The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1887-12-25


all important themes.
From history he turned to present politics and
asked me what heard new in the world of
Washington l said the Presidents message
and the effect 1t might have upon parties wal
still the absorbing theme; and then the historian
of the American government spoke No President
he said. of later years, hardly any since Was d
ington and Jefferson. has been able TO seriousl y
control mold the legislative acts of Con
gress, that his dictum ould be accepted, OF
his utterances become the text: but be offered
opinion to the effect of what had now been
said.
| asked him If be placed Washington as high as
the popular estimate does, and he said phat
ically. far higher. He became almost rapt as
he followed this idea; and seemed to ss
contemplating the character of the Father OF ht1
Country almost with the bodily eve. He leaned
back in mis- chair and eazed into the incorporeal
air Hamlet did at his fathers spirit, while he
described to the moral virtues and intel
lectual excsllences Of Washington more vividly
than they had ever been set before my mind.
The judgment the compcsure, yet the readt-
ness, the carefulness in all things, the
promptness in emergencies. the purity OF the
first of Presidents we're grouped SO As TO form q
symmetrical whole, and this form. blocked out
in words was draped IN eloquence till the hg-
stood before my Imagination like statue
worthy of the theme. He made think Of q
magician summoping from Hades the mighty
shades of the past and felt that through Ban
croft's means l almost stood in the presence OF
Washington.
From the revolution we came down to our own
time. 1 asked him about his idea of Andrew
johnson, and he developed the thought expressed
in his letter to me- l spoke of Mr. Blaines be-
lief that Johnson's policy had been inspired by
Seward, but Bancrofr said no." most EN- phati-
cally; he knew to the contrary himself. He had
been intimate with both men; Seward had not
conceived the idea, which was Johnson's own.
He pointed out the difference in the characters
of the men; Seward had not the fearlesness of
johnson; he adroit and plant; not perhaps
cowed by events but still in the face of rebellion
he had been willing to concede much for the
sake of peace; while johnson was stubborn, and
as his whole history showed, he knew not what
fear was. Bancroft again defended johnson
from the imputaton OF disloyalty to the Consti-
tuition; he was ambitious and indiscrees but not
disloyal
Then we elided to his own career / remind
ed him of some letters he had written me from
Germany, predicting long in advance the
cess of Bismarck's plans He had been present
when the Emperor. then King of Prussia.
which portsnded war. Bancroft sat in such
position in the assembly that he looked directly
the sovereign ne spoke: he said there were
not absolute tears in his eyes, but as the sun
light fell on the royal face it showed the glsten-
ing moisture that suffused them, and betrayed
the emotion of the ruler, who felt that his words
and acts might indeed bring war upon his coun-
try.
When Bancroft was sent to Germany he was
accredited envoy to twenty different states:
the list of his titles would cover pages l asked
IL he visited each capital in person, and he told
me he presented his powers" at every court.
In a few years these dukedoms and kingdoms
were first confederated and then consolidated,
and he became minister to the German empire.
The following extract from a letter dated Berlin,
Nov. 26. 1870 shows how keen WAS his interest N
the work and how great his faith IN the result:
Here great events follow one another in mo st
rapid The North German Union is in its
last of existence. and is but the seed of
of Germany. Next week the constitution will be
accepted and consolidated state os forty millions
of people under the principles of liberty viii come
into existencein the heart of Europe.
While he was minister to Germany he was
representative there, and TO Spain to investigate
a subject in which Seward, his diplomatic chief.
felt special interest But Bancroft found
different state of affairs from that which Seward
had supposed. and made very different report
from what Seward expected to receive. Seward
accepted Bancroftis report and acted accord
ely.
The independence of the venerable writer has
indeed always been conspicuous, and more than
once has cost him an acquaintance or even
friend. He never sacrificed his individual opln-
ions in affairs any more than in literature,
wheth er to please official superior or propi-
tiate the public The relations descendants
of some of the historical personages of the coun-
try have sometimes resented his lmpartIaiity.
He once advised me to treat all historical char
acters with freedom and justice, hut II felt
obliged to criticise unfavorably to be cautious
not to censure unless occasion required it
Years ago he said to me: .'The writer Of con-
temporary history runs a thousand risks, and
may fail to find bearing among men of his own
time; but the best works OF ancient history were
of contemporaneous events. and when they
laboriously and faithfully executed, they have
an importance of their own, which no effort OK
eruditlon impair"
Although one of the most eminent scholars OF
his time, this man, who has combined achieve.
ment in affairs with success in letters more
completely than any other American. has none
of the narrowness Of doctrinaire. He spoke re-
peatedly of the dIstrust which the learned often
have of the people, dstrust which he never
shared; of the feeling that if they cannot con-
troll and govern the nation, the nation must
suffer: he declared that scholars were sometimes
the most impractical Of men in actual politics.
and that learning was no security for the prac.
tical wisdom of its possessors
Bancroft indeed, has been himself a practical
politician, collector of the port of Boston, Secre-
rary OF the Navy under Polk ard some while
acting Secretary of War. He was minister to
England before he was minister to Germany; he
has witnessed the smaller and greater, the
foreign and domestic arts of states and states
men, A Democrat in our own politics. he yet
believed that slavery and the ami lbition OF slave
holders had been the cause and origin OF what he
called ''treasonable" war; but when the war was
over he declared that the people were d determined
the Union should be reconstructed, and that no
efforts of politicians, North or South. were able
TO prevent the completion of the work Familiar
with courts he has preserved his republican
doctrine, and his faith in system of demo-
cratic States; neither politics. nor learning, nor
aristocratic associations have been able TO cor
rupt the integrity of his faith in the people, or
shake his sturdy American preferences.
l was so impressed with the scope and vigor
and frequent originality of his utterances that
have ventured to garner up my recollections or
the evening. and present TO his countrymen this
picture of the scholar and man OF the world. the
diplomatist and statesman, the close
observer of his own times and student OF other
days: the political theorist who has had ample
opportunity to his theories tested and suo-
ceed and the genial gentleman whom age can
not wither, custom stale his infinite variety.
The venerable man contemplates mis- own con-
dition without alarm. When asked him about
the history OF President Polk, which he had
been said to contemplate, he replied that for
man in his eighty-eighth year to promise any
further work would be presumpt ption: but he had
been asked TO attempt the task. He passes his
time in studies that younger men might be
fatigued to undertake, or in the company OF dis
ting g1ished relatives and hosts of friends wha
appreciate that to listen to his comments on the
present the past is privilege the very MEM
Dry OF which viii one day be historical.
ADAM BADEAU.
Tnombs's Property Sold Cheap.
Washin eton. Ga, Gazette.
The residence and lands of the late Gen. Rob
ner hs had hea adv isadr ro ha g0ld at