The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1887-01-23

Sir John Macdonald. at that time Canadian
Premier, and Sir Edward Thornton. were ap-
pointed commissioners on the part of Great
Britain to settle all outstanding difficulties with
the United States. Fish had suggested that
Rose should be one OF the commissioners, but
Rose thought he could do better service in Lon
don. 1t was also at enc time proposed that John
Bright should join the British representatives,
but to this Fish objected, because. he said,
Bright was so committed to the American view
| that his action would have less weight in Eng
| land. Lord de Grey member of Glad
| stones Cabinet, ard Northcote afterward Lord
| lddesleigh, belonged to the opposition. The
| American commissioners the Secretary of
State General Schenck. the newly appointed
minister to England, Judge Nelson. of the
| Supreme Court la Democratl exAttorney gen
| eral Hoar and the actual law officer of the gov
| erument Attorney general Williams 1t
at this juncture that the administration
requested its friends in the Senate to select
| another chairman for the committee foreign
affairs, as Summers impracticable doctrines,
as we'll as his refusal to speak to either the Pres
| dent or the Secretary of State. made the treaty
| an impossibility If he remained in the place.
Sumner was removed, and the negotiations pro-
| ceeded successfully. In two months the British
| commissioners returned to London, carrying the
| treaty with them.
| had been sent to Spain by the State Depart
| nent during the winter. and 1t was while was
| absent that the British commissioners started
| for America After Motley's removal there was
no American minister in London until Schenck
should arrive; but the secretary of legation, Mr.
/ Moran, acting charge d'affaires. My own
| position WAS that of consul general, entirely
| without diplomatic functions. and without any
right TO know the secrets of the legation. Moran,
therefore. though my personal friend very prop
| erly did not communicate to me what was going
| on but as soon as l returned from Spain Lord
Halifax called and told Of
| the negotiations. He had at his
| country house and afterwards made a dinner
| IN town that | might have the opportunity of
| meeting Mr. Gladstone. The Prime Minister
\
| of the points at issue. He particularly desired
! to indicate his anxiety for the success of the
| negotiations, and his intention to do all in his
| power to further this end. He talked at length
| and confdentIally, and with the expectation that
would make known his opinion to the Presi-
| dent OF course, wrote them out that right,
| and forwarded them to Washington. Forster and
| Halifax. also, communicated to me very fully
| their views, all of which | duly transmitted
either to the President the Secretary of State,
or sometimes to the Assistant Secretary. Ban
| croft Davis. with whom, as we'll with his two
| superiors, was in close and constant CORE
| spondence. If nothing more the messages |
sent served to show how anxious Gladstone and
his colleagues were to arrive at happy under
standing with America.
| met the Commissioners at Liverpool, on
their return from America, going ont with Lady
| de Grey to welcome her husband. General
! Schenek came with them as minister, and was
| more than cordially received in England. I gave
him party, to introduce him to En- lish friends.
and some of the highest political personages in
| the kingdom, statesmen of both parties made
| haste to pay their respects to the American rep
| resentative.
The treaty promptly ratified by the SEN
| ate Its stipulatons provided that the principal
points at issue should be submitted to tribunal
OF arbitration composed of five members of diff
| ferent natioDatles. to sit at Geneva. In De-
cember. 1871, the tribunal met. and the parties
to the dispute put in their statements. Bancroft
| Davis was the agent of the United States; Will
lam NJ. Evarts, Caleb Cushing and Morrison r.
| Waite were counsel on the American side. In
| the American case the question of consequential
| damages was proposed. The claims were not
deliberately main tanned, but the inquiry was
made whether they could not be considered.
| The presentation at first met disarproval in
| England The claims themselves were secuted,
and Summers original advocacy of them in the
| Senate had almost cost him tine acquaintance of
| his warmest English friends; but it was sup
posed that they would be thrown out as a matter
| of course, and for nearly two months after the
| delivery of the lease" the English people and
| government offered no objection to the presen-
| taton of the claims. But after while the
! Opposition party discovered that a weapon
| might be made of them against the government.
| and the Tories set themselves diligently to work
| to iniure the administration by representing
that 1t had yielded to outrageous Yankee inso-
lence and bluff" the press took up the cry
and the whole English nation soon fell into one
| of the most absurd and hysterical fits Of passion
that sober John Bull has suffered from.
The Liberals became frightened at the hubbub,
and when Parliament met the government felt
! claimed that arbitration must not go unless
| the claims were Withdrawn, and such storm
| was raised that the government almost yielded.
1t was .'On to Richmond" over again.
But there were two parties to the question.
| The American government held that England
had agreed to submit all the points at issue to
the arbitrators. There was solemn treaty
which had been ratified and confirmed by the
contending parties If the English should now
withdraw from the arbitration. America would
hold that they had violated the treaty,
and war might be the consequence.
The greatest anxiety prevailed among
those who knew how imminent the danger was.
| was still in London and on intimate terms with
the minister, General Schenck. and suppose AS
much in his confidence as it was proper that
should be- How hard he worked 10 avert war
how fertile he was in invention, how faithful to
his country's interest. how digniied vet courte-
Gus in his attitude toward England, how anx-
, ious TO discover means of avoiding rupture.
nobody living knows better than l. No finer
diplomatic services ever rendered the
United States: not even those of Adams during
, the Rebellion were more arduous or indispensa-
BILE. A single false step, maladroit expression,
an ill-tempered or inappropriate act. might
have precipitated war.
For the feelingin England ran very high. At
times it was positively offensive to Americans,
especially official More than oncs at
clubs and dinners. had to resent remarks that
no good American could listen to in silence and
: yet |, too, in my sphere. was bound to be eau
tious and reserved. But we had our friends
The members of the government were as loyal
as they dared to be; they were driven to bay
, by their enemies. charged with DESERVING
their own country. but they did moi
! give up they desired earnestly as the
Americans to avoid war, and were undoubt
eddy anxious to fulfill the stipulations of the
, treaty. Mr.. D'lsraeli. to his credit be it said
did not one thing. uttered not word to dis
tress or embarrass the government or 20 precipi
tate a rupture. He passed no harsh structures
on America just he had refrained during TIE
war itself from injurious offensive utterancee
: in this he was self contained and politi,
than his great rival.
/ In the government, if ono may say So Lady
. Waldegrave, whose husbaud, then MIR. Chiches
: ter Fortesque. had seat in the Cabinet, be
! haved himself manfully. She would not abandon
hope when everybody else said hope was gone. Sh,
went about in society purposely to exert an in