Mineral Point tribune. (Mineral Point, Wis.) 1869-1938, 1887-07-14
GLADSTONE on COERCION.
He Delivers IA Speech in the House Of
Commons Against the Coercion
Measure.
Balfour Makes Reply-The Govern
ment Likely to- Have the Usual
Majority.
The Coercion Bill.


stone, amid prolonged cheers, made a
counter motion that the bill be read a
third time this day three months. Mr..
Gladstone said the bill was the Conserva
tive alternative to home rule, and there
fore wore a different aspect from any or
binary coercion bill. The, old coercion
measures were aimed at crime only, but
this new one, passing beyond crime,
at societies. Further, the bill had been
brought in without any foundation such
as underlad all former coercion bills
based on the existence of exceptional
crime. Mr.. Balfour had disTegarded all
precedents requiring that the intrcduc-
ZION of coercion measures be prefaced by
q statement of exceptional crime. Mr..
Gladstone maintained that the increase
of crime in 1856 or 1885 in view of the
agricultural distress in Ireland was ex
ceedingly small. Comparing the officials
of the Tory Government in power in Ire
land in 1885 with those ia. power the FIRST
five months IN 1887, there was a marked
decrease in tho amount of agrarian
crime. Yet in 1885 they had refrsined
from Introducing a coercion measure
from motives of policy. A comparison
of past and present statistics affords nc
shadow of justification for the present
measure. Another contrast was that past
parliaments had been nearly unanimous
In asserting to coercion, while this bill
was opposed by large majority of the
people of the country-a ma lority that
was not likely to diminish. If parlia-
ment retained any regard for the tradi-
tions of liberty usages, the measure
would be abandoned. WHAT could they
urge TO warrant such invasion of the peo
ple's libertiesy While resenting the Inn
putation that the Liberals had done the
same thing he would admit that
PAST MEASURES HAD BEEN FAILURES.
Among the differences between the past
and present was the extraordinary pro-
posal making the Viceroy master of the
whole law and right of association. In
the present century such a proposal was
an outrage on every principle of public
duty. Moreover, new offences were Great
ed under the measure. The Attorney
General for Ireland had admitted, and 1t
was too late to deny, that the bill aimed
at the suppression of exclusive dealings.
That was far more pardonable in the
weak and poor than in the rich and power
full, but it was the exclusive dealings of
the poor against the strong, at which the
bill aimed. If new crime was created
the measure for its suppression should
operate mpartially. The government
did not dare to lift a finger ia defence of
the suggestion that it apply to England a
provision such as it was forcing upon
Ireland. He contended that the govern.
ment was bound to extend to the occu-
piers of land in Ireland perfect equality
with English trades un' ION regards the
rights and practices enjoyed by the latter,
among which combination and exclusive
dealings we're sanctioned As the bill
stood, if an Irishman joined an associa-
tion II was for Mr.. Balfour to say whether
or not he became criminal by the act.
In conclusion, Mr.. Gladstone said that
Ireland, after seventy years of oppres-
sion and wrong, was in n state of mleery
and wretchedness. In the whole British
EN- pire, he said, there was not square
foot on land which England held by force
alone, excepting in Ireland, where force
was employed. Ireland was held by mas
terry, but the government refused TO learn
that mastery involved responsibility.
They knew that the whole literature of
the world was against them. Hs chal.
lenged the government to mention any
authority who had reviewed the relations
between England and Ireland without
arriving at a home rule solution. The
Tories protested to be fighting for the
union of the EN- pire, fight in which the
! Liberal joined. The Liberals held that
the charge of disunion was ridiculous
1t was evident that tAe present state OF
| affairs could not last long, as Mr.. Glad
! II. 4 q g,,- Id -.
bring the Tories nearer their doom.
! Mr.. Gladstone then moved for the re-
| lection of the bill amid cheers from the
Liberals and Parnellite benches.
! MR.. BALFoUR REPLYING
| to Mr.. Gladstone first referred to the
charge that the government had broug hi
the bill as an alternative to Mr. Glad
stones home-rule proposals If that wa
the case, he said, he felt justified in say
/ ing that it was Sufficient to recommend thu
measure to the acceptance to the House
The government vas mainly justified il
Introducing its proposals by the state Of
social tyranny which had recently beer
created in Ireland, a tyranny that attack
ed the rights and liberties of minoritiel
and most eff those elementary principles
D
prosperous. He contended that crime
was worse now in ireland than IN 1870
when Mr.. Gladstone promoted coercion
He tainted Mr.. Gladstone with having IN
troSuced in 1881 an arbitrary coerciy
measure which enabled the Irish chic
Secretary to imprison anybody at will
He ridiculed the comparison that hae
been made between trades unions anS
societies where the object was the dis
menlberment of the empire, and which
we're supported by Foreigners. The
trades unions might well be indignant at
comparison of their honest, peacefu
efforts with those of boycotters and poll
teal cons pirators. Mr.. Gladstone haC
made an insidious and inaccurate state
ment about this years crime in Ireland
Early in the year there was visible i'm
provement, but at the last quarter SEES
SONS there we're evidences of relapse
In June sixty.two serious crimes wer'
committed, ten above the average of tn,
/ previous eighteen months.
A French Jubilee.
Pail Mall Gazette.