The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1886-04-16

qualification of these representatives
would be goo annual value on capital
value of 24.00 The lower house would
consist of SOC members, of whom the 1Gi
Irish members i'll the present House OF
Cot1mons SHOULD form a part. The dtira;
ton of the Parliament should not exceed
five years
In order to maintain the fiscal UNION of
the empire the bill gave the Imperial Gov
eminent authority to levy custom duties
and such excise duties as were immediately
connected with the customs. The proceeds
OF the customs and excise should be
held for She benefit of Ireland and
Ter the discharge CT the obligations
ct ireland, and the balance should be paid
into the Irish legislative body. Tbs gefi-
eral power of taxation. over and above
those particular duties shot1ld pass into tbs
hands of the Irish Legislature. Every thing
which related to the Crown Oh to the
defense, AS the army and the navy
and foreiga and colonial relations, would
be Withdrawn from the cognizance of the
Legislature. 1t would not have the power
TO establish or endow any particular re-
llgion, and it would have no control over
the. currency. The subjects Of postroftices
and quarantine; etc, woul bs left to the
Judgment of Parliament.
1t was proposed to retain the Vicefoy,
but he would not be the representative of
:. party or quit office with an outgoing
Government. The Queen would be empow-
cred TO delegate to him any, prerogatiyes
she now enjoyed OF would enjoy. The
religious disability now existing, which
makes Roman Catholics ineligible to
the office, would be removed. In future the
Judges would be appointed by the Irish
Government, be paid out of the con-
solldated fund, and be removable only on
the joint address of the two orders. Tie
Sf,n iq1sW iy1 lI3in d
present term of service and under
their present authority. The Government
had no desire to exempt the peace of Ire
land-in reference to its final position
from the ultimate control of the Irish legis-
lative body. With respect to the civil
service the Government did not think their
case was the same as that of the conStabu-
larry, and the transfer of the eivjl-service to
the legislative body would effect great
economy. The proportion of the imperial
burdens which he had to propose that
Ireland should bear was as one to
fourteen. He thought that the new Irish
Parliament ought to start with balance to
its credit, but the only fund that it would
have, it left alone, would be the solitary
$4,000 from the Irish Church fund. He
knew no way of providing the necessary
money except by carving it out of this
years budget; and he proposed that in the
future Ireland should pay one fifteenth
toward the imperial expenditure.
In conclusion Mr.. Gladstone said "If
read Irish history Alright, misfortune and
calamity have welded her sons to their soil
with an embrace yet closer than is known
elsewhere, and the Irishman IS still more
profoundly Irish; but it does not follow
that because his local patriotism is strong
he should be incapable of an imperial pat
riotism. There are two modes of present.
ing the subject which have argued; one Of
them is to present what we now recommend
as good, and the other is to present it as a
choice of evils, and as the least among the
varied evils with which as possibilities we
are confronted. Well, [ have argued
the matter as if it had been Il choice of
evils, : I do not know whether 1t
may appear too bold, but in my own heart
| cherish the hope that this is not merely q
choice OF the lesser evil, but that 1t may be
proved to be ere long a good in itself.
Loud cheers.
There is know an answer to this, and
what is the answer! The answer is only
found in the view which rests upon o.
basis of despair of absolute condemnation
of Ireland and Irishmen as exceptions to
those beneficial provisions which have
made in general, Europeans in particular,
Ehglishmen and Americans capable of self
government; that an Irishman is q lusuS
nature; that Justice, common sense, mod
GRAFTON, natural prosperity, have no mean
ing for him; that all that he can understand
and all that he can appreciate is strife
perpetual discussion. Now, sir, am not
going to argue in this House whether this
view, this monstrous view Irish cheers 8,
is a correct one. say an lrishman is as
capable of loyalty as another man re-
newed cheersl: but If his loyalty has been
checked, why it is because the laws by
which he is governed do not present them
selves to him as they do to US in England
or Scotland with native and congenial
element.
81 have no right to say that Ireland,
through her constitutionalIy elected mem
bers, will accept the measure PROPOSE
hope they will, but | have no right to as
sumo it; nor have any power to enforce
it upon the people of England and
Scotland; but I rely on the patriot
on free and full discussion, and, more
than all, upon the just, generous sem
timents of the two British nations; and,
looking forward, ask the Hou se--believing
that no trivial motive could have driven US
to assist in the work we have undertaken
work which we believe will restore Parlia-
ment to its dignity and legislation to its free
and ul1impeded course)-I ask them to
stay the waste of the public treasure
under the present system Of government
and administration in Ireland, which is not
waste only, hut waste which demoFalizes
while it exhaustS. ] ask them to show
to Europe and America that we, too, can
face the political problems which America
had to face twenty years ago, and which
many countries in Europe have been called
on to face and have not feared to deal with.
| ask that we shall practice as we have
very often preached, and that in our own
case we should be firm aud fearless in APP
plying the doctrines we often have incul-
Gated Gil others that the concession of local
selfgoyernment is not the way to sap and
impair, but to strengthen and consolidate
unity. ask that we should learn to rely
less on mere written stipulations and
more on those better stipulations written
on the heart and mind of man.
ask that we should apply to Ireland the
happy experience we have gained in
England and Scotland, where a course of
generations has now taught us not as a
dream or theory, but as matter of pfac-
tice and of life, that the best and surest
foundation we can find to build on is
the foundation afforded by the affec-
tons and convictions and will of man, and
that it is thus by the decree of the AL
mighty that far more than by any Other
method we may be enabled to secure al
once the social happiness, the power and
the permanence of the empire"
Mr.. Gladstone resumed his seat amid
bursts of enthusiastic cheers, which were
sustained for several minutes.
When the cheers following Mr.. Glad
| stones speech had subsidized, Mr.. George
Otto Treyelyan, who recently resigned the
Secretary ship of Scotland, arose and said
| he resigned with regret, but without hest
tation, as to remain in the Cabinet would
have been a confession OF utilization with a
Home Rule party. He declared that tota
| separation would be preferable to Mr.. Glad
| stones scheme.
AS an alternative to Mr.. Gladstone;
scheme he said he would propose that the
execution of the law and the maintenance
of order should be in the hands of the
| Central Government. Then he would pro
pose the creation of certain local bodies
which should be composed Of members freely
elected. These bodies should be intrusted
with and held responsible for many of the
subordinate functions Of government, such
as providing for education. experimenting
the detals-of local government providing
| for the relief of the poor, etc.
At the conclusion of Trevelyan's speech
Mr. Parncll arose and was received with
cheers by the Irish members. As to the bill
before the House, while reserving his full
expression of opinion Until he had seen it
Mr. Parnell said the bill contained blot:
which the Irish representatives would dc
| their best to remove. One OF these
was to be found in the financial proposal:
of the bill, which he regarded a:
very unfavorable to Ireland, especially
in regard to the Irish tribute to thu
/