The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-05-20

when Douglas visited Springfield ILL.,, to make
that great speech in the latter part Of April
1861 the writer went there also. to and talk
over with him the grave situation of affairs, not
only in the Nation generally, but particularly IN
Illinois. And on that occasion Mr.. Douglas said
to him substantially The time has now ar
rived when man must either be for or against
his country. Indeed, so strongly Go feel this,
and that further dalIiance with this question is
useless, that shall myself take steps to join the
army and fight for the maintenance OF the
Union
ITO this the writer replied that he was equal
ly well convinced that each and every man must
take his stand and that he also 'purposed at an
an early day to raise regiment and draw the
sword in the Unions defense
This was after Sumter, and only seventy
days before Congress was to meet in called SEES
sion. When that session met Douglas had,
weeks before, gone down to the grave amid the
tears of distracted Nation, with the solemn
injunction upon his dying lips, Obey the laws
and defend the Constitution and the writer had
returned to Washington to take his seat in Con-
eress, with that determination still alive in his
heart
I'm fact, there had been all along substantial
accord between Mr.. Douglass and the writer
There really was difference between Douglas
'eaAsausting all peaceable means before resorting
to arms, and both were in full accord with Pres
ident Lincoln these points"
OF the military events of the war General
Logan gives OUT little account In This Volume,
except of the first battle of Bull Run. The &C
count given of political events during the war
is exceedingly full and forcible, particularly the
record of Northern disloyalty. Nor does
General Logan hesitate to brand with
disloyaty, for their effort to cripple the govern
ment the Congressman who resisted necessary
legislation, the freetraders who tried to stir up
discord between the West and the East, the
peace Democrats who counseled surrender, and
the Governor of New York who addressed riot
e~.- l.
how many millions of treasure this fire in the
rear cost the country by encouraging the rebels,
GRIPPING the Union forces, and prolonging the
war can never be known, and generous North
ern people seem to have forgotten to-day that
most of the men who have recently been Sc
lected for posts Of honor and trust under IRE.
form" administration were guilty of the crimes
described. But General Logan does not forget.
Nor does he shrink from branding such man
as he deserves because he is representing
the Nation at foreign court, or directing an
executive department, or serving in Congress.
TO him traitor is odious, not the less because
he has become partly successful at last. Re
ferring particularly to a free trade speech by Mr.
Cox, the writer says:
THE damage that might have been done to
the Union cause by such malignant Democratic
attacks upon the national unity and strength
may be imagined when we reflect that at this
very time the annual expenses of our govern
ment were over 5000 900 000 and growing still
larger and that $l90 in legal tender notes of
the United States was worth but ST. in gold
with downward tendency. Said stern old
Thaddeus Stevens, abiding this occasion to
craftsmanship of the peculiar stamp of the
Coxes and Fernando Woods: He who in this
time will pursue such a course of argument for
the mere sake of party never hope to be
ranked among statesmen: nay, sir, he will not
even rise to the dignity of a respectable dema-
gogue.'
Most appreciative and just is the careful de-
scription of President Lincoln's progress
toward emancipation. Quoting the order of
Dec. l, 1861, which prohibited further surrender
of fugitive or abandoned slaves. General Logan
says:
1.-THE language of this modification is given to
show that the President at the close of the year
1861 had already reached a further step forward
toward emancipation-an the sound reasoning
upon which he made that advance. He was sat
isfylng his own mind and conscience as he pro-
ceeded. and thus. while justifying himself to
himself, was also simultaneously carrying con-
viction to the minds and consciences of the peo-
pie, whose servant and agent he was.
'That these abandoned slaves would 'consti-
tute a military resource and should not be
turned over to the enemy and that their labor
may be useful to us, were propositions not to be
gainsaid. But to quiet uncalled-for apprehen-
sions. and TO encourage Southern loyalty, he
added, in substance, that at the close of this war
(waged solely for the preservation of the Union)
Congress would decide the doubtful status OF the
slaves of rebels while the rights of Union slave
holders would be secured"
Mr. Linco!n's own history of the Emancipation
Proclamation, IN his conversation with Carpen-
ter. is reinforced by citations of many facts and
at the same time it is shown that in his anxiety
not to commit himself too soon, the President
left many true friends in torturing doubt as to
his intentions General Logan says:
Just one month before it's ISSUE in answer to
Horace Greeley's open letter berating him for
the seeming subserviency' of his policy to tho
save-holding. slave upho!ding interests ETC..
President Lincoln had written his famous
Union letter in which he conservatvely said:
MY paramount object is to save the Union and
not either to save or destroy slavery. II could
save the Union without freeing any slave l
would do it; and if could free it by saving
some and leaving others alone would also do
that
mo one outside of his Cabinet dreamed at
the time he made that answer that the Procla-
nation of Emancipation was already written.
and simply awaited q turn in the tide of battle
for it's issue
'Still less could it have been supposed when
the 18th OF September only two days before
Stonewall jackson had invested, attacked and
captured Harl er's Ferry, with nearly $4,000
prisoners se-enty-t three cannon and IL, COO small
arms, besides other spois OF war; Mr.. Lincoln
received the deputation of of the religious bodies
of Chicago bearing a memorial for the immediate
issue of such proclamation
THE very language of his reply when he said
to them, 1t is my earnest desire TO know the will
of Providence In this matter. and if | can learn
what it is l will do it. These are not, however
the days of miracles. and | suppose it will be
granted that | am not to expect a direct revela
ton. l must study the plain, physical aspects of
the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn
what appears to be right and wise'-when taken
in connection with the very strong argument
with which he followed it up against the policy
of emancipation advocated in the memorial and
his intimation tina. a proclamation of emancipa
ton issued by him must necessarily be inopera-
tive like the Pope's bull against the comet
would almost seem to have been adopted with
the very object Of yelling his real purpose from
the public eyes and leaving the public mind in
doubt At all events it had that effect
"Arnold, in his Life of Lincoln says of this
time, when General Lee was marching north
ward toward Pennsylvania that Now the Presi
dent, with that tnse of superstition which ran
through his character. ''made," as he said "a
solemn VOW to God that if Lee was driven back
he would issua the rracl NJ, md