Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1886-10-06

families, who, but for that policy must have re-
manned as ''hewers of wood and drawers OF
water for other people. Our Western states are
covered with happy and independent citizens
who. but for the homestead laws enacted by the
republican party, would still be hireliHgs in the
older states. There is not laboring man in the
whole country to whom the advantages of these
laws are not available whenever he chooses to
avail himself of them. There is world of differ
ence between the policy that would give any man
a farm and the policy of confiscation advocated
by Mr.. George. Intelligent laboring men ought
not to hesitate long as to which they shall
choose.
WORD ABOUT CORPORATIONS
1t has been said that the Republican party is
the friend of corporations and monopolies 1t
is the friend of legally organized and legally con-
trolled corporations, but such corporations are
not monopol1es. They are rather the means by
which the greatest advantages are brought with
in the reach of all. Without the principle of in
corporations we could have no railroads, tele-
graphs, nor large enterprises of any kind. And
what would our Western lands or their products
be worth without railroads. and where would
the market be found for the products OF q large
class of artisans but for the prosperity of our
Western people, which is almost wholly dependent
on railroad operations and extensions? 1t has
been the just and wire policy of the Republican
party to encourage all forms of incorporated en-
terprise, holding such companies always subject
to regulation by the power that created them.
That the party has been in any unjust sense the
friend of Incorporated wealth is absolutely false.
THE TEMPERANCE QUESTION.
The Republican party recognizes fully ard
desires to reduce them to the lowest possible
point. But it believes, to borrow the eloquent
and earnest words Of Mr. Gladstone, that laws
not founded in the hearts, feelings and affections
Of the people, but depending on force, cannot be
executed and are worse than no laws. Whenever
the people of state, or any municipality, wholly
OF largely demand total prohibition, such law
may be practicable as method of dealing with
the liquor question But where such sentiment
does not prevail prohibitory enactments become
a dead letter and bring the authority and dignity
of law and government into disrepute without
eecting in the least the reforms they designed
to promote.
the fact that this state, as q whole, is not one
where the prohibition sentiment has a hold on
the affections OF such majority of the people as
to make it expedient to attempt to pass and exc
cute prohibitory law state measure. In
the meantime, it accords to any city, village or
town within the state the privilege OF locally
dealing with the subject according to the senti-
ment of majority of its people prohibiting or
restricting and regulating the liquor traffic in
such manner seems to them hest. 1t would
seem in q state with such diversified elements of
population as ours, that nothing more could
nationally be asked. II any community does not
desire liquor sold in it, the traffic can be pro-
hibited by majority vote of that community. If
any community does wish liquor sold in it, ex-
perience proves it cannot be prevented by law
of the state. All we can possibly do in this mat
ter is to keep fairly abreast of public sentiment
and this can be perfectly done through the local
option and license laws now in existence.
This much misunderstood and misrepresented
question of the legal extinction of intemperance
(by premature and impracticable legislation) is
one which appeals strongly to every man w no re-
allies that a favoring public sentiment is essen
tial to all true reform, and who sees the incon-
sstency and dishonesty of those who ignore the
moral phase of temperance work to engage in
political intrigue and personal ACKNOWLEDGMENT.
These political schemers become actual pro-
moters of the evils of intemperance; they retard
practical temperance work and hinder the good
influence of the restrictive and regulating laws
to which the Republican party stands commit
ted.
1t is an undeniable fact that majority of the
most distinguished and effective workers in the
temperance cause have deploreG the existence of
third party and of political temperance as de-
structive as the work OF promoting real temper
ance The political Prohibitionists withdraw at
tention from the actual work of genuine REFORM
and center it upon mere political agitation in q
few states every two years. Among those who
have held and expressed this sentiment in our
own country we might mention the late John B.
Cough and Francis Murphy; also William Noble
of England, the leading temperance man of the
United Kingdom. Also, such well known tenn
perance advocates as the Hon. W. L. Price ana
II. Fl. Giles of cur own state.
Upon this and all other questions the Republican
party indicated by its last past legislation and
the action of it's executive officers, be trusted
to do what is just and right. 1t will neither run
before its knowledge lag behind its conscience.
81. A. TAYLOR, Chairman.