Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1887-09-10
THE HENRY GEORGE PARTY.
An Interview With the United Labor
Leader.
HE ExHKcN TO POLL A GOOD MANY NOTES.-THE Ex- |
PUlsIoN OF THE SOCIALISTS AND THE PROBABLE |
STRENGTH OF THE Prohibition PARTY.
Correspondence Of THE EVENING SrAn.
Copyright 1881

|
Twas pleased" said Henry George this morn
| ing, "with the action OF the Syracuse United
| Labor Convention, and I am more than pleased
With the general satisfaction expressed by the
| citizens not only OF New York but also OF every
part OF the land. The only words of censure or
opposition have heard have been the utterances
Of few ultra partisan journals and socialstic
leaders.
| "As to tho split with the socialists,n continued
Mr.. George, "that was inevitable. The united la
| Dor party Is NOT and never has been socalistic
party. So long as the socialists were willing to
accept its platform and TO work with It, as they
Gid in the last campaign, there was no objection
On the part OF the rest Of the party but for some
upon forcing upon the labor party their distinctive
| loctrneA and were using he sOcaltstic organza-
ton as sort Of caucus within the party to enable
them to secure by concentration and activity
bers. The convention acted in self.defense, and
sons as to the position Of The united LABOR party
The position OF the party was in reality stated
with perfect clearness in what is known as the
Clarendon Hail platform, on which 1t was formed
and on which it fought the municipal campaign
That position is Simply that all taxes upon llUor
| or the products OF labor ought to be abolished
and the value that attaches 70 land by reason Of
the growth and improvement OF the community
ought to be taken for public purposes and applied
should control such businesses as are in their
ture monopOies such as railroads and telegraphs
done BY the community as whole than by indi-
viduals (as the carrying Of letters, the mainte-
nance OF public schools and parks and the issue of
money.
NO SYMPATHY WITH SOCIALISM.
"But the attempt OF the socialists to impose
upon the united labor party, their program
OF the state ownership OF all capital and the State
direction OF all industry, made 1t necessary that
ns @tb should explicitly deny
been done 0y the insertion In the Syracuse plat
form OF the following explanatory clause:
Il e. wsss We ~ forced Dcs es n
the State shall attempt to control production conduct
Of the Individual to use his LABOR or capital in any way
thss may nay seem proper to him and viii not interfere
that TIE State shall take Of land and either
Sosg ss % but by
sbolishing all t.1es industry or its products, to
provements. for the use and benefit
~ re
Ing to its value while RELIEVING the farmer and the
posed upon them. viii make it unprotitaSie to hold
fand for speculation, and thus throw open abundant
building up Of homes"
"Do you think the socialistic attempt to control
the united labor party was the result OF suddenly
mo-" said Mr.. George. at had evidently been
carefully thought out and deliberately entered
instructions or advice from the other side OF the
begun our agitation and were entering the forma-
tered heartily INTO our work Many If not most
Of them subscribed to our IDEAS and entering our
socialists are good workers and we valued their
aid, and for one saw no reason why, despite our
We for might o0g not time continue
The election came on and astonisned everybody
who did not know how rapidly our ideas had been
CROWNS the which mic th had been
and which 1t had been estimated by politicians
who call themselves shrewd would poll 10000
votes, showed itself stronger than the great re-
chinery, wealth, and brains, and In fact, as we
believe, polled more votes than did the united
factions Of the democracy. Its nominal defeat
was In reality great moral victory.
THE L0NG-LOOKED-FOR PARTY HAD COME,
with vitality that laughed at defeat and threat
ened to sweep everything before 1t in 1887. On
the day after the election 1t began to organize
and agitate. and has continued to extend and
consolidate its ranks ever since. The socialisttc
leaders knew full well that its growth was not the
growth Of State socialism, and evidently de-
termined upon 'rule-Or-ruin' attempt to so I'm
press upon the new party their ideas that they
might claim its growth the growth of sOc1alisic
ideas and gradually lead the rank and file into the
advocacy OF socialistic measures. They took every
in the world to increase their strength in the
assembly district associations In a few OF these
they soon had a majority OF the membership; in
others they had a body so large that, properly
handled. 1t was liable to carry meeting. a pri-
mary election, Or even local convention, for their
possession OF an organization within the party
gave them great advantage in concentrating
their men whenever wanted. There was much
complaint among our men as to the way In which
the socialists were thus using their organization
there might not have been even then an open rup-
ture for with all they could do the socialists could
only elect minority OF the delegates to the con-
vention, had 1t not been for the open attacks
which they made upon the prinCl-
pies Of the party. Frederick Engels, the
associate OF Karl Marx, who Is now living In Lon
ist1c leaders, took pains to make the declaration
that the principles OF socialism were opposed TO
the principles OF the united labor party, and that
while their program included the naturalization
OF land as well as OF capital what they meant by
the naturalization Of land was that 1t should be
taken possession OF by the state and worked by
the state. This was reprinted here and circulated
by the socialists as q pamphlet. Lawrence Gron-
lund was brought here from London to write pam.
phiets attacking our principles and showing their
inconsistency with socialism, and VroOman, their
boy orator, was also brought here from the West
to make speeches TO the same effect.
SOCIALIST STRATEGY.
BY their strategy In securing in the organiza-
tion Of the Leader newspaper a clause giving to
the ownership OF one share the same voting power
as to the ownership Of fifteen hundred shares
they had secured the management OF that paper
and while pretending to run 1t in the name OF the
united labor party made it an iLsidious organ of
state socialism, and through all the assembly dis
tricts they began propaganda OF their own
notions Of 'abOllshing the wage system by making
everybody an employ or the State and preventing
the expressions OF capital by making the state
possible that we should continue In the same
party. The irritation produced in New York
eliminated Ia a decision by the county commit
tee excluding the members OF the sOcialistic
labor party from membership In the united
labor party. This decision was not only confirmed
at Syracuse where the socialists went In force and
made strenuous effort to be recognized, but in
the platform pains were taken TO show that the
united labor party was distlnctvely and en-
phaticaly opposed to state socialism. The social
istic leaders evidently thought that the united
labor men were made OF the same stun as the av.
erage politician, and would yield or compromise
rather than take bold stand and force q defec.
socialists were just as sincere and determined as
The socialists, and having large majority won
the day."
"Do you think their defeat win weaken your
party1" ~
workers. On the other hand, we will gain by the
accession OF that large class who hitherto have
held a0Of for fear that the united labor party
but socialism and anafchiSm maSQueradinQ under
another name We also lessen the Opposition
from many people who heartily subscribe to our
based upon those principles would be dominated
by crankS or theOrizers We have demonstrated
that the party, far from being rabble led by bi-
tant demagOSueS II body OF earnest-thtnkinv
orderly men. Even some OF our bftterest foes 81
the press have acknowi edged the fact, and called
and moral tone OF our convention. It Certainly
must have been surprise to the public to see q
great State convention where there was mn bra,y.
Ing, no blackg uardism, no drunkenness nor dis