Morning journal and courier., 1886-04-02
FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS.
WASHINGTON. Anril 1

I " "aonANUION. A pTll SENATE.-M1. Seweli, from the Library
 committee, reported favorably the bill ap- l propriating half million of dollars for the l erection of a monument at Washington to | the memory of Abraham Lincoln and the bill l was passed.
 | Senator Van Wycks resolution inquiring 1 whether the commissioners of the District of l Columbia are interested in the corporations | of the District came up and MT. Van Wyck | made a vigorous anti-monopoly and anti | corporation speech, denouncing the infu- ence of corporations in local and national af- l fairs; after which the resolution was agreed | to.
 At o'clock the Washington territory bill was taken up and Senator Dolph took the floor in it's support. MT. Morgan followed, also in support of the bill.
 The committee amendments were then voted on seriatim and agreed to. MT. Voorhees, submitted as an amendme ent his bill presented, the enabling act, provid- ing for the admission of Montana. This re- mains the pending question.
 At 5:1O, upon motion of Mir. Ingalls,, the Senate went into executive session. In ten minutes the doors were reopened and the Senate adjourned until Monday.
 HoUsE.-Mr. Bland, from the Coinage
 committee, reported back resolution which
 was adopted, calling the Secretary of the
 Treasury for information respecting the truth
 of the assertion made by business men of Massachusetts that the sub- treasury agents at
 Boston refuse to pay out silver dollars.
 The House went into Committee of the
 Whole at 12:30 and at once took up the ar
 bitration bill; MT. o'Neill, who called up the bill, wanted general debate to close at 3 o'clock, but it was finally agreed to extend the time to p. m. MT. Gibson, of West Virginia, took the floor and made a long speech in opposition to the bill. Congress, MT. Gibson said, should not look upon this as a labor question 8 capital question, but great political question. While arbitration, strictly speaking, was un- constitutional, Congress had the right to put its hand on every common carrier and curb it in it's charges, and having this right it also had the right to protect itself from hostile organizitsons. But the bill before the House could accomplish nothing. It had been be rushed through the House. He asked why this great haste? ''Why this panic2" Was it that railroad at tornies were seeking some advantage for their roads or some men attempting to secure pop ularity among the massesa MT. Gibson ad- vocated the passage of an inter State com merce bill with compulsory provision re- quiring the commissioners to be appointed under it to take hold of l controversies aris- ing between capital and labor and settle them in the interest of the public.
 MT. Grain, of Texas, defended the 
 argued in support of it's constitutionality. Referring to the assertion made by the gen tleman from Virginia that the bill would cost the country too much, MT. Grain argued that if it had cost the government one mil lion to have prevented the last strike the country would not have suffered, because the result had been paralysis of trade, the avenues of commerce had been obstructed, business had become stagnant and thou sands not connected with the Knights of Labor had been thrown out of employment The evil to be remedied was not an evil which arose between laboring men and rail way companies primarily, but an evil in which the masses of the people were inter ested.
 MT. Anderson, of Kansas, said that the labor question in it's broad sense was not the real question at issue, but that the real ques- tion pressing upon Congress was whether legislation should be enacted to compel com mon carriers to perform their obligations His opposition to the bill was that it was purely a temporary measure. It would be wiser to appoint national commission clothed with national authority, sitting per manently, studying all the factors of the problem and suggesting legislation so that hereafter Congress might be better able to act than now because of ignorance of the factors.
 Messrs Warner, of Missouri, and Ash burne supported the bill.
 MT. Long, of Massachusetts, regarded the bill as well drawn measure It was in line with prudent legislation and sound thinking and was applicable to the present exigency. It was wise measure in what it did not at tempt to do quite much as in what it did attempt to do, and it ought to be passed exact ly in the form in which the committee had re- ported it.
 the bill as establishing a poor mans court and therefore advocated it's passage.
 MT. Connor, of Illinois, earnestly supported the bill and thought it would be effective of much good.
 In closing the debate Mir. O'Neill said every compulsory law placed on the statute books of any country had proven failure. The desired result could only be secured by conciliation. When public opinion was be- hind measure it was powerful. He quoted from views of political economists which had been considered by the Committee on Labor and which upheld the principle of conciliation and arbitration and at the con clusion of his remarks the bill was read by sections for amendments.
 In speaking to a verbal amendment Mr. Hammond attacked the bill, which he assert ed instead of being bill to protect labor was one to prevent strikes in the interest of the corporations and at the expense of the coun- try. Every man who believed as the gentle mau from Pennsylvania (Mr. Kelley) did, that the measure was trick and fraud, ought to vote against it. The House proposed to crystalline into statute law, which nobody said was good, and many people said was a trick to get rid of the question.
 MT. Kelley said that by his remarks yes terday he did not mean that the gentlemen on the Committee on Labor had perpetrated 8 fraud. He knew that gentlemen who could submit this bill to the workingmen of the country provision for the speedy settle ment of employers and employees differences H. l. or trickery. MT. Powderly had done more to advance the princi- pie of arbitration than all the frothy eloquenee that he (Mr. Kelley) and his associates had uttered yesterday and to-day. MT. PowdeTly's paper had been read and considered by the heads of corporations and they had said: eff this is the spirit of work ingmen, we must regard it." For many years he (Kelley) had denounced as frauds and tricks just such bills as these which pre- tended to be in the interest of the working men, but which were not of any practicable benefit to him.
 The committee then rose and Mr. O'Neill moved that all debate on the first section be limited to one minute. By parliamentary manuvre MT. Reagan, of Texas, obtained the floor and made constitutional argument against the bill.
 Mr. Lowery, of Texas, denied the assertion that the bill was a fraud or that it infringed on any provision of the constitution. He conceived that the committee had proceeded with caution and circumspection. The eff feet of the bill would be to crystalline public opinion. In his judgment, as sure as truth was omnipotent, just so sure would corporate bodies be compelled to yield to the demands of justice. It was step in the right direction. It was in response to the cry of distress, it was the ''ship ahoy" to sinking sailors. Let Congress put this sign in the heavens as token to labor that it would not be always distressed and that it would not be always subjected to the exac- tions of monopoly.
 Pending vote on Mr. O'Neills motion the House at $40 adjourned
 Fall of Monster Rock.
 EAsToN, Pa., April IA rock weighing