The true northerner. [volume] (Paw Paw, Mich.) 1855-1920, 1886-05-13
INVOKING AID FOR IRELAND.
Gladstone Issues Manifesto to His Md
lothian Constituents for Home
Rule Endorsement.
He Argues His Position Broadly, Claiming
the Opposition Embraces Wealth and
Social Influence.

Mr.. Gladstone has issued a manifesto to
ais Midlothian constituents, in which, after
explaining that his age and desire TO reserve
his strength for the coming contest in Par
lament has prevented him from taking
part in the Easter recess campaign, he re-
ferred to the messages received by him
from such capitals as Washington, Boston,
and Quebec as proving that the sympathy
Of the English speaking race is with the
home rule movement. He says that they
must not be discouraged if, in the upper
ranks of society at home, they hear a
variety of discordant notes, and continues:
CONDEMNATION have before you Cabinet
determined in its purpose and with an in
telligible plan of its own. / see very little else
in the political arena either determined or in
.elligible. l will now proceed TO speak OF the
state of things within and without Parliament
and the nature and import of the next great
step TO be taken for the progress of my meas
ure. i speak now of the home-rule bill and
cave the land-purchase bill to stand on the
declaration already made, adding only an eX-
preston of regret to ind tlat Yhile the sands
are running from the hour glass the Irish land-
lords have given no indication of desire to
accept the proposal framed in spirit OF the
most allowable regard for their apprehensions
and interest.
do not underestimate the grave importance
81 differences OF opinion among Liberals. Some
are inclined 10 rule the whole question against
as by authority. They say: Surely such
ais would not have succeeded except in obedi-
snce to the imperative dictates of truth and
reason" I will say nothing of the motives
which determined us to confront the risk of such
a parting / earnestly recommend reference
20 the lessons which history supplies. 1t is not
The first time in the history of liberalism that
section Of the Liberals under chiefs Of distinc-
ton and ability have dissented from the general
view Of the party, TO the delight and doubtless
the advantage of the Tories.
There was an illustrious secession previous to
f1ar
secession when it was proposed Co disestablish
the Irish Church. But eventually, in both
cases il was proved that in principle the party
was right and secession was wrong. Compar-
| ing these with the present secession it was i'm
possible not to be struck with vital difference.
In each previous secession the dissentients
| agreed upon an active, substantial policy.
1t is not so now. Some are in favor of unli.n-
tied coercion; others of moderated doses, while
few oppose coercion altogether On the other
| side, some oppose local government, some
would give 1t to the counties, some to the prov
| inces some, again, would give an administra-
| tive center with legislative pTerogatives, while
some propose Legislative center without exec
! utive power. Some, indeed, go beyond the
proposition of the Government, and actually
recommend federation. Some alter the propos-
ais which they would recommend with every
| new speech.
All this is proof not of the weakness of the
men but Of the helplessness q their cause. We
have at least the advantage Of one voice The
| secession, however estimable il may be other =,
| wise is perfect babel on IRISH politics.
1t is admitted on all hands that social order
is the first of all political aims To secure thiI
| In Ireland the Liberals who are in secession
offer hundred conflicting remedies-or else nG
| remedy ut all. These remarks are as applicable
| TO the Tories they are TO the Liberals. The
| opponents of the Governments measure maxi
q remarkable omission in their speeches IL
each, whether suggestive or critical, they fail to
| express confidence in the permanent success OF
| their opposition. To live from hand TO mouth
seems TO be the height of their ambition, while
/ they suspect what we all know-that the strif
can only end in the concession of home rule.
If this is so the real question is not the
| triumph Of Irish autonomy, but the length and
to shorten, they TO prolon2 the struggle. We
say Give freely" they, by acts IL not words
say Let us only give what we can no longer
withhold" We say Give now, while the posi-
! ton of the kingdom in the affairs Of the world
| is free and strong they prefer to wait for a
period of national difficulty, that we may yield
| to the Irish demand in terror, we did in the
war of 177s, as did to the demands of the
volunteers in 1882, as we did to Bonaparte in
! 1898, and as we did in the civil war of 1929.
We say: Act now, when moderation OF
! thought and language rules in Irish counsels
when by the willing concurrence of all sides
every arrangement for the reservation of inn
perial prerogatves can be made complete ano
! absolute" They would postpone till an hour
comes when the demands may be larger and
means of resistance less. We say: Deal as
with matter between brothers-a matter Of
! Justice and reason They renew a tale alas
zoo often told, whose prologue is denial will
is surrender without conditions and without
| fhapEs