Sacramento daily record-union. [volume] (Sacramento [Calif.]) 1875-1891, 1887-01-12
BISMARCK.
STRONG WORDS IRON THE GER.
MAN CHANCELLOR.
He Seeks No War with France, Nor
Does He Fear Her = Plain
Talk TO the Reichstag.
FEY rtLEGRArH TO THE Eaoono-uNoS.l

BEEzfN, January 11th-12s Reichstag
was crowded to-day, the occasion being the
calling up of the Government military bill
in its amended form for a second reading.
Herr Won Widell Piesdorf President of
the Chamber, read the committees report
on the bill. The committee said it was
not authorized to advocate any of the pro-
posals in. connection with the measure. be-
cause none of them bad obtained thu .anc-
lion of the majority of the committee.
General Won Moltke opened the debate
in favor of the second reading on behalf of
the Government, and spoke at some length
Baron Stauffenberg next addressed the
Chamber, and at the conclusion of his re-
marks Prince Bismarck rose. He said the
desire of all the military authorities of the
Empire is only opposed by Herr Richter
Herr Windthorst and Herr Grilledberger.
1t was difficult to conclude peace at Frank
fort and it is still more difficult to main--
tain it A degree of intimacy and mutual
confidence exists between Germany and
Austria such as never existed at the period
of the German federation. 1--WE are
DOuUu LD DtdCe lulS Quarter
the globe; but for this strong army is re-
uuired. Our relations with ali the Powers
are of the best, and our good relations with
Russia are beyond all doubt. | should
have considered the entering upon
war on account of Bulgaria as an act
of treason against my country. What is
Bulgaria to us? 1t is all the same to US
whoever governs there. The friendship of
Russia is surely more important to us than
that of Bulgaria We have not allowed
ourselves to be induced by anyone TO
make an enemy OF Russia for
the sake of Bulgaria. To maintain
good relations among the Powers
is more difficult than you think. We can
not allow our efforts TO be nullified by
journalistic or parliamentary attack. Our
with France continue good. To
them is difficult, because
LONG HISTORICAL PROCESS
Must be accomplished before the feelings
Of the past are appeased and differences
reconciled. We have done everything to
induce the French to. forget and forgive
We have no present ground to apprehend
war with France, neither have we any
reason to fear it if it should happen.
There can be no question about our at
lacking France, but we must protect our
selves against attacks. Under no ordinary
shall we attack France, but
we shall always be compelled to am our
selves in such manner as to be equal to
the contingency of war. This is the su.
preme object of the army bill. have
,Irm confidence in the peaceful disposition
Of the French Government, and a portion
of the French people. Still, the past teaches
Us that we
CANNOT COUNT UPON PEACE
With France as permanent. A Government
may one day come into power at Paris
which will make war upon US. This you
must take into account. If we do not pre-
pare-if you say to-day that when war
comes We shall grant everything, We should
be laughed at. Is there in France single
paper or single public person who'says
We renounce our rights to Alsace-L Lor-
raine. The possibility of French aggres-
sion is therefore sufficient motive for the
bill France is strong and well-armed
power; her army is brave and ready to
fight We must never sit idle, with our
hands in our laps, however peaceful France
may look for the moment. Suppose the
French proved victorious. What would
we have to expect? We should have
THE SAME FRENCH AGAINST Us
From whom we suffered from 1850 to 1913,
and we should again suck our blood that
we would be paralyzed for thirty years.
would be made to permanently
weaken US. Such demands would be made
as to give up Hanover. | am only deserib-
ing the possibilities that might arise in the
event of our defeat. The peace of 1870 is
mere child's play in comparison with what
it would be after war in 1890. He who
wishes TO take the responsibility for this,
let him. The Federal Government will
not take the responsibility. and they
therefore submit this bill They wish to
have permanently sufficient number of
trained soldiers i'll the Empire. We have
chosen the seven years term, because this
was the period of the previous compro-
mise, and our constitutional life depends
upon that compromise. The Federal
Council did all they could in consentlng to
the septennial period. They had only the
interests and security of the Empire and
the Fatherland in view. Do you believe that
if you refuse to adopt the term proposed in
the bill the Federal Council will deviate from
their original proposals. If similar de-
mand were made in France. do you think
there is any possibility of its being re-
fused? [Cheers.l No ground exists for
placing difficulties in the way Of the Fed
of duration of the bill, especially in view
Of the TACT that we have kept strictly to the
text and spirit of the Constitution-under-
stand, now, that
WE REsoLUTELY ADHERE TO OUR DEMAND
For the septenrial-we cannot give way
even hairs breadth. [Applause from
the Right Who can guarantee
always the same majority in this
House? Do you wish to make the
rise and fall of the German army depend
ent upon majorities in the Reichstag? By
doing so you change the Imperial army
we might have TO appeal to the
electors to discover whether this
is really the wish of the
nation. We shall see whether the electors
will. permit ideas actively to exist accord
ing to which the strength of the army is to
be determined by the Reichstag without
the consent of the Federal Council and
Emperor. You can hardly expect that the
Emperor, in his Doth year, will contribute
to the destruction of the work 10 which he
has devoted at least thirty years of his life
the creation of Germany and the army
of the German Empire. If you believe
that possible, if you awaken the slightest
suspicion that these are your aims, and if
you do not speedily satisfy the wishes of
the Federal Government regarding the de-
fensive powers of Germany, by complete
of the bill,
THEN WE PREFER TO DEAL WITH ANOTHER
REIcHsrAG.
We will enter into no further negotiations
with You. The danger in which we might
place the German nation by prOcrastina-
ton forces US to promptly obtain decisive
answer, or to address ourselves TO others
who will give US such answer. The ques-
ton has been asked, Why has the Gov
eminent not waited for the ex-
piratiun of the existing septenpate?' p
The leading reason was that the
Government has been convinced that the
system of frontier guarding requires imme-
diate strengthening; we did not wish TO en-
danger the empire by delaying the bill. and
we were not prepared for any opposition to
so moderate a demand. Had we known
this beforehand we should have done bet
ter to first consult the electors as TO whether
or not they wish to preserve to the German
empire its present accessions. AS 1t IS we
must now insist upon our demands"
AT the conclusion of the speech Prince
Bismarck was loudly cheered.
THE CHANCELLOR EXCITED.
Prince Bismarck became passionate when
referring to France, and was apparently in
different as to what impression his words
were likely to make. There was marked
difference in his references to Russis,
Every word he uttered showed his anxiety
7, M IN f.ffeud Russia NOR tn rpaLra ber 49,.