The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-08-01
GRANT IN PEACE.
Br GENERAL ADAM BADEAu.
NO. TX
Con tinued Conflict Between Grant and john

Written for the Indianapolis Journal-Copy GIFTED
During the summer of 1867 the conflict of
opinion and effort between johnson and Grant
became positive, though still in great degree
concealed from the country. The Presidents
opposition to the congressional policy continued
DO held that the reconstruction acts were uncon-
stitutional, and that, consequently, he was not
bound to obey them. Grant held that only the
Supreme Court could pronounce on the question
of constitutionality, and that until it should
pronounce all officers, from the President down.
were bound to obey the Law. In May
and June the Attorney general de-
Iivered the opinions which Grant nad
foreseen and did bis best to neutralize the force
and defeat the purpose of the legislative action.
The President directed Grant to forward these
opinions to the district commanders. Grant
iobeyed, but at the same time informed the com
Imanders that they were their own interpreters
of thesr duties and powers and as the President
gave no positive order on the subject, none of
them conformed their action to the Attorney
generals opinions. The President, of course.
observed the sacit disooedience. bat he was pow
erless to control or punish his subordinates. He
had disrsgarded the will Of Congress, and in re-
turn the officers of the army disregarded his
The situation was approaching mutiny on one
side, or else treason on the other:
Congress had adjourned at the end of March,
and left the contest with the President entirely
In the hands Of Grant, uncertain even then how
far he concurred with them in purpose or senti-
ment Some indeed, knew that he was in har-
monv with the Legislature, but many still
doubted his sympathy. In July however, Con-
gress met again, and by this time the majority
had become convinced that Grant was in accord
with themselves, rather than with the President
Thought reconstruction safer in his hands than in
those of johnson. supplementary law was at
once passed, increasing and defining the pow
ers of the district commanders, confirming
all their previous acts, giving them the right,
In terms to suspend remove from Office any
civil functionary holding under State authority,
and defining the conditions of registration so
that it was impossible any longer to misstate or
evade the intention of the law But more than
all, the supplementary statute made the acts Of
the district commanders subject to the approval
of the General of the Army, while the same
original power of removal and suspension was
conferred on him which they enjoyed, and it
was made his duty, as we'll as theirs, to exercise
This power whenever necessary 10 carry out the
purpose Of the law. This actually charged
Grant with the supreme duty of supervising
the reconstruction of the Union.
The authority cow intrusted to the General
ln-chief made him, in many respects, independ-
emit of the President He accepted the pre-
negative, am sure, unwillingly, but believed it
necessary for the preservation of those results
which the war had been fought to secure. At
an earlier stage in the crisis ne had urged that
this peculiar jurisdiction should not be commit
ted to him, and he consented TO receive it only
when he became convinced that johnson was
determined not to carry out the law. For
Grant had been continuously consulted during
the preparation of the supplementary act, and
Gid much to limit his own authority and to re-
strain the most ardent of the Presidents op-
ponents It was at one time proposed
by some overzealous Congressman to
make him almost q dictator of the
Southern States and entirely independent of the
President, but against this he advised in the
strongest possible manner, as subversive of the
principles of the government. and his counsels
prevailed. He not only had no ambition for ad-
ditional power, he even yet shrank from assum-
ing an attitude Of avowed or public antagonism
to the President. He disliked both the appear
ance of this before the people, and the reality.
however disguised; but he submitted to what
seemed, under the circumstances unavoidable
II I had any power of reading his feelings, the
position into which he was thrust was not only
unacceptable to him. but positively painful; yet
be would not shirkit. He wrote to Sherman at
this time:
'In this particular there is little difference be-
tween parties No matter how close keep my
tongue. each tries to interpret from the little I
let drop that am with them. I wish our politi-
csI troubles were ended on any basis I want
90 turn over the command of the army to you
FOR year or SO. and go abroad myself. But to
leave now would look like giving up command
and in the face OF the enemy"
What no did with tbs Republicans at this
time was not for them as political party, but
because he believed that the acts of the Presi-
dent made their course the only one practicable.
Nevertheless, he was dragged by circumstances
into political relations which those about him
began to perceive must soon become defined.
BE was too shrewd and clear-headed not to un-
derstand this himself but certainly believe he
disliked the prospect. He still disclaimed any
partisan bias, and was unwilling to be called
either Republican or Democrat. saw nothing
In him, heard no word from him, in all this
crisis that betrayed any political aspirations or
indicated the faintest ambition to succeed John.
son in the presidency. 1 never saw him more
angry than when unauthorized persons spoke to
him as if he was likely to become presidential
candidate and If the three or four individuals
whose intimacy he recognized ever mentioned
she subject, he put it away and was evidently
annoyed. Up to this time he never admitted to
me that the event was probable far less dssira
BILE, Rawlins told me that Grant refused to dis
euss the subject with him, and Mrs. Grant as
sured me that the idea was most distasteful to
Finn Those who knew the influence she main
min har rhn..