The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-09-19
GRANT IN PEACE.
BIZ GENERAL ADAM BADEAU.
NO. XVI.

0rAnG naQ originally Deeu very mucu 6VerSe
to the proposition to impeach the President
Suggestions of this course had been made as
early as 1866, and In May of that year Grant
wrote to Washburne who was then In Europe
'But little Ia heard now about impeachment.
1t is sincerely to be hoped that we will not
unless something occurs hereafter to fully
Justify it." 1t was not until Johnson's remov
al of Stanton and the appointment of Lorenzo
Thomas as Secretary of War, and after his own
looked with favor on this extreme measure.
But when the motion for impeachment was
finally passed, he heartily approved it. He took
the liyeliest interest in the proceedings, and,
though he preserved proper retcence in his
public utterances, he did not scruple with those
in his confidence to express his opinion that the
action of Congress was entirely justified. He
refused, however, to visit the Senate during the
trial, and did nothing inconsstenA with the dig
nifty Of his position.
But the election for President was now only a
few months off, and from the time of the publ
cation of his final correspondence with johnson
it was evident that Grant must be the candidate
of the Republicans. He no longer declined to
acknowledge this probability, or to converse on
the subject; and the leaders of the party contin
ually consulted him during the progress of the
trial. Before its conclusion he was formally
nominated for the presidency, and he would
have been untrue to his implied obligations had
he failed to sympathize with his supporters in
matter so momentous as their battle with the
President.
Iiav ysn{fn T how eIo AoA
been forming and crystallizing for several years,
amid the changing circumstances and contingen-
cies of the time; but the action of Johnson un-
doubtedly precptated his conclusions. For
Grant was subject to all the ordinary feelings.
and even passions OF man, and the long series
of attempts Arst to beguile and cajole him, and
afterwards to entrap and misrepresent him, had
their Natural effect. They went hand-in-hand
with what he thought the Presidents endeavors
to thwart and Illustrate the law and the will Of
the loyal North. Finally when Johnson
at the same juncture assailed Grants
personal honor and defed the authority
of Congress, the soldier resented one
action while the citizen condemned the other
Doubtless the imputation on his character
sharpened his appreciation of the public miscon-
duct of his enemy; one is proof against in
ducements and influences like these; but the
fact did not lessen the purity of his conduct or
the integrity of his motives. Christianity itself
mingles personal considerations with those of
abstract right and wrong; and man who has
been struck in righteous cause is hardly to be
blamed if he returns the blow with increased
and indignant zeal Grant, repeat, was very
faI in oil To Of he
was made neither of wood nor stone, but Of
flesh and blood; and at this juncture the fervor
of his public spirit was certainly intensified by
his indignation at Johnson's behavior toward
himself.
But he committed no injustice. He resented
his own wrongs, vet he made no display of ran
cor and descended to no unworthy wiles. He
was at one time summoned before Congress, but
he rgidly confined his testimony to what he had
seen and known, and refused to exaggerate either
the language or acts of the President or his own
impressions of them, although he was certain
that this Try moderation would be an argument
in Johnson's favor.
Nevertheless, when he thought it his duty to
take an important step, he did not hesitate. At
the crisis of the trial it became evident that
some of the Republican Senators were uncertain
as to their judgment or their course, and Grant
was urged to use his influence with them. The
Senators were judges it is true, but this was
political trial. and Grant believed that he had a
right to support the weak and confirm the strong
in SO grave an emergency. He not only con-
yersed with those whose action he thought he
could affect, arguing in favor of the conviction of
johnson and demonstrating his guilt. but he Wis
tied at least one Senator at his house with tn e
same purpose This was Mr. Frelinghuysen.
Grant told me Of his intention before he paid
the visit, and returned greatly gratied, for
though Frelinghuysen had not disclosed his
intention, he had said enough to assure Grant
of his views, Two days afterward FreliEguysen
voted in favor Of conviction.
The day before the verdict was rendered
very remarkable scene occurred at Grants head
quarters. Mr.. Wade the presiding officer of the
Senate, would, in case of the deposition of John
son, Immediately become President Naturally,
he was considering this possibility. He was an
ardent Republican, and friend and supporter
of General Grant He came to Grants Office
while was present, and said: General am
here to consult with you about my Cabinet, in
case Mr.. johnson is found guilty" I was al
lowed to remain during the interview Mr..
Wade then went on to say that as Grant was the
candidate of the Republican party, and would
undoubtedly be elected he wished to make
no temporary appointments that would be I'M
acceptable to his probable successor. Grant
listened attentively. but offered no suggestions
Of his own. The matter was profoundly deli
cate aud yet it was not improper for these two
men, who might in turn, and so soon, become
the head of the Senate. to compare their plans
Wade mentioned several names for Cabinet po-
sitions, and ascertained that Grant would not
object to them. Stanton's, of course, was one
of these. But Grant made no revelation of his
own purposes, if indeed they were formed, and
there was no discussion of policy; about that
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