Fort Worth daily gazette. (Fort Worth, Tex.) 1882-1891, 1887-09-18

SsCAy dIo }tI pIONiNiC lOl lIC lu-CACSL duu
safety Of ali ~
This constitution has been tested by
the experience of q century OF its opera
tion, and in the light OF this experience it
may be we'll to consider its value. Many
OF its most important features met with
earnest and vigorous opposition. This
opposition YVES shown in the convention
which presented it, and the conventions
of the states called to ratify it. In both,
the struggle in it's favor was arduOus and
doubtful, the opposition sble and &C
tive.
Justice Miller then proceeds st length
to review the most important objections
offered to the constitution. After re-
viewing the electoral college, Justice
Miller continues:
Nor have we had in this country any
want OF ambitious men, who have earn
estly desired the presidencyS or, having it
once, have longed for continuation OF
it st the end Of the lawful term. And it
may be said that it is almost custom
when President hiss filed l5fs ofIiee for
one term aCceptablY, that he is to De re
elected, if his political party continues to
be a popular majority. Our people have
also shown the usual hero worship OF
successful military chieftains, and re
warded them by election to the presi-
dency. In proof of this it is only neces-
sary to mention the names OF Washing
ton, Jackson, Harrison, Taylor and
Grant. In some Of them there has been
no want of ambition, nor of domineering
disposition, which is often engendered by
the use OF military power.
Yet none OF these men have
had more thBn two terms OF the
Office. And though a few years ago one
of the most largely circulated neTspa-
pers OF the United States wrote in its
paper day after day articles headed
''C@ :arism," charging danger to the re-
public from one of its greatest benefsc-
tors and military chiefs, it excited no at
ten.i2n but derision, and
DESERVED NO OTHER.
There is no danger ia this country
from the power reposed in the presiden-
tial office. There Is, as sad experience
shows, far, far more danger from nihil-
ism and assassination than from ambition
in our public servants.
50 far have the iacumoents of the pres
ideECy, during the hundred years Of its
history, been from grasping, or ettempt-
Ing to grssp, powers not warranted by
the constitution, and so far from eXerCis-
ing the admitted power Of that Office in a
despOtic manner, q candid student OF our
political history during that time cannot
fail TO perceive that no one of the thr1.
great departments Of the government
the legislative, the executive, and the
! judiciEl-hss been more shOra Of its lust
powers, or crippled in the exercise Of
taem, than the presidency.
In regard to the function Of appoint
mert 10 Cffije-perhaps the most lmpor-
I taHt of the executive dut.e5,-th spirit
of the constitution requires that the
President shall exercise freely his best
! Judgment and follow its most sincere
! convictions in selecting proper men.
It is undenisble that fer many years
past, by the gr&dual growth of custom,
It has come to pass that in the nomina-
ton OF officers by the President, he has
so far submitted TO be governed by the
wisheS xnd recommendations Of interest
/ ed members OF the two houses OF Con
gre5s, thatAthe purpose of the constitU-
ton in vestlng this power in him, and
the tight Of the public to hold him
PERSONALLY RI NPONsIBLE
for each and every appointment he
mzkes, i6largeIy defeated. In other words,
the great principle lying at the
/ foundation Of all free governments, that
the Legislative and executive departments
shall be kept separate, is Invaded by the
participation Of members Of Congress, IL
the exercise OF the appointing power.
History teaches US in no mistaken Ian
guage how often customs and practices
which were originated without Lawful
warrant and opposed to the sound con
struCtion OF the Law, have come to over
load and perve1t AS commentators on TIT
text Ct Holy Scripture have established
doctrines wholly g: variance with its true
spirit.
Without considering many minor o7jec
ticza made to the constitution during TIT
process Of its formation and adoption
let us proceed TO that one which wa
the central point Of contest then, an,
which, transferred to the question o
constituting that instrument, mas continued
to divide Statesmen and politicians TO
The PRESENT TIME.
The convention was divided in opinio,
between those who desired q stron
national government, capable Of sustain
ing itself by the exercise Of suitabl
powers and invested by the constitutio
with sucn powers, and those who, re
gerdiug the articles Of confederation as
basis, proposed TO strengthen the genera
government in a very few particulars
leaving it chiefly dependent on the sctio
of the states themselves for its supper
and for the enforcement of its laws.
Let US deal tenderly with the article
of confederation. We should here, o.
this glorious anniversary, feel gratetr
for any fundamentally which helped u
I in the days of our earliest struggle. Yer
few are now found 10 say anything fo
, these articles, yet they constituted tn
nominal bond which held the states to
gether during the war of independence
1t must be confessed that the .sense of
, common cause and a common DANCE
probably did more to produce this unite
effort than any other motives. But tn
articles served their purpose tor tn
occasion; and though when the pressul
Of imminent danger WAS removed the
( were soon discovered to be rope {
= sano, let them rest in peaceful,
? HONORABLE REMEMBRANCE.
Between those who favored stror
government OF the Union ana those WI
were willing to grant it but little pOwt
at the expense of the states, there we
various shades Of opinion, and while
! was the prevailing sentiment of the CO.
vention that ">he greatest interest
every true American was the consoljdt
ton Of the Union" there were many wt
. were unwilling TO attain this object /
: detsching the necessary powers from u
! states aud confeEing them on the nation
government.
These divergent views had their efac