The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-06-27
GRANT IN PEACE.
Bx GENERAL ADAM BADEAu.


Written for the Indiana polls Journal-CopYrishted
For awhile, after the death Of Lincoln, the re-
aations between the new President and Grant
were Of the most cordial character. The only
point of difference was with regard to the treat
ment of the South. At first the victorious
General was far more inclined to leniency
than Johnson But, by degrees. the Presidents
feelings became mitigated, and by the winter
OF 1865 he was already more disposed to be
the political partisan of the Southerners than
TIE ally Of those who had elected him. He had
conceived the idea that without the aid of Con-
gress he could reconstruct the Union; and doubt
less believed that, by making extraordinary ad
vances aud offering extraordinary immunities to
the South, he could build up national party at
both the North and the South of which he would
necessarily be the head. The great popularity
of Grant at this period made it important to win
him over to the support of the enterprise.
Grant was unused to the arts>of placemen and
politicians an6 indeed IMMERSED in any maneu
yers except those Of the field. He still retained
his magnanimous sentiment toward the con-
quersd, and was at first in no way averse to
what he supposed were the Presidents views.
He protested against the harsh measures ad-
Ia accord with johnson than with Stanton. The
Democrats claimed him; the Republicans dis
trusted him. Gen. Richard Taylor came to me
about this time and proposed that Grant should
become the candidate of the Democratic party
In the next presidential election, promising
the support of the South in mass if it was
allowed to vote. James Brooks, then the
leader Of the Democrats in the House of Rep
resentatives, made similar overtures, also
through me. Brooks was my intimate personal
friend; he always predicted that Grant would be
the next President, and he was avowedly
anxious to secure him for the Democrats. in
variably told my chief whatever | learned that
could affect or interest him, no matter what the
source, and I conveyed these messages to Grant.
He sent no reply nor did he indicate either sat
isfaction or displeasure at the suggestion. At
that time he had no strong political bias, and
believe. no political ambition. Both were slow
of development though both came at last
When Mr. Johnson proposed in November
that Grant should make tour of the South and
report the condition and feeling of the people.
che generalin-chief was entirely willing. He
performed the journey and reported in accord
&uC6 VIII LILO SAp0ctaLlOuS OIL kue EcoiOcut, Ouo
very much to the disgust of ardent and bitter
Republicans. who were destined afterward to
claim him as their representative and chief.
When Congress met in December the policy of
the President had been fully developed, and up
TO that time had not been opposed to Grant.
Johnson, without any authority Of law, had ap-
pointed governors in the seeded States, and al
lowed their Legislatures TO assemble; he had even
exactad changes in their constitutions-all with
out the sanction or advice of Congress. He had
refused to call Congress together, and as that
body was without the power to summon itself
before the ordinary time, this left him from
April to December at liberty to prosecute his
plans. Grant thought it would have
been wiser had the President convoked
Congress and taken Its advice; bat
he held himself to be merely military officer,
aud he was unwilling to ntrude into civil affairs.
He had not been consulted in regard to the pol
Icy of the President, and as Congress was not
Summoned, and some system of reconstruction
was indispensable, he acquiesced in tho action OF
his superior But he always maintained that
the action was provisional; that Congress, as the
representative of the people. must eventually
decide what should DE done, and to that decision
all must bow. I frequently heard him express
this view.
During the winter, however, the President and
Congress came to an open rupture Grant had
striyen to prevent this lie felt the necessity Of
harmony between the two branches of the gov
crnment at so critical juncture, aud he used all
the weight and influence which his achievements
- h~;x &t,;c bos Dr. kbo
President was obstinate, and Congress entirely
disapprovea his plan and reversed his proceed
ipgs. MIR. Johnson maintained that as soon
as any State had formally acquie seed in the
abolition of slavery its Representatives
should be readmitted to Congress, with all
the power they held before seeding But
grave objections were offered to such a course
The Constitution had originally provided that
tho number Of Representatives should be
apportioned to the population, adding in each
State to the number of the free, three -fifths of
those not free. BY this arrangement, though
the slaves did not vote, the masters had the ben
eft of their numbers. The anomaly had been
one Of the original compromises of the Constitu
ton. But the entire Southern population was
now free, and would therefore be in
GUIDED in the basis for representation,
Enough still the freedmen had no
vote so that emancipation actually increased
very largely the number of representatives to
which the South under the Constitution was en-
titled. To this Congress would not agree; but
Mr.. johnson insisted that the States which had
revolted should be received back into tho Union
with their political power increased the result
OF the war. Besides this, he wished to exact no
guarantees for the payment of the war debt of
the Nation or the reputation of that of the
South. He claimed the right to pardon every
man engaged in the Rebellion at his own indi-
vidual will, and he took no care to protect the
emancipated millions. On all these points Con-
eress was at issue with him.
The differences extended to the entire Nation.