National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1886-06-05

force bill l." wish TO call tho readers alton
ton to q few more facts in relation TO the
Louisiana imbioglio. They all have a bear.
ing on what is to follow.
THE TRUE.
In tho Presidents reply of Jan. 49, 1878, to
the Senate resolution of inquiry concerning
the alleged interference of the military at New
Orleans in the organization of the Louisiana
assembly, he stated these historical facts That
on the 14th OF the preceding September the
"White Leagues, armed and ready for the con-
fict, promptly responded" to n call ITO arm,
assemble, aud drive from power the usurpers,"
meaning the governor and other officers OF
the state; that those organized and armed
forces, recognizing u u5urping governor PENN,
had taken iotcible possession Of the state
menti' and that twenty or moro people were
killed" "All that was desired in the way of
excitement had been accomplished, and IN
view Of the steps taken to repress II the revo-
luton was apparently, though II is believed,
not really abandoned and the cry of federal
usurpation and tyranny In Louisiana was re.
newed with redoubled energy" Troops sent
there to suppress this rebellion "wcre allowed
10 remain 10 renress the continued violence
which seemed inevitable the moment the
federal support should be Withdrawn"
Such was the character OF the White League
organization, ns given by President Grant, after
an armed conflict between II ond the state eu-
thuritles had compelled him to Interfere with
fedcnl military power 10 prevent further
bloodshed aud restore the reign Of law.
TIIEFALsE.
II presented n striking contrast with the de.
sCrlption given of II Jan. to n New York
Tribune correspondent, by Hon. William Wal
ter Phelps, one Of Mr. blaine's investigating
committee. He said ats officers were ali
men of character and property, and II intends
to act onlyasa superior police In the Interest
of law and order" And again "lts only APP
parent act of lawleSsness was that of Sept. II.
forthat II offers the justification that all beyond
the rescue OF It's arms was unprecedented"
lie arms II had no arms except those 1t
seized at the state arsenal, on the revolution
airy claim of its lender that he, and not KEEL
logg, was entitled 10 net rs governor. The
capture of all the state arms was all 1t did NTH
prtnlsditdtitn, It's overthrow of the state gov
ernment-alter battle In the streets in which
twenty men were kiled-was wholly acct
dental and unprecedented. That Is to say,
II the state arsenal had not been defended no
one would would have been hurt; aud II the
Kellogg government had not been aided In
surprising domestic violence the rebels
would have become the. government, and
would have ceased being "lawless."
The tribune said editOrially on the 18th OF
January THE White League is not secret,
revolutionary, or dangerous, but Is composed
Of men who would not countenanoe lawless-
ness of any kind"
These conflicting statements exhibit ut n
glance the relative positions at that time of
the Grant administration and its Democratic
CLING TO maintain the political rights guarall-
iced by the constitutiOn-the latter falsely pre-
tending that these rights were not being as
THE NEGpos RIGHT TO VOTE.
The question was not whether II would be
wise TO confer the right Of suffrage upon the
negro. Tint had been done five years before.
II had not been done TO punish the whites, but
in the hope that II would secure respect for
the ordinary human rights OF the. blacks TIE
north irds being riiPpld orG' Me SHOULDERS o. ht
Cmdncipdtcd adroS The whites who had lost
their fight with white men were taking II
OUT on the blacks, whose further enslaYement
had been forbidden by national decree; It
would have been infamous In thenorth TO look
on mud see this vicariOus punishment inflicted
without an effort to prevent It,
Hence the reconstruction measures and the
fifteenth amendment. That amendment abol
ished color as q test for suffrage. From thai
timeon, the white mans right TO vote was IN
no respect or degree superior to that OF The
negro. The right OF each rested on the grea
charter of the constitution, and the states were
forbidden 10 impair II.
1t was believed that the express grant o.
power to Congress to enforce the amendment
meant more than right to reproYe state fol
hostile legislation against 1t.
L rencat, then, that the problem before the
iorty.third Congress was not whether negro
suffrage was advisable, but whether the tide o.
armed revolution against II In the south should
be resisted, or allowed to inundate that region
THE BOURBON RESTORATION.
SO far rs the southern Democracy were con
cerned, they reof one mind-despots when ID
power; ut all other times nihilsts. They carec
Tor no laws they had not made. They were a
incapable of submission when outvoted, a.
they'had been in 1861. They would tolerate
no opposition, whether white or black. Wher
the Negroes vote would not affect the result hi
might GR IT. 4Sy T9o 9hI ~ PsGsSsy sh
and toward the white confederate who nigh
dare to oppose their party, either as Republi
can or Independent. Despotic power was thu
only condition they would consent to-the onl!
one they have yet consented to. They Tough
TO restore a dynasty, and they have well-nigt
won. In 1877 ten Of the ,eX,slaye states wer'
solid for the old negotiating and Yankee
hating despotism which ironically calls itsel
Urder tiat restored despotism the negro ha
no more political power than he had when H.
was a slave. The fifteenth amendment has nj
more influence on the question of suffrage II
the south than 1t has on the tides OF the sea
The Republican party has gone down beeaus
million of its members have been driver
from the polls By military power son and KEEP
military camp. Hostilities have ceased for
time because despotic power meets no re
sistance. 1t will be active enough wheneye
occasion shall arise.
TREASON IN THE REPUBLICAN LINES.
This great revolution has not been the worl
OF the south alone Nor has y been &C
complished by the aid Of the north
sible by treason in the Republican lines. Say
Mr.. Blaine in his second volume, p. 40, ate
alluding TO the enforcement acts, including thu
tirst, force bin of 1871 (Which in Congress h
1.-The task of enforcing obedience to law
when obedience is not in the hearts of the peo
pie is the most dificult undertaking ever I'm,
posed upon the governing power. If the soutl
had been standing alone, ii 1t had not been re
ceiving daily words OF encouragement, OF ait
and comfort from the north, II II had not seer
fighting Its battles, II might have yielded to tn
prestige and power Of the national government
But the situation invited, urged, Induced mel
to persist"
For cool efIrontery this has no parallel. 1
out .Blaines Blaine. / have heretofore shoWl
from the record that while the most importan
enc of the acts thus referred TO by him Ohe ku
kluX act of 1871 was under consideration, tn,
south was receiving daily words of encourage
ment, of aid, and comfort from hia, aud thos
he could CONTROL and had seen him ana hi
little cnbal Tin Congress lighting It's battles"
MR. BLAINE PLAYS HIS PART.
The south had become weary of the blunder
ing advice Of its northern Democratic allies
and might have Yielded to the prestige AM
power ofthe. national government had not It
dropping spirits Deen thus revived by aid aut
comfort from Blaine. lie mingled and cooper
ated with southern Democratic members a
every session, until he came TO be relied on b!
them TO trip and betray his party in ever
crisis. They valued him the more because o
his crafty way Of explaining his conduct to tn
complaining innOcenta IN his own party whel
called 10 account by those of clearer under
standing. He was Ike Reynard the fox, VIII
could always give plausible reason, othe
than the true one, when coming out OF a barn
yard, for the chicken feathers In the corner o
his mouth. Never has a great cause been be
trnyed with such MaChiayelan art as gu
great national Reynard-James g.. Blaine
was able to use in the conduct Of his opera
lions.
THE FORCE BILL.
The rules of the House of Representative
are such that the speaker and the chairman Q
the committee on appropriations, appOinte
by him and therefore IN accord with him
have almost absolute power over questions Z
precedence In legislatlon. Add to this III
power Of onelfth of the members to compC
the ayes aud noes 10 DO called on all motion
(Which Is known as flibustering), and II
obvious that no business can be done to Whic
all these powers are opposed.
THE UEHoLY ALLIANCE.
Such combination existed IN the House {
Representatives AT the last session of the la,
Republican Congress In lSH.'5. MIR. Blain
was the speaker, and Gen Garfield was chair
man of the committee on appropriations tn