The Dallas daily herald. [volume] (Dallas, Tex.) 1873-1887, 1887-06-21

hibit in Maine? Does it advance Names
prosperity? Let the thousands of men
of Maine who testified at the ballot box
in 1884 be called on the side of prohibit
ton to stand against the rumors, ire
sponsible newspaper articles, and feeble
statistics promulgated by the saloon men
of Texas and their allies, the foreign
manufacturers and brewers
According to the United States census
of 1880. Maine had ,481 manufacturing
establishments, engaging capital Of
| $40, 9SS. III, paving in wages during the
year $l3, G23,32l, producing $40, 500, 1893
In 1884 the value of the principal agri-
cultural crops amounted to 1884 900.
| In 1886 its farm animals were valued at
SEQ, 3l7 5S3. In 1880 its population was
SAC, $50 whites, 1854 negroes and 625 In
dams.
1t has 80 savings banks for poor people, in
which no one Is allowed to deposit over
$4,000. The aggregate deposits in these
banks amount to S40000,OO0. Do these
figures evidence a slate Of paupers made by
prohibition.
Poor men OF Texas. The saloon men Of
Texas are sorely beset with fears that the
"prelchers and meddling women Twill pur-
suade you to vote for q measure that Will
cause you to stop depositing your daily
earnings with them In return for the vile
poison that sends you to miserable home
empty handed, besotted and brutal.
Prohibition In Maine changes the place OF
deposit % savings banks. See the effects in
a state not larger in its settled area than
twenty Texas counties, and do not let the
enemy of man keep you this time from fol-
lowing the advice of your wives and the
parsons.
Kansas, the young giant of the west.
Here Is a popula ion that knows what 1t
takes to constitute state, and how to do 1t.
Such a people have tried prohibition, and
are satisfied with its results. They know
the difference between sham and
reality.
Its population in 1870 was 364, 900 ; in 1880,
096,0S6. The unofficial census OF 1856 places
the population at 1,650,0OO. In 1876 the
value OF the leading agricultural products
of the state was S46,S49,0S3, and in 1884,
sos, So, 10S. In 1876 the corn crop OF the
state amounted to SS,254 $50 bushels, and In
1884 to 172. 500, 800 bushels.
The law is violated to some extent, no
doubt, but the influence that prohibition is
having or the state Is shown by compare
of Nebraska, which Is sim
ilarly situated. as to wealth, population
age, &C.: for the year 1885. In that year the
United States collection for revenue is tab
ulated as follows:
State on spirits on fern ted liquors penalties
Kan L63E.S6 2O,S263s 1900
Nep. lbs, 93l.33 ,oS659 2,3s6.O9.
We are told that 1t is not right for major
ity TO control the minority in this question.
Particular emphasis is laid on the assertion
that majority residing in one section ofthe
State ouL Int not to impose law upon mi
nority residing in another part of the State,
Again this proposition Is applied to classes
Of the peop.e, and IL Is asserted that ma
jority OF one nationality ought not to impose
q rule on minority of another nationality
that prohibition laws and Sunday laws are
distasteful to our German population, VIII }
had no such laws in the German Empire,
and therefore Americans, however great the
evil, must submit to II. and IL submitting
causes moral degeneration, we should de-
generate rather than invade customs That
are brought from az empire TO be planted IN
q republic.
Whatever becomes OF prohibition let us
not be mislcd by tins fallacy. The rule of
majorites is the foundation OF democratic
government.
Either majoriiies must control mnorities
or the majority must submit to the rule Of
the minority. Where the majority rule
does not prevail there cannot be n republic.
There the government must be monarchy
or depotism, Or anarchy murt prevail.
The proposition so well advanced that IL
is not the right thing for q small majority to
make an act crime which large minority
believes to be right does not meet the issue
How large should the minority be In such
case? The advocates Of gambling, lotteries,
dueling, disorderly houses and such like
can muster considerable number; when
shall the majority surrci der to them!
If such act Is not an evil Ii should never
be made crime. But suppose IL Is an evil (;
shall not majority OF the people suppress
1t, however dear the evil practice may be TO
the minority. The proposition that If the
majority Is In one section Of the state and
the minority in different section that the
majority must for that reason abstain from
making proper changes In statut5 or con-
stitutional law, Is contrary to all idea of
government, and would make n division of
the state an inevitable necessity.
Our genial climate, our hospitable Deo-
| ple our free government and social adyan-
tages invite the people of the world TO
come among us, and share and enjoy them
for their own advantage, as well as ours.
But after all Americans have their rights
too. National characteristics form national
customs. Every nation has its religious
convictions, social instincts and national
prejudices. On these their laws are formed
and by them their social conditions regu-
lated; by them the national prospect
! ity is advanced or retarded. The United
States have them and such as they are, they
are dear to her English-speaking people.
They have made us a great and free people
rich, prosperous and happy. Like other ma
tions we are interested in maintaining our
nationality, our distinctive and peculiar
Traits as people. Does patriotism demand
that our traditions, customs, habits, pre-
judlces even, as people, be surrendered
under any circumstances or for any cause
to give root to their opposites 7
Let the customs, and the manner Of life
that our forefathers planted in the virgin