The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1886-08-28
His Discussion of the Great
Irish Question.
HIS PET HOME RULE SCHEME.
- when Liberalism Again Becomes
United. a. Must PredoinInate
in Parliament"
eIaa.tons apa .he IlI.h oue.lIsn.

lished to-day; it confirms iiity-three
pages, and Is similar in tie excellence
OF its style to Gladstone's pamphlet on
the Bulgarian atrocities. At the out
set. Mr.. Gladstone compares It with the
apology he wrote on MS change OF atii-
ltude regarding the Irish church
4 But" he continues. Gin be present
case / have no such change %
Indicate. but hive only 10 point out
the mode in which my Language aud
conduct was governed by uniformity OF
principle. have simply followed the
various stages by which the great qGes-
ton OF autonomy for Ireland has been
brought TO q stage OF ripeness for praeu-
cal legislation" The brochure is under
Two heads The first is the history
of T. idea. in which Mr-Gladstone SUM
marizss the following conditions under
which alone. IN his view, IL would be-
come possible: First-Abandonment
OF the hope tsat Parliament colld seTse
as a peaceabie legislative INSTRUMENT FOR
Iralsud. SecOnd-rhe unfquivocal and
constitutional demands OF irish mem
bers. Third-Ihe possibility OF de9ing
/ with Scotland IN Z miiar way IL cir
cnnlstauceS OF equal and equally clear
desire
Gladstone then passes on 10 defend
himself from the charge oil having
! sprung the ZONE rule measure Upon
his friends. Replying % the charges
of Harrington aud Chamberlain,
that he had conceived the idea
precipi ately, and 20 their charge
ar having concea ed i unduly. he de
ulea that il Is the duty al the minister
TO msks known even % his colleague
every idea forming ~ Bis mind, which
/ would tend TO cOniusei ang retard 10
stead OF aid the busin sss. He cOnunues:
leWhat is true. is that l hsd not
publicly ana in principle condemned il,
/ and also. thai / had mentally con-
sidered il, but l had neither I'D Jpted
nor rejected it, and for the very simple
reason that It was not prepared for
adoption or rejection" Gladstone
l then goes on TO point out that
lduring all the many years of
his public life, the alternatives were,
repeal on one hand and on the other
relief OF Ireland for grievances. IL was
not possible, be says, at that
u time, 10 prognosticate how in q
short time Parliament would
stumble aud almost writhe un-
Ger its constantly accommodating
burdens, or to pronounce that IL would
eventually prove incapable Of meeting
the wants of Ireland. Evidently there
was q period when Irish patriotism, as
represented by O'Connell, looked favor
ABLY upon this alternative poll ", and
bad no fixed conclusion IS 10
the absolute necessity for home
government, and seemed to allow that
measures founded in justice 70 Ireland
might possibly suffice 70 meet tne ne
cessiiy OF the case j was IS early as
1871, Mr.. Gladstone says, that he too (
the first step towards placing the
Il controversy on It's true basis. He
opposed Mr.. Bulls scheme, because the
alienation described in the last
paragraph had not been exhausted, but
even at that time be did not close the
door against the recognition OF the
question IN the different state OF things.
for instead Of denouncing the idea OF
home rule as one in its essence destruc-
tive of the unity OF the empire. in
the following words he accepted
the assurance given 10 the con-
trary:. lie me do the promoters
of this movement the fullest justice,
always speaking under conviction. a.
thew most emphatically declare, and as
fully believe, that the union Of those
} kincdoms. under Her Majesty is 70 be
| maintained, out that Parliament is C
be broken up.
!. Similarly. in 1874. Mr.. Gladstone &C
. cepted, without qualification, the prin.
ciple that Home Rule bad no necessary
. connection with separation. When Mr..
Shaw succeeded 70 the home rule
leadership, in 1850, Mr.. Gladstone
hailed his speech as showing an evident
, disposition 10 respect the functions OF
the House OF Commons and the spirit
OF the Constitution. In 1881 81 Guild
Hall, he announced that he would hai
with. satisfaction and delight ans
measure Of local government for Ire
land. ,sL
, Coming to the electoral campaign o;
1855. Mr.. Gladstone says, his great OBJ
I iect was 20 do nothing 10 hinder the
prosecution OF the question BY the
: Tories, but to use his best efforts TO i'm
press the public mind with the i'm, ort-
ance and urgency of the question. Ii wa:
in this smris that his Midlothian
address was written. The Irish ques-
ton was severed from the sgenerzf sub
ject OF local government. and i
. was pointed out that in would prob
3 tsbly throw into the shade al
osher important measures which
! we're ripe Once ripe, the time fOl
action had come Just IS II IL had been {
4 cornfeld. We were not to wait until
: it was overripe- The healing OF newt
able sores would only become 9 more
difficult growth of budding hopes
more liable to be checked and psrafyzec
? 4 oy the froSts OF politics. ~ ~
! In the second portion OF tie pam
!, phiet on the lessons OF the elections
/, Gladstone begins drawing certain les
sons from the Il. ctioEs as they effec
the liberal party. In the course o
!. some full calculations. ne estimates tbs
e loss TO the Liberal party from th'
a Unionist Schism az two-seFentAs Of u.
5 whole, but this fraction is distributed
he points ont veEy unequaily 2moni
the classes. it has comulanded I'VE
e si1 tbs. be says. OF the Liberal peers. ~
e not more than fone-twentfeth OF N
d Liberal workingmen- -
4 Gladstone points ont that, even nov
the Tories have failedto secure 81 ao