The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1887-03-25
The War and It's Political Results Briefly Re-
viewed and Sincerity of Purpose Accorded
Both Sides in the Mighty Conflict.
Cogent Reasons Why Southern Whites
Should Deal Justly with the Blacks.
Taxation and Finance Discussed in a Master
ly Manner. and the Incompetence of-the
Democratic Party Clearly Shown.

man and his party were driven about the city in |
carriages, calling at the Capitol and at the home
of Mrs James K Polk, at the Vanderbilt and |
Fiske universities, and at several Of the manu- !
featuring institutions. At night, in the State |
Capitol, Senator Sherman spoke to an immense |
audience His speech was as follows
"Felow-citizens-I accepted the invitation of |
the Republican members of the Legislature of
Tennessee to address them on this occasion, not
much with the hope that l could encourage
them by expression of the hearty sympathy
of the Republicans of the United States in their
gallant struggle for Republican principles. as
from the belief entertain that fair presenta-
tlon made to the people of Tennessee, without
distinction of party of the aims and principles of
our party both in the past and for the future,
might induce them 10 join with US in public
policy that will contribute to the interests OF the
people of Tennessee and of the whole country
more and greater benefits and advantages than
can possibly be conferred upon them by the
Democratic party. have felt that the differ
ences that grew out of the war now hold large
body of honest and patriotic citizens of the South
from co operating with the Republican party,
which, in my judgment are now IN sympathy
with US; that, perhaps, might be able to dissi-
pate these prejudices by frank statement of
the views which have actuated the Republican
party in the past, and thus bring into CO.
operation in measures tending to advance the
common interests and prosperity of our country.
AT all events, feel confident that the people of
Tennessee, who, from its very earliest settle
ment have been distinguished for their courage
and independence. will give a stranger among
them fair hearing for honest opinions.
when first entered political life l was in
| hearty sympathy with the majority of the peo-
pie of Tennessee. | was disciple of that
| school of politics Of which Henry Clay and John
Bell were the leading apostles. was taught to
love the Union, and TO cling to it AS tho anchor
of safety never to be diminished in territory or
power, but to be increased and strengthened;
| that was a citizen. not of Ohio. or of Ten
nessee, but of the United States, claiming one
great flag, covering with its ample folds every
| citizen of the Republic, wherever his wandering
! steps might lead him. l was also taught to
believe that the Constitution OF the United
| States was the bond of federal union, written
| by cur fathers with more than human wisdom;
that it should be construed, not strictly like
| Indictment not like bond framed by usurer
which cunning Portia might construe away by
| subtle reasoning but a charter of liberty to be
construed literally. and SO as to carry out all
| the objects of its founders. In other words.
| looked upon our government national gov
ernment, with general powers supreme within
| the limit of those powers and with federal
| court selected sole final tribunal TO pass upon
| the limits and extent of those powers. was also
taught to love, cherieh and respect the rights of
| the States. and to regard them the
agents of the people for local purposes. precisely
| as the general government is the agent of the
| people for national purposes; that they were to
| be loved. cherished and respected as the guard
| ians of personal rights, of family relations, of
property and social ties, and that love for ones
| State was entirely consistent with the love of
| country, the love of mother is with that of
father State rights. as distinguished from
| national authority has been the disturbing ele-
ment of American politics. To the people at
| large both State and Nation convenient
| agencies for the exercise of distinct and sepa-
| rate powers for the common good: to the indi-
! vidual citizen they the guardians of distinct
| and separate rights and privileges. for which
owe allegiance and duty. They are not hostile
| spheres, but, like the planets moving in the
! grand harmony of the universe, in friendly CO.
operation; but it is the people. the whole people,
and nothing but the people, that is the govern
| ing and paramount power of our system This,
| at least, is the theory have been taught and if
any of you, reared in di ferent school, have in
herited jealousy and suspicion of federal authority
and of especial reverence for that of thu State
Tennessee, You may find in this the germ of the
| controversy fought out ia the war. II | under
| stand the principles of the Republican party, l
| would say they are embraced in the trinity of
| Union. Constitution and country-the preserva-
| tion of the Union the maintenance of the full
powers of the Constitution, and the growth.
prosperity and grandeur of our country in all
| it's parts, as it is now Is to be. These ideas
we inherit from the wisest statesmen in Ameri-
| can history, and now since they have been re-
affirmed by the war, there is nothing to divide
| American citizens by sectional lines but preiu-
dice and passion.
.This was not so before the war Our fathers
found in most of the States system of servi-
tude inconsistent with the genius of our institu-
tions. They did not undertake to deal with it,
nor was the feeling against slavery confined to
sectional lines. The most eloquent denunciation
of slavery came from Jefferson and Mason, and
it had its interested defenders both North and
South. Our fathers found it. and left it as a
local institution to the States. but provided that
fugitives from service escaping from one State to
another should be surrendered to the owner.
The controversy about slavery arose, first as to
newly acquired territory: but this was settled
from time to time by compromises which were
acuuiesced in by both political parties. 1t was
believed by such statesmen as Henry Clay and
John Bell that the compromise OF 1850 was the
end of sectional controversy, and it must be
remembered that it was Democratic states
man from the North, in the mad pursuit of the
presidency, that reopened the controversy. l
had been member of the Whig national con-
ventions of lS4S and 1852, and had supported
Taylor and Scott both Southern men, but felt
a sense of wrong and injustice done by the re-
peal of the Missouri Compromise, that led me
into the Republican party The people of the
South have never appreciated the deep. strong
impression made upon conservative men in the
! North by this most fatal and foolish measure.
We regarded it not only breach OF personal
faith, but threatened subversion of the
Constitution in making slavery national insti-
tuition, and as tending to subver. the Union.
, And now, after lapse OF more than thirty
| years. still regard it as nothing less than q
crime, and therefore /, with the great
) mass of Northern Wings and Democrats.
as patriotic duty, resolved, so far as | could.
that would secure to Kansas and Nebraska
Tree iIsttutioLS tHuS EostOTo Tue sLdtuS quo.
This was done. thought, by the election OF
Abraham Lincoln. Had this election been
| acqriesced in. the South now knows how kind.
forbearing and conservative would have been his
policy. for, of all the public men have met. he
more than any other. combined the loving kind
ness of a woman with the moderation and wise
, forethought of a statesman. He conld truly say
that he could have charity for all and malice
| toward none'
.'In all this preliminary struggle the majority
OF the people of Tennessee stood neutral in she
sectional contest. They stood for the Unior