The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1886-02-25

pie 10 depoee q sovereign ruler IN
strict accordance with forms Of law,
and that the trial OF Warren Hastings
sinks into insigniicance beside It,
rightly contending that the eloqenee
Of Burke has preserved Hastings and
his contemporary friends and foes like
flies in amber.
HoRATIo SEYMOUR B2UrALLY yILLIFIED.
IL is as we'll for the cause OF history
that Horatio Seymour died after Mr..
Blaine had reached that portion OF his
work which analyses the results OF the
election Of 1868. Otherwise the de
morteur sentiment in the mar might
have restrained the historian from
speaking out In this vigorous fashion:
at amounts, therefore, to q mathe-
NAUTICAL demonstration that neatly
one-balf OF Mr.. Seymour's vote was
fraudulent, and Of that fact conceal
ment is no longer attempted from any
respectable source 1t has been a mat
ter Of surprise to the contemporaries
OF Mr.. Seymour that, sensitive as he
has shown himself on many occasions
in regard 10 the record of his political
life, he would consent, after an investi-
cation aud exposure of the atrocities
had been made, to remain in history
without protest as the beneficiary Of a
vote that was demonstrably fraudu-
lent in its cha acter-a vote that was
tainted with crime and stained with
the blood OF innocent men. 1t is assur-
eddy not TO be presumed that violent
acts and murdernus deeds are less re-
pulsive TO Mr.. Seymour than to any
other refined and Christian gentleman.
But his silence in respect to the wicked
transactions OF his supporters in
Louisiana. when he was a candidate
for the Presidency, has persuaded
many honest-minded Democrats that
the whole narrative of crime was q
SANDER, concoCted in the interest OF
the Republican party. 1t has served,
also, a far more deplorable purpose,
for il has in a large measure aided in
screening from public Reproduction,
and possibly fiom exemplary punish
ment, the guilty principals and the
scarcely less guilty accomplices in the
manning and murder OF American
citizens, who were only seeking to
exercise the constitutional right of sui
frage."
GRANT BECoMK PRESIDENT.
Boston Advertiser: With the end Of
Johnson's stormy administration and
the coming Of Grant, a new era
dawned. The canvass of 1868 is pict-
uretquely described. Grants oppo-
nent, Horstio Seymour, is thus
sketohed: "No other leader COM
handed so large a share Of the conf
dence and devotion OF his party. No
other equaled him in the art of giving
a velvety touch to its COarsest and
most dungeons blows, or of presenting
the work Of its adversaries in the most
questionable guise. 1t was his habit to
thread the mszes Of economic and
fiscal discussion, and he was never 30
eloquent or apparently so c~ontented
as when he was painting a vivid pict-
ure OF the burdens under which he
imagined the country to be suffering, or
giving a fanciful sketch of what might
have been II Democratic rule bad con-
tinued. From the beginning OF the
wal he had illustrated the highest &C.
complishments OF political oratory in
bewailing, like the tabled prophecies
OF old, the coming woes-which never
came" With the new President came
many new men into public life, Mr..
George F. Hoar, for example, Of
whom Mr.. Blaine has much to say,
and this especially: "In truth Mr..
Hoar is a Puritan, modified by the re-
ligious progress Of two centuries, but
still a Puritan-in manners, in morals,
in deep earnestness, in untiripg ener-
KY. He is independent without sell
assertion, courageous without bravado,
conscient Gus without Pharisaism. In
intellectual power, amply developed
and thoroughly trained, IN force as q
debstsr, both forensic and parliament
airy, Mr.. Hear Is entitled to high rank.
And his rank will steadily increase,
for his mind is Ct that type which
broadens and strengthens by conflict
in the arena OF discussion" The era
OF good feeling had set in. "Gen.
Grants tendencies were liberal and
non-r artisan, though he recognized an
honorable allegiance to the Repub.
lican party, which had placed him in
power. Many Of his personal friends
were among the Democrats, and the
frat few months OF his administration
promised peace and harmony through
out the country"
AN ATTEMPT TO REPEAL THE TENURE OF
oFFIcR ACT.
An attempt to repeal the tenure OF
office act was a noteworthy feature Of
this early period of Grants admins
tration. OF this act Grant said in his
frat message: ut could not have been
the intention of the trainers of the
constitution, when providing that
appointments made by the President
should receive the consent OF the Sem
ate, that the latter should have the
power to retain in Office persons
placed there by Federal appointment
against the will Of the President.
The ldw is inconsistent pith a faithful
and efficient administration Of the
government. What faith can an &C.
ecutipe put in officials forced upon
him, and those, too, whOm he has as-
pended for reason How will such
officials be likely to serve an adminis-
tIatlon which they know does not
trust them ?" THE italics in this
passage are Nj. Blaine's.1 In the de-
bate on the repeal Of the act MI. Ed
muHds said: Sowing to the peculiar
circumstances that have attended the
last administration, it is desirable
that there should be an immediate
and general removal Of the office
holders Of the country as a rule; and,
as an agency for that removal, subject
to our approval when we meet again
in Confirmation Of their successors,
these bad men being put out, we are
willing to trust this executive with
hat discretion" On this Mr..
Blaine comments. "Comipg from
a Senator of the United States,
this declaration was regarded
as extraordinary. The bad men
to whom Mr.. Edmunds referred
were the appointees Of President
Johnson, and every one of them had
been confirmed by the Senate Of the
United States when the Republicans
had more than two-thirds OF the body.
II these appointees were bad men,
why, 1t was pertinently and forcibly
aoEaA hv Hbn aCUrKaun1 did MT Mr.