The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1886-03-17
poRs TO THE FRONT.

But the gossip OF month ago about
Mr.. Oonkling's being placed in line
for Warner Miller's place was good
deal more than idle rumor. His
friends hoped to win him back 20 the
leadership by retaining him in a legal
contest by which the party hoped to
win popular regard, we'll knowing that
II he succeeded his political strength
would be very great. Those same
friends are thankful to-day that Mr..
Oonkling definitely declines the honor
OF the Sanatcrship in advance of being
put in position to try for it. They
are thankful because they see that the
time is not yet ripe for his return,
sitter all. They are amazed at the OPP
position their project has stirred up,
for Mr.. Conkling's enemies and former
rivals prove to be more bitter in their
hostility than would have been deemed
possible had they not been startled
into showing their hands. This Sem
atorship struggle has already begun,
The candidates are hard at work.
The very Senators who are to vote
for Miller's successor are many OF them
already bound aud pledged. So keen
is the struggle already that Speaker
Hustled, in a Republican caucus the
other day, replied TO a member who
wanted business methods applied to
the finishing up Of the new capitol:
"You are mistaken, sir; we do not
want 10 build the capitol. We want
TO ell ct a United States Senator"
l was fortunate enough to obtain
from frank friend of Mr.. Conkling's
complete and thorough insight into
the situation. My question was: "What
are the forces that would oppose
Conkling, and why do they differ with
him?"
Mr.. Combines RISE TO POWER.
Roscoe Conkling was elected to the
Senate in 1862" he replied, through
the love OF the people for him. Ellis
II. Roberts, editor OF the U tica Herald,
who now hates him so intensely, then
had loving regard for him, and so
did many others whom l will mem
ton, and who now cordially detest
him. They assert that his manner
changed when he became a Senator
changed into stiff pride, into GOODNESS
and haughtiness toward all old friends,
aud into dictRtorial attitude toward
subordinates il not former equals.
Though R0ecoe Conkling never per-
sonally asked a President for any ex-
cept one bit OF patronage, that of the
whole State became his when Grant,
as President, gave him control Of the
cusiom-house at New York. Mr..
Conkling put Chester A. Arthur in as
Collector, Alonz) B Cornell ss Naval
Officer, Gen. George IL. Sharpe as
Surveyor, and Stlas b Du cher as APP.
praiser. These men, uuder Conkling,
controlled the machine of the party.
They had men from every county in
the State appointed under them,
1000 in all, and thus they
spread over the State vast
net, az 1t were--a net of electric wires
which responded to a touch as Of a
button by Conkling at Warrington or
Arthur in New York. Though he
did not ask or make appointments, it
amounted to the same thing, for men
like James d. Warren, Arthur, Cor
nell, Sharpe and the rest went to him
when they wanted an appointment
and got him to put his wise" on their
applications, we'll knowing that his
name would gain them what they
wanted. This was a wonderful system,
or machine, as people call it, that thus
began to be developed. Every post
master got the tip as to what was to
be done at conventions, and proper
delegates vera sent. This was the
situation in 1877, at its hight. A
mere word from Oonkling settled any
crisis in politics. He bal his organs
all over Warren's Buffalo Commerce al
Charles G. Fairman's Elmirs Aduer
tiser, Charles Emory Smiths Albany
Evening Jdu7dl, the New York Times
through Arthur, aud so on. Conven
tons then merely registered the wi
Of a perfect organization, of which HI
was the supreme head. A notable il
lnstration of how completely this wa
the case was seen in the convention
Of 1879, an assembly that seemed rathe
inclined to have its own way with re