The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1886-02-05
THE DANGER TO ENGLAND

Gladstone Ia once more at the head
OF affairs in England with o cabinet,
some OF whom are men OF very ad-
vanced liberal opinions, so advanced
as to make certain that the progress
toward democracy, that has OF late
been 80 rapid in England, will be con-
tinued. And il cannot but continue.
A people who are once aroused to q
comprehension Of their individual
rights as men, when once on the way
10 redress wrongs will not stop until
substantial justice 10 obtained and un-
til the power that comes from the peo-
pie is controlled by the people and not
by particular class, whether "noble"
or otherwise. Such change, just and
right as it may be, cannot be made in
an old established country like that Of
England without mourning ominous
peril. The constitutions of Eogland
are mostly ancient, many Of the most
important oi them inherited from fsu-
dial times and based upon feudal prin-
ciples, that is upon the power OF the
few 10 rule over the many. The con-
stitutional laws of England are framed
upon an aristocratic basis and
are in many respects unsuited
to democratic government. In
those institutions the main reliance
is placed upon the interests Of the
privileged class, and their interest was
10 support the monarchy and the laws
and customs with which their own
rank and power were identified. Thus
relying upon class Of persons strongly
bound to maintain existing institu-
tons, care was not taken to make con-
stitutional provisions defining the
powers Of the legislative, judicial aud
executive functions. The consequence
is to-day, as the veneration for rank
and traditionsry standing dies out
and II is fast decaying-The popular
branch OF the government, the legis-
lative, is liable 90 intrude upon the
other branches, and thus the harmon
ious working Of the whole be dis
'turbed. In England the Parliament
has become the supreme power. As
We have just seen, it makes and un-
makes ministers. In practice the
monarchy is a nullity, the monarch
reigns but does not govern. No min
istry can be installed in power, or re-
tanned in it, at tho dictatlon of the
monarch. A vote of the Legislature
settles the fate OF an adminisha.i
not the fat OF the throne. In the
Legislature the House OF Lords is the
great conservative power, the bulwark
between the sometimes too i'm.
pulsive action Of the popular branch
and the constitutional principles
upon which the government is based.
But in England the lords, in their long
possession OF the balance of power,
have so used thst power for the az
graudiSement and general advantage
OF "the nobility and gentry" consti-
tuting the upper class" that they
have lost the respect of the great body
of the people, while the progress Of
knowledge has loosened the old rever-
ence felt for a man not because he was
a good or able man, but because he
was lord. The consequence is that
at the present time what the House oI
Commons insist upon the lords must
agree to, aud the lords are thus, more
and more every year, mere registers o.
wba' is done by the Commons, But
although they canno! prevent legisla
ton that is dislasteful to them, the
lords can and do obstruct it, and thu
make themselves hateful TO the people
The consequence is that, in great anC
strongly popular measures, there il
practically but one British house o
legislature. The result will shortly b.
a thorough reconstruction Of the up
per house OF legislature, perhaps ID
abolition, and a government withou
the checks and balances" q seconC
legislative body with its csnservativ,
instinct provides. Looking at the i'm
niense aud vastly complicated inter
eats Of the English empire, and thu
highly artificial system by which tina
| empire is held together, it is eviden
; that the melting away of the artistic
! cratic System aud the absence of an.
proper constitutional provisions adapt
ed to the democratic system that !
rapidly superueding il, is opening t
view a possible chaos which the Unit
ed States C-eapes through the wis
and just principle crystallissd an