The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1887-06-12

More than half Of the second Of the two
vo,umes lately added to tho History OF England
IN the Eighteenth Century, by EDWARD hAnT.
poIp LrcxY IN devoted to q consideration OF
the state Of Ireland from 1852 to the end OF
1893, or. IN other words. from the concession OF
Independence to the Dublin Parliament to the
passage Of the Catholic Relief bill by that body.
This 10 period Of peculiar interest TO all who
watch with sympathy the efforts OF Mr.. Glad
stone to restore to Ireland her Legislative lib
erty, for II was the events Of that time which
Furnished tho Ministry Of William Pitt with
motive and pretext for abolishing tho Dublin
Parliament and carrying by overy sort OF In
timidation and corruption the Act OF Union.
When wo bear in mind that Mr.. Lecky has not
eorupled TO avow during the heated contro-
yersy Of the last year his. opposition to the re-
posl OF that act, we cannot but suppose no
would approach tho delineation Of the epoch In
ouestiru with at least wish to find In 1t some
justification OF his present opinions. But Union
ists will not discover in the chapters allotted
TO this subject an arsenal OF arguments
A., instead Of citing comments and deduotlons
warped or colored by predictions. they con-
fine themselves to facts which tho historian
saw himself bound In candor to set down.
Some circumstances. doubtless. are omitted or
unduly softened which II brought out with
emphasis would strengthen Mr.. Gladstone's
case, but enough Ia here recorded to supply
arm and ample basis for the homo rule de-
nnnd for tho proof can neither be concealed
NOR challenged that at the only era OF her his
tory when Ireland was allowed to govern her-
self abe did 90 with adequate moderation and
saRnoity. Mr.. Lecky has failed to exhibit any
warrant In the facts for the capital contention
Of his fellow Unionists that British security is
incompatible with Dublin Parliament.
tive look closely at the merits and defects OF
the Irish Constitution Of 1852, as they are ex-
pounded in this history. We shall see that most
OF tho former were preserved and most OF tho
latter avoided In the Gladstone project OF 1885.
and that II Ireland could be safely trusted with
the former regime, Jortiori 1t might be with
the system Of home rule which the Unionists
rejected. Lot us see first what Mr.. Lecky ad-
mits that ireland acquired by the Renuncia-
ton act, which formed the coping stone
OF her Constitution and transformed the
inert and useless semblance Of q Parliament
into an organ Of national vitality and growth.
"Much had. indeed" he says, "beon gained
the independence OF the Judges. the control OF
the army, the transfer Of appellate jurisdiction
to the Irish House Of Lords, tho extinction OF
the power OF tho Privy Council to originate.
suppress. or alter Irish legislation. the renun-
cistion Of the power Of the British Parliament
20 legislate for ireland. the full and repeated
acknowledgment Of the doctrine that the King.
Lords and Commons Of ireland had alone the
right to make her laws. An Irish act OF Henry
VIII. and the Irish act Of recognition OF Will
liam and Mary had established that tho crowns
of England and Ireland we're inseparable, 80
that whoever was King of England was tpso
Jacto King OF Ireland; but the two Legislatures
were now regarded as independent. co6rdi-
nate, and In their respective spheres coequal."
Il will be at once observed that the measure
framed BY Mr.. Gladstone reproduced most OF
thu features hero indicated and had others OF Its
own. 1t also renounced the power OF the Brit
fab Parliament to legislate for Ireland upon
every subject except customs duties and GER
tain specified necessities OF imperial conoorn.
1t also gave no power to the British Privy Coun-
oil or to any British Minister to originate, sup
press. or alter Irish legislation. 1t also assured
to Ireland the independence of her judiciary
and magistraoy. 1t stopped short OF giving
her any power over that portion OF the British
regular army which might be stationed in her
borders for purposes OF general defence but 1t
did not withhold from her tho indispensable
control Of her militia and eopstabulary.
One Of Mr.. Lecky's objections to the Irish
Constitution of 1882 was based on the eonsid-
sration that although the Kings veto was Mt
that time obsolete In England, it was not likoly
10 be obsolete In ireland, and yet could only be
exercised on the advice Of his Ministers In
England. Now. 1t Is true that Mr.. Gladstones
intentions with reference to veto power on
Irish legislation were not unequivocally ex-
pressed In his Home Rule bill Of 1886. but the
existence OF my such power seems hardly CON-
patible with the provision for an Irish Ministry.
entirely independent of the English Cabinet,
and solely accountable to the Dublin Parlta-
kha cd IN hnv Va
survived. would have to DO exercised BY
the Grown on the advice of its Irish
Ministers, who would scarcely incur the
odium Of rnviving for Ireland prerogative
confessedly extinct in England since the reign
OF Anne. Again. Mr.. Lecky, In his survey OF
the Constitution Of 1889. points out a grave
cause for friction In the fact that when bills
were sent over from ireland to receive the
royal sanction, 1t was the custom to submit
them, In the first place, to committee OF the
Prtvy Council, who were Instructed to examine
them and report on them to the Kings law OFF,
Gers In England. This wheel Of tho machine OF
administration. indeed, was not public, but
there 10 reason to believe that 1t was not mop
erstive." There was no such wheel in the
mechanism devised by Gladstone. no reference
of Irish bills to the Privy Council or to the I'M
pedal Ministry being authorized.
Mr.. Lecky naturally dwells with much more
emphasis on the fact that there was, properly
speaking, no Ministry In Ireland responsible to
tho Irish Parliament. The position OF Irish
Ministers WAS essentially different from the
position OF English Ministers, Ministerial
power was mainly In the hands OF the Lord
Lieutenant and Of his Chief Secretary. They
were not politicians who had risen to prom
thence and leadership In tho Irish Parliament
They wore Englishmen. strangers to Ireland
appointed and instructed by English Ministers,
and changed with each succeeding Admins
tration. The Irish Government was thus
completely subordinnsed to tho play Of
party government In England. An Irish
Administration which commanded tho full
confidence Of the Irish Parliament might
at any moment BIO overthrown by vote
In tho English Parliament On some purely Eng
lish question. This appears to me to have been
fatal fault In the Constitution OF 1854" fatal
fault undoubtedly It was, but It was carefully
avoided In MIR. Giadstone's bill Mr.. Gladstone
wiped out the last vestige Of Castle govern
rnent which on the contrary, had been alloWed