Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1886-06-08

land will put stop to it. Renewed cheers
heferrlng to the recent ourages in Belfast
farnell claimed they were due TO local Sec
tionalism and explained their origin to show
that they we're begun and ended in a Local
religious dispute, which had no bearing on
the imperial issues at stake.
Speaking further Of the Belfast outrage,
details Of which have already been published
Parnell said:
l do not attempt To justify the occurrence
because twas a very sad one. Mr.. Goschen
spoke about the sovereignty of parliamen,
upon this point. l agree with the definition
gwen by Bryce. [cheersl We know perfectly
well we have always known since this bill
was introduced, the difference between CO.
ordinate and subordinate parliament. We
know that the legislature which the premier
wishes to constitute is subordinate parlis-
ment. Not Ike Gratton's which was CO.
equal Mr.. Gladstone, hear, hear arising out
OF the same constitution and in the same
manner as this parliament given by the SOW
ereign. We understand this perfectly well
and we should undoubtedly have preferred,
as stated on the introduction of the bill as
showing l could not accept this as the final
settlement of the question We should have
preferred restriction of the Grattan psrlia.
ment. 1t would have been more in accord
with the sentiments of the Irish people, and
sentiment goes long way with people like
the Irish. At the same time l am bound to
say, If l preferred the Grattan parliament,
there is practical advantages in the proposals
before US which limit and subordinate this
parliament to that in which We now sit.
1t may be of greater advantage to the Irish
people than parliament like sGrattsn's and
much more likely to be a final settlement OF
the question. [Cheers.]
Grattan's parliament had many disadvan-
tages. First, it had the House of Lords. We
get rid of the House of Lords under Glad.
stones constitution. ICheers.
True, there is to be in its place first or.
der, very salutory provision. I do no,
pledge myself to all the details and Qualifica-
tions' but say generally that the first order
Is very salutary provision which will tend
TO prevent rash legislation and immoderate
action. would rather see the bill hung up
10 years by body like the first order in Ire
land than see it hung up for single "a hour,
by this imperial Parliament. venture to
express the opinion that the existent action
OF the imperial Parliament, the constant mean.
OF overseeing, as is suggested by Chamber
| lain would not have the same success and
would not be so acceptable to the Irish peo-
Chamberlain's proposals would, | believe, be
mischievous and dangerous and would pre-.
vent any settlement being arrived at which
would be satisfactory to the Irish people.
quite agree that that which Gladstone offers,
namely, the responsibility of maintaining
order in Ireland by the Irish Parliament, is q
correct provision which no state could exist
without. The supremacy of the imperial
Parliament, however, will not be affected by
TINS If the Irish party executes the powers
gwen to 1t, while in some cases it may be
rendered more effective than ever In &C.
ceptlng the bill we accept honorably the OBJ
| legations and we pledge ourselves for the
Irish people, as far as we can pledge our
selves, that the power given shall not be
abused and to devote all the energy, ability
and influence we may have with our people
to prevent them from abusing the powers en-
trusted to them that if abuses do take
place the Imperial Parliament may intervene
in cases of grave emergency. You have
power, authority and force, and if abuse ses
are perpetuated, you have the remedy in your
own hands. In of this kind you would
have just the same authority YOU would hav,
whether this bill had been brought forward
or not. and this we recognize. | said tbi,
on the introduction of the bill. | said we
would accept it as final settlement aud that
believed the Irish people would do so.
will say no more upon this point but my
deeds have been siDgularly justified W.
have had this measure accepted by all lead
ers of every section of national feeling ir
Ireland, also outside of Ireland, in America
and every country where the Irish people are
found We have not heard single voice
raised against the bill bv an Irishman. Ger.
tainly not by any Irishman of nationals
opinion. Ofcourse there are sections anon.
Irish nationalist, just the same ss there ar,
! sections in the great conservative party. Ii
| fact, as far as it is possible for nation t,
accept the measure cheerfully, freely, thank
fully and without reserve, say that the IrsI
people have shown they have so accepted thi
measure.
Referring to the importance generally at
tached to the stand taken the Ulsterte
Parnell showed by figures that instead o
ranking first among the Irish countries 70
various interests, Ulster really ranked les
than one-third.
Speaking of references to Ulster, Parnel
said One would think that protestant Ire
| land was to be handed over to the tende
merces of thugs and bandits. What do thes
gentlemen mean by the protection of the
10y al minority? In the first place | wOult
ssk what they mean by 'loyal minority.
Goschen said he meant the same loyal minor
| ity as the one Gladstone referred TO. have
examined Gladslones references and fint
find that Gladstone referred to the whole
! province of Ulster
! Parneil confined at great lergth aniC
| intense enthusiasm.
At the conclusion Of Parnell's address, Si
Michael Hicks Beach took the rioor in oppo
si,iun. He was followed by Gladstone win
made most eloquent speech in behalf o
hume rule for Ireland. A. the conclusion o
| Gladstone's remarks, division was move'
with the result az heretofore stated.