National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1886-05-27


Labor and Law.
The sentiment and policy which underlay
slavery, which were fully developed and
strengthened by 1t, which defended 1t to the
last gasp, and which now sullenly regret 1t,
studlous Of revenge, are to-day the active
and controlling elements of that political
anachronism known among us as "Bourbon.
ism" These formerly held that slavery was
the best possible condition for labor and
that It was for the best interests Of capital
and mastery to keep labor utterly unedu-
Gated, and, as far as practicable, in the
lowest operations Of production. Free
dom, It was insisted, was only for the select
few and could not reach its perfect de-
yelopment without slavery as its attendant
and complement; while, with the rest OF
the world to exchange with freely, Amerl-
can labor could be most easily continued in
servitudc by dedlcatlng It to perpetual
ignorance and to the grossest toll, whose
fruits could purchase all the luXurles aud
necessnrles of life from abroad. The sen.
timent and policy that taught this doctrine
(Which, in its term, stimulated and re.en
forced them) completely dominated the
south and largely affected the whole coun-
Try until 1sGO-6l. And now, a quarter cen
tury after the war which was waged to
suppress them, and which was believed to
have been perfect success, we find them
not only vigorously surviving in Bourbon
ism, but triumphing with Bourbonism in q
Democratic restoration to federal ascend
ency chiefly due to Bourbons, and in
which Bourbons arc again the public mas
tus, II 10 longer the private owners Of the
people.
The Union Is safe; secession is dead
slavery Is extinct; and even the negro is il
70 dargcr of a return to chattel servitude
These things are settled forever, no doubt
even the Bourbon having more sense than
to take second risk In game which he
orce lost so utterly. But-the Bourbon
and his Bourbonism are here again; he aud
the party which even the war failed to
emaucipate from him are once more In
power; aud II he dare not restore slavery
he has set about re.establishiuy as near NJ
approach to the old situation as he can. II
labor is not to be absolutely reduced aga,r
to chattel slavery, 1t is to be DEGRADED
to the basest predial aud mental occupa
tions, and II Is to he denied education, II
these aims can possibly be reached. Is there
any testimony at all lacking to prove these
charges? II so what Is II? The Bourbon
opposition to free schools has only been
limited aud yelled so far by the ncces'
sity Of making some concessions u
the public opinion of the country, ant
to the popular demand at the south; bu
the defeat Of the Blair school bill Is at th
order Of Bourbonisin, and this order mean
that popular education at the south, a
least, shall henceforth be a mockery anC
show. The recent letter Of Judge Yal
Eaton, Of Mississippi (Which we pub
lished), reveals the Bourbon dlimUs towar,
common schools for the elevation Of th
masses; and those BoUrbons who are no
under any stress Of political double deal
inC-professors IN coNeges, doctors o
divinity, religious editors, aud corporation
lawyers-do not hesitate to teach ant
preach, in season and out Of season, tina
there mast be class Of hereditary hewer
Of wood and drawers Of water, a meuial herd
who are said to get above their business
they be educated-just as the slaves wer
untaught lest they should get above th
business OF slavery
Not only SO. Free trade and antl-fre
schools have the same source, the same al
guments, the same supporters. We hear
indeed, that tariffs are taxes which com
cut Of the masses OF the people, although
is also taught by the same economists an
statesmen that all other taxes are paid b
the wealthy few! Yet the real argument
and motives Of Bourbonism in opposin
protection and free public education ar
identical in kind, II not so In every detail
Protection, by encouraging manufacture
and diversity in industry, not only elevate
labor, but increases demands for it. /
operates In many ways precisely like edr
cation itself to raise labor from its loves
scale, and Is indeed an inevitable adjunC
Of popular enlightenment and self-assertlor
Labor, under the joint stimulus and III
Grating aid Of education and protection
develops a manly ambition TO rise II learn
its rights and needs and how to get them
II deserts the shovel and the hoe for othe
implements and tools that pay better, unit
even the shovel and hoe command highe
wages, and thus the practical slavery Of a
ignorant population, tied by circumstance
TO The sell and its drudgery, ends, an
BCuIGClism RACES at the spectacle.
Such Is the political case as 1t stands,wlt