Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1887-01-12
FOREIGN NEWS.
TIE GOVERNMENT ARMY BILL IN TIE
GERMAN REIcEsrAG.
Prince Bismsrcks speech in Favor Of the
Measure-A Strong Army Required
20 Maintain Peace and Good Re-
fations Among the Powers.
rBy Auslo-American cable to the Dispatch.

General Won Moltke opened the debite
In fayorsof the second reading on behalf OF
the Government.
Baron stauGenberg followed Won MoItke,
and while be was speaking Bismirck en-
tejed the Chamber.
At the conclusion OF Stautfen6erg's
speech Bismarck rose. He said "Tbe de
sire OF all the military authorities OF the
empire il only opposed by Herr Richter,
Windthorst, and Grillenberger. 10 was dif.
ficult to conclude peace at Frankfort, and
il il still more difficult to maintain It. A
degree Of intimacy and mutual confidence
exists between Germany and Austria such
az never existed at the period OF German
federation. We are bound to maintain
peace for this quarter Of the globe, but for
this strong army Is required. Our rela-
lions with all the Powers are OF the best,
and our good relations with Russia are be-
yond all doubt. should have considered
entering upon war on account OF Bulgaria
a. an act OF treason agmnst my country"
Bismarck continued: "Wbat Is Bulga-
RIA TO US! II IL all the same to us who
ever governs there. The friendship OF
Russia IL surely more important to Us than
that OF Bulgaria. We have not rl-
lowed ourselves 10 be induced by any
one to make an enemy OF Russia for
the sake OF Bulgaria. To maintain
good relations among the Powers is
more difficult than you think. Wecan'tal-
low our forts 10 be nullifed by journalistic
or parliamentary. attacks. Our relations
with France continue good. To maintain
them is difficult because long historical
process must be accomplished before the
feelings OF the past are appeased ana differ
ences reconciled. We have done every thing
to induce the French to forget and
forgive. We have no present ground to
spprehend war with France, neither have
We any reason TO fear it, II it should hap.
pen. There can be no question about our
attacking France, but we must protect our.
selves sgaiast attacks. Under no circum-
stances shall We attack France, but we
shall always be compelled to arm ourselves
in such manner as to be equal TO
The contingency OF war. This Is the
supreme object OF the army DILL. have
firm confidence in the peaceful disposition
OF the French Government and a portion
Of the French people. Still the past teaches
us that we cannot count upon peace with
France as permanent. A Government may
one day come into power al Paris which
will make war upon Us. This you
must take into account II we do not pre-.
pare. II you say to-day, when war
comes we shall grant everything we
should be laughed at. Is there in France a
single paper or single public person who
says, We renOunce our rights 10 Alsace.
Lorraine >! The possibility Of French AZ.
erosion is, therefore, a sufficient motive for
the bill. France is strong and we'll
armed Power. Her army IL brave an d
xsa.le n T. . iii Il.
with our hands In our laps, however peace.
ful France may lock for the moment"
"Suppose the French proved victorious,
what would we have to expectS We should
have the same French against us from
whom we suffered from 1907 to 1912, and
who would again so suck our blood that
we would be paralyzed for thirty years
Endeayors would be made to perma-
nently weaken us. Such demands would
be made as 'Give up Hanover
am only describing the possibilities
that might arise In the event OF our defeat.
The peace OF 1870 Is mere chlld's play in
comparison with what peace would be after
the war in 1890. He who wishes TO take
the responsibility for this let him. The
Federal Government will not take that re-
sponsIbility, and they therefore submit this
bill. They wish to have permanently
sufficient trained soldiers in the
empire. We have chosen the seven
years term because this was the
period OF previous compromise, and our
constitutional life depends upon that com.
promise. The Federal Council did all they
could in c6nsenting to the septennial
period. They had only the interests and
security Of the empire and the well-being
OF the fatherland in view. DO you believe
that if YOU refuse 10 adopt the term pro-
posed in the bill the Federal Council
will deyiate from their original pro-
pOsal? II q similar demand were
made In France, do you think there Is any
possibility Of its being refused [Cheers.l
40 ground exists for placing difficulties in
the way Of the Federal Government. In re-
gard 10 the period Of the duration OF the
bill, especially in view OF the fact that
We have kept strictly to the text
and spirit Of the Constitution. Under
stand now that we absolutely adhere TO
our demand for the sepiennial. We cannot
give way even half breadth. Applause
from the Right Who can guarantee
always the same majority In this House
DO YOU wish 10 make the rise and fall OF
the German army dependent upon the ma
jorties in the Reichstagg BY doing so you
change the imperial army into a parlia-
mentary force. In this case we might have
10 appeal to the electors TO discover whether
thai is really the wish OF the nation. We
shall see whether the electors will permit
ideas actually TO exist according to which
the strength OF the army is TO be deter
mined by the Reichstag without the cOn-
| sent OF the Federal Council and the EN-
perOr.
"You can hardly expect that the En-
| peror in his nin6tleth year will contribute
| 10 the destruction Of the work to which he
| has devoted the last thirty years OF his
| life-the creation Of Germany and the army
| Of the German empire. II you believe that
possible; II you awaken the slightest sus.
| picion that these are your aims; and II you
| do not speedily satisfy the wishes OF
the Federal Government regarding the de-
Iepsiye powers OF Germany by the COM
| plete acceptance OF the bill, then we prefer
| 10 deal with another Reichstag. We will
enter into no further negotiations with
| YOU. The danger In which we might place
| The German nation by procrastination forces
us TO promptly obtain a decisive answer,
| or 10 address ourselves TO others who will
| give us such an answer"
At the conclusion OF his speech Bismarck
i was loudly cbeered.
Bismarck became passionate when refer
| ring to France, and was apparently indif.
ferent as to what impression his words
we're likely to make. There WIS marked
| difference in his reference to Russia.
Every word he uttered he showed his
anxiety not TO offend Russia or make her
suspicious. During his speech Bismarck
drank nine glasses Of cold brandy and wa
| ter.
While the debate was going on the gale.
res in the Reichstag were crowded and
the streets adjacent TO the house were
thrOnged with people.
BIsHARcK's PROBABLE DEFEAT.
LoxDOy, January 12.-The Times thinks
It probable that Bismarck will be de-
feaied. Il says: "Els statement |:
d.couaging both to those who look.
ed 10 Germany as the mainstiy
OF peace on the basis OF treNty
rights and 10 those who hoped to see
Europe gradually relieved OF the grieyeui
burden OF enormous armies aud increasing
taxation. He sees the threatened storm
and Is determined to provide for the safety
| Of his own country"