Wood County reporter. [volume] (Grand Rapids [i.e. Wisconsin Rapids], Wis.) 1857-1923, 1887-12-15
JAS. G. BLAiNE'S VIEWS.
Mr.. Blaine Gives his Views Of Presi-
dent Cieveland's Message.
And Discusses the Tariff Question in
His Usual Mastery Manner.
Blaine on the Message.

hou. james VI blaln0 on president
CIeveland's message. 1T was taken in
short hand under the direction of the
Tribune's Paris CORES pondent, and sent
by cable. 1t IS as follows:
81 have been reading an abstract of
the presidents message, and have been
especially interested in the comments of
the London papers. Those papers all as
sumo to declare the message is a free
trade manifesto, and evidently are antic-
ipat1ng ga enlarged market for English
fabrics in the United States as conse-
quence of the presidents recommends
tions. Perhaps that fact stamped the
character OF the message more clearly
than any words of mine can"
"You don't mean an absolute free trade
without duty?"
"No," replied Mr.. Blame. .Nor do
the London papers mean that. They
simply mean that the president has rec
commended what In the q uited States is
known as revenue tariff, rejecting the
protective features as an object, and not
even permitting protection to result free
ly as an incident to revenue duties"
II don't know that quite comprehend
that last point" said the reporter.
81 mean," said Mr.. Blaine, ''that for the
first time in the history of the United
States the president recommends retain
ing the internal tax In order that the
tariff may be forced down even below
the fair revenue standard. He recon-
mends that the tax on tobacco be retain
ed and that many millions annually shall
be levied on a domestic product which
would far better come from tariff on
foreign fabrics"
"Then, do you mean to imply that you
would favor the repeal Of the tobacco
taxi"
"Certainly; mean just that" said Mr..
Blaine.
81 should urge that it be done at once,
even before the Christmas holidays. 1t
would in the first place bring great re-
lief to growers of tobacco all over the
country, and would, moreover, lessen
the price of the article co consumers.
Tobacco to millions of men is d neces-
sity. The president calls 1t luxury;
but it Is a luxury In no other sense than
tea and coffee are Injuries. 1t is well to
remember that the luxury Of yesterday
becomes a necessity of to-day. Watch,
if you please, the number of men at work
on the farm, in the coal mine, along the
railroad, in the iron country, or in any
calling, and yon will find ninety five out
of every hundred chewing while they
work. After each meal the same pro
portion seek the solace of a pipe or CT
gar. These men not only pay the mill
ions of the tobacco tax, but pay an en-
HANGED price which the tax enables
the manufacturer and retailer to impose.
The only excuse for such a tax is the ac-
tual necessity under which the govern
ment found itself during the war and
the years Immediately following. To
retain tie tax now in order to destroy
the protection which would incidentally
flow from raising the same amount of
money on foreign ia ports is certainly
a most extraordinary policy for our gov
eminent"
"Well, then, Mr.. Blaine, would you
advise the repeal of the whisky tax also?''
''No; would not. Other coasidera-
tions than those of financial administra-
ton are to be taken into account with
regard to whisky. Theirs is a neral side
to it. 70 cheaper the price of whisky is
10 increase the consumption enormously.
There would be no sense in urging the
reform wrought by high license in many
states If the national government neu-
tralizes the good effect by making
whisky within reach Of every one at 20
cents gallon. Whisky would be every
where distilled if the surveillance of the
government were withdrawn by the reEais-
sion of the tax, and sales could not then
be prevented even by a policy as rigorous,
as searching as that with which Russia
pursues the nihilists. It would destroy
high license at once in all the states.
whisky has done vast deal of harm
In the United States. would try to make
1T do some good. / would use the tax to
fortIfy onr cities on the seaboard. In
view CT the powerful letter addressed to
the democratic party on the subject of
fortiication by the late Mr.. Samuel j.
Tilden IN 1885, / am amazed that no at
tentjon has been paid the subject by the
democratic administration. Never before
In the history of the world has any gov
eminent allowed great cities on the sea-
board, like Philadelphia. New York, Dos
ton, Baltimore, New Orleans and San
Francisco to remain defenseless."
"But," said the reporter, 'you don't
think we are to have war in any direc-
tion?"
'Certainly mott said Mr. Blaine.
"Neither, presume, cid Mr.. Tilden when
he wrote his remarkable letter. But we
should change a remote chance into an
absolute impossibility. If our weak and
exposed points were strongly fortified; if
to-day we had by any chance even such
war as we had with Mexico our enemy
could procure iron clads in Europe tnat
would menace our great cities with de-
struotion or lay them under contribu-
ton"
'But would not our fortifying now pos
sibly look as If we expected war;"
"Why should it any more than the for
tifications made seventy or eighty years
ago by our grandfathers when they
guarded themselves against successful
attack from the ornaments of that day.
SVe don't necessarily expect burglar
because we lock our doors at night, but
if by any possibility a burglar comes it
contributes vastly to our peace of mind
and our sound sleep to feel that he can't
get in"
"But after the fort1fcations should be
constructed would you still maintain the
tax on whisky?"
YES" said Mr.. Blaine. $50 long as
there IS whisky to tax I would tax it,
and when the national government
should have no use for the money I would
divide the tax among the federal union