New-York tribune., 1886-01-17

the hands of her Ministers, and Ministers are sub
Ject to Parliament. Viceroy would be in the hands
| OF Irish Ministers and subject to the Irish Par
Lament. There is to be but one House, but the
| Irish Privy Council, reorganzed and enlarged IS
to serve for certain purposes as second chamber.
Then comes the gravest question of ALL the Veto.
"Of one thing" says Mr. Labouchere, &" am abso-
lutely certain 1t is that arrangement is posi-
BILE which would give the veto to .the Imperial Par
lament" He proposes, therefore, that 1T shall be
reserved for the Viceroy, with the consent of his
Privy Council body which is to be composed
hencefOrth of NatOnalists, of moderate views"
who will frankly accept Home Rule and endeayor
to give practical effect to it, Irish Ministers are to
be er-o6ico members. The only veto, therefore, on
Home Rule Parliament is to be a Home Rule Privy
Council
There is however, earlier in this draft. sag
gestion which, though Mr.. Labouchcre hardly
seems aware of it, modifies this partial denial OF
the veto. In connection with the proposal that
Irish representatives should vote in tho lmperial
Parliament only Imperial questions he says:
This would require hard aud fast definition as
to what is Imperial and what IS local, together
with, rs in the United States, some legal tribunal
of appeal" If the Irish would really agree to this,
one of the great perplexites of Home Rule would
be- not removed but diminished. The Irish Par
lament, by eveIybody's agreement, if they agree
to it at ALL is to egisate exclusively domestic or
local questions. Mr.. Parhell has always been so
well aware of the difficulty of discriminating be-
tween what is local and what is Imperial that he
has steadily declined to attempt definition OF
these terms. His followers who have been allowed
to try their hand. differ widely among themselves
Mr.. Mccarthy would be content II Ireland had the
authority to legisatc all thoso subjects Oh
winch an American State has reserved to Itself the
l. will ho cor
tent with nothing less than the scope of legislative
jurisdiction whch Canada possesses.
The interval is enormous. What American
state is we all know. The limitations on its power
are express. But Canada, nominaly colony, is for
nearly every purpose an independent common
wealth. The Duke of Argyll in very
remarkable letter published to-day, warns
his fellow-countrymen that the colonial
analogy is n misleading analogy. "Our
relations with our colonies" saws the Duke. " have
nothing TO do with 1t. Those of them to whom self
government has been committed are virtually indie
pendent States Nothing but bonds of sentiment
unite MS together with some, ho9e growing feel
ings of q common interest" Certain it is, | may
add that II Canada chose 10 signify tomorrow her
wish TO sever the last link which unitcs her to
Great Britain her wish would not be resisted.
There is not party. there ls not statesman IN
England who would for n single moment dream OF
using folce TO keep Canada in the Empire. Froma
sentiment of loyalty in fact, from considerations
of convenience and advantage III large
measure Canada elects TO maintain
colonial position. TO have no army. or Davy,
or foreign relations of hcr own. In nearly every
thing else she dlspo-e- of her own destiny. IL -
not probable that Mr.. O'Connor himself. were the
framing OF a scheme for Home Rule entrusted To
him. would venture to follow the lines of the
- lot 10 ,,i,I1- an ,pa sfa for adm ion.
But somebody has to lay down, rs Mr.. Labou-
cberc says hard and fast line. ara then bis new
legal tribunal would haze TO decide with respect to
every contested act Of the Irish Legislature.
whether it was inside or outside OF tins line. lie
offers no suggcs ions for the constitution of such
tribunal. In effect he proposes 10 cntrust its func-
tons TO his new Irish Privy Council. But IL may
pcrhans he assumed that Eaeand Will not hand
over to a Privy COuncl Of Irish Home Rulrrs
the right ~ say what aud what IS not within her
Imperial juris lctiou. doubt whether sh, would
entrust ;nIs right to any judicial tribunal. but II Is
certain that the right must reside somewhere and
that behind this tribunal, whatever II b., must
side the power to Gu force Its decisions Nobody has
really discussed this point ut length IN PRINT. but
il goes to the root OF the whole matter. The
Duke of Argyll is almost the first who has ever
touched on it. Ne well describes il az one Of the
most difficult Intricate and complicated problems
that can arise IN the science of human government
Allow me Ia quote II passage from the Dukes most
weighty letter
10 draw the line between that which IS and that
which is not of profound interest III "A society which
Is 10 be one Government over It's own people and IN
Ihc face of the world -thiS Is "A work requiring the
very highest skill and the very deepest insight.
Hitherto none of us have been called to deal with
II or even to think of it. Is II possible that mems
thoughts have become 80 loose and slOvcnly
the functions of Government that foreign affairs
are roughly assumed to be all that Is of Imperial
interest Is II pO ssbe that our notions Of Empire
arc 20 degenerate that We do no. think It au
sentlal fact of 1t that all the subjects of the Crown
shonld live unjer equal laws and be assured of the
primary conditions of human ffccdOm?"
The Duke of Argyl'S letter was written some
days before Mr. LlbOuchctcs appeared. 80 that IL
Is I'm no sense reply to 1t. But 1t ~ on pOIltS
an answer to which ycjoindcr will have 90 be
made before the English public goes a step nearer
To accepting Mr. LabOuchcrcs project The sng-
gestion of a tribunal is not enough. There are
difficulties which arise on the threshold. They
would have 70 be- disposed Of IN advance, aud great
as are the obstacles to the creation OF judicial ar
bitter between England anl Ireland the first set
tlcment of the line between what ~ Imperial and
what h local H. to the English mind, task Of stil
greater magnitude q. W. ;.