The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-04-10


some kind Of local legislature
Mr.. Chamberlains speech was received with
marked GOODNESS.
Lord Harrington, in an interview with Lord
Salisbury to-day, arranged that no motion be
made against the home-rule bill until the second
reading. Lord Harrington will oppose Mr..
Gladstone's bill, root and branch.
Mr.. Chamberlain has rejected overtures from
the Conservatives for q coalition. Among
the various Radical working clubs the
members feel the power Of Mr.. Gladstone. Sew
eral meetings were held tonight to discuss the
project of grand mass.meeting In support OF
the home-rule BILL It is understood that the
Tory leaders of the opposition to Mr.. Gladstone's
Irish scheme preferred to force a division on the
first reading Of the bill, but abandoned the idea
because Of Mr.. Chamberlain's strong opposition
to it.
In Paris Mr.. Gladstone's speech is the upper
most topic of conversation in literary and poiit-
ical circles. Most of the Partisan newspapers
comment approvingly on the Irish scheme. al
though some of them criticise certain OF its
minor features. The French editors all speak
with admiration of the courage and prowess OF
1Af. QloootOuo III ouUICoo A1O oAAS "a eA~SSSS
the hope that Mr.. Gladstone will triumph.
Sir John Lubbock. Liberal, said he believed if
the bill passed at all it would be against the
wishes of great majority of the people of the
country The bill was entirely opposed to the
views expressed by the Premier in his Midlo-
THAN speech, and it's result would be dlsmem-
berment of the empire.
The Marquis of Harrington rose to speak at
10 p. NJ and was loudly cheered. 1t required,
he said, no prolonged examination of the scheme
submitted last night. with so much eloquence
and ability, to say the project for establishing
future relations between this country and Ire
land was one which itwould be absolutely impos-
sible for them to make themselves parties to-
The distinguishing feature of the act OF union
was the creation of one sovereign legislature,
which was to be the sole legislative body for the
kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, and it
was the kingdom thus legislatively united that
was meant when they spoke Of the United King
dom of Great Britain and Ireland The country,
he said, had insufficient warning, it had no warn
ing at ALL that any proposals of the magnitude
and vastness Of those which were explained last
night were to be considered in the present Par
lament. much less that they were to form the
first subject &C.. consideration. lCneers.I The
House of Commons had no moral right to initi-
tiate legislation of which the constituencies
had not been previously informed.
If the proposals of the Prime Minister were
accepted by the Irish members, it would only give
them vantage ground for demanding fresh con-
cessions. Whatever might be the fate of the
measure, its introduction by q responsible Min
lister would have done much that could never be
recalled [Cheers. The measure would hence
forth be the minimum of Irish demands.
If, as he thought likely it did not
command the support of the people of the
country, its introduction without adequate con-
sideration or preparation would have added
vastly to the great difficulties of the future gov
ernment of Ireland. [Cheers.l He could not
believe the people Of England would consent to
the loyal minority in Ireland being handed over
to the majority without more effecrual and
more adequate protection than was afforded by
the provisions Of this bill. Loud cheers. Ii
the scheme was good for Ireland, it was good
equally for Scotland and Wales. If the latter
and the demand was conceded, the re-
suit would be that there would
be House of Parliament with every Scotch and
Welsh member excluded, acting imperial
legislature for the whole United Kingdom
[Cheers If the people of England and Scot
land thought injustice was being done to the
minority in Ireland. that minority would not ap
peal to them in vain, and he feared that IN that
way this bill introduced in the interests of
peace, was likely to occasion more serious dis
turbances than any that had yet arisen.
Lord HartingtonS speech met with better re-
ception than did that Of Chamberlain.
John Morley, on rising, was greeted with vo-
ciferous cheers by the Parnellites. He said the
debate tonight mad been a painful one. and he
little thought at the last election, that he would
be called upon in Parliament to vindicate his po-
sition against two of his oldest comrades in po-
litical arms. but the occasion had come, and he
agreed that the crisis was one in which private
feeling must yield to public considera
ton. Though he had little to fear in
ransacking Of past utterauces about Ireland, he
thoughts it would be better for the purposes Of
that high constitutional debate to pass great
amnesty and refrain from all attempts
to prove political Inconsistency. Neither
Chamberlain nor Harrington appeared
to realize that the immediate and pressing prob
lem before Parliament was how Ireland was to
be governed He regretted that Chamberlain
should have thought it necessary to have re-
ferred to Gladstone's statement, during the civil
war in the United States, that the South
made nation. That was mistaken
Judgment on a great historical occasion, but
history would judge it very leniently when it
looked back upon Italy, Greece and Bulgaria, and
now upon Ireland. AS to the course which Cham
berlain advised should be pursued in preference
to the scheme of the government. it was
the most extraordinary proposal ever made by
person of Chamberlain's eminence and char
acter. The preliminary measures would not
pass in hurry, and when passed they were only
to prepare the way for scheme of federation
which only existed in Chamberlain's active and
energetic brain.
Hrs, &c ~ tIxnn