The morning news. [volume] (Savannah, Ga.) 1887-1900, 1887-10-31

on this earth through local sovereignty
rs opposed to the Capitalization 81 power
| reached this conviction when | was
young man, aud my observation aud study
have but deepened it. We find illustrations
of its truth on all sides. In France. 2o,UO0
men in Paris, the most Irresponsible ana
worthless element of its population II you
please, can precipitate revolution that VIII
involve the whole country. Mr.. Gladstone,
seeing the danger of the Capitalization OF
power is giving the last and best years OF
shis life to an appeal for homo rule. and an
argument against lodging in London the
local rights that should be lodged in Dublin.
In this country, where the plan of State
sovereignty still lives, New York may
engage tomorrow III a war with her unem'
ployed laborers. Blood may run in the
streets of her principal cities, and Georgia
and perhaps no other State, would be IN
volved except so far as they voluntarily
operated TO the protection Of New y ork.
1T is my conviction, therefore, as it has
always been, that when the solution of the
problem of human government is found, 1t
will be found in a Judgment OF local SOW
ereignties in local commemorative. IL was
the triumph of this principle OF which
spoke III my address. 1t was for this prln-
ciple that Mr.. Davis fought, and against
this principle that Mr.. Lincoln fought. Mr..
Davis represented state sovereignty. Mr..
When my prediction comes true, If 1T
should come true. that the true principle OF
successful government is local rights lodged
in local sovereignties in that triumph Mr.
Davis would take precedence by virtue OF
the triumph of the principle Of government
for which he fought. This principle and
its discussion is not local to America. 1t IS
as wide as human civilization and is being
fought out to-day in England as it has been
FOUGHT in, a m than 81
turv.n
you insisted in your speech that the
South did not fight to protect slavery"
II did, and this is concurrent with what |
have just said 1t was for the principle OF
State sovereignty that the South fought
She Imperfect slavery when she began the
war. She could easily have perpetuated
slavery if she had been willing to sacrifice
the principle of State sovereignty. She put
both to the gauge of battle, knowing per
fectly that whatever the issue of the
war may have been, slavery would have
suffered. Suppose we had conquered. We
would have simply moved the Canada line
to the borders of the Southern COnfederacy
and would have changed the line of
lakes to the Ohio river. 1t is not too
much to say that wise men in the South be-
lieved that, even il the South was success
full that the institution Of slavery would be
put in eminent peril thereby 1t is due to
the honor of the South and the truth OF
history that it should be declared now and
forevermore, that the South did not fight
because of slavery, but that it fought in
spite of slavery, and to the peril of slavery
To support a governmental principle, the
wisdom of which will be demonstrated in
England, and the lack of which has many
times plunged France into causelesS and
irresponsible revolution, the South deliber
ately put in jeopardy an institution involv-
ing its entire labor system, and over
800 0O0, 900 of property. 1t was, to make
this fact clear, that much of my speech was
spoken.
"Will you pardon me- Gen. jackson con-
tinued, "since you deem this subject of
enough importance to seek this interview,
for repeating briefly my position! / at
tempted to make plain two things in my
speech. First, that the South did not fight
for slavery, but that she fought for gov
ernmental principle in spite of slavery and
to the peril of slavery. Second, that this
governmental principle, which is not local
to this country, but which is worldwide is
the principle upon which successful human
government must finally be built; and Incl
dentallv, and purely incidentally, that Mr..
Davis having represented this principle
of State sovereignty, which L believe to be
the true one, and of the ultimate tIi-
umph of which over this world l am
sure, would when that triumph came to the
world take precedence of Mr.. Lincoln, who
fought for the opposite, and as l believe I'M
wise and pernicious principle of centralized
power. You may understand how Incl
dental this personal allusion was when |
tell you that yield to few men in my adj
miration for Mr.. Lincoln as a man. From
the day that he and Mr. Seward, with their
carpet bags in hand, came to the Fortress
Monroe conference, earnest to meet the
Confederate authorities, | realized that he
was a patriot of great proportion and
statesman of practical sense and of absolute
devotion to his convictions.
81 spoke for a principle to which all per-
sonal illusions, or even all American allu-
sions were subordinate. The conflict over
that principle and the victory in its final
struggle is Worldwide