St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1886-05-11

81. GAOI, 1 u LOLA I M
danger to the unity of the empire in our
present relations with Ireland. But the
opponents of the bill have applied the cry
of danger to the remedy instead of the ex-
listing mischief. Cheers. In those days
the people of Canada were habitually
DENOUNCED IN THE HOUSE
as rebels prolonged government and Par
nellite cheers) Some of the so-called
rebels were Pedestrians of English and
Scotch birth. but the majority were also
of French extraction. Was the cry against
them raised because they were French ex-
traction Catholics? No, sir. The English
in upper Canada did exactly the same
thing. Both rebelled. He (Gladstone)
remembered O'Connell in the course of the
debate on Canada, i'll referring TO the French
Canadian leader, Rapineau. saying: "This
case is just the case with Ireland,
with this difference: The Canadian
agitator has 'O' at the end of his
name instead of at the beginning" Laugh
ter. The Canadian rebels were sup
pressed, but at the moment of military vic
tory the political difficulty began and the
victors were the vanquished-the military
victors. The Canadians were victorious in
the field of reason. Cheers. Here Mr.
Gladstone referred to the significant ex-
preston of opinion that had come across
the Atlantic approving the vital principles
OF the bill. [CheerS and deriSve cries.
He asked the gentlemen who appeared to
think that these manifestations of the
opinion of America were worthless
hear! hear! if they would have considered
| them worthless if the manifestations had
condemned the bill. Cheers. Coming
to the leading objections to the bill he said
that he noticed that the first was the OBJ
| lection to the exclusion of Irish members
from the imperial parliament as breach of
the cardinal principles that there ought not
to be
TAXATION WITHOUT REPRESENTATION.
The opponents of the bill said that
| England could never enforce taxation in
Ireland without representation and that
nothing but the consent of Ireland would
induce them to contemplate such action for
a moment. Many members were not even
satisfied with the consent of Ireland. Be
side this general constitutional objection
there existed regret that there would
cease to be a symboical representation
of the unity of the Empire through the alb
sence of irish members. No history has
shown us that in foreign, or what he pre-
fered to call over sea affairs, the Irish peo-
pie do not stand in the same relation as the
people of England and Scotland (hear, hear,
and cries of MOP. 1t is wonder that
in country with woes so great and whose
hopes have so often been doomed to disap-
pointment, the mind of the people should
be confined to the position of their own
country. An essential principle to
the Irish people has become the
control of their own affairs. Still
the bill provides that Ireland shall
not be excluded from imperial affairs.
Clause Twenty-Five provides for recall of
the representatives in both houses of the
Irish parliament before the parliament can
proceed to the alteration of statute upon
which the countries do not agree. Another
clause provides that on certain conditions
the Irish assembly may vote sums of money
for purpose excluded from the ordinary
cognizance. He trusted that should Great
Britain be involved in great war, when
Ireland would be exposed to the common
danger. the Irish assembly would respond
to message from the crown by voting
money to
| PROSECUTE THE WAR
| deposition laughter. Though abiding in
the principle that the Irish members should
not sit in the imperial parliament, the gov
eminent was willing to meet the difficulty
by providing that when it was proposed to
alter the taxation of Ireland relating to the
customs and excise duties. Irish members
would be enabled to appear in parliament
and share in the debate. Cries of hear,
hear. The government was also willing
to appoint joint commission from the En-
glish and Irish parliaments, which would
meet from time to time to consider some
questions of imperial or common interest.
NO great question, such as success
sion to the crown, ought to
fall under the discussion of
this secondary authority, but many ques-
lions, such as treaties of commerce, might
require direct communication between both
parliaments. He would therefore propose
on behalf of the government some plan of
this kind. He proceeded to explain that
the government remained undecided as to
the conditions under which Irish members
or an Irish commission should appear in the
imperial parliament. The government did
not consider this to be vital point. In his
opinion if the Irish members came back in
any numbers it would be necessary to devise
new system of election. He would certainly
have no jealousy of the Irish members. If
they should reappear in their force he
would rather have them amply
| than Scantily and jealously
treated. In conclusion, he kdeclared
that the main object of the bill was to abol-
lsh, root and branch, the discomfort pre-
vailing in Ireland, and to restore social Or
der by the removal, not merely of the symp-
| toms, but the causes of that discomfort. If
the opponents of the bill had an alternative
policy what was it? he asked. If Lord
Randolph Churchill should undertake the
| TASK OF SETTLING IRELAND
what did he mean to do? Was his plan
that proposed by the loyalists in Belfast
last November. The English government
might be daring, but not so daring as to
undertake to reconstruct the Irish govern
ment without touching the legislative diff
ficulty. If Lord Harrington had plan
let him declare it, He appealed to Lord
Harrington to state his solution of the Irish
problem. They had reached a crisis in the
history of the nation. The path of bold
ness was the only path of safety. Cheers.
All men ought to know their own mind and
ought to tell it. The fate of Ireland
could not be cast into the lottery
of politics. Parnellite cheers. He
had been told that he was steering ireland
to certain ruin. Let the opponents show
way to escape. Let Lord Harrington, in
moving the rejection of the bill, trace Wis
ible or palpable road through the dark
ness. [Cheers.
The members of the house of commons
| have before them great opportunity to
close strife of 700 years; yea, and of
knitting by bonds firmer and higher in
character than heretofore. the hearts and
affections of the Irish people, and of &C.
menting the noble fabric of the British ma
ton. Loud and prolonged cheering
Mr.. Gladstone was followed by Lord
Harrington, who, on rising, was greeted
with cheers. He asked if Mr.. Parnell had
ever stopped short of asking for complete
independence and the restoration of Ireland
to her place among the nations of the
world. He (Hartington) feared that the
premier had settled the matter without
mature consideration. With reference
to submitting an alternative meas
ure, he failed to remember