New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1886-06-15
MP GL4DSTONk,S MANIFESTO.

Mr.. Gladstones address to the electors Oh
Midlothian is a model of clear statement and
telling breyitv. The effectiveness and COM
nleteness with which the wonderful old states
man meets every demand upon him challenge
the admiration of the world After half
century of parliamentary warfare after IA he
saws, serving through thirteen Parlaments, he
comes to the opening of new campaign with
all the freshness and vigor of youth. But the
adroitncss of unequalled political experience
removes his manifesto far from the category OF
vouthful efforts. Brief as it is, and no doubt
purposely brief. every line in it is well-con-
sidered, cogcnt, thoroughly ineligible. When
one considers how II any obscure and douDtful
points there are necessarily in the proposed
legislation, the skill with which he AVOIDS
everything which may seem to give an aspect
of uncertainty to his programme is marvellous.
He has not only suited the address to the hard
headed, practical voters it is specially directed
TO- but he has utilized it to set forth the plan OF
the campaign for the Liberals.
Nothing is so calculated to embarrass the
Liberal dissenters as Mr.. GladStone's accusation
that they are impractical. According to him
and the case could not be stated more forcibly-
there are but two propositions before the
British voter. 1t is coercion or the Dublin
Parliament, in short and the dissidents, with
their hazy projects, are left in the air. Or
course Mr. Gladstone takes the line Of least
resistance, and states the position of his
opponents in the way most damaging TO them.
But it is to be noted that he does not stoop to
the average politicians device of mislepresenta-
ton or calicatule Doubtless Lord Harrington,
/ I'LL 'hnn ,haVl nI wi
alike refuse to accept his description of their
| attitude, but neither of them can charge him
with perry erting the facts of history. Presently
| they will give their version OF the clrcum-
stances. and it will differ in many respects from
| the Premiers. but it is already obvious that II
the latter is faithfully followed by his lieutcn-
ants the plan of campaign lie has adopted will
give his opponents all the work they are at all
likely TO want.
Mr. GladstOnes address confines the question
to the narrowest limits. "Will you govern
Ireland by coercion or will you let Ireland
| manage her own affairs y is the way he puts it.
The dissidents will inevitably protest that this
is only part of the issue to be decided that
while coercion is out of the question, grave
difference of opinion is possible in regard to the
plan of local self government to be adopted.
But the Premiers answer to such objections Is
that he proposes a complete plan, whereas the
dssdents only produce fragmentary and i'm
perfect propositions. 1t is of course not to be
supposed that the Liberal leader will have all
his OWL way in mapping out the campaign. If
| he could restrict the discussion to the lines he
has drawn in the Midlothian address it might
seem almost fOregOne conclusion that he
would enter the new Parliament with good
working majority. But there is strong preu-
dice as well as strong doubt to be encountered.
| The cry of danger to the solidarity OF the
| Empire is certain to have considerable effect,
and equally certain to be employed to the
uttermost. The charge that the present Union
is only paper one is telling, though the rctOrt
is liable to be made that all the proposed con-
ditons for guaranteeing closer connection
between the countries are of the same general
character. Mr.. Gladstone, however has opened
the campaign with mastery skill, judgment
and knowledge of human nature; and 1t Is
much fDr the friends of ireland to be able to
feel that nothing will be lost through any fault
or forgetfulness on the part of the char pion of
| Home Rule.