New-York tribune., 1886-02-26


Probably oil President JOhnsons ultra-radical-
ism of speech in those days did not eacc the pain
fu impression produced at the North by this failure
TO remember the President whom the people had
loved and trusted-who, in the words OF Mr.
Blaine, had been prophet. priest and king TO his
people, who had struck the shackles from the
slave, who had taught higher sense of duty to the
free man who had raised the Nation to loftier con-
ceptOn of faith and hope and charity" let MT
Blaine does not disguise his feeling that President
Lincoln had profoundly erred in his earliest steps
toward reconstruction. which bad elected the
"Protest" signed by Senator Wade and Henry
Winter Davis. Of this address Mr.. Blaine keenly
observes The very strength of this paper was, by
one of the paradoxes that frequently occur III
public affairs. its special weakness. 1t VAS SO
powerful an arraignment of the President that OF
necessity it rallied his friends to his support with
that intense form Of energy which springs from the
Instinct of selfpreservation" Nor does Mr.. Blaine
believe that the course Mr.. Lincoln would hnaliy
have pursued toward the revolted States was
correctly foreshadowed by his action IN the
Louisiana case He was considering" lie declared
the very day before his death another step Of grave
importance: at NAV be nv duty to make some
new announcement to the people of tile South.
What that announcement might have been the
world can never know. But Mr. Blaine says:
Beyond his experiment with the Louisiana plan,
Mr.. Lincoln had never given the slightest lndlca-
ton either by word deed as to the spechc course
he would adopt in the rehabilitation OF the lDsnr-
rectIonary States. His characteristic anecdote OF
the yOnng preacher VINO was eXhoIteia nou ras 10
perfect illustration of the painstaking, watchful
habit in which he dealt with all public questions.
He invariably declined to anticipate an issue or
settle a question before 1t came TO MN III lts
natural. logical order (p. 49,
bo suhsanupnt courge of President johnson rs
attributed by Mr.. Blaine in large measure to the
personal influence of Secretary Seward, whose
great power over the minds of others is feciously
described The lOftiesU motives are ascrbed to the
Secretary for the influence he then exerted. lie
saw that the vindictive policy toward which Mr..
Johnson at first leaned wOuld do incalculable harm
to the country and therefore exerted all his power
to bring the President TO choose wiser path.
But that more moderate course quickly placed
Johnson under the influence of the politicians of
the South, whose batteries and artful appeals to
his prejudices established over him sway which
Mr. Seward was pOwerless to resist Moreover,
Mr.. Seward was constitutionally an optnist, and
was willing to place implicit faith i'll the coercive
power of selfnterest operating upon the men
lately in rebellion" But it was not long before he
learned. to his sorrow, III Mr.. Blaines Judgment,
that the malignant spirit of these men was per-
fectly suicidal in its disregard of the consiGera-
tions which would have ruled their action had
they truly sought IL cir welfare or the welfare
of their section. Thus by the terms of reconstruc-
ton which President Johnson proposed:
Unless some other form of denial or exclusion
should be announced-and none other apparently
was intended-the Presidents policy would end IN
promptly handing over 20 the AUTHORS and design
ers of the Rebellion the complete control OF the
States whose civil power they had wllfullY per
verted and turned against the National authority
1S INIT
ence in human nature had led him to believe that
this was wise policy. He believed 1t so hrlnly
that he had persuaded the President-against ms
own will and purpose-to adopt 1t. and to attempt
its enforcement. (p. ST. :: Ihe kindness
consideration. gentleness of Mr. Sewards recon-
mend9ti tions, instead of securing return OF Ike
feeling seemed rather to inhame the misjudgng
men of the South with a new resentment. Instead
of calling forth the natural and proper response
appeared rather to impress them afresh with that
vain Imagination of Northern tlmldity which had
always been the beSettng weakness OF tue south.
(p So. There can be no doubt that the
Objectionable and cruel legislation OF the Southern
States-examplcs of which might be indefinitely
cited in addition to those already glvcn-eXeried
strong influence upon Mr.. Stewards mind. 1t is
well known that, to those who were on intimate
terms with him, he expressed a sorrOwiul surprise
that the South should respond with so III grace TO
the liberal and magnaniinous tenders ol sympathy
and friendship from the National Administration
He could not comprehend why confidence dld not
bcget confidence, why generosity should not eau
forth generosity in return There are good reasons
for believing that Mr.. Seward desired some modif-
cation of the Presidents policy OF Tecorstructlon
after he comprehended the spirit which had been
exhibited by the Southern conventions. and the
still more Objectionable spirit shown by the South
Elm Legislatures. lp. 1919
No part of Mr.. Blaines book is moro powerful
than his recital Of the of Southern organiza
tons at this time and of the character Of the laws
enacted TO reduce the negro to condition far worse
than slavery. generation of voters has come INTO
power since these infamous enactments were
divided as the first response of pardOned rebels to
the unparalleled generosity Of the Government and
IL would be well for the country if every such
voter could learn from the dark pages of this record
what the spirit of the South was-and is. For,
as Mr. Blaine Justly says the excuse always made
for these enactments is fraudulent one;
Even the paltIy pretext, alterward so often adj
yanced, that they the Southern leaders, were
irritaed and maddened by the nterposition of car
pet bag power does not avail in the least degree
for the Outrages in the era under consideration
When Mr: johnson issued his proclamation ol II, re-
known element in the Southern states. What was
done during the year Immediately following the
surrender of the rebel armies was dohe a h
belief that the Presidents policy would protect
hem in il. (p. 1867
Nor does Mr.. Blaine overlook the pow crful inlu
ence which the encouragement of Northern Demo
Gratis had at that time, as at every subsequent step
in upholding every infamous act devised by inc
most desperate and shameless men of the South.
Then and ever since, the Northern Democracy has
seemed to have no conscience, no humanity. nc
patriotism to restrain it from encouraging every
crime medtated by the worst OF the Democrats al
the South
Such was the state of things when Republican
Congress began to devise measures OF reconstruc
ton The long contest which follow ed the mulisl
resistance and finally the passOnate resentment
of President Johnson; the repeated efforts of Con
gress, sometimes thwarted by vetoes, and some
times By deliberate maladministratlOn, and often
Mr. Blaine frankly states by the inadequacy oil
unwisdom of the measures dev Ised by the ReDub
lcan majority; the framing of reconstruction acts
and supplemental reconstruction acts, and finally
of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution
are all described by Mr.. Blaine with great fulnes
and accuracy Every reader. however high hi.