Savannah morning news. [volume] (Savannah) 1868-1887, 1886-05-04
GLADST0NE'S MANIFESTO.
FULLER EX TRACTS FROM THE
IMPORTANT DOCUMENT.

Grave Importance of Liberal DlsSen-
EiOns Not UnderestImatod-Se ecessiun
on tho Irish Policy Deci0red a Perfect
Babei-LiberaIism's Atm speedy Set
tlement ana POstponsmeRt the Plan
Ofthe Tories.
LONDON, May 3.-Premier Gladstone,
in his manifesto mentioned last night,
also SAYS: ''Gentlemen, you have before
you Cabinet determined IN its purpose
and with an ineligible plan of it's own.
l see very little else in the political arena
either determined or ineligible. Will
now proceed TO speak of the state OF
things within and without Parliament,
and the nature and import of the next
great step to be taken for the progress of
my measure. | speak now OF the home
rule Bill. and leave the land purchase
bill to stand on the declaration already
made, adding only an expression of
regret to find that while the
sands are running from the hour
glass Irish landlords have given no indi-
cation of desire to accept the proposal
framed in the spirit Of most allowable re-
gard for their apprehensiOns ana inter-
ests. l do not underestimate the grave
Importance of the differences OF opinion
among the Liberals. Some are inclined
to rule the whole question against us. BY
authority they say surely such a number
of able and consistent Liberals would not
have seeded except in obedience to the
imperative dictates of truth and reason:
ONE ADVANTAGE.
We have at least the advantage of one
rrnSn bnv nytf INN al
may be Otherwise, is a perfect Babel on
the Irish policy. 1t is admitted an all
hands that social order is the first of all
political aims. To secure this IN Ireland
the Liberals, who are for secession, offer
hundred conflicting remedies, or else no
remedies at all. These remarks are as APP
plcable to the Tories as they are to the
Liberals.The opponents TO the government
measure make a remarkable omission
IN their speeches. In each, whetRer sug-
gestive or tical, they fail to express con-
fidenceln the permanent success OF their
opposition.
THE TWO AIMS.
To live from hand to mouth seems to be
the height OF their ambition, while they
suspect what we all know, that the step
can only end in the concession of home
rule. If this Is so the real question is
not the triumph of Irish autonomy, but
JNe IeukLu ana CudIdCbtl VI tue bbtuEEtEs
! Therefore we want to shorten, and they
to prOlOnc, the struggle. We say give
| freely and they, by acts II not by words,
say 'let us only give what we can no
| longer withhold
1--WE say: give now while the position
! OF the KINGDOM in the affairs Of the world
| is free and strOng.' They prefer to wait
for period Of national difficulty that we
may yield to the Irish demand in terror,
as we did in the war of 1873, as we did to
| the demands or the volunteers in 1882, as
we did to BOnaparte in 1893, and as we
| did in the civil war in 1929.
AN oPPORTUNE MOVEMENT.
"We say act now when moderation Of
| thought and language rules in Irish cOun-
sells, when by the willing concurrence of
all sides every arrangement Tor reserVa-
tion of the imperial prerOgatives can be
made complete and absolute.
They would postpone till an hour comes
when the demands may be larger and the
means of resistance less.
"We say: Deal as with a matter be-
tween DrotheTs-a matter of justice and
reason They renew the tale, alasl too
often told, whose prologue is denial with
evaporation and resentment. whose epi-
logue is surrender with conditions and
without thanks. Now, however, a new
terror is brought upon the stage--the ter
add, for Wales.
NOT ALARMING.
"Thjs suggestion does not alarm. Only
give us a little time 20 look at this ques-
ti0n in its order of inert. | am not sorry
that Scotland and Wales have been
named, because all serious meaning OF
them serves TO help our movement In be-
halt of Ireland. / can draw no vital dis
tincuon of right between the case OF Ire
land and other cases, but there are many
distinctions of circumstances. For many
years | have hoped it might be found
practicable TO apply the decentralizing
process, even perhaps to portions OF dif-
ferent conditions. Each case which Will
naturally require diderelces of treat
ment viii remain subject to primary i'm
perial obligations.
THE STANDARD OF GOOD GOVERNMENT.
81 believe that the standard and meas
ure Of good Government IN Scotland and
Wales will be eventually determined by
public opinion ia Scotland and Wales.
| TINS | say without painful disparagiug
| OF the circumstances OF this controversy.
with which we are threatened ia case OF
Ireland whose wOfui history for centuries
emOolden, some OF US 10 treat her as II
she had but limited share IN the great
| inheritance OF human riRnt and none at
all in ordinary privilege or immunity.
81 more and more find it vital 70 observe
| the point at which the dividing lines are
drawn on the side adverse to the govern
ment and are found Ia proiuse abundance,
wealth and social influence. station, title.
and the prOfessiOns,or "a large majority OF
them--in word, the spirit and power of
class. Nor is this all.
CLASS DEPENDENTS.
GAS the knights OF old had squires 80 In
| the great army Of class eac soldier has
dependents. Lord Harrington reminded
us, and | cordially agree with him that
this question, which may be turned over
thousand ways and placed In a
/ thousand partial lights, can only
/ be settled by the nation.
/ From the first stated, and /
think may speak for the government az
| large that here is my main and capital
/ chance. rely upon my colleagues, upon
an upright and enlightened House Of
| Commons, upon the effect OF free discus
sion, but the heart rest, the beginnng
and ending Of my trust, is Ia the wise and
| generous Justice Of the nation"
EDITORIAL CRITICISM
The P0u .u0u Gazete commentiug on
/ Mr.. Gladst0ne's manifesto says: "The
| document contains n menace 10 throw the
| land purchase oil 20 the wolves, aud
| promises 20 re-uniie the Radicals over the
body Of the Irish landlords. HenceiOrth the
l bin will ma roourded IA nyvaftfug nurtnl -