The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1887-05-05
GOVERNOR ROSS.
Views of His Exceilency on the
Subject of Prohibition.


Hon. Barnett Gibbs, Dallas, Texas:
Dear Sir-In reply to your letter IN
viting me to attend convention to con-
vene at Dallas May 4, of those opposed to
the prohibition amendment, desire to say
that while the pressure of official duties,re-
curing my constant personal attention,
will not sanction the propriety of my
absence from my post for the purpose of
an engagement in the popular discussion
of this measure, nevertheless, there can be
no impropriety in my declaring, when
thus questioned, that l shall vote against
the amendment, because, in my judg-
ment. it is impolitic, unwise and against
the genius of our free institutions.
1t is the subject of an earnest differ
ence of opinion, and the conflicting SEN
timents of eminent statesmen do not
relieve the question of the embarrassment
with which it is surrounded. Whenever a
great issue, as in the present case, arises,
/ believe it the right and duty of every
public man to declare his true purpose
aud interest. An open, manly avowal
will command the respect of those who
differ, when it fails to invoke approval of
the principles advocated.
The legislature, in submitting this
question to fair vote of the people, in
the fairest mode in which it could
be done, that is, as an isolated
issue, unencumbered with other questions,
that there might be fair expression of the
popular will upon it, simply met the de-
mands of those who, in good faith, desired
to see it settled. And white feared that it
was destined to prove proitless and
oIlapipn opntrnvgrav. and that the
practical advantages to result from the
measure would not outweigh the in
Jury which the i'll feeling fated to
accompany the discussion OF this
subject through the country is sure
to produce, yet, holding 1t to be good
democratic doctrine and one of the fonda
mental principles, which is logical necessi-
ty of our form of government, that the
right of he people to govern themselves,
and decide for themselves the nature and
character of the institution under which
they shall live, is the great element OF free
dom, gave my sanction to its submission
to the decision of the ballot box.
recognize the fact that there are many
good men of all shades of political opinion,
who believe that this amendment will
eradicate an institution nefarious In itself,
and pernicous in it's influence, affecting all
the relations of community, internal and
external, and that it is an incubus upon
moral and social progress as well as all
other material interests, depressing and de-
basing laoor ,retarding and preventing the
deyelopment of all the resources of the
state.
Far be 1t from me to impeach their
convictions, but l appeal to the his
tory of our state to vindicate the pollti-
cal wisdom ofour laws and their effect up
on society. A little over half century ago,
when it became the duty of our fathers to
establish a government they brought wis
dom, experience, learning and patriotism
to the great work. They incorporated no
utopian theories into the system, but
sought that government, which would Sc
cure the greatest and most enduring hap
piness to the whole society; and, after the
most ample experience, it has proven
good enough to embrace all the vast in
terests of liberty and humanity and strong
enough to uphold, by its firm ard CON
servative grasp, the constitution OF the
country and the rights of all its citizens.
1t has given us institutions which can
embrace all mankind, with all their opin-
ions, preiudices and passions, however
diverse and clashing, provided we adhere
to the law of Christian charity and free
federation. From less than twenty thou
sand we have grown to probably three
million inhabitants rich, powerful, educat-
ed, moral, refined, prosperous and hap
DIV; with a code of laws adequate to the
protection of public liberty and private
rights, which are cheerfully obeyed, sup
ported and upheld by all classes of 80
ciety; with noble system of internal i'm
provements penetrating almost every
neighborhood, stimulating and rewarding
the industry of our people; with moral
and intellectual surprising physical i'm
provements; with churches, school houses
and colleges daily multiplying throughout
the land, bringing education and religious
instruction to the homes of all the peo-
ple. Such is our condition under the
present and domestic system, effected by
an enlightened, moral and energetic peo-
ple. The picture, we are free to admit
is not without shade as well IS light
Evils and imperfections cling
to the works of man, and
our a. state government is moi
exempt from them. The condition of the
| llQuOE bTdUlC BlOup OpPoiUuhhVJ AN'
abuses, and these opportunities are fire.
auently the cause of crime, but the laws
can restrain these abuses and punish
these crimes in this as well as all othel
relations of life, and they who assume at
fundamental principle in the constitu
ton of man, that abuse is the unvaryin9
concomitant of opportunity, subvert the
foundations of all private morals, and OF
every social system. Are the evils com
planned of sufficient to make pretext
for innovations against democratic pol
icy as heretofore practiced with so much
success and such exceeding triumph
Shall this policy and its proud and happy
fruits be cast aside? Why should our PEG
pie become impatient at the slow bat
steady operation of wise laws which can
be made strong enough, in justice to all
to correct every evil sought to be rem
edied, without putting in jeopardy the
blessings Of our government by sowing
hatred and discord among our people
We may with hope and confidence chal
lenge comparison, as people, with those
of other states where prohibition has fol
many years obtained, without the fear OF
being thrown into the shadow of the con
trast. Our people have in every branch
of realized wealth exceeded those Of
Maine. We have greater church accom-
modations; larger sums of money devoted
to educational purposes; more dwellings
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