St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1886-10-07

during the war. He went over the question
very thoroughly, following pretty closely
after the line of argument he used at
Rochester and asked in conclusion: "How do
you like it?' a sturdy voice in the audience
answered back: 1--WE don't like it at ALL" He
referred TO the fact that of the four Repuoll-
can congressman from Minnesota who voted
in cSngress for the Morrison tariff BILL three
of them, Strait, Wakefield and White, had
been laid aside and Nelson was the only one
who had escaped, and Gihllan, the only con-
gresham from Minnesota who voted against
the bill, was renominated by his party. This
shows where the Republican party stands,
and when the Republican party comes for
ward now and claims that it is in favor Of
lowering the tariff,
1T LOOKS TRIFLE THIN.
A voice, That's what 1t does" The
plank in relation to favoring arbitration be-
tween the laborer and employer was put IN
simply for political clap-trap. No party had
ever adopted such a platform. Grover
Cleveland who as Democrat had advocated
the adoption OF measure similar 10 TINS,
was the only one who had ever done this
He declared himself as opposed to the prac-
tice of turning men out of office indiScriml-
nately whenever there was change OF ad-
miniStration. He would not subscribe to
such sentiment. The high license plank
was characterized rs delusion. When mad
the Republican party before this ever put
such a plank in its platform? When the
Republican party said it was in favor or
high license it reminded him of the man III
Maine who said he was in favor OF prohloi-
ton, but was opposed to enforcing IT, he
said the Republican platform was lot OF
glittering generalitieS, as platforms generally
are. Platforms amounted to little. Actions
were what the people wanted, not promises.
He paid compliments to Dunnell and White,
and their valuable services to the people,
who were slaughtered when they voted their
sentiments. He said any man who would
resort to disreputable methods to get a nolni-
nation is not a civil service refOrmer. If he
was elected he would in some way get back
the money he paid out to secure the nomina-
ton. The people should rebuke men who Sc
cured nominations in this way. He severely
cRstigated the worker at an election, whom
he characterized as degraded being and a
stencil in the nostrils Of the decent people of
the world. He referred at some length to the
tendency toward Capitalization and conceu-
traIed capital and pointed out the evils that
would follow if something was not done to
put check upon them. The labor classes
are organizing themselves to prevent the en-
croSchments OF concentrated capital and
protect their own rights and interests. |
would defend life, liberty and property with
all the safeguards that can be thrown about
them but wealth must not be accumulated
in such immense amounts that it will be a
menace to society. When you do you are
putting great wealth on the one hand and
have poverty on the other, which is great
SIN. In one year, from 1888 to 1884, 500, 900
men were
THROWN OUT OF EMPLOYMENT
in railroad building alone because capital had
built roads for speculation, and after that
had no more use for the workingman. He re-
ferred to the many millions of bonds held by
rich men. which were not taxable, and said
his temper, which was usually good, was get
ting tride bad because he saw so much of
this, where a rich man did not pay any more
taxes than drayman. The rich were get
ting richer and the poor, poorer. About the
only way to prevent the accumulation OF
these immense fortunes, he said, was to have
an income tax. The possible increase of per-
Jury was about the only objection he saw to
such a law. The purpose of law is to guard
the weak against the strong, and when these
great corporations rise up and Cypress the
people it is time to do something. He had al
ways opposed the granting OF all bonuses or
subsidies to railroads. 1t was taking money
away from the people The judge briefly re-
viewed his legislative record on q number
of important questions which made per-
ceptible impression on the audience, which
during the entire speech listened with the
closest attention. His opposition to land
grants and his legitimate legal service for
railroads were commented upon and eX-
planned. He said he had never been the rail-
road attorney of any railroad, but he had
acted as an attorney for stipulated fee.
Every LAWYER of any standing in the state has
at one time or another acted as an attorney
for railroads. 1t was proper that an attor-
ney should do this, and any one who tried to
make capital against another by casting re-
Elections upon such service was demagogue
who presumed too much upon the ignorance
of the people. On account of his opposition
to these corporations and railroads there
would be an
INTENSE EFFORT TO DEFEAT HIM
and ali the speakers in the interest of these
vampires would be sent into the district to
aid in beating him. But he defied any of them
to say that he had ever voted to give any
bonus to any railroad or assert that he had
not fought corporations all his life to the ut
most of his ability. He ALWAYS advocated the
placing of railroad lands on the tax lists also.
After complete review of his legislative
record he said he had not been a candidate for
congress, but he had been nominated and
wanted to be elected. The people knew his
record and he did not believe they would fail
him. He mad never shrunk from his duty to
the people. He had, in fact, gone out of his
way to meet them. The judge continued for
some time and closed amid loud applause.