The Eaton Democrat. (Eaton, Ohio) 1875-1903, 1886-06-17

accord with the sentiments of the Irish
At the same time I am bound to
that If l preferred the Grattan Parlia.
ment there are practical advantages in the
proposals before us which limit and subord-
mate the Parliament to that in which we
now sit, it may be Of even greater advantage
to the Irish people than q Parliament like
Grattan's and much more likely to be a finas
settlement of the question.
'Grattan's Parliament had many isadvan-
First, it had The House Of Lords.
We get rid of the House of Lords under Mr..
constitution. Truo there Is to
in its place the first order. a very salu |
tary provision. 1 don't pledge myself to
all its details and qualifications, but l say
generally that the first order is a very salu.
tary provision, which will tend to prevent
rash legislation and immoderate action. ]
venture to express the opinion that the ex.
istent action of the Imperial Parliament as
a constant means Of overseeing, as
is suggested by Mr.. Chamberlain, would
not have the same success and would not
be so acceptable to the Irish people
as the measure now proposed. Indeed, Mr..
Chamberlain's proposals would, I believe,
be mischievous and dangerous and would
prevent any settlement being arrived at that
would be satisfactory to the Irish people.
On the other hand when we ave assembled
Ill OuI CIldlllDcI Ill Cid III tiO uluOICit
sections of the Irish people and those
causes and effects which always ariss will
come into operation again and will lead to
satisfactory results. The result of the two
orders working. together In the same cham
Der will enable great questions to be settled
on q basis of compromise more or less salts
factory to all parties, We under
stand perfectly well that the I'm
perial Parliament has ultimate SUI
premacy and ultimate sovereignty. In
accepting the bill we accept honorable
obligations and we pledge ourselves for the
Irish people, as far as we can pledge our
selves, that the powers given to us shall not
be abused; to devote all the energy and ability
we possess and all the influence we may
have with our people to prevent them from
abusing the powers entrusted to them, and
that if abuses do take place the Imperial
Parliament may intervene in cases Of grave
emergency. We have had this measure ac-
cepted by all the leaders of every section
Of the National party in Ireland, also
outside of Ireland, in America and in every
country where the Irish people are to be
found. We have not heard a single voice
raised against the bill by an lrishman, GER
tainly not by an Irishman of Nationalist
| opinion. l say that as far as the Irish
people can accept this bill they have ac-
cepted it without any reserve as a measure
which may be considered as a final settle
ment of a great question.
81 leave the question of the sovereignty
of Parliament to go to another point which
Mr.. Goschen touched upon. He very fairly
told his fears as to the abuse Of power by
the Irish priesthood regarding education. He
has not followed the example of other illus
trious speakers by INDUCING in ~extravagant
language regarding this Catholic Protestant
question. may say I am quite sure his
apprehension is genuine as far as it goes,
and he does not desire to see anything in
the shape of religious discord in Ireland. ]
think / can assure Mr.. Goschen that W.
shall be able to settle this question of edu.
cation very well among ourselves"
81 can assure the House that with Ulster
in the Irish Legislature with such repre-
sensations as we see coming from Ulster to
the House, there is not the slightest risk,
even if there were any idea OH the part OF
the Catholic hierarchy of using their power
unfairly against professionals, that if such thing
can ever take place WI should be able tt
settle the question to the satisfaction Of
everybody concerned among ourselves.
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach followed Mr..
Parnell. He said that the bill failed t.
represent the views of the Liberal party. L
was the production of one man. Sir Michae
was certain that a majority representing
Great Britain would oppose the bill. Thu
House had no right to modify the unior
without the previous consent of the people
of Great Britain.
When Mr.. Gladstone rose he was LOUDLY
cheered. He expressed great pleasure a
having listened to the mastery exposition
he could not call it less, of the member from
Cork. He felt a strong conviction that tn,
speeches had been couched in a tone marked
alike by sound craftsmanship and far seeing
moderation and they will never fail to pro
duce a lasting effect upon the minds ant
convictions of the people of England ant
Scotland. With regard to the persona
question which has arisen between Mr.. Par
nell and Mr.. Beach, said Mr.. Gladstone,
think it no part of my duty to interfere.
Mr., Beach began by stating a series o
what he succinctly described as simple facts
1 will not say his simple facts are pure fc
tions, but Mr.. Beach declares, though l d,
not see that it las much to do with tn
matter, that this bill is one mans. Well,
am amazed. My opponents speak as If the
have been at my elbow all day-every da,
throughout the winter. M. Chamberlail
could only speak within the compass Of hi
knowledge and If he said 1t was the bill o
one mar he would know no more about
than a member opposite. But, sir, long be
fore that time the leading details of the bi
hatveen mo and NJ nearest %noiit;cs
friends.
ox.on,i,r On ono noint eustoms and sxc;s
dnties ne change was made in tbe hill afte
it was first submitted to the Cabinet. He Ina
no means of knowing that, if 1t were true
and II hannens IN he entirely untrne Thi
ia q matter of great imnortance thonpb II
y ono that has newer haap sean Nv M Chan
bar,aim
Mr. took excentions tn 20,
tain nrovisions in the hill without hein
ACQUAINTED with the whole case That il
! fact MT Reach ia entirely wrong also !
!, this one of his simnle facts M. Rear
saws that I announced to fbe House that III
! hill was not to he reconstructed. I sai
notbing of the kind. r -annonnced that
had not promised that it should be recol