The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1886-06-15
Mr. GIad.,oue's Manifesto.

ment OF Ireland Inc MINISTERS hdNlbeu
and Her Majesty was plea'ed 10 sane
tion the dissolution OF Parliament for
the decision by the nation OF the
prayest and likewise the simplest is
sue that has been submitted TO II for
half century. II is only a sense OF
the gray ty OF the Issue which induces
me, at period Of life when nature
cries aloud for repose, to seek, after
sitting in thirteen ParliameDts, q seat
In the Thirteenth, and with this view
j solicit for the fifth time the honor Of
your c., ii ence. At the last election
/ ende red in my addresses and
speeche, t. impress upon you the
fact that a great crisis hsd ar
IivGd in the affairs OF Ireland.
Weak as the late government
was FIR ordinary purposes, it
had great advantages for dealing with
that crisis. A comprehensive meas
uTe proceeding from that government
would have received warm and extern
Bive support from within the Liberal
party, and would probably have clost d
the Irish controversy within the pres
ent session, and have lief; the Psrlla.
ment OF 1885 free op osecute the nos
stAgnant work of ordinary legistt on,
with the mu' titude OF que tons it in
cludes. My earnest hope was to sup
port the late Cabinet in such a course
OF policy. On the Goth OF last Janu.
airy the opposite pol cy OF coercion was
declared 10 have been the choices Of
the government, the Earl OF Carnar-
Won alone refusing to share init The
Irish question was thus p actd in the
foreground to the exclusion OF every
other. The hour, as all felt, was come.
The only point r, naming 10 dete mine
was the manner in which it was to be
dealt with. In my judgment, the
proposal OF coercion was not justified
by facts, and WIS doomed to certain
aud disgracetul failure. S)me method
OF governing Ireland other than CO.
erCion ougBt, as | thought, TO be
sought for and found. Therefore |
viewed with regret the fall Of the late
Cabinet, and wnen summoned by Her
majesty TO fom new one under
took it on the basis OF anii.coercion
policy, with the iollost explanations
to those whose aid sou Int as col.
leagues. When proposed to examine
whether II n light not be possible 10
grant ireland a domestic legisla ure,
and maintain the honor and cons oli.
date the unity OF the empire, gov
eminent was formed and the work at
once put In hand. You Will now, gen.
tlemen, unders and how and way 1t
is that the affaits OF Irdlaud, low for
the frat time, bave witbstood every
other subject and adjou ned our
hops OF ss.ful ana progressive llss.s
la,ion. As a question OF the first
necessities OF social order II forces IT,
Heli into the van. The late Cabinet
though right In giving In
that place, were, NJ We thought,
wrong In their manner OF
treating H. II was our absolute
duty on taking the government, II we
did not adopt Their me hod to pr pose
another. Thus, gentlemen, il 10 that
this great and sim pie ISSUE has como
upon you and demands your decision.
Will you govern Ireland by coercion
or will you let ireland manage her
own affairs? To debate in this ad-
dresp, this aud that detail OF the lately
defeated bill, you'd be IS futile as to
discuss the hating, stumbling, ever
shifting and ever vanishing projects
OF an intermediate class which nave
proceeded from the seeding Liberals
There are two clear, positive and in
telliglble plans before the world
there is the plan of the government
and there is the plan of Lord Sails
bury, Our plan is that Ireland should
under well-cons dered condition.
transact her own affairs; his plan is t
ask Pa ilsment to renew Iepressivj
taxes, and enforce them retoluiely ioj
twenty yea s, by the end o
which time he assures us Ire
land will be fit TO accept an,
government in the way OF loca
government on the repeal OF tn,
coercion taxes you may weh TO Civ,
her. leave this Tony project TO speal
for II OF in its unadoTned simplicit,
and turn to the progressive pc icy Q
the government. Our opponents
gentlemen, whether Tories or Libel
ais, have assumed the name OF union
ists, deny them the tile TO II. la
deed, we are all unionists alike, bu
the union they refuse 10 modify is i
its presents shape paper union, oil
tanned by force and fraud, aud neve
sanctioned or accepted by the Iris
nation They are rot unionists, bu
paper unionists. True unto nism is [
be tested by the sentiments OF III
human bticgs 10 be united. Tried b
this criterion We have less union b.
tween Great Britain and Ireland no
than we lad uuder the settlement
1852, Enlranchised Ireland, gentl
men, asks through her lawful repr
sentatlveI for the revival OF her dome
tic legislaiure-not on the face OF
an innovating, but restorative, pr
posal. She ges with truth tn
the Capitalization Of Parliame
has been the division OF people, b.
she recognizes the fact that the unto
lawlessly as /, waI obtained, cam
and ought rot TO be rep aled. She
content to receive her lie islAtion in
form dive:tad Of pre- ogauv(s whit
might have impaired her imperI
interests, and better adapted than t
settlement OF 1882 TO secure 10 h
regular control OF her own afAi
8 le has not repealed but has we c m
the stipulation for the protection
the minority. To such prov sions
have given and shall give care
heed, but / trust Scotland will &C
denim attempts 30 singularly made
import into the controversy vel
NOUS element OF religious bigot
Let her take warning by The deplo
= bic riots Of Belfast aud other places
y the north. Among the benefits, q
tlemeD, anticipate from the accs
ance OF our policy are these I
consolid alton of the United Emp
and great additions TO is streuRt
the s,oppaSe of the heavy, cons
ard demotalizing waste Of the pull
tiea ure; the sb ttemeut and gre
extiociion Of ignoble ieuds in Irela
and that development OF her resou
which experience shows 70 be a I
ural consequence Of free and o,de
government: the redemption OF
honor OF Great Britain from the It &
fastened upon her almost from Il