The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1886-08-08
THE irish PARLIAMENTS
THAT HAVE LEGlSLATED FOR
The IRISH PEOPLE
Ever Since Englis h Rule Took Shape
In Ireland Up to the Act OF
Union In 1908.

All through the centuries OF Eng.
land g rule in Ireland local Parlis-
ment more or less representative was
considered necessary feature in the
government Of the country. 1t is true
thst the body was convened at de-
cidedly irregular dates-that il too
often YVES not representative in char.
acter, and was sometimes only drawn
from certain sections; but, however
derived and formed, it was at least a
deliberative body acting on behalf of
the Irish people. and embodied the
principle to some extent of home rule.
England held Ireland as a conquered
province, but these early Parliaments
distinctively illustrated the right OF
the people to possess their own legis-
lative assembly. The Parliament con-
vened by Lord Gray in 1887 embraced
two houses, and that of 1541, although
it practically sanctioned the transfer Of
the royalty Of Ireland to the Euglish
Grown, was based upon the representa-
tive system. Parliaments were held
also in the years 1860, 1869, 1885,
1913 10, 1884, 1889, 164l, and at vary.
log times during the remainder of the
seventeenth century aud during the
eighteenth century. 1t is unnecessary
to review the character and authority
of thess various Parliaments. AS
early as l495 a Parliament assembled
at Drogheda. As indicating the royal
authority under which these bodies
convened, it may be stated that in
many instances 1t was directed that
the members should be chosen "ac-
cordiDg to the usage," which shows
that the principle upon which they
were based was clearly defined and es-
tahlished.
1t is thus seen that Ireland has a
parliamentary history and that it may
be said to embrace nearly the whole
period of English domination up to
the year 1900. In many particulars
doubtless these assemblies were def.
Gent in representative quality ard
perhaps in independence OF spirit,
but, continued as they were through
three centuries, they celtA inly estab-
lished the principle that an Irish Par
Lament in Ireland was fixed element
in the British constitution. This
famous constitution is but an sggrega-
ton OF presidents crystallizsd into the
form OF law under the influence of
time. Surely 300 years ought to be
sufficient to give to an Irish Parlia-
ment the tixity Of constitutional char
acter.
We are not now discussing the
question Of Irish independence, nor
how far these Parliaments may have
misrepresented the real, abiding DO
litiCal ambitions of the Irish people.
We aim merely to show that if Par
lament is now granted to Ireland it
will simply be return to former con-
ditions that existed for centuries.
Thst Mr.. Gladstone in proposing the
pending measure, instead OF threaten
ing the dismemberment of the en-
pire, is really acting in accordance
with the principles of the constitution
nay, it might be added, thst as it was
during period of consecutive Irish
Pariaments that the foundations of
England's greatness were laid, there
is no reason to expect that a revival of
ohO pybbCh Ndu AhNOlN0 any
dangers to imperial prosperity.
THE ACT OF UNION AND HOW IT PASSED.
But there is another question on
which many of our citizsns are not
fully informed, Ireland had Parlia-
ment of her own and lost it by her
own act, and the responsibility for the
loss is usually placed on Ireland and
not on the dominant power. This is
the shape the matter generally as
sumes 10 a person not really familiar
with the facts respecting the act of |
union, and yet it involves the most
deplorable injustice to Ireland and the
Irish. The passage Of the famous
union bill was not the act OF an unfet.
tered Irish Parliament, nor did it rep.
resent the wishes of the people OF Ire
land. "But, how then" it may be
asked, "did it pass both houses of the
Irish Parliament The answer is,
by the most astounding corruption and
fraud ever witnessed in national as
'embly. Now it cannot be denied
that this answer will not be satisfac.
5ory to many American readers, and
hat however it be regarded it in
wolves stigma on the hi h name. It
s hot well always to attempt to soften
acts or to conceal the outlines of a
naked and absolute truth. The fact
hat an Itish Parliament did betray
is trust and barter away the
privileges Of the people
8 an unpleasant incident in his
DRY, and is source of profound dis
yust and indignation to all patriotic
-rishmen. tits easy to raise the cry of
raud and bribery, and it does not
Ilways afford an explanation OF legis-
alive acts attended by long discussion
md every element of publicity. But
n this instance the real truth of the
natter has been wruDg from the
raves of the past-hss been so thor
'ughly and clearly developed that
DOM for question or doubt Is wholly
impossible. There is neither space
ler time now for the mass OF details
hat exhibit the circumstances attend
ug the passage OF the bill, but few
and general statements will
10 sufficient to show that the act OF
Inion, although it became law, was in
10 sense the act of the Irish people,
vas necessarily denounced and in
family Iepudiatsd, and would have
'een exploded as unconstitutional and
Invalid were there any tribunals au-
horiEed to examine and pass upon lite
roviaions.
A GLANCE AT PRELIMINARY EVENTS.
The rebellion OF 1898 had hardly
cached Q close and its fierce excite
1ents and antagonisms were still at a
Ihite heat when the prospect OF leg
'lative union between Great Britain
nd Ireland was brought forward for /
iscussion. There was no psriod in
reland's history when such q pop
sition was less likely to receive the !
oluntary support of the people, but !
here was no period more favorable for !
xercisiDg the forces Of intimidation I
nd corruption In a national la9iela- !