The Columbian. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1910, 1886-07-16

thousand bad votes, bought up in the
corruption-market, or otherwise obtain
ed by illegitimate means, control the
vote of the state and disfranchise half
of the honest voters therein'
You may preach against electoral cor
ruption until you become blind and gray
headed, and you won't stop it it is in
creasing in this country, and it must in
crease as the country grows richer, as
the number of oflicts to be filled shall
become greater. Preaching against
it will not accomplish your purpose (;
you may check the evil little, but
you cannot destroy it,as long as human
nature remains what it is, and men
even in our stage of civiization-can
be ilegitimately influenced in public
elections. You know all this very
well.
But, by allowing each voter to vote
for his candidate for president, with
the certainty that his vote will be re-
ported as votes for governors are re-
ported, and that his candidate will get
his complete share of the electoral vote
of the state, in proportion to the popu
lar vote given him, what is the result I?
That is what l propose to point out to
you. Observe, If you divide the popu-
lar vote of this state,t 100000 votes,
by 80, you have about $4,000 popular
votes for one electoral vote, that would
be what is called "the ratio," $4,000.
1t would now require about that nun.
ber of votes in Pennsylvania, under
this plan, TO secure one electoral vote
at Washington, sent there from the re-
turns at Harrisburg and,as our popu-
lation increases, the ratio for an elect.
or will increase also. AT no remote
day it will reach forty or fifty thous-
and 80 that, when your high officers
of state-the governor, the secretary
of the commonwealth and the chief
justice-come to count the popular
vote, and to assign to each candidate
his share of the electoral vote, they will
give an electoral vote to each candi-
date for every forty or fifty thousand
votes he has received from the people.
Do you not perceive that corrupt
vote in Philadelphia of five or ten, or
even fifteen or twenty thousand, would
not make an atom of change in the
result Twenty thousand would be
but one-half an electoral ratio, and
would not control one vote, and OF
course any ordinary corrupt vote of
ten or fifteen thousand would amount
to nothing upon the result. But sup
pose you have forty or fifty thousand
corrupt voters, they could control the
casting of only one electoral vote in.
stead of thirty, as at present. DO you
not see that the motive for corrupting
elections would be cut out of our sys
tenn, would no longer largely exist in
it? Do you not see that men would
not spend money to buy votes when
those votes were not to affect the
general result ? There would be nc
motive for corruption, and we would
get purity in our great elections, and
honesty and fair play. AT present, the
party that resorts to improper intluenc
es is the one likeliest to win. 1t il
like gambling, and the party that wins
sweeps the board.
Under the honest and fair system
that I have stated, each party woult
get just what it is entitled to. l say
therefore, that this change would reacf
down to the very foundations of oul
system, would eradicate the motive fo
corruption and illegitimate influence
which attend our great elections, woult
secure to the people equal rights il
their elections, and the ultimate result
would be an honest and pure govern
ment, which is the legitimate objec
for which elections are held.
In conclusion upon this point l will
mention one fact You remembe
that, in 1876, in the election canvas
between Hayes and Tilden, there wa
great excitement. am not going t.
discuss what happened-the merits o
the returning-board in Louisiana, no
J the action of Congress-I am o
another point. / then wrote propc
: sition for changing the constitution o
. the United States In this particular
% putting into form the ideas l hav
mentioned toni ght-and sent it to Nj
Maish of York county, gentlema
:, of great ability and perfect integrit
y of purpose who was then in the Hous
of Representatives. He presented il
and it was referred to select con
mite, and was fully considered An
= agreed to by the committee it wa
y then by that committee reported bac
!. - to the House. accompanied by a wri
- - ten report which explained the propt
y sition and put it upon the ground
= which no one, venture to say, ca
. ever answer. But, shortly afterward
e my friend Mr.. Maish, under the prir
ciple of rotation in office, that some {
y us value so highly, was left at HON
II and his place was supplied by anothe
h h The proposition sleeps, but it may /
- - wakened to life. When we ha,
~ :, another terrible danger over a pres
~ dental election, people will wake I
Is Is the necessity of amendment. But
(; think it proper now, IN time of peat
., ~ and quiet, when the passions are NJ
=, ~ up, when no individual interests are i
~ volved, when party passion is sllen
~ ~ that this plan shall be considered ar
u, w. action taken upon it by Congress, al
y the subject submitted TO the people
g the states. If it is so submitted it vi
" " be certainly and promptly adopted.
II THE l1TH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT.
N We reside in a congressional di
al trict of very peculiar formation.
Of extends from the line of Lycoming
r the Lehigh valley, and beyond it
,e the Delaware river, and up that riv
Dr. as far as Port Jervis on the New Yol
t. and Erie railroad. You pick up Monitor
T.; then you go east, and pick up Colur
g, bia then comes tier of township
ar across western Luzerne, all the wa
yt down to the Schuylkill border, b
ss which you get little corner OF Co
m nection across into the Lehigh valley
At you then pass east, picking up a til
70 of townships and boroughs through IL
rs south end of Luzerne and the Haze
1t ton country, until you reach the lii
rs of Lackawanna ; you then drop dow
At the Lehigh river and pick up Carbo
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