The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1886-04-15

touched public domain enough to fee
and clothe the world:
CORPORATE POWER IN TEXAS.
Now, it is often said that all men under
stand our danger, and men care to hea
only of reme lies. Ideny it. Few men Sc
the extent of uncontrolled corporate power
or the danger it breeds. This day, in Tex
as, 1t appropriates your school lands AM
boldly defies your constitution with it
methods, and there are no laws of the stat
to prevent it.
The OK wagon and stage coach are thing
of the past, and your letters and goods ar
alike brought on network of railroads
controlled by one citizen of New York
whose chief lieutenant has his headuuar
tiers in st. Louis. Let that man from am
cause desire it, he ,can stoI
| your merchandise, paralyze YOU
commerce, block your market to the out
side world, stop your postal service anC
leave you no means of com planning al
Washington except by horseback cou
rier, for he owns and controls also the tel.
egraph. The Associated Press dispatches
so necessary to newspapers life, are
granted or Withheld at his pleasure, and
the press, that great sheet-anchor of civil
liberty. too often trembles when his name
is mentioned with disfavor.
speak not of evil in the man; am
telling you of his power, for in justice to
him, must say, as was said of Warren
Hastings on his trial before the House of
Lords, that when consider his power and
opportunities, | stand amazed at his for
bearance. He can encourage or repress
all general enterprises along his lines.
stimulate or check the growth of every
town, make or break any department of
trade, and affect the price at which every
owner, either of manufactured goods or
earth products, shall sell his crops or buy
his supplies. The merchant or cotton
shipper are dependent on the caprice of
his servants and agents. for, being almost
untrammelled by statute law, he may
build UP or destroy, by rebates or favor
iteism, in thousand ways. Thus the
merchant, no matter how lofty his patri-
otism serves his country at the risk of
his purse whenever he advocates control
of Mr., Gould's franchise properties by the
state.
CORPORATE POWER IN POLITICS.
In every important town touched by
this vast power are its local agents, re-
tanned against the world. They often fur
nish the zeal and fervency members
at political primaries, supply mem
bers of national executive
control with the
power of corporate favor or disfavor the
tlmld tradesnan, name delegates to con-
inspire political platforms, and
advise country delegates. Did you ever
see an Italian grind his organ with one
hand and jerk with the other the string
that fastened into the collar of the red
'hirted monkey until he danced? Just so
at one touch of the ivory key in New York
Or st, Louis, there is dancing all over
Texas.
Have you forgotten the Associated Press
dispatches in New York in the conspiracy
TO count in Blaine, and how the wild
frenzy of the people was only Gained
when the prince of corporations con-
graduated Mr.. Cleveland on his election
Only yesterday governors of sovereign
states stood with closed lips when they
found commerce suspended in four states,
over the real or imaginary wrongs of his
Workmen. And then, my friends what
spectacle did we behold? The governors
Of Missouri and Kansas quit their capitals,
vent to st. Louis, and, with "grip-sacks"
n their hands, instead of going to a hotel,
vent straight to Mr.. Hoxie's room to offer
heir amiable services as executive COM
'romisers; and then they went to a gen
leman called Irons, to talk compromise |
o him, and then they went home and an
lOunced their helplessness. True, the |
overnor of Missouri did, after twenty |
lays of anarchy, proclaim that law should |
re enforced, and then the governors of |
wo other states next day, like Conkling's
olleague, said me too" and issued their
To such pass have we drifted on the
own grade to financial despotism, state
egradation and anarchy. Is it strange
hat counter combinations have been
Ormed to protect labor against this I'M
cen but ever present corporate power?
For eight long years as state senator,
lille opposed every harsh remedy that
threatened contiscation of railroads under
ne pretense of control, yet labored in
ain to secure some check on this giant
orporate power in your state, through an
ltellgent commission; and now, with visor
own and side for every wind that blows,
intend to change the venue to the people.
COMMERCE MUST MOVE.
tell you, my countrymen, that unless
e devise some method of controlling not
My the chiefs of finance, but also the
wless ways of labor, free government is
The wheels of commerce must
ove, and never cease for any man or set
men. The grand thoroughfares of
ade in Texas on which New York gathers
Ill, are the public highways of Texas for
l that, and subsidized for the people
18th land enough to purchase an empire,
Id they must be always open, for there
greater power in this country than
Their railway owners or their laborers.
accomplish this, corporate power, the
Try existence of which is of questionable
ght unless created for the public good,
ust be controlled in the public interest, /
1t will continue to control, dwarf and ,
Wy tribute at will on every interest, sus- ,
ined by individual industry.
EMPLOYMENT OF POPULATIONS.
We sometimes, my countrymen, can
arm our duty in times of danger by
udying the distribution of populations '
Id their employments. think we can l
Nv discover in this way a conservative |
'rce powerful enough to protect, and we
IN also see where that influence is weak I
t. In the states of Massachusetts and I