The Atlanta constitution. [volume] (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, 1887-11-01
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LINCOLN AND DAVIS.
General Henry r.. Jackson Explains What
Was Melnt.

General Henry r.. Jackson Explains What
Was Melnt.
The speech made by General Jackson has
already become national issue. 1t was tele-
graphed from Macon when delivered, in i'm
perfect shape, and with the mistakes incident
to telegraphing from hurried stenographic re-
ports.
We print the speech this morning entire and
in authorized shape. The correspondents of
northern and republican papers accept as the
gist of the speech, and the point on which
they will make issue, this sentence. GIN that
Sriumphal procession (alluding to the final tri-
smph of the principle of local sovereignty
against centralized power) Abraham Lincoln
shall not move as the rightful president, but
Jefferson Davis, the so-called traitor leader of
q so-called lost cause" This is the sentence
on which issue is to be made.
An editor Of The CONSTITUTION had talk
with General Jackson about his speech. He
was surprised at the wide discussion it prom
Used to provoke, but found no occasion in
9hs to revise or review anything he had
said. Mr.. jackson said:
'"When I was invited to Mac to make the
address on the occasion Of Mr.. Davis's last
appearance before his people, felt it would
be proper for me to express there and in that
presence the convictions / have held all my
life, and l did So"
"What about the sentence quoted above as
She Iincoln-Dayis sentcnce?'
''Ihat sentence with its context should eX-
plain itself; but as it may be subject to mis-
construction, which misconstruction may do
injuIy beyond my personal relations, | viii give
you the precise line of thought that led up to it.
You will find at once in this a statement and
an argument from which no man who believes
as ] believe can dissent.
SIT has been my conviction all my life that
Che model government would be reached on
this earth through local sovereignty, as op-
10 4Ia ,f.nli nf
Teached this conviction when [ was a young
man, and my observation and study have but
deepened it. We find illustrations of its truth
on all sides. In France, twenty-five thousand
men in Paris, the most irresponsible and
worthless element of its population if you
please, can precipitate a revolution that will
Involve the whole country. Mr.. Gladstone
seeing the danger of the Capitalization of
power, is giving the last and best years of his
life to an appeal for home rule, and an argu-
ment against lodging in London the local
rights that should be lodged in Dublin. In
this country where the plan of state sover-
eighty still lives, New York may engage to-
morrow in a war with her unemployed labor
ers Blood may run in the streets OF her prin-
cipal cities, and Georgia, and perhaps no other
state, would De involved except so far as they
voluntarily operated to the protection Of New
York.
at is my conviction, therefore, as it has al
WAYS been, that when the solution of the prob
lcm Of human government is found, ii viii be
found in q lodgnent OF local sovcrcignties, in
local commemorative. 1t was the triumph Of
This principle Of which ] spoke in my address.
1t was for this principal that Mr. Davis
fought, and against this principal that Mr..
Lincoln fought Mr., Davis represented state
Sovereignty. Mr.. Lincoln stood for 2 central
lied nation. Wien appreciation comes true,
Is it should come truo that the true principle
of successful government is local rights
lodged in local soycTeigutics, in that triumph
Mr.. Davis would take precedence by virtue Of
e IL, -
for which lie fought. This principle and its
discussion is not local to America. 1t is as
wide as human civilization and is being fought
out today in England as id has been fought in
America for more than a century"
''Nou insisted III your speech that the south
did not Sight TO proicct alaycry2'
al did, and this is concurrent with what [
nave jus. said. 1t Waa for tho principle Of
state sovereignty that tho south fought She
impeYled slavery when she began the war.
She could easily have Verpetuated slavery if
she had been willing to sacrifice the principle
of state sovereignty. she pat both to the gauge
of battle, knowing perfectly that whatever the
issue Of the war may have been, slavery would
have suffered. Suppose we Lad conquered.
we would have simply moved the Canada
line to the borders Of Che southern couied-
eracy, and would have changed the line Of
lakes to the Ohio river. IL IS not too
much to say that wise men IN the south be-
lieved that, even if the south was successful,
that the institution of slavery would be put in
eminent peril thereby. II is due 10 the honor
of the south and the truth Of history that it
should be declared now and .foreyeunore, that
Che outh did not fight because Of slavery but
shat it fought in spite Of slavery, and to the
peri, OF slavery. To support a governmental
principle. the wisdom of which viii he demon
stratel u England, and the lack Of which
has many Shines plunged tgQnce into causeess
and irresponsible revolution. the south delibcr-
ntcy mt in jeopardy an institution involving
its entire labor system, and over four hundred
snillion dollars Of property. 1t was, so make
this fact clear, that much OF my speech was
spoken.
"Wiu you pardon me-" General Jackson
continued, "since you deem this subject OF
enough importance to seek this interview, for
repeating briefly my position. / attempted to
mkae plain two things IN my speech. First,
that the south did not fight for
slavery, but that she fought for a
governmental principle in spite Of slavery and