Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1886-02-26

efDIUtnt NOuiO come W hu tbss
should have nothing but anarchy ana GU"
fusion.
Now, this illustration applies with 90 n !
pete force for an answer "a the aIs '.,e A., !.
t.r tie hoy colt" Cndono.eugSs ns" isa'.
ing with MeEsrs. Smith q Jon.s ,nsi-
pieases and n IL 80 happens inst ~. 49,
viduels cease dealing VITA Ins,n 10, fhey
| dent. at the same moment anu ~ hs,m IN
are thus left without CUSTOMERS ~ ~ ~ !,
done but H. I'm point OF fact, ell lnose VIZ VIZ
had been Heretofore dealing WIN .no ,,,.
agree together that nom ceIiA'n nva, ~
| one Of them will 80 dea sssln. e.u i ~,
| they will te,riJg alt others from uesilns
with tnat firm In the future. thls mas NJ
come a conspiracy 10 DESTROY inc cuisines
OF Messrs Smith Jones. Not only u sucu
a conspiracy clearly a criminal ouehce uu'
der the law ss IL stands. but IL IL Directly re-
ungnsnt 10 The most ele mentRry principles
ppop which every man must hope 20 iIse
In the worlds scale whether he he LABOR
ipe.man." or whether he be lawyer uoctor'
engineer editor or preacher.
There are two rights 10 which every ll u.
man being IL entitled absolutely. ann theIe
are but twosuch. The first Is that every
peTton has n right TO use every talent; GU
crgy, and muscle that he has derived IIon
nNture-in any way that he peases so thst
e does not " espsss upon hlsDelgh ooI SSH ,,u
ilar liberty-to accumulate properly IoI VIZ
comfort and welfare OF himseliand ms laihi'
The second Is that the law and the autho-
rites Of the law shall guarantee 10 each one
who has thus accumulated property protec'
ton in the enjoyment OF IL during MS own
life and a safe transmission OF IL 10 MS lin'
mediate deecendants. , go.
the ''laborlng- man is Just as yitaly ln-
feiested in maintaining and oeienuihs
them as the capitalist IL. Al they "
so, how can the boycott be oeienueu
The boy colt !" undertakes TO FORBID q clll-
zen or number OF citizens from exercising
his or their talents and energies IN sncn
way as will bring TO the INDIVIDUAL tne
largest possible return, and compe.s MN 70
take I'm place Of the largest possible return
such return as the governing committee
OF the " boycott" determine that the GILL
zen shall receive. INC,
Now, though no governing committee
nay make n special order that each mem
berof the Union shall receive certain sum
as his wage instead OF what he may DE
able TO earn yet this Is the effect
produced indirectly, and the principe
may actually go the length OF depriylns
ing livelihood. don't know the condi-
lions on which members are admitted 10
the Typographical Union. for Instance; but
1 DO know that could not secure admission
to II. Yet might be able TO earn support
by printing. II ! were at liberty 10 DO una
business and employers Were at iioerIy 70
employ me. Hut if the Union VIII not ad'
nit me into its ranks. and yet denies me
the right 10 print outside OF It's ranks Is IL
not depriVlng me OF my right 10 earn my
living by such use OF my talents and ener
giles as / could make Of them? And II /
go into the Union and take such wages as
the authorities OF the Union decree tnai !
may receive. Is II not permitting those au'
thorlties TO determine what / shall earn.
rather than leaving that question 10 be de
termiped by what l can secure through the
best possible use OF my powers, mental auu
bodily? As soon as the right claimed by
- q hA ffYttn q a m
the light OF the citizen TO make the most
that his talents and energies can by any
possibility bring him. IL denied. IL ~ oD'
ViOus that the claim OF the boycott COM
mittee" Is ut direct war with the claim
that IN involved in the truism that each
man has a right TO do all he can, con
sistently with peace with his nelghbor' Tor
his own advancement.
Ard how can the workingman hope ever
to rise above the level OF the dAy-labGrcr
unless he Is TO be permitted TO use ali his
talents. energies, and muscles 10 the fullest
extent that is consistent Win regard lOr
the same right I'm other persons For the
WOrkingInan to advocate any principle or
maCtice Whatever that il at war with this
right In every citizen. N for that worKlng.
man TO declare that he intends 10 close all
doors 10 the possibility OF his ever rising
above the position of oGy-lab0rer. II
may be Eaid that this reasoning apples
with as much force to other unions.
such as tnat of the ply siciaus as
II does 10 the trades unions. and am not
prepared to deny that II does IL NAV be
however that the union OF the physiclahs
stands upon "A special ground by reason of
the SPECIAL science necessary TO paysl-
clan.
The truth Is. the whole principle OF labor.
ing.mens unions. Knights or Labor. and
strikes is inconsistent with the true princl.
ple on which The relations of the labOrer
and the capitalist should be adjusted. The
theory of the labor organizations Is that the
capitalist will accedc TO the united demand
OF oil his employees because, III does not,
he Will have 10 close his business and thus
abandon all hope Of any return whatever
fIom his capital. 1t is a theory OF accom-
plshing by force rather than claim OF what
IL due as Of right. Now leaving out OF view
entirely the moral proposition that Is IN
Volyed in the question whether IL can he
right 10 taSe such an advantage OF one who
is at YOUR mercy, let us consider whether
this does not necessarily lead TO the de.
struction OF the labOrlng-man. Inc labor
ing man must have the cooperation OF the
capitalist or he can get no work. But II the
capitalist ascertains that IT, Is the settled
policy OF the laboring-man TO make these
aids upon him whenever he f1nds that the
capitalist is at his mercy, he VIII inevitably
close the business and live on what he now
has rather than run the great risk OF losing
all that he has, aud the laborlng- man Will
have no employment. III there Is anything
in the Knights OF Labor theory that the
unlteu employees tnOuiu tOtICt inc CHI
ploy er into dividing with them O part OF
what is earned, then the theory must he
pushed TO Its full length. and II must re-
qure a surrender OF the last cent by the
employer that he will surrender before
closing business. The principle is not de-
fensible unless IL can go this length. Now.
how many capitalists can 1t he supposed
would involve their means In enterprises III
IL were known and declared that this prin +.
ciple would be enforced against them?
fFl hn nd ".
man would thus have no employment.
The sentiment in the mind OF the labor
ing man which prompts him 10 organize
INTO trades unions IL feeling that he Is en-
titled to larger share In the proceeds OF his
labor than comes TO him when he receives
his share in the form OF daily wages. In this
Think he IL right. My only difference with
him Is In the way that be takes for accom-.
plishiDg his object. lie should not seek TO
disturb the rights OF parties as they nave
been fixed 10y existing agreement. He
should aim al having the relations of labor
| and ca pital adjusted upon principles differ
ent from that on which they now stand.
! Under the present arrangement the la
borer has TO have what is coming 10
4 him at the end Of each day for his
support and the support OF his family.
| Necessarily a considerable time must elapse
| between the time the article is manufac-
/ tured and the time when IL gets 10 the
! consumer and the profit on IL is realized
/ The labofer cannot afford to walt for his
compensation until that time has expired.
| lie must have IL now. But the capitalist,
I baviSg money ahead, can afford 10 walt un
/ iii the article reaches the consumer The
In bOier IL therefore compelled TO discount
! his share in the pfofits, and the capt.
! talist can afford TO discount IL for
him. In this way the capitalist gets an
| undue proportion OF the pronts OF the
enterprise. But If the laborer has agreed
with MIN that he shall have II. 10 is not
| right for him To extort from the capitalist
| by force part of that which he has agreed
| that he shall have. Labor and capital
| should be IL organized on the basis of a part
nership between them. The arrangement
| between them should be one by which
| the laborer should receive each day sufi-
! cient amount Of his share of the enterprise
for his support. while the rest OF IL remain
| ed in the venture TO he given him when the
/ article finally found Its way into the hands
OF the consumer.
II IL altogether an error TO suppose that
| labor and capital are enemies They are
pot. They are friends They stand to-
J uOn as the producer while the consumer Ia
/ on the other side. The producer wants TO
| get the highest possible price for an article.
/ While the consumer wants IL at the lowest
! possible price. Labor and capital together
! form the producer. and the contest IN be
| tween producer and consumer. Let the re-
/ latons Of labor and capital be adjusted on
/ the theory that they are partners ana the
I Ia borer Will then receive mis- due snare III
| the enterprise. But he can never Improve
/ his sltuation by undertaking 10 eXtOrt by
/ force from the capitalist what that capital
I ist hss acquired through the operation ot
4 an agreement between parties.
WILLIAM l., ROYAL.
Ammunition Wasted.
The Boston Post devotes considera
/ IN Il N