The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-02-23

thirst for public Office. It is strange that one
who had commanding station, and who welded
an unedualed influence, should have been ambi-
tious for the smaller honors Of public life. But
Mr.. Greeley had craved even minor offices. from
which he could have derived no distinction, and,
in his own phrase. had dissolved the firm of
Seward. Weed Il Greeley, because as he con-
ceiyed, his claims to official promotion were not
fairly recognized. This known aspiration added
to the reasons which dscredited his unnatural
alliance with the Democracy In referring to
Mr.. Summers death, in 1874 Mr. Blaine remarks:
Whoever was first in other fields of statesman
ship, the preeminence of Mr.. Sumner on the
slavery question must always be conceded.
Profoundly conyersant with all subjects of leg
islation he yet devoted himself absorbing
~ to the one issue which appealed to his
Judgment and his conscience. He held the Re-
publican party to high Standards standard
which, but for his courage and determination,
might have been lowered at several crises in the
history Of the struggle for liberty. A singular
interest was added to the formal eulogias of
Mississippi, who had just returned to the House
of Representatives which he had left thirteen
years before to join his State in secession It
was mark OF positive genius in a Southern
Representative to pronounce fervid and dis
eliminating eulogy upon Mr.. Sumner, and skill
fully to Intervene it with defense of that
which Dir. Sumner. like John Wesley, believed
to be the sum of all villanies. Only man of
UT. LaIhars peculiar nontal I. 20 could nave
accomplished the task. He pleased the radical
anti slavery sentiment of New England; he did
not displease the radical pro-s slavery sentiment
of the South There is type of mind in the
East that delights in refined fallacies in the
recopciling of apparent contradictions, in the
tracing of distinctions and resemblances where
less subtle inteects fail to perceive their posi-
bility."
The history now comes to dates so near that
recolectlons reinforce the history. Especially
%rn nAo -. - k,Ekh 10
national finances easily recalled, and the crown
ing act of the resumption of specie payments.
The narrator tells the story of the Republican
national convention of 1876 wildly. Of the re-
suit Mr. Blaine says: 1.-THE ticket thus pre-
sented was surprise to the country. The can
didates, like all who are nominated against public
expectation, failed to excite enthusiasm in the
earlier part of the canvass. But both were re-
earded as able, judicious and prudent men, and
they steadily grew in public favor as the contest
waxed warm. General Hayes had not been
prominent during his brief service in Congress;
but his repeated election over the strongest
Democrats of Ohio, and his three terms as
Governor had made an excellent impression on
the country. He was especially respected for the
frmness and fidelity with which he waged battle
for honest money against the financial here
sizes which had at that time taken deep root in
his State" Here is his picture of Tilden, the
opposing candidate: sMr. Tilden has been the
subject of vehement and contradictory judg-
ments. His friends have well-nigh canonized
him as representing the highest type of public
virtue; his foes have painted him as an adept in
craft and intrigue His partisans have held him
up as the evangel of a new and purer dispensa-
marred by selfshness and char acterized by cum
ming His followers have exalted him as the
abest and most high minded statesman of the
times; his critics have described him as most
artful, astute and interruptions politician The
truth doubtless is between the two extremes.
Adroit, ingenious and wary, skillful TO plan and
strong to execute cautious in Judgment and
vigorous in action, tAciturn and mysterious as a
rule and yet singularly open and frank on occa-
sions, resting the old traditions yet leaning in
new pathways, surprising in the force of his
blows and yet leaving sense of reserved power,
Mr. Tilden unquestionably ranks among the
greatest masters of political management that
our day has seem"
Possibly the full account Of the Electoral
Commission and its Issue will attract less atten-
ton than the chapter dealing with the silver
question. The Forty fifth Congress, in its pas
sage of the act for the coinage of silver dollars.
made itself memorable. Mr.. Blaine says: 1.-The
opinions Of Senators and Representatives we're
of three distinct types The ma ority believed. as
the vote showed, in the policy Of coming silver
dollars Of full legal tender, regardless Of their
intrinsic equality of value with gold dollars, thus
creating two metallic currencies differing in
value for all purposes of commercial interchange
with the world. and keeping them at an equality
of value &C home by the force of law. The great
mass Of the Democratic party and consider
able number of Republicans Joined in this view
A small minority of both parties disbelieved in
the use OF silver AS money except for subsidiary
coins, with it's legaltender value limited to
small sums--$50 being the highest proposed
the majority apparently favoring $40. "A
of Democrats asserted the necessity
of maintaining silver coin at full
legal tender, but upon the basis of equality in
intrinsic value with the gold dollar. This class
feared the effects of an exclusively gold stand
ard, while the supply of eold compared with the
commercial demands of the world, is relatively
and rapidly growing less. They had seen the
ratio of gold supply far beyond that of silver for
series of years following 1850. and then for a
series Of years tho ratio of silver supply in ex
cess of the supply Of gold The theory adyo-
Gated by this class rested upon the proposition
that the dollar of commerce could not with
safety be exclusively based either upon the
scarcer or upon the more plentiful metal. An
adjustment is required providing for the en-
ployment of both tals-maintaping between
them such fair equalization as would not
violently disturb the value of real property or of
annual products, and. most important of all,
would secure steadiness in the wages Of labor
and sound currency in which to recompense it.
The supply of both metals for two periods of six
teen years each 1850 1865 both included, and
1S66-1851 both included) in the United States and
in the world at large may suggest some useful
lessons"
Of the anti Chinese movement in the first Con.
gress under Hayes and of the subject in general,
MIR. Blaine says: 1.-THE argument against psr-
mitting Monaghan immigration to continue
rested upon facts that were indisputahle The
Chinese had been steadily arriving in California
for more than quarter Of century, and they
had not in the least degree become a component
part Of the body politjc. On the contrary, they
were as far from any assimilation with the peo-
pie at the end of thet long period as they were
on the first day they appeared on the Pacific
coast They did not come with the intention of
remaining. They sought no permanent abiding
place. They did not wish to own the soil. They
built no houses They adhered to all their
peculiar customs of dress, and manner, and re-
ligious rite took no cognizance of the life and
growth of the United States, and felt themselves
to be strangers and sojourners in country
which they wished to leave as soon as they could
acquire the pitful sum necessary for the needs
of old age in their native land. They were
simply changing. ever renewing foreign ele-