Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1886-04-24

ITO ttNNtVh w ttftt WV hVo'ehN ~ 49,
Committee of the Whole, he SAID, had
been considered by some gentlemen as
unwise because il could not be reached
at an early day. Every gentleman be-
lieyed, or affected 10 believe, that the
message presented a question OF vast
consequence to the country. IL had
been bis purpose if his motion
had prevailed TO ask unanimous con-
sent to fix an early day for the consid-
Grafton of this question, with the hope
and expectation that it might be fairly
considered, not with view to con-
trolling elections in November, but
with view to getting at the right solu-
ton Of great problem. Mr.. Butter
worth said Congress owed it to itself to
take up the labor question and consider
it carefully, and then refer the subject
to an appropriate committee. Ii 1t
were referred to committee now he
feared that a measure would be reported
representing, not the needs Of the hour,
but the political necessities Of the COM
ing campaign.
Mr.. Randall, Of Pennsylvania, con-
fessed TO feeling of surprise at the
heat with which the gentleman from
Ohio had approached this subject. lie
desired to direct attention to the fact
that the Constitution made it the duty
Of the President from time to time to
communicate to Congress touching the
state Of the Union and recommending
such measures as be shall deem necessary
and expedient. The President had not
yentured hair beyond that; and how
was be met here? lie was met with
an assault on his motives. There was
not one word against the proposition
which he made. On the contra
~. there was not an intelligent
man in the country but knew
that the present condition Of the labor
Of the country commanded the attention
Of Congress. 1t was easy TO question
mems motives. He had also supposed
that the right TO question the motives Of a
human being rested with higher power.
lie asked that the message should have
due consideration and elaboration, and
remedy for the troubles conceived, if
possible, and enacted into a law. He
declared proudly that there was not
word in it that appealed in any particu-
lar to any party, or any sect, or any
class Of men in the United States. On
the contrary, it appealed to Congress as
a body Of American citizens wishing
for public welfare. Applause
Mr.. Weaver, Of Iowa, was in favor
Of motion to commit with instructions
that the matter might be calmly con-
sidered. The gentleman from Ohio
(Butterworth) said it could only receive
deliberate and calm discussion in Com
mittee Of the Whole, but what example
Of calmness had the gentleman him
self set lie had not suggested any
remedy for the troubles. 1t was easy
to find fault, to carp and criticise, but it
required craftsmanship and calm DELHI
Grafton to meet the underlying causes
Of the present labor troubles.
Mr.. Gibson, of West Virginia, re-
GREETED that the gentleman from Ohio
should undertake to bring politics into
the discussion of this question. The
gentleman had charged the majority Of
the House with not bringing forward a
proposition which would have any
practical results on the labor troubles.
The troubles the country was suffering
from were the result Of powers given
by corrupt Congresses to great corpo-
Iations under twenty years Of Republi-
can administration. 1t was watered
stock, unjust charters granted by Con-
gress, against which labor was rebelling.
The gentlemen on the other side ought
not TO aSsail this House because it could
not bring about a remedy in a day, but
ought rather to confess the crimes and
sins Of their twenty years Of legislation.
Mr.. O'Neill, Of Missouri, said that
the arbitration bill had been discussed
by the House for four days. Not one
word OF partisan bias had been injected
into the debate. 1t had passed by
four ffths vote. 1t had been reported
unanimously by the Senate commit
tee. 1t had been endorsed by the
press and by the intelligence Of the
country, and it rested with the gentle
man from Ohio to take this pretext Of
injecting partisan bias into the ques-
ton. The gentleman was like the
man with one story-the gun story. If
the conversation did not give him an
of telling his story he would
stamp his foot on the floor and say,
" That sounds like gun; aud talking
of guns" The gentleman was so full
of partisan bile that he could resist no
Of showing it.
Mr.. Reed, Of Maine, expressed his
satisfaction with the vote he had cast
for the arbitration bill. The gentleman
from Pennsylvania RANDALL, IN under
taking to excuse the President for his
message, was the only man who had
accused him. Nobody on the Republi.
can side had found any fault with the
President or even complained Of the
lateness Of his arouSing to the subject.
! he question which was stirring among
the people should be deliberately con-
sidered by Congress. 1t might be that
Congress could devise a remedy. 1t
might be that it could not, but it was
bound to consider the question, aud
bound to consider with regard to some
thing else besides the November cleo
ton.
Mr.. McCreary, of Kentucky, was
gratiiied with the Presidents message,
regarding it as wise and fOrcible docu-
ment. The relations between labor and |
capital were not as harmonious as they |
should be, and the message looked to-
wards bringing them in harmony. lie
did not believe that the proper way to
settle the difficulties between labor and |
capital was to use violence. lie be-
lieyed that arbitration was the better
plan. Congress should recognize that
abor had rights, but also that capital
had rights, and it was the duty Of Con-
;ress TO cultivate harmony and pleasant
relations between the two.
Mr.. Springer, OF Illinois, supported
his motion, contencing that the Com
nittee on Labor was the proper COM
nittee TO consider the message. lie |