The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-03-12

that to him, mighty occasion, he gave further
utterance, and told the assembled people of the
country that the third stage of the political evo-
luton had been reached All that he had there
tofore said had been but the utterances of Mr.
Cleveland Now had come the time for Mr.
Cleveland, President of the United States, to
speak, and he did speak. Mr. Wilson read the
portion OF Mr. Clevelands inaugural address re-
lating to civil-service reform. ',This, he con-
tinued, marked the official and highest stage OF
the political evolution whose subtle forces had
wrought wondrously we'll in elevating Mr..
Clevelandto the Presidency of the United States.
But he had no purpose of initiating the others in
that political school to which he claimed to have
committed his fortunes as candidate and Presi-
dent he was not content with the announce
ment of the 4th of March, 1885, that the official
and highest stage of The political evolution had
been reached, for he renewed the declaration IN
his first annual message to Congress- and took
care to give it great elaboration. he
seemed to have most earnestly desired to I'M
press the country with the belief that the indef-
mite protoplasmic presence in the platform
on which his party placed him at Chicago
had evolved a substantial and forceful principle
which would purify politics and bless the coun-
try in general
Here Mr. Wilson read the Presidents message
forwarding and commencing the report of the
Civilservice Commission. 1.-THE people," Mr..
Wilson continued 'shad given Mr. Cleveland
generous credit for sincerity. They had appre-
eiatedl the difficulties surrounding his assump-
ton of the executive power, but they could not
reconcile his action in suspending competent and
faithful public officers with his repeated assur-
arces that such things would not be DONE He
had said that men would not be discharged for
partisan reasons. but for cause. The people had
believed that he had the courage of his convic-
tions. This resulted in universal belief that
charges other than political should be lodged
against a public officer before his suspension
could be assured. 1t had logically followed
that whenever an officer was suspended the
people believed that some grave charge had
been made against him. Indeed every suspended
officer was, by the Presidents own declaration,
made to stand before the country as unworthy
of trust and confidence. 1t this were not nee
essary conclusion, what must be the estimation
pleaced by the people on the word Of a Presi-
denta And if it be correct conclusion. what
must be the Presidents idea of fair dealing with
acitizen3 He had suspended CAB public officers,
and marshaled them before the country as per-
sons unworthy of trust or confidence. Many of
those persons had requested to be informed Of
the nature of the charges made against them
This had been denied to them. In this way the
executive power was being used as a means of
assault against the character and reputation of
citizens of the Republic No such outrage had
been inflicted on our citizens from the first year
of our national existence until the incoming of
the present administration-its pomp and cir
cumstance of reform to the contrary notwith-
standing. 1t was most extraordinary mani
Hesitation of reform for the President to place
himself before the country as the accuser of SAB
public officers whom he had suspended, at the
same time denying to them information TO
the things of which they were accused If he
said to them. you are Republicans and want
your places in order that may confer them on
Democrats, he would have dealt frankly with
them and would have manifested a manliness
which would have challenged respect. The
President had now asked the Senate to join him
in his accusations against those men. When
the Senate requested to be informed concerning
the official conduct of the accused officers, it was
fatty told that no information would be given;
and this regardless of the effect on the citizens"
Mr.. Wilson went on to argue that this was
not the theory of the Constitution, and was
contrary to both the theory and practice of the
government from the beginning He said that
the demand of tbs Senate was not unlawful or
T. Grover Cleveland may not sus-
penn from Off. inshis personal discretion the
Presi e1tk6ayT DO It in his official discretion.
The - god citizen who stood arraigned before
the country by the President as being
unworthy OF confidence must not inquire con-
corning charges made against him, because that
would be an encroachment upon the kingly pre-
rogatlve of the possessor of executive power,
and when the Senate called for information on
the government files in order that the citizen
may have fair play, common justice and oppor-
tunity for defense, it is cooly informed that the
public interests would not be promoted by the Civ
ing of such information. Thus the kingly 'fpre
rogative" of the President placed under lock and
key the public records Of the country If this
were reform" Mr.. Wilson thought the sooner
we returned to the old methods the better. Mr..
Wilson was quite willing to admit that the Pres
idents repeated assertions of reform had given
way to the pressure of partisan supporters, rather
than say that they were meaningless when
uttered. The administration. Mr. Wilson said,
in conclusion, had been engaged in comedy of
errors" and its position in the light of all that
had been promised was not little discouraging.
Mr.. Kenna obtained the floor to speak on the
resolution.
Senator Stanford introduced suitable resolu-
tions regarding the death of Senator Miller,
which were adopted, and after an executive ses-
sion the Senate adjourned