Fort Worth daily gazette. (Fort Worth, Tex.) 1882-1891, 1887-03-25

SHERMAN AT NASHVILLE.
NASHVILLE, Tenn, March 24.-Seaator
John Sherman reached here to day on his
return from his southern trips# He is
| looking much refreshed. He spoke to-
night to large crowd of people. His
speech was as follows:
Fellow citizens, accepted sn invita-
ton of the Republican members of the
| Legislature of Tennessee to address them
on this occasion, not so much with the
| hope that l could encourage them by az
expression of hearty sympathy of the
! large body Of honest and patriotic Citi-
zens of the south from cooperating with
the Republican party, who, in my judg
ment, they are now IN sympathy with, as
that perhaps l might be able to dissi-
pate those prejudices by a frank
statement Of the views which
have actuated the Republican party in the
past, and thus bring US into cooperation
IN measures tending to advance the COM
mon interests and prosperity Of our cOun-
| try. l believe that a fair presentation
made to the people OF Tennessee, without
distinction of party, of the aims and prin-
cples of our party, both il the past and
for the future, might induce them to join
with u IN public policy that will con-
! tribute to the Interests OF the people Of
! Tennessee and Of the whole country more
and greater benefits and advantages than
can possibly be conferred upon
them by the Democratic party
have felt that the differences that grew
out OF war now held will give stranger
among them fair aIiDg for honest
opinions. When l first entered political
| life, l was in sympathy with majority Of
| the people of Tennessee. | was dis
| Ciple of that school of politics OF which
Henry Clay and John Bell were the lead
Ing apostles. | was taught to love the
Union and cling to it as the anchor Ct
safety, never to be diminished in terri
tory or power, but. to be Increased.
was taught th&t l was citizen not of
Ohio or of Tennessee, put OF the United
States, claiming one great Nag, covering
with its ample folds every citizen of the
republic, wherever his steps might lead
him. | was also taught to believe that
the constitution of the United States was
g bond Cf federal union written by
our fathers with more than human wis
dom, that it should be construed not
strictly like an indictment, not like bond
framed by an Insurer which g cunning
PortIa might COnstrue away by subtle rea-
sOuiug, but CHARTER Of liberty to ce con-
strued literally, and so az to carry out all
the objects Of its founders. In other
words, looked upon cur government IL
q national government, with general pow
ers supreme within the limit of those pow
ers, aid with q I, der9l court selected as
the sole fHal t5ibunat to pass upon the
limits and eXtent 81 those pL wers. l was
also taught 10 love, Cherish and respect
the rights Of states, and 10 regard
them as agents Of the people
for local purposes, precisely
as the GENERAL government is the agent of
the people for national purposes, that
they were to be loved, cherished and re-
speCted as guardians Of personal rights,
Of family relations, Of property and So
cialItIes, and that love for ones stare was
consistent with love of COu try, as the
love Of mother is with that Of father.
State rights, as distinguished from ma
tional authority, has been the disturbing
element of American politics. To the
people at large both the state aud nation
are convenient agencies for the exercise
of distinct and separate powers for com
mon good To the individual citizen. They
are the guardians of distinct and sepa-
rate rights and privileges, for which we
owe allegiance and duty. They are not hos
tile spheres, but like the planets moving
in grand harmony with the universe in
friendly cooperation; but It's people, the
whole people and nothing but the people,
that Is the governing and paramount
power of our system. This, at least, is
the theory | have been taught, aud il any
Of you reared in a different school has
inherited a jealousy and suspicion of
federal authority and an especial reverence
for that of the state OF Tennessee, you
may find in this the germ Of the cCDtro-
versy fought out in the war. If l under
and the principles of the Republican
party would say they are embraced in
the trinity, "uniOn, constitution and
country" the preservation Of the Union,
the msinteuance Of the full powers Of the /
constitut on, and the growth, prosperity !
and grandeur Of our country IL all !
its parts SIS it is now or
is to be- These ideas we inherit from !
the wisest statesmen in American history, !
and row since they have been reefirmed |
American citizens by sectional lines but !
prtiudice and passion. This Was rot SO !
before The war. Our fathers found in /
ii4"o' w '-S 0'oi'S 81 0t"'NIiI " eel fl'"u0
inconsistent with The genius of her insti- |
lutions. They did not undertake 20 dea
with il, nor was tne + cling against slavery !
confined to sectional lines. The most /.
eloquent deBuucistion Ct slavery came !
from Jefferson and Mason, and it had its
defenders botn north and !
south Our fathers found it aud ,
left it as l Cal institution to
the states, but provided that
fugitives from service escaping from one
state to another should be surrendered TO |
the oWaer The controversy about
slavery arose first as to newly acquired
territory, but this WAS settled from time
to time by compromises, which were &C
guessed in by both political Parties. It
was believed by such statesmen as Henry
Clay and John Bell that the compromises