The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-03-23

I.AgOR AND CAPITAL.

The conditions for that ended when the power
of men to own labor was overcome in The
ferceness of armed conflict. One Of the most
vital and precious results of the war was the
emancipation of labor, so that there is, and
always must be, in this country, free labor;
labor with the crown of freedom upon it, at
once its chiefest dignity and its surest pro-
lection. What contests there may be between
labor and capital are but skirmishes, growing
out of abnormal and unhealthy conditions,
which it is the part of wisdom and honesty to
diagnose and improve; but he is an enemy to
society. dangerous demagogue, and blatant,
dishonest time server, who pirates in sounding
words of the necessary opposition between
labor and capital, and who. occupying any
position of responsibility, fails, either by reason
of cowardice or self-interest, to tell the
truth to both parties in temporary antagonism.
While it is true that labor creates wealth, and
that capital is the product of labor, it is
equally true that capital-corporated and con-
solidated capital, if you please-gives the OPP
portunity for labor to use itself and to con-
tinue productive. But for capital in active
use-capital devoted to railroading to manu-
featuring, to commerce, to business in all its
forms-labor would find itself of a tremendous
disadvantage. Capital so employed is labor's
best friend. Dead capital-capital invested
in stocks and bonds, and in other unproduct-
i've forms-may possibly be regarded in some
sense as inimical to the development of the
state and the employment of its industrial
forces, but active capital is the necessary
agency by which the enterprises of the world
are carried forward in conjunction with intel
ligent free labor. 1t would be much more to
the point if pulpiteers and politicians, who
may feel called upon to discuss labor questions,
would be honest with themselves and with
the public, and not, for the sake Of passing
popularity with class, sacrifice both truth
and independence.
We have but little patience with those pes
simists who glibly talk, not only Of the posi-
bility, but of the absolute certainty, of a
French revolution in this country. There are
few, if any, of the conditions antecedent to
such social anarchy in the United States.
Whatever approach there may be to such eco
nomic disorder will be due to the poltroonery
and demagogism of those whose intelligence
and influence should command them to wiser
words and better counsel. 1t is impossible,
if men will be honest with themselves, for
there to be such thing as the French revo-
luton in America. There may be in the old
world countries but not here, where every
man is king where he is his own master,
and where there is an utter i'm
possibility of such permanent class distinc-
tions as obtain elsewhere where the accidents
of birth and the forms of government con-
spire to perpetuate lords and peasants.
There is no more untruthful and demagogical
cry than that found in the mouths of certain
men, that the tendency in America is toward
a permanent rich class and permanent poor
class. The very air of the country, the gent
us of its government, is solvent too powerful
single families, while it is too obvious for
honest and candid doubt that the average con-
dition of workingmen, the country over, is
one Of steady amelioration and betterment.
It is true that colossal fortunes are amassed
in limited number of instances, and they
have descended into the hands Of second
generation; and it is true that the classification
of labor incident to invention, the introduc-
ton of bands Of ignorant and degraded
foreigners for certain of the lower grades
of work, have seemed to check the nat
ural and onward progress of the working
classes Of the country, but these exceptions
serve only to prove the rule. Conditions that
Vanderbilt's money and Jay Goulds trickery
and knavery, even when backed by venal
Legislatures and plant courts, cannot over
come, will force the disintegration and distri-
button of these unequal fortunes, while the
development of the country, the constantly
approaching intelligence and strength of real
workingmen, and the appreciating average of
general virtue, will tend to elevate and dig
Nifty that class of our people which must ever
remain the vast majority of free republic.
Now all this is the most primary and
elemental truth, and yet it seems to be essen
tial to repeat it strongly, in view of the many
words uttered in pulpit and through the press,
and through other channels, which tend to the
positive injury Of society at such time as the
present.
There are some suggestive figures in the
renort of Carroll D. Wright chief of the