St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1886-05-09
evltably imply diminuition Of wages. If

evitably imply q diminuition of wages. If
it be SO, then it will be question for work
ingmen themselves to consider whether
they will pay for their leisure. The testi-
mony of experience, however, again seems
to bear against this objection. The same
report of the Massachusetts bureau sums I'D
the conclusions of a careful investigation of
of the subject thus: This is true as a
rule that wages are lowest where the hours
of labor are longeSt-and wages are highest
where the hours of labor are shortest" In
this general form the rule commends itself
to everyone'S experience. Every land
records the same story. There is neither
time nor space to enter into the considera-
tons OF the reasons that seem to substan-
tiate this conclusion. 1t is far more
IMPORTANT FOR US TO KNOW
what has actually been the results of earlier
experiments in reduction of hours than to
theoriZe about the matter
1t Is said, further, that every individual
has right to work as long as he chooses,
and that no legislation should interfere with
this right. AbStractly, of course this is
true. But society is all the time interfering
with individual liberty i'll the interests of
the commonwealth. Prof. Jevons held
that the wishes of the individual laborer
were, to a certain extent to be diSregarded
IN dealing with this question where the
public at large was concerned. If ten
hours work daily affects the health of the
working man, SO that future generations
are injured, the individual desire to work
so long for the sake of earning money is
not to be considered. If the facts be that
the health capital of labor diminishes by
excessive toll, then it is the duty OF the
state to interfere for the sake of its future
citizens. This ought to be capable of being
demonstrated and is point of prime mo-
ment in this agitation. But these two
points should be kept diStinct-length of
labor and the conditions under which the
laboring is carried on. Many people are
GREATLY CONCERNED
as to the use to which labor will put its
leisure, if won. There is approximately too
much evidence that hosts of men would not
use it for self-improvement.b but abuse it for
Standardization. But this is risk that
must be run for the sake of the many who
would rightly employ this leisure. There
are hosts of such men, and there are good
grounds for believing that experience shows
a preponderance of encouragement over
diScouragement is this aspect of the case.
1t is said again as the final clincher of every
objection that legislation cannot achieve
this reform. 1t is true that legislation can
not affect it, if that legislation be greatly
in advance of public sentiment. But, on
the other hand there is no such effective
power to secure it when the time is ripe
and there is public sentiment back of the
measure which will enforce it. The agita-
ton for the reduction of hours from twelve
to ten in this country was carried on
through strikes and through riots until 1910,
when the president of the United States
issued his proclamation that ten hours
should be a
LEGAL DAYS WORK.
in all the establishments of the United
States. Two or three months after this
proclamation the system was introduced
through the manufacturing establishments
OF New Ell land and Pennsylvania without
any violence. A few employees held out
for while. but they had finally to submit.
The real question for the present hour, it
seems to me. is whether the public opinion
OF the country is ripe for such legislation
now. For one, we do not think it is. The
evidence of this is that it is found desirable
to call out such an expression of opinion as
is now being laid before the people in this
symposium. That evidence lies in the utter
cOntrariety of opinion that exists to-day.
and capital, it is needless to say,is very far
from being converted to this theory. If
the grounds on which its friends advocate
this measure are solid enough men will be
brought to take their stand upon this posi-
ton to win the day. After the agitation is
continued for few years,
TOO HNsTY ACTION
would throw the movement back. The
thing to be done, now it seems to me, is to
secure the widest possible discussion of the
subject, to make workingmen know the en-
ployers view of the matter and think it
over carefully and TO make capitalists I'M
derStand the nottingham view of the
subject, and to think it over carefully. The
mass of our thoughtful people prepared
to favor all reasonable measures 4foIsthe
welfare of labor, need to be convinced that
this particular measure is practicable and
wise. If they are convinced of this there
there will be force back of the movement
which will ensure its success. If they fail
of being convinced. 1t will be because the
evidence does not sustain the case-in
which event verdict for labor would be
set aside by higher court than the United
States congress. Even an apparently sue
cessful strike, if premature, might prove a
boomerang.