The clarion., 1886-04-28
The Negro in the South.

Mr.. Green starts out with the propo-
sition, conceded by nearly all persons
who have considered the subject from q
non-partisan standpoint, that the grant
Of the righ Of suffrage to the negro was
an error His analysis of the subject
contaius a declaration that the princi-
pie Of the Constitution, that all men are
politically free and equal, "can only
apply properly to people all Of one race
at is contradiction OF the ordinances
of God an3 the instinct Of man" says
Mr. Green, "to say that one race Is not
and shall not consider itself the superior
OF another" and be attributes the race
conflicts, in the South between The
negroes and the whites, and in the West
between the Caucasians and the MongO-
lians, to the effort on the part of the
inferior race to assert their declared |
equality.
NJ. Green uses the words trace" and |
caste" Interchangeable aud for that
reas n. unless the word race is sub |
stituted for caste whenever used by
him, some Of bis suggestions are as
applicable to differences in social posi-
ton between members Of the same race,
as to differences in race. For instance,
we note the following as some Of his
expressions. always having reference to
the race or chronological differences be-
tween the Caucasian and the Negro:
"Casteisin conflict with Republicanism." "
| ''But caste we have and it Is impossible
to imagine otherwise" "The sole de-
stroyer Of caste is anal gamation" 1--WE
have then these two ca.tes among us"
"As long as the castes occupy the same
soil the Government cannot preserve a
forced equality" Caste" has reference
to difference in condition or rank be.
tween persons Of the same race.
Differences in race may be destroyed
by amaIgamation; but it is hardly
exact to say that caste may be destroyed
by amalgamation The two castes"
referred to are manifestly the two races.
1t IS speaking with entire accuracy to
say that caste is in conflict with Re
publicanism, when discussing the po-
itical equality Of all persons in a Re-
public; but the expression is confusing
in discussing the race differences be
tween the negro and the white man.
AIr. Green admits the charge Of Mr..
Blaine and other Republican leaders,
that the actually free suffrage oftheS South
obtains representation in Congress more
than double what it should. To use his
WORDS: The South votes A dummy
and counts it against the actual vote of
the North" which, he says, is at war
with the principles of the Republic, and
cannot be tolerated.
The remedy proposed by Mr. Green,
involving, of course, an amendment to
the Constitution, we give in his own
words:
Another Freedmans Bureau to be
created by Congress, to whose jurisdic-
ton the execution of the plan shall be
| llAAl AoAChs W Abli AAiC foONtf iilnCiIt ldiIlS
Of the West, create a State or States for
the negro. Locate him thereon as is
done with the Indians, consigning to
each head of family as donation,
forty acroes Of land. Require them to
go and locate them there. Under the
auspices of said bureau, let their prop
erty in the present States be sold and
reinvested in their new home. Disfran-
LIZ IL
and a negro in the other States.
This would separate the races-destroy
the caste-make labor in the South dig
nified and honorable, and would secure
the negro a home and his freedom, and
above ali, it would finally end the war
and restore to the Union common
brotherhood.
We pass by the startling suggestion
that another Freedman's Bureau be
created-may the good Lord deliver us
from a repetition OF that iniquity-to
the main feature of Mr.. Green's colossal
plan, to-wit: the removal of the negroes
from the South and their location in the
West, which is so wild and impractica-
BILE, it will receive but little serious con-
sideration anywhere. But if the millions
of negroes in the South could be forced
to move into the West, what would
become of Che South? The negroes of
the South are its wealth. We may wish
that their places were filled by white
people, but they are not and would not
be for many long year, were they forced
q to emigrate. The South, without the
negro, for : generation at least, would
! be wilderness and waste; and with
e the exodus of the negro, would begin
p the exodus of the white man.
p The South has no desire to get rid ui
the negro. 1t is anxious to keep him
; and make him happy and contented
Whether this can be done under present
conditions remains to be seen. 1t is
P true that he will not be allowed tt
< control the white race; but whether the
5 necessity to deprive him of the ballot
e shall ever arise, depends much on the
d result of the experiment now being
!. tried, and on which we have barely
e entered.
Many thinking men, North and South
believe that the country will never b,
thoroughly harmonized, while the negro
is voter; and startling as it may seem
I there are not few AIississippians who
I would eheerfully yield repres entation in
Congress and in the Electoral College
: if only white men were allowed to vote
A movement with that object in view
may not be expected to originate in the
SJuth, but if started in the North would
find strong support in those States where
the presence of the negro at the polls i.
J a source of constant uneasiness.
As for oarseIf, we believe that the
. hour of danger to the South from Negro
+ suffrage is IN the past, and that while
!. the progress of the negro in the appreci
alton and full enjoyment of his politica
rights may be slow, in the end he vii
: learn to make that use of the ballo
: which will best snbserve the interests oi
a all. Whether because of insuperable
/; natural causes, or because of his pas
n environments, the race to which he be
longs is not the equal of the Caucasian
: race, Is inferiority is not necessarily il
the way of his making good and use
full citizen, capable of enjoying life, lib
d erty and the pursuit of happiness.
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