The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1887-09-11

admit the claims and encourage the
purposes Of anarchists, communists
and nihilists and the followers of
Henry George.
A reasonable, and the only practi-
cal theory of true Democracy-and
constitutional government under
Democratic institutions-is that the
people have surrendered for the gen.
eral good portion OF so called uatu-
raj rights-that they have surren-
dered these to. g. government con-
s,ructed by their own voluntary act;
that the laws under which they live
are the will OF the people, and are
self imposed, aud to one agency ere
ated by the people they have remit
ted the practical execution OF their
will and the administration Of af-
fairs, to the end that the rights OF all
shall be protected and the general
prosperity secured. In the preamble
| to the Constitution of the United
States one of the ends proposed to
be accomplished is, "the general
prosperity another is, the bless
ings OF liberty to ourselves and our
posterity."
These two objects are each and
equally obligatory under the law, and
the limitation upon personal liberty
was intended to be such as the gen
eral prosperity demanded. Any
broader application of the word lib
erty, as used in the preamble to an act
intended to be the organic law.
would make the whole scheme Of
constitutional government an imprae-
ticable farce. ,
Upon what are called natural and
inalienable rights there are many
necessary limitations and conditions:
| No man is free n the broad sense Of
individual self. sustained liberty and
independence. The moment he
recognizes his relations to his mother
his individuality begins to be COM
plicated with considerations Of duty
I and responsibility. When he grows
10 manhood these relations extend 10
wife and children and neighbors, and
when he reaches citizenship he finds
himself, in his individuality, a mere
nothing, but in his relations ipi
the liberty, the license Of the isolated
individual man, is almost merged
away as hc turns from the pleasure:
OF selfish indulgence to the solemn
duties and responsibilities that cum
Der aud control aud magnify thC
solemn fact of his brotherhood anC
iatherhood in society, his citizenship
under law, aud his creatureship un
der God.
But why extend the discussion Of
the legality Of law whose object il
prohibition OF the sale of intoxi.
eating liquors rs beverage when
the highest Judicial tribunals have
decided without dissent the legality
of such a law
Mr.. Bond makes distinction be.
tween prohibition in force under the
four mile law and that proposed by
the amendment. This view is also
expressed in a recent article in The
Republican, written by IAN able
member OF the Memphis bar"
They concur in regarding the foul
mile law as being constitutional
and "the able member OF the Mem
phis bar" generously says il should
not be disturbed. Now, the fact i
that IL the four mile law is oonstitu
tiapal the amendment must be By
logical necessity, for they prohibit
precisely the same thing, TO wit, I'll,
selling Of intoxicating liquors as I
beverage; aud the Only diiierenc,
between them is that the four mil,
law is limited, and therefore unequa
add partial in it, operation, and i'm
posed hy act Of the General Assem-
bly, while the amendment is unlim
tied within the State, impartial IL
les operation, and imposed by Oh,
voluntary aud direct act Of a major
iiy &C tho voters OF the State.
Mr.. Bond and the able membcI
Of tho Memphis bar" are, by thoi
! own published admissions, thus com
mittei 10 an admission 81 the legal
iiy Of a prohibitory law limited an,
Partial IN it, operation. Yet, strang
20 say, the burden of their argumen
, is to show the lille atty Of an amend
, ment prohibitory aud impartial il
. is scope and operation.
{ Olly extend the prohibitory claus
20 IN tho four mile Law 20 tho Who'll
{ State, and add 10 Il The sanction an
y authority Of tho majority vote " th
whole voting population OF the State
= aud all the ends-indccd, the speciii
' and only end proposed by the amend
G mcnt-will be accom- lished when
,. law happens 20 be popular with Oh
. psople, as the law against carryin
!. concealed weapons, the law agains
. selling pistols, etc, the law again.
4 selling whisky within four miles q
j. public school, then able lawyer
e find Ia the law touching police rcgu
c lation, etc. an easy way 10 their AC
. ceptaoce as constitutional law; bu
{ the regulation panacca disappear
r when the same principle il n be AZ
u piled 10 @ great question that Ia
n wolves strong conflicting interest
j. throughout the State, and one whic
4 may perchance find is way into ii
}. platform Of political party.
II When q great and grave issue III
,f that nov discussed shall be deliyerC
over 10 platform and conyentic
Il manipulators and become a matt,
% OF political lcgordemain In the ord
J. nary canvass OF partisan politics. u
l. issues Of truth aud right will be in
e pcrilod by the usual buncomb a
.e peals 10 the people, the usual TRAD
=. upon universal freedom and equal
n and tho usual appeals 10 prelude
Y passi n aud psrtisanship.
u SO far prohibition Is a measu
In that stands upon lis merits. 10 far
N IL not embodied in the national pla
"A form Of either party, aud IL cam
1t be called a Republican orr Dem
D. cratic measure.
'. But Mr.. Vcrtrees, in his able a
h dress 90 the Democrats OF TonnC
y, see, donouncts II ~ a party mea'ul
d, and belittles the 30 called Prohil
III ton party a. crowd Of me
, SEAMAN aaI .l.lI.au Ill L.. 49,,