Los Angeles daily herald. [microfilm reel] (Los Angeles [Calif.]) 1884-1890, 1886-05-04
GLADSTONE.
He Issues a Home Rule
Manifesto.

He Issues a Home Rule
Manifesto.
THE PREMIER Is CONFIDENT.
He looks for the Support of Scot
land and Wales in his Irish
Measures.
special 10 the Herald bv the Assocfated Press /
LONDON, May 3.-Mr. Gladstone, in a
manifesto to his Midlothian constituents,
explains that his great age has prevented
him from taking part in the speeches Of
the Easter recess and has obliged him to
reserve his limited power for the House
OF Commons, and for that reason he
uses his pen instead Of his voice. Con.
tinuing. he says: "Never hive known
an occasion when Parliamentary event
so rang throughout the world the in
PRODUCTION OF the Home Rule BILL From
public meetings. from the highest au-
thorities in the British Colonies, and in
America, from capitals such as WASH
ingten, Boston and Quebec, from remote
districts lying beyond the reach of or
binary political excitement, l have re-
ceived conclusive assurances that kim
dred people regard with warm frsternal
sympathy the attempt to solve the
troubled relations between Ireland
and England. which exhibit the
only great failure of political
Qenuius to solve. You must not
Be discouraged if in the upper ranks
OF society, at home, you hear a variety
OF discordant notes. discords alike from
our policy and from one another. Con
tlemen, yon have before you Cabinet
determined in its purpose and with an
Intelligence of its own. see very little
else in the political arena either deter
mined or Ineligible. / will now pro-
coed to speak of the state of things
within and without Parliament and the
nature and import Of the next great step
to be taken for the progress of my meas
ure. / speak now of the Home Rule
Bill and leave the land Purchase Bill to
stand ON the declaration already made.
adding only an expression OF regret to
fad that while the sands are, running
from the hour glass, Irish landlords have
given no indication of desire to accept
proposal framed in spirit Of most al
lowable regard for their apprehensions
and interest. / do not underestimate
the grave Importance of the differences
of opinion among the Liberals. Some
are inclined TO rule the whole question
against us by authority. They say,
"surely such a number Of able, consis-
tent, even exereme Liberals would not
have seeded except to an imperative
dictate Of truth and reason" l will say
nothing of the motives which de.
termined us to confront the risk
Of such parting. earnestly recommend
reference to lessons which history sup
plies. 1t is the first time in the history
Of Liberalism that this section Of the
Liberals under chiefs of distinction and
ability have dissented from the general
view Of the party, to their delight and
doubtless advantage. There was an
illustrious secession previous TO the
war with Bonsparte. There was sim
liar secession when it was proposed to
disestablish tine Irish church, but event
ually in both cases II was proved that in
principle the party was right and seces-
sion was wrong Comparing these with
the present secession it is impossible not
to be struck with the vital difference In
each. Previous secessions agreed upon
an active substantial policy. 1t is not SO
now. Some are in favor OF unlimited
coercion, others in favor Of a moderate
dose, while few oppose coercion alto
gether. On the other side some oppose
local government, some would give it to
counties, some to provinces, some again
to an administrative center with legis-
lative prerogatives, while some propose
legislative center without any erecu-
tive power. Some indeed go beyond the
proposition Of government and actually
recommend a federation; some alter pro-
posals which they would recommend
with every new speech. All this
is proof, not Of the weakness
of the men. but Of the hope
lessness OF their cause. We have at
least an advantage Of one voice. Seces-
sion, however estimsble it may be other.
wise, is q perfect babel in Irish politics.
1t is admitted on all hands that social
order is the first Of all political ethics.
To secure this in Ireland, the Liberals
who are in the secession offer a hundred
conflicting remedies or else no remedies
at all. These remarks are as applicable
to Tories as they are to the Liberals.
The opponents to the governmental
measure make a remarkable omission in
their speeches, In each, whether sug.
gestive or critical, they fail to express
confidence in the permanent success OF
their opposition. To live from hand TO
mouth seems to be the height of their
ambition, while they suspect that we
all know that the strife can only end in
the concession OF home rule. II this is
so. the real question is not the triumph
of Irish autonomy but the length and
character Of the struggle. Therefore we
want to shorten they to prolong the strug-
gle. Wesay "givefreely." They, by acts If
not words, say "let us only give what
we can no longer withhold" We say
give now, while the position of the
Kingdom in the affairs Of the world is
free and strong. They prefer to wait for
period Of national difficulty. that we
may yield to Irish demand in terror as
we did in the war of l77s. as we did to
the demands of volunteers in 1882, as
we did to Bonaparte In 1898, and as we
did in the civil war in 1929. We say
act now. when moderation, thought and
language rules in Irish couusels, when
by the willing concurrence of all sides
every arrangement for the reservation
of imperial prerogatives can be
made complete and absolute. They
would postpone till an hour comes
when the demands may be larger,
and means Of resistance less we say deal
as with matter between brothers mat
ter justice and raason they renew tales
alas too often told, whose prologue is |
denial with evaporation, and resent |
ment whose epilogue is surrender with. |
out conditions and without thanks. |
Now, however, new terror is brought |
upon the stage, terror of home rule for |
switchmen and some aid for Wales |
This suggestion does not alarm me, only |
give us little time to look at the ques-
ton in its order Of merit. / am not
SOffy tnat ocotiauu tnu Whioa nave
been named, because all serious naming |
Of them serves to help our movement in |
behalf OF Ireland. can draw no vital
distinction Of right between the case Of
ireland and other cases, but there are
many distinctions OF circumstances for
many years. have hoped it might be
found practicable to apply decentraliza
tion in processes, even perhaps to por-
tons Of different conditions. Each case
will naturally require differences OF treat
ment, will remain subject to primary
imperial obligations. believe that
the standard and measure of good gov
ernment in Scotland and Wales will be
eventually determined by public opinion
in Scotland and Wales. This | say
without painful disparaging of CT rcum-
stances OF this controversy with which
we are threatened in case of Ireland