Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1886-05-12


J say without a painful disparaging OF the
circumstances of this controversy with
which we are threatened in the case OF Ire
land. whose woeful history for centuries
emboldens some of us to treat her as If she
had but limited share in the great
INHERITANCE OF HUMAN RIGHT
and none at all in ordinary privilege and
immunity. But this formidable army which
opposes the government is in bulk and con-
stituent parts the same, though. now en-
riched at our cost with valuable con-
tipgent ofrecruits, that has fought in every
political battle of the last sixty years and
been defeated. We have before this had
great controversion on Tree trade, Tree
navigation, public education, rellglous
equality and the extension OF the FRANCHISE.
On these and other great issues this class
fought uniformly on the wrong side and
was uniformly beaten by power more oil
ficult to marshal, but resistless when
marshaled by the upright sense OF the n9-
ton. The power by gross and wholesale
insult emboldens some, but only some, and
not, rejoice to think, the nation OF Scot
land or England. !.
Watching day by day the movements OF
the currents of opinion in the present con-
f1ict, more and more find it vital to OBJ
serve the point at which the dividing lines
are drawn. On the side adverse to the gov
eminent are found in profuse abundance
wealth, social influence, station, title,
and professions-or large majority
of them-in a word, the spirit and power
of class. Nor is this all. As the knights
of old had squires, SO in the great army OF
class, each soldier has his dependents.
Lord Harrington reminded us, and cor
daily agree with him. that this question,
which may be turned over a thousand ways
and placed in thousand PARTIAL lights, can
ONLY BE SETTLED BY THE NATION
From the first / stated, and l think l
may speak for the government at large,
that here is my main and capital reliance.
| rely upon my colleagues, upon an upright
and enlightened House of Commons, upon
the effect of free discussion, but the heart,
the root, the beginning and the ending OF
my trust is in the wise and generous justice
of the nation.
I have still to say few more words up
on the issue which is Immediately before us
at this moment. know, gentlemen, from
experience, when you have great aim be-
fore you, you are not apt to be drawn
away by the artful rising of such issues.
We have great aim before us now: 1t Is
to restore your Parliament to ef-
ficiency by dividing and removing OBJ
stacles TO it's work; to treat
the Irish question with a due regard to it's
specialties, but with the same thorOughness
of method that fifty years back was hardly,
if at all, less formidable; to give heed to the
voice of a people speaking in tones OF mod
Grafton by the mouth of vast majority
of those whom we ourselves have made it's
constitutional representatives, and thus to
strengthen and consolidate the Empire on
a basis of mutual benefit and hearty 10y
atty.
Such is the end. AS for the means we take
the establishment at Dublin of legislative
body to make laws for Irish as contra distin-
guished from Imperial affairs. 1t is with
this we are now busted, and not with de-
tails and particulars. Their time will
come. They are now employed with art
before their season tc bewilder un-
wary souls. So it has been be-
fore. You remember how well the
campaign against the franchise was man
aged by settling in the front OF battle the
pretended dangers of redistribution. We
are not now debating the amount OF the
Irish contributions to the empire or the
composition of the legislative body or the
maintenance of represents tive connection
with Westminster. On these and many
more questions we
MAY AND MAY NOT BE Ar ODDS.
But what we are debating is the larger
question which includes-I think absorbs-
them all, the question whether you will or
will not have regard to the prayer OF Ire
land for the management of affairs specific
other is the matter which the House of
Commons has to decide. II it speaks with
a clear and ineligible voice on
this matter, | feel the strongest as
surance that the others, difficult as some
of them are, will nevertheless, with the aid
OF full discussion and wise conciliatory
spirit be found capable of a rational and
tolerable settlement. 1t is little that can
do in this most grave matter. 1t is no
more than to devote with cheerfulness to
the cause the small available residue of my
active life.
But let me in these closing words extend
my view beyond my own honored con-
stituency and in one sentence say to you,
my countrymen of Scotland and England,
| can do much with you essentially and
not with any person Or class or section
among you. It rests with you to deliver
the great aye or no on your choice between
which depend all the best hopes of Ireland.
and much that touches in it's honor and
high interest Great Britain and all the
mighty empire of our queen. I remain,
electors of Midlothian,
Your dutiful and grateful servant,
W. E. GLADSTONE.
HAwARDEN, May 1, 1886.
PRESS COMMENT.
The Pall-Mall Gazette, commenting
on Mr.. Gladstone's manifesto, says:
''The document contains menace to
throw the land purchase bill to the
wolves and promises to reunite
the Radicals over the body of
the Irish landlords. Henceforth
the bill will be regarded as
awaiting burial" The Gazette COM
plains that the manifesto does not
commit the ministry to retain the
Irish members at Westminster, and
opposes the second reading of the
home rule bill unless this principle is
conceded.
The St. James Gazette, in it's re-
marks on the manifesto, says an old
Parliament hand has played his last
card. He appealed 60 mans basest
and most sordid passions. His fla
grant immortality will unseal the eyes
of his most infatuated supporters.
The Globe says: "The manifesto
suggests the consciousness of desper-
ate cause. Mr.. Gladstone will find
that these speeches and manifestos