National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1886-02-20

first bill introduced by him in Congress in
1872 or thcreohouts. Tie had listened with
admiration to the eloquent remarks Of the
senator from Kansas lMr. Ingalls,, but that
senator erred in supposiug this to he
question OF north and south. The present
bill proceeded upon the ground that in a
republic, in which every citizen has an
equal share in the goverumcnt-in which
the vote OF the plantation negro cqualcu
the vote Of the merchant prince
education was indispensable to the
continued existence Of liberty. 1t was be-
Cauee the society Of the south was our So
Cioty, the interest Of The south our interest.
IL was because in the sublime trial which
ended I'm 1865, 10 was determined that here
after and forever this was to I've q nation,
and not an aggregation Of warning and con
hicting communities held together by a
feeble band; that we had a right to demand
that the national resources should be
poured out to their fullest extent to secure
10 every American citizen the intelligence
that was necessary in each for the common
lonciit Of all. Mr.. IIoar cited figures to
show that under MIR. Ingalls's theory Mssis.
sippi would get fifteen times as much
money from the bill as would Massachu.
sets, while 10y the bill as 1t stood 1t would
get only four times as much.
Mr. ingalls,. Nothing lies like figures.
Laughter
Mr.. Hoar. Sometimes people lie under
misapprehension from not having read the
figures before making speeches Renewed
laughter Mr.. lloaragrced that the future
OF the colored race was bright one; but,
without regard to where the blame rested
for the ignorance Of the colored people, he
tMr lIuarl believed that If the general gov
eminent did not assist In the work
Of their education that work would
be postponed 10 remote future.
The white Democrats Of the south had sins
enough to answer for. The suppression of
an honest vote was one Of the worst of
crimes; but whatever may have been the
faults Of those people, Mr.. lIoar said, they
could not be Justly counted with seeking
by false pretenseSn to ret money from the
treasury under this bill, or with having
uttered In the ear Of the nation any pusi-
luminous cry for help. This was north.
Crn idea, and was based on the principle
that the eye cannot say to the hand, ~ have
no need Of thee"
Mr.. Wilson, Of Maryland, in his maiden
speech opposed the bill lie characterized
II as tie bOldcst attempt by Congress to
dictate to and command the states in the
matter Of their education. 1t was of no
use to argue-as some senators had argued
that Congress was not by this bill establish
ing schools in the states. 1t was the enter
ing wedge for entire congressional control
TO the school systems Of the states. II
Congress could apply money to the public
schools Of q state, why not to the public
roads of state: Congress had nothing
whatever to do with either. II Congress
had power TO aid state schools II had
power to support them altogether, and the
leaning of the people Of the states on the
arm Of the national Congress for school aid
would end in grand national scheme Of
education with headquarters at Washing
ton. There was no greater menaCe to the
liberties Of the states.
Mr.. Harris agreed with Mr.. Morgan, Mr..
Coke, and Mr.. MaXey,tha Congress had no
power under the constitution to levy taxes
and appropriate the money so collected to
The purely state purpose of maintaining
common schools. But If the question were
free from constitutional objection, Mr.
Harris would still oppose 1t for the reason
that the money to be appropriated for this
purpose, whether taken from the treasury
Of the several states or from the federal
treasury, was drawn by taxation from the
pockets of the people Of the several states
and territories
At j:15 the Senate went into executive
session and at $40 p. m. adjourned until
Tuesday next.