The Superior times. [volume] (Superior, Wis.) 1870-1912, 1886-10-16

RICHMOND, Va, Oct. 5.-Followingis
! Grand Master Workman Powderly's
annual address to the Knights of
Labor convention:
To THE MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY:
| If We are guided by the experience of the past,
| and act accordingly, we can place the order up
| on footing so safe and sure that no assaul0
| from its enemies can iDjure 1t. II we are not
! guided by that experience, If we fail 10 read
Alright the signs of the times, and we close this
General Assembly without having improved on
the past, we win fail to properly represent those
/ who sent us here.
The rapid increase in organization since the
Hamilton session of the General Assembly was
most marvellous. An examination of the reports
| of the general secretary treasurer for the year
| ending July /, 1856, VIII show that in one year
| 4.O6S assemblies have been organized. The new
| members so suddenly brought together could
| not be properly assimilated. Thousands have
| been attracted toward the order through mere
/ curiosity; others have come for purely selfish
motives while the great bulk OF our new recruits
! have Joined US for the good that they could do.
| Quite a few have entered our order for the
| purpose OF redressing existing wrongs and be-
| fore waiting to learn anything concerning the
duty of the Knight TO the order, have plunged in
| to rash and ill-considered strikes. The troubles
| coming from this direction began while the last
/ General Assembly was in session. The car drivers
ofst Louis were organized under promise from
! the organizer that they would receive aid, un-
| stlnted, in case Of a strike. Even before the re
| celpt of their charter they were on strike Their
| proceedif gs were characterized by such utter
| disregard for our laws and teachings that the
| paid ard known agents OF their employers, the
detectives, had no difficulty in securing the pass
age OF motions of a violent character. 1t is an
| established 'act that men who were employed
ny detective agencies stood up on the floor OF
| that assembly made lntiammatory speeches urg-
| ing the men to deeds ofviolence, and urged that
| the property of the street-car companies be de-
| stroyed. 1t was only the good sense of the men
| that prevented such OutrageS from being
| trated, although these agents of nefarious spy
| system induced some desperate men TO blow up
| the cars upon the streets For these outrages the
| order was in no way responsible. The St. Louis
| car troubles were but the beginning of tidal
| wave of strikes and boycotts which swept over
| the country, and which strained the strength and
| resources of our general officers almost beyond
| their powers of endurance.
/ THE SOUTHWEST STRIKE
| began when the time and attention of the gener-
al officers taken up with other matters OF
vital importance. No notice of the contemplated
action was given to us, and we knew nothing
| whatever concerning it or the causes leading to
1t until II had been in progress several days.
1t has been asserted that condemned the men
| while they were on strike. No such statement
ever escaped my lips. The only statement OF
| mine that could be made to appear in the light
| of a condemnation was that contained in my
| secret circular of the 18th of March, a copy of
| which is herewith submitted. | did not approve
of that strike l could not do so, since confidence
| enough was not reposed in the General Executive
| Board to give them chance to examine into the
| grievances WHICH the members OF DlStrlCI AS
| sembly 10l complained Of 1t was only when the
| threat was made to stop every wheel in the
United States and engage the whole order in the
difficulty that / raised nv voice in denial. l did
that in defense of the order and the country
am quite willing to assume all the responsible
ties attached to the act and would do the same
thing again under similar circumstances.
That the men of the Southwest suffered wrongs
is true they were many and grievous: and it is
my hrm belief that the railway companies, with
full knowl ledge of what these grievances were,
precipitated The fight themselves at time when
it would appear TO the world that the strike was
| for an insignificant cause. / can co no better
than to submit the reports of Brothers Litchman
and Mcclure. These two members were by me
personally detailed TO so with the Congressional
committee, and with that committee examine
into the strike and its causes, so that an early
| report might be made TO the order by its own
representatives. If the position which 1 took
| during the strike was wrong, then the entire
order sustained me in it, for when l issued the
! appeal for aid to support those whom the CON-
panes refused to treat with, was most generous
| ly sustained, as reference to the report of the
general y-treasurer will show. The docu-
ments and correspondence relating to that strike
are at your disposal.
THE EIGHT-HoUR STRIKE
which took place May was not successful ex-
cept in cases where employers and employees were
acting in harmony, or where employers were
willing to adopt the plan. In many cases the old
system of working long hours has been revived.
The Federation of Trades recommended the lst of
May but adopted or suggested no definite plan by
which the short-h hour system could be inaugural
ed. 1 cautioned our members against rushing
into this movement. I had the right to do it.
and am firm in the belief that had not done so
great loss would have been entailed upon vast
numbers of our assemblies What said in my
secret circular of March Is has been severely cri
cised, and have been accused of opposing the
eight-hour movement. No statement ever was
| further from the truth. l opposed the strike OF
May because l knew that neither workmen nor
employers were ready for it, because the educa-
ton which must always precede intelligent
action had not been given to those most in need
fit, because no definite, business-like plan for
the Inauguration OF the eight-hour movement
had been mapped out. In fact, no preparations
had been made to put the plan, if 1t can be call
ed plan, into execution These are the reasons
why l opposed the movement May l, and for
these same reasons do still oppose it.
A reduction of the hours of labor is a necessity
and sooner or later must be had; but we must not
forget that in many places the ten-hour plan has
not been adopted yet 1t may do very well for
organization which looks after the interests OF
but one craft or calling to neglect those who
stand most in need of help, but a knight of Labor
must never close his eyes TO the wants of the
humblest of his fellow. creatures
| The very discussion of the sudden introduction
of the eight hour plan injured business much
| so that in many places men were reduced to half
| time or thrown out of employment altogether
Millions of dollars worth of work was left un
done because of the uncertainty IN regard tC
| taking contracts or in making engagements &c
| perform work. Never it more clearly dem
onstrated that IAN injury to one is the concern o
| all' than in the movement / am speaking of
| The householder, through uncertainty as to how
| many hours of labor his employees would worl
| Tor him, made no contracts to erect buildings
: and the carpenter was thrown out of employ
ment; the man who made the window glass, tht
man who made the nails-in fact. every man o.
woman engaged in the manufacture of articles
which go to build or furnish house suffered
through the attempt to enforce the eight-hou
system May l. The move was in the righ
direction, but the time ana circumstances wer'
not suitable. Before the eight-ho plan i
adopted the Knights of Labor and the trade
unions of America must lay aside their jealousie
and differences, come together name day OF
l which to put the plan into execution, adopt tn
plan of action, which must be gradual and suci
l as will not intiict injury upon either employer
| Workman. The plan presented by Mr.. Merton o
Chicago to the special session of the General AS
sembly at Cleveland is good one In nearly ever
. particular and if the workingmen's organiza
I, lions and the manufacturers associations agre
upon the putting into practice such plan il cal
be done without jar or friction. No working
, man need strike, nor need business be unsettled
, WHY should ii not be doneP Either adopt q pal
for the perfection of this idea else place it il
| the hands of the incoming General Executiv
| Board with instructions to perform the duty.
we do not do either let Us strike the twenty frs
8 decara1 ion from our preamble and no longe
| proclaim to the world that we are in favor G
eight hours for day labor
: LABoR-sAvING MACHINERY.
8 Before short hour system that will be be of an
e benefit to mankind can be inaugurated the rela
| ton which the workingman bears to the labor
| saving machine must undergo a radical change
| shorten the hours of labor under the present sy.
d TEN and the streets will be empted of their idl
/, thousands. More machinery viii be erected an
more CHliuTtI tdllcb luto stINlCS 70 Ittl tutI
Il The assertion that the advocate of short hour
desires to stop production is false II is to max
: production gradual, healthy, and have it kee
. pace with the wants of the consumer, keeping a
g men employed, so that idleness will disappea
and the producer remain consumer TO his full
est capacity, that we desire shortening of IN
n hours OF labor. Visit our large and small faC
! tories and you find that the mechanic of th
u past is but the feeder of the machine of th
b present. We already hear of machines in eourt
+ of perfection which viii set the type and moul
y the cigars faster than human hands can do III
work; and electricity VIII soon take the throttle
lever from the hands of the mal who runs tn
!, locomotive. The day will soon dawn when thes
q agencies will De doing their work; and, whe
y that day docs come. the mechanic now so prOu