St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1886-08-15

pessimist estimate of Mr. Gladstone's home
rule scheme. Account must be taken of the
forces which are arrayed against that cause
the disparity in resources between poor
country Of 100000 people, having dismal
record or centuries of political subsection
and social tyranny by the power of the
greatest empire of the world. Judged from
this point of view, what are the possibilities
OF the movement when we compare
THE POSITION OF TIE IRISH CAUSE
ten years ago with that which 1t occupies to-
day? At that time the territorial garrison
dominated both the social and political life of
Ireland. A seemingly spiritless agricultural
class added the humiliation OF conscious SER
vitude to the other discouraging aspects Of
the national cause. Dublin cae-le ruled the
country with unquestioned prestige and
practically unlimited power. English states
men and English parties stood by both of
these Auglu-Irish systems as Indispensable
parts of the power and greatness of
the British empire and sternly repealed all
the efforts made by ireland to break the con-
tinuitT of ruinous Westminster rule. Worst
of all, foreign opinion. iguoranJ of the facts
of Irish history, louked upon Ireland more in
sympathy with the power which held her
down than with friendliuess to the cause
which strove to vindicate the principle of
national self-rule, while the public life of
Ireland itself, the state of feeling in it's mu-
inequalities and representative bodies, may
WARRANT THE INDIFFERENCE
with which outside public opinion looked and
pronounced upon the Irish national move
ment. Contrast this state of things with the
position attained by that movement to-day.
The landlord garrison of Ireland is so bat
tered and broken that England refused to buy
them out. II ere manlness and determine
ton are show ny Irish tenants in protecting
their interes Dublin castle has become so
liS1
party is so poor as to do it the
slightest reverence. In word, the
institution which ruled ireland ten
year ago is hopelessly doomed to-day.
The greatest of England's statesmen-the
prime minister who imprisoned 1000 land
leaguers in 1sS1-has brought forward a
measure in 1885, which, if carried, would
have made some of those "eX-suspects'' the
practical rulers of Ireland. Not only this,
but the majority of the English Liberal party,
with 1,5O0,0U0 British voters, have indorsed
this remarkable change of policy on the part
OF Mr.. Gladstone. Scotland and Wales by the
voice of their electorate and the British
colonies by that of their press
sustain the proposal which would
substitute in the government of
ireland an Irish parliament for English coer-
ciou, while Irelard itself, instead OF being
what she was ten short years ago. is practic-
ally
within her own limits. and stands to-day the
subject of constant attention and discussion
and sympathy with the entire civilized world.
Not only this; our movement in ireland has
come to rest upon two principles of such un-
questionable rights and such universal ap-
plication that it is bound to win more
and more of external moral support
If we only continue to shape
and control our efforts in such way as will
compel the dictates of reason in every right
thinking mind to earnestly wish US success,
not only for our own sake, but in the interest
of universal justice. The entire fabric Of
human liberty stands upon the foundation of
Industry, right and national freedOm-the
natural right of man to obtain access to and
command of the resources of the land of the
country for the sustenance of himself and
family, and the right OF the community to
govern itself in its own way so as
best to promote the moral and intellectual
well being of its people. To repel these rights
is an insufferable tyranny: to vlndicate them
is not only a human duty, but divine in
junction, and among the struggling nation
alities of to-day ours has
THE PROUD PRIVILEGE
of contending IN the vanguard for these ines
Unable rights, striving to win for ourselves
the privileges enjoyed by nations which tri-
umphant liberty has made peaceful and con-
seryatlve, while we are asserting for others
these claims which may relieve them from
the struggles and sacrifices, pains and
penalties which we have had 10 undergo in a
ceaSeless contest Of & ,yelf usy's; duration
This, ladies and gentlemen, is something
like the position to which the Ireland of to-
day has advanced its cause. even against
forces fifty times more formidable than those
which ever repealed the efforts of any other
European nationality. For while the
sword has invariably been the weapon
by which subject races have as
serted the right to rule themselves
Ireland has travelled thus far on the road to
national autonomy by means exclusively
moral and pacific, though confronted in all
her endeavors by one OF the greatest military
and the most INSCRIPTIONS empireso in
the werld. do not recapitulate the facts of
the Irish movement of the past seven years
in order to boast of the achievements of its
leaders. 1t would be
UNJUST AND UNGRATEFUL
not to admit that the movements and efforts
which preceded that OF the Irish National
land league is mainly due to the comparative
success which more recent struggles have
achieved. l only dwell upon the advance
which has been made in so brief period to
show how just claim Mr.. Parnell and his fol-
lowers have upon your fOrbearance and pa
thence. Ardent MINDS inspired by lofty ideas
of liberty, which they have the privilege of
enjoying in the concrete here in America are
pardonably prone to think us too hmid
and too conciliatory in our methods of work
ing out the destiny of Ireland. 1t is only fair,
however, that they should look at our diff
culties, as well as our opportunities, while re-
Numbering how vastly difficult it is between
winning liberty against all these overwhelul-
ing odds and saying how such liberty ought
to be won. The situation in Ireland at the
present moment is such as may draw largely
this patience and forbearance which I ask
from my cOuntrymen in America. Mr.. Glad
stones defeat has handed the government of
Ireland into the hands of its landlord garri-
son. To impulsive and unrehecting minds
this might seem like the complete defeat of
our policy and overthrow of our movement.
Impatient enthusiasts may be induced to
affirm that
STEINER MEANS ARE NOW REQUIRED
when pacific ones have apparently failed and
that an England which has rejected moder-
ate measure of home rule will never consent
to reconsider her verdict unless induced to
do so by other than constitutional methods.
This emphatically is not the belief of the
leaders at home. They are neither disheart-
ened nor dismayed at the reverse recently
sustained. nor do they believe that the
methods employed in this constitutional fight
to be either blunted or impaired while reso-
lutte hands and cool heads are
still to the front determined to
temporary success. What the Tories will try
to carry out while in power can be easily in
ferred from the tactics by which they have
obtained power. They will continue to play
upon the political fears and religious preju-
dices of the English people. Just as Churchill
melted the Orangemen of Belfast to riot and
bloodshed in order to convince England how
hopeless it would be to attempt to
PRESERVE LAW AND ORDER
under home rule, so will the government of
which he is the practical leader encourage
the Irish landlords to evict and harass the
tenant class of the country in the hope Of
driving the people into such u state OF dis
order and violence as will enable Lord Sails
bury to introduce coercion bill for the sup
preston of the Irish National league. 1t is
by policy as infamous as this by means SO
detestable, that the present landlord rulers
of the British empire believe they can
strangle the cause of Irish nationality. But
they are destined to fail even
more signally than Forster's methods
of buckshot and wholesale imprisonments
failed five years ago. The appeal which was
addressed to the fanaticism of the Orange
ID L;