New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1886-04-09
MR. GL4DSTONES SPEECH.


Gladstone in one respect is faulty. While each
in old age pleaded for Home Rule on behalf OF
weaker and dependent States, one was utterly
without hope that his counsel would be heard,
and the other was inspired last night with Sc
rene confidence and absolute faith. LORD
Chatham in opposing the war with the Anerl-
can colonies knew that he was poweriess 10
avert the fatal consequences OF MINISTERIAL foily
and popular clamOr He had virtually retlred
from public life. His popularity had waned IN
consequence of his acceptance OF peerage.
He was no longer known and hOnOred as the
"Great CommOner," and he had no assurance
that either his warnings or his arguments would
be needed by the English people. He could
only appeal helplessy to the historians of the
future to vindicate his Judgment. MIR. Glad =
stone in his old age is still in the prime of his
Intellectual resources. He is the first Minister
of the Crown. He is the "Great COmmoner
still, and 80 faithful servant OF the people
that he declined two invitations in one week
from the Queen when overwhelmed WITH pup
lie business He has lncomparably the greatest
brain and the truest heart in England. ana
so long as the people are convinced OF
this, his political authority and personal popu-
larity are secure. And so, when he comes TO
plead the cause of Ireland, he speaks not on iy
with tremendous power, but with reasonable
assurance that his counsel when tits Thoroughly
digested Will not be disregarded.
The chief characteristics of Mr.. GladstOne's
speech-undoubtedly the greatest in his career
are candOr, lucidty and moral elevation
that approaches eplcal dignity. week ago
Professor Huxley was lamenting the decadence
of craftsmanship based upon the living real
tiles of English politics and sneering at the
policy -mongers who passed muster as leaders
Of public opinion. From beginning to end this
is a speech iii which realities are presented as
they are. 1t is not plea for artificial eXpedl-
ents or temporary remedies. Its statesman's
forecast of the conditions and necessities OF the
future, grounded upon the wisdom oil centuries,
the verties of the present and the genius OF
civilization. English politicians may invent
ingenious phrases and propose shilly-shally
methods of deferring inevitable constitutional
changes, but Mr.. Gladstone Is not one of these
policy mongers. He dlscelns the reality
which lies at the bottom OF all the
failures to govern Ireland and has the
candor to strip it of DISCUSSES and to bring 1t
directly before the eyes of Englishmen. The
law is discreditcd in Ireland, he says, becauS
1t has foreign aspect and is not invested with
a domestic character. Coercion, which has
been tried in some form every year since S33,
has failed to overcome National prejudice
against English law and English methods for
the Irish people. Something must be done to
create that confidence in government and that
sympathy for law, apart from which no coun =
40
words. England needed from its greatest
statesman this solemn warning that the prncl-
pies of free government and civilization to
which it processes to be attached require rad
ical change in its dealings with Ireland.
The lucidity of Mr. Gladstone's explanation
of his scheme of Home Rule marks the perfec-
ton of his OratOry. After deciding that autOn-
omy was the only remedy for existing evils, he
had to choose between creating a separate
legislature without voice IN the external policy
of England and unrepresented in the main
Parliament, and one based on the
federal principle, with delegation
consulted on matters of taxation. He has pre-
ferred the former method, contrary to general
expectation. The Irish members are TO with
draw from Westminster and the Irish peers
with them, and a Parliament with two cham
bers the upper one beng recruited with
elective members, is to be in. ituted in Dublin.
The proportion of the Imperial burdens to be
borne by Ireland is one to fourteen, and the
excise and customs duties levied by the central
Government are to be held for the discharge
of the islands obligations to England - Irish
tribute, in word. This feature of the measure
shows the traces of the compromise effected in
the Cabinet. There are reserved rights and
direct prohibitions OF legislation which serve to
limit the authority of the new Parliament, but
the measure as a whole is a most ingenious one,
in which the powers are distributed and bal
anced with cOnsummate skill.
Such, in brief, is Mr. Gladstone's remedy for
Irish disaffectiOn. Whether he can prevail upon
the Liberal party to adOptit during the present
session is of course a matter OF conjecture.
The English mind acquires momentum rapidly
enough when once it has started in a new
direction. 1t may be possible for Mr..
Gladstone to escape defeat during the next
few weeks and gradually to rally around
him powerful body of supporters. But
whether success or failure awaits this meas
ure in the near future, one thing is GER
tain Home Rule is coming. There may be a
Ministerial defeat and an interval of Wing
Conservative dallance, but coercion is from
this day impracticable, and without coercion
the English must leave the Irish 10 govern
themselves.