The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1886-09-16

of the democratic party. In such con-
tingency it is difficult to estimate the
damage that would result to Mr.. Blaine
hopes in the national contest. 1t certain
! " would hurt him. A man who was de-
feated for the presidency in 1854 and can
not carry his own state IN 1856 would
states than Maine and stimulating them
| to renewed activity as third party, thus
Weakening the republican party in states
where before it was reasonably sure of
retaining respectable number of ultra
| temperance votes.
hardly prove acceptable as a republican
national leader in 1888. There may be
more in the Maine election for Mr..
Blaine's future than that gentleman and
| his admirers now think
CoURIER-JOURNAL.
The strong and outspoken opposition
of the democratic voters to the educa-
tional grab, known in republican centers
as the Blair bill and in democratic dis
tricts as the Willis bill, is extremely an
noying to those time-server5 who thought
by securing such laid" they would put the
people under lasting obligations to them.
The fourth resolution of the democratic
convention is plain and unmistakable. 1t
demands that the surplus revenue now
or hereafter in the treasury, whether gold
or silver, be applied to the extinguish-
ment of the public debit" and it denounces
any effort of congress to appropriate
the revenues of the government for any
purpose not authorized by the constitu-
ton, as subversive of the rights of the
states and the people thereof"
This resolution is in strict accord with
the nation | democratic platform, which
says: 1--WE are opposed to all PROPOSE
tions which, upon any pretext, would con
vert the general government into ma
chine for collecting taxes to be distributed
among the states or citizens thereof"
Democrats believe this to be a govern
ment of limited powers; these powers are
conferred and defined in the constitution,
and that instrument must be most strictly
construed. The federalists, wings, re-
publicans, or self-styled Independents in
sist on a different construction They
declare, under what is known as the gen
eral welfare" clause, congress may appro-
pirate any amount of money for any pur-
pose whatever, and for the democratic idea
of local 5elf-government they substitute
the Hamiltonian idea of a centralized pa
ternal government.
Hence the Blair bill. Senator Blair in
sists on the passage of the bill ''for the
purpose of spreading the principles of
the republican party, and the only posi-
BILE way of doing it hereafter" Senator
Blair certainly can best define his own
bill. The downfall of the democratic con-
structiOn of the constitution will date
from the passage of this bill. 1t carries
its arguments, backed by its dollars, into
every school district in the country. Every
teacher paid by this money becomes a re-
publican missionary. Every scholar taught
under this system is indoctrinated with
and looks to the government at
Washington as the source of all power
and authority, and the object of every pa
triotic aspiration.
But aside from this political and consti
tutionaI objection, the Blair bill as an
measure is utterly indefensl
ole. No people, no community, can be
educated from without. If state, south |
Or north, does not appreciate the value of
system of common schools; if its people |
ire not aroused and can not be aroused to |
he dangers attaching to political ignor-
nance, no aid from Washington, no model
school from Massachusetts, no money |
from the federal treasury can effect |
change. All of these matters are kindred |
matters, like intemperance, lawlessness, |
religion. etc, must be left to the local |
to local sentiment, to self-in-
crest, and the great struggle for existence
which is going on constantly.
This is not merely theory; the expert
nee of every free people sustains 1t. 1t
5 the very essence of liberty. But be-
,ond this our own experience with the APP |
of the receipts from public |
ands to the establishment of schools and |
agricultural colleges shows the folly of
rying to build up school system with
,ut cost to the community benefited. 1t
S record of wretched failure, for a COM
nunity values thing at just what it costs
hem. What costs nothing is worthless.
We wish to make one point just here,
and it is that if congress has a right to
make an appropriation, it has the right
20 follow that appropriation to see if the
conditions of that grant are complied
with.
In this contest the American system of
common schools is at stake. Federal aid
means in little time federal supervision
and federal domination. 1t means the
of our state school sys-
tenn into institutions as strictly federal as
Annapolis or West Point. Those who ia
vor this revolution, who for a few mil
lions would surrender the vital
nrinciples of the party, will
vote for men pledged to sustain the Will
lis bill; all Others, who have still an un-
shaken faith in the strength and the bene-
ficence of local self government. i'll state
rights, will oppose every man whose posi-
ton on this question is eluivocal.
NEW YORK WORLD.
Mr. Blaine is too old campaigner to be
into al attemp. to ans7cc the
question what he and his party would do
about the suffrage at the south If he was
made president. They gave up some
years ago trying to do anything, even to
the extent of making a canvass in south
ern states, where speech and the press and
the ballot box are as free as anywhere at
the north. The last republican president
never alluded to the question during his
entire term. The leaders of that party in
congress long since abandoned the at
tempt to make good the dictum of Thad.
C+ava,,s ,Odar which the OpUrOaS