The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1886-04-15

having on the eastern slope of the Rocky
mountains, but have values enough to buy
ont all the farmers in the union, anc
would have a good balance to start busl
ness on left.
NEGLECT OF AGRICULTURE.
Just four weeks ago it was boldly statec
on the floor of congress, that since THIS
government began, congress had appro,
priated but S5,O00,0O0 in all in aid OF
agriculture, the great mother of com
merce and manufactures. During the
same period there was loaned to railroad
corporations over hundred millions IL
government bonds. To the same corpor
atoms have been given over three hundred
millions in value, in land, and, besides
subsidies to ocean steamer untold mil
lions have been bestowed on manufactor-
les not from the treasury, but direct from
the pockets of the people, under the Oper
alton of the protective policy. And yet
during all this time, agriculture furnished
seventy per cent. of our entire foreign ex'
ports, and sustained the prosperity OF
every other industry at home.
Land, the great source and support of
life, should above all things be free from
the control of corporate power, except
where it is needed for the paths of trans
portatiOn of commerce. Its ownership
by the government for pre-emptors is the
safety valve for dense populations. We
have prohigately wasted it in Texas
After the twelfth Legislature had promised
more land than we owned, to corporations
tue thirteenth legislature promised
by charters, to give in all about
thirty-fve millions more. After
wards enough cattle and land corpo-
rations were chartered to Craze over the
continent, and though we have now stop
ped granting them, we have not required
those already granted to close shop, pay
deots, and divide assets among stock
holders.
I hold in my hand a map copied from
one made by a grass commissioner for
the land board, which shows twenty coun-
ties of the Panhandle country in one
block, wired in, every acre of them in
pastures built, generally, by land corpora
tions. Inside of those pastures are
millions of acres of unrented and unsold
school land, which are appropriated in
defiance of law. Can you wonder that we
have cattle kings?
Two years ago l proposed that new
tribunals be created that commissioners
of pasturage be sent to explore the unor-
gained counties, with power to arrest, and
with physical force, to compel obedi-
ence to law. then demonstrated that, if
and all trespassers, were
compelled to pay for the school land grass
enough money would be saved
each year to educate, without taxation,
every child in Texas. To-day our women
and children are working to pay school
taxes, which are lien ON every homestead
in the state. My effort to create, by law,
that tribunal, was in vain and now you
have grass commissioners appointed
power, who, to-day, can do moth
ing but report to the land board as they
stand below the sand hills, draw their sala-
ries, and peep over into the usurped do
minion of these modern kings.
The apologists for land monopoly some
times charge that seven years ago l voted
100000 acres of land to build a
state house. Suppose 1 did? Seven
years ago there was not man
in Texas whose opinion about the
dangers of land monopoly was worth less
than mine; and would it not be idiotic to
follow my blunders? The truth though,
is, that l was the only senator of Texas
who proposed and urged that the capitol
be built by selling small land certificates
to the people. l lost two years on that
line, though living here at Austin, and
only yielded when at the next session
unanimous senate demanded that the land
which the constitution, which we had
sworn to support, required US to set aside,
should be surveyed in body and snapped
Tor new capitol. When built it will be
he only state property you can show for
| wasted public domain.
LABOR STRIKES.
But my friends, the man who in an era
ike this will content himself with point
Dg out the danger from corporate power,
md yet see no danger from forces which
nay attempt to resist that power outside
If the pale of the law, is no true man.
labor has the right to organize to pro-
ect itself against organized capital. It's
light to organize to secure Improvement
II Its condition by peaceful methods, is
10 clear that none will DENY it.
Its right to cease from labor ordinarily.
md to agree with others not to labor in
my department of industry when wages
re inadequate, is so clear that none Int
yrant would question it, The riuht also
If a laborer who has quit an employment
because he deemed the wages not sniff.
lent-I say the right of such a one to
Use moral suasion on others, to prevent
hem from working for like wages. is so
lear thatto deny itwould be to deny liberty
# speech. But when any man goes an
nch beyond this line in the direction of
awless violence, he inficts a stab on tbe
ause of free government and becomes
n assassin of liberty, for liberty is only
UGH when regulated by law.
No free government ever vet went down
ntll some land or labor trouble, provoke5
v favored classes, first sapped the fonn-
atoms of its freedom: and if thare ,vo,
time when the wageworkers of Amarico
lould be calm, patriotic and patient it is
ow. Texas has no soil on which the wild
Octrines of the commune can take root
nd II they should ever be taught here
lie conservative forces of orr sociot,
ould not be affected by its false teacbinnS
hlch menace civilization itself o''
Ihere Is In human nature a proneneos
the abuse of power; this tendency We
ave tried to check by written constitn.
ons, which, while carefully proclaimino
la raSarvpd rirbtS