Omaha daily bee., 1886-08-25
BLAINE OPENS THE FIGHT.
The Maine Statesman Delivers the First
Address of the Campaign,
GREAT SUBJECTS DISCUSSED.
Baynrd Denounced For His Action
in the Cutting Case-Questions of
Tariff, Labor and Fisheries
Touched On.
GREAT SUBJECTS DISCUSSED,
National Issues Discussed.


morning to deliver the opening address of
the campaign at the republican mass meeting
held here. His speech in substance was as
follows:
Fellow Citizens: A new administration of
the national government is usually unveXed
in its first year except by the importuntles
and the diSappolntments of its own support
erS. The people at large give small heed tor
the time to public affairs and the discussion
of political issues Is left Us a somewhat per
functory task to opposing partisans in CON
greSS. THIS period of popular inaction Is
thus not only advantageous for rest but 1t
prepares those who are the ultimate arbtters
in all matters of phbicconcern to give patient
hearing TO fair argument when the time
arrives for popular discussion.
Have the old differences between the re-
publican and democratic organizations been
adjusted, or have they grown more palpable
and more pronounced? Are the questions
over which the republicans and the demo-
Gratis have waged a long contest to be now
abandoned? Is liugation in the court of pub
lie opinion to be discontinued and settle
ment effected by entering "neither party" on
the peoples docket? Or, on the other hand,
do the American people just now begin to
see with clearer vision the aims and inten-
tions, the methods and the measures of each
party, and are they waking to new and
more earnest struggle over politics that are
irreconcilable, over measures that are i'll
herently and inevitably in conflict? Let us
inquire of these things In a spirit of candor!
THE TARIFF POLICY.
1t is in the first place especially worthy of
observation that in the history of industrial
questions no party in time of peace has ever
been more united III support of policy than
is the republican in support of protective
tariff to-day. At the late session of congress
a measure known as the Morrison tariff bill,
designed to first weaken and ultimately de-
stroy the protective policy, was resisted by so
compact an organization of the republican
members that single vote from New York
fl,FGn Nrntn frllN n nrn
all that broke the absolute unanimity of the
party. ~
on the other hand, the vast majority of the
democratic members supported the free trade
side of the question: but small minority,
uniting with the republicans, found them
selves ablo to defeat the measure.
These leading facts indicate that the
policy of protection versus free trade is an
issue shaped and determined no longer by
sectional preference-but has become general
and misunderstanding a distinct. well
marked line of division between the repub-
lican and democratic parties.
The hostility of the democratic party to
protection has entailed upon the country
vast loss and has in many ways obstructed
the progress and development of certain sec
tionS. Since the financial panic of 1873 and
the contemporaneous solidihcaton of the
| southern vote the democratic party has, with
| the exception of single congless
| held control of the ehouse of representatives.
| The power to originate revenue bills has
| been exclusively ir their hands and they have
| used it to the confusion, the detriment, in
| many instances to fhe obstruction of new en-
terpriSeS throughout the union Confidence
| once shaken is hard to restore, and the
| schemes of Improvement which have been
| abandoned within the past ten years on ac-
count of the uncertainty of our revenue laws
| constantly menaced by the democratic party
| in congress would have caused prosperity and
happiness in many communities which have
| felt the discouraging influence of dull times.
The democratic party is constantly using
| iyaI Iul in hISppSS which
their own course in congress for twelve
years has largely developed, as an argument
| against the policy OF protection. But it is
| worth while to compare the condition of the
country in this year of grace with its condi-
| ton the year before the republicans sue
ceeded in enacting their first protective tariff
In the nine states which still do the larger
amount of manufacturing Tor the country,
and which did it nearly all quarter Of a
| century ago, it is interesting and instructive
to compare their financial conditions at the
beginning of 1861 and at the beginning of 1865.
| The states referred to are the siXof New Eng
land with New York, New Jersey and Penn
sented a condition brought about by nearly
an entire generation Of h free Zee trade trade and ma the
cumulated in their savings banks during
that long period was less than one hundred
and sixty millions OF dollars. In the same
aggregate amount in the savings banks was
| over one thousand and twenty millions of
dollars. The difference in the amount of
savings in Maine for the two periods show
| that in January, 1861, the people had less
than a million and half in bank, while in
January, 1886, the people had over thirty-six
III During rim this period it must be remembered
states state has been about IS per cent, willie the
increase of deposits in savings banks has
| been at the rate of 500 per cent.
1t must be remembered that 20 per cent. OF
| IL 81 hnln
| The vast number of deposltOrs may be in
ferred from the fact that in Maine, where the
| aggregate population is less than 100000, the
$4,000 900 of deposits are divided between No.
600 persons, showing that about one in six of
the total population Is a depostor and that
the average to each Is about three hundred
| and twenty dollars.
The figures with which we are dealing have
been confined to the nine states named be-
cause in 1861 the manufacturing done in this
country was mainly conhned TO those states.
But the thousand millions OF savings by the
workers within their borders become still
more significant, as an economic fact, when
we remember that since 1861 the great body
of northwestern states under the inspiring
influences ota protective tarlil nave IN turn
developed an enormous aggregation OF manu-
featuring industries. ONO, Indiana, Michi-
gan, Illinois, Wisconsin,. are no longer de-
voted to agriculture. solely, but have mass
gate value than all lthe manufactures IN all
the states of the union on the day Mr. Lin
coin was first inaugurated.
And yet another comparison may be made
still more embarrassing To the free trade doc
trinaries aud more difficult for them to an
swer. While the American workmen in
nine states, working under q. protective
tariff. have over thousand millions OF dol
lars in savings banks, the vastly greater
number of working men in England, Ire
land, Scotandand Wales, the whole United
Kingdom, all working under free trade have
less than four hundred millions of dollars In
the aggregate, both in savings banks and
postal banks. I hese figures and these dollars
are the most persuasive OF arguments and The
conclusion they teach is SO plain that the
running man may Rad.
| THE LABOR QUESTION.
The leading feature in the industrial field
of 1855 and 1886 Is the discomfort among thu
men who earn their bread by skilled and I'M
skilled labor. Uneasiness and uncertaint!
are found on all sdes; there are wise aim
among many and with not few there is aim
lessness With its inevitable result OF dis
appointment and disbursement The mar
who could by any prescription remove thi
discomfort and at once restore harmony anl
happiness, would be philosopher, patriot anC
statesman. The man who processes to b
able to do ii will generally prove to be
compound of empirlcism and ignorance. Blu
J in the end, perhaps By toilsOme paths, Wit
many blunders and some wrongs, no one neet
doubt that sound and just and righteous con
clusions will be reached. Perfect freedom