Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, 1886-04-28

struction OF property but are DOT the5e IN
the very nature of things the necessary at |
tendants of strikes and boycotts. and must
they not continue to be so under any labor
organization of the kind? Is not force and
the sole basis and vital princi |,
ple of the strike and boycott? Let it be safe |
and open, without grudge Or hindraDce, for
others to take the places Of employees who |
refuse to work, and we would have neither
strike nor boycott nor suspension of any IT, |
dustrial pursuit. The potency of the strike
would be gone, for its virus for evil and |!
disturbance Of the business industries of the |
country lies in the actual or implied resort |
to intimidation and violence, compelling |
stoppage of work, and preventing its re-
sumption until their demands are satisfied,
whether reasonable or unreasonable. The
strike is in its very nature revolt against
law and order-a defiance ofcivil authority.
In its technical sense it is quite distinct from
the right Of employees ut any time, few or
many, to quit work and remain idle or seek
employment elswhere. That right is I'M
questioned, but it is entirely separate and
distinct from the strike so called, and all
that is implied in that term. The power
arrogated by strikers, Of holding the plant
and preventing others from taking their
places, makes them ju ges in their own case,
Mr.. p. and his order are opposed tostrikes go
they SAY. Then why does he sanction their
maintenance, where unwarranted in the
outset, as he himself has declared the South
weste, n railroad strike to be? He complain
Of fifty censper month retained from employ
ees' wages for hospital purposes. IS not
that less than he exacted from the sane
men for their dues 10 his order when at
pence? And how much worse is the drain
on the entire community Of his order 10
maintain an un ustiliabe strike such Is ne
has declared the one in question? Another
matter is it not to be regretted that Mr. /.
could not have restrained himself, before so
lionilied committee, from the stereotyped
demagogry about wealth aud monopoly?
Why WAS he not asked whether his IS Tot q
greater and more aggressive monopoly than
any other, either incorporate or unincorpo-
rated ? Has not his organization, his a 900
lodges or assemblies, with their 1000 char
tiers, united into one grand corporate syndi-
cate every fault and quality OF grand
| monopoly, and is not Mr.. i. welding
| its power TO its utmost extent, making its
| tyranny felt in the industrial pursuits oft the
country with an iron hand? Is he not nj
the present time exercising it moro arbitra-
rily and oppressively than any other monop-
| oly--corporate or incorporated--in the
| United States? Is there nothing arbitrary
or oppressive in denying TO employers the
privilege Of engaging and discharglnS en-
ployess, and in denying employees the
light of making their own bargains? Or in
denying the right to workiugmen to work
when and where and for whom and q: what
wages they see fit? Or in compelling en-
ployeis to discharge non-uniOn men, forcing
union men TO pay the dues exacted By the
order on pain of discharge from employ
ment? Is there 20 undue exercise Of arbl-
: tray power in y monopoly of this kind?
| Read Mr. p.'s article in the North dmrri
ran Rcric'r for August, 1882, and see what
kind of n monopoly he proposes to create in
labor and over labor
| IGyour committee intends to benefit the
general public by promoting the peace and
| industry Of the country, you will haze TO
ielve q little deeper than Mr.. P.'s superb.
cial theories and individual grievances.
You will find that all combinations for class
| purposes, whether of labor or capital, are
social evils, and contrary to public policy.
| BE they syndicates of railroad companies CT
| of merchants or manufacturers, or labor
unions, it makes no difference; you will
find such combinations by class, to SUBJ
serve its own special purposes detri
| mental 10 society,". 1uey Sle luc oI.IElbS
of unscientiiic ideas and wrong social
conditions. Economic science teaches this.
Society,"" says Mr.. Weeden, "allows each
member to act for Bis own interest, :. IS.
but al organized effort 10 establish the
multiplied sclfinterests Of a class il tyran~
ny which cannot long exist in the present
light of the world. This is not a social
right it is the use Of class strength TO pro-
mote social oppre ssion.'
My dear Governor, if your Committee in.
tends to give the country q report based On
sound principles and free from denagc%y,
a. hope it does, you will not recommend
the redress of one class Of wrongs by Great
irg another; you will not recommend labor
monopoly TO counteract tie evil elect CT
capital monopoly, but will point ontthe evils
of both, and report ways and means Tor their
extirpation. Ia this way you would benefit
both labor and capital, while Sou can never
benefit either by recommending unsound
economic theories.
| But presume not to dictate-mereiy to
suggest You bave-al doubtless reeu Mr..
Weeden's excellent little book, Tho Social
Law Of Labor In its chapter en- Labor AS
7ociations you will find the tap root of your
subject; and in Mr.. Charles Reade's admir-
able story, Put Yourself in his Place. you
| find II picture, true to nature, Of the practi-
cal workings and effect Of ali such orders as
that Of the Knights Of Labor. These two
little books Will give you deeper insight
into The subject matter ofyour inquiry than
all the superficial theories and incidental
grievances related by Mr.. z. and his friends.
A. Splendid Welcome