The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1886-10-14
behalf of that party which shall last as
long as free government itself.
HON. ]. d. SAVERS

was aso introduced by Col. Brown. and
spoke at such length as preclude. a full
report of his able address.
As, yet, ne said, opposition to nv can
dldacy has not crystalized, yet feel it to
be my duty to render to the people OF the
several counties of the Tenth district a
report of my stewardship, and present to
them my views upon the great questions
of the day. But, before proceeding
to discuss those questions, permit
me to thank you for your very hattering
vote for me two years ago, and to the de-
mocracy of Travis county especially. for
their endorsement of my course in con
gress before the recent convention.
cannot claim to have done perhaps all
you expected. You must remember there
are three hundred and twenty-five repre-
sentatlves and eleven delegates in con-
gress, and that each representative and
delegate goes to congress representing a
great many different and soma conflicting
interests. Take New York; she sends a
delegation whose purpose is to maintain
a currency system not acceptable to the
people of the south and west Then come
to Pennsylvania, and you find other rep
resentatiVes whose duty seems to be to
maintain high protective tariff in her
special interests. Come further south
and you find representatives actuated
with the desire to secure large ap-
preparations for the Mississippi river.
Louisiana, for instance, wants high
tariff for her sugar interest. South Car
DINA wants high tariff on rice. Take
the river and harbor bill, and how few
votes were given for it from some of the
states. Congress is
THEATRE OF sELFIsHNEss.
Even President Polk declared that the
legislation of congress was circumscribed
by the size of silver dollar. So you see
the Importance of having a watchful and
faithful delegation in congress, for there
are questions before it affecting every
man, woman and child, of every rank in
the country-not only in Travis county,
but in the whole union. There is one
which comes home to every fireside, from
the lordling in his mansion to the hum
blest man whose cottage is in the borders
of my district. 1t is the question of
NATIONAL INDEBTEDNESS.
When you consider the fact that since the
war the people of the United States have
paid over two billions of dollars,as interest,
and when you consider that before the
per cent. bonds are due, the people must
pay over hundred billions more, you see
what burden is imposed upon our indus
tries and energies, There are one hun
bred and forty-three millions known as 2
per cent, which are not due and are
payable at option.
The Morrison resolution proposed to
apply the surplus in the treasury toward
the payment of this bonded debt of one
hundred and forty three million dollars.
Randall, who has been long in the public
service, and is familiar with the workings
of the government, estimated there was
more than seventy millions lying in the
treasury, against which there is no de-
mand. Seventy millions poured into the
treasury by patient and long
suffering taxation, while there are
one hundred and forty three millions
dollars in bonds now due and payable at
option.
After the war there arose up men in the
east who favored the
ENGLISH POLICY.
The idea of which was to not permit the
principal of the national debt to be paid.
Now, let us see what favorite statesman
of that country said, as to this policy.
Bolingbroke defined this system of Eng
land, as a method by which the larger por-
ton of the people was mortgaged to the
other without redress. Think about it, for
it is definition in which you are all in
terested. Now, when the war of the revo-
ton ended there was due from the people
of the Ueited States eighty millions of
dollars on account of the expenses of the
war. And when you take into considera-
ton the fact that there were
then but thirteen states, with a
population of but three millions of peo-
pie, and that the annual revenues of the
federal government in 1871 amounted to
little over four millions, while now we
have country extending from ocean to
ocean, and from Canada to the Mexican
border, with thirty states, eleven terrific
ries and sixty millions of people. | must
say that l am one who believes we can
profit by appealing to the wisdom and
admonition of the great men who founded
the republic. And l desire to appeal to
the wisdom of our eaiiy presidents as to
this great question of paying the ma
tional debt. Washington, time and again,
admonished congress to pay the public
debt as soon as possible. So did the
Adames and Madison and Monroe and
Jackson, and others who succeeded Jack
son. Washington, in his first message
said:
Allow me to hope that it will be your
favored policy not only to secure payment
of the interest, but provide for the ex-
tinction of the principal itself Jefferson,
the greatest American statesman and
author of the declaration of independence
and father of the democratic party, said,
abiding to this question: "a public debt
is great calamity, curse and blot upon
the honest industry and productiveness of
labor.
Now would call your attention to the
character of
OUR DEBT.
1t is in the main composed of what is
known as national bonds. In England,
France and Germany the holders Of such
bonds pay large taxes on them, and that
tax is an immense revenue for the support
of the government. But in Amer
lea national bonds are not subject
L 1