The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-05-18
A FORMER EreHr-HoUR STRIKE.
How the Movement of 1867 Began, Pro-
crossed and Ended.

How the Movement of 1867 Began, Pro-
crossed and Ended.
Chicago Tribune.
May, 1867, the workingmen of Chicago made
an energetic attempt to establish the eght-hour
system in this city and State. The history of
the origin, progress and failure of that move
ment is in many respects exactly similar to that
OK the recent efforts in the same direction The
leaders of the movement professed that eight
hours pay for eight hours work was all that
would be demanded; the men insisted on ten
hours pay. Strikes and riots followed. Before
tls month was out the movement had collapsed;
the strikers would have been glad to 60 to work
on the old terms, but many of them were re-
pi4ced and had to seek work elsewhere.
At that time there were twerty-eight trades
unions in the city. and eighteen of these were
conjoined in the Trades Assembly. which had
charge of the movement from the beginning.
The Trades Assembly's estimate of the number
Of working men then in the city was Is, 900.
At that time the iron-molders had dem
onstrated the power of national organiza-
ton IL single trade, the result being
that trades unions and central organizations got
a most exaggerated idea of their own power.
The eight hour law-"eight hours to work, eight
hours to play, and eight hours to sleep'-had
been adopted in one or two trades in England,
and was the subject Of considerable discussion
by the trades unions here. Political agitators
took IL up on behalf of certain candidates, as
means to capture the labor vote. Its first formal
recognition in political platform, however, was
In the fall of 1866. when the Cook county con-
vention Of the Democratic party-or Copper
head party" as i. was then mostly termed
passed resolutions in favor of the enactment of
an eight-hour law. The Democratic State con-
vention did likewise, and the stumpers of the
party made all the political capital possible out
Of this plank in their platform during the fall
campaign. Republican politicians. not deeming
it judicious to be held up as the foes of labor,
followed at their State convention with q resolu-
ton favoring legislation which would tend to
alleviate the hardships shorten the hours of Ia
por, and improve the condition of the laboring
classes" At the session of the Legislature then
introduced, and subsequently passed both
touses, being approved and in force March 8,
1857, in the following form:
ION and after the LIST day of May, 1867, eight
hours of labor between the rising and the setting
of the sun, in all mechanical trades, arts and
employments, and other cases of labor and serv
ice by the day, except in farm empioyments
shall constitute and be q legal days work, where
there is no special contract agreement to the
contrary.
'Sec 2. This act shall not apply to or in any
way affect labor or service by the year, month or
week: nor shall any person be prevented by any
thing herein contained from working many
hours overtime or extra hours as he or she may
agree, and shall not In any sense be held to ap-
ply to farm labor"
With confidence in the strength and union of
the labor organizations of the city, and with the
moral backing of this vague and evasive law. the
Trades Assembly decided that on and after May
eight hours would constitute a full days work
in all branches of labor. Addressing the manu-
facturers and other employers of labor, they
said:
I'VE intend to live up to this principle of eight
hours as days work, but we are willing to sub
NIT to reduction of wages until we prove that
as much can be accomplished In that time as in
ten hours, OF until the great laws of supply and
demand ana the universal adoption of the eight
hour principle will make it reasonable for US to
receive more pay. Therefore. on and after May
J. we propose to work faithfully until o'clock.
and then quietly lay down our tools and go
homc. Ii any employers object and discharge
their men, they will have inaugurated the strike
and not the men,"
The result proved that in thus speaking for
the men the Trades Assembly made big mistake
"a mistake that has been repeated within the
present month. Except in a few trifiing in
stances the men would not submit to reduction
In wages They demanded ten hours pay for
eight hours work. and threatened general
strike If this were refused. 1t was decided that
the movement should be inaugurated with a
grand demonstration" May 1, including pro-
cession of all the workingmen in the city, and
winding up with a mass -meeting on the Lake
front. Before the arrival of the great day
many employers had formally notified
their men that they could not adopt
the eight-hour system, and a sort of
sporadic strike had broken out all over the city
In few isolated cases, whore employers
'Tere to some extent at the mercy Of the men;
'nine-for-eight' compromise was effected, and
~ others the "eight-for-eight" rule was adopted
agreement, pending settlement Of the whole
.siness. AS a general thing both sides were
-termined and defiant May l, which was to
10 observed a general holiday, was looked
forward to with great anxiety. Extraordinary
preparations were made for the demonstration.
and when it came off it was looked upon as a
great success. In the procession each branch of
labor was attended by great trucks. on which
some of the men were at their particular trade.
The mass meeting was attended by $4,000 to
10000 people, and was addressed by some of the
most popular orators of the day, with Mayor
Rice presiding. Resolutions were passed in
which, after reciting the fact OF the passage of
the eight-hour law by the Legislature, and also
the fact that certain employers Of the city had
refused to adopt anything but 1.-The hour system"
the workingmen of Chicago pledged themselves
to maintain at all hazards the principle that
eight hours shall constitute legal days work. /"
The resolutions also denounced the "high-handed
action of employers who propose to discharge
workmen for declining to work more than eight
hours per day, and declared the question of
wages to be of secondary Importance. the work
men only asking an equitable settlement
Next day the riots began. From one thou
sand to two thousand men and boys made tour
of the machine-shops. planning mills, lumber
yards, car-shops, railroad depots, and other
places where labor went on in the city, driving
out the men at work-in some cases by threats
in others by actual violence The suddenness of
the movement took the employers and authori-
ties by surprise, and the mob did apout as it
pleased. The rioters were strikers whose de-
mands had been refused. and they claimed they
were ''only enforcing the eight hour law This
rioting and intimidation continued more or less
for a week. during which there was al almost
total cessation of labor in the city. Incendiary
fires became frequent, and threatening notices
from unknown sources were showered upon the
employers who refused to comply with the de
mands of the men, The employers had no diff
Guilty in filling the places of the strikers, but
the new men were subjected to so much annoy
ance and intimidation thatsft was some time be-
fore there was any general resumption of work
About six thousand men quit work April 30
Inafd ID Afe 81 49, ~