The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1887-04-27

Hayne, who had been chosen Governor Of
the state. A few days after he took his seat
fresidt mt Jackson rent messages to Con
gress, Transmitting tNo ordinance OF nulli6-
cation with bis own proclamation, and rec
ommen ding the passaso of measures which
would enable him to compel, by the use OF
sion Of the states.
II was upon the occasion of this message
and the force bill. which bec3ms " Inv dur
log that session, that the great debate took
place between Mr.. Webster and Mr.. Calhoun,
memorable for tho ability and elcquenc, dis
played, the eminent character Of the two
great champions Of the hostile theories. and
the magnitude Of the questions involved.
Up to the time that Mr.. Calhoun took his
stand for what he deemed was the cause OF
the constitution and the Union, a. we'll as
the liberty and the interest of the people Of
his own State, national honors and distlnc-
sought him out an crowded his path through
public life. He lad up to that moment been
regarded as the most renowned and shining
character among living Anne lean states
men, ana next to jackson, the most popu-
dency and was regarded as heir apparent of
President Jackson, who, IL was understood,
| would serve but ono terD. To nv mind
there is nothing connected with Mr. CAL
houn's life so frauRht with touching pathos,
go characteristic, of the grand soul of the
man as the isolation of his position when he
took his place In the United Statet Senate
tie saw all the popularity which marked the
early part of his career receding from him
GOVERNMENT PATRONAGE.
On the 9th Of February, 1895, he made a re-
port on the extent OF government patronage
which startled the country bv it's revelations
OF the enormous extent TO which the abuses
OF the system had grown, and the degenO.a :
Ing influences IL was exercising alike up0n
the government and the character OF the pee.
pie Animated and acrimonious debates
arose in the Senate -upon the facts stated
the positions assumed therein Mr..
Calhoun made a speech which is perhaps as
applicable to the present time, as IL was TO
those in which it was delivered. After show
ing how alarmingly the system has grown he
proceeded 20 demonstrate the cau,es which
produced 1t and which gave to 1t Its growth
Of these causes he placed s:the practice s'S 20
greatly extended, If not for tho arst time in
troduced, OF removing from Office
persons well qualified and who had faith
the places with those who we're recon- me ended
on the ground that they belonged to the
party In powe-." In speaking of the extent
Of its growth he stated that Washington In
his eight years Of service had made but n,ne
removals.; Madison but five; Monroe but
ten, and that he, whilst Secrt tary of War for
more than feven years, removed but two
and that for cause, He said: $50 long as
to be conferred on the honest, he faithful
aud capable, for the common good, and mot
fl tho benefit or gain Of the incumt ont or
hi party and so long as 1t was tho practice
OF the government to continue in office
those who fa thfully performed its duties, rs
patronage, in point of fact, was limited TO
the mere power OF nominal ng 10 accidental
vacancies or to newly created Offices, and
MODERATE influence si'hor over the body Of
the community, or of the iceholders thom-
selves; ana when the practice was reversed, |
when Offices, instead of being considered as
public trusts, to be conferred on the deserv.
ing, were regarded as the spOils of victory, |
to be bestowed as rewards for partisan SER |
vices without respect to merit: when IL came |
= DO qndorstood that all who he'd office, |
hold by the tenure of partisan Eeai |
and party service it is easy TO see that tho |
certain, direct and inevitable tendency OF |
such state of things is to convert the entire |
body of tn Sc in Office into corrupt and sup
pie instruments of power, and to raise up a |
tisans, ready for any service, however base
and corrupt. We're a premium offered for |
the best msRn' ofextendinE to tn utmost
the power Of PATRONAGE; to destroy
love of country; to encourage vice and dit-
eou age virtues and. In word, to prepare
for the subversion Of liberty and tho estab-
lishment OF de'potism; no scheme more per
feet coulc DO deyised and such must be the
tention adopted, or to whatever extent pur-
sued"
THE WAR WITH MEXICO.
Speaking Of Mr.: Ca lhoun's opposition to
the war with Mexico. Mr.. lamar says;
auonces Of the war thus prohibited '" lie
toresaw that IL would reAult in the Lcqulsi-
tion of Mexican territory. He knew that
the aversion o. the North TO the institution
of slavery would cause the majority of Con-
Rress to exclude that part OF the country in.
terested in this institution from any sha 0 in
the advantages to be derived from the ad-
mission of that institution intoR the
TER N tory 'hTi SECURED; He knew that
cept moral continent, was so determined,
IL would be met with an equal determination
Of resistance by the Southern States: He
spoke OF this as the terrible difficulty"
elements Of disupion and Of blood. II has
been said that 1t is easy for a, good man
oppoIed to the right, but whom
The here real re1dinS Of the soul in twain. Mr.
Calhoun loved the Union with religious de-
yotion, but he loved the South also. A con-
q ct between his love for the Union and his
terrible thing, to him, which burdened his
heart with sadness and grief. He earnestly
sought to prevent the occasion for renewing
the strife between the sections. In his reply
TO Mr.. Benton he spoke as follows:
Every Senator knows that was opposed
to the war; but no one knows but myself tho
depth Of that opposition. With my concep-
tons Of its character and consequences, IL |
was impossible for me to vote for IL. When,
was deserted by every friend
on this side OF the House, including my thon
honorable cole que Mr.. MoDufiel, was
not shaken in the least degree in reference
10 my course. On the passage Of the act
many Of my friends that dosd
had been done from which the country would
not DO able to recover for a long time, IL
aver; and added, It has dropped curtain
between the present and tho future, which,
70 mo-. Is impenetrablej and for the hrst
time since l have been In public life I am
IN able TO SEQ the future. / also adled. that
II has closed the first volume of our political |
history under / q constitution. and opened
The second. and that no mortal could tell
Nhat would be written in IT,"
SLAVERY.
Fellow Citizens-The Institution of sIa-
very That question has been settled. Sla-
very Is dead-buried in a grave that never
gives up it's dead. Why reopen il tOd4y2 Let
il est. Yet, IL | remain silent upon he sub
lsct II will be taken a5 an admission that !
there is one part OF Mr.. Calh0un's life of
which ii is prudent for his friends TO ray
nothing 70 the present generation. Dis
stimulation and evasion were so foreign to
his character that in his own case no one
would disappTUve and even disdain such 81
euce more than he. l have thi, 10 say;
That with reference to the constitutional
sts tus of slavery in the States. Mr. Calhoun
never ente tanned or expressed q sentiment
that was not entertained and expreEed by
Henry Clay, John Quincy Adams, Daniel
W ebster, and all the eminent statesmen Of
his time. That slavery was an institution
" society in the states, sanctioned and
upheld by the Constitution Of tho United
ssus~~s"--vS-'-s-- - g-'-s.--sr~s>-rop'~=a- -sss