Los Angeles daily herald. [microfilm reel] (Los Angeles [Calif.]) 1884-1890, 1887-11-13
THE ANARCHISTS.
A Brace of Letters on Anarchy
and Its Results.


parties in Chicago on the 18th inst.
for the murder of innocent persons in
a place known as the Haymarket in
hat city, has brc ught to light the fact
that there are many people in the
large cities who sympathized with
them. . 1t also shows the folly o.
those who attempt to overturn an ex'
listing state of society before they
have assured themselves of the neces
sary strength to overcome the organ
lied powers that be.
Looking at the whole affair from the
stand point of sovereign, for, in
common with all American citizens, the
writer belongs to that class, one finds
oneself Obliged to approve the en-
forcement of the law i'll their regard.
rhe maintenance of order Is an essen.
tial fer the endurance OF republican
government, and that is the result OF
the enforcement of law.
But as Il sovereign, VIXEN discomfort
with the establish order Of thing
imakrs itself visible in the body poll
nc. as evidenced 10y a procession &c.
600 strong in the CITY of New York, as
"a pro est against the .x' cution OF
Spies, Parsons ct nj. one is obliged to
examine into the guatter in order to
see whether or not there is cause
therefor, ami il so to determine upon
the proper plan for its removal,
In matt rs political and religious
there is glamour twining itself about
the party, wifich amounts to ifascina-
ton with most people, and reads them
to consider who wesJld bold
ly propose tolrgislate for the people OF
the das in (which he
yes as their interests require.
without amy regard to tie traditions,
common laws and constitutions OF
centuries bygone as one so sacrilig-
ious as 10 be unworthy public conf
dence. This was the spirit that pre-
vailed among the nobility and bour-
giosie, or middle classes of Frame
under the Bourbons, but it neverthe-
less le9 up to the revolution of 1873
and torthe reign Of terror. We, the
sovereigns, don't want anything OF
that aiind, and WHEAT is more we will
not tolerate even the idea. We pro
pose to enforce tine laws at whatever
and who esoe or cost that violates
tt6m, but we aiso propose to havr the
laws such that Ill men can live uudes
them without cause for complaint
only provided they are willing to earn
their bread by che sweat OF their brow
and show it by their acts.
To this end one must examine tire
social fabric. As in architecture, we
know that the mud-sills support the
foundation and walls upon which rest
the dome or The steeple. So all men
of thought recognize the fact tina,
at large rests upon the pro
ducers CsN them farmers, nafners
Hfonndrymen, mechanics or what YOU
will. 1t is their industry which feeds
and clothes the body polite in tine O
peace. Ii rs their valour which
defends it against foreign Invasion
Remove them and what he o,nes o.
the learned protest. ms? Do net the
rich and the gifted immediately be-
come hewers of wood and drawers OF
water? Ii SO, whose interests should
be c,nSidesed most in the formulatiol
of law. and should it not he shaped, il
possible, so as to make sfe less
OF a hand 80 hand fight?
In this connection it becomes US, as
sovereigns, to say that we are OF
those whehold that the Development
of the ,cixi ilation of the Nineteenth
Century is mainly due to perfect lib
erty OF aston of the individual under
tn law. Restrain that libeKty and
the ,robsbility is that our beasted
culture aand knowledge weS,ld as
it were eyaporate and disappear and
man would lapse into the ignorance OF
bygone. centuries.
But ass consequence of thisliberty
of action we have inequality in
wealth, which goes to prove thai
we are not all torn equal
though We may be born free
The desire OF one man t.
dominate over an ether, the
wish to eHioy the good taings 'of thi'
life without work, whicn means al
another's expense, isperisSps the gov.
erning principle of the intellectual
machine. 1t impels man 60 twist and
turn, to work by day and to watch by
night, to scheme and TO do atlthos-
things which he may do to obtain
success, provided only they don't aand
him in the penitentiary. and to Sc
cure it many a one takes even stilose
chances. And when fortune is at
Ftained he fergets that for his enjoy
fment thereof he is indebted to so
yeiety which protects him whilst he
sleeps, but lie goes on striving t.
[emass more anI yet more and leave
lii to his children to enjoy stter him
thus helping to create a class Of nan
producers for the State to project as il
guarded him.
1t will doubtless be argued that in
asu.uch as in regard to physical and
mental attributes, we are not all bori
equel, therefore the distinction in the
classes of the ri1!a and poor mast ne
,eessarily exist. Nor have 1 pre-
sumed to deny the fact. But what
we do desire to. advance is that the
rieh.do not pay enough to society fol
the protection they receive.
Nowhere in the animal kingdom
have we seen one fla kind by VIRTUE
of inheritance dominating all others
OF the same kind. 1t was left dol
man to make the discovery for Sc
doing, for which purpose he has made
use of ,the machine called Govera'
ment, diverting it to another use thaG
that for which it was intended.
But from this perfect freedom OF
action to which reference has been
had, it follows that the quick witiei
and energetic can subjngate their fel.
low men by bringing about differences
in material wealth; then the ques-
ton arises, can anything be done to
abridge the evil consequences with
out putting a limit to that liberty?
1t would seem that the State hav-
ing the monopoly of protection has
the right to chargefor it what itqleases
that it has the right to say to the vast
multitude of producers, the existence
OF the State rests upon you. W&hout