St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1886-04-09

sit In the house OF lords after the representa-
tives OF the Irish people left the house OF
commons. They would have the option OF
sitting as aportion of
THE FIRST ORDER
in the Irish parliament with the power OF
sitting for life. Some people thought that
option was not likely to DO used, but the
posed that with the twenty-eight peers now
in the house of lords there should sit seventy
five representatives elected by the Irish peo-
pie. With regard 10 the powers or election
the constituency would be composed OF occu-
piers OF the value or Es5 and upwards and
they would bo elected for ten years. The
property qualification of these representa-
tives would be f2O0 annual value on a capital
value of ~, 900. Mr.. Gladstone said he pro-
posed that the 10l Irish members in the
house of commons should be members OF the
Irish parliament, and whilst the first order OF
the legislative body would consist OF 103 MEM
bers, the second order would consist of 2O6
1t was propcsa "a 10 retain the viceroy, but he
would not be the representative of a party,
or quit Office with an outgoing government.
The queen would be empowered TO delegate
10 him any prerogatives she now enjoyed or
would enjoy. The religious disability now ex-
listing which makes Roman Catholics ineli-
gible 10 the Office would be removed. With
regard To the judges who had been concerned
in the administration of the criminal law in
by order I'm council, antedate the pensions OF
these particular judges In future the judges
would be appointed by the Irish government
be paid out of the consolidated fund and be
removable only by the joint address OF the
two orders.
THE CONSTABULARY
would remain under their present term OF
service and under their present authority.
The charge for the constabulary was now
II, 100000 per annum, and the speaker felt
confident the charge would be reduced, but.
for the present. he proposed to relieve the
Irish legislative body of all expenditure for
the constabulary in excess OF e, ,OO0, 900 per
annum. The government had no desire 10
exempt the peace OF Ireland in reference TO
its final position from the ultimate control OF
the Irish legislative body. The speaker had
no jealousy upon that subject, as the care OF
providing for the ordinary security of life
and property was the first duty OF a local
government. With respect to the civil ssrv-
ice, the government did not think their case
was the same as the constabulary, and the
transfer OF the civil service 70 the legislative
body would effect n great economy. He
therefore though il would be wise TO author
ize the civil servants now serving, TO claim
the pensions that would be due 10 them upon
the abolition OF their offices, provided they
served two years. in order TO prevent tncon-
venience from a rapid transition of the serv-
Ice, and at the close of that time both parties
should be free TO negotiate afresh. That was
all, Mr.. Gladstone stated, that he had TO say
on the subject of the new Irish constitution.
The proportion of the
IMPERIAL BURDENS
which he had TO propose that ireland should
bear was rs one TO fourteen. He thought
that the new Irish parliament ought to start
with a balance 10 Its credit, but the only fund
that it would have, IL left alone, would be the
solitary &20, 900 from the Irish church fund.
He knew no way OF providing the necessary
money, except by carrying ii out of this year S
budget, and he proposed that in the future
Ireland should pay one-fifteen.A towards the
imperial expenditure. He wcns III to speak
of how much Ireland would gain by export
ing spirits 10 Great Britain, and how much
Great Britain would lose 10 Ireland by the
flow of money from one TO the other. As the
result OF careful inquiry he stated with con-
fidence, not as any actual demonstration, but
as a matter of certainty with regard TO the
far greater portion, that the Irish receipts
would gain from Great Britain a sum that
would amount TO q, ,400, 600 per annum He
then entered into an elaborate calculation of
the total income and expenditure OF Ireland.
in the course of which he stated that the total
charge TO Ireland. as an imperial contribu-
tion, be put at &3,242, 600 per annum. He
stated, as an instance of the intense demoral-
ization of the Irish administration. that while
the postofIice in England showed a large sur
plus IN Ireland, il just paid its expenses. He
estimated
THE TOTAL EXPENDITURE
Of Ireland, including payment as a sinking
fund for the Irish portion OF the national
debt at e3.946,0 900 per annum. Against that
there was total income of IS, $50, 900, or q
surplus TO the government of ei04. 900. 1t has
naturally been said in Enesa cnc Scotland.
that for great many years past We have
been struggling to pass good laws for Ireland.
and that we have sacrificed our time, neg
lected our interests and paid our money, and
we have done ali this in the endeavor to glve
Ireland good laws. That is quite true with
regard to the general course of legislation
since lS49. Many of these laws have been
passed under an influence which can hardly
describe other than as the influence OF fear.
With regard 10 the history of tho land ques.
ton no man could know that until he had
followed il from year to year, beginning with
the Devon commission, the appointment OF
which, in the speakers opinion. did the
highest honor to the memory of Sir Robert
Peele lcheers, and then to examine the mode
in which the whole labor of the commission
had been frustrated by the domination OF
selfish interest Parnellite cheersl. He did
parliament to pass good laws for Ireland. but
he said, in order TO work out the purposes OF
| government. there is something more in this
world occasionally required than the passing
OF good laws. Heari Hear!l 1t is some
times necessary not only that good laws
should be passed, but also that they should
be passed by
THE PROPER PERSONS.
The passing OF many good laws is not enough
in cases where the strong instincts of the
people. distinct marks OF character and his
tory, require not only that these laws should
be good, but that they should proceed from
congenial and native sources. and that be-
sides being good laws they should be their
own laws. Irish cheers. At times doubted
| whether this necessity hal been fully devel-
oped, and especially with respect TO Ireland
If doubts could be entertained before the last
general election. they cannot now be enter
tained. The principleI have laid down am
not laying down for Ireland exceptionally. 1t
is the very principle upon which, within my
recollection, to the immense advantage of
the country, parliament has not only altered
but revolutioniZed our method OF govern
ment. When / held Office at the colonial
Office fifty years ago, the colonies were gov
erned from Downing street. The result was
that the home government was always in
conflict with those countries which had legis-
lative assemblies. We had continual shocks
with the colonies then. But ali that has been
changed. The British parliament tried 70
pass good laws for the colonies, but the col
! onies said, 1--WE don't want your good laws;
we want our own good laws" and parliament
at length admitted the reasonableness of this
principle. This principle has now come home
10 us from across the seas, and the house has
now TO consider whether IL is applicable 10
the case of Ireland. We now stand face to
face with what is termed
IRISH NATIONALITY.
venting itself in demand for general self
government in Irish, not in imperial affairs.
/ hold that there is such thing as local
patriotism, which in itself is not bad, but
good. [Cheers The Welchmau is full of local
patriotism. The Scotchman is full OF local
patriotism No. Scotch nationality Is as
strong as IL ever was, and If the need were TO
arise believe IL would be as ready to assert
itself as it was in the days of Bannockburn
| lCheersl. If read Irish history aright mis-
fortune and calamity have welded her sons