The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-04-24

from time to time, to communicate to Congress
touching the state of the Union, and recommend
such measures as he shall deem necessary and
expedient The President had not ventured q
hair beyond that, and how was he met here? He
was met here with an assault on his motives.
There was not one word against the proposition
which he made: on the contrary there was not
an intelligent man in the country but knew that
the present condition of the labor of the country
commanded the attention of Congress. It was
easy to question mems motives. He had also
supposed that the right to question the motives
OF human being rested with higher power.
He asked that the message should have due con-
sideration and deberation, and a remedy for
the troubles conceived, if possible and enacted
into law. He declared. proudly, that there was
not word In that message that appealed in way
particular to any party or any set, or any class
of men in the United States. On the contrary.
it appealed to Congress as q body of Americas
citizens wishing for the public welfare. Zap
plause
Mr. Weaver. OF Iowa, was in favor Of the mo.
tion to commit with instructions, that the mes.
sage might be calmly considered. The gentle.
man from Ohio Mr.. Butterworth said 1t could
only receive deliberate and calm discussion in
the committee of the whole; but what example
of calmness the gentleman himself setl He had
not suggested any remedy for the troubles. II
was easy to find fault, to carp and criticise
Mr.. Gibson, of West Virginia, regretted that
the gentleman from Ohio should undertake ID
bring politics into discussion of this question
The gentleman had charged the majority of thi
House with not bringing forward a propositios
labor troubles The troubles the country was
suffering from were the result of the powers
given by corrupt Congresses to great corpora
tions, under the twenty years of Republican adj
ministration. 1t was the watered stock author
lied by Congress, against which labor was re-
belling. Gentlemen on the other side ought not
to assail this House because it could not bring
about remedy in day, but ought rather to
confess the crimes and sins of their twenty years
of legislation.
Mr.. ONeill of Missouri, said the arbitration
bill had been discussed by the House for four
days. and not one word of partisan bias had been
injected into the debate. It had passed by
four-ffths vote; it had been reported unanimous
ly by Senate&omnittee; it had been indorsed
by the journals of the country, and by the
intelligence of the country, and it rested
with the gentleman from Ohio to take this pre-
text OF injecting partisan bias into the question
The gentleman was like the man with one story,
the gun story; if the conversation did not give
him an opportunity Of telling his story. he
would stamp his foot on the floor and say, .'Thas
sounds like gun, and talking of guns, etc. |"
The gentleman was so full of partisan bile that
he could resist no opportunity of showing it.
Mr.. Reed, of Maine expressed his satisfaction
with the vote he had cast for the arbitration
bill. The gentleman from Pennsylvania Mr.
Randall in undertaking to excuse the President
for his message, was the only man who had ac-
cuSed nlm. Nobody on the REPUBLICAN side had
found any fault with the President, or had even
complained of the lateness of his arousing to the
subject The question which was stirring
among the people should be deliberately consid.
cred by Congress. 1t might be that Congress
could devise a remedy; it might be that it could
not; but it was bound to consider the question,
and bound to consider with regard to something
else besides the November elections.
Mr.. McCreary, of Kentucky, was gratified with
the Presidents message, regarding it as wise
and forcble document. The relations between
labor and capital were not as harmonious as
they should be, and the message looked toward
bringing them in harmony He did not believe
that the proper way to settle the difficulties be-
tween labor and capital was to use violence He
believed that arbitration the better plan
Congress should recognize that labor had rights,
but also that capital had rights, and it was the
duty of Congress to cultivate harmony and pleas
ant relations between the two.
Mr.. Springer, OF Illinois, supported his mo-
ton, contending that the committee on labor
was the proper committee to consider the mes
sage. He had moved the instructions because
he desired to respond promptly to the recon-
mendations of the President. The wise and
thoughtful message of the President should be
considered in a proper spirit. He opposed the
motion to refer il to the committee Of the whole,
because it would be buried there.
Mr.. Springer's motion was then agreed to-