The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1886-04-14

before the Irish people as peinS
the whole basis of the mischief
Would the Irish people have been
with these identical laws il
placed before them in native dress?
ICries OF "Nol"1 There was the fear
iul agrarian problem, which had
hitherto bafIled the efforts Of all
statesmen. The real baeis OF the
mischief was that the views OF the |
majority OF the Irish people in some |
of the chief principles OF legislation |
were different from those held in |
Eugland and Scotland, from those
current in any civilized country.
[Parnellite cries of mo! NO"l
TIE attitude If the Irish
on agrarian laws and on ques-
tons OF contract held sacred in other
countries was hostile attitude. Never
had mo rent" manifesto found &C.
ceptanCe in any other country in
Europe. Parnellite cries OF at WAS
necessary That's just it, continued
the speaker, the Irish party are CON-
tending for revolutionary change in
the laws OF Ireland, which would
make those laws different from thOle
of every other civilized country"
ICheers Mr.. Goshen next commended
that there was no analogy between
the position of Ireland and England
and that of Norway and Sweden
or Austria and Hungary. Irish and
English interests, he said, we're so in
tarlaced that when they came to the
finance question they would find it
difficult TO decide whether incomes
to be- taxed we're English or Irish.
Their interests could not be disscci.
ated. Cheers 1t was now pro
posed to admit portion of the Irish
members to the Imperial Parliament,
| but could the Irish claim that they
should be here voting on English and
| Scotch affairs, while the English Par
lament would have no control
over Irish matters. The fact
was, they could not treat Ireland
differently from England ana Scot
land; and the only possible conclu-
sion was that il they gave National
Parliament to Ireland they must also
grant the same to England and Scot
land. [Cheers. The speaker then
argued that the presence Of an Irish
contingent in Parliament would again
| place English affairs at the mercy of
the Irish members; that new Dublin
Parliament would 81 eedi y reduce the
qualification for election of the first
order, making the basis probably judi
cisl rent lsughterl; that the Imperial
Parliament did not know whether it
would have any vote At all,
and that the bill, il passed,
would effect an entire change in the
Irish executive, involving every insti-
tuition Of lrelaud-judges, magistrates,
and the civil service-a change with
out parallel except that effected by
the French revolution, when even all
the criminal laws were rsvised. 1t
was such revolution as would not be
merely political but would also be a
social one. Even If the laws for Ire
land we're made here the execution of
these laws would be entrusted to q
revoutionized executive. Loud OPP
pos ton cheers. England would
be responsible 10 foreign countries ior
the conduct of Ireland. II toe latter
caused any breach of neutrality, or
by neglect of municipal laws inflicted
damage on other countries, England
might have war on her hands, while
Ireland would not contribute a penny
towar the expenses of the war. II
an Alabama escaped from Ireland or an
Irishman enlisted to succor Roman
Catholic country in a war on the con-
tinent England would be responsible,
while Irish executive, over which
the English would have no control
would be alone TO blame. Conspira
tors, Nihiists and dynsm tars might
flock to Dublin. G les of oh, oh, and
cheers, 1t would be a difficult task
TO C'Ose Ireland against dynamite al
lies from the ether side of the Atlantic
On behalf Of the Irish L)yalists he
protest d agair 81 their abandonment
Countries Inundated by defeat had
seen portion Of their subjects, rely
ing on their honor, handed over to
their enemies, but for a nation in the
plentitude OF power to hand over its
loyal Rdherents, was an act never b.
fore recorded in the annals of history
Cheers The speaker admitted that
Ireland required special legislation
but he saw no necessity for heroic
measures.
Mr.. GLADSTONE,
amid cheers from the Ministerial
benches and the Parnellites, rose &c
reply. He denied that the safeguards
provided 10 the bill were dictated by
dstrust of the Irish people. Ga the
contrary, they were inserted in conse
auence of the mistruSt tina. was felt
no doubt, honestly, by others. II
was said that there had been nj
formulated demand from Ireland, but
the government recognized the wis
dom Of yielding to reas on what it woulC
, be far better not to have 10 yielC
, to necei sity. He then recapitu ated
the conditions he had in his opening
, speech laid down as the guarding
! principles Of the proposed legislation
, adding that he had no intention L
J put the control OF the customs anC
p excise and the absence OF Irish mem
} bers from the House as vital principles
Of the bill. Since then it had beer
| suggested that the Irish membeTi
, might coue with limited powers o
| with diminished numbers, and Mr.
, Whitehead had wisely remarked tina
an interval Of absence from thu
, House would be necss airy on thu
; part of the Irish members. and 70
| purely Irish purposes. Mr.. Gladstone
= could not think it would be right 70
the government to take it upon them
/ selves at this stage of the bill to clos
the door on the consideration of thest
matters.
Replying TO Mr.. Goshen, Mr. Glad
stone, referring to what he had him
self said in reference to the expressed
wishes of the Irish representatives
reminded the House that he haC
coupled his remarks az to the necessi
.. ty OF considering these wishes with
the condition that what nigh
be done should be consisten
, with the integrity and safety
of the empire. The House haC
been asked in what country save Ire
land could a no-rent mantle to be pro
duced, but the reply to thai was an
other query as to what other country
could show a state of relations such al
had led to that manifesto. The Irish
people had borne with exemplary
, .,.,on,. ,,,aaripna Nf the most