The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1886-04-15

AAOhA AAAO ~
but that this strike would show the
necessity for the passage at our next
convention of laws that would place
the subject of strikes under the con-
troll OF the General Executive Board
OF the order.
When on Monday, March ooh, you
sent me the letter marked personal"
you at the same time told a'newspaper
CORE spondent that you had done 30.
What your motive was in marking
your letter personal" aud at the
same time informing representative
Of the press that you had done 80, l
do not know, nor l do not question
your motive. l felt it to be
my duty to let the public see
the letter, which contained nothing
of personal nature whatever. There
are people who might be uncharitable
enough to say that your intention was
to give the impression IL at there was
something between you and me which
would not bear the light Of public
scrutiny. l have had no such deal
ings with any man since this trouble
began, nor previous to that time.
am willing TO allow the fullest light
possible to shine upon my every trans
action. l have nothing to conceal.
YOU CAN SETTLE THIS STRIKE.
Its longer continuance rests with you
and you alone. Every act Of violence,
every drop OF blood that may be she d
from this time forth, must be lsid at
your door. The Knights Of Labor
were not founded to prOmoteor shield
wrong doing, and to-day the order of
the Knights of Labor stands between
your properly and men. We are
willing to absolve the men along your
railways from their allegiance to our
order. We leave that to themselves.
We will not allow any claims which
the order may have on them to stand
between them aud their restoration to
their former positions. The order of
the Knights OF Labor asks no man to
remain a member if it is not to his in
terest to do so. You may deal with
them as citizens, if you will. We will
surrender our right to claim these
men as members if they wish, but we
will not surrender our right to see
this affair thoroughly investigated.
You have said that the order OF the
Knights of Labor was conspiracy
secret menace. / am willing, as the
chief officer, to lay everything con-
neCted with our order bare to the
world If you will, on the other hand
lay open to the public the means and
methods whereby you have piled up
the wealth which you control and al
low the tribunal of public opinion to
pass in judgment on the two and gay
which is the cor spiracy.
ID You ACCEPT FHE CHALLENGE?
You have instructed your legal sd-
wiser to proceed against every man
connected with the Knights of Labor
for the damages sustained since the
strike began. Two weeks ago | said {:
'Do not do this" To-day l say begin
at once. Lay claims for damages in
every court within whose jurisdiction
knight exists; proceed at once, and
in every State where you can recover
damages DO 90, if the law will sustain
you in it. Let the majesty of the law
be vindicated it is just and right that
it should be so. We are willing to
ace you before the law and we will
fight you with no other weapon. For
every violation Of the law OF State or
ration we will enter suit against you,
and in thiB crusade agans you do not
understand that we me Al to persecute.
On the contrary, we wish to see the
law fFindicsted, II you have at all
times obeyed the law in your dealings
in the methods by which you have
acquired your immense fortune, then
it is time that the many offenses with
which you are charged should be re-
futed. You have remained silent un-
der many a damaging charge OF in
Turing the State.
WE WILL BE YOUR AVENGERS
if you have been wronged. We will
let it be known to the world through
the medium of the courts OF Justice,
and let me say right here, that no
money will buy verdict at the hands
Of these courts. There are people
who say this struggle is the beginning
OF the war between capital and labor.
That statement is false. This certainly
means war, but it is a war between
legitimate capital, honest enterprise
and honest labor on the one hand,
and intelligent wealth on the other
hand. THIS is a war in which we
court the fullest investigation of our
acts. Do you dare to do the
same? This war means no further
strike, no shedding of blood; it is a
war in which every business man,
every commercial man, every pro-
tassicnal man, every working man will
be invited to enlist. 1t will not be a
war upon the innocent, and the battle
field upon which it will be fought out
will be for the two counts of law, and
that which makes law public opinion.
There will be no mobs in this supreme
hour to silence any mans opinion no
converts will be made by physical
force. That flag which floats over
press or mansion at the bidding of a
mob, disgrSces both victor aud vic
tim, and under such flag as that we
will not wage the battle; but this
BATTLE OF THE PEOPLE
against monopoly may as we'll be
fought out now as ten years from now,
And what field so eminently proper in
which to fight it out as before the
courts? Let us know whether laws
were made to be obeyed or not, and if
they were not so framed then the peo-
plemust make laws that will be obeyed.
No man, whether he be rich or wheth-
er he be the poorest of the poor, shall
in future shirk the responsibility of
his acts and shield himself behind the
courts. l was to see that the laws
were obeyed that the order of the
Knights of Labor was founded, and
if the day has come to make the
trial, go let it be so. l do not write
this letter to you either in the spirit of
anger or revenge. For you personally
/ |. have no dislike. | believe that II
/ allowed to follow your own impulses
in this matter you would have had
the strike ended ere this. Those who
advise you do not mingle with the
1 people; they do not care for the mao.
/ Pile. You have been warned that
! your
I LlFE is IN DANGER,
/ Pay no attention to such talk. no
man who has n q intarsst ~ h Z, -.