New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1887-02-02
DYNAMITE AND STRIKES

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It is to be hoped that not q single striker, o.
all the thousands engaged in struggle with
the steamship and railway companies will at
tempt to excuse the fiendish outrage pcrpetrat
cd on the Guyandotte Most Of them will say
that there is no proof that strikers were guilty
in the matter, and that is true. Proof there is
none in a legal sense. Yet among the thou.
sands of strikers, and among the millions Of
| Interested citizens who hear of the event, there
can hardly lie found a single man who does not
In his heart believe that the dynamite was put
on board the Guyandotte by one OF the strikers
or by some person in Hague and sympathy with
them. Nor can anybody get rid Of the con-
viction that the thing was done for the purpose
of terrifying the steamship company 80 that il
would submit to the strikers demands.
There is. first, the fact that no other person
can be named who had an interest in destroying
the ship, while the motive mentioned is one
which would be certain to influence any wicked
and desperate men associated with the strike
Then there is tho fact that the preparation for
such crime probably required the aid and
secret cooperation of several persons in pro-
| curing the destructive bombs and placing them.
In brief, persons lcagued together for the pur-
pose OF tho strike had a motive to commit this
crime, and the means to pcrpetrate 1t, and no
body else can be named who had either the
motive or the means 1t would bc unjust and
most cruel to assume that the large body Of
strikers consented 10 this crime or had know
ingly any part in it, One must have a very bad
opinion indeed of great body of American
workmcn, and most unjust opinion, to be-
licve that they would cOuntcnance crime so
dastardly and dcvilish. But the public cannot
forget that there have been found in every part
of tho country. connected with almost every
important strike conducted by labor Organiza-
tons, some desperate and wicked men who
have perpctra,cd crimes like this in order to
make strikes successful. Tho assassination OF
men about the coal mines, the murders and de-
sruction of property in tho Hooking Valley.
the wrccking of trains on various railroads.
the murders at the stock yards in Chicago, the
outragcs at East st. Louis. the explosion Of
dynamite under strcct-car in st. Louis and
San Francis o, and the shooting Of officials
in Texas. are all crimes of a character unhap
ply most common in connection with labor
strikes.
The organizations do not directly authorize
these crimes. except in rare instances or take
CARNATIONS that they are apt to select the most
reckless and desperate men to serve on cXccu-
tive and other committees, and that large and
unrcStrancd powers are ntrustcd to these com
mittccs TO act for the organized men in any
struggle. They consult and act in secret They
have control Of ,ums for which they rarely
give detailed account. They have at their beck
the most dc pcratc men OF the organization. \
vague understanding IN secret committee meet
ing that some strong measure Is necessary,
hint by one member 10 a few impatient subor-
dinatc> Of the worst sort, n little money secretly
paid for expenses, and the deed is done which
nincty.ninc out Of a hundred of the organized
workers dcnouncc and honestly regard with
horror. But the very nature OF these secret
organizations, which the men support. prepares
the way for ready resort TO crime in any emcr-
gcncy.
1t is right therefore, that public opinion
holds strikers in some measure responsible for
the class Of crimes which so often follow strikes
directed by secret organizations. The men know
what is likely to bc done hy tho-c whom they
select TO conduct their affairs. They have
learned hy experience a. the public has learned.
that the organization rarely gets through
serious strike without some grave as
-aults, some inccndlary IRE, some
explosion cndangcrne the lives OF
innocent mon, women and children.
Workmcn who know that such crime, almost
invariably follow a strike cannot bc held free
from all responsibility. when they engage in
struggle and intrust the management Of their
affairs to a sccrct committee. Public opinion
never IA Is to turn a2alust worlIugmcn, how
ever just their cause may have seemed before.
whenever their struggle is attended by crimes
which threaten the lives Of the unUGcndng
IL organized labor could comprehend how swift
and how complete is the rcyulSion of public
feeling in every such case, there would he
greater care taken to keep the inccndaric,. the
law-hreakcrs and the dynamitcrs out of labor