Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1886-11-28
GETTYSBURG.
= a.rAsxABIY OCCASION AND An
YxrRA.0uoD SPECIE.

IxrRA.ouoD SPECIE.
Lat week q Confederate monument
~as dedicated st Gettysburg. Pc.
rmipds one Of Cromwell In westmin-
ster Abby. That no northsrnsr he's
objected 10 Ia the highest degree cre-
ditable TO both the beads and the hearts
Of our northern brethren.
We have just read the speech which
General BRADLEY JOHNSON deliver
ed TO his comrades In Baltimore, jast
before they set out for Gettysburg. It'll
worthy Of perusal by oil Of our coun-
trymsn, North and South, and so we
rive il without more comment
Gsssrst Jeh ssou's speech.
We are often asked by persons quite
friendly to us Why we persist In main.
tanning these Confederate societies, aud
Why 10 every year make public de-
monstrations OF our respect for the
"I.ost Cause and our affection for
our dead comrades and attachment TO
our living ones. | have been asked,
"Why not let the dead Confederscy
rtst in pesce2 Its dead it cannot be
revived, and You are guilty OF an ana
chyonism when you seek to put life IN
the corpse" Ny answer Is. the Cause
of The Confederate States was the
cause Of civil liberty, under constisu-
tionsl forms, on this continent. Those
Who supported it in arms acted up to
the hes, lights they bad. and msintsin-
ed their faith and belief at the risk OF
life and fortune. That cause never
will be q "lost cause "; for IS long rs
frsemen all over the world love liberty
they will struggle for it, and, II need
be, fight for it; and they will respect
the people who dared, at such great
cost, to stand in defence Of it against
oyerw helmnipg odds and irresistible
force. By the conventions OF Apo
mattox and Denbsm station we agreed
to "return to our homes and obey the
laws In force there" but by these mil
itary tres,ies it Was expressly agreed
that We should retain our swords, and
without that stipulation no surrender
would have been made by either Lee
or Johnston. The sword was the in
sionium Of the soldier--the emblem Of
our right and the outward mark Of the
respect which we bad won. 1t indi-
Gated our reserved right Of self-defence,
OF our honor, Of our property, and OF
our institutions.
The parole was the certificate given
BY the conquerors to the conquered OF
honorable service in honorable war.
As soon as peace returned the first
question that met us was as to what
was to be our position in the future de-
velopment Of the country.
Were We to live as unconvicted re-
bells and 90 down to dishouored graves
as felons who had vainly attempted to
destroy the Union. the sole sanctuary
ard safeguard Of liberty to man
hind /? and were We TO transmit to
our posterity the tainted blood Of
upbupg traitors. and our children
bearing the burden Of names brand
ed with ignominy and crime? Or
were We to be considered honorable
soldiers of q war illu'trated by the
greatest galIantry, the highest chival-
~. the brightest genius that the Eng
disappearing race have ever exhibited ?
Were we to be regarded by our con-
temporaries--the gallant soldiers of the
successful side-ss their equals in pa
trjotism and purity OF motive, and by
succeeding generations as worthy oil
places beside the armies of the Union?
These were not merely sentimental
questions. They we're pressing and
vital ones. upon the answer TO which
our future welfare and happiness large
ly depended.
AS outcasts We would rapidly de-
generate into the outlaws Of the COM
punity. and would be thrust aside a.
unworthy Of respect and debarred an
equal opportunity Of earning the sup
mort of ourselves and those dear to US.
As respected citizens of the State and
the Union we would live happily among
our people, would receive proofs of
their confidence and esteem, and leave
to our children the priceless heritage OF
honored fame and name. To Mary
landers these questions were more vital
than to those who had their own State
organizations to justify them. We had
TO defence except the law Of war as
defined by aud prEcticed under the law
Ct nations. And itwss Of oV0-sheln
irg necessity that our position should
be ascer!sined to be that OF soldiers,
and not Of rebels and traitors.
The question csme home To me per-
soDslly in a very pressing way. ! WAS
under indictment in the Federal and
State courts for treason 10 committing
acts of war in the Sharpsburg and Get
tysbuig campaigns. knew perfectly
well what the Law was. The only
doubt wssss TO ho~ far the courts OF
the successful side would give the uu-
successful side the benefit Of it. Re-
btiiop Is insurrecIion against lawful
government, which is unlawful In it.
sslt, in which every one who assists,
aics. or sbe;S it ia equally guilty, aud
personally responsible to the law for
his crime. and which has no legal con-
sequences, and can have none, for IT Is
seainst all law. After it is suppressed
there only remain the criminal trial aud
tie punishment. War is status be
tween nations, countries, or parties
As soon as it occurs. 1t changes Ut once
the relation OF every person subject Il
either party; each one becomes bound
TO obey his own country, and ceases Il
be personally responsible for actions
committed by command Of its authori
", civil OF military. All the people OF
one side become legally enemies to al
those m the other sido, and no connec
ton or comm unica,ion is lawful betweeI
them unless by permission Of their re
speciivs authorities. All bushes
ceases, al compacts are dissolved be
tween them, and they are rs they exist
ed on separate planets. Therefore if tn
var between the Stasee Was determine
70 have been rebellion, every citizen q
tho Confederate States who had aide
Il would have been guilty Of tresso
and liable 10 the law for his actions.
All official acts done by civil officer