The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1886-07-01

tor, unbiased by fear or prejudice, in
short incisive sentences, cut up, root and
branch, the insidious rot, eating deep
down into our body polite; his postu-
lates based upon history, his reason
ing reached into the future; he read the
signs of the times, and as an honest man
and statesman voiced his fears. The
News, catering to the popular will and
tempting applause, said mo" not be-
cause the argument was intrinsically
wrong, not because the doctor had not
faithfully indicated the tendencies of the
unions and present inefficiency of present
means to cure; but the doctors views
were exhibiting an utterly gloomy view
of the future and the hopeless condition
of existing educational, political and So
cial conditions"
This would never do, we-the people
must voice the peoples hopes, aims and
ambitions; and even though they build on
treacherous sands, must so guild the pin
nacle OF the temple they will give no heed
to the cry of false, unstable foundation.
DR.. Dabney's article, danger ahead
from the Trades Unions cannot be a
popular Document" He claims for it
that distinction; indeed, in this very fact
may be found most convincing argu-
ment to supplement his own, that pop
ular thing is selfish thing; people slight
ly cultured turn the little art their train
ing has given, to cunning search for
private gain, to applause of that, pOpu-
lar to them, because conserving selfish
end. But to every man of culture, to all
in earnest for their country's good all
exercised about the ominous upheaval of
the great mass of workmen, whose hearts
throb and wildly pulse as every wave of
discord and communism rolls in ready
to engulf us, we would heartily commend
careful study of this elaborate, logical
and conscientious article, found in this
months "Texas Review"
DR.. Dabney has been a teacher for
forty-eight years, is a profound theolo-
gian, trained scholar, a noble, generous
man, whose heart never beat to an I'M
worthy impulse, a Southern gentleman
tried by the fires of the late civil strife,
and holding sacred the principles then
and since animating the defeated side
strong States Rights man; how deep and
searching, then, must have been his con-
victions, how genuine his fears and how
earnest his protest, when he feels con-
strained to close his article with this
ominous warning:
property is always cautious, appa-
rently timid, at the beginning of COLI
siOns, for it is conscious it is valuable; it
has much to lose. But because it has
much to lose, property always defends
itself resolutely when pressed to the wall.
And when the period of caution has
passed, property defends itself success
fully. For money is power, and the tai
ents of acquisition which gained the
money are power. One thing has
already become clear to the thought of
property: that when the hour of forcible
defense comes, the militia of the state
will be worthless. They are too near the
rioters. Property will invoke as the only
adequate force, the standing army of the
United States. And, as the industrial
centers are numerous and populous, the
United States must have large and
widely diffused standing army to invoke.
Thus the property-holder will be edu-
Gated by his needs and experiences in the
hour of trial, to think of his state as the
CIPHER, the Washington government as
the only Power. The discontinued classes,
who must at last be restrained by force,
will be educated to regard State authori-
ties as a shadow, and Federal authority as
the substantial fear. The surest result of
approaching strife will thus be to COM
plete the practical extinction of State Sow
ereignty, and the consolidation of the
federation into one empire. 1t will be an
empire governing by the bayonet."