The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-06-04
THE SOLID SOUTH.
The Negroes Position in the South, as Viewed
by an ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

| THE SOLID SOUTH.
The Negroes Position in the South, as Viewed
by an Ex-Confederate.
Extract from George W. Cables Decoration Day
Speech at Mortified, Mass.
The bloody shirt is a mere symptom Crying
nor decrying it neither makes nor breaks the
| solid white South. 1t is spontaneously solid by
the cohesive force of its governing principle of
securing public safety by its domination at all
costs as fixed privileged class. We have, then,
two solid Souths, solid not by outward pressure.
but by inherent principle. First, in each State,
| the white ruling class from sincere motives OF
self-preservation, keeping the old servlle class
| servile, and, second, link of Southern rights
around an assumed right of each separately to
postpone true and complete enfranchsement
as long the ruling class in its own private
counsels may deem best You hear the
phrase, true Southerners, true South" These
| are what they say themselves they are. Wherea
man or woman is born is no matter. A colored
| man is never esteemed Southerner and there
are hundreds of men now in the South of any
| one of whom you may hear it said at any time,
| why he is Northern born, but he is good
| Southerner, he is a true Southerner" 1t is
matter of belief in the doctrine of social or
der which, say it IN all respect and with all
| kininess-is neither republican, nor demo
cratic nor American, but eighteenth century
| English Applause. And yet the policy based
| upon this belief is sincere policy an avowed
policy. When its advocates cay they cannot
protect their solidity until the blacks break
| theirs, it means whether they realize the mean
ing not, until the blacks have once for all
surrendered to this policy. But this means
| for the black an utterly emasculated
acknowledgements, not merely possible
| abrideement of his rights somewhere in the flu
ture, but the present. actual, cruel abrdgement
| continued indefinitely, daily experienced limi-
| tation of black mans freedom as against white
mans Here you have the issue and the whole
key of the dead lock as between blacks and
whites. The black is holding out for American
| liberty. the white for an arbitrary supremacy
confessedly inconsistent with American liberty,
but in his sincere conviction essential to social
order and his self-preservaton. And as between
North and South. the root question is whether i'll
| any State part of the people has any right to
hold American liberty in suspense, in abeyance
| Of any such improved necessity and whether it
is any other States affair. There is not neces
sarly, on either side resentment, or
malice, or inexplicable perversity. or love
Of tyranny, or any wish to be unfair but
| only an utter and harrrwing discord OF sincere
| belief rs to what is essential to public safety.
| Thus we reduce the whole problem to single
unimpasscned question Of fact is this Southern
| idea essential to public safety, or iss it not?
| True it is also a most passionate question of
right and wrong. and of rights and wrongs but
this question of fact is all that keeps the ques-
ton of rights in suspense, for really the black
| mans rights are withheld in the South only
| where and in SO far AS they seem to the white
| man to jeopardiZe that unmixed domination
which he really thinks is necessary to safety and
| order that he arrogates to himself in virtually
all Southern communities. It Is the gen
s1al intention . to c0peede to the
or is outnumhered. all and only the rights
| of minority, tenure of property public educa-
| ton, the laws, protection. etc. What it is the
| avowed purpose to exclude him from is all real
| and effective participation. from the primaries
| to the polls, in the choice of his law makers,
| judges and rulers. Practically, of course, the
case is far worse for In the very nature of things
| he falls victim to much onerous and humilat-
ing legislation and to still worse special pleading
| behind the law. But the former. say, are the
| more conscious intentions. And il you ask why
| this fragrant suppression of the first principles
of modern freedom, the comes
instantly, preservation, the first law
| of nature, the under men must be kept
under. Only convince the mass of our Southern
whites that this root principle is not essential to
| the safety of society and the work is done; there
| will be no more Southern problem. Does this
| mistake seem to you bold burly one that our
| Southern intelligence ought not to makeY All,
friends it is q subtle sophistry that has cost the
| world no end of blood before its falsehood was
| laid bare in the light of our modern day, and it
now divides into two schools every community
| in the enlightened world everywhere. Whore
| there is any freedom Of thought whatever there
| is Wing and there is Tory. Look within; ask
your own conscience If your American training
| and your better reason does not every day have
to rise up and you will find this the easiest mis-
| take that ever human power made or ever can
| make against human weakness.
No, this error is not OF the South alone, 1t is
| In every atmosphere, only circumstances and our
/ fathers unfortunate missteps have left of the
| South the completest victims to-day in America
Ask yourselves again. are you quite free of It'll
| Are you to a man firmly founded and absolutely
| clear IN the belief that self government is no
| mere privilege with which some men may re-
| ward others, but right and duty which man
| may Justly part from himself or can readily take
/ away from another; that intelligence and virtue
| do not make the right OF self government, but
| that self government is the root of intelligence
| and virtue, and that hence the wisdom.
she right, the beauty and the safety OF
universal suffrage despite all its discomfort and
neglect, and unsafaty, however fair the intention
of stalking the fortunes of society on anything
else than the will of all through the free choice
| OF the majority. Show me the Northerners who
| question these truths--I fear you show me
| thousands-show me one who questions these
| truths, and | show you man vague and
weak in the first principles of American liberty.
| and who, if he lived South, would be as strong
| Southerner as any. Oh, that the South might
| be delivered from such friends. We have had
enough of them the last fifty years. Applause.
| They do not blame the South, they say, and
| shall We for that blame theml All, why may
we not all over this vast land learn that the
question TO be settled is not question of praise
| and blame, but of right and wrong between two
sides of one household. neither one Of which
wants to be wrong Nay, the Sonth is too manly
| to court blame and much too manly to beg for
| praise. But if you love South and North alike,
| then every where, armed only with the torch OF
| truth and the spears of debate, hunt down this
error and cry shame to every man who cries for
| bear in all this wide land. one land at least In
| this world, whose government is so fairly based
| in the common rights of all humanity that it
| has nothing to fear from agitation, but every
| thing to lose from the suppression OF human
i rights and free speech