The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1887-11-29
LETTERS FROM THE PEOPLE.


at all three. Well worked, they blend beauti-
tfully. But as Methodist do not require
all my co-workers in Republication and prohibit
ton TO all be Methodists, yet do not want them
TO sauarely antaeonize my convictions or preju-
dices as Methodist and spit upon my creed.
That ID apt to cause GOODNESS, resulting in an
alienation. if not in open antagonism. So,
Republican do not require my co-workers in
Methodism and prohibition to all be Republic
ans; but if they hate Republicanism, and all
occasions denounce its central ideas. and
our associated relation to overthrow
neutralizs them. work with
them only at long range. if
do not quit them entirely. So, also, as pro-
hibitionist do not ask every man who works
with me Republican or Methodist to be
prohibitionst; but when Methodist or Repub-
lican begins to belittle my convictions prohi-
bitlon and wishes to ignore them because he de-
spses Them and especially il he squarely antag
onizes them, we cannot walk together. / can
no more compromise my conviction prohibit
ton than I can on Methodism or Repuplicanism.
In any case may hold my extreme views in
allegiance, just as l require others to, for the
sake of harmonious action right direction;
but stubborn antagonism is not promotive of
harmony.
what want to say. but the reader may skip it
if he wishes to. want to beg Republican poll
ticians to let up the proposition to insert high
license and local option into our platform Ii
the temperance men of 1ndana-of the world,
for that matter-are agreed any one thing
it is to hate license in any shape or form. and
the higher it is the more they despise 1t. They
may be fools in so doing. but they have reached
that opinion after experience and process of
reasoning which is satisfactory to them Ii is
not wise now for us to ignore the fact, or to at
tempt to change their views. l do not know
man or woman in the State
ten or twenty years who does not hate the whole
license system. Now. why should we needlessy
repel these2 The little handful of Prohibition
lists who run the Prohibition party do not con-
stitute one-twentieth of the ProhiDitionists of
the State. Opposition to license, whether
called tax or not is Incorporated into the Meth
in the State breaches it. Now, why should
Republicans set ourselves against this universal
conviction of the whole temperance element of
the STATED We will not win back single
loon-keeper grog- drinker by it; but we will
drive off thousands of others What then2 We
want neither prohibition. nor high license nor
local option IN platform. We want a simple
declaration of hostility to the arrogance and
domination of the liquor power, and wa
want candidates in sympathy with this
declaration, whose lives and habits no less than
their words, will make the fight an aggressive
one. We need not abate one jot of our opposi-
ton to that policy which has bankrupted the
State Treasury. has turned our charitable and
penal institutions into homes for broken down
party hacks and ward politicians; which has
proStltuteQ courts into the protection of
fraud at elections; nor need we close our eyes to
the waving of the rebel flag in naughty defiance
of patriotic sentiment. The campaign Of 1888
must be aggressive all along the line, and at
point more aggressive than at that which
marks the temperance question. The anti
slavery men of 1860 did cot ask for
abolition to be put into the platform on which
they stood. They only asked for declaration
of hostility to the slave power. and asked for
not a word against slavery itself, but demanded
representative of the idea in their standard bear-
ar Thav Wi linz To frnS Ia data lc IN
the DEVELOPMENTS of the future. That is all that
wise temperance men ask of US, and we must
grant this or somebody else will. Tho how is
matter to be determined as the work progresses.
The suggestion of abolition in the platform of
1850 would have defeated the mon who, in less
than three years. abolished slavery with the uni
versal approval of all who voted for Mr. Lin
coin and many thousands more, while any NAM
by-pamby proposition to compromise with it and
let it live-hieh license for instance, would have
falienated aihtrue autislavery men. and defeat
would have followed. Let take honest.
bold, aggressive stand against that liquor power
which has us by the throat, and fight earnestly
on that line, and where there is q will there will
be a way. Measures no more dreamed of
than was war dreamed of in 1860 may be
essary. II so, we will resort to them, and the
people will sustain us, for the liquor power must
not and shall not rule this country. 1t must
not and shall not be licensed. U. L. SEE.
Open Letter Hon. Allen collars.
Hon Allen collars. Justice Supreme Court:
Dear Sir-The Journal of the 10th reports
you saying, in your speech before the Baptist
congress held in this city. that Henry George
advocates the vesting of all title to the land of
tho country in the hands of the government and
by it rented out in small parcels to the people.
If this was the tenor of your remarks upon
this point beg leave to inform you that you
are in error-grievously It is my impression
that your misconception Of Mr.. Georges doc
trine land it is the vital point wherein you errl
was drawn from the following passage in
Progress and Poverty" page POI: