Iron County register. [volume] (Ironton, Iron County, Mo.) 1867-1965, 1886-04-15
=. rc,eer. tror, the p.rne,,,tes :


poses of the Government there was some
thing more in this work required than the
passing Of good laws [Heari hearil 1t was
laws should be passed, but also that they
should be passed by the proper persons.
IN ea sSs
OF the people, distinct marks of char:
apa hosGa
that they should proceed from congenial
and native sources, nd that beside good
from the Irish benchesl cat times he had
doubted whether this necessity had been
fully developed; and especially with respect
tertained before the last general election,
they can not now be entertained. The prln-
cipie he had laid down, he was laying down
for ireland exceptionally It was the very
principle upon which in his recollection, and
to the
IMMENSE ADVANTAGE OF THE COUNTRY,
Parliament had not only altered, but had
revolutionized our methods of government.
When he held Office at the Colonial Office
fifty years ago the colonies were governed
from Downing street. The result was that
the home government was always in con-
f1ict with those countries which had Iegis.
lative assemblies. They had continual
The British Parliament had tried to pass
good laws for the colonies, but the colonies
want a
mtted the reasonableness of the principle.
1t had now come home to US from across the
whether it was applicable to the case of Ire
land. They now stood face to face with
what was termed "Irish Nationality vent
ing itself in demand for general self gov
eminent in Irish-not imperial affairs.
"The conclusion Mr.. Gladstone said 81
hold is that there is such thing as local pa
triotism, which in itself is not bad but
good" TCheers.i "The Welshman is full of
local patriotism the Scotchman is full of
strong as it ever was, and if the need were
to arise, believe it would be as ready to as
sert itself as it was in the days of Bannock.
history Alright misfortune and calumny have
welded her sons to the soil with an en-
ara th sGs rsHman is still more
Irish. But it does not follow that be-
cause historical patriotism is strong that he
should be incapable of imperial patriotism.
There are two modes of presenting the
subject which have been argued. One is to
present what we a now recommend dh as good ID
evils and as the lesser among the varied
evils with which as possibilities we are
confronted.
Well, have argued the matter as If it had
been a choice of evils; have recognized as
facts and as entitled to attention jeafousies,
argued it on that ground as the only ground
upon which it can be recommended, not
an mind OK to the County Py' ta
can not give minute investigation to all
portions of this complicated question. do
bnt in my own heart cherish the hope that
this is not merely a choice of lesser evils, but
De
''There is L know an answer to this, and
what is the answer? The answer is only
found In a view which rests upon a basis of
despair, of absolute condemnation of Ire
and and Irshmen as an exception to the
beneficial provinces which have made in
general, Europeans, and in particular En-
gliShmen and Americans, capable Of self gov.
eminent; that an Irishman is tstsms a,dturae,
that justice, common sense, moderation and
no f1ra
him; that all he can understand and all he
can appreciate is strife and perpetual dis
sentions.
Now, sir; am not going to argue in this
House whether this view. this monstrous
view cheers from the Parnellitesi, Is cor.
rect one. 1 say an Irishman is as capable OF
loyalty as another man renewed cheers
from the Irish members, but if his loyalty
has been checked, why Is it? Because the
laws by which he is governed do not present
themselves to him as they do to lis in En-
gland or Scotland with native and con.
genial element
1 have no right to say that ireland.
through her constitutionalv-e elected MEM
hers, will accept the measure L propose: l
hope they will, but have no right to as
sumo it, nor have any power to enforce it
upon England and Scotland. But rely on
the patriotism and sasacity of the House on
a free and full discussion, and more than
ALL upon the just and generous sentiments
OF the a sr she that f1r
trivial motive could have driven US to as
sist in the work we have undertaken-a
ment to it's free and unimpeded course-I
ask them to stay the
WASTE OF THE PUBLIC TREASURE.
under the present system of government
and admins tration in Ireland, which Is not
waste only, but a waste which demoralizes
while it exhausts ask th them ito TO sn@w 20
the political problems which America hadto
face twenty years ago, and which many
countries in Europe have been called upon
to face and have not feared TO deal with. !
ask that we shall practice rs we have often
preached, and that in our own case we
have often incu1cated in others-that the
concession of local self government is not
the way to sap and impair, but to strength.
en- and consolidate unity
ask that we should learn to rely less ON
written stipulatons and more on those bet.
mind of man. I ask that we should apply to
Ireland the happy experience en.n, we WEB have
course of generations has now taught us
practice and Iife-that the best and suress
Foundation afforded by the affections and
convictions and will of man, and that it is
thus by the decree of the Almighty far more
than by any other method, we may be en-.
titled to secure at once the social happiness,
the power and the permanence of the EN-.
pire."
Mr.. Gladstone tesumed his seat amid a
burst of cheers which lasted many minutes.
TREvELYAN's OPPOSITION.
Mr.. George Otto Treveiyan who recently
resigned the Secretaryship for Scotland,
then arose and said he resigned with regret
but without hesitation. AS to remain in the
Cabinet would have been confession of
affilaton with home rule party. He de-
clared that total separation would be pre-.
fefable to Mr.. Gladstone's scheme.
MR. PARNELL FOLLOWED
Mr.. Trevelyan. Referring to the lattcr's re-
marks, he said that what Mr. Trevelyan ia.
vored would find no support from those who
best understood Ireland's necessities Mr..
Parneli proceeded to justify manv of his
NOS NIT w TrnuplUan no.
criticised.
Speaking of America, and what Trevelyan
called the assassination literature over
there, he said that most literature was
neither American nor Irish. If Mr.. Trevel-
yam would take the trouble to study Ameri-
can literature, he would find at tins moment
the just settlement of the grievances of
Ireland by consistent domestic legislation.
This feeling was inneea snoWm oy al classes
especially hopeful that Mr. Gladstone's ef-
forts would result in the establishment of q
permanent peace between England and Ire.
land.
Mr.. Parnell further said that at this time It
was of course impossible for him to be thor
oughIy familiar with the provisions of the
bill which Mr.. Gladstone had just laid before
the House. He therefore reserved the ex.
preston of full opinion on the Premier's
scheme until he had carefully examined the
measure in detail, but he believed the main
points of the plan which Mr.. Gladstone had
expounded would, If carried into successful
an Irish point of view, but he believed would
also be found to be of equal credit to En-
gland.
The bill. however, he said, was imperfect
on some points and would need revision.
The financial propositions especially he
ularly with regard to the Irish tribute to the
Imperial exchequer. Mr.. Parnell also
CRITICIZED THE PROPOSED 1.-TWO ORDERS"
which .o, Mr. Gladstone suggested for
mRnt dpfRcfa