The National tribune. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1877-1917, 1887-11-10
THE REHErLroN IN HISTORY.

and stupefying the moral sense Of the coun-
try with the meretricious glories Of the re-
bellion, IL seems necessary 10 recall to the
public mind some very important facts.
The first Of these is that the rebellion
stands without a parallel among modern
wars FOR lack Of cause and utter wickedness.
IL is always terrible responsibility to begin
war and plunge a peaceful country into
the horrors Of destructive strife Only
wrongs that have become uncomfortable and
can be righted in no other way, or other
reasons Of equal magnitude, can Justify this.
Franklin and Jefferson went so far as to say
that any peace was better than the most
righteous war.
There was no justification whatever for
the rebellion. The people of the South were
suffering no wrongs at the hands Of the Ma
tional Government, and none were threat
ened them. They had had control of the
National Government for an indefinite num-
Der Of years, and had every reason for be-
lieving that this control would be speedily
returned TO them. The President who was
then elected had no power whatever over
them so long as they remained at peace and
obeyed the laws which they themselves had
made. He repeatedly and in the most formal
manner disclaimed any intention Of inter
fering even remotely with their institutions
or property. Their fellow-citizens OF the
East, North and West were unanimous in
asserting the same thing 1t does not seem
possible that any people who ever drew the
sword could have had less pretext for going
10 war than those of the South did. Yet
they suffered themselves TO be deluded by
unprincipled and selfish men into beginning
and maintaining war unequaled in history
for destruction OF life and property.
In all the wars which have desolated the
civilized world since the close of the Dark
Ages the oOmbatants have sought-before re-
sorting to the dreadful arbitrament of arms
to justify themselves before the tribunal of
public opinion. Even in the least justifable
Of those wars the men who led and fought
on the wrong side have been able TO show
substantial grievances and wrongs, 10 at least
partially excuse their appeal TO the sword.
Though they were eventually defeated in
the field, yet these wrongs and grievances
were taken into account when peace was
established and some measure of redress
granted. This the public opinion of the
civilized world demanded of the victors.
There are not few instances in the history
of the last two centuries where neutral
powers have by actual armed intervention,
or the threats Of it, compelled the victors in
the struggle TO grant some measure of the
justice for which the vanquished took up
arms.
The leaders Of the rebellion could make
no appeal 10 the worlds justification, be-
cause their acts were in defiance Of the worlds
opinion. The plea most potent with their
own people-that they must fight TO protect
their property in slaves-had no force in the
court Of the civilized world, which held that
the purchase and sale OF men and women, and
the holding Of them as chattels, were odious
and repugnant to all enlightened Christian
men. In the eyes Of the world the men who
fought to maintain and extend such an
iniquitous system were as criminal as men
who fought to maintain pOlygamy or the
Algerines who fought TO maintain their sys-
TEN Of piracy.
The conscience Of the world applauded
when the rebellion was crushed without
compromise or concession, when the alleged
causes for which the rebels took up arms
were utterly ignored in the settlement OF
peace, and when slavery was eKtirpated
root and branch.
In this terrible condemnation by the
world of their so-called "causeD the people
Of the South who are not blinded by sense
less hate must coincide. They must rejoice
that they did not succeed in destroying the
Government because they are now in enjoy
ment Of prosperity that could not have
been theirs had the rebellion been success
full They must be glad that they did not
succeed in perpetuating slavery, for, aside
from the moral iniquity Of that institution,
they have had demonstrated to them that
they are richer and better off in every way
without slavery than with il.
All these being undeniahle facts, why
should anybody glorify the rebellion? Why
should anybody idolize the men who were
instrumental in bringing it about? 1t was
either an enormous crime or a great and
horrible mistake. They were either entirely
without scruple OF mercy in the pursuit of
their ambitions, or they were fatuous fools
unable TO comprehend the obvious and neces-
sary results of their own acts.
To this conclusion relentless logic must
bring every one who studies the history of
the rebellion with judicial impartiality.