The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1886-04-09

Sald tnat when his colleagues discovered InlS
conspiracy, they at once took steps to cir
cumvent it by reaching the scene in time to
get the choice of places. O'Conpor said he
was satisfied with the result, and added that
the Irish cheers would be not only full
throated but unanimous.
Right Hon. Arthur Wellesley Peel, speaker
OF the House, took the chair promptly at
o'clock. The chamber at the time was pack
ed to the very extreme limit of its capacity,
and every doorway showed the Railways
crowded with people
The weather at this time suddenly changed !;
the clouds lowered and thunder was heard
Nevertheless the mass of people outside in
creased and became denser. Catholic priests
were conspicuously numerous in the crowd,
and no less than 35 branches of the London
organization of the Irish National League,
were represented by full deputations, whose
identity was easily established at distance
by their green regalias Political clubs be-
yond numbering were also present to take in
the popular demonstration. At o'clock de-
putations from 80 Liberal clubs alone had
been counted in the throng.
Mr.. Gladstone went to the House in an OPP
en- carriage, and his appearance was greeted
with deafening cheers. The enthusiasm of the
people all the way from the door of his house
to the entrance of the Commons was sponta-
neous and thrilling 1t vented itself at the
beginning of the journey in roar of ap-
plause, and when the whole immense multi
tude caught the signal, one tremendous, long
sustained cheer was set up, the like of which
was never before heard in London, and
which was plainly audible in the House.
The cheering continued until long after Mr..
Gladstone had entered the Parliament build
ing. Within the building the prime minis
ter's reception, though less demonstratiye,
was equally enthusiastic with that he had
just received without
AS soon as the usual formalities attending
the opening of a session of Parliament were
over, it was voted to postpone the reading
and answering Of all questions on the notice
paper. Hardly had this been done when, at
4.30 O'Clock, Mr.. Gladstone entered the room.
His entrance was followed by loud and pro-
longed cheers. which were continued for
several moments. Among the Liberals and
Parnel party, the widest enthusiasm pre-
vailed, and it is safe to say that no such
scene was ever witnessed before in the
House of Commons.
AS soon as the cheering had ceased, Mr..
Gladstone rose and moved for permission to
introduce bill to amend previous legisla-
ton, and to make provision for the future
government of Ireland. On making this
motion, Mr.. Gladstone said:
The time has arrived when both honor and
duty require Parliament to come to decis-
i've resolution. 1t should be our endeavor to
elevate Parliament from the restraints un-
der which, during late years. it had ineffect-
ually struggled, and to restore legislation to
its unimpeded course. 1t is our duty to es-
tablish harmonious relations between Great
Britain and Ireland on footing of free in
stitutions in which Englishmen, Scotchmen
and Irishmen have like interest.
This statement was greeted with prolonged
cheers. AS soon as quiet was restored, Mr..
Gladstone said:
MR.. cLADSToNE's SPEECH.
81 could wish it had been possible to
expound to the House the whole policy
and intention of the government with
reference to Ireland. Although questions of
reform in the tenure of land and Irish gov
ernment are so closely and iHseparably con-
nected, it is yet impossible to undertake the
task of calculating both questions together.
do not know of any previous task laid up
on me involving so diversified an exposition.
In contemplating the magnitude of this task
| am filed with a painful mistrust, but that
mistrust is absorbed in feeling of respon-
sibility that will be upon me if / should fail
to bring home to the public mind the magni-
tadn tn s'.d ,-eEiguo asPocrs oI Lne question.
this question, loud cheers.) We should
come to close quarters with it, (Cheers.)
We should take means, not merely in
tended for the wants of today or tomorrow,
but should look into the distant future. We
have arrived at stage in our political tran
sactions with Ireland when the two roads
part, not soon probably to meet again. The
time is come when it is incumbent on the
duty and honor of Parliament to come to
some decisive resolution on this matter. Our
intention Is theIet9re to propose to the
will, we think
Liberate Parliament from Restraints
under which Of late years it has Intellectually
struggled to perform the business of the
country, and will restore British legislation
to its natural ancient and unimpeded course,
and above all establish harmonious relations
between Great Britain and Ireland (HeaT,
heard on the footing of those free institu-
tions to which Englishmen, Scotchmen and
lrlShmen alike are unalterably attached.
loud cheers, prolonged by the Home Rule
members.)
Effect of coerclve Legislation
After reviewing the condition and crime
existing in Ireland since 1888 Gladstone de-
scribed the coercive legislation enforced dur
ing the same period as not exceptional but
babitual. He compared Ireland during all
this period to a man trying to find susten-
ance in medicine only meant for cure.
Coercion, however, had, he said, proved ne
cure. Serious disaffection continued to pre-
vail in ireland and if England and Scotland
had suffered similar hardshipS he believed
the people of these countries would resort to
means similar to those the Irish had used to
ventilate their grievances: Parnellite
failure for the past ffty-three years. What
was the basis of the whole mischief was
the fact that the law was discredited in Ire
land. 1t came to the Irish people with a
foreign aspect and their alternative to coer-
cion was to strip the law of its foreign char
acter and invest it with domestic charac-
ter. loud Irish cheers.) ireland, though
represented inParliament, numerically equal
with England or Scotland, was really not in
the same position politically; England made
her own laws; Scotland had been encouraged
to make her own laws as effectually as if she
had six times her present representation.
The consequence was that the handspring of
the law in England and Scotland was felt to
be English or Scotch. The handspring of
the law in Ireland was not felt by her peo-
pie to be Irish, He therefore deemed it lit
tie less than mockery to hold that the state
of this law which he had described conduc-
ed to the real unity of this great, worldwide
empire.
Something must be done,'' continued Mr..
Gladstone. Something is imperatively de-
manded from us to
Restore in Ireland the First Condi-
tions of Civil Life,
free course of law, the liberty of every in
dividual in the exercise of every legal right,
their confidence in the law and their SYM
pathy with the law apart from which no
country can be called a civilized country"
What then was the problem before him? 1t
was this: How to reconcile imperial unity
with diversity of legislaturesi Other coun-
tries had solved the problem and under
much more difficult circumstances. We our
selves might be said to have solved it with
respect to Ireland during the time that Ire
land had separate parliament. Did it de-
stroy the unity of the British empire?
(Cheers9
Mr.. Gladstone then pointed to the case of
Norway and Sweden, which countries were
he said, united upon footing of
Strict Legislative Independence and
Co-equaIity.
He also referred to the case of Austria and
Hungary to show that legislative diversity
and government unity in one empire was not
paradoXical condition.
The claim of Ireland to make laws for her
self was denied, continued Mr.. Gladstone,
nm fhn ratr &c n IT, " nf