The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1887-07-25
MR. CLEVELAND BEFORE AND AFTER.


The open zeal with which Mr.. Cleveland
is seeking a denomination is IL striking con-
trast with the apparent modesty with which
he accepted his first nomination and with his
voluntary utterance at that time in regard to
a second term. In his letter accepting the
nomination in 1884 after referring in solemn
and sophomorcal style to the necessity of pu-
rifying the government and making public
Office truly and really public trust, he said:
''And of the means to this end not
would, in my Judgment, be more ef-
fective than amendment to the constitution
disqualifying the President from re election.
When we consider the patronage of this great
Office. the allurements of power, the temptation
to retain place once gained, and, more than
all, the availability party finds IN an 1ncum-
bent whom horde of office holders with a zeal
born of benefits received, and fostered by the
hope of favors vet to come, stand ready to ala
with money and trained political service, we
recognize in the eligibility of the President
for re- election most serious danger to that
calm deliberate and intelligent political &C
ton which characterizes government by the
people"
The sentiments are not new. They have
been advocated by greater and better men
than Grover Cleveland No reference had
been made to the subject in the platform OF
the convention that nominated him nor in the
letter of the committee that notified him of
his nomination. His allusion to it was volun-
tary and uncalled for. What he said was
equivalent to pledge that under no clrcum-
stances would he, if elected President, be
candidate for reelection. The reasons ne
h0 hoy ocf1U
held the views expressed, should have been
stronger restraint on his action than any
mere pledge. The arguments he adduced
against second term were based on principle,
involving the very grave one of danger to the
public welfare so real and imminent that it
should be guarded against by amendment
to the constitution. This in 1884, yet in 1887
we find Mr.. Cleveland an avowed and eager
candidate for reelection, VIGOROUSLY using
''the patronage of this great Office" to secure
his denomination. Was he insincere when he
descanted on the dangers of a second term
in 1884, or has he yielded to 'the allure
ments of power and the temptation to retain
place once gainedP"
ton emphasize the glaring inconsistency of
his utterances in 1884 with his present posi-
ton. The very condition that he pointed
out as the greatest of the dangers of the Sec
ond term business has arisen. His party,
aided thereto by his own cunning, has dis
covered a supposed availability ''in incum-
bent whom horde of office-seekers with
zeal born of benefits received and fostered by
the hope of benefits yet to come, stand ready
to aid with money and trained political serv-
ice." If in 1884 some Nathan, reading this
earnest warning of political danger with its
implied malediction on the guilty and aspir-
ing incumbent" had said to this virtuous
David, 'thou art the man." probably Mr..
Cleveland would have replied is thy
a dog that he should do
this great thingY" Yet Mr.. Cleveland is doing
that very thing to-day and horde of office
holders, present and prospective, rushing
to and fro throughout the country fixing
things to secure his denomination. It should
seem that person possessing only moder-
ate degree of elf-respect and sensibility would
be embarrassed by being placed in such a
position, but Mr.. Cleveland evil
IDENTIFY is not If his suggestion had been
adopted and the constitution amended to pro-
hbit second term we should at least have |
been spared the spectacle Of an incumbent |
of the presidential Office becoming the willing
embodiment of evils and dangers that he once |
pretended to deplore.