
under the control of one management if not
under the control of single man. The his
tory OF the past decade, the tendency of the
hour and the rapid march of events in every
walk OF life, tend to show that the power of
the corporation is giving way to the rule of
the monopolies, such being the case is it not
true that the Individual who centrals the tele-
graph and railway lines of the nation also
centrals the people of the nation?
DEPARTMENT OF LABOR.
believe the day has come for united labor
to ask at the hands of congress the passage
OF law creating department of labor at the
seat of the National government l would
respectfully ask of the committee on legisla-
ton to prepare a bill and introduce it to con-
gress at the next session. We have to-day
department of war; we do not need it at all
in comparison to department of labor. The
navy department is not sucn an important
one, Tor we do not require the use of very
extensive national navy. The prosperity of
the whole country rests on the broad shout
prominently before the nation and
the world as the question of
labor. Nearly every action taken now
by the executive or his cabinet deals in one
way or another with the question of labor;
its qualifications extend everywhere, its power
is felt everywhere, and its usefulness is now
recognized everywhere. All this being true,
it is no more than just that the president
should have as member of his cabinet a
man who represents more than war, more
than few vessels, more than sentiment,
more than class. Labor cannot be called a
class, for it is everywhere. To have a man
in his cabinet with whom to consult on the
question of labor, the president would be in
a better position to deal with the question of
capital. Labor to-day is entitled to far more
at the seat OF government than a mere
bureau, but il will not receive any more UNI
less it asks for it. l recommend that it asks
Tor the establishment of q department of
labor.
CONCERNING SOCIALISM.
Speaking of his connection with socialism
Mr.. Powderly says he, in 1880, became init
mately acquainted with Philip Van Patten,
the national secretary or the socialistic labor
party, he (Van Patten) then being member
OF the general executive board of the Knights
OF Labor. They frequently discussed the
measures of reform which all men in the
movement regarded as important, and Mr.
Powderly asked Van Patten for information
Ill regard to the soclallstic labor party's aims
and objects. Later on Van Patten sent Mr.
Powderiy red card of membership, for three
months by Van Patten. Mr.. Powderly saw
however, he said, that the declaration of
principles of the Knights of Labor contained
all OF socialism that he cared to advocate, so
he took no action in regard to the red mem
bership ticket except to keep it as a
memento of Van Patten. He made this
statement, he said, in order to let
the members of the order know how he
stood in regard to the matter. Had he been
in active utilization with the socialistic labor
party Of that day he would have no hesitancy
i'll admitting it, for the principal, aims and
objects OF the party were good, and no man
having the welfare of labor at heart could
object to the greater portion of them. They
had nothing in common with anarchy, nor
with the extreme views of the ultra socialist
of the present day. Another thing to be said
of the socialism of that day, and of the pres
ent day as well is, that all men who advocate
been COMPOUNDED with anarchy and with
everything that savors of violence, until
good men who believe in socialism are afraid
to admit that they believe in
the speaker O declared. " the Be'efI peopIe
have lawful remedy in the ballot, and the
man who advocates the use of any other
weapon is not a true citizen or true social
list. True socialists do not advocate the use
OF dynamite or firearms, nor do they believe
In the contiscation of property or the distri-
button of wealth, and no sane man can ad-
vocate doctrine which gives man who has
not worked for it wealth. Mr.. Powderly said
he owed no allegiance to any organization
except the knights of Labor, and thought
every other officer should be able to say the
same.
separate Jurisdiction for Canada is not
encouraged, as there can be but one general
assembly of the knights of Labor of Amer
lea, and every nerve and artery of this great
organization must work in harmony
He advocates the publication of a journal
under the control of the order, which can
reach every member.
The appointment of general investigator
of woman's work is warmly commended.
AS TO HIMSELF.
In conclusion Mr.. Powderly SAYS:
The term for which was elected expires
one year hence. l have no other position OF
place in view. have no offer of any kind
l know of no one who wants my services. ]
declare my intentions so far ahead that the
order may have ample time to make its selec
ton, and when we gather together year
from now 1T cannot be said of me that
refused to stand a reelection because | feared
defeat, or because l had another business to
step into. / have been charged with mistakes
1t has been said of me that knew not how tc
lead: but the men who criticized have never
advised. My mistakes have not been pointed
out to me, and the point to which have failed
to lead has not been reached by another. That
/ may not know how to lead / admit, but
when the general assembly puts another in
my place l will show my critics that know
how to follow, and it is necessary to the sue.
cess of every movement that men know how
to follow as well as lead. From the close OF
the general assembly at which my successor
is elected until the next one convenes. l will
stand behind the general master workman as
true Knight should. 1t shall be my duty to
silence the man who slandres him or the or
der. 1t shall be my duty to cast aside such
obstacles as designing men may place in his
pathway, and in every way will uphold his
hands until meet him again in the general
assembly, where, if have cause to complain
of him, shall do it openly honorably upon
the floor. / shall insist that he be given time
for thought and elaboration; that he shall be
given time in which to observe the tendency
of the age and hour. l shall ask that he be