The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1887-12-24
The Attempt to Ronominate Blaine.


The appended article is from the american,
Republican Protection Journal, published
in Philadelphia. 1t lis worthy of careful con-
sideration, coming as it does from the very
centre of Protection in this country. The;
american sounds an alarm, and views with
deep concern the effect of President Clete-,
lands annual message. Here is the 4mer-
icdR's article:
The message of Mr.. Cleveland has made
some Of the simple minded think that anybody
can now beat him. And this thought of the
simple minded has led to the further one:-
"Then let us again nominate Mr.. Blaine"
Consider the facts of this case for mo-
ment.
1t is everywhere seen and admitted that the
President, representing his party, has made
up the issues of 1888, and that in the Northern
States generally be has impaired the Demo
cratic strength. But in viewing the elections
of next year, Mr.. Cleveland considered them
as simple problem. He disregarded the
states where Free Trade avowal would hurt
him, and he aimed at those alone where he
believed it would help him. The Solid South
he considers surely solid, and it gives him 1853
votes of the POI which he needs. He there
fore looks only to that part of the North where
the real contest must be made, and this, as
he perceives, is in and about the city of
New York. Around that centre are grouped
the SO electors of New York State, the
of New Jersey and the of Cennec-
ticut, making 81 in all, and giving him 2O4
votes. Other states he will try for-Indiana,
Wisconsin, California, Nevada and Oregon,
perhaps-but the three that are necessary to
his success he strikes for, with a single blow.
Now, how much has his Free Trade mani
festo weakened him in the city of New Y ork,
and in the circles controlled from that centre?
Mr.. Cleveland did not write this message
without the belief, and perhaps the knowl-
edge, that the trade interests of that city,
largely foreign as they are, would support him
with all their strength upon the platform
which the message announces. He awakens
all their force. Nothing so encouraging to
them has been written by an American Pres
ident in more than a quarter of a century
within which time the imports of the United
States have been doubled, and the wealth and
influence of alien trade resident in New York
city have quadrupled. 1t is as certain as the
course of the sun that when November comes
the Free Trade strength of that city, through
its newspapers, through its social influences,
through its writers and speakers, and-above
all, in such a contest-through its money, will
be exerted to the last ounce in behalf of
candidate who has openly abused and assaulted
the Protective policy. General Hancock did
but evade the question, intending to guard
himself and party from the implication OF
being opposed to Protection, but Mr.. Cleve-
land throws such caution to the winds, and
proelaims his opposition in the loudest and
shrillest of tones. If the response to this
from the Free Trade city were not as swift
and as hearty as the proclamation is vehement
it would be because like had ceased answering
to like, and food no longer appeased hunger.
Whom, then, are the Republicans to NOM
mate against Mr.. Cleveland? As he has in
tensi6ed the energy of his support at the
critical point, the question becomes more
important than ever Do they want a candi-
date who will win from the Democratic vote
of 1884, or candidate who has already sue
cumbed to it? They must face the issue in
this shape. 1t is plain, in spite of denials and
disclaimers, that Mr.. Blaines boom is
again to be set in motion, if it be possible to
make it move. The evidences of this are seen
in those circles from which the work in his
behalf was directed four years ago, and they
place the whole of the political situation in
the clear light of the simple question whether
Mr. Cleveland is to be encountered in his own
citadel with candidate whose weakness there
has already been demonstrated.
The peril of the Republican organization is
extreme. Itgave way, in 1888, in the face of
certain embarrassment and probable defeat,to
Mr. Blaine nomination. Since the Cincinnati
convention of 1876, his weakness in New York
and elsewhere had been well known, and the
danger of his candidacy had been understood
by every intelligent party man. But the de-
mand, unwise as it was, of many voters in the
Republican States of the North for his lead
ership overbore the prudeace and good iudg-
ment of the convention of 1854, and the dan
gerous way was preferred to the many safe
ones which offered themselves. It led, as all
know, to defeat. 1t revolutionized the ma
tional executive. Itput into the White Hoase
the representative not of the Nation, but of
the Southern States. 1t set in motion politi-
cal forces which must either be checked
eleven months hence, or they will go on to
make the revolution complete in all the de-
partments of the general government.
1t might be supposed that what was lost in
1884 was enough to lose wilfully. 1t might
be presumed that the Republicans OF the
United States valued too highly their own
usefulness to the country, and esteemed too
much the principles and policy they have in
charge, to needlessly put everything in peril
again. And if this be true, how can they
possibly think for one moment of again in
curing the dangers of 1884, when these are
augmented on both sides,-on one by the de-
cline of Mr. Blaine's strength, and on the
other by the increased vigor of Mr.. Clevo-
lands support at the key-point of the engage
ment? If the taking of risk three years ago
was inexcusable, the repetition of it now
would be evidence of blind fatuity.