The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1886-03-10
MEMPHIS DAILY APPEAI---WEDNEsDAY, MARCH TO- 1856.

LEMPHIS DAILY A
jurors and witnesses, and Their
was there, without doubt. a lette
Of the Auofney-Generels Stain
there must be added for this curren
hscal year. ending the 5 Ia Of Jun
next, a year covering twelve month
Of purely Democratic control, a def
cheney OF $1S5,O00. II the csse 0
Dustin was fairly illustrative OF tn,
circumstance of all the district-attoT
neys and marshals Of the UniteC
Statts-everything that went to max,
up the autonomy Of the administra
ton of jul tlce-then we have draw
in the question, What has become o
the money that was appropriated a
the regular session TO carry on the ad
ministration OF justice, through tbs
Department of Justice, in the United
States9 Dustin was one of the per
sons who were 10 draw upon thai
fund. In that district he was the
very person whose agency, more than
that of any other man, would 90 to an
economical or extravagant, a just
or an unjust, expenditure of the
public money. Could we not
know anything about it2 Take the
other sixty or seventy districts in the
United States. II II were denied to
us as to d. 1t 0, it must be denied as
to Dorsheimer, and as TO Henry, 1.-THE
Marshal OF Vermont), and every other
marshal and every other district a tor
ney. What, then, were we to dor II
we he'd passed the resolution while
we were acting in legislative way
las II there were any difference in
powers Of the Senate, whether sitting
with open or with closed doors) ii
we had sent precisely this resolution,
and applied II to all the districts in the
United Stases. II the Attorney Gene
raj aud the President we're right now,
they would be right then, in saying
mo; we can give you 10 iniorma-
ton, because ii we do, you may be
able to know the reasons why so
many OF these marshals and district
attorneys have been suspended; and
that is purelyswithin the province Of
the President OF the United Statee."
That was the logic of our good
friends, the minority of the COM
mittee, and their good friend,
and all, the President Of the United
States, who with courage certainly
unique, had inter ected his supple
mentary report to the report of the
majority committee before the Serate
had even considered it. Was it pos
sible to carry out the government in
that way2 He Senator Edmunds)
thought not so far as the constitution
oil relations between the two houses Of
Congress and the Executive Depart
ment Of the government and their
respective rights TO information or
the Genial of it depend upon whether
one house or the other was acting a,
the time of its call with its doors
closed. Why, there were no two
bodies here, there were no two juris-
dictions here. The Senate was one.
Here was about fifty years ago very
celebrated Senator from a Southern
State who, on a similar occasion in an
executive session concerning the Pan
anna NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS. Hayne of South
Carolina - discussing resolution
which it was proposed the Senate
should adopt for the purpose of get
ting possession of ell the facts relating
to an assembly of Congress on South
American and Central American States
and the United States. Some very
Jealous friends of the President appa-
rently opposing the resolution, said:
However gentlemen may be enam-
ored of this new doctrine OF confidence
in rulers, it is not the ground, ap-
prehend, on which the Senate ought
to act in fulfilling their constitutional
duty of giving advice to the President.
Ii men are to act by faith and not by
knowledge, we have no business TO be
here" He (Mr. Edmuds) thought so,
too. knowledge was denied, and if
the Senate acted in the direction that
the Acknowledgement and the Presi-
dent desired it to act in putting
through these 643 or $50 removals and
appointments by faith and not by
knowledge, then he agreed with Sena.
tor Hayne "that we have no business
to be here"
In 1886 President Jackson removed
Surveyor-General, a man named
Writ, as he had the lawful right to
do. He had not suspended" him
there was no law for suspension. He
appointed TO fill the vacancy a man
named williamson. The Senate called
on the President for papers aud in
formation regarding the removal of
Writ. The President replied in a
characteristic message, saying in sub
ttlnce that that was one of the numer-
GUS calls made on him by the Senate
which he had hitherto complied with,
but he was going to stop now-tbat he
had removed Mr.. Wiriz, as he had
right to do, and the rea son was none
Of the SeLate's business. The Senate
next day, without division, rejected
Mr.. Williamson, although in the very
message in which the President said
he would not tell anything about what
Wirtz had been doing, he took par
ticular pains to say that Williams on
was one Of the best qualified and most
valuable personages he had ever
known. That was the end OF
Ju0 duhiI utJWoOu IoolucllJ JACkbOu
and the Senate on the subject of pa
peTs about appointments. Down to
that time every species Of information
touching foreign affairs, of the most
delicate understanding the ope-
rations Of the srmy-touchine every
part of the administration that be.
longed not to the Senate, but TO the
President, and to the President Just as
exclusively as did the power OF re-
moval or suspension, President Jack
son, like all his predecessors, and like
all his successors, until today, felt
bound to give to both houses Of Con
gress.
The President in his supplementary
report to the deliberations OF
the Senate had stated, with fulluess
of rhetoric, which was as charming as
it was unique, that these statutes OF
the United States and the practice I'M
der them had now for many years
70 i1en into q state nf innOcant dcaua