Burlington weekly free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1866-1928, 1887-07-22
The Labor Party in 1883.

The Labor Party in 1888.
The New York World devotes a page of
q recent issue to the prospects of the labor
party in 1888. 1t il pretty well understood
that the labor men intend to take separate
political action in the next campaign.
The numerous meetings for organization,
the construction of platforms and election
of candidates in all parts of the country
clearly establish the fact. This move
ment. of course, is chiefly important and
significant in its bearing upon the estab-
lished parties. The labor party cannot
expect to accomplish anything in itself,
but it may very seriously affect other par
ties from whose ranks its recruits are
necessarily drawn. In this connection it
is interesting to study the growth and
prospects of the labor party.
The labor party consists really of two
parties or wings of the same party-the
united labor party and the union labor
party. The united labor party has for the
principal plank in its platform the denial
Of the private ownership Of land This is
the so-caled Henry George wing, and it's
membership and strength are chiefly con
fined to the large cities of the East. 1t has
practically no adherents among the farm
ers, and most of its members never owned
a foot of land.
The union labor party is the more i'm.
portant division. This party held a large
and significant national convention in
Cincinnati last February. 1t repudiates
the Henry George land doctrines, and is
strongly opposed to all the heresies of the
united party. 1t is made up chiefly of
grangers, greenbackers, anti-monopolsts,
knights Of labor, trades unionists and old
soldiers. From its composite character it
is not wholly harmonious, but its member.
ship is large.
OF course, there is no common ground
upon which these two practically separate
parties can be brought together in 1888.
The union labor men, who are for the most
part mechanics and producers, are strong
protectionists, while the united labor men
are equally strong free traders. Even if
this radical difference could be com
promised, the new party would inevitably
split on the land question. Each division,
therefore, will have TO put candidate of
its own into the field, and so dissipate the
strength which might come from a united
party
AS the labor party draws its strength
mainly from the democratic ranks in the
large Eastern cities, the increase of this
party will inevitably tend to weaken the
democratic party in the East In the
West and South the labor vote will either
be divided between two presidential labor
candidates, and thus neutralized or be
tween a united labor candidate and the
older parties, with the democratic party
as the chief sufferer. Thus, it would
appear that the democrats have
the most to fear from the labor
movement--a fact which is emphasized by
the hostility to it on the part of the
democratic organs. Republicans, on the
other hand, have little or nothing to fear
from the incursious of the labor party.
The kind of men it chiefly enlsts, with
the single exception Of the farming class,
and these mostly in the West, are not
found within the republican ranks. The
republican party can, therefore, watch the
struggle with considerable complacency
confident that the accessions to the labor
party must inevitably weaken the demo
crazy.