New-York tribune., 1886-05-30
THE ULSTER QUESTION.
WHAT 1T is AND HOW 1T is TO BE AN
SWERED.

LONDON, May IA.
The Ulster part of the Home Ruic controversy has
some rather suddenly into prominence. IL IS not
reaIly novel. Students of the Irish question have
always been impressed by the fact that there are
two Irelands. and many Of them have predicted
that whenever Home Rulo became matter OF
practical politics. the attempt to deal with the two
Irelands as one would break down. Mr. Gladstone
did not ignore Ulster in introducing the Irish uo'-
ernment bill Lord Harrington dwet on u. Nir
Goschen and other speakers have pressed the uls'er
difficulty on public attention. But tue Ehshs" arc
slow to give their minds to new problems. anu 80
1t happened that Ulster seemed likely TO DC iei' u
look after its own interests. Its inhaoi'ahts nave
taken the hint The loyal Protestant population Oh
the North of Ireland became slowly convinced tnat
nobody wonld hep thsm unless they helped them
selves They accord ngly began to hold public
meetings to adop. petitions and to resolutions
of protest against Dublin Parliament. In private
they took other steps They bought rifles and
began to practise at targets and In some instances
10 drill These proceedings had not gone on long
before England began to perceive that the Ulster
question was One which could not be merged IN the
general question Of Home Rule for Ireland, but
would have to be dealt with on its merits.
To-day therefore, the Ulster question is discussed
IN Parliament and elsewhere with animation.
question was put last night about tho Woseey
incident which had Its origin IN an outside state
ment by Mr. Johnston. member for South Belfast,
that Lord Woseey and thousand other Engish
officers had expressed their determination to throw
up their commissions and head the Protestants o:
Ulster Is that truei asked Mr.. I. Healy, who has
an inquirng mind The Secretary for War Is
Scotchman and has all the proverbial Scotch
caution in answering questions He replied. how
aver that he was authorized by Lord WOlseley to
deny that he had ever alluded to the subject In
any speech he had ever delivered The inference
we are asked to draw Is that Lord Wolseey privafe
opinlops are his own subject neithor to official
supervision nor Parliamentary crossexamna-
ton. Mr. Campbell Ban herman declared. as he
was bound to. that Mr. Johnston's story about
Lord Woseley was absolutely devoid OF truth L
assume that it is Lord Wolsccy a soldier of the
Queen and will do his duty. He is none the less
entitled to his opinions, and he has. as everybody
knows a renarka bic freedom IN his manner of ex
pressing them.
No doubtful or unauthentcated stories are
necessary to show that armed resistance In Ulster
Is regarded as possible result of setting up
Parnellite Parliament in Dublin. Lord Randolph
Churchill said much to his constituents III
Paddington and to the people of Belfast. and Mr.
John Morley expressed his disapprova of Lord
Randoph's sentiments. Undsmayed by the
censure of Mr. Morley, Lord Randolph has repeated
his views in terms stronge than before. Ulster. he
saws. will not submit to Mr.. Parnell; Ulster will
fight; Ulster will DO right And lie adds that
Ulster will emerge from the struggle victorious,
because all that Ulster represents to Brtons will
command the sympathy and support of an enor
nous section of the British community; will
attract also the admiration and approval of free
and civilized nations 1t might have been said no
very long time ago that Lord Randolph was not a
serious politician and that his advice was not to be
taken seriously. But that can no longer be said
Mr. Chamberlain at any rate, is a serious pol
itician; none more so. His btterest opponents
never doubted that he was earnest. ard he, too,
advises Ulster to resist. The fate OF this
province" wrote Mr.. Chamberlain to Mr.. Eolton.
"is in the hands of its own people, ana II they are
really IN earnest in refusing to submit their liberties
and fortunes to the control Of central Parliament
in Dublin is no. likely that their fellow subjects
in England and Scotland will suffer them to be
coerced into submission" That is plain, but is
made palmer by his answer to Mr.. Hurlbert, who
reminded him that when Virginia seeded from the
Union Wost Virginia seceded from Virginia. while
the oyallsts of Tennessee and Kentucky fonght
against their rebel fellow citizens in those States
in support of the Union. Mr.. Chamberlain answers
that those instructive instances from American ex-
perlence are precisely IN point The Protestant
population of Ulster would, in his opinion be fully
entitled either to claim separate autonomy, such
o. was successfully asserted by West Virginia. or
to MAINTAIN their connection with Great Is rtain in
pursuance of the example of the Unionst party of
Tennessee and Kentucky.
To sum up all the evidence of the state of feeling
In Ulster and of the resolve of Ulster to resist if
need be, by arms the domination of Dublin Par
lament ould take more space than can ask for.
and 1t is needless. Day by day you must have
printed the ia It's Meetings all over the province
resolutions by the Ulster Presbyterians, letters IN
the papers advertisements for the purchase OF arms
whether genuine or not they are sgnifcant-the
formation of associations for buying arms, the
organization of bodies of drilled men, the subscrD
ton of large sums, the granting of gentemen's
parks as rifle ranges-these are but items of the
agitation which has spread over Ulster. More
mrnaclng STILL more conclusive as to the facts, is
the alarm in the Parnellte ranks. Mr.. Parnell and
his followers urge Mr.. John Morley to put down
this agitation. and to crush the Ulster movement
before it becomes irresistible. The Chief Secretary
for Ireland has been asked in Parliament whether
he would not prohibit else prosecute loyalist
speakers in Ulster. Mr.. IIeay asked him las; night
whether he would not prevent the delivery of
addresses like Mr.. Johnstons and Mr. Morley
answered thst it was a grave question of which he
would like to have further notice. Still grayer
the declaration of the same official that the Arms
At was to be renewed for the benefit of Ulster
Nobody denies that Ulster breads Home Rule the
Gladstonian sense, and it can hardly be worth
while to accumulate evidence i'll proof Of prOpO-
sition which everybody admits. The only question
is. not whether Ulster breads the dominion of a
Roman Catholic agrarian Parliament. but whether
she dreads it enough TO resist it, if need be- by force
of arms. On that point l quote Mr.. Chamberlain
again. al am convinced" says Mr.. Chamberlain,
after careful inquiry. that the Loyasts of the
North of Ireland will not quietly submit them
selves to the control of Dublin Parliament, which
thev believe, with much reason, w0nld be hostile to
their relig igon and material interests" And as We
have just seen. Mr. Chamberlain thinks the Protes-
tants of Ulster would, in these circumstances have
as mnch rirlIf O senarafa as West NirplnI1 and