The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1887-08-04
OF THE NATIONAL CoNsTI
TUITION.

to so great and sacred document as the
constitution of the United States of
America. Philadelphia, the home of the
Declaration of Independence, is the proper
versary ceremonies. During that cele-
bration it would be very appropriate not
only to have "a professional industrial
display, contrasting the commercial and
industrial and social characteristics of the
country in 1887 with those of 1887"
but also for some of the true
statesmen of the day to place
before the nation, wherein the constltu-
of Il day differs from the constitution
of 1887. In many respects the constitu-
ton of an hundred years ago has been
improved by amendment, notably in the
anti slavery amendment; but on the con-
trary, by construction, that great and won
derful document has been strangely and
cruelty twisted out of all semblance of the
beautiful and unique state paper, designed
and executed by our grand old forefathers
The constitution of the United States
how many crimes against free govern
ment have been committed in thy name !
In how many instances have not only the
letter, but the spirit, of the first ten
amendments to the constitution, all of
which, being adopted before December Is,
1871, may almost be construed to be a
part of the original document, been
iagrantly violated. These ten amend
ments were insisted upon and unanimously
adopted by the people of the revolution
airy times, as a guarantee that they were
not giving up to the general govern
ment too much power. Just
| from under the iron heel
of monarchy, they priced the liberty
they had bought with their blood, and
vowed to preserve it all intact, except so
much of it as was necessarily to be con-
sumed in the establishment of a state and
national government. The state govern
ment they held as the palladium of their
liberty. Organized into states or colonies
before the revolution, into states they
were resolved by the result of the revolu-
ton. In this capacity, equally and in a
more distinctive sense than as the peo-
pie, they treated with each
other about the formation of
national government. But the state
was the nearest power; to this power they
had already yielded as much of their per-
sonal liberty as they intended doing, and
the question in forming the national gov
eminent was, how best they could do 1t
consistently with giving the fewest, not
of their personal, but states rights. Each
state in itself was based on sound pIinci- |
pies, and was we'll self. governed and |
intrinsically strong. But they needed q
collective, not an individual, medium
for dealing with foreign powers,
governments outside the limits of
their combined territories. To effect
such medium, government of sufficient
continuity and power to handle this task,
and, also, stand as arbiter between the
different states, was the problem pre-
scented to the statesmen of that Gay. They
accomplished their task in the consttu
ton of the United States, and summed up
their work in the tenth amendment, which |
says: "The powers not delegated to the
United States by the constitution, nor
prohibited by it to the states are reserved
to the states respectively,or to the people"
The best lesson that can be
taught this nation by the
approaching celebration, is the lesson of
love for the spirit and letter of the consti-
tuition. Let this lesson be illustrated by
showing to what extent, not only con
crosses and the presidents of the past have
invaded the domain of the rights reserved
by the people, but even, and in some in
stances especially, the supreme court of
the United States, organized to conserve
and preserve the peoples rights, have
trampled on those rights and decided for
greater power in that court, surer and
more inevitable Capitalization of govern
ment. This celebration can be turned to
great and lasting good to the people, if
its best observance is conscientiousy at
and it is along the line indicated
that the most good can be accomplished.
SHERMAN STILL AFTER THE SOUTH
The fine Italian hand of John Sherman
is seen in the fourth plank of the Ohio
republican platform. That plank reads
as follows:
1--WE have placed the war with its hates
and reyenges behind us, but the settle
ments of the war must stand irrevocable,
honored and observed in every
part of the republic. More, we have never
demanded; less we will not have. Con-
gress should exercise its constitutional
authority, and take the control and super
vision of the elections of representatives
TO congress" {
This republican statesman wants the I