Daily Republican. [volume] ([Wilmington, Del.]) 1874-1890, 1886-04-08


on labor and capital, the publication of
which was commenced yesterday:
1t was an evil day for both parties
when the w0rkingmen assumed the
right to organize for the coercion of
their employers. A few voices were
heard In opposition; here and there q
sturdy adherent TO principle was out.
spoken in condemnation; but the Ia
borer was supposed to be the weaker
party and had therefore the publicI
sympathy. The employer was held
up. for the most part, as a bloated CAPT
talist disposed TO grow rich out Of the
life blood of his poor dependents whose
ill-requited toll filled his groaning cof-
fers; and 1t was claimed that there was
no other method Of redress. The work |
men were pictured as slaves to tyran-
nical master, and only by conspiracy
and revolution could they secure theirl
emancipation from such cruel bondage.
The end was held TO justify the means,
and strikes became the or2er OF thel
day.
1t is but just to the great body Of
workingmen TO say that they were
never heartily in favor Of the system.
Whenever the hands in workshop or
factory turned against their employer,
and by leaving his service in body,
sought To compel him to increase their
pay or to allow them TO manage the
establishment after their own fashion,
It was the few noisy and turbulent
spirits who precipitated the contest,
and by taunts and threats, and appeals
to passion and prejudice, compelled
their more than hhlf-reluctant COM
panions to Join the conspiracy. The
latter often saw that such exercise of
force could never subserve their best
interests. Capital is not a grim and
bearded tyrant welding the mace of a
despot. 1t is always timid and conser-
vative. 1t hesitates at Investments; it
is apprehensivc at every show of popu-
lar violence; it has an instructive dread
of anarchy. and every successful at
tempt to wrench by force reward for
service not willingly conceded by those
by those to whom it is rendered, counts
in the long run against the laborer by
, closing some avenue that would other
) wise be open for his employment, and
preventing the establishment OF new
and profitable industries.
The system OF coercion once adopted
| can have in the nature of things no re
: cognized limits. Revolutions, inau
. gurated in conspiracy, may have ,
. peaceful beginning, but are sure to re
4 suit in violence il the end cannot b.
:. otherwise attained. The operatives il
). an establishment ask tor some term
the employer feels that he cannot o
= ought not to grant. They seize upol
. some moment when he can III afford
= suspension OF his work, or at any rat
n least expects it, and leave his service
9 This, as we have said, when 1t take
= the form usually adopted, is con
spiracy to produce an illegal effect, b
:, an act which for each in his plac
" might be legal and proper. A Gus
toner at grocery wishes for extende
. credit or for some other favor the pro
4. prietor is unwilling to grant. He ha
y perfectly legal right to cease tradin
with the offending dealer. But be ha
N no moral OF legal right to canvass th
40 neighborhood and induce all the GU
Of toners of the establishment to combin
a for the ruin Of the grocer's trade.
is The revolt among the workmen 500
: goes beyond the withdrawal of Ii
q strikers, and this, if men will pondt
u 1t, shows at once the true character I
Of the plea upon which 1t Is made. 1t
designed, Its advocates say, TO prote,
the rights of the laborer; to secure fl
!. his hungry wife and children large
n share of the neeessaries of life; and
i protest, in the only effective wa.
y against an intolerable tyranny. b.
y y the employer is not willing TO accel
the dictation, and he looks around fl
~ other workmen TO take the place
or those who have left him. He finds,
NAV be, any number OF the unen
'st ployed who are not only ready bl
anxious 10 step into the vacant plac'
~ and take up the lines which their fe
%, lows have abandoned.
nd Are the strikers content with thi
They are struggling ostensibly for Ii
~ rights of workingmen; and II q suf
a Gent number of this class are willir
to fill the vacant places may they n
: do ii? Are the workingmen who {
A out on strike the only members OF Il
sic fraternity who have rights entitled
10 respectP II 1t is their right TO combil
= and leave the looms, or the FORCES,
~ the turning lathes, or the car from
%. silent and deserted, may not 9th
{ workingmeh with equal rights come
- to fill the vacancy and restore the Q
IN activity Are the wives and childr
'1' of men who have been long uner
ployed and who jump at this oppc
= tunity TO earn livelihood any less G
titled to bread than the families of I
III strikers, who have been made I
I'll theme of SO much eloquencep
Ill What do we see on every side? T
II most intolerable tyranny over his f
M lows practiced by the very men W
III claim to be the anointed apostles
II freedom. For, let all mark It'll vi
lence is not directed against the e.
ployer. If there were no idle wor
e men anxious for service there wor
: be no need of bowling mob arm
: with clubs and paving stones to Ike
81 the deserted works in the idleness
2 which they have been devoted. T
q employer cannot start his works wit
n out the laborers, ana If mob
II needed to stop the enterprise, the v
lence is lot against the capitalist,
-, against the workmen who are seeki
. the service. If we concede the ril
4. of the men 10 combine and leave
looms, and the FORCES, and the min
- and the cars, and the carts, and
! barges to decay In silence, there is
n | naad nf nm angry xunrd tn pffanf