Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1886-05-04
FOREIGN NEWS.
GLADSTONE'S MANIFESTO.
What lie Has to Say About Opponents
10 Home Rule-The Premier sure of
His Course.


LONDON, MAY 3.
Gladstone has issued a manifesto TO hi.
constituents in which he says: Never have
known an occasion when a parliamentary
event so ragged throughout the world as the
introduction of this home rule bill. He goe.
on to say You must not be discouraged if
IN the upper ranks of society at home. YOU
hear variety of discordant notes, discordsnt
alike from our policy and from one and
another. Gentlemen YOU have before YOU
cabinet determined in its purpose and with
an lntelllgble plan of its own. | see yery
little else III the political area, either de-
termlned or Ineligible. | will now pro-
ceed to speak of the state of things within
and without Parliament and the nature and
import OF the next great step to be taken for
the progress of my measure.
speak now of the home rule bill and leave
the land purchase bill to stand on the declar-
alton already made, adding only an express
sion of regret to find that while the sands are
running from the hour glass, the Irish land
lords have given no indication OF desire to
accept the proposal framed in spirit of the
utmost allowable regard for their apprehen-
slons and interests. do not underestimate
the grave importance. of differences of opin.
ION among the liberals. Some are inclined
to rule the whole question against us by
authority. They say "Surely such num-
Der OF able, consistan1, even extreme liberals
would not have seeded except in obedience
to the imperative dictates of truth and rea-
son." will say nothing of the motives
which determined us to confront the risk of
such parting | earnestly recommend a
reference to the lessons which history sup
ia hp in
of liberalism that a section of the liberals,
under chiefs of distinction and ability, have
dissented from the general view of the party
to the delight and doubtless advantage of the
party.
There was an illustrious secession previous
to the war with Bonaparte; there was SINH
lar secession when it was proposed to discs
tablish the Irish church. but, eventually, in
both cases, it was proved that in principle
the party was right and the secession
wrong. Comparing these with the present
secession, 1T is impos slble not to be struck with
vital difference. In each previous seces-
sion the disentients agreed upon an active
substantial policy. 1t is not So now Some
are in favor of unlimited coercion, others of
a moderate dose, while few oppose coercion
altogether. On the other side some oppose
local government some would give i: to the
counties, some to the provinces.
All this is a pr of,not of the weakness of the
men, but of the hopelessness of their cause
We have at least the advantage of one voice
The secession, however estimable it may be
otherwise, Is perfect babel on the Irish
policy. lt Is admitted on all hands that
social order IS the nrst or all political aims.
Io secure TINS IN Ireland the liberals who are
IN secession offer hundred conflicting re-
i, 4.
monstrances OF else no remedles at all.
lhese remarks are applicable to the tories
as they are 10 the lloerals opponents to the
government measure make remarkable
omission IN their speeches. In each, whether
suggestive or ctltlcai, tney tall to express
confidence III tne permanent success OF their
opposition. 10 1--we from hand to mouth
seems to be the helgnt OF their ambition.
While they suspect that we all know that
strife can only enu IN the concession OF nome
rule. II TINS is so, the real question Is not the
triumph OF irish autonomy, but 1t Is the
length and character OF the struggle. There
fore we want to shorten; they want to pro
long the struggle. we say Glve freely ;
they by their acts II not by their words say :
let us only give what we can no longer hold
we say Glve now whlle the position OF the
k'ngdom In the affairs OF the world is free
and strong. Ihev prefer TO wait tor period
OF natlonsl dlfnculty that we may yleid 10 the
Irish demand IN terror as we did IN the war
OF l77S, as we did to the demands
OF the volunteers IN lIS2, as we DID
Bonaparte IN IDS and as we did IN the civil
war In 1879. We say Act now when mod
Grafton of thought and language rules IN
IRISH counsei,when by the Wiling concurrence
OF all sides every arrangement Tor the reser-
vatlon OF the imperial prerogatlves can be
made complete and absolute. They would
postpone until an hour comes when demands
may be larger, and means OF resistance less
We say Deal as matter between brothers,
matter of justice and reason. They renew
the tale, alas, often told, whose prologue Is
denial with evaporation and resentment,
whose epilogue is surrender without cOndi
tions and without thanks. Now, however, a
new tenor is brought upon the stage, the
tenor of home rule for Scotland and for
Wales. This suggestion does not alarm one.
Only give US little time to look at this
question in It's order of merit. l am not sorry
that Scotland and Wales nave been named
because all serious naming CT them serves to
help our movement in behalf of Ireland.
can draw no vital distinction of right between
the case OF Ireland and the other cases, but