Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1886-04-13
GLADSTONESSCHE
LORD RANDOLPH cHURcH1EL's SPEECH
IN OPPOSITION TO 1T.
A Vigorous Analysis Of the Preniei's
Proposals for Home Rule
in ireland.
tBy Anglo-American cable to the Dispatch.

LONDON, April I2.-The House OF
Commons was again densely crowded
this evening as the result Of the ex-
tended announcement that Lord Ran
dolph Churchill would attack Glad
stones home.rule bill. Among the Con-
seryatives and Wings there was intense
interest in Lord Randolph's effort.
Prince Arthur and Prince Christian
and the Duke of Cambridge sat together
in the Peers gallery, and they were
surrounded by host Of peers.
Gladstone IN reply to questions stated
that il would be impossible to close he
debate on his request for leave tonight,
and that on this account he bad decided
to postpone introducing his Irish land
purchase bill until Monday next.
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach made brief
address, in which he indicated for his
party an understanding to refrain from
forcing a division on the home-rule bill
until il came up for second reading.
Lord Randolph Churchill, by virtue
Of his motion to adjourn at the last
session. having the floor, resumed the
debate on Gladstone request for per-
mission to introduce the home-rule bill.
He spoke substantially as follows
After long consideration he had come
TO the conclusion that the scheme in
yolved such complicated mass OF con-
tradictions that, if anybody besides
Gladstone had proposed it, it never
would have been taken seriously.
Cheers. 1t was hedged about with
such fancilul and eccentric guaran-
tees for the integrity Of the
empire that the speaker was aston
ished at the Psrnellites' acquiescense.
lie bad vainly searched all authorities,
ancient and modern, for a precedent for
Glsdstose's two orders which were to
compose the proposed Irish Parliament.
The first order was intended to
specially represent the property,
and it was worthy OF attention
that the great leader OF the Lib
eIal party had chosen such an anti
Quated and discarded machine as the
property qualification for the electorate
of this first order. The second order
was also elective. Both orders were
to sit together. Each could demand the
exercise Of the right to vote separately
and one order could veto any measure
brought in by the other. Take the
simple illustration Of how this would
work inpractice. Suppose new Par
lament should proceed to the election
Of Speaker. Assume that the popular
party carried the election for their can
didate. the property party by voting
separately could veto the choice, aud then
in consequence for three or four years tn
election Of Speaker would be sus-
pended. Laughter. Something would
happen in all those cases in which one
order should choose to veto the action
of the other; such as, for instance,
question Of rules Of procedure or bud
get proposals.. The Premier, con-
tinued Lord Churchill, labored on
Thursday last to show that the
fiscal unity Of the United King
dom would not be affected by
the retention in the hands OF the
British Parliament of the power OF col
lecting customs and excise duties. Now,
/ if this were done, what would become
Of that ancient British right Of taxa
tion and representation going together;
/ Cheers.
The speaker then went on to analyze
the receipts and disbursements Of the
imaginary Irish budget, for the pur-
pose, as be said. of showing that Mr..
Gladstone's proposal to maintain the
fiscal unity of the empire while giving
Ireland home rule was altogether IN
trustworthy. lie then pointed out
that the amount which the Premier had
named as that which Ireland would
every year contribute under home
rule to the imperial treasury as
her contribution for the benefits
Of imperial unity was Of an eX-
tIemely precarious character. 1t
might be seriously affected by many
things. Taking it, however, as the
price the Irish were to pay for main
tanning the fiscal unity Of the empire,
what would the English have TO pay
They would have to pay far heavier
propoitionately, for the hands Of the
Chancellor Of the ENchequer would be
very much cramped, if not altogether
tied. In dealing with the customs and
excise duties Of Ireland under prac'
teal independence, how could he
lower those duties: If he should
lower them, he would diminish
the very resources wherefrOm Ire
land was to pay her tribute TO Eng
land. lie would have to do so without
hearing a word from the Irish repre-
sentatlyes nor could be impose an add
tional tax in order to obtain credit II
case Of an emergency without the delay
involved in sueing for the permission Of
the Parliament at Dublin. Where, then
was the supremacy of the British
The real principle of the bill wa, sin
ply a repeal of the union. 1t HANDED
over the protection Of the lives anc
property Of every man, woman, and
child in Ireland to an Irish Parliament
and deprived the Imperial Parliament
of all voice in Irish matters. The
measure gave much on one hand anc
took much on the other; expressing II
the same breath confidence and diStrust
On the question of Ulster he asked If az
Irish government could pay its way
if Ulster were withdraw. Tha
the English Government could not make
up its mind in regard 10 Ulster
proved almost the insoluble character
Of the home-rule projects. The Pre-
mier justified his proposals on TIT
ground that there were eighty-Si'
Home-Rulers in the House. But VII.
should the voices Of eighty-six list
members prevail over the voice
of 5s4 other members. HlStsrl
showed the rise and decline o
former Irish parties. O'Connell
party was formidable through the eyel
balance of the Wings and Tories. Tn
Parliament in which that party wa
powerful was dissolved, and O'COnnel
died broken-hearted. Butt in Isl
headed a party sixty strong. Tn
e,a.ker Saw Butt before his death