The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-05-05
AN APPEAL TO THE THINKING.
The indianapolis Section of the SOcialistic
Labor Party State Their Principles.

L
| "The Socialists are SO frequently mentioned
IN connection with the present labor movement,
and we are so often placed in false light, that
we deem 1t necessary to explain our position to
| the public.
1T is impossible. in circular like this, to go
deeply into the causes of the present condition
or the workingmen. Suffice it TO say, that the
causes are TO be sought in the system and not at
all In the action of individuals. There were diff
| ferent forms of production at different times;
| society was not always organized it is now
| The slave system is Dead the feudal system Is
dead; the wage system will die, and the cooper
alive system will be the social system of the fu-
! ture. Of course we do not, under a CO operative
| system, understand one dependent upon the vol
| untary action of the employer, but one compul-
| sorry eneral-regulated by the law of the land.
something which will form part of the social
| organization. The assertion frequently heard
that we are for an equal division of property is
| of course too absurd as that we care to defend
ourselves against it. Such would be in contra
| diction with our cardinal principle, that every
| body should enjoy the fruits of his own labor.
1T ought to be understood that men with such
principles have very little to do with incit-
| ing trouble
| cit is quite natural that men who are of the
opinion that the social system is wrong, will not
attack individuals. We are never so foolish as
to hold individuals responsible for the faults of
a system or for the faults of society. The CAPT
talist is as we'll creature Of the present social
system as the wage laborer and there is no wage
become capitalist or even a monopolist, if he
has chance
''We are therefore neither friends of the strike
nor of the boycott. The principle underlying
this sort of warfare Is to hold the individual re-
sponsible for what society at large, the strikers
and boycOtters included. is responsible.
"Of course there may be cases Of bad treat
| ment, cruelty and other sorts of individual re-
sponslbillty, and in such cases the general pub
lie will sympathze with the workmen if they
strike or boycott and will support them; but in
most cases. whore the grievances are caused by
| crushing competition between the employers
| themselves competition which they can
not resist, whatever their good intentions to-
| ward their workingmen may be, because our
social system 10 based upon competition, boy
| colts are wrong and together with the strikes
| injure the laboring man more than anybody
| else.
1--WE want to be judged rightly We do not
| want to be considered Nihilists or Anarchists,
when we are not. Our intention is to reach our
| ideal of state government or social organization
whatever you may call Tin that legitimate
| way which is customary in civilized mankind
| the ballot We are simply political party.
"rhat we are prosecuted in monarchical Eu-
| rope is most natural, because we favor the re-
publics and for this very reason we should have
| friends in this country.
"Our party has succeeded in sending twenty
| Ave men to the German Parliament, who have
| been able to wiring from the government whole
some laws, such as factory inspection, sanitary
laws for factories, regulation of child and female
| labor obligation of the manufactures to provide
safe machinery, and responsibility If he does not
| do it, etc.
| Neither this nor anything more radical in its,
| nature, however, can be achieved by strikes or
| boycotts, or by any acts Of violence, or by max
ing labor organizations the tools OF political trick
sters, but only by forming political party the
| sole object and intent of which is to make laws
which are beneficial to the great mass of man.
| kind which take the power from mere dead mat
| ter, called capital. to deprive the laboring man
of the full results of his industry and eventually
| to bring about system of social organization
| which guarantees happiness to every one, not
| making happiness dependent on chance.
Some may think this is impossible. Some
| may call us idealists or draamers One thing,
| however, is certain our ways are reasonable and
legitimate We share the fate of every political
party; we cannot succeed without having first
| convinced.
TT is furthermore certain that our mode of
| agitation, if generally followed, would prevent
such terrible troubles as ara now existing, and
| would be far more beneficial than strikes, boy
| colts. violence and destruction of property.
I'VE have. of course, opponents; our theories
| are not believed in by every body. But even our
| greatest enemy cannot deny US the right of
agtating in the manner prescribed, because it is
| entirely republican and surely Is an inherent
| human right. Our party would lead politics
| into far better channel than it is now in; 1t
| would give it grander scope, would elevate it
and lead it to it's proper objects, making man
4
| 'The social question is political question;
the attempt to settle it outside of the sphere Of
politics is just as impossibleas an attempt to set
| tie the question of a church dogma outside of
the church II the object Of politics is the wei
| fare of the people and not the division of spos,
then the social question is pre7eminentl-a polit-
| ical qestion.
'It is certain that things cannot continue to
| be as they are now. The condition Of the labor
| ing classes must be bettered; pallation will not
4 chanp0
| Competition means war between the employers
| themselves; the wage system means war be-
| tween the employer and the employa. AS long
as both exist war exists. Individual good will
| is powerless Strikes and boycotts make the
| war more intense, constantly increase the Bit
terness Of feeling, and at one time it must reach
point when it will result in terrible things
| "Andsyet something must be done. We know
OF no better way than ours Remove your pref
| udices against US. educate the people, and let it
decide at the ballotbox. If it cannot decide, we
| are not responsible for what will follow.
| Society has nothing to fear from those who
| have ideals; from those who are educated; from
| those who have principles But society has
| everything to fear from those who are governed
| merely by rude passions. The INDECENT play into
| the hands of the latter.
Society must be governed either by intellect
| and love or by passion. We have chosen. for the
| first; 1t is for society now to chose If it does
| not choose soon, we fear that rude passion will
| overpower good sense and EScd will. Recent
| events point toward it. If society were not
/ preludiced against us, we were strong enough to
prevent it. AS it is, we are free from response
bliity for what is and for what is to come.
Our time will come; it must come. Jesus
Christ was crucifed and to-day the Christian
| religion is preached from thousands Of pulpits
we can wait until il comes, and in the mean
| time disseminate our views and theories in a
peaceable and legitimate way. Until then. how
ever, we wished to be distinguished from the
Anarchists. The latter name their organization
international Workingmens Associations" the
name of ours is ''Socialstic Labor Party. There
Is no difficulty to distinguish between an asso-
citation and party. and there is no connection
whatever either in fact or feeling, between our
party and the Anarchists
"By order of the indianapolis section of the
Socialistic Labor Party.