Bridgeton pioneer., 1885-09-24
THE THIRD PARTY FOLLY.

against tDe IlllTu pdfty lolly Tie DeSU
is that of Bishop S. M. Merrill, of the
Methodist Episcopal Church, in a re-
cent letter to the Chicago Inter- Ocean.
1t is sensible handling of the question
as to the expediency of partisan move
ments in favor of prohibition, and de-
serves wide purusal. From this letter
we make copious extracts which are
respectfully referred to the Prohibi-
tionists of Cumberland County,
There are two methods of procedure
open to the friends OF prohibition.
| The one is with and the other is with
out separate political organization
Which is the preferable? Undoubtedly
that which promises the permanent
success of the cause in the shortest
time and with the least friction and
animosity. 1t may be that some cher
ish the conjecture that both methods
substantially can be employed but
this is a delusion. If we adopt the
party method we must adhere to it.,
and make it successful by party meth
DDS or we must fail There is no such
thing as securing the sympathy and
cooperation of the good men in the
other parties without inducing them
to abandon their party affiliations and
join the new party which we propose
| for them. 1t needs no argument to
show that this is an undertaking of
such magnitude that generations will
be required to accomplish it.
| 1.-The usual argument in favor of this
method is that the separate party or
ganization was successful in the old
contest with slavery. This is unsup-
ported assumption. The separate
party vote only strengthened the hold
of the pro slavery power, and gave it
such assured control of the Govern
ment as to intensity the contempt it
entertained for the opposition. The
separate party did not succeed. Provi-
dence interpOsed, circumstances
changed old party lines were disrupted
and the slave power was broken by in
| fluences which no man can trace to any
separate political organization. The
analogy is not manifest. 1t remains
that no great political reform, involv-
| ing moral elements, has ever been sue
| cessfully carried out in this country
through the agency of separate politi-
cal organization. One of the serious
| objections to this plan is that it can
not concentrate the temperance senti
ment of the country. In spite of faith
and good affections it will ALLEVIATE men
by hundreds and thousands whose
moral instincts are right and whose in
f1uence might be secured for prohibit
tion on any plan that simply appeals
| to their consciences as men, as citizens
and as Christians.
"This battle is too great to be fought
by factions. 1t requires union, wisdom
and prudence, as we'll as courage and
persistence The Prohibition party in
its party organization includes only
about per cent. of the prohibition
sentiment. The vote it casts will not
amount to that much. In the State of
Ohio, for instance, under very unfav-
orable circumstance, the direct vote
for constitutional prohibition was $685.
900, while the vote for party candidates
was about II, 900. This is less than
per cent, and the proportion is not
better in other places. In such lead
ing Prohibition States as Kansas and
a mere faction. Its leaders are earn
est and Jealous, but they do not com
mand the following needed for success.
Modesty is virtue which in itself is
not less beautiful because the leaders
of this faction fail to cultivate it. 1t is
not to be assumed that wisdom is al
ways with majorities but it is scarcely
| to be believed that this very small
ma ajority in the ranks of Prohibition
have acquired monopoly of this
grace In the multitudes of the non
partisan friends of the cause there are
some whose judgments ought to entitle
them to respect; yet in the clamor of
the politicians all voices are drowned
which do not shout the praises of the
management
unconstitutional provisions should
never be made the basis of party organ
izations. The organic law of the State
and the Nation ought to have the sup
port of patriotic citizens in all parties.
| The only way to secure this end is to
avoid thrusting platforms into the
Constitution. Prohibition of the liquor
traffic cannot be permanent till it is in
the Constitution, andit cannot go into
the Constitution as a party measure.
1t is too broad for party. Like the
fundamental principles of the Govern
ment, it must be the common ground
of the better classes of all parties; like
the common school system, it touches
interests too vital to the common veal
to be made the football of politicians.
| FafIleS ulVlue on interpretations OF tne
Constitution, not on the Constitution
itself. interpretations form politics,
and party issues relate to politics. This
is the legitimate battle-ground of poll
tics But there is realm of principle
beyond the conflicts of parties, where
the moral character of the Government
rests upon the foundation of right
where the enduring elements of Chris
tian civilization crystalize in organic
law-and to that broader realm of es
sential right this question of prohibi
ton must come. Another serious OBJ
lection to the party feature is that il
renders it inexpedient and improper
for the churches to take the active
) part in the advocacy of the cause tina
is desirable
I'm a word, then, the writer, afte
forty years of active work in the tenn
perance cause, and as IN advocate o
, every measure that promises restric
ton to the liquor traffic, and lookins
with grateful appreciation upon tn,
growth of that moral sentiment which
promises constitutional prohibition