The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1886-08-28


OK which time, in larger or less degree, the
coercive laws might be repealed and measures
| OF local self-goverBment entertainedF'
Mr.: Gladstone then goes TO point out that
| the Unlonists are already pledged to an immedi-
/ ate and large concession, many of them such
scale that they give to their idea the name of
home rule, declaring themselves favorable to Its
principles and only opposed Ito tie awkward
and perverse manner in which 1t was handled
| by the late administration. Look at the ques-
| ton, Mr.. Gladstone continues, (which way we
will, the of Irish self government lives and
moves, and can hardly fail to receive more life
from the hands of those who have been its sue
cessful opponents in one of it's particular
| forms. 1t will arise as wounded warrior
sometimes arises on the field of battle and stabs
to the heart some soldier of the victorious army
who had been exulting over him.
Mr.. Gladstone then looks at the elections from
a geographical point. He points out that even
IN the case of England what we have is not
really refusal, but is only slower acknowl-
edgment The effect of all this on Ireland no
describes as follows:
"All the currents of the political atmosphere
as between the two islands have been cleansed
and sweetened, for Ireland now knows what she
has never known before that even under her de-
feat deep rift of division runs all through the
English nation in her favor; that there is not
throughout the land parish or village where
there are not hearts beating in unison with her
heart, where there are not minds earnestly bent
on the acknowledgment and permanent es
Enlistment of her claims to national
existence. Under these happier circumstances,
what is there in separation that would tend to
make It advantageous to Ireland as an island
with many hundreds of miles of coast, with a
weak marine, and people far more military
than nautical in its habit of small population
and limited in her present resources? Why
should she expose herself to the risks of inva-
sion, and to the certainty of an enormous cost
in the creation and maintenance of navy for
defense, rather than remain under the shield of
the greatest maritime power in the world, bound
by every consideration of honor and interest to
guard her9 Why should she be sup
vantage of absolute community of
trade with the greatest of all commercial
countries, to become an alien to the market
which consumes lsay) nine-tenths of her prod
uce, and instead of using the broad and uni
versal paths of enterprise now open to her to
carve out for herself new and narrow ways as a
third-rate statef"
Mr.. Gladstone next deals with the purchase
and sale Of land in Ireland, and at the outset ac
knowledges that the most powerful agent in
bringing about the defeat of the government
was aversion to the land bill. The
Siamese twinship of the bills put to scorn
by those for whose benefit it was, in great
part, designed, having been deadly to both,
he thinks it his duty explicitly TO acknowledge
that the sentence which has gone forth for the
severance of the two measures is irresistible,
and that the twinship which has been for the
time disastrous to the hopes of Ireland exists no
ship between the enemies of home rule and the
enemies of the land BILL which brought about
this result may now be dissolved. The enemies
of home rule have been the keenest pro-
motars of land purchase in the interest of Irish
landlords, and the enemies of the land pur-
chase bill, instead of standing at
their ease. will now have to use all
their vigilance for the purpose of preventing the
adoption OF schemes of land purchase, founded
on principles very different from, and, indeed,
opposite to those of the bill lately consigned to
limbo.
Mr.. Gladstone next discusses the conservative
character of home rule for Ireland It may rea-
sonaOly lay claim, he holds. to conservative
favor, for it is especially founded on regard for
history and traditions, and it aims. in the main,
at restoring not altering, the empire. An inter
mediate authority set between the central power
and the subject. he points out, is contrivance
fag2sahle to both, and 1t gives domestic aspect
20 commands, which, when proceeding from a
remote source, want their best passport to ac-
ceptance
He then proceeds to consider to which party
the work is reserved He does not go beyond
the expression of an undoubted belief that a
measure of lf-government. mot less extensive
than the proposal of 1876. will be ultimately car
ried. "Nor is it for me" he says, ito conjecture
whether in this, in so many other cases. the
enemies of the measure are the persons designed
finally to guide its triumphal procession to the
capital
In conclusion, Mr.. Gladstone says: IF am
not egregiously wrong in all that has been said,
Ireland has now lying before her broad and
even way on which to walk to the consumma-
tion of her wishes. Before her eyes is opened
that same path of constitutional and peace
full action, of steady, free, and full discussion,
which has led England and Scotland to the
achievement of all their pacific triumpEs"