The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1886-09-23
FORT WORTH SPEECH.
JUDGE TERRELL DEFENDS
HIS POSITION.
UNRESTRAINED CORPORATIONS A
GRIEVOUS BCRDEN-THEIR
LEGITIMATE OUTCOME
WATERED STOCK.

At the conclusion of Senator Maxey's
speech on Monday night, Senator Terrell
being called for spoke in substance as fol-
lows:
Ny FELLOW CITIZENS This is not my
meeting, nor did 1 come here to address
you. l discussed political matters from
the same stand in Weatherford where Mr..
Maxey spoke last Saturday, and came
with him to this place. He did not invite
me to divide time with him at this APP
pointment, and at this late hour l shall
only discuss those things which his re-
marks have made necessary to notice.
am, fortunately, relieved from saying but
little, for his history of the Declaration of
Independence; of the alien and sedition
laws; the fact that Washington and Jeffer-
son and Adams were each elected presi-
dent the war with Mexico; the annexa-
ton of Texas and the troubles of our re-
construction are all things which the boys
learn at school, and which we heard the
distinguished statesman rehearse so we'll
six years ago.
The distinguished senator complains
that should, at Weatherford, have men
toned some apparent inconsistencies in
his political career in the senate. What
then said l will maintain before any tri-
bunal of Jeffersonian democrats on earth.
But first let me remind Senator Maxey
that criticisms of senatorial candi-
dates began neither with me nor my
friends.
When l responded favorably to the call
of more than twenty newspapers, and
Cat L. 30 Lo 1otn fnr
the senate, the thick and thin admirers of
Senator Maxey and of Gov. Ireland
Tray, Blanche and Sweetheart, began
their calumnies and assaults upon me.
Every falsehood that malice could invent,
was brought into requisitiOn, and circu-
lated by hostile press. The mail was
loaded with issues of the San Antonio
Times and other sheets sent broadcast
over Texas to malign and iniure me.
Williamson county was flooded with this
literature on the eve of her convention
but there l had mingled with the people
for over thirty years, and they responded
by unanimously instructing for me for
the senate. Now, the free spread of this
literature cost much money. Who fur
nished it? Nor is this all. From this
absence by one who had been regarded
as a candidate for the United States sem
ate. His name will not even mention,
for with me he has placed himself beyond
the pale of courteous controversy. He
repeated the same tactics at Georgetown,
and two days afterward the response of
that people was to give him eighteen
votes, at primary election, out of 1863.
Now, my friends, it was once quantity
said that there is great deal of human
nature in man, and the distinguished
senator must not complain if 1 indulge
sometimes in truthful retaliation.
The history of this country for over a
hundred years and the triumphs of de-
mocracy over buried issues of the past
Gen. Maxey has we'll rehearsed, but what
light has lie thrown on the tremendous
problems-the living issues of the pres
ent that threaten our civilization? What
theory of the causes which have
produced this turbulent discomfort every
where, or what legal remedies we should
adopt? Can it be that we have reached
that point in progress toward civilization,
when senatorial dignity is compromised
by discussing before the people public
wrongs that threaten the peace of the
very state which senator represents?
Why, then, instead of telling you that
strikes were bad, and railroads were good
did he not place his finger on the public
evils inflicted by both? His distinguished
colleague even from his seat in the Amer
lean senate has lifted his warning voice
against the tyranny of railway extortion.
IJa 1nnnnnnH1 xuh
should be prevented by governments,
both national and state. Does Senator
Maxey agree with him? If so, why not
speak out and publish it to the people?
Instead of this he says: eff the laws are
defective, amend them; if railroad cor
porations exert monopolistic powers,
prosecute them," and he knows that they
defy all efforts at punishment; that pri-
vate individuals are unequal to the task
of contending with them, and that every
fine imposed on them is collected back
by increased freight rates on the people.
He knows that session after session | at
tempted in vain to create railway com
mission and failed, and now am transfer
ring that issue before the people and ask
ing them to compel their candidates to
speak out before they elect them.
All! gentlemen, public men sometimes
in their admiration for wealth and splen-
did enterprises, forget the very doctrines
that advanced them to official place. The
national democratic platform of 1880, de-
clared: 1.-The democratic party is the
friend OF the laboring man, and pledges
itself to protect him alike against the
cormorant and the commune" If there
is no cormorant in this country, how
foolish was that declaration of our party?
If there is, then it is the duty of every
man seeking legislative Office to denounce
its plunderings and suggest remedies for
the protection of the industrial classes
against les rapacity. But this gentlemen,
who now comes and asks your support for
third term, has told you that it is not
proper for candidate for federal office
to discuss state issues, fail to appreciate
the lofty dignity of any gentleman who
wraps his senatorial toga around him and
refuses to expose and denounce corporate
wrongs inflicted on the very people who
elevated him. This he has refused to do,
and this predict he will never do in this
canvass. 1t is far easier TO let alone the
methods of corporate power than arouse
by opposing it and excite the opposition
of its thousand agents and its tremen-
dous financial influence. The march of
that power to universal control of gov
ernments, both state and national, now
threatens US, and no legislator performs