The clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1883-1888, 1886-10-13

| writers to protect them from the suspicion
of completely with the government al
! Montgomery can have no other found alton
| in truth than, probably, the discovery OF
letters written at former times and re-
ceived by me before the inauguration of
the Confederate government at Montgom-
cry.
| 1t Is due to the memory of the late Al
| exander HI. Stephens, whose letter TO Her
schel V. johnson has been made the found
ssion for this vile assault upon myself to
say, that il the letter Is genuine, and has
not been altered 10 serve Sherman's malice
/ against myself, that il was written under
excitement, and when disappointment and
apprehension OF our overthrow had infiu-
enced his judgment and opinion, and that
| this private letter, written under its attend
ing circumstances, never intended for pub-
| licatiOn, aud expressing hasty opinions,
will not be allowed to cast It's shadow over
the carefully prepared history of the war
which Mr.. Stephens has left to inform pos
terity OF his views of public men and mess
ures. | will be pardoned for extracting
/ from MIR. Stephens "War Between the
States remarks complimentary to myself
since they completely reiute the purpose
| for which the johnson letter has been pro-
duced. In vol. III, PIP. 624-5. commenting
upon the meeting at the African Church,
in Richmond. after the unsuccessful effort
| for peace IN Hampton Roads, Mr. Stephens
says:
MANY who had heard this master of
oratory in his most brilliant displays IN
the Senate aud on the hustings said they
never before saw Mr.. Davis so really ma
jestic! The occasion and the effects of the
speech, as well as all the circumstances un-
der which it was made, caused the minds
o. not a few to revert TO appeals by Rienzi
and Deuosthenes.
However much 1 admired the heroism
OF the sentiment expressed, yet in his gen
eral views or policy to be pursued in the
| then situation, l could not concur | doubt
not that all-the President, Cabinet and
| Congress did the very best they could,
from their own convictions of what was
best TO be done at the time"
In the same volume, on page 657, Mr..
Stephens speaks OF me as a man "Of very
strong convictions and great earnest
ness OF purpose" In 4 conversation had
during the summer of 1868, which was re-
duced to writing at the time, Mr.. Stephens
said
The hardships growing out of our mill
tsry arrangements are not the fault of the
President they arc due to his
subordinates.
Ii ONtcpSI Dt Iut year Lie Oh u
III. Stephens" by johnson & Brown,
PIP. 445-47, he wrote to a friend, who
had asked what would be his probable
course in the event of the death of myself.
| as follows:
81 should regard the death of the Pre.i-
dent as the greatest possible public calam
ity. What | should do | know not A
large number of prominent and active men
In the country would distrust my
ability to conduct affairs successfully
They have now and would have no conf
dence IN my judgment or capacity for the
position that such an untimely misfortune
would cast upon me-"
These passages (and others might by
| selected from
THE WRITINGS OF Mr.. STEPHENS
since the warl bear voluntary and lnvol-
untary testimony to my character and
/ motives, and more than answer the com
plants contained in the letter to Mr.. Ii.
V. johnson, aud in the canvass Just pre-
| cediug his death. Mr.. Stephens said that
| the only difference between us during the
war was to the policy of shipping the
cotton crop of 1861 to Europe. That crit
icism, when made BY another, was fully
answered by Mr.. Trenholm and Mr.. Mem
| minger, the two Secretaries OF the Confed-
crate States Treasury. in which they very
| clearly showed that the cotton crop OF 1861
had been mainly exported before the Con-
federate government was formed, and that
If reference was made to any later crop.
the Confederacy had no ships in which TO
export it, and the blockade prevented, to a
great extent, foreign ships from taking
the cotton out.
The secret message, which is printed
in this Historical statement" was commu-
Gated to the Confederate States Congress.
and recommended the suspension OF the
writ of habeas corpus The reasons Tor
that recommendation are fully set forth in
the message. It was an application to
Congress for authority TO suspend the writ,
and it was within the constitutional power
OF Congress to grant the authority. 1t was
a measure of public defense against
schemes and plots of enemies which could
not be reached under the process of law.
On two occasions was that extraordinary
remedy resorted to and each was by au
thority of Congress. But even when the
writ was suspended. no head of any cabi-
net department kept little BELL" the
tinkle OF which consigned to prison men
like Teackle Wallace, George VIM. Brown
John Merryman, Charles Howard, Judge
Carmichael dragged of the bench, and
which became as fearful TO the people az
the iefters-ds -caehet of the tyrants of Paris
Martial law followed the army of the
United States, and provost marshals were
often the judges that passed upon the per-
son and property of ladies, children and
old men, and the venerable Chief Justice
fancy was not spared the humiliation OF
seeing even the Supreme Court of the
United States brought to understand that
The civil had becyme subordinate to the
military authority.
The conscript law in the Confederate
States and the draft in the United States
were measures adopted by the respective
Congresses, and not acts of either Mr.. lin
coin or myself. They were both
MEASURES OF PUBLIC DEFENSE,
intended to equalize the burden OF mill
tary duty as far as it was compatible with
the public defense. As well might we
leave revenue to be provided by voluntary
contribution, instead of by general taxa
| tion, or the roads to be worked by the will
ing and industrious, instead of distribut-
ing the burden equitabiy over the whole
people. Yet the Senators that called for
this Historical statement" will hardlv
hold that President Lincoln was seeking
Dictatorship because he enforced the draft
This Historical statement" might have
been enlarged and extended by the Senate,
and made to embrace the deliberate mis-
representation by Gen. Sherman of the
communication to him by Col. J. d.
Stevenson, In regard to Albert Sidney
Johnston's command in San Francisco.
In letter to Col. William III. Knight, of
Cincinnati, o., dated Oct, %, 1884, Gen.
Sherman asserted that Sol. J. d. Steven
son, now living in San Francisco, has
often told me that he had cautioned the
government as to a plot |or conspiracy
through the department commander, Albert
Sidney Johnston, to deliver possession OF
| the forts, etc, to men in California sympa-
thizing with the rebels in the South and
he thinks it was by his advice that the
PRESIDENT Lincoln) sent Gen. f. V. Sumner
| TO relieve Johnston of his command before
the conspiracy was consummaEed." That
statement of Sherman the veteran Col. j.
| d. Stevenson promptly and emphaticaliy
denied, saying "The history of this mat
ter was published fully and in detail in the
San Francisco Evening Post In its issue of
Oct. 9, 1880. What reports Gen. Keyes
| may have made to authorities at Wash
| ington, do not know, but that the reno
vat OF Gen. job aston was the means OF
preventing Pacific republic, l do not for
an instant believe, for neither at the time of
Gen. Summers taking command and re-
| iieving Gen. Johnston, nor at any time
afterward do / believe any uprising or
conspiracy was contemplated" Col. Steven
son adds that Gen. Sumner held Gen.
| Albert Sidney Johnston to be soldier, a
gentleman and honorable man; he is
incapable OF betraying aStrust." That
siander against Gen A Inert Sidney John