The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1886-06-08


WAS A very Fad ore. Goschen spobe
. cut the toveIe' gnty OF Parliament;
upon this point | agree with the Den
milton given by Bryce. [Cheers. We
know perfectly well, We have alsaye
known since this bill was introduced
the difference between co ordil ate
aud subordinate parliament. Cheers.
We know that the legislature which
the Premier wishes 10 constitute is
subordinate parliament, not like GRAFT
tan's, which YVES co-equsl Glad.
st9ne Hear, hear], arising out Of The
same constitution and in the came
manner as this parliament, given by
tovereign. Minitterial cheer.l |
We understand this perfectly well,
aud we should undoubtedly have pre-
feIred, as / stated on introduction, a
bill showing / could not accept
this as final settlement OF the QueJ-
ton. We should have preferred q
restitution OF the Grattan Parliament !
[Parnellite cheers. 1t would be more |
IN accord with the sentiments OF the
IRISH people, and sentiment goes a
long way with the people. [Cheers]
At the same time, l am found to say,
i preferred the Grattan Parliament.
There are prscicsl advantages
in the proposals before us
which limit, subordinate this
psrlism ant to that IN which We now
tit. 1t may be an even greater adj
vant'gs to the Irish people than a
paIlia nent like Grsttan's, aud much
more likely to be a final settlement Of
the question. [CheeIs. Gratian's
parliament had many disadvantage
! Fl 81, il had House of Lords. Hear,
hear; laughter. We get rid Of the
! Houe Of Lorus under Gladstone's
constitution. (Cheers. True, there
is to be in its place first order, q very
salutary provision. do not pledge
myself to all its details and
qualifications, but l say, generally, a
first order is q very saluiary
provision, which will tend to prevent
rash legislation and immoderste &C
ton. [Cheers would Ialher see
the bill hung up ten years by q body
like he frat order in Ireland than see
it hung up a single twenty four hours
by this Imperial Parliament Cheers
l venture to express the opinion tbal
existent action OF the Imperial Par
liamt mt as a consistent means Of over.
seeing, as suggested by Chamberlain,
would not have the same sue.
cess and would not be 80 ac'
ceptable to the Irish people as the
measure now proposed. [CneeIs. In
deed, Chamberlain's proposals would
| be ieve, be mischievous and danger
GUS, and would prevent any settle
ment being arrived at which would be
saiit factory to the Irish people. Par
mel ite cheers.l On the o her hand
when we have assembled in our OWL
chambers 10 Ireland all the different
sections of The Irish people, those
cau:es and effects which always arise
! will come into operation. again, auC
cad to a satisfactory result. The re
suit Of two orders working toge; he
in the same chsmee will enable grea
questions TO be settled on basis o
compro mise more or less satisfactory T.
: all parties. [CneeIs We underst nj
perfectly well that the Imperial Par
lament has ultimate supremacy ant
ultimate sovereignty. l quite agre
q | hllu 0IthubbO1OS nhu bu1hh ~ INV "
the most valuable parts Of the bill.
quite agree that that which Gladston
: offers, namely, the responsibility @
maintaining order in Ireland by a.
IRISH Parliament is a correct provision
= which no state could exist withou
Irish cheers. The supremacy OF IT,
, Imperial Parliament, however, wi
J not be affected by this if tn
Ii.h party executes the pOwe
/ ven it, while in some cases it may b
rende ed more effective than evel
{ [Cheers In accepting the bill W
a accept honorable obligations 40
I' pledge ourselves for the Irish people
y as far as We can pledge ourselvt
y [derisive cheers and laughter], iha
y the powers given shall not be abuse
: Parnellite cheers] to devote ali til
y energy, abili y and influence We ma
y have with our people 10 prevent theI
= from abusing the powers in'rusted I
!, them [cheersl that II abuses do tax
~ place the Imperial ParliameI
may intervene. in cases {
= grave emergency you have tn
u power, authority and force; II abusS
" are perpe,r tied YOU have the remed
: 10 your own hands. In case CT tbi
= kind you would have Just the sam
y suthoritv ynu would have whethG
y this bill b. brought forward or no
70 ! This we recogniz. This we said o
y its Introduction. I'D We would a,
l, cspt it as a final Ut lement; that
} heliev' d The Iii h people would dos
- l will ssy no more upon tn
~ p,iLt. Ny NO ds h,v" been Hir
= z lhly justified Pr elite che ets
tnis measure as been a copied bysl
. ! adsr', by every section nat'Uu
% feeling n roland, also uuteide OF lr'
Z lar d, IN ANT RIGA and in every countr
= where Iiish people a;e fJurt
! [Cheers.] We have no. heard a sinHl
y voice raised seainst the bill by Irisf
L men. Cheers. Certainly not b
. any Irisbman OF Matte N alist opiuioI
OF course there are section
y smong the Irish Nationalist
= Just as there are section
2 in the great Conservativ
. party. In fact, as far as it is poHsibI
. Tor nation to accept measure chez
y fully, freely, thankfully, without II
u serve, l sly the Irish people hav
y shown they go accepted this measure
: [Oheers Even the terrible Fri,
. World newspaper, which has not bee
: on my side for the last five or 81
years, says the Irish race at home an
: abroad has signified its willingness I
, accept the terms OF peace offered b
4 Mr.. Gladstone. [Cheers.l Isay tbs
= as far as the Irish people can scceT
! this bill, they have accepted 1t with
T out reserve, as a measure which ma
I be considered final settlement of tn
: great question.
: SIR MICHAEL HICKs-BRACH
l declared that the bill, though the prC
b duction of the highest man in tn
+ kingdom, was still the work of bu
n one man, and did not represent tn
a views of the entire party. He denie
Q that the lats Conservative government
8 had any such intention as Mr.. Par
n nell attributed to it.
+ He denied, when questioned b.
i Mr. parnell that an inten,ion To gran