National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1886-06-26
John nrIrht.s PosItIon.

THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN has already
had occasion TO nnnlyse the political career
OF Mr.. Bright, and 1t is now almost work
Of suporerogation to attempt repetition OF
the process, But his manifesto, just issued
to the electors OF central Birmingham,
calls for few comments upon the dete-
rioration of mind which has passed its
meridian.
There was a time when Mr.. Bright seemed
to the Englleh tories the incarnation OF au-
archy and Beelzebub. His advocacy OF
repeal Of the corn laws, OF an advanced
Irish land act, OF extended franchise, aud
his terrible denuncation OF the Crimean
war combined to make his name as terrible
in the country homes of England as that Of
Bonaparte had been In the early years Of the
century. But to-day this terrible iconoclast
is as mild hammered man as any follower
Of Judge Blackstone who ever believed the
British constitution to be the perfection Of
net only human, but divine wisdom.
All Mr.. Bright's old egotism in n good
cause appears with suudry additions in the
bad one defended In this manifesto. "f
cannot entrust the peace aud interest OF
ireland, north or south, TO the Irish parlla-
mentary party to which the government
now proposes to make general surrender.
My six years. experience Of them and their
language In the house Of commons and
their deeds in Ireland make It impossible
for one to hand over to them the industry,
prosperity, and rights Of FIVE millions OF the
queens subjects"
This is a very remarkable speech from
such man as Mr.. Bright. Apart from
the emphatic use of the first personal pro-
noun, which is audacious, even for
Quaker, the reference to the home rule
members and their obstructive tactics does
not come well from one who has proved
himself q grand master workman in OBJ.
struoting measures which he could not
| approve. When he speaks of the "lee lsn
OF the Irish members In Ireland 1t is dill
cult to know what he means, IL he really
Intends TO mean anything. What those
members really did In Ireland was what
Washington did in America during the
revolutions; they put courage into the
hearts and vigor into the loins OF people
whose natural spirit had almost been sup
| pressed by centuries OF enforced ignor-
ance, Of British landlordlsm, and British
bayonets.
Mr. Bright surely cannot mean to credit
the Irish members with the mutilation OF
cattle or the shooting at landlords. II not,
then what does he refer to2 II Is fitting
here to enumerate some Of the real deeds OF
the Irish members. They helped to pro.
vide food, purchased principally with Amer.
ican money, for thousands OF starving peo.
pie. They prevented thousands OF evlcted
tenants from starving on the road side
They broke down the impertlnent superior
ity Of ignorant and fanatical Orangemen
They have clearly shown for the first time
in Irish history, that the will Of the major
ity must rule. Such are few Of The
"deeds" OF Irish members, and We fail tc
see how Mr.. Bright refuses to entrust power
to men whose greatest fault seems to be
that they are heart and soul devoted to the
interests Of their own people.
In another part Of his statement Mr.
Bright falls into an error that has been com.
mitted SO frequently Of late by his tory
friends as to have warned him against any
parrot-like repetition Of the mistake. "NC
Irish parliament" be says, ''can be 81
powerful or just as the united imperial par.
lament at Westminster" We grant the
power, but what can reasonably be said
about the justice of parliament which foi
eighty-six years has kept Ireland In a state
Of siege and ruled exclusively by measure:
Of coercion? What eau be thought of the
capacity, power, or authority Of govern
ment which, after century of experience
in governing, finds that 100000 people ii
country OF which the whole population
amounts to only 10000 are more dissatis
fed with the English government to-day
than their fathers were a hundred years ago
1t is not pleasant to number Mr.. Brigh
among the foes Of liberty, but it is impos
sible to avoid doing so while he adopts tn
argument, II not the tone, OF Lord Salisbury
and fails to understand why the Celtic rae
In Ireland should claim the same amount o
freedom which the Saxon demands so i'm
periously in England.