The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1886-04-09
NO. 251.
If read Irish history

an embrace yet closer than Is known
elsewhere, and the Irishman is still
more profoundly Irish, but il does not
follow that because his local patriotism
Is strong. he IS inapable Of an Imper-
ial patriotism. There are two modes
OF presenting the subject which l have
argued; one of them IS TO present what
We now recommend as good, and the
other Is to present II as choice of evil
and as the least among the varied evils
with which, as possibilities, we are con-
fronted.
l don't know whether it may appear
bold, but in my own heart / cherish the
hope that this is not merely choice of 4
lesser evil, but that it may be proved
ere long good in itself Cloud cheers).
There Is, l know, an answer TO this;
and that answer is only found in The
view which rests upon the basis OF
despair, OF absolute condemnation of
Ireland and Irishmen as exceptions TO
the beneficial provisions which have
made in general, Europeans, in partc
ular, Englishmen and Americans,
capable of self-government, that
an Irishman Is lVsuOus nrtura:
that justice, common sense, mod
GRAFTON, natural prosperity have ne
meaning for him; that all he can
understand and all that he can appr,-
ciate is strife, perpetual dissensior.
Now sir. / am not going to argue in thij
House whether this view, this mon
strous view Irish cheers) is a correct
one; i say an lriShman is as capable os
loyalty as another man (renewe-i
cheers). but il his loyalty has been
checked, why. 10 is because the laws 81
which he is governed do not present
themselves to him, as they do 10 US ia
England or Scotland with the natl 10.
ana cOngeEial element. l have ~
right TO say that Ireland, through
her constitutionality-e cied members.
will accept the measure l propose. I
hope they will, but 1 have no right to
assume IL, nor have ] any power 10 en-
force It upon the people OF England and
Scotland. But l rely on the patriotism
and sagacity Of this House, OH a free
and fud discussion, and, more than all
upon the just, generous sentiments OF
the two British nations; and. locking
forward, 1 ask this House. believing
that no trivial matter could have
driven US to assist in the work we have
undertaken work which We believe will
restore Parliament TO its dignity, and
legislation 10 Its free ana I'M
impeded eourse), ask them to
stay the waste of public treasure
under the present system of
government and administration in Ire
land. which is not waste only, but waste
which demoraliZes while II eXhauSts
/ ask them to show to Europe and
America that We, too, can face political
problems which Amer ca had TO lace
twenty years ago, aad which many
countries in Europe have been called
on 10 face and have not feared to deal
with. 1 ask that we shall practice as
we have very often preached, and that
in our own ease We should be firm aud
fearless in applying the doctrines we
have often inculeated in others; tina
the concession Of local self gov
eminent is not the way to sap.
and impair, but to strengthen
and consolidate the unity. l ask that
We should learn to rely less on mere
written stipulationS and more on those
better stipulations written on the heart
and mind of man. ask that we should
apply TO Ireland the happy experience
We have gained in England and Scot
land, where the course of generations
has now taught US. not as a dream or
theory, but as a matter of practice aud
of life. that the best and su-est founda-
ton we can find to build on is the
foundation afforded Dy the affections
and convictions and will OF man, and
that il is thus by the deere OF the Al
mighty, that far more than b. any other
method we may be enabled II secure ~
once social happiness, power, and
permanence OF the Empire"
Mr.. Gladstone resumed his seat amid
bursts OF enthusiastic CHEER. which
were sustained for several minutes. Mr..
GladstOne's speech was three hours and
twenty-five minutes in duration. He
finished at s O'Clock.
When the applause had subsidized Mr..
George Otto Trevelyan, who recently re-
signed the position of Secretary for
arose. After eulogizing Mr..
proceeded to say that he interpOsed
thus early in the debate in order to ex
plain the reason of his resignation. He
resigned with extreme conjunction
and regret. although the step. when f.
nallv decided upon, was taken with
neither doubt as 20 its propriety nor
the least hesitation. He had Joined
the Cabinet because, as he considered.
at the time. to have remained out
side, would have been tantamount
TO a confession that the Liberal party
was a home rule party. This was a
confession which he should never be
willing 10 make. He could never con-
sent to such scheme as Mr.. Gladstone
prevent the Liberals from identifying
themselves with what he regarded as
neither for the welfare nor the benefit
Of the country. Not longer ago than
last June, the whole Cabinet was of the
same opinion as himself. What was 1t,
be would like to know, that had hap
pened since then to change them3
The only security he urged, that
Parliament would have in &C
ceding 10 Mr.. Gladstone's plan
for money, they would he called upon
to vote for the purchase Of the
Irish landlord estates, would be the
OF the Irish farmers to keep
up their payments. How much depen-
dence could be placed upon that7
The speaker at this point interrupted
Mr.. Trevelyan and reminded him that
no land bull had yet been submitted,
and ne proceeded with his speech BY
asking: How long would II be II the
measure that has been submitted should
become a law. before the Irish contri-
button TO the Imperial exehequer would
be denounced by Irish and reprobated
as English tFibute7 For my part /