Los Angeles daily herald. [microfilm reel] (Los Angeles [Calif.]) 1884-1890, 1886-04-09

eminent would do their best to adopt a
plan that seemed likely to give general
satisfaction.
The speaker said he would now pass
to the plan OF how to give Ireland leg
islature to deal with Irish as distin.
nuished from imperial affairs. He had
in respect to this arrived at the conclu.
sion that Irish members and Irish peers
ought not TO sit in the palace of West
minister fOhl OH and cheersl II the
Irish members were not to sit in the
House of Commons Irish peers ought
not to sit in either house of Parliament.
| Hear, hear and ohll How were Irish
people to be taxed if they had legisla.
tors in both countries? He believed
that Great Britain would never impose
upon ireland taxation without repre-
sentation.
Then there would come another ques
ton which would raise practical diff
Guilty and that is, Are we to give up
the fiscal unity OF empire? He did not
think that by giving up the fiscal unity
of empire they were giving up the unity
OF empire. He, however, stood upon
the substantial ground that to give up
the fiscal unity Of the empire would be
a public Inconvenience and misfortune.
II would be q great misfortune for Great
Britain and greater misfortune for
Ireland. He conceived that an escape
from that dilemma would be such an
arrangement as would give the i'm.
perial government authority to
levy custom duties and such
excise duties as were Immediately
connected with customs. The coudi-
tions of such IN arrangement were, first,
that the general power of taxation over
and above those particular duties should
pass into the hands OF the domestic leg.
stature in Ireland; second, that the pro.
ceeds Of customs and excise should be
held for the benefit Of Ireland and for
the discharge of the obligations of Ire.
land, and the balance after these obliga-
tionssw were discharged should be entered
into the Irish exchequer and be for the
| free disposal Of the Irish Legislative
body. The government bill provided for
this, and the bill also provided that the
representative of Ireland should nc
| longer sit in the House of Commons OF
Irish peers in the House of Lords, bul
at the same time they have the right Of
addressing the Crown, and so possess all
of the constitutional rights they held
now. f"Oh" and cheers 1t would
| therefore relieve the Irish members from
attendance at Westminster.
The next subject he had to approach
was that OF the composition Of the pro-
posed legislative body. The bill pro.
posed TO introduce two orders which
would sit and deliberate together with
tha r,rks 81 ,,ofsno ga,.arat.lv of. any M.
easion on demand of either body. The
orders would be constituted as follows;
First, there were twenty eight represen-
tative Peer. They would have the OPP
ton OF sitting as a portion Of the first
order in the Irish Parliament, with the
power OF sitting for life. He proposed
that with the twenty-eight Peers there
should sit seventy five representatives
elected by the Irish people for ten years.
The property qualifications Of these rep
resentatives would be GOO annual value
on capital value Of f4000. The Sec
ond order would consist of two hundred
and six. The judges would be appointed
bysihe government, be paid out Of con-
solidated funds, and be removed only on
| Joint address OF the two orders.
Mr. Gladstone compared ireland dur
| ing all the periods of coercion to a man
| trying to find sustenance in medicine
only meant for cure.
Something must be done, continued
Mr.. Gladstone, something is impcra-
lively demanded from us to restore in
Ireland, first, the conditions Of civil life,
the free course of law. the liberty Of every
individual in the exercise of every legal
~s,bf. tbes~ orrf;do.oa T.. i.rv 4, M thar
sympathy with law, apart from which
no country can be called civilized
country" What, then. again asked
Mr.. Gladstone, was the problem before
him? 1t was this: How to reconcile
| imperial unity with the diversity Of
legislatures. Mr.. Grattan held that
these purposes were reeoneilsable. More
than that, he demanded the severance Of
ParliameSfs with view to the continuity
and everlasting unity of the empire.
Was that an audacious paradox Other
countries had solved the problem, and
under much moredifficult circumstances.
We, ourselves, might be said to have
solved IL with respect to Ireland. Dur
| ing the time that ireland had a separate
Parliament did IL destroy the unity OF
the British Empire? Cheers. Mr..
Gladstone then pointed to the case of
Norway and Sweden, which countries,
| he said, were united upon footing OF
strict legislative Independence and CO.
equality. Then there vas the case of
Austria and Hungary, aud with regard
to those countries he asked whether the
condition OF Austria at the present mo-
ment was not more perfectly solid, Sc.
Il l. Il
to the existing condition between that
country and Hungary. Ii could not be
questioned that its condition was
one Of solidity and safety compared
with that OF the time when Hun
gary was making war upon her.
| He said that was all he had to say on
| the new Irish constitution. The pro-
portion OF the imperial burdens which
he had to propose that Ireland should
bear was as one to fourteen.
He then entered into an elaborate cal
cuation OF the total income and ex-
penditure OF Ireland. He estimated the
total expenditure OF Ireland, including
payment as a sinking fund for the Irish
portion of the national debt, at Il, 94S,-
600 per amman. Against this there was
a total income of rs, 350, 900, or a sur
plus to the government of f404, 900.
| Touching on the land question, he
said no man could understand that until
he had followed it from year to year,
beginning with the Devon Commission,
the appointment of which, 10 the speak
ers opinion, did the highest honor to
the memory Of Sir Robert Peel.
l[Cheers. | He did not deny the good in
tentions Of the British Parliament to
pass good laws for Ireland, but he said
in order to work out the purposes Of the
government, there is something more
| in this world occasionally required
than the passing of good laws.
lTIIear, hearll When held the office
Of Colonial Secretary, fifty years ago,
the colonies were governed from Down
| ing street. The result was that the
home government was always in conflict
with those countries which had legisla-
tive assemblies We had continual
shocks with the colonies then, but all
that has been changed. The British
Parliament tried to pass good laws for
the colonies but the colonies said, I'VE
don't want your good laws. We want
our own good laws, and Parliament at
length admitted the reasonableness OF
this principle. This principle has now
come home to rs from across the seas,
and the House has now to consider
whether II il applicable to the case Of
| Ireland. We now stand face to face
with what Is termed the Irish nationality
venting itself in the demand for general
self governmentin Irish not in Imperial
affairs"
Il