National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1886-07-10
what wnl Tho 1rlsh DO Now9


arises is, GLOW this sweeping reversal Of
parties has been attained" and the first
answer is to be quoted from celebrated
after.dinner speech, "soapi Soap More
soap ~ The senior and junior Carleton
Clubs Of Pail Mall, though ostensibly social
organizations, are practically among the
wealthicst corporations in the world.
When we consider that, with the eXcep-
tlon Of the few whlg lords and squires
who belong additionally to the Reform
Club, but who in this case no doubt sub
scribed generously to the Carleton cam
paign fund-every wealthy nobleman aud
country gentleman In England, Ireland,
and Scotland is a member Of either Of the
Carleton clubs-it is easy to understand the
enormous financial backing of the conser-
yative or tory party.
When we further consider that the inter-
ests of the great landowners have been seri-
ously threatened and that those people,
though few in number, control practically
the voting power Of all the suburban and
country districts, 1t is clear that they have
a vital interest in procuring votes as we'll as
the money with which to accomplish that
purpose.
Hodge, the agricultural laborer, who, TO
the tune of 100000, has been admitted by
Mr.. Gladstone to the franchise, ought, one
would think, be very grateful to his de-
liverer. And no doubt he is grateful, but
gratitude, with the bulk Of mankind, is
feeble influence when brought into sharp
contact with pressing self-interest.
No doubt the tory election fund was
judiciously expended so that every agricul-
tural laborer and every town workman was
guaranteed privileges aud assistance, apart
from the mere gold, and, excepting the few
who were intelligent and Independent
enough TO vote question on its merits, the
bulk went In boldly for what Tennyson's
northern farmer calls "proputty, proputty,
proputtyw
Upon the other hand the liberal party,
though rich In brains and character, Is poor
in lands and ready money. There are
few wealthy manufacturers, but not enough
Of them to bribe half a dozen counties,
much less to make pocket borough OF the
United Kingdom.
But there was another great difficulty be-
hind that Of the financial one. The English
people, to put it fairly and squarely, do
not love the race which Dean Swift used TO
call the "native Irlsh.n The differences of
race and religion, which have been care
fully fomented for hundreds Of years, can
not be brldged by an agitation of three
months-that being about the time elapsed
since Mr.. Gladstone brought the Irish ques-
tion into practical politics, and, in states
manlike way, before the civilized world.
But now the Irish band will play very
lively tune of some sort. There are only
two courses open to the new administration,
If Lord Salisbury should take office.
II he carries out the "strong policy
whichshe promised to the English electors,
| and If Churchill continues to appeal 10
race hatred, the obvious consequence will
be civil war, conducted upon truly mod
ern principles, which will help TO break uI
some notions about "civillzation," and
about this "wondrous, wondrous age.'
y great poet has written
| What is all this patient entrance into natures
deep resources
But the child's most gradual learning to wall
upward without banc2
| When we drive from out our clouds OF steam
majestical white horses
Are VIC greater than the first men that caugh
black ones by the name?
Could we tread the depths of ocean,
Could we strike the stars in rising,
Could we circle the whole universe with hot
encircling breath,
IT were but power within our tether,
| Nonew spirit-pOwer comprising
For in life we are not greater men,
Nor bolder men in death.
The Irishmen OF 1856 are not less great II
life nor less bold In death than their prede
cessors of any period. They will watcl
with something like amusement the "stron
policies OF Salisbury and Churchill In thei
efforts to brand forever the Celtic peopl
in Ireland with the ineradicable stamp G
an inferior race.
But their lordships are not going to tr
the strong policy Of bayonets, bucksho
and eviction this time-some other time
There is an alternative, and the brute fore
people will accept II. The method Of Il
working will be somewhat as follows: I'll
|
istration. During the formative procei
they have time to think how reasonab
concessions shall be granted to Ireland.
will be difficult to explain the absence
J ''a strong policy" to the English constit
encies, and considerable swallowing OF b
words will ensue.
But the tory chiefs are not perfect
idlotic In politics. Far from It, They WI
go boldly before the people and say "sin
we have entered upon our duties we ha'
been amazed at the quality and quantity
reliable information submitted to us upC
the temper and attitude Of the Irish peopl
We fnd"-as Dlsraeli said upon anoth
occaslon-"that the continent of EuroI
and the island Of Great Britain are hone
combed with secret societies, whose ain
may be summed up in one sentence, 'Dea
to coercive rulers everywhere Thl
Of course, would not intimidate us pc
sonally from the discharge OF what we
gard to be our duty, but there are interes
; so conflicting, which we are bound to pr
, tect, and which are seriously imperiled
the policy we had agreed upon before beiI
fully informed, that We consider 1t now ne
. essary to explain that our Cabinet deliber
tions have recently taken the form OF
thorough investigation OF precedents Il
statesmanlike measures to be applied
Irish domestic alIairs.n
! This viii seem pusillanimous TO the En-
lish tory members and voters, but what
, education good for II the average memb
Of parliament can not be educated?
7 will educate his constituents and expla
) that sensible men must resolutely face Mt
) conditions--and so forth.
After wondrous short time Sallsbu
will bring in bill made sweeping al
} therefore more satisfactory to all partI
= concerned. The Irish people are beir
= trained to estimate probability. They ha
= some astute prophets. They viii preser
their souls In patience.
And that Is just what the Irish will