The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1886-03-12

and Mr.. Cleveland became President
Of the United States in fact and in
law. On that, TO him, mighty occasion
he gave further utterance, and told the
assembled people Of the country that
the third stsge OF the political evolu-
ton had been reached. All that he
had theretoiore said had been but the
utJerances OF Mr.. Cleveland. Now had
come the tirne Tor Mr.. Cleveland, Presi-
dent Of the United States, 10 speak,
and he did speak.
Mr.. Wilson read the portion OF Mr..
Cleveland's inaugural address relating
TO civil service reform. "a
This he continued, marked the off.
cisl and highest stage OF the political
evolution, whose subtle forces had
wrought wondIously well in elevat
ing Mr.. Cleveland TO the Presidency
OF the Uaited States. But he had no
purpose OF abandoning the others in
that political school to which he pro-
claimed 10 have committed his for
tunes as candidate and President. He
was not content with the anr ounce
ment OF the 4th OF March, 1885, that
the official and highest stage 81 the
political evolution had been reached,
for he renewed the declaration in his
first annual message TO Congress, and
took care TO give IL great elaboration.
He seemed TO have most earnestly de-
sired to impress the country with the
belief that the indefinite protopllsmic
presence in the platform on which his
asNu Ill l.. - L
evolved a substantial and forceiul
principle which would purify the
politics and bless the country in ger.
eTal. Here he read the Presidents
message forwarding and comment
ing upon the SecretsIy's report OF the
Civil Service Commission. The people,
Senator Wilson continued, had given
Mr.. Cleveland generous credit for sim
CERTIFY, They had listened to his pro-
LESSONS OF reform and studied them.
They had appreciated the difficulties
surrounding his assumption OF the ex-
ecutive power, but they could not
reconcile his actions in suspending
competent and faithful public officers
with his repeated assurances that such
things would not be done. He had
said that men would net be discharged
for partisan reasons, but only for
cause. The people had believed that
he had the courage Of bis convict ons.
This resulted in universal belief that
charges other than political should be
lodged against public officer before
his suspension could be assured. It
had logically followed that whenever
an officer was suspended the people
believed that some grave charge had
been made against him. Indeed,
every suspended officer was, by the
Presidents own declaration, made to
stand before the country as unworthy
OF trust and confidence. II this we're
not the necessary conclusion, what
must be the estimation placed by the
people on the word OF President?
Aud If II be correct conclusion, what
must be the PTesidentsidea OF fair deal
ing with a Gitizsn2 He had suspended
GAS public officers and maTsha!ed
them befors the country as persons
unworthy OF trust and confidence.
Many OF these persons had requested
10 be informed OF the nature OF the
charges against them. In this way
the executive power was being used
rs o means Of assault against the
character and reputation OF citizsns OF
the republic. No such outrage had
been Inflicted on our citizens from the
first Of our national existence until the
incoming OF the present administra-
tion-its pomp and circumstance of
reform to the contrary, notwithstand.
ing. II was q most extraordinary
manifestation OF reform for the Preei-
dent TO place himself before the coun-
try as the sccufer of 643 public officers
whom he had suspended, at the same
time denying TO them information as
to the things OF which they were &C.
cused. II he sad to them, "You are
Republicans and want your places
in order that may confer them on
DEMOCRATS" he would have dealt
frankly with them, and would have
manifested manliness which would
have challenged respect. The Presi-
dent had now asked the Senate TO
Join him in his accusations against
these men. When the Senate re Vested
TO be informed concerning the official
conduct Of the accused officers, it was
fatty told him that no information
would be given, and this regai dless of
the effect on the citizen. Senator Will
son went on. to argue that this was
not the theory OF the constitution, and |
was contrary to. both the theory and |
practice tf the government from the
beginning. He said that the demand
Of the Senate was not unlawful or un.
reasonable. Grover Cleveland may
not suspend from office in his personal
discretion. The President may do il
n his official discretion. The outraged
,it'zsn who stood arraigned before
he country by the President as being
Of confidence must not in
luire concerning charges made against
him, because that would be an en-
iroaohment on the kingly prerogative
II the possessor Of executive power,
md when the Senate called for in
ormation on the government files in
rider that the citizen may have fair
LAY, common Justice and opportunity
Or defense, 1t is cOolly informed that
he public interest would net be pro-
noted by the giving of such
Information. Thus the kingly "prerog-
tive" OF the President placed under
ok and key the public records of the
ountry. II this wss reform" Sem
tor Wilson thought the sooner we re-
armed to the old methods the better.
enator Wilson w&s quite ready to ad-
lit that the Presidents repeated
saurance Of reform had given away to
he pressure Of partisan supporters
ather than say that they were mean
lgless when uttered.
Senator Kenra obtained the floor to
peak on the resolutions.
Senator Stanford introduced suitable
regarding the death OF
enator Miller, which were adopted,
nd after an executive session the
enate adjourned. L
The House.
Mr.. Sowden, PA. from the Com
ittee on Expenditures in the Navy
apartment, reported resolution
hich was adopted, calling on the