The Memphis appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1886-1890, 1886-06-17
HARTINGTON'S MANIFESTO
HIS ADDRESS TO THE ROsEDALE
ELECTORS.
Why He Is Opposed to the Home
Rule Bill-His Position Toward
Mr.. Gladstone.

dale electors. He says: 81 regret the
loss Of the confidence OF the majority
oil the Liberal council under circum-
stances so grave and unprecedented
l cannot accept as final the decision
Of anybody Of electors, however in
tuential. III ID is Mr.. GladEtone's
Opiuion that the Irish difficulty is only
soluble by fundamental alteration
OF the relations between Great Britain
and Ireland. it is TO be regretted that
he has not placed the question in that
light before the election. / maintain
that neither Parliament nor the
electors should be invited to accept
the principle OF 80 vast a change as
separate Parliament for Ireland until
plan has been put before them sats.
Tying the conditions which Mr.. Gla!-
stone himself has declared to be indis-
pensable. The bill recently rejected
by Parliament, ia my opinion,
satisfies none OF the Conditions
We are not assured that it will or can
be reconstructed in such manner as
to remove the objections OF many OF
those even who voted for 1t. The
measure is recommended as a Just
and more strongly, as The only, means
for the restoration OF social order in
Ireland without resort TO stringent
coercion. Ny opinion is that it is a
question less OF justice and right than
OF expediency. If Ireland had claimed
independence, then the question of
justice or right might be raised, hut
that claim is not openly asserted
and the government maintains that
under the measure Ireland will re-
main an integral part OF the kingdom.
To require that the people OF Ireland
should submit TO be governed by a
Parliament wherein they are fully
represented, and whereby they he p
to govern Great Britain, may be mex
pedient, but csnnot be described
IS unjust. Apart from the claim for
justice, however, il Is not denied that
there exists in Ireland general desire
for the greater control Of home affairs.
This desire, within certain limits, the
Liberal party recognizes as a reason
able claim. The question is to what
extent can it SHELLY be conceded by
the government. The measures re-
served to the English Parliament,
wherein Ireland was not to be repre-
sented, the control OF vital matters in
which Irishmen ere usually inter-
ested with EDglishmen and Scotch.
men, such as the conduct OF
colonial and foreign affairs, the regu.
lation OF trade customs and excise
duties, and at the sans time intrusted
TO the Irish Legislature practically the
exclusive conuol OF legi'lation, adj
ministration OF law, affecting the re.
laions of property, the prevention
and punishment OF crime, and the
civil and religious rights aud liberties
OF the whole community. To say that
these are exclusively Irish affairs, and
therefore may safely ba entrusted tn the
management ofthe Irish, is misleading.
To recognize the fact that the Irish
people are widely divided in the dis
t'nction of race and religion is not to
impait into the controversy the ele-
ments Of religious bigotrv. Not only
Protsstauts but many Catholics also
regard the measure with real alarm,
to ignore which an attempt is
made to escape by specious phr Asses
from the reslities OF the position,
and The government proposed a
measure to protect the land.
lords, who are only small
fraction. Regarding the classes re
curing protection, the Premier is now
silent, He admitted that Ulster de-
served protection, but the protests of
U ster are neglected. Not word in Mr..
Gladstone's address indicates any seri-
GUS attempt to satify the Gains OF the
Protes ant minority. / am compelled,
therefore, 10 conclude that within the
line OF the government pan it is i'm.
possible to device adequate protec-
ton for those who it is admitted need
it, II is easy to dismiss with IN
tempt alternative plans suggested by
those who decline 10 accept the separ It
let scheme OF the g lverDment, but who
ere willing to coHcede reasonable de-
mands. The difficulties are great. l
am certainly not prepared to commit
myself to the details OF any one OF the
plans roposed, but certain con-
ditions may be clearly stated
which are essential to any pan.
Parliament ought to continue
represent the whole and not part of
the whole kingdom. Powers which
may be conferred upon the subo di-
nate local bodies should be delegated,
not surrendered; the subjects dele.
gated shon'd be clearly defined, and
the right of Parliament TO control and
revise the action OF subordi-
nate legislative and administrative
authorities should equally be clearly
reserved, and lastly, the sdmioistra-
ton OF justice ought to remain in the
hands of authority responNible to Par
lament. 1t is asserted TINT such a
limited measure would not satisfy Ire
land, but il majority Of the people
OF the United Kingdom distinctly
and firmly declare that they
will not assent to any measure that
will Lessen the bonds OF union, II re-
mains to be provei whether the Irish
people can be persuaded TO maintain
a hopeless End unnecessary contest.
Alternative schemes are dismissed
without discussion. In order tn show
that coercion is not the only alterna-
tive, nobody has advocated coercion
aI palicy. But there is q
punt Whtfo any government may
be compelled to reeort to
what may be called coercion. The
government measure is no alternative
TO coercion, because it is certain that
without coercion the Professionals OF
Ulster would not submit to the au.
tbority which II is proposed to impose
upon them.
Finally, the question has been
asked, How are Engl md and Scotland
to be governed? An attempt has
been made to show that, in the
face Of determined opposition, nearly
ninety Irish mem oers supported a
large number OF English and Scotch
members, This problem is i'm ossible
Of ISOLATION. II this is so, it
Il not a question for argu-
ment, but a simple sur
render Of full representation. A
Parliament freely conceded to Ireland
must be conditional on their exercise
Of the privileges in a manner compat-
ible with the efficiency, dignity and