St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1887-03-25
JOHN SHERMAN Is SLY.
He Trots Himself Out as Presidential
Candidate in Advance of All
Others
And Begins the Work of Booming Himself
By Diplomatic Raid on the
South.
n Nashville, Tenn, Selected as the
Scene of His First OratoricaI
Effort.
His Speech Devoted to Slavery, the
War, Free Trade and John
Sherman.

War, Free Trade and John
| Sherman.
| Special to the Globe.
WASHINGTON, March 24.-Republicans
here are agitated over John Sherman's in
vasion of the South. Mr.. Blaine's friends
recognize Sherman as the most formidable
competitor for the nomination next year.
Senator Sherman and Blaine have never
been friends, and an incident of the Repub-
lican national convention of 1880 did not
have tendency to harmonize their rela-
tons. Both Blaine and Sherman remained
in Washington while the struggle for SUI
premacy was going on in Chicago. The
convention had taken number of ballots
and it became apparent that Grant could
not win. Blaine had the next strongest
following ana Sherman was very good
third. Sherman sent verbal mes
sage to Blaine the night before
Garfield was nominated which ran:
IF you transfer your votes to me | can be
nominated to morrow" Blaine was very
| indignant at what he styled the impotence
of this message. The mountain might go
TO Mahomet, but he did not think it would
in the present case. Mr.. Sherman" said
Blade in his answer. appears to forget
that by transferring his votes to me would
be nominated. Tell him that an Ohio man
may be nominated tomorrow, but his name
will not be John Sherman" This breach
has never healed, and the two leaders of the
grand old party are daily drifting farther
apart.
THE NASHVILLE SPEECH.
N AcJvTrTE Tenn March % -Snpator
Sherman and his party were driven about
the city in carriages, calling at the capitol
and at the home of Mrs. James Polk, at the
Vanderbilt and Fisk universities and several
Of the manufacturing institutions. At night
in the state capitol he spoke to an immense
audience. His speech was as follows:
Fellow Citizens: | accepted the invitation
of the Republican members of the Legislature
of Tennessee to address them on this occa-
! sion, not so much with the hope that l could
encourage them by an expression of the
| hearty sympathy Of the Republicans of the
! United States in their gallant struggle for
Republican principals, as from the belief
entertain that fair presentation made to
| the people of Tennessee. without distinction
of party, Of the aims and principles of our
| party, both in the past and for the future,
| might induce them to join with us in a public
| policy that will contribute to the interests of
the people of Tennessee and of the
| and advantages than can possibly be
conferred upon them by the Democratic
party. / have felt that the differences that
grew out of the war now hold a large body of
| honest and patriotic citizens OF the South
| from cooperating with the Republican party,
who in my Judg ment, are now in sympathy
with US; that perhaps 1 might be able to dis
| sipate these prejudices by Il frank statement
| of the views which have actuated the Repub-
lican party in the past and thus bring US
| into cooperation in measures tending to adj
vance the common interests and prosperity
! of our country. At all events, feel confident
| that the people of Tennessee, who from the
! earliest settlement have been distinguished
| for their courage and independeIice-will
| give stranger among them a fair hearing
for hone 81 opinions. When I first entered
| political life was in hearty sympathy with
the majority of the people of Tennessee.
| was a disciple of that school of politics, of
which Henry Clay and John Bell were the
| leading apostles. l was taught to love the
Union and to cling to it as the anchor of
| safety, never TO be diminished in territory or
power, but to be increased and strengthened;
| that was citizen not of Ohio or Tennessee
| but of the United States. claiming
| ONE GREAT FLAG,
! covering with its ample folds every citizen
of the republic wherever his wanderin steps
might lead him. i was also taught to believe
| that the constitution OF the United States
was the bond of federal union written by our
| fathers with more than human wisdom; that
| it should be construed, not strictly like an
| Indictment, not like bond framed by a
| usurer which a cunning Portia might con-
| strue away by subtle reasoning, but q CHAR
| ter Of liberty, to be construed literally, and
| so as to carry out all the objects of its found
erS. In other words, l looked upon our
government as a national government, with
general powers supreme within the limit
of those powers and with federal court Sc
tod no 10 fna al firth nj
| the limit and extent Of those powers. was
| also taught to love, cherish and respect the
| rights OF the states and to regard them as the
agents of the people for local purposes, pre-
ciSely as the general government is the agent
of the people for national purposes; that
they were to be loved. cherished and re-
| spected as the guardians of personal rights.
! of family relations, of property and social
ties, and that love for ones state was entirely
| consistent with the love of country, as the love
of mother is with that of father. State
| rights as distinguished from national author
ity has been the disturbing element of Amer
lean politics. To the people at large bolh
state and nation are convenient agencies for
the exercise of distinct and separate powers
for the common good; to the individual cti-
zen they the guardians of distinct and
separate rights and privileges for which we
owe allegiance and duty. They are
NOT HOSTILE SPHERES,
but, like the planets, moving in the grand
harmony OF the universe in friendly co-opera-
ton; but it is the people, the whole people,
and nothing but the people that is the gov
erning and paramount power of our system.
This, at least, is the theory l have been
| taught and II any of you, reared in q differ
ent school, have inherited Jealousy and sus-
picion OF federal authority and of especial
| reverence for that of the state of Tennessee,
| you may find in this the germ of the contro-
| versey fought out in the war. II l under
irNlns of
| lican party, | would say that they
are embraced in the trinity of union,
| constitution and countryside preservation
! of the union, the maintenance of tn full
powers OF the constitution, and the growth,
| prosperity and grandeur of our countryi in all
| its parts as it is now or is to be. These ideas
we inherit from the wisest statesmen in
| American history, and now since they have
been reafiirmed by the war there is nothing to
| divide American citizens by sectional lines
/ but prejudice and passion. This was not so
! before the war. Our fathers found in most
| of the states a system of Servitude incon-
| sistent with the genius of her institutions.
| They did not undertake to deal with it, nor
was the feeling against slavery confined to
sectional lines. The most eloquent
DENUNCIATIoN OF SLAVERY
| cam from Jefferson and Mason, and it had
| its interested defenders both North and
| South. Our fathers found il and left it as a
| local Institution to the states, but provided
that fugitives from service escaping from
one state to another should be surrendered to
! the owner. The controversy about slavery
arose first as to newly acquired territory. but
| / his was settled from time to time by COM
romlses. which were acquiesced in by both
| political parties.
After reviewing, in the customary style
of the agile Republican politician. the re-
suits of the war and the consequences of
| Al Of ,1a