The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-01-04
LETTERS FROM THE PEOPLE.
The Temperance Question.

is the question with which a class Of temperance
people ere struggling. In previous letter to the
editor was pointed out the very palpable error
that she liquor traffic was created. or is now sus-
tanned or promoted by law. But many still de-
clare that their consciences forbid so much of the
recognition of the traffic as is involved in what is
termed high license" more properly speaking.
tax, and therefore in all conscience they must
oppose this and all other measures except prohi-
biton, while knowing at the same time that the
latter has been voted down utterly in Indiana.
Now let as look briefly into this matter of con-
science-serving and see whether or not ithas
limitations. An enlightened conscience is
guiding factor in mans life. 1t was the
awakening of the moral sense which aroused the
Nation to the enormity OF evil involved in the
slave traffic, and the institution of slavery in
this country. Perhaps moro than any other one
thing, "Uncle Toms Cabin aroused the public
conscience on this question. 1t is through
knowledge of the wrong that the conscience is
awakened against il. And so it has been by the
educational forces that reforms in all directions
have proceeded At first single voice is
heard as forerunner. Like the echo
from the distant hills. it falls OH
the ears of others, and elcits hundred other
voices. Faithfully serving their own consciences.
these go multiplying till out of the single
voice comes the consensus. and then reform is
achieved. These have been the steps and pro-
cesses by which every reform the world has
known has been reached
The conscience does not accuse one for the
seeming faults of the majority. II it seems to
do so one may be sure it is not con-
A-.A
fore, this service is limited in individu-
ais to the sphere Of individual possibilities At
the point where that ceases arises the consensus
the public conscience-a palpable factor in
communities and governments always reckoned
to be relatively nearer right than the individual
conscience That is fact borne out in all his
tory, the warp and wool of all forms of govern
ment Force republican form of government on
Austria and you would commit crime, though
ID would satisfy an Americans conscience. Bring
Austrias form here and it would be crime,
though it would be sanctioned by an Austrian's
con science. One may always-ought always
voice the right as he sees the right. But one
cannot always put his ideas in forms of law, or
ganic or statute. On this temperance question
thousands can in truth say that the wrong does
not lie at all our doors. Harm came to the
nation and army, though but one man secreted
the golden wedge. We cannot get away from
the fact that each individual is the unit of com
mon factor at the hour of action, and that as he
stands in the column, or skulks so does he
bring victory or shame. joy or grief
to the public conscience, Though
acting up to the ideal of his own conscience if by
such action harm comes to the community and
state, does not serve his own conscience.
The rule of action is the public conscience when
the possibilities of individual action is reached
and that is sacred the duties of the individ
ual within his sphere To illustrates: All can see
now that if Abraham Lincoln had issued his
cln
dividual consciences demanded he should, the
struggle would have been a long and uncertain
one. Again. if those whose individual con-
sciences against slavery had quit the army for
the reason that Mr.. Lincoln declined because the
government thought the hour had not come
then would the war for the Union have failed
utterly. Thus it is seen how paramount the
public conscience is over that of the individual
The limitations of the latter is the range of in
dividual possibilities, while that of the former
is bounded only by all the resources of the gov
ersTnent including all its units. If there were |
no limitations to individual action from the |
leading Of conscience. then would all law and all
authority to which the individual conscience OBJ |
jects be put at naught, and would anarchy |
ensue where civil government prevails. The |
fact that principle is concreted into law does |
not change the relation Of the conscience to it.
Nor is the application of the principle different
when it is known that the division Of individual
opinion is as to 81 per cent. Three per cent |
may with great propriety urge their personal
right to throw ones influence with the wrong
side, or to withhodit Whoever has not learned
that, under Providence. governments have con-
sciences to be served sacredlv. has not learned
oil that is involved in citizenship in a govern
ment with a free ballot. The world and its af-
r-fairs are not sentiment or idealsm, but ponder
Gus facts and realities
few have had the temerity to aver that tax
ing the traffic, where it cannot be extinguished,
: encourages rather than represses 1t. In GER
tain town in Illinois. under their localoption
law. they voted for allowing the saloons to con-
tinue under the high-tax feature. The tax was
put at 81. 600 by the people. Two saloons braved
it a while, but failed under the burden. and now
that town has no saloon. Was the traffic en-
couraged and promoted in that instanceg Any
one ought to be able to see that high tax is a
scouragement-certainly these directors would
were they taxed out of existence. But the will is
subject to the desire under conditions of preju-
dice and preconception
Saloons and the liquor traffic are an awful bur
dcn on any state and its industries. But so is
taxation burden. No one would for an in
slant claim that saloons must be maintained in
order to raise revenue to carry on civil govern
ment for most intelligent people know that they
are themselves greater taxation on civil gov
eminent than any amount of revenue it would
be possible to derive from them. But mnori
ties cannot excuse themselves and wash their
hanes OF the wrongs which majorities allow to
exist, by refusing to take possible measures of
repression against the wrong which they can
not wholly eradicate Such refusal would be
making the liquor traffic free and on equal foot
ing with legitimate pursuits. That would be
removing such badges of dishonor as
it 10 now possible to put upon
it. and while 1t does exist by common con-
sent without law, as il originated before law
then it would have no law discriminating against
it, and therefore appear honorable in the sight of
all men. The issue which is presented in cities
is the policy of putting the traffic under the ban
of high-tax law on the one hand, and free
whisky and no law the other. The liquor
men demand that there shall be no discrimina
tion against them, and therefore free whisky.
1t plain that, for the present, in the cities of
. this State one or she other of these policies
must prevail. Hundreds of thousands of
citizens who want and vote for the
ufkar axtinctinn of the xhola traffic