The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-05-02

and more vigorously and in the use Of relays Of
hands in many industries. So conservative au-
thority, as Leon Levy declares: Il am not
against shortening the hours OF labor. The fac
tory regulations in this respect have increased.
not diminished. production" The experience OF
Massachusetts seems to confirm this result I'M
mistakably. She has got as much out or her
operatives under ten hours as she had done un-
der eleven and twelve hours. Plainly, however.
there is limit. beyond which labors increased
vigor will not make up for the lost hours, and
this needs to be carefully ascertained, not by
theorizing but by experience
1t is said that there will be less profits for the
manufacturer, and that therefore he cannot be
expected to accept the proposition. If it be So,
the argument may simply point in the direction
of the need Of there being fewer employers, a
hint which nature has already found out and
which she is applying in the process going on in
our midst--the development of huge industries,
with their capacity to run on smaller margins
because of their greater production. II what is
claimed be true, however, concerning the posi-
BILE relative production under a ten-hour system,
and under an eight-ho system, this objection
would be answered. As a matter of fact, the
experience of Massachusetts seems to show that
employers themselves have been quite as ready
after trying reduction of hours, to stand by
the change the operatives themselves. In
the report of the Bureau Of Labor for 1872, OF
" respondendents among the manufacturers who
are quoted, 80 report in favor of the ten-hour
system and 80 against it.
1t is said again that diminution of hours
would inevitably imply diminution OF wages
If it be so, then it will be a question for work
ingmen themselves, to consider whether they
will paw for their leisure. The testimony OF ex-
perience, however, again seems to bear against
this objection The same report OF the Massa-
chusetts Bureau sums up the conclusions OF a
careful investigation of the subject thus: This
is true, as rule, that wages are lowest where
the hours of labor longest, and wages are
highest where the hours of labor are shortest. "
In this general form. the rule commends itself
to every ones experience. England records the
same story. There is neither time nor
space to enter into the considerations
of the reasons that seem to sub
stantiate this conclusion. 1t is far
more important for us to know
what have actually been the results of earlier ex-
rize about the matter.
It is said, further, that every individual has q
right to work as long as he chooses, and that no
legislation should interfere with this right Ab-
stractly, Of course this is true. But society Is
all the time interfering with individual interests
in the interests of the commonwealth. Prof.
Jevous held that the wishes of the individual
laborer were to q certain extent to be disregard
ed, In dealing with this question, where the
public at large was concerned. Ii ten hours
work daily affects the health Of the workingman,
so that future generations are injured. the indi-
vidual desire to work so long, for the sake OF
earning money, is not to be considered. Ii the
the facts be that the health capital of labor di
minishes by excessive toll, then it is the duty Of
the state to interfere for the sake of the health
of its future citizens. This ought to be capable
OF being demonstrated, and is point of prime
moment in this agitation. But these two points
should be kept distinct-length of labor and the
conditions under which the laboring is car
red on.
Many people are greatly concerned as to the
use to which labor will put its leisure, if won.
There is unfortunately too much evidence that
hosts of men would not use it for selfimprove-
ment, but abuse it for self deterioration. But
this is risk that must be for the sake OF the
many who would rightly employ this leisure.
There are hosts of such men, and there are good
grounds for believing that experience shows a
preponderance OF encouragement over discour-
agement is this aspect of the case.
1t is said, again. as the final clincher of every
objection that legislation cannot achieve this re-
FORM 1t is true that legislation caunot affect it.
if that legislation be greatly in advance of public
sentiment But, on tie other hand, there is no
such effective power to secure it when the time
is ripe, and there is public sentiment back of
the measure which will enforce it. The agita-
ton for the reduction of hours from twelve to
ten in this country was carried on through
strikes aid through riots until 1910. when the
President of the United States issued his proc
lamation that ten hours should be legal days
work in ali the establishments of the United
States Two or three months after this
through the manufacturing establishments of
New England and Pennsylvania without any
violence. A few employers held out for while,
but they had finally to submit. The real ques
ton for the present hour, as it seems to me, is
whether the public opinion of the country is ripe
for such legislation now. For one, do not be-
lieve that it is. The evidence of this is that it
Is found desirable to call out such an expression
of opinion as is now being laid before the people
in this symposium. That evidence lies in the
,,ffo nfn mi hate re fn-d
Labor is by no means a unit on this point, and
capital, 1t is needless to say, is very far from
being converted to this theory. If the grounds
on which its friends advocate this measure
are solid enough, men will be brought to take
their stand upon this position to win the day.
after the agitation is continued for few
years. Too hasty action would throw the
movement back. TIE thing to be done
now, it seems to me. is to secure the widest pos
sible discussion of the subject-to make work
inemen know the employers view of the matter,
and think it over carefully. and to make capital
lists understand the workingmans view of the
subject, and to think it over carefully The
mass of our thoughtful people prepared to favor
all reasonable measures for the welfare of labor,
need to be convinced that this particular meas
ure is practicable and wise Ii they are con-
WINGED of this there will be force back of the
movement which will insure its success. If they
fail of being convinced it will be because the
evidence does not sustain the case-in which
event verdict for labor would be set aside
by higher court than the United State Con-
gress Even An apparently successful strike. if
premature. might prove boomerang.
Trio of Personal Views.
James Redpath writes: II favor the eight
hour work-day. Whether or not it will increase
the cost OF production of goods is of infinitely
less Importance to democratic civilization than
the more equitable distribution of wealth, leis-
ure and intellectual advantages Better dear
goods than cheap men. The most important
products of republic are not its manufactures,
but its citizens Long hours make shoddy
Americans"
Miss Kate Field writes. "On general princi-