The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-06-23
lie Asks that Ireland Be Dealt with Under the
Law of Kindness, and Declares Uniform
ity of Government Bad Principle.
Additional Evidence that the Tories at
One Time Sought Irish Support.
The French Senate Passes the Bill for Expul-
sion of the Princes in the Shape in Which
1t Was Received from the Deputies.
THE HoME-RULE CANVASS.

Gladstone Discusses Home Rule and Its Re-
lations to the People of Scotland.
LONDON June 22.--The arrival Of Mr.. and
Mrs Gladstone at Glasgow to-day was the signal
for great demonstration Thousands of people
had awaited at the station to greet them and
when they alighted from the train and entered
their carriage they were cheered and cheered
again by the enthusiastic multitude. Hengler's
Circus, in which MIR. Gladstone was announced
to speak, was packed from floor to ceiling. Mr..
Gilbert Breth was chairman Of the meeting.
When the Premier and his wife and Lady Aber-
deem entered the building they met with hurri-
canes of applause. The audience sang "Auld
Lang Syne" and Hes Jolly Good Fellow"
Mr. Gladstone upon rising said he was con-
fdent that Glasgow would do true and solid
Liberal work at the coming elections. He
would to-day deal with portion of the great
Irish question which had hitherto been un-
touched namely, that portion which peculiarly
affected Scotland. He would take his text from
the famous DR.. Chalmers who, in 1918, referred
to the 'Impossibility of crushing the Irish peo-
ple," and added that the almighty arm Of kind
ness would be irresistible" [Cheersl Those
words, the speaker said, were words Of high
Christian wisdom. He asked his auditors to ap-
proach the question inspired with such senti-
ments. He wished to deal with three points
the security of Protestants in Ulster, the argu-
ments deduced from the union of Scotland
and England, and the question of home
rule for Scotland. [Cheersl He denied
that under the home-rule bill Ireland
would be an independent country There were
clauses that fobade Ireland to legslate for the
establishment or endowment of any religion.
The Parnelltes joyfuly accepted the clauses.
and they had always proved that they were in
favor of religious freedom. Besides, the royal
veto would remain; therefore, alarms were
groundless and frivolous. Lord Harrington
complained that he made no advance on the
Ulster proposals in the original scheme. Well,
Lord Harrington made no effort to help do so.
Again, Major Saunderson, in behalf of the
Oraugemen, advanced the view that the ma
jority of the Irish should be compelled to adopt
the will of the small minority. Mr.
Parnel wanted the assistance Of every
Irishman in the work of governing
Ireland. The government was open to consider
every reasonable proposition, if such could be
devised for the purpose of giving separate salts
faction to that portion of Ulster in which
Professionalism greatly prevails. But the fears
that the Catholics would persecute the north,
whore the Protestants were strong enough to
protect themselves, were quite baseless. The
union Of England and Scotland was essentially
different from that Of England and Ireland. The
fundamental difference was that Scotland was
always able to hold her own. Scotland met Eng
land on a footing of equality, and the union,
with the lapse Of time, recommended itself to
the minds and hearts Of Scotchmen, whilst the
entire Irish nation was against the union Of that
country with England Now, he had said Scot
land had become gradually satisfied with the
union; but if great majority of the people of
Scotland wished to manage her local affairs
within her own borders did they think, if they
arrived at clear conclusion to that effect, that
if out Of seventy-two Scotch members Of the
House of Commons, sixty united as one man in
demand for a change, that England dare, or
would wish, to refuse them2 Cheers.
He ridiculed the proposals of the National
Radical Union to leave undealt with the ques-
tion of Irish local self-government, subject
which was ripe for discussion, while the country
dealt with local government for England and
Scotland, question which was not ripe for dis
cussion. Mr.. Gladstone thought that tais pro-
posed cast-iron uniformity of institutions for
England, Scotland, Ireland and Wales was a bad
false and vulgar principle. In dealing with the
subject of local government the special wants of
the different peoples must be considered, and
the special history of these people. The main
question was whether Ireland was to have free
government be overridden by England and
Scotland. They knew now what Ireland wished
for. Ireland had not asked for an innovation.
because she had Parliament until it was taken
from her, in 1900, by a mixture of fraud and
force. She only said '1n Gods name, as you,
have failed. allow US to endeavor to govern our
selves" Scotland, the speak er continued, had
| always sent reformers to reformed Parliament;
would she do so again. [cries Of ''yes'l or would
| she send Conservatives If she chose the latter
course, the responsibility would be hers not his
| In conclusion Mr.. Gladstone appealed to his
auditors to give their votes in favor of work of
| peace and justice. His closing words were
hailed with loud and prolonged cheering.
| Mr.. Giadstonels journey from the meeting hall
| at Glasgow the railway station was a grand,
| triumphant procession. His carriage was es-
corted by body of police. Every point of
vantage around the station had been fought for.
| The streets were filed with a solid mass Of hu-
manity, shouting itself hoarse. Mr.. Gladstone
showed no sign of fatigue. On the platform a
| splendid bouquet was presented to him, and
| there was a rush to shake hands with him as
| the train started Lady Aberdeen travelled on
the same tran and after time joined the
Premiers party. Crowds were waiting at every
station They cheered the Premier and called
for speech. Mr. Gladstone In most instances,
returned few words Of thanks At Carlisle he
made short speech in reference to the Unionist
candidate there Hia remarks Wsre received