Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1887-04-23
SATURDAY.
Prohibition.

Prohibition.
The little paragraph which we quoted
yesterday from the national organ OF
the Prohibitionists manifests n spirit
which has taken possession OF the minds
of a large number of the Republicans
of the northern States. 1t indicates
disposition to break party ties. The
centralizing doctrines of the Republi-
can party naturally lead TO paternahsm
in national politics. The Republican
party denied to the southern slave
holders the right to take their slaves
into the Territories. Why? Because,
70 use CHARLES SUMMERS famous
' words, they held freedom to be
national and slavery to be sec
tional Slavery was sectional
institution, and the Republican party
was pledged to keep the Territories
free from slavery for the acknowledge
ment of the right OF the shareholders
to move into the Territories and take
all their property" with them, and of
the duty of the Federal Government to
protect them in holding and making
use of that property, would have been
TO concede that slavery was national
and freedom sectional. The moral
question, however, was of course the
real point in dispute and the Repub-
licsn party continued its labors unit
these resulted in war between the
States which sounded the death-knell
of slavery. After all, slavery was abol-
ished by the national Government.
As the moral question was the domi-
mating one involved in the assertion
and the denial of the right of the slave
holders to carry their property into
the Territories, so the moral question is
the dominating one involved in all dis
cussions OF the policy of prohibition,
or that of local option, or that of high |
license and the leaders of the Repub- |
lican party have become sensible Of the
fact, and alarmed as to the effect which |
is likely to be produced upon their |
party 10y the attempt to bring a new
moral question into the field of dis
cussion; for discussion must lead
TO paternahsm in party constituted
as the Republican party is. That party
ALWAYS had in it an element that looked |
TO the Federal Government, and not to
the several States, to do away with
slavery. Naturally many of its men,
bers now look to the Federal Govern
ment, ard not to the several States. to
do away with the selling and drinking
of spirituous and malt liquors.
But there are thousands of German
voters in the northern States who have
always been faithful allies of the
Republican party, who could not
longer be counted upon if the Repub
hcan party were to put into its national
platform prohibition plank, or plank
favoring a constitutional amendment
prohibiting the sale of liquors.
The leaders of the Republican party
in casting about for means of escape
from this their dilemma seem pretty
generally to have come to the conclu-
sion that high License is
"The thing.
Wherein to catch the conscience OF the king"
that is, the People-the masses.
BLAINE and SHERMAN, and all the rest
of the Republican aspirants to the
Office of President of the United States,
are satisfied that high license is their
ultimatum. Beyond that they dare not
90 in their efforts to please the pater-
nslists, or the Republicans who do not
believe in san indissoluble union of
indestructible States" but in an indis-
soluble union of States already de-
stroyed.
But the Prohibitionists or Paternal
lists refuse to compromise on high Ii
cense. They claim that high license
will tend to make saloons only the
more respectable and drinking only the
more permissible. The results of the
recent elections in the strong Repubh-
can State OF Michigan show how strong
the Prohibitionists are in the Repubh-
can party. The recent frantic efforts
of the Republican legislatures of New
York and Michigan to pass high
license law indicate the strait in which
the Republican leaders find themselves.
This question OF prohibition may,
therefore, change the whole aspect of
the presidential field next year. The
paragraph first above alluded to shows
that paternalism may throw sectional
ism into the shade, and bury the bloody
shirt in well-earned grave. Naturally
the people Of the northern States are
more likely to divide on such ques-
lion than are the people OF the South,
who have been taught by a long expe-
rience to stand always on the defensive,
and 70 be "solid as against sectional
or other enemies, or any legisla-
tion by the national Government
calculated TO put her white peo-
pie into the power of the negroes, or to
take away from the several State legis-
latures the power TO pass such laws as
the people Of each State may desire to
have put upon their statute-books The
northerner does homage only TO the
national Government. The southerner
has . high respect for his cwn State
government
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