The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1887-06-19
THE CITIZEN-(N0. 81
The True Conception of Citizenship Examined
in the Light Of Law and Reason.

slder the END OF the state the re4atlon OF ine
state and citizen; the conception of different
nations in different ages of the worlds history;
and the conclusions OF our clearest thinkers and
| writers upon this and kindred subjects
l. The end design of the state may be
briefly stated to be Ito protec. the individual in
his natural rights, and to afford him the largest
possible sphere of usefulness coordinate with his
ability, and to direct associated in the
| nation in working out a national mission"
The citizen with proper conception of his rights
| and obligations will be obedient to these prin-
ciples and contribute all in his power to the ac-
complishment of the greatest good in the widest
possible sphere. The state exists for the citi-
| zen. Our republican form of government is
'of the people" and "by the people" but "for
the people" This helps TO define what the cit
| liens duties are. The right conception COM
| prehends the end of the state and the citizens
| duties to the state
1t will scarcely be supposed that the citizen
who is protected in freedom will deny his duty
to have respect and honor for his country. 1t is
| worthy of respect and honor because it throws
| up safeguard about him, giving him larger lib
| critics than any people have possessed. He
| should honor this Republic also because it, with
| other governments. embodies the conception OF
| the benidcent idea of the Moral Governor
| of the universe. To honor our govern
ment is to have respect for its forms, its
/ laws, its customs and its officers Too
much liberty and TOO great familiarity
| are sometimes INDUCED in by our people. The
| Americans, in swinging away from the past. its
customs, laws, forms and Institutions, are in
clined to go to the opposite extreme we rever-
ence nothing. There is room for education on
! this point; our youth have no reverence for age,
our people for sacred things In the next place.
/ we owe country a proper support, if we would
have it perform its mission. In times of war the
brave will seek to defend its honor
Each man will pay his proportion
The sentiments of honor and respect on the
| part of the citizen prepare him to make any sac
| rifce for the nation which he loves so well, and
] then follows a sentiment which lesds us to give
| our country civil obedience" The state is both
human and divine institution. 1t was seen to
be essential to the progress and to the life of the
these reasons; therefore it is worthy of our pro-
| foundest gratitude and most accurate obedience,
whenever its laws are just and right
The gospel of human brotherhood" is pretty
generally accepted. This is additional rea
| son for making sacrifice for country and Civ
| ing it most loyal and hearty support The
is for man, g., it exists for the sake of
the subjects under its controls for their good and
| to increase their comfort and power in the world
2 The relation of the state and the citizen Is
| vital in this country. Whatever tends to the
elevation of the state elevates the citizen under
| the state. vitality their interests welded
] one to the other. The people are safe against
| foreign invasion if the state has been under
| good leadership and is strong. There will be no
internal corruption if the people are incorrupt-
| ibIe
| The state is what the people are. If they
| intelligent, brave, thrifty and strong the gov
| eminent in its various functions will have the
same characteristics In democratic form OF
| government this is much more true than in q
| monarchical form of government Both officer
| and legislator have gone up to Office from the
| ranks of the people and retain their places
| through their SURFACES. There is greater neces-
sty for correct principles being instilled into the
| minds Of our people than for that or any other
/ people upon the green EARTH
| The people create and uphold our government
for sake not of the state, but for the sake of
the prerogatives of the people. They protect
the state and the state in turn throws its strong
| and loving arms about the citizen. Here is q
| call for intelligence, wisdom, patriotism and
| obedience. No conception of citizenship would
| be adequate without taking in these qualities.
3. The Hebrew conception was based upon
| religious rather than political privileges and
| distinctions" His state and church were one
| and the same institution. He was compelled to
| have a religion: i. g., there was God in Israel,
| and faith in Him was required of the good clt-
| thousand gods. The Hebrew knew but
the Jehovah-and He the head of the
nation. He had authorized the form of gov
| eminent, given civil religious, social, interna-
| tional and criminal laws The Hebrew must
| love his country and give it material support
| He must exact no usury, reverence the past and
superiors. Morality. chastity, honesty. patriot
| isms industry, obedience, reverence and fidelity
were all required of the Hebrew citizen.
In Rome the right of citizenship was not
| granted to all. Sometimes whole provinces
| and cities granted these rights. Some
/ times families and then individuals. The man
| neT of obtaining citizenship has been related in
| another paper.
A Roman citizen could not be legally scourged,
/ nor bound, tortured in order to extort a
| fesslon. Torture only inflicted upon slaves.
! But whole classes of aliens and people whom our
| government looks upon citizens by every
| right were held to be slaves. The Roman citizen
had another privilege of which he thought great
| DEAL viz: the right of appeal from provincial
| tribunal to the emperor at Rome in extreme
| cases. He had a full right over his property,
| his md he a
| in the assemblies of the people and in the
| election of magistrates. and his testament had
/ full authority after his death The rights of
| the Roman citizen were thought to be wonder
| ful-it was great conception. Yet the man
: of obtaining these prerogatives; their linn
| itations in comparison with those of the Ameri-
| can, and the few people in the empire who pos
| sessed these rights, all indicate that their
| conceptions of citizenship were low. The well
| fare of the citizen but little thought of.
| No attention was paid to his morals nor TO his
| intelligence. The modern conception is far in
| advance OF the Roman Yet obedience, patriot
ism and fidelity were required on the part Of the
| citizen.
Our modern monarchies have an ideal mid
way between the Roman and the American A
| number of them guard such rights as the citizen
/ has with great They educate the youth
| and have a mild form of morals But they fall
| short in liberty of speech, action and religion.
| They allow less latitude than the American pos
| sesses. They still hold TO the theory that the
! citizen exists for the state This is evidenced
| in those countries where every able bodied man
| is compelled a certain length of time in
| the army, and pay large tax for the support of
| pampared and wealthy monarch, with his
| court.
These conceptions we find to be narrow and in
| adequate They fail to guarantee that enlarged
| freedom essential to the individual who would
| employ all his resources and powers in carrying
| out the mission for which he was created. We
| need a more intelligent and broader conception
| of manhood and its rights than We find either
| in the past or in existing monarchies
4. Says Francis Lieber. in his political
| Ethics" vol. l. o. 222: "Our times have arrived
! at different convictions. We believe that gov
| ernments exist according to the DEGREES of God,
which ordained man to be a social being and to
| have reason that he might maintain the right;
| we believe that civil freedom is as sacred and
| holy q cause any earth. and that everyone
| ought cheerfully and conscientiously to contrib
| ute his aid transporting it,"
Both sides OF the question are here presented
| first, the function of government insuring
lection and encouragement to the citizen, and,