The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-04-08

was their worst enemy in the United
States Senate said that for them.
The strikers, Mr.. Hawley said, were American
citizens and voters. They comprehended that
whatever the people Of this country willed, that
should become the law. The ballot-box was
open to them; they had q choice of candidates;
the forum, the press, and all other methods or
agitation known 10 the Constitution were open
to them. If their cause be a just one, they can
compel respect for it. No people In the world
surpassed the American people in Its intuitions
OF justice for all men. This had been well
shown when, against the deep incrusted preiu-
dices of centuries men who hated the face of a
negro and would not have him near them,
plunged into a great war and carried 1t on for
four years for the purpose, disguise it as you
might, of making it true that there should not
be a slave on this continent. Whoever, IN this
country, had a just cause. knew where to find
his remedy. Regarding Mr.. Van Wyck's ques-
tions about the Knights of Labor. Mr.. Hawley
would not lie about that organization nor any
thing else, nor would he permit himself to be
lied about He believed that the existing
condition of affairs throughout the civil
lied world was to result In an
enormous advance to the great mass of laboring
men. Machinery had been displacing labor by
hand. and many hands had been displaced; still
the laboring-men of the United States to-day
could buy more with the product OF q days
work than they could twenty years ago. With
all the advantages of progression, however, there
was cause enough for the enormous uproar and
disturbance-the trembling of the whole indus
trial earth. But let US be patient and just to
each other. Do not be impatient with the agl
tation or striking laborers. Wait. God lives
yet. Out of all this would come more prosperi-
ty for the laboring men, and a ~juster, more
peaceable and more honorable relation between
capital and labor. This was not to be brought
about by machine legislation, though legislation
might help. When the capitalist should begin
to recognize the rights of labor by advancing
wages when they could be advanced, and when
the men should be willing to have the wages
reduced when the capitalist could not afford
to pay the standing wages, then a
better relation would come to prevail between
labor aud capital. He Mr.. Hawleyl knew of
Establishments where for generations there had
been no trouble between capital and labor; in
crease and reduction Of wages there were mat
ters of mutual and friendly adjustment. Unfor-
tunately, sometimes, there were not such CAPT
talists. But could you change human nature by
legislation9 For himself he would not work six
for dinner. He would strike; he would organize,
but he would not permit the thieves of the cities
to rush out and destroy the property from which
he got his living. If the sheriff could not do
anything with them with his posse. he would
have the sheriff do what he had seen the sheriff
do before in the city of New York-can out the
Seventh Regiment. You could not deceive the
laborers. Mr.. Hawley warned the laboring men
against their enemies; he warned them that the
very worst enemies they had were those who
"ON sS
heard here to day.
Mr.. Van Wyck remarked that it had been said
that there was a domestic danger in this coun-
try. Had not that danger been met and passed.
Why increase the regular army to meet a danger
that had disappeared?
Mr.. Logan said that it was not true that Jay
Gould had any connection, direct or indirect,
with the measure. 1t was for the benefit OF the
people. rich and poor, black and white.
Mr.. Van Wyck, interrupting, said that he had
not charged that Jay Gould, or any other man,
had anything to do with it. He had merely
said what the result would be.
Mr.. Logan asked why, then, was the name
used in connection with the argumen brought
from the recent disturbances, but to create a
prejudice against the advocates of the bill. He
mr.. Logan had always hoped God had given
him the honesty to advocate what he believed to
be right and oppose that he believed to be wrong.
A vote was then taken upon the motion of
Senator Hale to strike out Section 2 of the bill.
This is the section which establishes the future
army force at 30, 600 men.
On this motion the yeas were % and the nays
%. The vote being a tie, MIR. Haleis motion was
| lost.
The Republicans voting for Mr.. Hale's motion
were Messrs. Bowen, Chace, Conger, Hale,
Ingalls,, Plumb, Sherman, Teller and Van
Wyck. The Democrats voting against it were
Messrs. Brown, German. Gray and Walthall.
With these exceptions the votes for the motion
were Democratic and the votes against it Repub-
lican.
IhLs Nv hA0NC0f DO III lOu
ment, his bill heretofore introduced, and favora-
bly, reported from the military committee, known
as ''the three battalion BILL" and it was
agreed to.
repeating Section 1928 of the Revised Statutes,
which now prohibits any person who served the
confederate government from appointment TO
the army of the United States. In speaking in
favor of his motion, Mr.. Gibson said that the
statute which prohibited the men who served the,
Confederacy from being appointed to the United
States army could only be regarded as a bar
sinister, not in harmony with the spirit which
characterized the treatment of the Southern
people in other respects by the people of the
North.
Mr.. Logan thought it might not be we'll to go
too fast He thought that in the eyes of the
people there were certain persons more culpable
than others. He would suggest an amendment
of Mr.. GibRon's motion, so as to cover that class
of people.
Mr.. Gibson could not accept the amendment.
Mr.. Morgan said he would never vote for a bill
to increase the army while a single man was ex-
cluded, unless it were Mr.. jefferson Davis, and
he mentioned him because he knew Mr.. Davis
would not accept. That was Mr.. Morgan's view
of the question. and he was sorry that any occa-
sion had arisen for its discussion.
Mr.. Call thought the time had come when the
transactions of the war might be regarded as
matters of history. The time had come when
We might speak a word in defense of men who
battled in accordance with their convictions.
whatever may have been the correctness or in
correctness of these convictions, and who fol-
lowed these convictions even unto death. Mr..
Call believed that if General Grant and General
Lee were living, and a foreign war were to arise,
Grant would select Lee for high command in the
Union army. Why doubt the loyalty of Gen.
Lee in a restored Union?
Mr.. Conger ventured to think that the sol
diers of the Union who would read this dispatch
would begin to wonder whether it was not they
that were most in the wrong in the late war. The
honey and molasses speeches of to-day would in
dicate that our Southern brethren were forced
by providential ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS by an
overruling providence-to enter on the war. He
mr.. Congerl had been waiting some years for
this day to come. 1t had come a little earlier
than he had expected. Some Senators did not
see that they were traitors to their country.