The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1886-05-05
THE GRAND OLD MAN.
Gladstone Issues Manifesto to His NidlOih-
ian Constituents.
A CABINET DETERMINED IN ITS PURPOSE,
But Does Not Underestimate the Gravity Of
the Situation.
The Home Rule Bill Received Throughout
the Civilized World With Marked
FavOr-Critical Situation of
Affairs in Greece.

LONDON, May 3-Mr. Gladstone, in a man
ifesto to mis- Midlothian constituents, ex-
plains that his great age has prevented his
ttakipS nart in the sneeches Of the Easter p
cess and has obliged him to reserve his I'm.
tied powers for the House of Commons, and
for that reason he uses his pen instead of his
voice. Continuing he says:
Never have known an occasion when Par.ia-
entary event so rang throughout the world rs
the introduction OF the Home Rule bill. From
| The British colonies and in Smerica from csni-
tails such as Washington, Boston and Quebec,
from remote districts lying beyond the ordinary
assurances that kindred people regard with warm
fraterna sympathy the attempt TO settle once for
all the troubled relations between England and
Ireland which exhibit the only great failure of
the political genius of our race TO confront mas
ter difficulty and to obtain in reasonable degree
| the main ends of civilized lite.
You must not be discouraged if, in the upper
ranks Of society at home. you hear a variety of
| discordant notes-discordant alike from our pol
| icy and from one another. Gentlemen, you have
| before YOU
| CABINET DETERMINED IN ITS PURPOSE
and with an ineligible plan of its own. see
very little else in the political arena either deter
of the state of things within and without PaTliG-
ment and the nature and import OF the nextgreat
step to be taken G S Tor the progress Of my measure
land purchase bill 10 stand on the declaration al
. reaoV made. adding only an expression OF regret
that while the sangs gre Tpnnins trom the hour
tions Of desire to accept the proposal formeG 70
a spirit of the utmost allowable regard Tor thei.
grave importance of differences Of opinion among
| Liberals. Some are inclined to rule the whole
| question against us. by authority. They say,
even extreme Liberals would not have seeded
except in obedience to the i'm;
ssy nothing OF the motives which determined
| us to confront the risk of such parting. 1
earnestly recommend reference to the lessons
the history T Of Liberalism that section OF the
Liberals, under chiefs of distinction and ability
have dssented from the general view OF the par y:
to the delight and, doubtless, to the advantage
OF the Tories. There was an illustrious secession
| previous to the with Bonaparte. There was a
tabish the Irish Church: but eventually in both
| cases il was proved that in principle
| PARTY WAS RIGHT
| And the secession was wrong. Comparing these
with the present secession it is impossible not n
be stru ok with the vital difference, In each pre-
vious secession the dissentients agreed upon an
| active substantial policy.
| coercion, others OF moderated doses, while few
| oppose coercion altogether. On the other side
| some oppose local government, some would give
| il to the counties some to the provinces. Some,
| again, would give an administrative center with
legislative prerogatives, while some propose leg
| islative center without executive power. Some,
| indeed go beyond the proposition of the Govern
| ment, and
ACTUALLY RECOMMEND FEDERATION.
Some alter the proposals which they would rec
proof, not OF the weakness Of the men, but OF the
helplessness OF their cause. We have at least the
timabie it IL NAV be Otherwise s perfect Babe on
| Irish policy. 1t is admitted on all hand that
social order is the first OF all political aims. f.
| a.. s,,T I nsno oinc
| cession offer hundred conflicting remedies-or
| else no remedies at all These remarks are as
applicable to the Tories as they are Ia
the Liberals. The opponents to the Government
their speeches. In each, whether suggestive or
permanent success ef their opposition. To live
from hand TO mouth seems to be the height OF
their ambition. while they suspect what we all
know, that the strife can only end in the c0nces-
sion OF home rule II this is So the real question
is not the triumph OF Irish autonomy; but the
we want TO shorten, they to prolong the struggle.
We say, Give freely" They by acts, ii not
{ 4Ry give Eea now we wee tho
position of the Kingdom in the affairs of the
world is Tree and strong They prefer to wait
yield to the Irish demand in terror. as we did in
The oil 177S, as we did to the demands of the
1913, and as we did in the civil war in is!9. We
say, Act now, when moderation of thought aud
language rules in Irish eounsels when by the
willing concurrence of all sides every arrange
ment for the reservation OF imperial prerogatlves
can be made complete and absolute"
They would postpone till an hour comes when
the demands may be larger aud the means
| OF resistance less. We say deal as with matter
between brothers, matter of Justice and reason" "
They renew a tale alas TOO often told. whose pro-
| logue is a denial with eXaSperatlOn and resent
ment whose epilogue is surrender without condi-
| terror is brought upon the stage the terror oi
rome rule for Scotland and some add for Wales
TINS suggestion does not alarm me- only give us a
|
merit. am not sorry that Scotland and Wales
bave been named, because all serious naming oi
them serves 70 help our Ovement N behalf OF lrs
land. | can draw no vital distinction OF right be
tween the case Of Ireland and the other cases
but there are many distinctions of circumstances
For many wears have hoped it might be found
| practicable To apply decent moralizing processes
even perhaps to portion oft different conditions
Each cese will naturally require dlherent c1ndi
tioDs. Each case viii naturally require diner
erees Of treatment: will remain subject To the
| primary Imperial obligations. believe that the
standard and measure OF good government in
Scotlcnd and Wales will be eventually deter
nl,ed hy public opinion ia Scotland and Wales
Til / say, without painful dispara9ng OF the
circumstances Of this controversy, with which We
are threatened in the case OF Ireland
WHOSE woEFUL HISTORY
for centuries emboldens some OF Us TO treat her a.
il she hsd but limited share in the great inherit
ance of human right-none at all in ordinary
privileges or immunity. But this tormidaolt
amy which opposes the government is in buik
and constitutes parts of the same. though now en-
riched ~ our cost with valuable contingent =
r,cruits that has fought in every political oatt!C
oil the last sixty ears and been defeated We have
before this bad great controversies on free trade
free navigation, public education religious equali
ty, ard the extension OF the franchise. On these
and other great issues this class fought unfoTml.
on the wrong side, and was uniformly beaten by
power more difficult to marshal, but resistles'
when marshalled-by the upright sense OF tn,
nation. The power of gross and wholesale insu
emboldens some, but only some, and not, rejoice
| TO think. the nation of Scotland or England
Watching day by day the movements OF the chr
r,nt of opinion in the present conflict, more ant
nOIe fnd Ii vita To observe the pOint M whict
the divinlpg lines are drawn. On the side al yer Z
l. the CoyeTnL.ent ere found IN Proiuse abdno
Artc wealth. STecial n,iu. nee, station, tit an,
tie professions. large majority of them
woI, +. the split and p .wer Of class. Nor Is thi'
| all A. The Knights of old had squires. SO in tn.
great amy Of class each soldier has his deosnd
epfS
Lord Harrington reminded us. aud cordially
agree with him. that this question. which
be TUNED over thousand ways ands placed in >