The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-03-05

abuse that | would not resort to it with the pur-
pose to establish an undertaking ard unlimited
policy, and would exercise it only under the
stress and pressure of the most urgent circum-
stances. Without meaning to exaggerate the
evils liable to grow from the disproportionate
distribution of wealth, Mr.. Gibson said it would
have TO be admitted tAateducation was indispen-
sable for the welfare of a popular government;
indispensable. too, for the solution of problems
involved IN the relation of citizens to the States
and the limitations upon corporations.
The people. he said. will be
enabled to govern themselves with
universal suffrage, by means of universal
education; or sooner or later they will be gov
erned, as In all the most powerful nations of Eu-
rope. by permanent class distinctions. with spe-
cial privileges. Our own country is the only ex-
ceptlon to this rule among great and rich ma
tions. Let US invoke any influence and agency
before The population becomes too dense and I'M
wieldy IN favor of popular rights and education
as the surest safeguards Of Republican govern
ment. Better an intelligent ballot than the bay
oneC better cooperation and good understand
ing than measures of repression. The South of
to-day is not in all respects the South as she
stood before the world twenty-five years ago.
Never was discontinue and ruin of a country
more complete. The exhaustion of Prussia
under Frederick was not more thorough. Sue
ceeding her military overthrow she witnessed all
u6E lOCdl luStltuL1OuS, IuuuStTldt, uuduCidl, 0uu
cational and religious, all the organized forces
of her society shattered and pulverized-their
very foundations torn up and destroyed, a COM
plete bouleversement-and her political rehabili-
tation committed chiefly to her former negro
slaves. elevated not only to be free men, but en-
franchised and intrusted with political control.
The conditions referred to, Mr.. Gibson main
tanned, warranted the legislation of this bill as a
temporary expedient to meet a great public exlg-
encv. The aid offered should be regarded not as
Ic&lu hrooA h1% a % ~on1;asnn Con q 49, ua N ~f;Cnal
disorder.
Mr.. Logan moved his amendment, already
suggested, increasing the appropriation to a total
amount of $136, 000, 900 in ten years, giving the
first year $15, 600. 600, the second $l7. 600, 600, the
third 500, 0OO, 900, the fourth $18, 900. 900, the fifth
SIG, 600, 900, the sixth $14. 900, 900, tine seventh
$12, 600, 900, the eighth $40, 000. 900. the ninth &c.
600, 900. and the tenth 6 5000, 600. Mr.. Logan
spoke in support of his amendment. If we were
going to do anything for education, he said, we
should have the nerve to do enough to do some
good. Before we get through with the educa-
tional subject we will find that we should have
expended $3.50, 600, 900, and he would not be sur
prised if it proved to be double that sum. What,
then, he asked. was the use of appropriating 81
900, 900 for one year? That would accomplish
nothing.
The amendment was ~rejected-yeas IL. nays
80. Q
Mr.. Logan then, ITO see, he said, whether
our educational friends mean what they say
moved another amendment, already suggested
by him, appropriating So. 900, 900 to aid in build
ing school-houses in communities OF sparse pop
~ulation, among people who would find it compar-
atively difficult to erect schooi-houses.
After some debate, Mr.. Logan increased the
limit of expenditure under his amendment to
$3.50 instead of 800 for each school house.
Mr.. Van Wyck failed to see how the bill would
be of much use to the comparatively poor,
those comparatively unable to bear the burden
of taxation, unless a sufficient amount for school
buildings was provided. He said the Compare
lively" poor could receive no benefit from the
$77, 600, 900, because. to begin with. they could
not build school houses. You were, therefore,
appropriating solely for the districts already able
to provide for themselves, putting money into
the pockets of the wealthy. The Senator from
Louisiana Mr.. Gibsonl had Landed universal
suffrage, and said education was necessary forlt.
But this bill denied education to the people who
most needed it. Gentlemen thought this bill
was to be the "open sesame" to universal suf
frage. Why was it that universal suffrage was
not secured already in the Union? The Senator
from Massachusetts, [Mr. Hoar] had often said
on the floor of the Senate that universal suf-
frage was denied in several of the States. Why
was that9 The voting of the colored men of the
South was nauseating to the white people.
Would those white people be any better satisfied
with the negroes voting when they should be-
come educated? He appealed to the Senator
from South Carolina [Mr. Hampton for infor-
nation.
Mr.. Hampton said he, personally, was not OBJ
noxious to the criticism made by Mr.. Van Wyck,
for he Mr.. Hamptonl could claim that he was
the first man in the South, after the war, and, he
believed, the first in America. that proposed to
give the negro the right to vote, and he did that
Immediately after the war.
Mr.. Van Wyck was proud to hear that, but
asked, 'Did the white men of South Carolina
follow your example in that directionq Did the
people of Mississippi follow your example? There
was the misfortune. There had been a leader
with the right impulse, but the followers were
rebellious as of old"
Mr.. Voorhees, said the Senator from South
Carolina mr.. Hampton] was too modest to say
what he Mr.. Voorhees, would say: that the peo-
of South Carolina had so far followed that dis
tinguished Senator as to make him Governor of
that State in way that stuck, and the negroes
had made him such Governor.
Mr.. Van WICK was glad of that, too, and glad
to know that Mr.. Hampton was bold enough and
brave enough to stand up in advance and advo-
cate the principle that had become so important
a feature of the Constitution. Mr.. Van Wyck
disclaimed any unkindness in his remarks.
Mr.. Logan's amendment was adopted, and the
debate for the day then closed.
Mr.. Plat said that, owing to the desire of
many Senators to express their sympathy with
his colleague Mr.. Hawleyl in his sad affection
1.-THE death of Mrs. Hawleyl. he would now move
an adjournment Of the Senate. This. he said,
would give Senators an opportunity of attending
the funeral services.
The Senate then adjourned.