Los Angeles daily herald. [microfilm reel] (Los Angeles [Calif.]) 1884-1890, 1886-05-04

OF opinion in the present conflict
more and more find 1t vital
to observe the point at which
dividing lines are drawn. On the side
adverse to the government are found in
prefuse abundance wealth, social in
fiuenca, station, title and professions. or
a large majority Of them; in other words,
the spirit and power of class. Nor is
this all, as Knights Of old had Squires,
so in the great army Of class each soldier
has his dependents. Lord Harrington
reminded US. and cordially agree with
him, that this question which may be
turned over in a thousand ways and
only be settled by the nation. From the
| first stated, and | think | may speak
for the government at large, tnat here is
my main and capital reliance. | rely
upos my colleagues, upon an upright
and entitled House Of Commons, and
upon the effect OF free discussion. But
the heart, root, beginning and ending of
my trust is in the wise, generous justice'of
the nation. l have still to say few
words upon the issue which is immedi-
ately before us at this moment. know,
gentlemen, from experience, when you
have great aim before you, you are
apt to be drawn away by the artful
raising OF side issues. We have a great
aim before US now, it is to restore your
Parliament to efficiency by dividing and
removing obstacles to its work. to treat
the Irish question with due regard to
its specialties. but with some thorough
ness of method that fifty years back
- Ill ia. =
10 give heed to the voice OF the people
speaking in tones Of moderation by the
mouth Of vast majority of those whom
weourselves have made its constitutional
representatives, and this to strengthen
and consolidate the empire on basis of
mutual benefitand hearty loyalty. Suchis
the end. As for the means, we make
establishments az Dublin of legislative
body TO make laws for the Irish as con-
tras distinguished from imperial affairs.
II is with this that we are busted,
and not with details and par.
tioulars. Their time will come later.
you remember how well the campaign
against the franchise was managed by
setting in the front of battle the pre-
tended dangers Of Redistribution. We
are not now debating the amount of
Irish contributions to the Empire or the
composition Of the legislative body or the
maintenance of representative connection
with Westminster. On these and many
more questions we may and may not be
at odds, but what we are debating is a
larger aestion, which includes, think.
and absorbs them all, the question
whether you will or will not
have regard to the prayer of ireland for
the management Of affairs specifically
and exclusively set down. This, and no
other, is the matter which the
Commons has to decide. II it speak
with clear and ineligible voice on this
matter l feel the strongest assurance
that others, difficult as some of them
are, will, nevertheless, with the aid OF
full discussion and q wise conciliatory
spirit, be found capable of rational and
tolerable settlement. Ii is little
that l can do in this most grave
matter. II is no more thaa
to devote with cheerfulness to the
cause the small available residue of my
active life, but let me, in these closing
words, extend my view beyond my own
honored constituency, and in one sen.
tence say TO you my countrymen of Scott
land, can do much with you essen
TALLY and not without any person or
class or section among you. 1t rests
with you to deliver the great aye or
no, on your choice depends
all the best hopes of Ireland and much
that touches in its honor and high inter-
est Great Britain and our Queen. l re-
main, Electors of Midlothian, your du-
tiful and grateful servant.
(Signed) w. K. GLADSTONE,
Howarden, May LIST 1886.