The Columbian. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1910, 1886-09-24

ordinarily sober and industrious, such
vast sacrifices of bread and peace by
multitudes of intelligent and orderly
citizens are not without grave cause.
I believe they will cease, and cease
only when the wage-earner is placed
upon the dead level of legal equality
with the wage-payer, at every stage
and in every particular OF the several
transactions between them. Men of
conservative minds have witnessed the
beneficial results of the progress of
labor in self-organization, with intense
satisfaction. Such organization, COM
pleted and perfected, promises appar-
emily justice, order and repose to all
the interests concerned. Why not
give to it the sanction of the law and
the protection of the State?
Incorporation may prove to be the
simple but beneficent expedient of
which all modern society appears to be
in common search. The remedy for
all public and private wrongs must be
in the law and industry organized un-
der the law, and with the protection of
the law that is given to capital, would
find its own safety in the just restraints
of the law, which make the rights of
person and property sacred under our
free institutions.
THE BURDEN ON REAL ESTATE.
Like the men who work for daily or
weekly wages, the agricultural people,
with even less excuse for the derelic-
ton, have neglected the care of their
own interests, and by reason of pro-
tracted failure to employ the necessary
instrumentalities of mutual organiza-
ton and representation in the govern
ment they find the burdens Of the State
resting mole heavily upon their fields
than upon any other form of property
of equal value. While their lands are
deprecated and their produce under
sold in their own markets in conse-
quence of Determinations against local
| freights, the revenue and tax laws are
made to bear upon them with undue
and excessive exactions.
| THE PROHIBITION ISSUE.
There is, l believe, but one other
distinct question of State policy invol-
we'd in the election of this year. One
of the political parties has avowed its
purpose to pass through two success
i've Legislatures and submit to the
people Constitutional amendment for
bidding the manufacture and sale OF
Intoxicating liquors in this Common
wealth. A third party, constituting in
themselves that respectable portion
of the people" referred to by the others
in their platform, insist upon immedi-
ate and total prohibition by Legislative
enactment, without waiting upon the
needless and tedious process of amend
ment. Neither of these parties looks
toward indemnification for the large
amounts of private property which
must be measurably destroyed by the
enactment of such law or the adopt
ion of such an amendment. The Demo
cratic party has, on the other hand
from its formation, consistently opposed
sumptuary laws, (which vex the either
and interfere with individual liberty.
| But this denial of the right of pro
hibition implies the duty of regulation
aud though the just power of the State
does not extend to the prescription Of
the drink, diet or dress of the individu
al man, it does extend to the prevention
of any abuse of his private right af
fecting his neighbor or society at larg,
and l favor the enactment of any laws
however stringent, which may bt
necessary to that purpose, and, in any
event, the rigid enforcement of those
, now in existence. Conscious of tn,
terrible evils of excessive indulgence
| we do not attempt to eradicate then
} by aspecies of legislation which ha
: never failed to increase them, bu
which inevitably brings on the despe
| rate resistance of the citizen, who feel
! himself deprived of a natural right
, and with it train of illicit crimes arc
3 ruinous disorders. I cannot bette
conclude this paragraph than by th'
following passage from the hand o
I the illustrious Tilden:
, "Such Legislation springs from
S misconception of the proper sphere o
! government. 1t is no part of the dut,
e of the State to coerce the individual
r man except so far as his conduct ma,
4 affect others, not remotely and conse
$ quentially, but by violating right
1 which legislation can recognize ant
: undertake to protect. The opposit
g principle leaves no room for individua
reason and conscience, trusts nothin,
4 to self-culture and substitutes the wis
n dom OF the Senate and Assembly fo
the plan of moral government ordain
cd by Providence. The whole progres
o of society consists in learning how t.
e attain, by the independent action o
e voluntary association of individuals
s those objects which are at first attempt
r ed only through the agency of govern
h ment, and in lessening the sphere G
y legislation and enlarging that of tn
8 individual reason and conscience. Gu
i American institutions have recognize
l. this idea more completely than it ha
l. yet been recognized by the institution
!; of any other people, and the Demo
It cratic party has generally been tn
IS faithful guardian of its progressive d'
r velopment. To-day, Will
d it is in favor of sobriety and goo
II morals, it disowns a system of coerciy
J. legislation which canuot produce thel
it but must create many serious evil
y which violates constitutional guaral
G tees and sound principles of Legislation
b invades the rightful domain OF the il
n dividual judgment and conscience, an
u takes a step backward toward that ba
d barian age when the wages of labo
b the prices of commodities, a mans foo
= and clothing, were dictated to him b
I government calling itself paternal.
AN APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE.
y These appear to me to be the del
!" mite issues to be determined by tt
election, They are none of ther
o partisan questions. They concer
y deeply and vitality the most importar
J. interests of society, and each of tbel
o involves the permanent welfare of Ell
u tire classes of our people. Will th