The Louisiana Democrat. [volume] (Alexandria, La.) 1845-1918, 1887-11-02
far toward harnlonizipg the conflicting els

pressed after the establishment Of the State
government III. 1S77-when breaking quo
r nm vas no longer necessary, when Coy.
NicL1lls appointed negroes on the State
Board OF Education, and this board tp-
pointed negroes on the parish and city
school boards throughout the State: and
when be vetoed the Baton Rouge and Gin
ton Railroad charter, because it discrlmin-
ated against color in its passenger accommo-
dations?
White companies and black companies, Or
ganized for the PURPOSE OF hal1noniZlng
conflicting clements, will not be policy &C
ceptable to our people, who do not kindly
take to this blending O, light and SHADE into
the unity of political Landscape.
As heretofore stated, the reform party has
organized q campaign TO prove that this
present State administration is intensely
PERSONAL that is. that in appointments Coy.
Nichols friends have been entirely ignored;
and, therefore. the present State govern
ment must DE .repudiated, and he and his
friends indicted into office. 8
THE RECORD
Of. officers appointed by me does not BUS;
tain the declarations OF Gen. Nichols and
his friends. That he is mistaken in his
assertions has been shown time and time
again. | have not recognized Republicans
for official position; nor have heard any
complaint that any one appointed to Office is
not q good Democrat and qualified for the
position to which he has been appointed.
You can rest assured, were this not so, You
would have heard of it. A premium would
be, offered for every Republican or ipcom-
petent Democrat holding Il position by my
duties every incident, the character and the
qualification of every appointee, has under
gone the closest scrutiny; and we are con-
fronted-atir0bUed iotu! with the moment
Gus issue of personal appointments
Gen. Nichols is imperial in his DECLARE
To-, odd .fA IeI l.
the people Of the State, he says III defending
his appointments:
III was power placed shere without legal
restriction or traLlmel. | was al liberty
legally 10 appoint whomsocver I might
choose; and 10 man had a vested right OF
judgment should take i'll that matter. The
only duty incumbent upon me, as Executive,
was to make those appointments fer the pub
lie good"
His appointments, when Governor, are moi
to be questioned. There is no vested right
matter. Their qualifications, or their polit.
ical opinions and affiliations, are covered
with the protecting ;ngis OF an imperial .pur.
pie and power; to go behind it is q sacrilege,
tie which falls upon the shoulders of.the ap
| pointee OF this administration is not SO sa'
| cred. There is 10 vested right which pre-
vents any one from tearing it from their pie
beian shoulders. Gov. Nichols does it, enc
finds-what? y Democrat, without stain OF
reprouci: the only uncleanness about him il
the fact that he is the friend Of strict Dem
ocratic administration.
BY the magic touch of Gov. Nichols per
! MS appoIntee was sacred in name, person
| and prerogatlve-he was transformed int
| something higher and holier than the com
still but plain, common Democrat if any
| thing, in the opinion of the reformers, no
| SO good as the common run of men!
| am happy. indeed, that Gov. Nichols doe
| not cOnf!ue his opinion az to the rights OF tn.
| people TO look into the character and qualifi
cations OF executive appointments to othe
administrations, and that while his own ma,
| be. sacred from the vulgar gaze of the peopl
| this administration is brought into the full
| light OF day, where ell who are interested
have vested right to critically examine tn
character. and qualifications of the officer
appointed to administer the State govern
ment.
Gen. Nichols, when nominated for Gov
einor in sc, uttered, and has again recent
ly repeated the same declaration, that n
would permit no man or set If men to con
troll his judgment as to what is right an
| proper.
Now, if q man had the strength and tn
| power. the experience and the wisdom, to b
exclusive OF the aid and assistance of other
the world could be easily and economical
| governed. Lsgislatures, courts and Judge
could be dispersed with. But Gen. Nichols
when Governor, found how vain were hi
| declarations. / have shown, in the addres
| at Monroe,
| HOW IDLE WERE THESE WORDS,
and how, when confronted with opposin
Of the, Pacific Railroad bonds, how he the
sought the advice of tine judges Of tn
Supreme Court as to his executive action i
that case, and with What facility these Judge
Abandoned their. judicial FUNCTIONS to give,
cabinet opinion to the Executive of the Stat.
Gen. Nichols was between Scylla and Cha,
ybJis. He sought The safest harbor for hin
SELF, but at the expense Of the dignity OF til
State. and in o violation of the organic law
winch prescribed the separate and distinc
ment, each to, share exclusively its own II
sponsibility, the Governor for his executiy
acts, the courts for their DEGREES, and til
egislat'lre foc its laws.
IT.. says Chancellor Kent, speaking {
the judiciary, is to determingeg the suprem
law whenever case is jud:cially before it.
There was no case before the court.
should have been silent until the considers
ton of case opened its lips.
The breadth of thought and the prescienc
OF the statesman have not, in the judiciary
their immediate field. The judiciary cannt
be an arbiter between the people and til
Governor. The reference Of this power I
the courts could only find q parallel in raj
binical opinions in the decay of the nation,
life of ,'udea,, and the influence of the julry
the tribunal veto IN Rome. the uhimane j,
t'i1,taO'Usl of the republic.
The Judiciary demands for its strength e.
cluslon from all Legislature and administratl,
functions, The Judiciary is the conservatiy
power in the State. In it the property of ii
people, their rights and liberties nay, the
lives, find their surest protection; and it
positive wrong, violation Of all law an
precedent, for executive functions to |
placed within its sacred precincts.
would only be necessary to strike down the
courts; or, as Mr.. Jefferson warned us,
permitting the courts to overstep the
legitimate bounds and to encroach upon tt
. functions of the Executive and the 14egisl
TYRE; PVT Coy N Nc de DC not agree
the father OF our plain, old time DELI ocrac,
And
THE CASE OF THOMAS c. ANDERSON,
, Of Returning Board fame, is another illustrs
ton of the fallacy of Gov. Nicholas famot
declarations. lie had the right, as | Ia,
before said. to pardon Anderson and
| The law demanded his conviction and a
outraged people demanded his punishment
Here Was another Scyls and Charybdis pa
sage: but the Governor steered safe
through it by going to a Democratic canc1
| uilNt aShltiS us uIil ulu IduCC-d plSu6
from them in advance that the caucus wou
stand by him in the pardoning of Thomas
! Anderson i'll case Of his conviction! Al
/ here was another mixing up Of the function
of the goyernmcnt--the Executive with tt
. legislative departments-in order to relic
/ Gen. NICHOLS, when Governor, Of direct +
, sponsibiiity.
In calling in aid OF executive function
the Judiciary and Legislative departments
[ the government. there was the realization
Millions idea OF an executive council in
| free State. The constitution of the exec
/ tive, in the Triumyirate in Rome. in Il
Directory of Five. in France, which throue
the want of decision and unity, paved Il
way to the power of the First Consul. The
3 is an inevitable weakness in the assumptit
of executive power by the judiciary or Il
D Senate. Five Judges assuming executi
functions i'll Louisiana, is not unlike Il
Directory of Five IN France
Anu we have read of members OF Ge
l Nichols canvassing party Offering eviden
u IL. L. III