Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1886-09-02
GLADsroNE ON IRELAND.
Abstract of n Pamphlet By. the ex-
RKenshers

In the excellence OF its style to Mr.. Glad
stones pamphlet on tho Bulgarian ntrocl-
ties. At the outset Mr.. Gladstone com pnres
1t with the apology ho wrote on his change
OF attitude regariiug the Irish church.
'But," hn continues, lin the present chss
have no such change to yindlcHte, but have
only to point out tho mode In which my lam
guage and conduct were governed by uni
formity OF principle. l have simply followed
tho various stages by which the great quos-
tion OF autonomy for Ireland has been
brought to the stage OF ripeness for practi-
cal legislation" The brochure is under two
heads. The first Is the history Of an Idea, In
which Mr.. Gladstone summarizes the fol-
lowing conditions under which alone, I'm his
View, home rule became possible.
First, the abandonment OF tho hope that
parliament could servo as possible legis-
latfve instrument for Ireland; second, the
unequivoeal and constitutional demand of
the Irish members; third, the possibility Of
dealing with Ireland In a similar way In
circumstances OF equal and equally clear
desire. MIR. Gladstone then passes on to de-
fend himself from the charge of having
sprung the home rule measure upon his
friends. Replying to the charges OF Har-
rington and Chamberlain that he had con-
ceived the Idea preeipitately and to the
charge Of Bright that he had concealed It
unduly, he denies that 1t Is the duty OF a
minister to make known even to his col
leagues every idea forming In his mind,
which would tend to confuse and retird In
stead OF aid business. He continues; "WhAt
Is there that had not publicly and In prin-
oiple condemned 1t, and also that / had
mentally considered lt2 But had nuither
adopted nor rejected 1t, and for the very
simple reason that II was not ripe either for
adoption or for rejection" Mr.. Gladstone
then goes on to point out that during nll the
IA fltar nj hiu fri,lta lifa n al
tiyes were repeal on the one hand and on
the other the relief of Ireland from griev-
ances. 1t was not possible, he says, ut that
time TO prognOsticate how In short time
parliament would stumble and almost
Writhe under Its constantly accommodating
burdens, or to pronounce that 1t would
eventually prove incapable OF meeting the
wants Of ireland.
Evidently there was period when Irish
patriotism, rs represented by Mr.. O'Connoll,
looked favorably upon this alternative
policy and had no liked conclusion us to
tho absolute necessity for homo govern
mont, and seemed to allow that measures
founded In justice to ireland might possibly
suffice to meet the necessity OF the cilse. II
was as early rs 1871, Mr.. Gladstone says,
that he took tho first step towards placing
the controversy on Its true basis. Ile OPP
posed Mr.. Butts scheme because the alter
native described in the last paragraph had
not been exhausted, but even at that time
he did not close the door against
recognition OF the question in
different state of things, for,
instead of denouncing the idea Of home
rule as one In Its essence destructive OF the
unity Of tlie empire, In the following words
he accepted the assurance given tn the
contrary: ''Let me do the promoters OF
this movement the fullest justics, nlRiiys
speaking under the conviction, rs they
most emphatieally declare, and rs fully
believe them, that the union of thusf king
doms under Her Majesty is TO be main
tanned, but that parliament is TO be- broken
up" Similarly, In 1874, MIR. Gladstone
accepted, without qualification, the prin-
ciple that home rule had no necessary con-
neotion with separation.
When MIR. Slaw succeeded to tho home
rule leadership In 1870, Mr.. Gladstone
hailed his speech as showing an evident
disposition to respect the functions OF the
house OF commons and tho spirit OF the
constitution. In 1881, at tho Guildhall, he
announced that he would hail with Suits
faction and delight any measure OF local
government for Ireland.
Coming to the electoral campaign Of 1885,
Mr.. Gladstone says his great object was to
do nothing to hinder this prosecution of the
question OF the Tories, but to use his best
efforts to impress the public mind with the
Importance and urgency OF the question.
Il was In this spirit that his Midlothian ad-
dress was written. The Irish question was
severed from the general subject of local
government. and II was pointed out that II
would probably throw Into tho shadeall other
important measures which were as ripe,
Once ripe the time for action had come.
just as II 1t had been corn field, We were
not to walt until It was over ripe. The heal
Ing of inveterate sores would only become
htaI hsaEN
more liable to be checked and paralyzed by
the frosts OF politics. For England, in her
soft armchair, leisurely, very leisurely
consideration, with adlournments inter
posed --as 1t had been usual, so also would
lt have been comfortable. But for Ireland,
In her leaky cabin, It was OF consequence
to stop out the weather.
In the second portion Of the pamphlet, the
lessons of tho elections, Mr.. Gladstone be-
gins drawing certain lessons from the eiec-
tlons ls they effect the Llbral party. In the
course of some full calculations, he esti-
mates the loss to the Liberal party from the
Unionist schisLn at two-sovenths of the
whole, but this fraction Is distributed, he
points out, very unequally among the
classes. 1t has commanded hve-sixths, he
says, of the Liberal peers, but not more than
one-twentieth OF the Liberal worktngmen.
Mr.. Gladstone points out that even now the
Tories havo failed TO secure an absolute ma
ority, and draws the final conclusion that
at the first moment Liberalism is again
united 1t must again become predominant
| In parliament. MIR. Gladstone sees further
ground for hope In the abatement that has
already taken place In the Tory opposition.
1--WE hear no more pot-valiant language
| he saws. "no more of tho HOttentOts, and
| no more Of the famous 20 years during
| which Parliament was to grant special
| powers for firm government In Ireland, and
/ III tho end OF which time In Il larger or less
| degree, tho coereive laws might be repealed
and measures of local self-government on
] tertained" MIR. Gladstone then goes on to
| polnt out that the Unlonists are already
| pledged to an immediate and large conees-
| sion many Of them on such scale that
/ thew give to their idea the name OF home
ruls declaring themselves favorable to Its
| principle aud only opposed to tho awk-
| ward and peryersed manner In which 1t
was handled by the late administration.
"I,ook at the question:" Mr.. Gladstone
continues. (which way we will, the cause
i of Irish splf-government lives and moves
and can hardly fall to receive more life
| more propulsion from the hands OF those
| VINO have heen Its successful opponents III
ons of It's particular forms. 1t Will arise rs
a woundod warrior sometimes arises on
the field of battle and slnbs to the heart
some soldier OF the victorious army Who
had been exulting over him"
MIR. Gladstone then looks at the elections
from n geographical point of view. lie
| nnints ont that even In the case OF England
what we have Is not really a refusal, but Ii
only n slower acknowledgment. Tho elfec'
of iii this On Ireland he describes as tol
lows; "Al the currents oil the political at'
mosphere AS between the TWO lslhhas nlNt
hnon nIpunsrd nnd sweetened. For ireland
now knows, what she never has known te'
fore. that even under her defeat deep rlii
| of division runs oil through the Englist
| nation In her favor; that thefe lS mo-
throughout the land u parish or village
where there are not hearts beating In uilisol
| With her heart, whore there are not mlhu,
l earnestly bent on tn acRhoWleushleht hnu l
nnrmnnSnt estabIlshment of their claims
| to national existence. Under those happier
cIrcumatnnees. what's there, MIR. GladstOne
goes on to ask In separation that would teno
| e makc IL advantageous to Ireland, rs III
ialand, with many hundreds OF miles O.
eonat with weak marine AMI a pe0l'in iiu
| more military than nautical In its hhplls
OF small population nnd nnlteu III nei
Enrself 10 the risks Of invasion and TO ul'
nertninty of mn enormous cost In ths er'Hl
| III. md maintenance of n navy for uelhne'
r,thar thnn remain unhor the shield OF th'
,,rnntrat maritime power In tho wotlu
honnd ly every consideration or hohof hil'
! interest to guard her. why shouln sue ~
: a.,1,,,osob desirous to forego the advantage
os ~ nhsolute community OF trade with TN
crratsst OF Of ali commercial countries, {
haoomo nm allon to tho market when con
+, annaa sny. nlnu-tenths of her produce, mt
! hsteni Of using tho broad and universe
naths Of entarprlse now open to nor. Z
eNrve out for herself now anu narrow way
| as third-rate state ,,.h .ha mn,
Mr. Gladstone next doals with the pun
,hmae ms and snle of land In Ireland, tnd a
h1u tba outsot acknowledges that the most pow
i, s%rtnl % agent in bringing about the deieat q,