Fort Worth daily gazette. (Fort Worth, Tex.) 1882-1891, 1887-10-17

anxiety to devise some means to keep out
political and social agitasors, commun-
lists, anarchists, and other like baleful
fanatics. But to find them out on their
arrival would be difficult; and to draw 6
line between mere harmless theorists and
those who are intent to carry out their
dangerous and criminal views 81 any cost,
would be en- impossibility. Should every
person not citizen of the United States
have to present a passport from his home
authorities, as has been suggested By
some, those who are source of suspicion
or terror TO them would get passports
gratis for the mere asking. If the Gar of
Russia could get rid of his nihilists by
furnishing them with passports to the
United States, he would gladly do SO,
and pay their passage in addition.
The right OF any nation to absolutely
forbid immigration, or to forbid it to
some classes, is of course unquestionsble.
Yet such unconditional exclusion would
at this period of the nineteenth century
be undoubtedly considered as against the
spirit Of the age, and as unfriendly to
other states, and would provoke vexa-
sious and retaliatory measures toward
our own nationals in foreign countries
But no blame can Justly attach to US if
we strive to keep off the paupers and
idiots unable to support themselves, the
fugltives from justice, and persons con-
yicted of crimes not political. believe,
| however, that our present laws, if vigor-
ously executed, are sufficient to protect
Us from those classes Of people.
! To prevent the evil consequences of
the influx of so many foreigners the ques-
| ton of naturalization has now become
again very prominent one in the eyes OF
many thoughtful persons, and may well
| be considered as closely connected with
that Of immigration. The states attor-
ney should, by law, be made to be pres
ent at every instance of naturalization, to
examine the witnesses, and it would not
| be very difficult task to find out those
persons who had been convicted of crimes,
or who are disreputable persons, or per-
sons not attached to the principles of the
constitution, or we'll disposed to the
good order and happiness of the country.
In this way vicious and incendiary char
| acters are more likely to be excluded from
| citizenship than by any other legal enact
ment. To be sure, this would affect such
dangerous people only claiming the
privilege of voting, and not prevent them
from being here as aliens. Our laws Of
naturalization, In my opinion, are good
enough; all the amendment would de-
sire would be this, that what the Judges
may now do under the law as it stands
should be made obligatory upon them in
every case.
MR.. I. X. BOYEsON,
the well-knoWn Scandinavian attorney,
was the last speaker. He said the Ameri-
can government was peculiar in that its
organic law placed oil restrictions upon
the government and none upon the gov
erned. An army was providedfor, but so
restricted that it could not be used to
suppress riot or instruction until such
uprising had so far progressed as to defy
the power of the state. The necessity
for such use of an army was not contem-
plated by the trainers of the constitution.
But there had arisen secret or seml-secret
organizations which taught defiance of
the law and the overthrow Of order and
constituted authorities. They did not
belong here. They were foreign to the
land and laws. Ii they were the product
Of American institutions, the experiment
OF Democratic government was about to
prove failure. Mr.. Boyeson held that
the government possessed an undoubted
right to exclude from its territory any
aliens deemed dangerous. During the
civil war such right and power was ex-
ercised by all civilized nations. He be-
lieved in the feasibility of demanding
that immigrants should bring certificates
from American COnsuls abroad. He
though the Consuls could, at least, de-
termine that the would-be emigrant had
not been
CONVICTED OF ANY CRIME
v0+o NJ
not believe in any general res friction Of
fereign immigration; but he deemed it
expedient to exclude such races as were
inferior to the general population, or
whose character was so different from
that Of the American people that they.
would not smalgamate with the general
population. Under this holding he sup
ported the exclusion of the Chinese.
Mr.. Boyeson favored the re-enactment
OF the substance of the alien law of 1898,
referred to by Mr.. Raster. It seemed to
him reasonable that any nation could ex-
clude dangerous or sedltious aliens. The
United States government had recognized
in diplomatic correspondence this right
on the part of other nations.
Mr.. Boyeson said that the policy of the
government had not always been that all
,
come citizens as a matter of right.
Great csre was at first exercised in
admitting to citizenship. 1t was only
by the opening of the great north
west that foreigners came to be re-
garded as persons entitled to citizenship,
rs q matter Of right. Admission to citi-
zenship should be more highly valued.
The committees of political parties ought
not to vie with one another in securing
the wholesale naturalization of foreigners
for the sake OF their votes. Mr.. Boyeson
favored q requirement of seventeen years.
residence in the country before natural
ization could be secured. The foreign
born man ought to have resided in the
United States long enough generally to
comprehend and appreciate American
institutions. Another suggestion made
was that nobody should be naturslized
within six months puor to presidential
election.
1t was 1880 O'Clock when the meeting
adjourned, and all who were in at
tendance expressed themselves as having
been edited and interested by the dis
cussion.
Variety OF Views.
The views of a number of prominent