The true northerner. [volume] (Paw Paw, Mich.) 1855-1920, 1886-09-02
A Great Speech at Sebago Lake,
Maine, by the Republican
Leader.
The Tariff Question Reviewed in All
Its Details Capital and Labor
Interests.
The Fisheries Dispute-Our Relations
with MexicO-The Prohibition
Party.

on the gath ult at Sebago Lake, when the Hon.
James G. Blaine and Congressman Reed OF
Maine and Gibson of Ohio made addresses be-
fore a large assembly. Mr.. Blaine said
FELLOW CITIZENS: A new administration OF
the National Government is usually unvexed IN
its first year except by the opportunities und
the disappontments of its own supporters. The
people ut large give small heed for the time 10
public affairs and the discussion OF political
Issues is left as n somewhat perfunctory task
to opposing partisans in Congress. This season
OF apparent indifference is caused III part by
the natural ebb of the tide which flowed SO
high in the preceding national election and in
part also by the American instinct of fair play
which demands that the party freshly installed
may have free opportunity and full time 10 lay
out its ground and mature its measures. This
period OF popular inaction is thus not only adj
vantageous for rest but IL prepares those who
are the ultimate arbiters in oil matters OF pub
lie concern To give patient hearing TO fair argu-
ment when the time arrives for popular discus
sion.
The approaching election Of a Governor, OF
four Representatives to n new Congress, and a
Legislature that shall choose Senator Of the
United States, revives the interest in political
topics in Maine, and subjects TO inquiry the
various issues which separate Our people into
distinct political parties. Have the old differ
ences between the Republican and Democratic
organizations been adjusted or have they grown
more palpable and more pronouncedp Are the
questions over which the Republicans and the
Democrats have waged n long contest TO be now
abandoned? Is litigation in the court OF public
opinion to be discontinued and settlement
effected by entering neither party" on the peo-
pies docket? Or on the other hand, do the
American people just now begin TO see with
clearer vision the aims and intentions, the
methods. and the measures OF each party, and
are they waking to "A new and more earnest
struggle over policies that are irreconciable
over measures that are inherently and inevi-
tably in conflict Let us inquire of these things
In spirit of candor.
THE TARIFF QUESTION.
1t is in the first place especially worthy OF
observation that in the history of industrial
que stions no party in time of peace has ever
been moro united in support of policy than
is the Republican in support OF protective
tariff to-day. At the late session Of Congress a
measure known as the Morrison tariff bill, de-
signed TO first weaken and ultimately destroy
the protective policy, was resisted by so COM
pact an organization of the Republican men,
bers that single vote from New York and two
or three votes from Minnesota were all that
broke the absolute unanimity of the party.
And this was rendered still more striking by
the fact that the organs of Republican opinion
In New York and Minnesota declare that these
exceptional votes were adverse to the wishes of
large majority of those who elected the dis
senting members.
On the other hand, the vast majority Of the
Democratic members supported the free-trade
side OF the question but n small minority, unit
ing with the Republicans, found themselves
able to defeat the measure. Thereupon the
Democratic papers quite generally throughout
the country denounced the recusants as unfaith-
full to the creed of their party, and the journal
in New York which IL said TO reflect the views OF
the national administration gave formal notice
to all Democrats, North and South, who lean to-
ward the policy of protection, that they must
revise their opinions or leave the party, because
with their views they can find no sympathy in
Democratic ranks and no standing room on
Democratic platforms
These leading facts indicate that the policy
of protection versus free trade is an issue
shaped and determined no longer by sectional
preference, but has become general and nation
al, affording a distinct, wcll-marked line OF di-
vision between the Republican and Democratic
parties do not recall these facts as prepar-
NJ IN N I'll a
i've system, but with the view Of applying them
to certain current movements and current
events.
The hostility of the Democratic party TO pro-
lection has entailed upon the country q vast
loss, and has in many ways INSTRUCTED the
progress ana development of certain sections.
Since the financial panic of 1873 and the con-
temporaneous solidihcation of the Southern
vote, the Democratic party has, with the eXcep-
ton of single Congress, hold control OF the
House Of Representatives The power to origi-
nate revenue bills has been exclusively in
their hands, and they have used it TO the con-
fusion, the detriment, in many instances TO the
destruction, of new enterprises throughout the
Union. Confidence once shaken is hard TO re-
store, and the schemes of improvement which
have been abandoned within the last ten years
on account OF the uncertainty OF our revenue
laws, constantly menaced by the Democratic
party in Congress, would have caused prosper
ity and happiness in many communities which
have felt the discouraging influence of dull
times The Democratic party is constantly using
the comparative dullness in business which
their own course in Congress for twelve years
has largely developed, as an argument against
the policy of protection. But it is worth while
to compare the conditions of the coun-
try in this year of grace with its condi.
tion the year before the Republicans succeeded
In enacting the first protective tariff. In the
nine States which still do the larger amount OF
manufacturing for the country, and which did
IL nearly all quarter of a century ago. il is in
teresting and instructive to compare their finan-
cial conditions at the beginning OF 1861 and mt
the beginning of 1856. The States referred to
ara the M Nav ENGLAND wit
New Jersey, and Pennsylvania In 1861 the
country presented a condition brought about by
nearly an entire generation OF free trade, and
the aggregate amount which the people had ac-
cumulatod in their savings banks during the
long period less than S160, 900 0O0 In the
same States Jan. /, 1856, the aggregate amount
in the savings banks was over 81, 020 0OO, 900 The
difference in the amount OF savings in Maine
for the two periods show that in January, 1861,
the people had less than Sl,500,0O0 in bank,
while in January, 1886, the people had over
$50, coo, 900 in bank.
During this period it must be remembered
that the increase of population in the nine
States has been about 35 per cent. while the
increase Of deposits in savings banks has been
at the rate Of 800 per cent.
It must be remembered that IS per cent. of
this vast sum belongs to the wage-workers. The
vast number of depositors may be inferred
from the fact that in Maine, where the aggre-
gate population is less than 100000 the S36.OO0,
600 of deposits are divided between 10000 per-
sons, showing that about one in six
of the total population is depostor,
$500 The figures with which are dealing
have been confined to the nine States named be-
cause in 1861 the manufacturing done in this
country was mainly confined to those States
But the thousand millions Of savings by the
workers within their borders become still more
significant as an economic fact when we remem-
Der that since 1861 the great body of Northwest
ern States under the inspiring influence of
protective tariff have in turn developed an
enormous aggregation OF manufacturing indus
tries Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois Wis
consn IRE longer devoted TO agriculture
dustries larger in aggregate value than ali the
manufactures i'm all the States Of the Union
on the Gay Mr.. Lincoln was first inaugurated
still more embarrassing TO the free-trade doc
While the American workmen in nine States,
working under n protective tariff, have over
81, 900, 900 in savings banks, the vastly greater
mass of workingmen i'm England, ireland, Scot
land and Wales. the whole United Kingdom,
all working under free trade, have less than
$40, 900 30 900 in the aggregate, both in savings
banks and postal banks. These figures and the
conclusions they teach are so plain that the
running man may read
CAPITAL AND LABOR.
The leading feature in the industrial field Of
1886 and 1886 Is the discomfort among the men
who earn their bread by skilled and by unskillet
labor Uneasiness and uncertainty are found on
all sides there are wise al, IS among many and
with not few there is nj .ilessness, with its I'm
evitabie result OF disappointment and discour-
agement. The man who could by any prescrip-
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