The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-03-16
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LABOR AND FREE TRADE.

LABOR AND FREE TRADE.
The present labor troubles are simply an
organized protest against free trade, or any
thing approaching it. The feeling against
any reduction of wages and the desirein many
instances for an increase would not patiently
brook the proposition to let foreign labor
into competition with them. There are some
branches of labor that free trade would not
Immediately affect, but in the end all depart
ments Of labor would feel the harm Of admit
ting foreign labor to compete in this market
with American workmen. The man who
carries hod, or lays brick, or strikes at the
anvil. or follows the pillow, may not be exposed
to direct harm were free trade to be made the
rule, for bricks cannot be carried nor laid
abroad for houses built in America, q certain
amount Of iron must be hammered into shape
here, and Americans must pillow American
fields But il British, or Dutch, or German,
or French artisans and mill hands are to do
much or any Of the work now performed by
American workmen, what is to become of
the latter but to be shut out of factory
and mill and be crowded back upon
men engaged in trades not directly
affected by foreign competition If the man
who labors in factory or mill cannot find en-
ployment in the trade for which he is best
fitted, he can and does fall back upon unskilled
pursuits, and the crowding begins and wages
fall. When rolling mills, and WOODEN mills
and cotton factories fail the effect is felt all
along the line Of labor, down to those engaged
in the simplest occupations. To demand fair
wages is to ask protection from competition
with men of other countries who do not re-
ceive fair wages according to the American
standard
Tie Knights Of Labor have such strong faith
in protection that they have built up citadel
within the great fortress whose walls are the
tariff imposed upon imports. The Knights
are not only unwilling that any foreign work
man should take labor away from them, but
draw distinct line against any American
doing the same No man can be the cham
pion of the knights of Labor without being a
protectionist. It would be as inconsistent as
it was for such men as, during the late war,
professed to be the friends of the Union sol
der while at the same TIM they did not hest
tate to assail the cause FOR which he fought.
Many man maintained just such an absurd
and dishonest stand. and some Of them, unfor
| tunately, profted by it in politics. Protesting
| friendship for the defender Of the Union, they
did nearly or quite as much to prolong the
war and to increase the burden we bore as did
the armed foe on the battlefield. Sincerity
did not mitigate the harm done, and was
poor apology for the mistake made. It is just
as true of free traders now. The free trader
who pretends to stand up for American labor
is very dangerous friend, and would, if he
had his way, do American labor most grievous
| wrong and harm. The fight that labor is now
making is for better things, for better wages
| not for lower prices. Labor wants living
price for what it sells, and is not moving to
beat down the price of the work of other
mems hands. The free-trader's cry is for
lower prices on iron, on steel, on glass, on
woolens and cottons, and on all the products
Of labor. If this does uot mean less compen-
sation for the men whose labor produces these
| articles, it is useless to try to reason from
cause to effect. The first effect. Of the free
traders pet theory is lower prices to compete
with foreign-made goods, and the, next is
lower wages to make competing prices posi-
BILE. In short, the free trader has no business
pretending to represent the cause of Ameri-
can labor. He is its greatest enemy, and it
| requires the utmost charity to say that he
does not know it.