Clarksville weekly chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1873-1890, 1886-09-25

y assumed the prefogauve OF regulating almo
ali matters OF commerce at its discretio
Patents to deal exclusively In particular 4
, Ilcles, generally OF foreign growth, but reac
e ings In some Instances TO such ifnportant N
v eessaries OF life as salt, leather and coal hl
} been lavishly granted 10 the courtiers vii
: little direct advantage 10 the revenue. The
l. sold them 70 the merchants, who of cours
enhanced sa the price to the utmost ability
noppieS hsd rne Srleyance Of m'
! scarcely any article was exempt from the
: oppressive patents. When the last of thel
} was read over In the House member es
4 claimed, us not bread among the nutnberq
The House seemed amazed. Nav said h,
III no remedy Is found for these bread wi
: be there before the next Parliament"
| A remedy was found; Raleigh, Rob
ert Cecil, aud Bacon, and other bene
tclaries OF this most ancient and hon
orable system OF protection, as distin
guished from revenue tariff, had tC
surrender many OF their privileges, ant
though the pernicious principle re
mained the evil was greatly mitlgated
One courtier had the privilege of dis
posing OF tavern licenses, and its abus,
stirred up the wrath Of the people. Al
an outgrowth we had in England thu
East India Company, and in France al
the time OF the Revolution the right to
labor had quite effectually been taken
away from the common people, and
special licenses had to be obtained be.
fore man could in any but the most
menial tasks seek to earn his daily
bread.
In modern times the only legal mon
opolies are, with the exception OF the
post-offlce, created by our laws relating
to copyright and by our patent laws,
and whatever abuses we may complain
OF IN this connection are due not to lib
erty but to restrictive legislation.
Ii there were tendency in the devel-
opment of our railroad system, or in
our legislative control of these corpora-
tions, toward real monopoly our people
would do well to oppose it, for it would
be return to the practices of the dark
ages it would be, not advance, but re-
action, substituting for freedom of ac-
tion, for freedom OF motion, for freedom
of thought, governmental or corporate
restriction.
AS a matter OF fact there is nothing
in the history OF our railroads, and less
in their essential characteristics which
will justify the appellation OF monopoly.
Most of the practices of which com
plant is made arise not from the exer-
else OF monopollstlc privileges, but
from excessive competition. The most
inhamed critic Of the railroad manage
ment will admit that the charge OF one
and one eighth cents per ton per mile is
reasonable, but he adds that it is ''dis-
elimination" which works the mischief
not that the rate to non-competitive
points are too low. This, at least, is
not the result Of monopoly.
Further, railroads can be built in
America in any direction without re-
gard to local necessities, and when
ever line between any two points be-
comes profitable, another may be built
to divide the business. "Three trunk
lInes," SAID Mr.. Vanderbilt wears ago.
"and not business enough for one epj
Now, under the privilege open to all to
build wherever and whenever they
please, we have six trunk lines. | do
not know State in the Union which
does not make the path OF man in
search OF railroad charter extremely |
smooth and broad. Indeed, legislation
Is always tempting capital into such |
ventures by giving to the new lines
special privileges which the established |
lines do not enjoy. Itpromises exemp-
ton from taxation, subsidies from
towns or counties, rights OF way free OF
cost, and, as in Tennessee a few years
ago, exemption for a period OF ten years
rom any interference with rates by a
railroad commission.
Furthermore, the most thoughtful
writers on these topics have recognized
he fact, and have pointed to excessive
railroad building as an evil of great
involving many serious per-
olexities. l see no dangers that can not
be easily averted averted by very
simple course OF conduct. If every
orm OF government, national, State and
municipal, will decline aid to rail
'oads, will deny all privileges of taxa
ion for their benefit, will refuse land
grants and subsidies, and will SUBJECT
hem to exactly the same rate of taxa
ion as other property and nomore, |
I'M certain that not mile Of railroad
will be built in ten years which bus-
less does not either directly or in
lirectly justify.
But the point ] mike here is that
We can not speak OF railroads as mon
,polies, when all admit that one grow
ng evil is excessive railroad building.
oaofessor Hadley, whose recent writ
ngs on railroads. are so suggestive, saws,
n his work on Railroad Transporta-
ion," p. 81:
0verproduction, OF which we hear so much.
s small matter compared to this: mere
can be remedied in a few
months. Overinvestmentm means lasting over
till the investment itself is worn
ut or until the business of the country slow
y grows up TO a higher point. Our present
ricis is directly Connected with ill-iudged
reimbursement; the folly of investors pro-
Toked 1t, the inclination of the managers
avored 1t, the knavery of the rings was abie
o make profit from IL. Under the stress of
MS experience great many favor a limita-
lon ofrailroad building.
In the document submitted to the
orussian Parliament in 1879, accom-
,anying a bill providing for the pur.
'hasse by the State OF the railroads, and
which IS even yet the strongest argu-
nen1 for State ownership, the disadvan-
ages OF unrestricted competition are
ct forth at great length, and it is de-
'lared that "many and extensive lines,
numerous and costly structllreS (hridoes