The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1886-06-09


derson who is supposed to favor the separation
of Ulster from the rest of Ireland. [Cheers
/ must say that Mr.. Parnell has entered into
a careful and elaborate argument upon the
subject of "Ulsterland," dealing with her as
a separate part OF Ireland, in the course of
this evenings debate. and | must say that
that was a statement which requires az an
swer. [Cheers.l
Now, sir, want to say one word on the
subject of Irish loyalty; and in debates of
this kind we have at times to use words and
expressions that it is well should be a little
better understood than they are. When |
hear a speech from Mr.. Johnston and some
others it always appears to me that
he is under the conviction that loyalty
is mate in Irish politicians and disloyalty
innate in some other persons. Laughter
l do believe that Mr.. Johnston is under the
impression that in all times, in long genera.
tions OF Irish history, there has been this
difference between persons who are Protes-
tants and those who are not ProtestaRts.
Cheers I No? Well, it is charge which
has been made and ought to be met.
Has Mr.. Johnston inquired what was the
state of loyalty in Ireland at the close Of the
Eighteenth century? AS regards Roman
Catholics, they had then hardly been born
into political life. In his time Dean Swift
spoke of their incapacity for politics, and il
wonld be absurd to speak OF them as being
either loyal or disloyal. But as TO the con-
dition of Catholics at the close of the last
century will read what Burke has said upon
the subject. The date of it is 1896 1t is
taken from a letter to Wyndham. He speaks
on the subject of disaffectioD, and writes
thus: "Dsaffection has cast deep roots in
the principals and habits of the majority of
the lower and middle classes of the whole
Protestant part of Ireland. [Parnellite
laushter. The Catholics who are inter
mingled with them are, more or less,
tainted
What has happened since? The Protestants
| not having grievances to complain of be-
/ came loyal. These are words and ideas
which show US what is the way in which we
are to promote loyalty, and what is the way
! IN which we can destroy it. Another subject
| upon which l will only dwell for moment
| is that of federation. Many gentlemen in
/ the House are greatly Y enamored of this idea
! and the subject they have in view is a noble
/ one. | will not admit to Mr.. Beach the Justice
! of the disparagement he cast upon the British
/ empire. / do not consider that this is a
| purely compacted empire, but l admit that
if means can be devised for establishing a
more active union with our distant cOnnec-
tions, that is the noblest object of man. 1t
is popular idea. | give no opinion upon
it. l suspect it is beset with more difficult
| ties than have yet been examined and
brought TO light.
But what L wish to observe, as far as this
bill is concerned, is that this bill, whatever
|
| questionably step, and an important step,
in the direction of federation. Cheers.
The balance of authority seems to have es-
tablished clearly the elementary prop
osition that whether this Par
Lament ent no3 be tho the Imperial PaFlia
possessed now, as before the union and be-
| fore the bill, before the time of Grattans
| Parliament of supremacy which is abso-
Lutte and in the nature of things inallenable.
1t could not part with it if it would and it
would not if it could. (Cheers.) 1t is true
| that in constituting Legislature in Ireland
we do as we did when we constituted Leg
/ islatUre in Canada and Australia. (Cheers.)
That is a right which our opponents object
! to and that is the thing we desire.
| 1t is obvious the question may be raised,
! How do you propose to deal with questions
that may arise when the Imperial Govern
ment, Notwithstanding this general division
of affairs, may be by the obligations OF I'M
| perial rulers compelled to intervene? Well,
my answer is that this question has received
far better solution from practical
! politics, from the experience of the
last forty or fifty years than would
/ ever have been given to it by the definitions
| of a lawyer, however eminent. When the
| Can adian Legislature was founded this diff
! fcultv arose. The question arose regarding
| the Canadian rebellion, and [ myself and
| Lord Brougham were of the opinion-I
/ know not now whether we were right
| wIoDg-that the honor of the Crown had
been invaded by a proposition TO grant in
J Canada a vote TOR losses in the
| bellion to those who had been rebels and
| had incurred losses as rebels. Lord BrOugham
made a motion in the House of Lords in
| 1914, and made a motion in the House of
! Commons on the same subject. The import
ant part of the debate consisted in the
declarations drawn from the ministers of the
! Crown. Lord John Russell laid down what
| / conceive TO be true and sound declara-
ton in terms which believe may be fairly
| described as authoritative on the manner of
dealing with this question. You will, how
ever, allow me to read the pass
age, which is not long, one. Speak:
ing in this House on the l4th of
June, 1S49, Lord Russell said: 81 entirely
agree with the right honorable gentleman.
1t is, indeed, in conformity with the senti-
meRt | expressed in dispatch wrote few
| years ago. that there were cases which must
be left to the decision of the responsible
| Ministers of the crown. There are cases
where the honor OF the crown and the safety
| of the country are concerned, and in such
cases it requires the utmost temper
in the colonies and the utmost tenn
per and firmness in this country. 1 fully
admit that there are not such cases when
the right honorable gentlemen goes on to
say that Earl Elgin has received some in
structions from the Government of this
country by which he is debarred from ask
ing the advice and decision OF the crown on
questions that affect the imperial policy and
national honor. He islentirely mistaken in
that assumption"
That justice practically foItn the mode in
which thus question, difficult in the abstract viii
be settled as it has been settled. We have found
il easy to reconcile the rights OF Canada with the
rights of the Imperial Parliament. 1t will be
found not more difficult to reconcile the rights of
Ireland with those OF the Imperial Government.
Constantly hear the words "Unionists'' and "Sep-
aratists," but what want to know is who are the
Unionists? lCheersl. And who the supar-
atists? see this bill in newspapers OF great Cir
cuation and elsewhere, and described as the
Separation bill" tCheers. Members of the op-
position adopt that style and make the descrlp-
tion their own. i take no notice of these. /
speak of other quarters outofdoors. Speaking
of this description alone, say il is the merest
slang of vulgar controversy. [Cheersl You
think this bill tends TO separation. Your
argument and even your prefudices are worthy
of all consideration aud respect. But is It fair
mode of conducting acontroyer-y to attach these
hard names to measures on which differ, or
which you argue and desire to convince by argu-
ment? / will illustrate what / mean. viii go
back to the time of Lord Greys reform act When
that bill was introduced it was honestly believed
by the great masses of intelligent men that the
l. IN -.