davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
, 1887-06-16
BRIGHT AND GLADSTONE.
A London correspondent desc

A London correspondent describ-
ing John Bright's appearance in the
house of commons says:
"He sits, If he can, in one Of the
seats below the gangway, near the
aisle. He sits often with both hands
clasping his cane and his chin on his
hands, rejecting deeply and paying
only indifferent attention to what is
going on about. His shoulders are
slightly stopped. fIis chin is slight
ly protruding. His lips purse like
petulant child's. His large Kind
blue eyes are weak and lustreless.
His abundant hair, disposed to wave
and crinkle, falls down over his
brow. His beard Is frotby, like
splashes of white surf. He sits 81
lent, sullen or placid, as If living in
the past, When he takes his habit
ual attitude, his pose rather than his
figure recalls familiar picture OF
Sir Walter Scott. All his critics
concur in the opinion that, like
Brougham and Lord John and OCon-
nell, John Bright has outlived his
career, and that his last years are
the side of the people, in support OF
progress and liberty"
The picture is sharply drawn, and
suggestive of another leading figure
and historic character in the house.
Mr.. Bright and Mr. Gladstone are
about the same age, the former hav-
ing been born in 1911 and the latter
in 1909. They entered parliament
about the same time, and their paths
have run parallel during a large part
of their public service. There are
many points of resemblance in their
public careers in the ir advo.
cacy of popular reforms aud
popular rights. The point
of departure and of contrast
occures in the present Juncture Of
affairs. From the beginning of the
Irish contest, of which Mr.. Glad
stone has become the foremost Eng
lish champion, Mr.. Bright has been
one of the most stubborn opponents
OF home rule. Forty years ago he
had the opposition to II coercion bill
OF that period, and for many years
It WIS oil' vi VIC iiio7b 'i'NhV oi'u
eloquent advocates Of justice for Ire
land. Ireland owes him much for
what he has done in the past. But
now in his old age he ii found fight
ing by the side of his life enemies,
and for principles which he has Bit
terly fought all his life. His brother
and sons are with Gladstone, but
Mr.. Bright is drifting away from
his life time principles.
Mr. Gladstone, has, fortunate
ly, in his old age, identified
himself with II great and glorious
cause, and the close of his career is
!. likely to be Illuminated by n victory
7 for human rights in which he will
figure as foremost actor. The
grand record of John Bright is al
ready marred by his unaccountable
detection from the cause Of popular
rights. History will have to record
that after lifetime Of devotion &c
liberty and reform, he ended his
public career the opponent of both,
sulking in his tent while others were
welding the weapons he had laid
down aud chanpioning the cause he
had deserted.
, 1887-06-16
The sultan Kicks,

CoNsTANTINopLE, June 10.--The
Sultan demands II further modiiica-
ton OF the Egyptian convention be-
fore it is ratified. Sir Henry Drum
mond Wolf refused to accede to the
Sultan's demand, and has referred the
matter to the home government.
, 1887-06-16
An Odd l;eyernge.

"Maitrank" is a sign which at this seasot.
Is displayed in nearly every beer saloon IL
the city. 1t means woodroof wine, popular
German drink, made something like Amer.
leans make caret punch, with sprays tt
woodroof or Waldmeister added The herb
woodroof is perennial of the madder family.
found growing in shady places in woods
While green it emits no smell, but when dry
1t gives forth strong odor.-New York S''".
, 1887-06-16
Flremen's Meeting.

Pursuant to the call OF meeting
of the fire department at No. hose
house last evening, good represen-
station OF both.cempanies was present.
XH. Bennett was called to the chair
, 1887-06-16

THE biggest thing about the mill
tary muster in Washington was the
shortage, $4,000, in the funds Of
the enterprise.
, 1887-06-16

THE dominion senate has decided
that advice obtained in the United
States is not good in Canada. 1t Is
different with "boodle."
, 1887-06-16
Scene in u Philadelphia Court.

Magistrate--A little difficulty between
ladies, eh, Has the complainant been sworni
Plaintiffs Lawyer--Not yet.
Magistrnte-What Is your age, madame,
The mplainant-Sineteen.
Magistrate--You will now swear to tell the
truth, the whole truth, etc.--Philadelphia
Call.
, 1887-06-16

"You know, Of course" said the old man 70
the young man, "that my daughter has $780,
600 In her own rightp
eyes, sir."
"And you are not worth cent"
"Im poor, SIR, but, great Scott, elOO, 1000
is enough for twol Why I'm economical 70
meannees New York Sun.
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23
THE FIRST AMERICAN FLAG,

The Labor Enquirer cruelty tor
lures the intensely "American"
Mayor Roche, of Chicago, by the
story Of cold Puts first American
flag of freedom which Connecticut's
revolutionary hero flung to the breeze
at Prospect Hill, July IS, 177G.
This was fourteen days after the
signing of the Declaration of Inde-
pendcncc, and long before the Stars
and Stripes" were adopted.
General Putnam's flag was a red
flag, and in accordance with the re-
ligious sentiment then prevailing,
the motto Gan Appeal to God" was
inscribed upon it.
The old Connecticut Yankees were
revolutionary people, and in the
war of the rebellion, twcnty-seven
years ago, Connecticut was one of
the States that furnished its full
quota of soldiers for the Union army.
May she preserve her reputation by
displaying spirit of progress and
humanity in the great contest which
is to give freedom to the wage-slaves
and establish the Cooperative State.
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23
| r

If the Brotherhood of Locomotive
Engineers had assisted the Knights
of Labor in the great South West
strike on the Gould system of rail-
ways two years ago, by quitting
work, the strikers would have won
their strike, and received the extra
plttance Of wages they asked for.
But the engineers of the Brother
hood remained at work, and thus
assisted Gould in rc-enslaying and
blacklisting the strikers.
If the Knights Of Labor employed
on the Brooklyn elevated roads had
struck with the locomotive engineers
two weeks ago, the brotherhood
would have won the strike and pre-
vented the blacklisting of its mem
bers.
But the Knights Of Labor re-
manned at work, and thus assisted
the Elevated Company to run their
road without the Brotherhood of Lo-
comotivc Engineers.
If snulfy conservatism and
contemplate seltishncss were not
prevailing factors in some labor or
CARNATIONS, the bosses would not be
triumphant.
If the matter of mutual assistance
were left to u vote of the members of
labor organizations, we feel assured
that there is sufficient amount of
brotherly sympathy, not to say any
thing of common sense, to outweigh
the conservatism, born of cupidity, of
the handful of "lcaders" who are
allowed TO suppress and control the
honest impulses of the workingmcn.
If this sort of thing continues,
there will bc-rcbellion !
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23
NEW ORLEANS NEUTRALITY.

The New Orleans SOutherR MduS-
try is neutral in politics. That is,
it is opposed to the organization of
Labor Party in New Orleans, and
will not "come out" for either of the
other partie. 1t reasons thus:
"The Industry is the official organ of
the Trades Assembly and the Knights Of
Labor and rs such il is looked upon AS
representing the views of the members
of both organizations on either social or
political questions"
And then, it tells us that the
Knights of Labor is not political
party, ''for ii is more"
So, if the organized workingmen
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23
JUST AS GUILTY.

Mr.. Powderly, as the head and
representative of a powerful labor
organization, should be temperate in
his speech and reasonably accurate
in his statements. He is quoted by
the capitalistic press of Chicago with
altogether too much gusto and ap-
proval. lie talks about "the red
handed example of the Chicago MUIR
derers," meaning of course the i'm
prisoned anarchists. Now, there is
not q particle of evidence to show
that these men have murdered any,
body, and their Example" is no
more red-handed than Powderly's,
he by the same logic being guilty of
the murder of several persons killed
in strikes which he encouraged and
supported. If the anarchists are
hung, impartial law demands his ex-
ecution also. Mr.. Powderly is not a
fit man for the head of great Or
ganization. lie is ruled too much
by his enemies, by his superstitions,
and by the mad cries of the hang
mans press. Wnsted Press.
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23

Of New Orleans intend to vote at all,
they must take their choice from the
candidates nominated by the moss
backs.
In the next column the Industry
considers the case of DR.. McGlynn.
While acknowledging that he is can
intelligent man, a man of eytraordi-
nary abilities, and a thorough theo-
Logan, well up in the law of his
church, and judge of his own ac-
TONS" the ,SOutheru Industry, not
wlthstanding its very delicate aver
sion to taking a political stand, and
in spite of its assertion that cit is
looked upon as representing the
views" of the trades and the X. of
l.. of the Crescent City on social or
political questions, takes sides upon
this church question, and says that
McGlynn should have gone to Rome.
Why? Because the "boast of the
Catholic church is the obedience of
its children "
We, of the North may be cold and
discriminating, and that is the reason,
no doubt, that we cannot see any
consistency in the position taken by
our Southern friends on these "social
and political questions But they
mean well, no doubt, for they say;
eve hope that wise conservatism
will prevail with all his followers and
sympathizers, and that difference of
opinion as to the right or wrong of the
communication will not be allowed to
create dissensiOns in labor's ranks"
If it does, it will show that there
are fools in Flabor's ranks" But
the boys about this section are with
McGlynn in this matter, for he in
CURED the hatred Of his "superiors''
because he espoused the cause of
labor. lie is too onest,apparently,
to be successful straddler, and too
earnest and intelligent to remain
neutral"
We would like to reach about five
hundred union men in New Orleans.
If Southern Industry will seEd us
the names and addresses of so MANY
of its subscribers, we will gladly re-
clprocate. There's nothing like dis.
cussion.
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23

will bring "pcace on earth and good
will TO men,"
How much better it is to be honest
in the expression Of our desires even
if we are temporarily misunderstood,
than to play the part of demagogues
to lead the people they know not
whittier.
Let us be true Democrats.
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23

his beloved "son," Prince Bismarck.
Let them tell the truth, and let
tho sacred congregation come out
square and fair and say whose side
they are on-the working peoples or
the oppressors'.
Let there be no straddling-no
compromise with the "devil." And
if the sacred congregation is COM
posed of honest men with brains,
they will do what they can to uphold
the Knights of Labor principles
in preference to the monarchics and
missionaries. Nay, more, they will
be apt to point out certain monarch
ical tendencies that seem to be crop
ping up in the Order, and advise
the Knights to stamp them out and
carry on the glorious work outlined
in their platform in true democratic
style.
This course, gentle reader, will
not be followed, if precedent is a cri-
tcrion. But cts long lane that
has no turning"
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23
ANOTHER FlREBRAND.

The following dispatch was pub
lishcd last Tuesday in tnc daily
papers;
"RoME, July lS.--The sacred congrc-
cation will await the report of the eleven
American bishops, presided over ny Car
dinal Gibbons, who are inquiring into
the compatibility of the doctrines of the
Knights of Labor with the tenets of the
church before promugating its consider
alton or federation of the Knights"
We trust that the eleven bishops
referred to and their presiding Off
Ger will present the case of the
Knights of Labor truly to their SOW
ercign pontlf. Let them tell him
that men of all natlonalltcs are well
coined in the Order; that the com
binatlon proposes to place a check
upon the unjust accumulation of
wealth, although they don't say what
in their estimation is an unjust
accumulation" Let them tell him
that the Order is greater than a po-
litical partv-evcn the democratic"
party; that they propose 'to make
industrial and moral worth" not
wealth or religious hypocrisy, the
standard of individual greatness.
Let them tell him that "no lawyer.
banker, professional gambler, stock
broker, loafcr, professional politician,
or any one who makes, sells or Ne
riteS any part Of his support from
the sale of Intoxicating drink, can
become a member" To be sure, this
would knock out some of the pillars
of the church, but the church can
afford to overlook this little mistake.
Besides ali this the reverend gen,
tlemen might inform the sacred con.
gregation and the sovereign pontiil
that in many places there are nc
other labor organizations to stand
between the poor wage-slaves and
their avaricious and often church,
supporting employers; that larg,
number of Knights of Labor are the
deadly enemies of the pontiif's good
friend, Queen Victoria, and hel
murderous government, and thai
| another proportion are down on
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23
GOTHAM'S GUMPS.

There seems to be a spirit of stu
pid intolerance developing in New
York city against the progressive
element of the Labor Party, which
is unworthy of men who pretend to
be labor reformers. In the Tenth
Assembly District, for instance, a
number Of members of the Labor
larty-mombers by right of work
and honest suffrage during the last
election, came to re-enroll themselves
in the permanent organization.
They were refused admittance-that
is, the chairman decided that rs the
constitution" only permitted mem
bcrship to those who belonged to no
other party, these old members of
the United Labor Party could not
be admitted, as they were also active
members of the Socialist Organiza-
ton. This is about as rich story
as one could expect to hear. In
other cities the Labor Party well
comes all honest wyrkingmen who
are intelligent enough to vote the
Labor ticket. The main qualifca-
tion indeed is the voting test. And
as to belonging to other parties, the
only objection is against reactionory
political parties. What our friends,
the New Workers, need to learn is
that the tricks and quips of Tam
many politicians are not the right
means to be used in a reform move
ment; and above all, they need to
learn, it seems, what true democracy
means, and what it expects of its
votaries.
The records of some of the oppo-
ncnts of Socialists in the New York
Labor Party are not the cleanest i'm
aginable, and a decent modcsty would
better befit them than loud-mouthed
and unreasoning opposition to men
whose honesty and knowledge of the
labor movement is probably in too
strong contrast with their own moral
and mental condition. They may rest
assured, however, that the men who
have proven themselves true demo-
Gratis and labor rcformers by years of
unremitting effort in behalf of the
masses will not be Disconnected by
mushroom "bosses' who cannot
witstand the burning light of reason.
The labor movement will continue
to develop towards the progressive
line, Notwithstanding the deadwood
of cowardly conservatism that would
block the advance.
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23
FIRST STEPS.

MEMS ADVOCATE will no doubt agree
that we have pursued II consistent
course in the advocacy of measures
calculated to accomplish the object
of the labor movement, namcl y, the
abolition of wage-slavery and the cs-
Enlistment Of u cooperative COM
monwealth. In the course of our
observations we have not hcsitatcd
to express our opinions upon events
and propositions relating to the
movement, even if, for the time
being, such opinions were not pre-
cisely in accord with those prevail
ing among a largo portion Of our
constituency. Yet, we have cndcav-
orcd to base our arguments upon
sound reason, and the march of
events has and will continue to de-
termine the correctness of these
views. Let us remember particular
ly the object of the labor movement,
and, considering always that the ur-
gency Of the case of Labor, ondeavor
to arrive at practical solution as
quickly and directly as possible.
The overthrow of the present COM
pettive, individuallstic condition of
society is not to be accomplished by
the acts of the opponents of the
present mode alone, but by the self
destructive workings of the system
Tor non-system) itself. And, in OPP
posing this present condition of
things, we should stultify our efforts
ifweopposed or in any degree prevent
ed the operation of the solf-dcstruc-
tive principle of capitalism.
Our opponents seek to establish
themselves Ms q ruling class, and
they are well aware that their main
strength lies in the ownership and
possession of the means of existence.
70 secure to themselves this power
they will, upon reasonable pressure
agree to apparently restrictive laws
to an astonishing extent. We 50,
apparently" advisedly. Witness
the volumes of Claw supposed tt
supplement and enforce the Dcclar
alton of Independence of "lifc, liber
ty, and the pursuit of happiness" t,
the people; and then look arounC
and see how much these volumes
of laws have assisted in the extension
of the rights of the people.
If the people have not been vigi
liant, through necessity or neglect
in the matter of law-making, or il
the selection of our law tuakcrs, il
may be that they had an abiding
faith in the esprit of '76' and tn,
honesty of their representatives, b,
that as it may, the fact is that Capt.
tai has shown itself more powerful
than patriotism, and the owners o
capital have proven themselves thu
masters of the creators of capital.
Having tried legislation for years
with increasing infrmity Labor no,
seeks another remedy-it "goes bacl
of the returns and seeks relief il
independent political action. |
would be reasonable to suppose tina
the platforms around which the pee
pile are to rally and which they ar
called upon to support, should b
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23

TIL capitalist papers had another
choice morsel during the past week.
"Plot to Kill Emperor Willamette
Work of Socialists" and other head
ings to the same effect, were printed.
Well, it's another lie; "stale, fiat
and improbable" lie. AS if the
death of the aged William Hohen-
zollern would advance the welfare of
the people.
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23

Now and then we see some smart
twaddler talking about the community
of interest which there is between CAPT
tai and Labor, and nine times in ten he
don't know there is any difference be-
tween the assisting of Labor by Capital,
and the plundering of labor by capital
lists. Canadian Labor RefM7aer.
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23

Old Jacob Sharp, the New York
bribe-giver who was convicted re-
Gently, and sentenced to four years
in States prison by the notorious
Barrett, is the subject of daily re-
ports in the capitalist papers which
record the state of his health from
time to time. The hypocrites re-
joice over thief that is caught, and
pretend to be shocked.
"Direct vote and secret ballots in all
elections. Universal and equal right of
suffrage without regard to color, creed,
or sex. Election days to he legal holi-
days"
That looks democratic, square and
honest. With such "freedom of
contract the working people could
protect their interests. Why do the
politicians oppose such ideas? Our
opinion is that they do not trust the
people-that they are not democrats
that they are bound to rule the
people and steal from them. Speak
of this to your neighbor.
Our valued contemporary, the
Cleveland Workman, chideth us be-
cause of our expression of adverse
opinion upon the platform of the
"Union Labor Party" of Ohio. We
trust, nay, we feel assured, that our
good friend will eventually agree
with us. AS we considered the plat
form in question inadequate and even
to some extent perverse, acquiescence
would have been wrong on our part,
and silence might have been reason
ably construed as such. But while
we criticize, we assure our friends of
different opinions of our fraternal
regard.
GLOW many labor parties are
there, anyway?' is often asked.
Properly speaking, there is but one
Labor Party, and that party will
never rest till the private boss, land
lord, interest-monger, and those of
that ilk become useful and producing
members of society. The Labor
Party is party that not only agi-
tates, but agitates to a purpose; a
party that first and foremost is dem
ocratic, and does not allow itself to
be governed except by the will of the
majority of its members reasonably
formed and intelligently expressed.
One of the planks in platform
adopted by a Minneapolis Labor
Club reads as follows:
"We are not State Socialists. We
neither ask nor will we tolerate State in
reference with our individual affairs,
but we do believe that one of the proper
functions of government is to make the
best possible use of what belongs to all
the people,"
There, there, boys, you'll do we'll
enough. All you've got to do now
is to find out what your individual
affairs are, what belongs to all the
people, and what governmental func-
tions consist of, act reasonably, throw
aside old prejudices, and the Social
lists won't quarrel with you.
Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, 1887-07-23

Harmony? eve, too, love peace
but not the peace of slavery"

Wonder what Chief Arthur, of
the Locomotive Engineers, thinks
about ''harmony between capital and
labor now that the Brooklyn ele-
waited railroad strike has been 80
"harmoniously" settled.