The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-04-18

i CiLfZouS
clared in these resolutions that to the
utmost of their power they would support
| the authorities in maintaining order. in sup
pressing crime and in promoting the true happi-
ness OF the people. They all know that in the
/ troubles OF Ireland there was q consensus OF
| opinion that the land was near the bottom Of
| their present sorrows, and they would now dis
cuss this question without regarding it as
| question of political party There were three
| parties in the British House of Commons and
| 1t was well known that it was the opinion of the
leaders of them all that il the land question were
| settled the great source of grievances ard dis
| content in Ireland would pass away. That was
| equally the opinion of the Prime Minister, the
leader of the Conservative party and the leader
OF the Nationalist party; therefore, they We're
not treading upon political ground or upon party
ground when they were discussing this question.
| The land question pressed in Ireland more deep
| lv than in any of the three kingdoms None
| of them could read the history of their
country, and especially the rela-
| tons of England to the manufacturing
| industries OF Ireland during the seventeeth and
eighteenth centuries, without feeling. that Ire
| land had suffered irreparable wrong from Eng
| land in the destruction OF many of her manu-
| features, the result of which had been that some
| of the most valuable settlers in the country
wore forced to emierate; and the great bulk Of
the population had been obliged to betake itself
for subsistence to the SOIL Accordingly, they
had the striking fact that there were no fewer
than 600, 900 occupiers Of land in Ireland. repre-
senting probably three-fourths of the population
of the country. Of these 600. 600, third oc-
cupied miserable holdings from one to four acres,
another third occupied holdings of from four to
ten, and the remainder occupied holdings of
ten acres and upwards Now, they had had
depression In agriculture, which, If it has been in
tense in Great Britain, has been even worse in
Ireland. They had the same unfavorable sea-
sons for a number of years that obtained across
the water; they felt the competition from
foreign countries as much as those across
fhnv ha
alton of gold as much as they did; and,
besides that, they had up to the last few years,
a land system which was less favorable to agri-
culture than any of the land systems obtaining
in other parts Of the kingdom Thus 1t was that
all connected with the agricultural industry had
suffered. the tenants had suffered and now they
heard from all sides that there was difficulty in
paying rent that the savings of past years had
been encroached upon; that they were emgrat-
| ing, and that some would migrate if they had
means to do So They had heard that landlords
were suffering-they knew it, because their
rents had fallen while membranes on their
real estate was uuchanged-and at this moment
multirudes of landlords were in as pitiable a con-
dition as any Of the tenants upon their property.
The mortgages were also suffering and it
| question Of deep interest to that church. which
had considerable loans upon lands, the present
state of the land question. The laborers too, bad
suffered because when the prices OF agricultural
produce failed the wages fund must necessarily
be lessened. Now the statement that had been
MADE In the resolution with regard to the settle
ment of the land question was that the land
question had passed beyond the region OF party
politics. and the proposal in the resolution was
one that was believed to be in the mind of the
Prime Minister-it was scheme that was be-
lieved to be In the mind Of the late Chief Secre
tary for Ireland when he came over upon his
mission Of inquiry to this country, and it was be-
lieved to be system that was in favor with the
leader of the national party. and no doubt, if
equitable terms could be obtained, the great
bulk of the landlords would be satisfied il their
anxieties were terminated and if satisfactory
recompense were made to them--to be quit of
their land The way in which it would work
would seem to him not one that would inhict
further injury upon them, for, if the state were
to buy them upon basis, say, of Al per cent, to
the landlord and through its superior credit
borrow the purchase money on such terms
as to enable the state to relet to
the tenant per cent.-there they
had at once o reduction of one-third
state. Whatever may be said Of the details of
that measure, it was not for them to formulate.
They were safe in the hands Of the able inan-
ciers who were at present in command of the ad-
ministration of the country. Such measure. if
passed, wonld beyond oil question remove the
chief grievance that produced discomfort in Ire
land-would stimulate industry to a remarkable
degree, and, beyond all doubt it would vastly
pacify our unhappy country.
The next resolution had reference to the great
Dublin. In the language Of the resolution,
they held that the establishment of such in insti-
tuition would be disastrous to the best interests
of tins country. They did so for many reasons
from the character, for instance, of the con-
stituencies who would elect the maiorities of
that Parliament In Grattan's Parliament, of
which they had heard much, the dominating
power was the landlord power in the Parnellite
Parliament the dominating power would be the
National League. The Marcus of Harrington,
the other night. in the valuable speech which he
delivered spoke of the transference of power
that had taken place in Ireland from what may
have been the unjust rule Of the landlord to the
far more dangerous rule of the National League
When they in the north of Ireland calmly con-
sidered the principle upon which Doycotting in
the south was conducted; upon which runs upon
great public institutions like the Bank Of Ire
land have been made-when they thought of
acts like these, they could not feel confident
that the interests of the country would be safe
In the hands of men whose ultimate resources
FOR power consisted in such acts. They also felt
that this Parliament would De injurious to the
best interests of the country from the policy
that beyond question, they would adopt. The
leader Of the Nationalist had declared
that it was his intention to make Ireland
nation. They did not know what he meant by
that, but probably it was that he meant to reor
ganize its industries by establishing a system of
excessive bountiss and by large schemes of local
improvement, for the cost Of both of which he
would be obliged to have recourse to largely in
creased taxation which would fall upon the
land. and which would fall upon the manufact-
ures of the country. For all this increase of
taxation it would be necessary to carry out those
grand schemes which cannot in future be raised
outside of Ireland. And it Is very doubtful if
the credit of Irish financiers would be such as to
enable them to borrow money for public pur-
poses at two or three times the rate that was
now possible to the British government. 1t was
specially stated that policy of protection would
be gone into a policy which. if adopted, would
empty their mile, clear their rivers aro shipyards,
would stop their looms, would make the voice
of their spindies to be SILENT and would cause
a complete destruction of the industry that has
made the province so prosperous. Then they
believed that the establishment of parliament
in Dublin would be the commencement of
fresh agitation. The only Parliament in Dublin