The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1886-08-28
His Discussion of the Great
Irish Question.
HIS PET HOME RULE SCHEME.
. when Liberalism Again Becomes
United, it Must PredninIDate
in Pariiamebt."
gladstone and the Irish Question.

llshed to-day; it contains ii.ty-three
pages, and Is similar in tie excellence
of its style to Giadsione's pamphlet on
the Bulgarian atrocities. At the out
set. Mr.. Gladstone compares II with the
apology he wrote on MS change OF atii-
+tude regarding the Irish church.
But" he continues, 'in he present
indicate. but hive only TO point out
the mode in which my language aud
conduct was governed by uniformity OF
principle. | have simply followed the
various stages by which the great qGes-
ton OF autonomy for Ireland has been
brought TO q stage OF ripeness for praeti-
cal legislation" The brochure is under
two heads. The first is the history
of Il idea, in which Mr-Gladstone sum-
narizes the following conditions under
which alone. in his view, II would be-
! come possible: observation-disclosures
Z OF the hope tsat Parliament colld seTse
as A peaceabie legislative instrument for
I ireland. SecOni-rbe unFquiyocai and
I constitutional demands OF irisn mem
/ 6ers. Third-Ths possibility OF desing
with Scotland n q mllar wsy Il cir
/ cnmStances OF equal and equally clear
desire
Gladstone then passes on 10 defend
himself from the charge OF having
! sprung the ZONE rule measure Upon
/ hss friends. Replying % the charges
of Harrington aud Chamberlain.
I that he had conceived the idea
precipi .ately, and 20 their charge
ar having concea.e ed It unduly, he de,
I mes that il Is tbe duty Oi toe minister
! TO make known even 70 his colleagues
] l.
/ would tend to conlusei aud retard ia
/ stead OF aid the BUSINESS. He continues:
sWhat is true. Is that had not
| publicly ana in principle condemned IL,
/ and also. thai / had mentally con-
! sidered it, but / had neither sd ypied
nor rejected il. and for the very simple
! reason that II was not prepared for
adoption or rejection" Gladstone
then goes on 10 point out that
ldnring all the many years of
/ his public life, the alternatives were,
repeal on one hand and on the other
relief OF Ireland for grievances. II was
I time, 10 prognosticate how in
+. short time Parliament would
stumble aud almost writhe I'M
Ger its constantly accommodating
burdens, or TO pronounce that IL would
eventually prove incapable of meeting
the wants Of Ireland. Evidently there
was q period when Irish patriotism, as
represented by O'Conneil, looked favor
ably upon this alternative poll ", and
Il bad no fixed conclusion IS ~
the absolute necessity for home
government, and seemed 70 allow that
measures founded in Justice 70 Ireland
might possibly suffice 70 meet tne ne
cessity OF the case. /. was IS early as
ISL, Mr.. Gladstone says, that he took
1 the first step towards placing the
\ controversy on its true basis. He
opposed Mr. Bulls scheme, because the
alienation described in the last
paragraph had not been exhausted, but
even at that time be did not close the
door agsinst the recognition OF the
question in the different state OF things,
for instead Of denouncing the idea of
home rule as one in its essence destruc-
tive of the unity OF the empire. in
the following words he accepted
the assurance given TO the con-
trarv. lie, me do the promoters
of this movement the fullest justice,
always speaking under conviction. a.
they most emphatically declare, and as
fully belieYe, that the union of those
J kincdoms, under Her Majesty is. TO be
/ maintained, but that Parliament Is 70
be broken up.
Similarly. in 1874. Mr.. Gladstone &C.
cepted, without qualification, the prin-
ciple that Home Rule had no necessary
connection with separation. When Mr..
Shaw succeeded 70 the home rule
leadership, in 1880, Mr.. Gladstone
hailed his speech as showing an evident
! disposition TO respect the functions OF
the House OF Commons and the spirit
| of the Constitution. In 1881 st Guild
Hall, be announced that he would hail
with satisfaction and delight any
measure Of local goVernment for Ire
land. rsU
Coming to the electoral campaign OF
1855, Mr.. Gladstone says, his great OBJ
!, iect was 20 do nothing 10 hinder the
prosecution OF. the question BY the
. Tories. but to use his best efforts 10 i'm
press the public mind with the i'm, ort-
anee and urgency OF the question. II was
in this smris that his Midlothian
address was written. The Irish Ques-
ton was severed from the general sub
ject OF local government. and il
was pointed out that in would prob.
slSbly throw into the shade al
other important measures which
! we're ripe. Once ripe, the time for
action had come Just IS II Il had been 8
! cornfeld. We were not 10 wait until
: il was overripe. The healing OF newt
able sores would only become more
difficult growth of budding hoOes,
more liable TO be checked endpGraiyzed
II oy the iroSts OF politics. ~. ~
In the second portion Of TIE pam
phiet on the lessons OF the elections
/, Gladstone begins drawing certain les
sons from the els ctioEs as they lefieci
the liberal party In the course Of
!. some full calculations. he estimates ths
e loss TO the Liberal party from the
} Unionist SchiSm AZ two-seFentAs OF the
5 whole, but fhis fraction is distributed
he points ont veg uneQraily among
the classes. iIfs has comn1arded I'VE
e sil tbs. he says, OF the Liberal peers. ~
e not more than one-twe1tieth OF ms
. Liberal workingmen-
I Gladstone points out that, even nov
the Tories have failed 70 secure sn ao
y WHOA