National Republican., 1886-08-14
Chnrchill,s irish Mensnre.

II Is reported, on the authority of the
irish Times, that the Insignificant young
man who has raised himself to the pre-
miership of Great Britain upon ladders of
primroses is engaged in drafting bill In
tended to solve the Irish problem. The
measure is supposed TO provide "uniyersal
local ernment'-whatever that may
mean-"throughout Great Britain and Ire.
land.n II is to be so wonderfully plastic
and comprehensive that II gives England,
ireland, Scotland, and Wales control, each
over its own immediate affairs, and at the
same time "leaves the supreme power Of
the imperial parliament undiminished."
At the very outset a difficulty arises
which even so fddle-headed youth as
Churchill might have recalled as connected
with the first home rule bill brought before
parliament by Isaac Butt. z. j. Smythe,
the friend Of John Martin and John
Mitchell, and unsurpassed as a prepared
speaker in parliament, was so bitterly OPP
posed to such q feeble measure as that pre-
sented by Butt that In one speech he tore the
proposal to tatters by asking Butt or any
member Of his party to explain what was
meant by local and what by imperial mat
tiers. Butt, though one OF the most astute
lawyers of his time, failed signally In his
explanation, and the effort to frame a con-
stitution for Ireland that should possess no
power over the taxation or the police force
Of that country became laughing stock
for the world. II is not probable that at
any time a mountebank like Churchill
could succeed in an effort Of intellect IN
which a man Of genius like Mr.. Butt came
to grief, but II i5srquite impossible that the
whole strength Of the tory party can palm
off upon the Irish people an extension of
county board Jurisdiction as a substitute
for national parliament after the recent
proposals of Mr.. Gladstone.
The bill, says the Irish Times, is broad
enough to satisfy 'all moderate Irishmen"
-rry moderate HiShmeR There are no
grades Of moderation. no trimming, no
compromise about this matter. There are
Just two sides to the Irish question, ma
tional and anti national Dublin parlia-
ment or London parliament; the govern
ment Of tine Irish people, by the Irish peo.
pie, for the Irish people, or the government
of the Irish race by one.ffth Of their num-
berthe amiable Protestant mlnority-in a
London assembly, backed by English
wealth and influence, and propped by the
prejudices OF the whole British Empire.
For good or evil there is no love lost be.
tween the Irish aud the English peoples
though 1t requires considerable experience
of both races and some residence in both
countries to understand the full significance
of this sentiment of dislike. The most
worthless, ill-bred, ill.educated, and gen.
orally misbegotten Englishmen have been
so long accustomed TO assume an air OF such
importance and overbearing insolence
toward the most worthy, well-born, and
thoroughly cultured people of Ireland thai
1t will require many long years-if not cen
turies-to bridge the prevailing differences
~ am delighted to have the pleasure Of meet
ing you," said an Englishman to an Irish
man at the table of friend. "The Irist
people detest," continued John Bull, "bu
think very highly Of individual Irishmen.'
"That is somewhat strange" replied tn,
Irishman. "My experience is quite th
contrary. For the English nation l hav
the most profound respect, but can assur
you that never met an individual English
mau who was worth solitary damn"
This sentiment is to be deplored, but It
| Iu5U stiOnS onvuEn, wnru Cue JIIIle CUInp!
to send to perdition, with final kick, tn
tinkerlng statecraft Of such mental au
moral abortion as individual" Churchill