The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-05-25
THE FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS-
The Question Of Abolishing Secret Ses-
sions Discussed in the Senate.
Patronage No Longer the Powerful Factor 1t
Once Was-The Bill to Tax 0leomargarine
Under Discussion in the House.
Interesting Debate on the Question Of Abol-
i.hine Secret Sessions.

Interesting Debate on the question Oh 3Aooi-
ishing Secret Sessions.
WASHINGTON, May 24-After routine business,
motion made by Mr. Sawyer to proceed to the
consideration of private pension cases was
agreed to and such bills were taken up in their
order on the calendar.
Mr.. CockrelI insisted on having the reports
read in a number OF cases, and had some of the
bills that he considered of doubtful proprety
postponed. In short debate on one of the bills
covering case that had been rejected by the
Pension Office. Mr.. Cockrell said the chief of the
division who had rejected SO plain aud we'll
proven case ought to be discharged from the
service of the United States.
number of pension bills having been dis
posed of, the bankruptcy bill was laid before the
Senate. and, with Mr.. Hoar's assent, was laid
aside informally in favor Of the District of
Columbia appropriation bill. That bill, in turn.
with the assent of Mr.. Plumb, was allowed to
stand over in order to permit Mr.. Gibson to ad
dress the Senate on the subject of Mr. Platts
resolution regarding open executive sessions
Mr.. Gibson denied that any necessity now ex-
listed for the discussion of treaties in secret
However desirable secrecy might have been in
the early history of our Republic it was no
longer desirable He made special reference
In connection with this point, to the Mexi.
can and Hawaiian treaties, which, he
d Should effected be- not Of ssess
but with the utmost publicity. in order that the
people of the United States might be able to de-
eide for themselves whether these treaties were
really for national benefit only for the bene
fit of few individuals As to appointments.
Mr. Gibson said. if il were once understood that
entire publicity should be the rule respecting
them, it would relieve the Senate from the con-
slant discussion OF the attacks on private char
acter, which were encouraged by the present
system. Secrecy held out to men who had per-
sonal malice to serve the temptation to strike in
the dark. Open and fair discussion would
remedy this. No American would or could com
plain of just fair and honorable criticism Secret
inquisitions were repulsve to honorable men.
The duty OF secret investigation of mems private
character was Illuminating and disgusting one.
Let the Senate open its doors and it would no
longer be required to pass on charges arising
from malice. Publicity was process Of purif-
sation while secrecy bred suspicion of intrigue
aud excited odium and discontent No doubt
the effects of this change, Mr.. Gibson added.
would be to deprive the Senate of the opportuni-
ty Of seeking party advantage in the matter of
appointments by concealing what might be to
the disadvantage or the party OF the majority
and adroitly exposing for public censure only
what In their judgment, might bring
reproach upon the party of the minori-
~. 1t would also tend to relax the grasp
patronage as one of its prerogatives. The form.
structure and jurisdiction of our federal insti-
buttons having been finally settled by a hundred
years experience, the leading question before
she people will be how TO promote the faithful,
efficient and economical administration of the
government and the party that should identify
itself with these beneicent ends would receive,
and would deserve, power at the hands of the
people. True to its principle, this was the great
mission of the Democratic party as it was the
IN mn IN int
required that any of the proceedings of the SEN
ate should be kept secret from the people. The
secret session was as much out of place and date,
at this time, as the sword that John Adams wore
when presiding over the Senate would be if
worn by the present officer of that body.
Mr. Hoar. alluding to remark made by Mr.
Gibson as to the Senate's treatment of nomina-
tons, asked Mr.. Gibson whether the Senate or
any member Of it, claimed to treat the public
Offices as matters of patronage to-day.
Mr. Gibson did not know that he could name
any individual Senator who treated them so; but
the history of the Senate showed that many of
the leading Senators in past times considered
that their wishes ought to be decisive with the
executive; and when their wishes had not been
complied with, Senators mad felt so Inundated
that some OF them. at a period not very remote
from this, had resigned their places In the Sen
ate.
Mr.. Hoar, while admitting that there might
be some truth in Mr. Gibson's statements, so far
as IL related to times past, contended that it did
not apply to any considerable number of Sena-
tors for the period covered by the past ten years
He thought every member of the Senate, at
this time. on both sides of the chamber. would
most emphatically dsclalm any such view for
himself
Mr. Gibson had no desire to make any per-
sonal application of his remarks but every SEN
ator knew that in times past 1t was considered
the political right of Senator from State not
only to be consulted as to appointments in his
own State, but that he was even entitled to con-
troll them.
Mr.. Hoar said nobody had ever imputed any
such claim to him in all his public life. He de-
sired, however, as thorough believer in civil
service reform, to say that he did not believe
there now in the Senate vestige of tho
claim or practice referred to.
Mr.. Gibson admitted that during the past year
there had been decided change in the respect
referred TO.
Mr.. Platt said that since he lad been in the
Senate he had found it the general if not the
universal, custom of Senators to solicit nomna-
tions at the hands of the President and then
come to the Senate and act on such nominations
in secret session If there could be more
monstrous improperly than that, Mr. Platt
would like to know what il was.
Mr.. Hoar admitted that during Andrew Jack
sons administration, when the majority of both
houses of Congress supposed the very existence
of the Republic to he at stake, the Senate under
took to deal with the functions of government to
some extent as if il had been Continental Con-
gress' and the government without an executive
head. Blu: the nomination of President Hayes
was meant by the Republican party to be a
trampling out OF that practice, and the prac-
tice was effectually and Thoroughly tramplad out
After further debate. the matter of executive
SESSIONS was dropped, and the Senate took up
tina bankruptcy bili. 5ir Plumb opposed the
bill and Dir. Hoar defended IL.
Adjourned.