The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1887-06-02


those VINO follow blindly, without questioning
the name, memories and aspirations of the
Democratic party, and the scattered victims of
disappointment inevitable in political life.
do not wish to utter one word to revive the
animosities of the That fought out
manfuily and bravely by the two contending
parties with such courage to inspire the
respect of each side for the other, and to its
logical conclusion of the complete success Of the
Union'cause. All that ask is that the defeated
party will honorably fulfill the terms of their
surrender, and that the results of the war NAV
be respected and observed with honor by con
federates, and firmly, but with charity and
kindness, by Union soldiers and citizens For
this appeal alike to confederate and Union SOL
ders, to the blue and the gray. that when
passion and prejudice disappear. both sides will
stand by each other i'll the improvement and
development of our great and united country.
VITAL DIFFERENCE.
And this. fellow-ctizens, brings me to the
VITAL controlling difference between the two
great parties now as during the war. From the
beginning of the government, one theory tended
to belitte, degrade and lessen the authority of
the national Union. 1t favored strict con
struc.ion of the Constitution; it construed 1t like
an iDdlctment or penal bond, every doubt was
to be resolved against it. To them it was a con-
tract which any State might throw off at it's
pleasure They called this the right of
sion. They called this government a confedera
cy. The Democratic party in later years fell
under the absolute dominion of this theory.
When they undertook, in 1861, to put their theo
ries in practice. they expressly called their gov
eminent a confederate government, and by their
Constitution they made slavery and the right of
secession their corner stones with Jefferson
Davis their chief.
The opposite theory was that the government
formed by our fathers was a national govern
ment; that the Constitution was an indissoluble
bond of union, defining the powers of the gov
eminent, to be construed literally so as to carry
into effect the purposes of its framers that this
was an ordinance, not of the States, but of the
people, to promote more perfect union-to pre-
serve the blessings of liberty for themselves and
their posterity. They were unlonists; they be-
lieved in the growth. and strength, and power of
the Republic. The Republican party is the rep
resentative of this theory. 1t marshalled the
Union forces for the preservation of the Union,
and against secession 1t preserved the Union.
But for it the American Republic would have
been a thing of the past. For twenty -four years
it administered the executive branch of the gov
eminent on these ideas II was this that ena-
bled the Republican party confer upon the
United States the inestimanle benefits of ma
tional currency, the homestead policy, the pro-
lection and diversity of our industries, the vast
extension of our railroads and internal improve
menss Il this marked difference between the
two parties that lies at the foundation of all
questions of public policy.
The future opens before US infinite variety
of questions which will turn the extent of
national authority. The revenues must be
duced. This the Republican party did many
times since the war; and carefully selected for
repeal or reduction taxes on home production
and duties articles that did not compete with
home industry. We added to the free lists,
made free from all duty more than nethird in
from foreign countries, including all articles in
common use among our people which could not
be produced here. including tea and coffee. We
levied duty on the remaining two thirds suffi-
cient to raise all the revenue needed, almost
clusvely articles that competed with home
products In this way we so protected our in
dustry that nearly every article of common
on the farm, in the workshop or the household
is made in this country. Nearly all the articles,
except sugar, from which this large revenue is
derived are articles of luxury mainly consumed
by the rich. protective duty has been placed
on sugar for the benefit of the sugar planters
of Louisiana. but we now propose, as one means
of reducing surplus revenue to largely reduce
this tax, and q protection to sugar-growers
some propose to pay out of the duties on sugar a
bounty for the home production of all kinds of
sugar from cane, beets, sorghum. This
policy of protection has been extended to the
products of the farm, the yield of the mines,
we'll as the fabrics OF the mechanic and the man
ufacturer In this way the levying of taxes is
made the means of national growth and develop
ment. nearly trebling in twenty years our do
nestle manufactures. and at the same time, by
competition. reducing the prices. But by the
confederate construction of the Constitution all
this is unconstitutional. By their theory
may impose burdens but cannot confer benefits
And now, fellow-ctizens, the immediate result
of Democratic confederate ascendency Is to
be struggle to break down our industrial sys-
tenn. They now propose to reduce the duties
articles that we can and do now produce. and
thus bring our skilled artisans into competition
with foreign labor that will inevitably reduce
the price of domestic labor. The farmer with
wool duty free must either kill his sheep or re-
duce the price OF his wool, and so with every
article of domestic production. But even on
this policy they cannot agree. With exclusive
power over revenue bills they agree upon
no proposition for the reduction of taxes, while
surplus revenue drawn from the life blood Of the
people accumulates in the treasury. But in the
end the confederate idea will, as usual, prevail
in that party
Randall will re- ist but he will learn the same
lesson many Democrats before him have
learned The confederate constitution declared
in so many words that no duties or taxes On i'm
portations from foreign nations shall be laid to
promote or foster any branch of industry, and
that is the creed of the Democratic party
And so with all the deeply interesting and i'm
portant questions affecting American labor and
it the great body of the producers of the coun-
try. has uniformly, both by State and national
legislation. adopted every just measure that has
been proposed to improve their condition, to pro-
mote employment to regulate the hours of la
Dor, to secure good wages and prompt pay in
good money and stands ready to adopt every
just measure to open their way to comfort,
wealth and to all the advanced positions in pub
lie and private life. The confederate idea is that
Congress has no power to do any of these things
1t is unconstitutional The Democratic party
has therefore opposed the homestead law, the
tariff laws and, in many of the States especially
whore their strength lay. have opposed wise
laws for the protection of laboring men.
There are some things that laws cannot do.
They cannot regulate the price of labor or any
thing else. This can only be done by the law of
supply and demand. American laborers do not
desire such legislation. They only the
free and ready means of contesting with capital
for fair division of the results OF production.
We have room in this country for Anarch-
lists, Communists or Socalsts-the worst pro-
auctions Of despotic governments. All our
workingmen want is an open field and a fair
chance with the right OF organization, co-opera-
ton. and the friendly sympathy of all classes
and conditions of The confederate idea
had its example in slavery. and now has its nat
ural fruits in millions of iaborers deprived of
their constitutional rights by controlling physi-
cal force and violence. No such servitude of
labor can exist in a Republican community.
And so with the education of the masses of
the people. Wherever the Republicans are in
power free schools as matter of course are
open to all children free of cost. and the same
opportunities for education are open to the
children of the poor and rich alike, without
money and without price. When the startling
evidences of illteracy in the South were dis
closed by the census of 1880, measure was
twice introduced and passed by Republican
Senate to appropriate large sums of money from
the National Treasury to be distributed accord
ing to the number of illirerate persons in the
hasa