The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1886-04-09

After the above brief synopsis of the
speech was in type. the following eI-
tended report came to hand:
LONDON, April s.-Mr. Gladstone
said: could wish that 1t had been
possible to expound 10 the House the
whole policy and intentions OF the
government with reference TO Ireland
Although the questions of reform in
the tenure of land and the Irish govern
ment are so closely and INSOFAR
ably connected, it is yet impos-
sible TO undertake the task
of calculating both questions to
gether. / do not know OF any pre-
vious task laid upon me involving so
diversified an exposition. In contem.
plating the magnitude OF this task.
am flied with a painful mistruSt, but
that mistrust IS absorbed in a feeling OF
responsibility that Will be upon me
| if 1 should fail to bring home
to the public mind the magnitude
and various aspects OF the question.
We should no longer fence or Skirmish
With this question. cloud cheers.) We
should come to close quarters with IL.
(Cheers.) We should get at the root Of
il. We should take means not merely
intended for the wants OF to-day land
iO-morrUw, but should look into the
distant future. We have arrived
at lie stage in our political
transactions with Ireland when
TWO roads part, one from the other,
not soon, probably, 10 meet again. The
time is come when IL IS incumbent on
the duty and honor of Parliament 10
come 10 4 decisive resolution on this
matter. Our intention l.. therefore, 10
propose 10 the Commons that which, If
happily accepted. will, we think. liberate
| Parliament from the restraints under
which vi late years It has Intellectually
struggled 10 perform the business OF the
country and will restore British iegisla-
ton TO its natural, ancient, unimpeded
course, and above all. establish har-
monious relations between Great
Britain and Ireland (hearl hear , on
the footing of those free institutions TO
which Englishmen, ScotChmen and
Irishmen alike.are unalterably attached.
loud cheers, prolonged by the Home
Rule members.) After reviewing the
condition and crime existing in Ireland
since 1888, Mr.. Gladstone described the
coercive legislation enforced during the
the same period as not exceptional, but
habitual. He compared Ireland during
all this period TO a man trying TO lind
sustenance in medicine only meant
for a cure. A serious disaffection con-
tinued to prevail in Ireland. aRd If
England and Scotland had suffered
similar hardships. he belieyed the peo-
/ pie OF those countries would resort to-
means similar to those the Irish had
used TO yentilate their grievan-
ces. (Parnellite cheers.) Coercion
was admitted to have been fall
ure for the past ffty-ihree years,
only two OF which have been wholly
free from represSive legislation. Coer-
cion, unisss stern and unUendin6, and
under an autocratie government, must
always fail. Such coercion England
should never resort TO until every other
means had failed. What was the basis
OF the whole mischief was the fact that
the law was discredited in Ireland. Ii
came TO the Irish people with foreign
aspect and their alternative 70 coercion
was TO strip the law of its foreign
character, and invest il with domestic
character. loud Irish cheers.)
Ireland, though represented in Parlia-
ment numerically equal with England
or Scotland, was really not in the same
position politically. England made
her own laws, Scotland had been en-
couraged to make her own laws as
effectually and had six times her pres
was that the handspring of law In
England and Scotland was felt 10 be
English or Scotch. The handspring OF
law in Ireland was not felt by the peo-
PIE 10 be Irish. He, therefore, deemed il
little less than mOckery TO hold that
the state of law which he had described
conduced to the real unity of this great,
noble, worldwide empire. Something
must be DONE" continued Mr.. Glad
stone. Something is imperatively de-
manded from us TO restore IN Ireland
the first conditions of civil life, the free
course of the law, the liberty of every
individual in the exercise of every legal
right, their confidence in law and their
sympathy with law, apart from which
no country can be called q civilized
country" What, then, was the prob
lem before him? Ii was this: How TO
reconcile the imperial unity with
diversity Of legislatures. Mr..
Grattan held that these purposes
were reconcileable. More than
that, he demanded the severance
OF parliaments, with a view to the con-
tinuity and the everlasting unity Of the
empire. Was that an audacious para
dox2 Other countries had solved the
problem, and under much more difficult
circumstances. We, ourselves, might
be said TO have solved il with respect 10
Ireland during the time that Ireland
had separate Parliament. Did il de
stroy the unity of the British empire2
(Cheers.) Mr.. Gladstone then pointed
to the case of Norway and Sweden.
which countries were, he said, united
upon footing of strict legislative in
pendence and co-equality. Then there
was the case of Austria and Hun
gary, and with regard to those coun-
tries he asked whether the condition
of Austria at the present moment was
not more perfectly solid, secure and
harmonious than it was prior to the
existing condition between that country
and Hungary. 1t could not be ques-
toned that its condition was one OF
solidity and safety. compared with that
OF the time when Hungary was making
war upon her. The claim OF Ireland TO
make laws for herself was never denied.
continued Mr.. Gladstone. until the reign
OF George the Second. The Parliament
OF Grattan was an independent IN the
point OF authority as It could be- They
(government) were not about to propose