The Valley Virginian. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1865-1895, 1886-06-17


road we must follow. We must follow the
other road of confidence in the Irish PEG
ple." Now. Sir, to end this state of things
in Ireland the Prime Minister has intro
duced a bill for the better government OF
Ireland. What does this measure propose
to do? 1t proposes to give to Ireland a
domestic legislature for the management
of purely Irish local affairs. I admit that
the powers conferred upon this domestic
legislature are rather limited. am also
prepared to admit that the ideal national
self-government which Irish Nationalist
have pictured in the past will not be real
lied by Mr.. Gladstone's scheme of Home
Rule. | also admit that some of the
restrictions placed upon the Irish Legis-
lature are needlessly irritating. But l
contend that we Irish Nationalist would
be wanting in true patriotism to our coun-
try if we did not give to Mr.. Gladstone's
proposals a cordial acceptance, and show a
sincere desire to meet an honest and earn
est willingness ON the part of British
statesmen to try and put an end once and
forever to the Anglo-Irish struggle. We
cordially accept
THE PRINCIPLE OF MIR. GLADSTONE'S
SCHEME
-(cheers)-as conceding to Irish Nation
alists what has been the handspring of
their actions during the last eighty-siX
years. (Cheers,) 1t recognizes the right
of the Irish people to legislate for them
selves on purely Irish matters in their
own way on their own soil. CHEERS
And with reference to those restrictions
to which | have alluded, believe that
when few years of peace and content
ment in Ireland show how needless were
these safeguards, that they will be re-
moved and by thus removing those jeal-
GUS safeguards give to the Irish people
that full measure of self government which
is their aspiration and their demand.
Speaking on the question of
IRISH REPRESENTATION IN LONDON
Davitt said :
Now, Sir, | come to a portion of this
scheme in discussing which it is possible
that | will not carry with me all your
opinions. The strongest objection made
to Mr. GladstOne's scheme by Radicals, at
least Of Great Britain, is that it will ex
clude the Irish members from Great Brit
ain. Well, this new born legislative affec-
tion for Mr.. Joseph Bigger and his col
leagues must be highly hattering to the
Irish representation. Time was-not
English or Scotch paper, or read a pro-
nouncement from any responsible member
of Parliament in Great Britain. would
find the sentiment expressed
that all that Britons desired for the peace
and welfare of the Imperial Parliament
was to bundle the Irish members bag aud
baggage over to Dublin. Now, however,
there is change in this opinion. l will
discuss with you for a few moments
whether this change is reasonable or
otherwise. [ think the objection to the
exclusion of the Irish members from the
Imperial Parliament is largely due to
hasty conclusions. Now, want you to
consider this. not so much from all Irish
as from a British point of view. Con-
slider the helplessness to which the
machinery of the Imperial Parliament has
been reduced through the presence of a
large and well:organized representation
from Ireland. You know-and, doubtless,
many of you feel a grievance with refer
ence to the fact that legislation for Eng
land, and for Scotland, and for Wales has
been practically at standstill for some
time, owing to the presence, and the
force, and
OBSTRUCTIVE TACTICS IN THE HOUSE OF
COMMONS
of the Irish Parliamentary representation.
You will admit that the picture am how
about to draw of this situation in West
minister is not a fancy one. Why does
Parliament now sit for half year at
least. and often to little purpose? Why
are the days and nights frequently spent
in Improbable discussion till members
fall asleep on their benches and become
tired and Indifferent? Why is night
turned into day, Summer into Winter :?
The answer is still the same-"Ireland,
Ireland, Ireland BY undertaking to
legislate for all the affairs of Ireland,
local and general, as well as for those of
England and Scotland and Wales, the I'm
perial Parliament has involved itself in a
maze without an issue, and through it
sweat and toll, yet it cannot get through
it's duty. Thus experience has shown
that it cannot perform, ard therefore the
sooner it gets rid of a part of the burden
the better for itself, for Ireland, and for
Britain. You will probably think was
reading portion of an article that might
have appeared u couple of years ago in the
leading organ of culture and light to which
my friend here is attached, but the fact is
am quoting from a pamphlet written in
1876 hevery year l was born. This state
Of things then obtained in the Imperial
Parliament. Your legislation had to wait
because of the presence in the Imperial
Parliament of the Irish representation
clamoring about Ireland. That has gone
on for the past 40 years. and | think the
statesman who now comes forward with
a rational and constitutional measure to
put AL end to this state Of things is
worthy of the gratitude of the British as
we'll as Of the Irish people.
THE ORANGE THREATS.
On the civil war threats of the Ulster
Loya,ists. Davitt spoke as follows
Well, Sir. the next objection to this
Constitution for Ireland comes from u
ster. 1t is know as the Ulster opposition
You have been told-it has been declared
from hundreds Of platforms-that if Home
Rule is given to Ireland Ulster will rise il
Rebellion, and you will be confronted will
civil war. The people who talk in thi.
strain boast of their loyalty to the Empire
Yet, if the Imperial Parliament in it,
wisdom thinks fit to pass a law which will
obtain her Majesty s signature, those crean
de la creme of the Loyalists of Ireland will
not abide by any such law, they will TAX
up arms, ard they will not only fight Ire
land, but the whole of the British Empir
at its back Well, Sir, l maintain that W
have heard all this kind of braggadocia be
fore, and that nothing came of it. L
| 1868, when Mr.. Gladstone contemplate
the disestablishment of the Church, MI
L