New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1887-03-05
THE LATE CONGRESS.

Congress ended It's second session In cOn1u'
sion, with an almost complete surrender OF
public rights and interests to the arbitrary will
of O few men. Yet, inconsistent as 1t may
seem, the session passed an unusual mum bel
of important bills, and contrived to kill q
really surprising number of bills that deserved
killing. In three months it did more effective
work for good, and also for evil, than was done
by the same Congress in the weary seven
months of its first session. when nearly halt
the members of its majority had not yet been
ordered back to private life by their constitu-
ents. Greater ex oerience helped some, no
doubt but it helped far more that fewer men,
bers were spurred to foolish talk or action by
anxiety about o coming election. rejecting
public can heartily approve much that
this latest session has accomplished, even
though it must also censure much.
The passage of the Retaliation bill should
have been by an almost unanimous vote In both
houses, aud probably would have been, but
for the partisanship of the State Department
and its scheming for British interests. The
unwisdOm of Messrs. Bayard and Belmont gave
the character of Republican victory to an en-
actment which Republican Senators had hoped
to see adopted by both parties and executed
refuse to employ with vigOr the power entrusted
to him. after urgently asking for greater power,
it is hard to see, but he did refuse to act upon
the measure passed last year, and Mr.. Bayard
still remains at his right hand.
The Presidential Succession bill, measure
undoubtedly of honorable purpose, would have
met far more of public approval If genuine
American had been Secretary of State instead
of Mr.. Bayard. The bill for the counting of
electoral votes, framed and deemed wise by the
Republican Senate, would have commanded
more of public appreciation if it had not re-
Gently appeared in three States, in Ohio two
years ago and New-Jersey and Indiana this
year, that respect for law does not restrain a
Governor or legislator of one party from up
holding crime for party's sake. Nor can the
repeal of the Tenure Of Office act be reckOned
mistake, though it enlargcs President Cleve-
lands power for the time.
These measures originated with the Senate,
and the Anti Polygamy bill which the President
allowed to become law must also be ac
counted meritorlous and important measure.
The bill authorizing suits against the United
States, except for war claims, Is one which
should in common justice have been passed
long ago. The provision for retirement and
recOnage of the trade dollar, in itself meritOri-
Gus, was made mischievOus only by the amend
ment of the House that the regular So, 600, 900
per month of silver should in addition be pur
chased and coined The restriction of real
estate ownership by aliens in the Territories is
praisewOrthy measure in its purpose, and the
provisions for agricultural experiment stations
may also prove of practical benefit in the end.
Acts authorizing the building Of bridges across
the East River, Great Kanawha the Missouri
at Omaha and at KANSAS City, will doubtless
prove helps to commerce, and at least part of
the public building bills, Of which four were
on the last day passed over vetoes, deserved
approval.
Congress deserves credit moreover, for some
things which it refused to do. The determined
refusal of the Senate to allow $4,000, unlaw-
fully spent by Attorney General Garland in en-
ployment of assistants in his Pan Electric sut
to be taken from the public treasury, caused
the failure of the Deficiency bill, thing which
never before happened, it is said, and was we'll
worth the price. Perhaps it may put an end to
the use of the power of the United States in aid
of private speculation. Nor was the refusal
| to put honest settlers at the mercy of Commits
| siOner Sparks less meritOriOus The House bill
for repeal of presumption, timber and desert acts
left the claimant no redress; the Senate right
ly insisted that the decision of the Commits
soner should not be final and that the claim
ant should have hearing IN the courts.
We must consider some measures from the
standpoint of Western members in order to
Judge them fairly. AS a stream cannot rise
higher than It's source, members whose cOnstit-
uents have for years been camOring for an
Interstate Commerce bill are hardly to be
blamed for passing measure which they
deemed sufficiently guarded to avoid evil con-
sequences. 1t is admitted by competent judges
that the measure will do some good and sweep
away some abuses what harm it will do can
not yet be determined, but it may be said in
Justice to Congress that there would have been
less doubt to-day if prevailing Western senti-
ment had dictated the form of the measure.
The Mexican Pensions BILL which the President
signed. was altogether inexcusable except as a
companion to the Dependent Pensions bill.
passed on the same day by the House, but
vetoed. The enactment of both measures
might have been criticised on the score Of ex-
pedicncy the selection of Mexican veterans
for exclusive favor must be censured on the
score of justice.
1t appears that the President refused to sign
the River and Harbor bill, which went to him
in ample time though he did sign other bills
voting away larger sums, and containing many
Objectionable features, without the possibility
of reading them. Reasons for his action may
be made public hereafter; as matters stand it
does not appear why the measure was not sent
back in time for alteration, in view of the fact
that great waste and The stoppage of important
public works may now result. The failure of
the Notifications bill is not creditable to the
House, and the refusal to vote money for ex-
tension and improvement Of foreign mail
facilities is eminenty discreditable. But the
bare enumeration of things done by the House
that should not have been done would be like