The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1887-06-28
THE "CONFEDERATE STATES"
Some of the Results That May Follow the
Presidents Official Use of This Term.

Presidents OniC1al Use OF This Term.
Rational Tribune.
of a principle upon which the rebels based their
right to secede. 1t formally recognizes a claim
which Lincoln and the Union leaders would new
er admit for one instant in any shape or form.
This was that the States. as such, could make
war upon the government. The rebels insisted
that the States were sovereign and independent
that they could withdraw from the federation
and make war upon it precisely as any nation
can make war upon another. This was the very
cornerstone of secession. The war for the
preservation of the Nation was based on the
directly opposite idea From first to last it was
sternly held by every Union statesman, general
and soldier that the States were much an in
separable part of the Nation as a county. town
ship a city. Their machinery was seized by
conspirators, and their names and authority
used to promote reasonable designs; but these
acts, being in violation of the supreme law Of
the land, were void from the first States never
could OF did make war upon the Nation: it was
done in certain States by 'com binations too
powerful to be suppressed by the or binary course
of judicial proceedings" to quote President Lin
coins first proclamation.
The legal consequences Of this enormous blum
der may overshadow the strong sentimental OBJ
jections to the return of the captured flags. By
steadfastly denying the legality of any of the
so-caled State authorities in support OF the re-
bellion, the government avoided liability for
countless millions of dollars of obligations and
claims that might otherwise have been fastened
upon it. When it forced the acceptance of this
position upon the States that had been embraced
once of all liability for any share of the enor-
nous confederate debt other claims arising
ont of the rebellion. The whole account was
sponged off with ore comprehensive sweep of
the national arm. and the exconfederates were
freed from a load which would have crushed the
South.
The foreign holders of the confederate bonds
have always denied the right of the United
States to do this and within few years they
have received such encouragement in this view
from eminent lawyers that at the last session of
Congress they employed prominent lawyer to
appear before the judiciary committees aud
make argument that the United States was
legally responsible for damages to the amount
of the claims, because our government had in
terfered unwarrantably between them and
their debtors to prevent the collection of
their debts. They intimate that the British
and French governments may be induced to take
their view OF the matter, and in some diplomatic
way secure the payment of at least a portion of
their claims. When remember the large
holdings of confederate bonds by the English
and French aristocracy, and loading men-Glad-
stone himself having no less than $780, GOO of
them-we will perceive that this threat cannot
be disregarded.
Their shrewd lawyers and the lawyers of hold
ers of hundreds Of millions Of other confederate
war claims, are not likely to let this stupendous
blunder of Mr.. Cleveland pass unimproved. We
rest assured that we shall hear much more
Of it when the time comes that they use it
advantage.