New-York tribune., 1886-02-10
RtFUSING INFOhM4TION.

The question of the right of the President
and his Cabinet officers to refuse information 10
the Senate came up Unexpectedly on Monday
1t is dihicnlt 10 conceive of stronger or more
convincing statement of the case than Senator
Sherman then made. His speech on that occa-
sion. fortified as it was by his own great ex-
perience IN thirty years of active public lite ana
by citations from the undisturbed custom OF
the Government for II century, ought to 90 to
the country and TO be everywhere seriously
considered by the people. 1t forms an over
whelming arraignment of the course which the
President has seen fl to pursue.
The Senator makes a sharp distinction, which
the Pres dent and his apologists try in VAIN to
eyade, between asking for reasons and asking
for information. The Presidents reasons the
Senate does not ask. 1t is compelled by its
duty under the law to consider them, as lar as
they are known. 1t could not act faithfully IN
approving or rejecting appointments without
considering them; but 1t is courtesy To the
President to assume that he lmparts to the SEN
ATE all the reasons that he deems 1t eXpedlcnt
to present. Beyond them he must be assumed
TO have acted on his executive discretion and
responsibility, as the Senate, beyond the IN
formation that is given, must also act on Its dis
crelion and responsibility. But 1t has an abSo-
Int right to call for all official information
which might serve to guide the action OF the
Government Senator Sherman made slngu-
larly strong point in observing that there was
no separate information for the executive ana
information for the legislative branch, ana That
no such distinction was known ID the laws OF
in fact. In the nature OF things, as III the un-
broken custom of the Government, the IN
formation officially given to one branch ot the
Government is the common property OF all
branches If there were such distinction De-
tween executive and other information, all ex-
ecutive information belongs aIso to the Senate
in it's executive capacity. The idea that Mr.
Cleveland the latest and not the most learned
President in the history of this nation, should
refuse information which Washington and !
the founders of the Government who afterward
held the Executive chair felt it theiI duty to
give without hesitation, is almost too absurd
for serious argument.
The predicament in which the President
places himself by his course is most pitlable
Weeks ago, THE TRIBUNE pointed out that
such a course would put him in an untenable
position. He has claimed that the Government
should have no secrets 20 be the first of United
ton would be most humiliating. He has
| claimed that his motives were those OF sincere
and uncomprOmislng refOrmcr. 1t would dis
| grace him virtually to admit that his reasons
for acting were such as he DID not dare to sub
init TO public criticism Persons have been re-
| moved in great number upon secret charges
affecting their fidelity. To refuse knowledge
of those charges and opportunity to meet them
| would make the President a common slaDderer.
| Admission that he has acted in great prOpor-
ton of the suspensions and removals he has
made, upon motives which will not bear the
light, would mark him as a hypocrite, utterly
insincere in his professions of desire for reform.
If the President has a malignant and mercl-
| less foe who would gloat over the ruin OF his
reputation and rejoice to see him appear too ig-
noraut TO understand his duties or too laWless
to regard them faithfully, that enemy could
not wish to see him treading more fatal path
| than that on which he has entered.