The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-10-21
THE COMING TARIFF BATTLE.
Address of Hon. James G. Blaine Before
the Republicans of Pittsburg.
Explanation Of the Anxiety of Foreign COun-
tries to See Free Trade in America-The
Underpaid and Disfranchised Negro.

"a N"N ~
with strangers, who had been attracted by the
announcement that both Blaine and Beaver
would speak. An open air meeting was held at
Exposition Park, Allegheny, this afternoon, and
it is estimated that from FIVE to eight Thousand
people were present. Upwards of three thou.
sand persons participated in the parade, ard the
column occupied about thirty-fve minutes in
passing a given point. The manufacturers, who
usually make a feature in such demonstrations
say they did not havo time to prepare for it.
When Mr.. Blaine was introduced. the crowd
had increased to over ten thousand. 1t was
nearly five minutes before he could make him
self heard. For a few moments he was regarded
with curiosity. but as his voice strengthened and
the thread of his speech was taken up, he was
listened to with great attention. After order
had been restored. Mr.. Blaine said:
"Mr. Chairman-A crisis in the tariff system
of the United States is rapidly approaching. For
a long series of years, ever since the close OF the
war, we have had a vast debt to be paid. How
ever large the national revenue, its surplus
could always be proftably applied to the liqui-
dation of our national obligations. We have
discharged that debt SO rapidly that there remain
now but little more than two hundred millions
of dollars of it that can be paid within this CEN
fury; and all of that falls due within four years
from this date. Its maturity thus rapidly ap-
preaching, may be said to be even now impend-
ing, so that the matter is one that must be taken
into consideration at once. because the remain
ing 500, 900, 900 or $500, 900, 900 60 over to the
twentieth century. When Secretary Sherman.
the most accomplished and able Secretary of
the Treasury since Alexander Hamilton.
ICheersl. performed the marvellous feat of fund
ing a large proportion of the public debt in the
United States foar per cents, his success was
acknowledged on both sides of the Atlantic
as unparalleled in financial admin
~istration. But. under the wise ad-
ministration of the federal government by
the Republican party, the credit of the Nation
has increased so rapidly that the United States
bonds, which were at par but seven years ago.,
now command nearly ST.. 80, and the holders will
not relinquish them to the Treasury at less than
that rate. 1t may, therefore. be assumed as a
certainty that their payment Is postponed until
the next century, as they fall outside of the pres
ent exigencies and they fall outside the present
power of the legislature of this Nation. When,
therefore, you shall have diminished the total
volume of the obligations of the country by the
amount of the 5000, 600, 900 now almost due,
what are you going to do with the surplus which
flows annually into your Treasury? What disDo-
sition are you going to make OF the large amount
which each year you have been accustomed to
apply to the payment of the national debtl The
free-trader replies, get rid of your surplus by
striking down this protective tariff; lower the
duty on many articles, put a large number of
other articles on the free list, and reduce
your revenues in that way The protectionist
answers, Let us so reduce our revenue that,
Will a wise discrimination, the American
laborer, in his daily earnings, may be pro-
tected by the national law, and keep that in
view as a primal object. Cheers This is the
question that impends for your decision, and,
after patient consideration of the probable con-
sequences to result from that decision, / venture
the assertion that there has not been, since the
national election of 1860, q financial crisis so
urgent and pressing as the one which will be
upon the American people within the next two
years. Dean Swift told the Ministers Of Queen
Anne that they could double the duty and halve
the revenue, or they could halve the duty and
double the revenue. We may, therefore, increase
the revenue while decreasing the duties, or we
may decrease the revenue while increasing the
duties. The main question, therefore, is whether
you will exclude from the tariff the protective
idea. or whether you will reduce the rates upon
articles from the duties on which you gain no
protection. and thus so wisely discriminate
that, with a new tariff adapted to 800, 000, 900
less revenue, you will still gain all the protection
needed.
II say to you, gentlemen, that at only two
periods IN our history, namely, the beginning of
the federal government and the outbreak of the
civil war, has the financial ability of American
statesmen been confronted by a problem of the
magnitude of the one to which l have invited your
attention. Never, therefore, was there a time
when men who believed in protection to Ameri-
can industry were more imperatively called upon
to grid UP their loins for a great battle on that
question. It is impending within two years,
and will be settled favorably or adversely in that
time. l cannot now go into details on the tariff,
as to the manner in which itshould be regulated
but l can say this, that unless it is so adjusted
as to continue the doctrine of protection, you,
gentlemen, will see hard times in this country.
And that is what 1 came here to say. For, ad-
vanciug these same views since leaving home
and in the city of Philadelphia, l have been COM
plimented by the notice of the London Times,
which tells, from across the water, that the
views which l hold have been negatived by
the people of the United States and that
we are travelling towards free trade and
a way from protection, from the dark days of
our own policy towards the enlightened policy of
England. lDerisive merriment. In the same
paper in which l read the cabegram I have just
quoted, in the same column and Immediately
following, among this mornings dispatches.
comes another from London which says that the
poor have risen in a riot against the Lord Mayor
having a splendid dinner while the workmen of
London are starving in their novels. give you
these two kilograms together, as forming a bet
ter argument than any | could make on the
question; and / send back greeting to the Lon.
don Times that l stand this moment before count.
less thousands of free American workingmen
who have good wages and happy homes. with
pros perity behind them and before them. Tire
mendous cheers.
eve are constantly encountering. in this dis.
cussion, the argument of the free trader that
we should increase our foreign trade;
that the United States is deteriorating
because we do not enlarge the area
and increase the volume of our foreign trade.
To begin with. my friends, there is a great deal
of delusion about our foreign trade. live down
Oh the extreme border of the United States, in the
State of Maine. although l am now near tie very
spot on which | was born. If a merchant living
on the border of Maine sends a cargo of goods
across the New Brunswick line FIVE miles, and
sells it, that is foreign trade. If he should ship
it around Cape Horn, away up to Wash
ington Territory. on Puget sound, is, 1000
miles away from home, that is do
nestle trade. Laughter. England's for
eign trade is made up largely Of her trade to
the colonies which she herself governs; and | be-
lieve, though. as l do not absolutely know the
fact, l refrain from making the state abso-
lutte, that what she sells to the channel islands
of Guernsey and jersey, between her coast aud
that of France, and under her fac, is classed as
foreign trade by way of making a showing of
prosperous business.