Delaware gazette and state journal. (Wilmington, Del.) 1883-1902, 1886-02-25
rHE nAnoR worrMnnr.
Social and Economic Phases Of the
PEobiern--Objects Of tho Rniahts of

lCopyrighted, 1896.
The history Of the labor movement il
the history Of human effort toward har.
mony. Its forms aud phases of develop
ment are as varied rs the conditions OF
life, time and country. From the day of
the murmuring of the Israelite brick
maker against the Egyptian task-master
to the strike of the street car employee
against barbarous hours of labor and
semi-ciyilized conditions of life, the labor
movement has been protest against ar
rogant power and demand for justice.
The labor agitator before the capitalist,
no less than Moses before Pharaoh, de-
mands the release of the people in the
name of the living God.
As Sinai Numbered forth Gods
anathema against idolatry, oyerwork,
unneighborliness aud disobedience, smit-
ing to death with the anger of justice, 80
from the Businesses of iron and coal does
the same anathema come forth against the
| idolatry of wealth and the curse of greed.
Labor voices the wrong to the poof in the
penetrating whisper of the dagger of the
nihilist, in the crash of the dynamite of
the land-robber, the secret oath of the
socialists, and in the free speech of the
citizen wage-worker.
The labor movement of our time and
country is not the rush of mob for ven-
geanee, but the advance of an organized
army, equipped and Differed, seeking
first to secure better wages, or reduction
of the power of capital, by demanding
profit upon labor; aud second, demand.
ing the recognition Of belligerent rights.
Our varied Industries and heterogeneous
population necessitates all phases of war
fare, from the guerilla system incident to
isolation, to the arbitration of differences
consequent upon the higher civilization
of congregated citizenship.
The criticism Of any movement of men
must be governed by the conditions
life. Bludgeons may be legitimate where
bayonets are unknown. Torture can BE-
defended only where it is the only method
of striking fear into the hearts of an
enemy.
The great weapon of wage-workers is
the strike-the cessation of work. Like
all methods of warfare il is dangerous
and costly. Starvation, prstilence and
death move in the name of poverty, and
a cessation from work to compel Justice
is voluntary sacrifice by the oppressed
to obtain liberty.
Tho class feeling that prompts the re-
sistant force of the wage worker is met by
the class feeling of defiance over the ad-
yancing inferior class. The king will
not yield to the barons the barons to the
commons; the commons to the yeomen
or the yeomen to the hind, until the
safety of the class demands concession.
As the king looked down from his throne
upon the people, SO the mason looked
down from the scaffolding to the hod-
carrier. Under this confusion of con-
flicting interests the building of the
tower of democracy in political, social
and industrial life is stayed.
The student of the labor movement
must understand that it is not the creation
of leaders. 1t is always growth and
leaders are but a part of that growth. In
1Si4-45, upon almost the same day of the
same year when the Rochdale pioneers
were organizing their great CO. operative
experiment, dozen workinginen in
Boston were discussing the same ques-
ton. This coincidence is but one of
many. As the products of climates differ
in kind, yet are fruit, bud or flower, so
the labor movement is of one kind, the
fruition of the hope of ages, the Towering
out of humanity.
Starting with recognition of the fact
that methods and measures are confined
to the limitations of opportunity and in
| telligence, the mob, the strike and the
| boycott are explained. The London mol
instinctiyely attacked the club houses be.
cause they represented the social anti
thesis 1t was IA cry for vengeance from
the unemployed or forced oilers agains
| the representatives of the loafers O
society. One class was idle and starved
/ the other class was idle and Toasted
Both classes are the victims of the sam,
| system, as both represent the rot from
root to fower-a poisoned root and
poisoned flower.
The mob raided the bakers and butchc
shops for food, the wine shops because o
appetite and excess, and the iewelr,
shops MS the representative of luxury
The passions were led in the order d
their natural channels. Without think
ing, they said We will have tia
which the wealthy have food, wine ali
luxury"
II is as easy to forecast the path of til
mob as the course of stream. Tn
stream runs toward common ocean TIL
mobrushes toward n community of veal h
The pent-up waters when loosened seel
the lowest level to expend their wrath
The pent-up forces of labor sweep through
the swamps and marshes of poverty.
The question that stands as the eterna
interrogation mark of civilization, is no
=: How can class interests be concli
ated Y but How can classes be obliter
ated Z" In its economic form the problem
is stated in this proposition " How cai
the producing power of days work b
increased without increasing the cost 0
the product Y This is the economic labo
question, and the movement of labor
always in the direction of its solution. Il
this end st likes break out everywhere
when civilization has reached the level o
social and industrial discomfort. Conten
under wrong is idiocy. Discomfort is tn
hope of the world The labor union j
born of the strike. The federalist trio
amalgamation, arbitration and cooper
tion-a born of the trade union.
The new form of movement known a
the Knights of Labor is the attempte
concentration of all the forces of labor. ]
is armed with the strike and the boycot
and yet holds out the olive branch @
arbitration. 1t teaches hope of a peaceful
solution. II holds in check the mob an
ut the same time it walks the streets an
byways, mastering its forces under III
banner of mutual assistance for nutua
good. 1t lifts its voice in Legislative hall
and may soon be seated in the councils {
a great nation. Its mission is to redeel
woman from the lust of greed, of wealt
and passion 1t is the labor movement {
the republic of the new century (
liberty.
The future of this present form Of o.
ganized action depends not onlyupon th
wisdom of its leaders, but upon the vii
dom of the we'll disposed among tn
wealthy. Never in the history of til
? republic WIS the possession of wealt
under such heavy responsibility. f.!
cessive display of excessive wealth is no
: a crime against social order. The poo
may suffer and be still when all are doin
all they can to relieve, but feasting foo
are in danger when famine makes ME
E desperate.
, Safety to the republic demands reg
larity of rcmnnerative employment. Il
preston is impossible, The tide
events cannot be turned backwar,
: Organized labor must be acknowledge
as the strongest conserving force, and a
who have opportunity to think must col
: centrate their full powers upon tho,
measures that will tend toward the sol
! ton Of the problem of "How to increa
Z the purchasing power of days wol
= without increasing the cost of produ
+, ton n
Unrestrained competition is monopol
! and those who Gun monopolize land nj
T machinery, either of production or dist
e button, are responsible for enforced i'd
ness. The cure for idleness is leisur