The Northwestern standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1885-1886, 1886-03-06

Irishn1en are Democrats, and the an
Iswer to my mind has always seemed to
lie On the surface. Immediately after
tho adoption Of the constitution there
were no parties. With a written con-
stitution, the reason for the existence
of parties could only turn upon the ma
tlre Of the construction to be placed
upon the charter which defined the
powers to the government. Questions
of policy which came clearly Within the
limits Of federal auth ority would indeed
become an incident Of party life, and at
times even an oversha doWing incident.
But the permanent, underlying priilci-
pleFto which either party would appeal
in justification of its existence could
only be under our form Of government
the loosenass or strictness with which
the powers Of that government should
beregardsd. Of the then call federal
party Hamilton was the acknoW edged
leader; while OF the republican party,
whose mantle has fallen upon the dem
ocratic party of to-day, Jefferson was
the guiding spirit. The federaiists in
sisted upon a liberal construction OF
the powers coded to the central govern
mant, while the republicans took the
opposite view. Washington had en-,
deavored to maintain neutral course
but even his personality was not
strong enough to repress dissension
among the members of his own cabinet
and Hamilton and Jefferson soon be-
came sharply opposed. Thus the policy
of the federallsts was stigfaatized as
Anglified. Hamilton had a profound
admiration for the English constitution.
jefferson on the other hand, bitterly
disliked all things British. The feder-
alists became responsible for measures
which bore harshly upon foreigners,
and which drove the foreign born els-
ment of the population into the ranks
OF the oppression. in179s were enacted
the famous alien and sedition laws,
which bore still more heavily upon for
eigners. These measures led to the ad-
option Of Jefferson's Kentucky and
Virginia resolutions of SO, based upon
theory which was afterward logically
and synarnetrically developed by Call
houn into the miscellaneous doctrine Of
notification. In 1861 Jefferson was in-
augurated. The obnoxious alien laws
were soon repealed. This policy has
made foreigners, and particularly the
Irish, the traditional allies of the party
whose name has been identified with
the principles most favorable to their
prosperity in a word, it has made them
observation-disclosures was
] elementin the presi-
sruggle Of 1874, and in move
may be said to have had a ssgsss.
influence III securing democratic Sue
cess. With the Philadelphia
riots Of 1854 the movement subsidized
only to deYelope ten years later under rd
another form. With 1850 there opened
a fruitful decade in the. history of the
United States, accompanied as it was
by the dissolution of the old wing PARTY
and the agitation of the questions Of
slavery and state rights. The know
nothing movements started in 1854 as a
secret organization, into which none
but native-born citizens, born Of Pro-
testant parents and themselves Pro
testant, could be admitted. Its object
was to resist the insidious policy of
the Church OF Bone and other foreign
influence against the Institutions Of our
country by placing in all Offices in the
gift Of the people or by appointment
none but native-born Protestant citi-
zens." OF course, every member pro-
tested his ignorance of the purposes OF
the organization, which thus became
known as the know nothing party.
The movement drew its life from the
old free-soil abolition and wing parties,
and soon spread throughout the coun-
try. There could, of course, be nothing
of psrmanency in an organization
founded upon such principles. 1t new
ertheless obtained considerable sue
cess. 1t gained the day in the state cleo
tions Of New Hampshire, Connecticut,
and Massachusetts and in this last state
elected GOV. Gardner, who, in 1855, at
tempted by proclamation, to disband
several militia companies OF foreign
birth. Anlerican-Irish leaders, how
eyer, firmly insisted upon their constit-
utlonal rights and awaited themselves OF
legal means to preserve those rights.
In describing the present position OF
the irish in its industrial aspect, / can
only briefly summarize the facts dis
closed by the last national census Of
1880. At the last census the total
number OF the population Of Irish birth
in all the states and territories in the
union was 1,S54 ,57l. The ten years end
ing in 1880 show that there we're landed
at the port OF New York alone total
Of 379 1855 Irish emigrants. This popn-
lation is distributed in the following
manner: ,I26, 1861, or nearly two thirds
Of the whole are located in the FIVE
states OF Massachusetts, Connecticut,
New York, New Jersey and Pennsyl-
yania; 3s1 ,632. or more than one-half Of
the remainder, are scattered through
eight of the western states. from Mich
igan to Kansas, more than one-haif Of
this latter amount having settled in
Ohio and Illinois. This accounts fer
liYe-sixths of The total native Irish pop
ulation. the bulk of the remaining one-