The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-04-09


These orders would be constituted as follows:
There were the twenty-eight representative
peers, who could not continue to sit In the House
of Lords after the representatives of the Irish
people left the House of Commons. They would
have the option of sitting portion of the
first order in the Irish Parliament, with the
power of sitting for life Some people thought
that option was not likely to be largely used,
propose that with the twenty eight peers now IN
the House of Lords. there should sit
seventy-hve representatives elected by
the Irish people With regard to the
would be composed of occupiers OF the value OF
e25 and upwards, and they would be elected for
ten years. The property qualifications OF these
representatives would be t20O Mr.. Gladstone
said he proposed that the one hundred and one
Irish members in the House of Commons should
be members of the Irish Parliament, and whilst
the first order of the legislative body would con-
sist of one hundred and three members, the
aecond order would consist of two hundred and
eight. It was proposed to retain the Viceroy,
but he would not be the representative of party,
or quit Office with any outgoing government
The Queen would be empowered to delegate to
MIN any prerogatives she now enjoyed or would
enjoy. The religious disability now existing.
which makes Roman Catholics ineligible to the
Office, would be removed
With regard to the judges who had been con-
eefued in the administration of the criminal law
in Ireland, her Majesty might If she saw cause,
by order in council antedate the pensions of
those particular judges. In future the Judges
would be appointed by the Irish government be
paid out of the consolidated fund. and be remov-
able only on the joint address of the two orders.
The constabalary would remain under the pres
ent term of service and under their present au-
thority. The charge for the constabulary was
now Ell, 500. 600 per annum. and the speaker felt
confident the charge would be reduced but for
the present. he proposed to relieve the Irish
legislative body of all expenditure for the
sonstabulary in excess of 600 per
e.
sire to exempt the people of Ireland, In
reference to its final position, from the
Intimate control of the legislative body The
speaker had jealousy upon that subject as
the care of providing for the ordinary security
of life and property was the first duty OF local
government. With respect TO the civil service,
the government did not think their case was the
same as that of the constabulary, and the trans
fer of civil service to the legislative body would
effect great economy. He, therefore. thought
1t would be wise to authorize the civil servants
now serving to claim the pensions that would be
iue to them upon the abolition of their offices,
provided they served two years. in order to pre-
rent inconvenience from rapid transition of
the service, and at the close of that time both
parties should be free to negotiate afresh. That
vas all, Mr.. Gladstone stated that he had to say
On the subject of the new Irish constitution.
The proportion of the imperial burdens which
re had 10 propose was that Ireland should bear
one to fourteen. He thought the new Irish Par
liament ought to start with balance to its
credit but the only fund that it would have, if
left alone, would be the solitary 920, 900 from
the Irish Church fund He knew way of pro-
vlding the necessary money, except by carving
it out Of this years budget and he proposed that
in the future Ireland should pay one-ffteenth to-
ward the imperial expenditures. He went on to
speak of how much Ireland would gain by ex
porting spirits to Great Britain and how much
Great Britain would lose to Ireland by the flow
of money from one to the other. AS the result
of careful inquiry, he stated with confidence, not
as an actual demonstration, but as matter OF
certainty with regard to the far greater portion,
that the Irish receipts would gain from Great
Britain sum that would amount to FL AGO.
BOO per annum. He then entered into an
elaborate calculation of the total income and ex-
penditure to Ireland, in the course of which he
stated that the total charge to Ireland as an i'm
berial contribution he puts at E3 242, 600 per an
mum.
He stated as an instance of the intense demon
Rlzation of the Irish administration, that while
the postoffice in England showed large surplus.
in Ireland it just paid its expenses He esti-
mated the total expenditure of Ireland, including
payment as a sinking fund for the Irish portion
of the national debt, at 81, GAG. 900 per annum.
Against that there was q total income OF g.
350000, or surplus to the good of f4O4, 900. ut
has naturally been said in England and Scot
land" continued Mr.. Gladstone, sthat for a
great many years past we have been struggling
to pass good laws for Ireland, and that we have
sacrificed our time, neglected our interests and
paid our money. and we have done all this in the
endeavor to give Ireland good laws. That is
quite true with regard to the general conrse of
legislation since 1S49. Many of those laws have
been passed under an influence which I can
hardly describe other than as the influence of
fear
With regard to the history of the land ques-
tion no man could know tha5 until he had fol-
lowed it from year to year, beginning with the
Devon commission, the appointment Of which,
in the speakers opinion. did the highest honor to
the memory of Sir Robert Peel. [Cheers. And
then to examine the mode in which the whole
1cka had hoov, ctrot ad hxy
the domination of selfish interest Parnellite
sheers He did not deny the good intentions of
he British Parliament to pass good laws for Ire
md "but," he said. lin order to work out the
tirposes of government, there is something more
this world occasionally required than the pass
hs of good laws. 1t is sometimes necessary not
My that good laws should be passed, but, also,
hat they should be passed by the prop
laws is not enough, in cases where the strong
instincts of the people. distinct marks of charac
ter, situation and history, requires not only that
these laws should be good, but that they should
proceed from congenial and native sources; and
that besides being good laws, they should be
their own laws Irish cheersl. AT times l
doubted whether this necessity had been fully
developed, and especially with respect to Ire
land. lie doubts could be entertained before the
last general election, they cannot now be enter
tanned. The principle | have laid down. ] am
not laying down for Ireland exceptionally. 1t is
the very principle upon which, within my recol-
lection, to the immense advantage of the coun-
try, Parliament has not only altered, but revo-
lutionized our method of government. When
l held Office at the colonial Office,
the colonies were governed from Downing
street. The result was that the home govern
ment was always in conflict with those countries
which had legislative assemblies. We had con-
tinual sparks with the colonies them But all
that has been changed. The British Parliament
tried to pass good laws for the colonies, but the
colonies said we don't want your good laws;
we want our good laws, and Parliament at
length had admitted the reasonableness of this
principle. This principle has now come home to
us from across the seas, and the House has now
to consider whether it is applicable the case of
Ireland We now stand face to face with what
Is termed Irish nationality in demand for self
government in Ireland, not in England.