The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1886-04-09

cheerS1 Tor the conduct OF the
business of both Legislative and
an administrative nature. The
political economy of three countries
1 an equitable distribution of Imperial
burdens: next there must be reasonable
safeguards for the minority, and why
could not this minority in Ireland take
care OF itself. de had no doubt about
its ability to do that, when We have
passed through the present critical
period and been disarmed OF the
iealousies with which any change was
approached, but for the present there
were three classes of people whom they
were bound to consider; first, the class
connected with the land; second. the
civil servants and officers OF the govern
ment in Ireland; third, the Pro
testant minority. The speaker
could not admit the claim
OF the Protestant minority in Ulster
or elsewhere 20 III on the questions
which were for the whole Of Ireland.
Several schemes for the separate govern
ment of Ulster had been submitted TO
him. One was that Ulster province
should be excluded from the operations
Of the present bill; another was that
separate autonomy should be provided
| for Ulster, and the third suggested that
certain rights shoald be reserved and
placed under the provincial councils.
I Not one of these proposals had appeared
I TO government TO be so col. pletely
/ jusuIied by its merits or by the weight
Of public opinion in its favor as 10 war
rant the government in including IL IN
their bill. However. they deserved fair
consideration, and the discussion that
would follow the introduction OF the
4 I'LL sun lad 80. AazengorN- ~
one plan which had predOminating
amount of support. and government
would do their best 70 adopt the plan
that seemed likely TO give general salts
| faction.
referring to the great settlement OF
| l7s2, Mr.. Gladstone said: 1t was not
a real settlement, and why2 Was ii
/ Ireland that prevented a real settle
ment being made? Irish cheers). No,
it was the mistaken policy OF
England listening 10 the perDi-
ciOus voice and claims of the
ascendency. The Irish Parliament
labored under great disadvantages, vet
il had in il a spark OF the spirit of free
dom. and il emancipated the Roman
Catholics of Ireland, when the Roman
Catholics of London were still uneman-
cipated-it received Lord FitzWillism
with open arms and when, after a brief
career. he was recalled to England, the
Irish Parliament registered their con-
fidence in him by passing resolution
desiring that he should still administer
! the government. Lord FitZ William had
promoted the admission of the Roman
Catholics into the Irish Parlia
ment. and5 there was a spirit in
that Parliament, which, II it had a
free people, would have done noble
work and probably would have solved
all the Irish problems and have saved
this government infinite trouble. The
speaker said he would now pass to the
plan how to give Ireland a legislature
to deal with Irish, as distinguished
from Imperial affairs. He was con
frOnted at the outset with what he felt
TO be a formidable dilemma. Ireland
was TO have q domestic legislature for
Irish affairs. That was his postulate.
from which he set out, were the Irish
members and Irish representative Peers
in either House to continue to form
part of the representative assemblies.
The speaker thought il would be per-
fectly clear that if Ireland was
to have a domestic legislature the Irish
peers and Irish representatives could
come to Parliament TO control English
and Scotch affairs. CHEERS Then,
with regard to the question whether
Irish representatives should come to
the House OF Commons for a settlement
of imperial affairs, he though that II
could not be done. He had, therefore,
arrived at the conclusion that the Irish
members and Irish peers ought not TO
sit in the Palace of Westminster. (Ohl
oh and cheers.) II the Irish mem bers
were not TO sit in the House Of Com
mons, the Irish peers ought not
TO sit in the other House of
Parliament. (Hear, hear and ohD
How were the Irish people 10
be taxed If they had legislators
in both countries? He believed that
Great Britain would never impose upon
Ireland taxation without representa-
ton, and added: - II We were to have
taxation without representation, then
there would come another question
which would raise practically the diff
Guilty. and that is: Are we 10 give up
that fiscal unity of the empire" He
did not think that by giving up the
fiscal unity of the empire they were
giving up the unity of empire. He,
however, stood upon the substantial
ground that to give up the fiscal unity
OF the empire would be public incon-
venience and misfortune. 1t would be
q great misfortune for Great Britain
ana greater misfortune lOI lIclduu
He conceived that one escape from that
dilemma would be such an arrangement
as would give the Imperial government
authority to levy custom duties and
such excise duties as were Immediately
connected with the customs. The con-
ditions of such an arrangement, were:
First, that the general power OF taxa
ton over and above those particular
duties should pass into the hands OF
domestic legislature in Ireland; second
that the proceeds of customs and ex-
else should be held for the benefit
of ireland and for the discharge of the
obligations OF Ireland and the payment
OF the balance, after these obligations
were discharged, should be entered into
the Irish Exchequer, and before the free
disposal of the Irish Legislative body.
The government bill provided for this,
and the bill then provided that the
representatives of Ireland should no
longer sit in the House Of Commons or
the Irish Peers in the House Of Lords,
but at the same time they would have
the right Of addressing the Grown and
so possesses all the constitutional rights