The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-12-12

said otherwise. After prolonged wrangle with
the court and the lawyers for the crown Mr..
Healey, counsel for Mr. Dillon, secured the right
to cross examine the various witnesses from
whom the government had obtained the affda
Wits upon which the prosecution is largely rely
ing for its testimony. The case adjourned
to give opportunity for securing the attendance
of these witnesses
Liberal Unionists Give Signs of Dissolution.
Special to the indianapolis Journal.
LONDON, Dec. ia careful survey of the
names Of those present at the Liberal Unionst
conference, on Tuesday, and the list of Liberal
Unionist members of Parliament and Of prom
inent leaders of the dissidents, undoubtedly
shows that there is breach in their ranks.
Sir George Trevelyan, whose detection from the
Liberal party was more regretted than that of
any other, was not there; neither were w. S.
Caine Joseph Chamberlain, nor Jesse Callings
and score of others equally prominent Steps
had been taken to secure unanimity; only those
who expressed their desire beforehand were ad-
nitted, and Lord Harrington had great difficulty
in securing speakers for the occasion. Now comes
report that Sir George Trevelyan has made
up his mind to work with and influence the
home-rule policy of his party rather than remain
outside in sterile opposition. This single con-
version will sound the death knell of the Union
lists as an independent section. The proper
place of nine out of ten of them is, in the long
run, with the Liberal party, and Sir George
Trevelyans example will greatly help them on
their way thither. Many Liberal Unionists
believe that, though Mr.. Gladstone's
bill contained the kernel Of home rule it was
capable of being improved upon, and as long as
the present Unionists will frankly accept the es-
Enlistment of an Irish legislature, with an ex-
ecutive responsible to that legislature, as the
object of Liberal policy. they can do good
work. and will be more than willing to do it, in
helping 10 give that policy the best and safest
shape. Such incidents as the Irish agitation
about the American mail contract have helped
to undeceive many Unionists of their belief
that home rule is but the halfway house to sep
aration. AS a matter of business, Irishmeu
simply cannot do without England, and they
know 1t. Liberals do not deny that home rule
Is in the nature of compromise. though not,
perhaps, perfectly logical one. But they con-
tend that any tendency towards separa-
ton in the Irish mind will be more
than corrected by the necessities of Ireland's
commercial and geographical position, so that
compromise Of home rule, however illogical, will
be practical, and will give the Irish what they
really want. Prominent members of all political
parties admit that England cannot and ought
not to go on governing Ireland for year and
Gay without the consent and good will of the
majority of Irishmen. They also assert that
the House of Commons has passed its last coer-
cion act and will never pass another. However
great may be the objection to home rule, the OBJ
Seetion to the alternative policy of a benevolent
aespotism is greater. No patriotic
Englishman is content to look for.
ward TO the indefinite continuance
OF present relations between England and Ire
land. This is often left tacitly out of account,
but it is necessary to repeat it over and over
again, because it is the starting point of the
home-rule policy Probably no Englishman is
home ruler in the abstract. That is, if Irish
men could be made content with the present
state of things, he would prefer to let we'll
enough alone, and not try large constitutional
experiments in which there must, of course, al
ways be certain element of uncertainty and
risk. But most Liberals are home rulers be-
cause they are convinced of two things One is
that there is no hope Of winning over Irishmen
to loyal acquiescence in the existing re-
lations between the two countries, either sy
agrArian reform, however large. or by
any other means short of measure making
Irishmen the masters in their own houses and
gratifying the national aspirations which Irish
men have never surrendered The other is. that
at present Ireland is the vulnerable Achilles
heel OF the British empire, an embarrassment
and danger in Englands foreign affairs. and
constant obstacle to the passage of useful domes-
tic legislation. There are Tories who are con
tent that the feelings of Irishmen should remain
sust a. they are and who would med perpetual