Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1886-03-21

slcoholic liquors as medicine, and urged
the medical profession to substitute
Other articles in place Of it.
In the sixth Convention Tin Cleveland,
1862 the friends Of the cause were
urged to refuse to vote for any candi-
date who denied the just power OF civil
government to suppress the liquor
traffic.
The seventh Convention lat Saratoga,
1879 declared that the time had ar
rived 10 introduce the temperance issue
into State and national politics, and II
not recognized by existing parties, to
organize and maintain separate aud in
dependent action. This principle was
enlarged at the eighth Convention lin
Chicago) into nominating independent
candidates for prohibition whenever not
found with existing parties.
Senator Colqui;t, Of Georgia, a long
time temperance worker, the embodied
representative Of local-option laws in
his State, has framed local-option bill
for the District Of Columbia, il passed
by Congress. The whole Of this bill
was published in the Washington Post
of February 8, 1886.
The Cd section thereof provides that
il the law be adopted at the election,
then it shall be unlawful to manufac-
tire, sell, barter, gire, buy, or procure
for or furniah to any person any intox-
icating liquors, &C., except for sickness,
on prescription of physician prac-
ticing in the District, to be filed by
druggist carrying on trade in the Dis
trict. The 4th section defines the IL
quors excluded: All distilled and spi-
rituoUs liquors, ale, porter, strong beer,
lager beer, (ermented oine, fermenfed
cider, cordials, biters, and other Ii.
quors containing alcohol and any mixed
liquors Of which part is Intoxicating
Section 6. Any person who shall
seU, barter, expose, or offer for sale. or
who shall gire away, is TO be punished
by fine from 800 to 5000, or imprison-
ment not less than ninety days nor
more than o year, or both, and impri-
soned in case Of fine till fine or costs
are paid.
The Alliance agents and lobbyists,
lay and clerical, who worked up our
Legislature were condemned by more
jealous but less cunning and artful
advocates for not making the bill
broader and stronger. The former ex-
planned that they were working only to
get what was practicable and might be
passed now that it was safer to wait
for more stringent enactments in the
future and not endanger present advsn-
tages by insisting on too much. This
is the substance of publication OF re-
cent date, and can be found in the Rich
mond Dispatch.
Now, sir, with this knowledge our
Association declared "that the adYo-
Gates Of temperance in the State OF
Virginia are strenuously bent on iuau-
guIatiDg coercive total abstinence so far
as hey can" This last qualifying
clause you omit to quote. 1t is impor-
tant to truth. Whether purposely left
out or not ! can't say.
You are bound to principles of total
abstinence. You are bound to do what
you can, even to maintaining an indie
pendent party, to formulate these princl-
pies into laws. Those laws when en-
acted are to be enforced by fine and i'm
piisonment when violated, of course.
This is what we assert. Do you deny
that the above is compulsory total alb
stinence? If it is not that; if it is
anything else if it can be construed to
be anything else, we know not the
meaning of words.
Your pathetic array OF evils defended
by your doctrine Of the rights OF gov
eminent ia loco PARENTS is ingenious,
bat novel in the nineteenth century.
The Spartan anterior to Christ did
assume that position. Being wholly a
warrior people, that plan effectually
completed them as such. No such
principle is recognized in modern times.
None such is acted on or assumed.
With the single exception Of education,
the doctrine and practice Of government
is exactly the reverse of your position.
Non.interference TO the greatest ex-
tent practicable with the respective peo-
pie governed is taken as the true type
of good government. The greatest
freedom of action and pursuits Of the
individual leads to the greatest de-
yelopment Of what is good or useful. To
sustain this quote from John Stuart
Mills " Principles. of Political
Economy:
Whatever theory we adopt re-
specting the foundation of the social
union, and under whatever political in
stitutions we live, there is circle
around every individual human being
which no government, be it that of one,
Of a few, or Of the many, ought to be
permitted to overstep. There Is part
Of the life of every person who has
come to years Of discretion within
which the individuality Of that person
ought to reign uncontrolled either by
any other individual or by the public
collectively. That there is, or ought
TO be. some space in human existence
thus entrencbed around and sacred
from authoritative intrusion, no one
who processes the smallest regard to
human freedom or dignity will call in
question. apprehend that it ought to
include sill that part which concerns
only the life, whether inward or out
ward, of the individual. and does not
affect The interest Of others, or affects
them only through the moral influence
Of example.
with respect to the domain Of the
inward CONSCIOUSNESS, the thoughts and
feelings, and as much of external con-
duct as is personal only, involving no
consequences, none at least of a pain
full or injurious kind to other people, |
hold that it is allowable in all, and in
the more cultivated and thoughtful
often duty, to assert and promulgate,
with all the force they are capable of,
their opinion OF what is good or bad,
admirable or contemplate, but not TO
compel others TO conform to their
opinion, whether the force used is that
Of extrs-legsl coercion, or exerts itself
by means Of the laW."
To fcrestall you in yoar eagerness to
seize on the qualifications above and