The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-07-02
Declaring Their Adoption Would Be a Step To-
ward Breaking Up the Kingdom How Mr..
Bright Would Settle the Question.
A Careful Review of the Situation in
Joseph Chamberlain's BailiWick,
With Mention of Peculiar Difficulties Under
Which That Statesman Is LabOring-The
Tories Carry the First Borough.
THE HoME-RULE CANVASS.
John Bright Speaks Strongly and Bitterly
Against Gladstone's Plans.


LONDON, July I-Mr John Bright addressed
large audience at Birmingham tonight Upon
rising to speak he was cheered for several min
utes He said he had believed that his time was
coming to retire. For twenty nine years he had
served Birmingham, but in the face of question
of the greatest magnitude he considered it his
duty to remain at the front. During his life in
Parliament he had acted alongside of the still
eminent Liberal leader. [Cheers. He had not
been follower Cheers The Liberal leaders
had generally followed the course adopted by Mr..
Gladstone in preference to following their own
convictions. Some intimate friends of Ills had
no notion of ofanything but following where Glad.
stone led They reminded him of Cooks tour
lists, VINO enjoyed great security because they
were personally conducted" Laughter. He
claimed that he. more than any other man, had
implored successive governments to deal with
ireland. Who had so long and pertinaciously
shown England the sores of Irelandq It was be-
cause his sympathy was undiminished-nay,
more powerful than ever-that he was unable to
accept the proposals of the government Could
anybody suppose that he would have
estranged himself from long political
and personal friendship with Mr.. Gladstone If
he could have seen any way to support the bills9
In the great speeches of the Premier and others
they had produced great deal OF ancient his
tory and many old stories about Ireland; but the
history of nearly every country was dismal
story. The old story Of Ireland had nothing to
do with the question. 1t was unbecoming in the
Premier to make long speech telling what had
happened in Ireland a century ago. Going back
would show the enormous progress of Ireland
during the past fifty, or even twenty years. The
whole tone of Parliament toward Ireland had al
tered. The church had been disestablished. The
land laws had been reformed the arrears
act had been passed, and other legislation had
been enacted, ending, last year, with the widest
household suffrage Could any government, in
the same length of time, have done more for any
peopls7 After adducing data to prove that the
Irish malady is not political, but altogether eco
nomic, Mr.. Bright said he was entirely against
any thing, il any shape called Parliament at
Dublin. [Cheers.] He was also opposed to the
monstrous proposition to purchase estates. Blu
for the bill to revolutionize Ireland, nobody
would have dreamed of so extravagant proposals
In regard to the land, the political scheme made
the economic scheme necessary. While the
economic proposals were condemned the
political bills proposed would create
government in Ireland which would be untrust
worthy as regards the first duties of government,
namely, the preservation of property and the Sc
curity of public order. The legislation Mr.
Gladstone proposed was only step forward in
the march through rapine to the breakup of the
kingdom cheersl, and tho astounding proposal
%1nk l.
name, form and power of Parliament They
were told that the land bill was dead The
country had right to complain Of the singular
want of frankness on the part of the
Premier. He was concea.ing from the public
that definite, open declaration which he ought
to make. Probably, in the Premier's view, too
openly to adhere to the land bill might lose the
election. while to abandon it might shake the
allegiance of some Of his colleagues. Therefore,
there was variation in language that was un-
becoming in Minister. The constituencies
might be certain that if they gave the Premier
majority large enough to enable him to 60 on
with the government bill, it was Mr.. Gladstones
intention to also thrust the land purchase bill
through Parliament Cheers. The absurdi-
ties of that land-purchase scheme had been
amply exposed. He reminded his auditors that
among the complaints made by Ireland was
one concerning the great evil of absenteeism.
This land bill would make the English treasury
a universal absentee landlord over all the land
in Ireland and All absentee whose rents it would
be most difficult to collect. [Cheers. It might
be found when the landlords were gone that
happy time Of conspiracy had come; that the gar
rison of England had been driven out, and that
the Irish nation, if left to its growing calam
tiles, would not think about paying rents. The
teaching of the Parnellite conspiracy [groans
against paying rent Could it be supposed that
the lesson taught during these years could be
Immediately unlearnedl Would that general
Generalization which had occurred over three
fourths of Ireland cease, or would the people not
be told you have got free from the burdens of
the local proprietors of the soil; will you pay
rents now to foreign government sending col
lector in a foreign garb9'
Referring to the government bill, AR. Bright
said he concurred with Mr.. Gladstone that If the
bill passed it would be absolutely impossible for
the Parnellites to remain at Westminster. The
proposal that 300 members sit in Dublin and 100
in Westminster was specially monstrous Under
this arrangement what would happenl They
knew that about half of the Irish members now
in Parliament had their expenses mainly paid
across the Atlantic [hissesl with dona-
lions by avowed enemies of England.
But with 300 sitting in Dublin
and 100 more at Westminster, it would
be necessary that the charitable donations Of
Americans become perpetual Laughter
Mr. Gladstone had suggested as an alternative
the occasional presence of Irish members--a
sort OF intermittent Irish fever in Parliament