St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1886-04-09

there was the case OF Austria and Hungary,
and with regard 10 these countries he asked
whether the condition of Austria at the pres
! ent moment was not more perfectly solid,
SECURE AND HARMONIOUS
| than II was prior 10 the existing condition be-
tween that country and Hungary. Ii could
! not be questioned that its condition was one
or solidity aud safety, compared with that OF
the time when Hungary was making war
I upon her. The claim OF Ireland To make
laws for herself was never denied until the
| reign Of George II. The parliament or Grat-
tan was as independent in point OF authority
as IL could be. They (the government were
not about TO propose repeal of the union.
| III was impossible TO propose the repeal of the
union until they had settled, what was the
essence of the union. He defined the es-
| sence of the union 10 be the fact that where
| as before the union, there were two seperate
| and independent parliaments, after the union
| there was butone. To speak of the dismem-
berment of the empire was in this century
| misnomer and an absurdity. The fault OF
the administrative system OF ireland was that
| its spring and source OF action was English
! (cheers). The government therefore felt
that the settlement of the question was to be
found by establishing
A PARLIAMENT IN DUBLIN
Qrish cheers) for the conduct OF business OF
both legislative and administrative nature
The political economy OF the three countries
must be reconciled. There should be an eQui-
table distribution of imperial burdens. Next,
| there must be reasonable safeguards for the
minority, and why could not this minority in
Ireland take care of itselfg He had no doubt
of its ability to do that, when we have passed
| through the present critical period and been
disarmed of the jealousies with which any
| change was approached, but for the present.
| there were three classes OF people whom they
were bound 10 consider: First, the class con-
nected with the land; second, the civil ser
! wants and the officers of the government in
! ireland; third, the Protestant minority. The
| speaker could not admit the claim OF the
| Protestant minority in Ulster or elsewhere TO
| rule on questions which are for the whole OF
Ireland. Several schemes for the separate
| government of Ulster had been submitted to
him. One was that Ulster province should be
! excluded from the operations OF the present
| bill Another was that separate autonomy
should be provided for Ulster, and third
! suggested that certain rights should be re-
| served and placed under provincial councils.
No one of these proposals had appeared TO the
government TO be so completely justified by
its merits or by the weight of public opinion
| in its favor as TO warrant the government in
including it in their bill. However, they de-
served
FAIR CONSIDERATION
and the discussion that would follow the in
PRODUCTION of the present bill might lead to
the discovery of one plan which had pre-
dominating amount OF support, and the gov
ernment would do their best to adopt the
plan that seemed likely TO give general salts
faction. Referring TO the great settlement
| OF llS2, Mr.. Gladstone said: 1t was not a real
! settlement, and why? Was IL Ireland that
prevented a real settlement being made?
| Irish cheers.l No; il was mistaken policy
OF England, listening to the pernicious voice
| and claims of ascendency. The Irish parlia-
ment labored under great disadvantages, yet
| il had in it a spark of the spirit of freedom,
and it emancipated the Roman Catholics in
ireland when the Roman Catholics in En-
gland were still unemancipated. 1t received
| Lord Fitz William with open arms and when
after BRIEF career he was recalled to Eng
land, the Irish parliament registered their
confidence in him by passing a resolution de-
string that he should still administer the gov
ernment. Lord FitZ William had promoted
the admission of Roman Catholics into the
| Irish parliament, and there was a spirit in
that parliament which, If it had had free
scope. could have done noble work. and would
| probably have solved all the Irish problems
and have saved this government infinite
trouble. The speaker said he would now pass
| to
THE PLAN
how to give Ireland legislature to deal with
the Irish as distinguished from imperial
affairs. He was confronted at the outset
with what he felt to be a formidable dilemma.
| Ireland was to have a domestic legislature for
| Irish affairs. That was his postulate, from
| and the Irish representative peers in either
house to continue TO form part of the repre-
sentative assemblies? The speaker thought
il would be perfectly clear that IL Ireland
4 was TO have a domestic legislature, the Irish
peers and the Irish representatives could not
come to parliament TO control English and
Scotch affairs. Cheers. Then, with regard
to the question whether Irish representa-
tives should come TO the house of commons
for the settlement of imperial affairs he
1 fhnnuhf QOmld ha Ea hol
therefore, arrived at the conclusion that
| Irish members and Irish peers ought not to
sit in the palace of Westminster. IOhl oh!
and cheers If Irish members were not TO
| sit in the house of commons, Irish peers
| ought not TO sit in the other house Of parlia-
ment. Hear! hear! and ohil How were the
| Irish people to be taxed If they had legislators
in both countries. He believed that Great
| Britain would never impose upon Ireland tax
alton without representation and added: If
we were to have taxation without representa-
ton then there would come another question
which would raise practical difficulty, and
that is: Are we TO give up that
FISCAL UNITY
| of the empire? He did not think that by Civ
| ing up the fiscal unity OF the empire, they
were giving up the unity of the empire
He, however, stood upon the substantial
ground that to give up the fiscal unity of { he
empire would be a public Inconvenience and
| misfortune. 1t would be a great misfortune
| for Ireland. He conceived that one escape
from that dilemma would be such an arrange
ment as would give the imperial govern
| ment authority TO levy customs duties and
such excise duties as were Immediately con-
| nected with the customs The conditions of
such an arrangement were, first that the
general power OF taxation over and above
those particular duties should pass into the
hands of u domestic legislature in Ireland;
second, that the proceeds of the customs and
/ hn halI fn.r r1na haR Sc - T.
land and for the discharge of the obligations
of Ireland, and the balance after these obli-
cations were discharged, should be entered
into the Irish exchequer. and TO be for the
free disposal of the Irish legislative body.
| The government bill provided for this, aud
the bill then provided that representatives of
Ireland should no longer sit in the house of
commons or Irish peers in the house of
lords. but ar the same they would have the
right of addressing the crown. and so possess
all the constitutional rights they held now.
[Ohi and cheers. 1t would, therefore, relieve
| Irish members from
ATTENDANCE AT WESTMINSTER
Mr. Gladstone said he had several reasons
| why this should be the case. Even If il was
possible for them to attend.as they had par
lament of their own.it would be very difficult
| to have two classes of members in the British
house, one class who could vote on all ques-
tions connected with the business of the
! country and another which could only vote
on special and particular questions which are
brought before parliament. Again it would
] be very difficult for gentlemen in ireland TO
| decide who should go TO Westminster or who
| should remain in Ireland. and at the same
time 10 maintain the fiscal unity OF the ma
ton. There is another point with regard TO
the powers of the legislature. Two courses
might have been taken. One was TO endow
this legislative body with particular legislative
powers. The other was to except from the
sphere or its action those subjects which the
government thought ought TO be excepted