The Northwestern standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1885-1886, 1886-02-13
SIGNIFICANT SPEEC HlE1Ss
IContinued from first page.

| tslSJ Au!CA VI etaA>Lg SAAS -
!, terations to be made in thatlgovernmen1
in the same spirit and the same large
ness of view as characterized the speect
of the right honorable gentleman TIT
member for Midlothian tonight, have
not the slightest doubt that solution
4 will be found so as to enable Ireland K
be entrusted with the right Of self-gov
2 eminent. ~
I A voice from Che ministerial benches
Impossible. fCries OF order from the
i Irish memberst} RI
! Dir. Parnell- And SO as to secure
those guarantees regarding the lnGeg-
rity OF the empire, the supremacyof the
crown, and the protection OF the min
| ority--What is called the loyal minor
ity'' IN Ireland-whieh have been re-
/ CURED by both the responsible leaders
of the great political parties in this
house. I have always believed that II
We could come to the decision--if we
could agree upon The principle that the
Irish people ars entitled to some self
| government, that parliament has 60 q
| large extent failed in its self-lmposed
mission of legislating for Ireland during
the eighty-fve years which <haye
elapsed since the Union-that we would
not find the details so very formidable
or find such great difficulties IN theWay
Of securing the empire against chances
of separation, as seem to Cypress the
public mind in England at tha present
moment. My own candid opinion is
that so far from increasing the chances
of separation, the concession OF au-
| tonomy would undoubtedly very largely
diminish them. / believe that the feel
ing in this country upon the matter, a
feeling which believe to be general,
that trusting Ireland might result in
danger to the empire, simply results to
| q large extent from the want OF know
! ledge which mast befall Englishmen
| with reference to any Irish question,
and from the very Industrious attempts
which have been set on foot by some
gentlemen represelting-or pretending
+! to represent the landlords OF Ireland,
with view to putting the public opln-
ion Of thisreonntry on the wrong scent,
and diYerting their attention from the
real issue toa question about danger to
the4integrity Of the cempire, IN refer
tence to which [ believe there is no real
apprehension at all, and that the very
persons who are loudest in their talk
about risk to the royal minority in
ireland and to the integrity OF the en-
pire, secretly and in their own hearts
know perfectly well that there is no
foundation for it. Now, Mr.. Speaker,
this question is really q question OF the
amount of rent the landlords are to re-
eeive daughter and Irish cheers.) And
when home members representing the
land owners of the country talk about
the integrity of the empire they are
talking about the integrity of their
breeches pockets (Irish cheers.)
The land question is undoubtedly a
very difficult question, and to my mind
presents the real points of difficulty in
arriving at at a solution OF the question
of Irish autonomy and the house would
find, if that question were once settled
ON basis satisfactory to the Irish
landowners and the tenants OF Ireland.
If such basis could be arrived at, we
would hear nothing more from lrlsh
representatives on those ministerlai}
benches about the integrity of the en-
pire and the risk Of separation. We
have been spoken to tonight about the
necessity of protecting the loyal min
ority.' Well, sir, | was myself a born
Protestant, | have lived Protestant,
and / hope to die Protestant, and If
in the future after the concession OF
the Irish claims any danger were to
arise to my Protestant fellow country
men, [ should be the first to stand up
for that liberty of speech and that lib
erty of conscience, and liberty to live
and thrive of every section OF the COM
munity, whether they were Protestants'E
or whether they were Catholics, and
perhaps / may be a more effectual aid
to them in times OF real danger than
some OF those gentlemen who talk so
loudly and boast so much. cloud Irish
cbeers,) But | have no such apprehen-
sion. / am convinced that the Catho-
lies of Ireland would not attempt 10
Cypress their Protestant feiloW-eoun-
trynen Irish cneersl, and that they
would desire that it would be their OBJ /
iect in view of the history of ages, the /
history of the past, that the Protss-t /
tants of Ireland should have more than
fair play, that they would endeavor to
bring them to the front and give them
the fullest share in the government OF
Ireland. But as regards this movement
it is q remarkable and noteworthy fact
that it is spontaneous, and differs very
much from the land league movement
of 1870 and the following years. On
the land league movement of 1879 and
the following years we spent quarter
Of million sterling in organizing the
tanantry and persuading them to re-
sist rents which we knew were rack
rents. That movement resulted in the
passage of the Land Act. Now, we
have not spent single penny upon this
movement. Ii addition 20 our
and restraining influence we
have refraIned from making any expen-
diture whatever In aid OF the present
for the reduction of rents.
Therefore ii cannot be said that this