The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1887-08-04

eumbents, upon changes of names and sites.
upon designations. and the expiration OF COM
missions, upon the establishment OF new ofhces,
and upon removals and suspensions Inc oeatns
nre about one in hundred during the year. and
appointments upon changes OF names anu SITES
and the establishment of new of1ces are very
few. During the first four months OF the
administration the health OF the first assistant
postmaster general, who mas charge OF the
general was infrm that the mere routine
work Of the Office " as with difficulty accom-
plished, and arbitrary changes Were therefore,
probably fewer than might have otherwise been
che case. OF the actual number of changes for
all causes in the postofice of every kind, I have
seen two statements, both of which assume to
be authentic. One OF them states the
whole number of changes to be about
$4,000, the other about $1,000 Whether,
however, the larger or the smaller number
be more accurate, at the same rate of change for
the next two years, the entire body of postmas-
ters would be, with very few exceptions, politi-
caily changed, and with the postmasters all the
employees dependent on them. This result would
not have been accomplished. indeed, by clean
sweep Some presidential officers might have
served ont their terms and a very few. in the
happy instance Of the postmaster of New York,
might be reappointed. But substantially the
whole OF this vast and universally diffused SER
vice. whose smaller Offices the local head
quarters Of the administration party and are
often given TO local editors, whose newspapers are
thus subsidized by the government, would have
undergone complete partisan reconstruction.
Practically. / repeat there has been very
general partisan reconstruction of the national
civil service. But while such a change was the
undoubted desire and expectation of a large and
important part Of the supporters of the Presl-
dent at the polls, do not believe that IL was de-
sired or anticipated by the intelligent sentiment
of the country. If the persistent pressure of
this demand had been resisted firmly, and if no
change had been tolerated beyond that eqnit-
able division between parties which, although
wholly defensible upon sound principles OF re-
form, might have been accepted as permissible
compromise under very difficult circumstances,
the reform system would have been so strongly
intrenched in public approval that at the end OF
the second term of the administration which had
established it, o succeeding party or President
would probably have ventured to disturb IL.
In stating the fact which is the most impor-
tant in the history of reform within the year.
confess my great disappointment, and we must
all see with sincere regret the loss of unpre
cedented opportunity greatly to advance a bene-
fcent reform do not wish TO exaggerate the
loss nor to judge harsny the action of the
administration, nor am | in the least unmindful
of what has been already accomplished. of
the brave contest of the President against
enormous odds But if the statements which
have been made, and which see to
doubt, are accurate, and this political reconstruc
ton of the service has taken place it is fair Co
assume that unless resolutely forbidden by pu bic
sentiment. another party change of administra-
ton would swiftly effect similar change in the
public service, and it would plead the conduct of
the present administration as the precedent and
excuse / should be unjust TO the Executive.
and to my own belief. If did not add that,
did not doubt the sincerity of President Grants
when he abandoned the attempt, 1 do not doubt
the strong conviction and honest purpose of
President Cleveland. Like General Grant, he
has undoubtedly found the force of the spos
tradition to be overwhelming and his view of
the best course in the actual situation. however
mistaken we may think 1t to be, is none the less
sincere. President Cleveland has undoubtedly
believed that unbending fidelity to reform would
lead TO the rupture of his party, the alienation
OF its majority in the House of Repre-
sentatives and his consequent complete
political isolation and total inability TO serve
form or any other good cause, or to make his
administration truly useful to his country. He
has probably yielded ne thought the public
welfare required him TO yield, but not in bad
faith nor with any unworthy purpose. Unhap
pilv, every concession to the memorable demand
makes resistance feebler, and the President who
begins to yield ends by finding that he has sur
rendered PRESIDENT Cleveland. with convic-
tions a. strong end purpose pure those of
his predecessors, has dou btess, like them, salts
fed himself that executive courage and SINGER
ity, alone and unsupported. cannot deal effectn-
ally with the abuse now formidably fortified in
party tradition and strengthened by party
spirit. President Cleveland, also, like his
predecessors, cannot be justly accused OF break
ing any pledges that he has given Although
perfectly sincere in the desire to reform
complished, his sense of the extreme doubt of
its effective accom- plishment long the
public mind was but partially informed upon
the subject, and while party hostility
was relentless. prevented him from making
absolute engagements and promises. In mis- let
ter to the league of December %, 1884. he de-
in fairly and honorably enforcing the statute,
aud he las kept hrs word. he said,
further, that officers holding for fixed term
should not be removed during their term solely
on partisan grounds and for the purpose of put
ting in their places political adherents of the adj
ministration. 1t would be easy to allege. but
very difficult to show, that this rule has been
generally or often deliberately disregarded. The
President added that his administration would
be Democratic. and that Democrats would re-
ceive all proper consideration, but that selec-
Nyap for off
service rules would be based upon sufficient in
qury as TO fitness by those charged
ton that he has diligently sought
wise counsel in making appointments. that
he has been often greatly deceived. The Pres-
dents letter carefully considered. and while
it showed unquestionable mpathy with reform,
10 showed quite Enthusiastically a profound |
sense of the perplexiries of the situation. II i'm
piled that the course of the administration in
this respect must be tentative. and 1t was IN no
sense pledge that general change in the SER
vice might not be effected.
''But while may believe as certainly be-
lieve that the President is upright mags- |
trate, who, looking at the vast and complicated !
range of his duties the chief executive of a |
great nation, has been unable to accomplish in |
this department OF his duty all that he would |
have gladly DONE while may willingly acquit |
him of insincerity indifference, we must be as
just to ourselves as to him. 1t would be a great
wrong to the cause of which the league is the |
authorized national representative if it did not |
plainly and emphaticaly declare that il does not
regard the ad mir istration, however worthy of |
respect and confidence for many reasons. as in |
any strict sense of the word civil-service
form administration"
Mr.. Curtis then criticised the action of the 4
President in the Benton and Stone cases. In
regard to the circular" of the President on the
subject of interference in politics by federal
offceholders the speaker said:
"Of other officers besides Mr.. Benton and Mr.
Stone, who in disregard of the circular, have
taken part in the manipulation of party primary
and nominating conventions, we'll
in the dictation of party action, none so far
am aware. have been removed. The circular
n warning, therefore, has been neglected with
impunity, and as an order 1t is a dead letter.
Very recently il has been SYSTEMATICALLY and
fagrantly defed in Baltimore. and should the
defiance pass upremarked, the circular may be
regarded as withdrawn"
Mr. Curtis then proceeded to review the work
Of the civil-service commission; the failure of