The Wilmingtonian., 1886-05-08

i
fresh problems to solve. What then are we
to conclude from this ? That we have cause
| for alarm ? think not-rather cause for
| concern, and a subject for every earnest,
careful, and above all, calm consideration.
This question cannot be brushed lightly
aside, it has come to stay. 1t demands set
tlement and if we refuse the demand, it
in society that is not interested in it and
that will not be affected vitality, by the man
ner of its adjustment. The phase Of the
question that is most significant in estima-
ting its character, is the one of its unver-
salty. 1t is the same in every portion of
the civilized world. If it were local, we
might then look for its cause and its remedy
in our own country. We might fairly sup
pose that we, as a nation, had been guilty
of some sin of omission or commission, but
it is as wide in extent as civilization itself
it exists wherever the spirit of progress is
found it is a species of progressive fever
that can only be contracted where there is
civilization. Its symptoms are character istc,
and show only such variations as may be
explained by reference to the laws and regu-
lations of the various countries where it
RACES. ..--
In Russia, it takes on the form of "Nihi-
lism !" in Germany and Austria and the
middle kingdoms Of Europe, it assumes the
character # Socialism" In France of
Communism y in Belgium and in En-
gland it is everything combined, and always
ready to fight whatever is nearest to it, In
our Country it exist in every phase known
: to the disease, from bloodshed, to the adop-
tion of set of resolutions, but still, the
same in kind, differing in the various localities
only in degree. Everywhere it is in passion
ate protest against what it regards as an evil.
1t suffers, and it knows not why it suffers.
And so it strikes out wildly and bindly, its
blows falling upon friend and foe, and even
upon its own self, for it must be remembered
that this danger that now threatens the
peace and good order Of society does not
come from men capable of practicing phios-
ophy or studying political economy. They
} are not, as class, educated men or reason.
ers, nor are they likely to be at all logica
or consistent in their conduct when they
u find themselves unable to obtain what the,
believe to be their just dues. We have t,
, deal with the physical strength of this ma
tion, reused to pitch of frenzy or madness
: over what they believe to be their wrong
, and expressions. 1t should also be remem
bered that they belong to the classes tha
. have the least stored up for use in the day
, of need and want, and are to feel the depres
sions that at intervals overtake all bushes
IS enterprises, and consequently they are nat
u urally the first to enter their complaint
IL against what they call the "ruling classes.
1 II
been a tolerably well directed effort made D
u the part Of the wage earners of this natior
d be expected the effort has been crude an
= imperfect. In many localities its aim an
- object has been altogether misunderstood
(notably so in this city). While it is n
III doubt unpopular to say it, yet am convin
10 ed that the original aim and intention of th
re organization presided over by Mr.. Powtlerl
Vi and called the knights of Labor was prais
8 worthy it had evidently many weak spo
" in its plans, and many childish and sent
u mental notions about it, but all that was
IL be expected. 1t had to deal with men wi
u could not be firmly attached to any organ
" cation, that did not in great measure l
~ fleet their own character. We have no rigl
- to expect perfect work from every one, al
u especially from those entirely without e
IT, perence aud skill in what they are uude
nu taking. Yet as well as am able to undo
o' stand its original aim as expressed in NJ
ny Powderly's famous ''secret circular pu
x lished during the Missouri & Pacific IA
's- road strike recently, it had for its object Il
u education of labor in its duties and respo
ny sbilities, with view eventually, in tel
'h' of years-say five Or more-to demand
~ shortening of the hours of labor, for the pI
er- pose Of giving the laboring classes more til
nd of their own, and for the purp,
ore of increasing consumption; at
of, same time it decreased productit
ese thus preserving the proper equilibril
Mt, in trade. This is not wild idea by a
cnt means. Let us refer again to the staten
IS a made in opening, viz;-That the capaC
a to produce is in excess Of the capacity
arm consume. Granting that the statement
ese correct, is it altogether unreasonable to
TO pect shortening of hours as conseque
,ity to this fact How, may ask, are VT
to accommodate ourselves to this condition
ing things, without an increase of consumpti
ab- or decrease of production, or boths Let