Savannah courier. (Savannah, Tenn.) 1885-1979, 1885-09-17

Ing prominent POsitiOn-BOth Liberals
and Tories Ccquettlns With tho Parncll-
ties.
LONDON, September l3.-November the
i4th having been selected for polling
day, the manfestos OF political leaders
are next In order. In this country, In
the place Of political platforms by
conventions, there are addresses by
party chiefs. Sir Michael Hicks Beach,
MS the representative of the orthodox
conservatism in the elective chamber,
may be expected to lead the dance, I'M
less Lord Randolph Churchill, illness
notwithstanding, should happen to be
first in the field. Both are probably en-
gagged at this moment drafting the dec
laratlons of policy which are to sound
the keynote of the fight. Mr.. Glad
stones reply to the Tory chal-
lengc should Immediately appear
ana both sides thereupon fall to In
grim earnest. Campaign speeches usual
ly follow the addresses; this year they
have to large extent preceded them,
and the country already knows what the
main issues are to be. Lord Randolph
faces the Birmingham Radical caucus
with scheme OF Tory Democracy,
Chamberlain filings down the gauge OF
land reform, free schools and local self
government; Beach raises the flag of
protection In the counties, and Bright
appears In the lists as the champion OF free
trade. These are national issues. Sec
tional interests are not less clearly de-
fined by such representative leaders as
Roscberry, Morgan and the Irish patriots.
Scotland is absorbed in,the disestablish-
ment craze and bids fair to treat herself
to Liberal split and Tory gains. Wales
is stirred to her depths by the
for principally interests. Irelaud's cam
paign will decide whether the
cry for the repeal of the union Is the do
mand OF the nation or faction. IL Is
Vorth nothing that the leading issues IN
England, Scotland and Wales point TO
home rule as the only practicable solu
luton, leaving Ireland entirely out OF the
question. Mr.. Gladstone has repeatedly
admitted, both inside and outside Par
lament, that the pressure OF public busi-
ness alone points to the absolute neces-
sity of some form OF distribution Of local
or National legislation among the locali-
ties or nationalties respectively Interest,"
ed. Take for instance the Manchester
ship canal bill. 1t is a measure Of purely
local interest and ought not to have en-
joycd the attention OF Irish, Scotch
and Welsh members for single hour,
instead OF taking up sitting after sitting,
week after week and month after month
to the dctriment of urgent Imperial
interests affecting the common family
of nations. The Scotch disestablishment
affords another instance. Gladstone has
deliberately placed himself on record
with respect to this measure, that 1t is
one for Scotchmen solely 10 deal with.
He does not attempt to reconcile this
statement with the fact that Scotchmen
are utterly powerless Ito control legisla-
ton on this or any subject, and are en-.
tirely in the hands Of a majority COM
| posed OF English, Welsh and Irish men,
bers. Mr.. Gladstone, finding himself
under the necessity, and serious neces-
sty 1t is, of protesting against dlsestab-
llshment being made a test question at
| the Scotch elections, has unconsciously
| placed himself at the side OF Mr.. Par.
nell, supporter OF home-rule In its wild
| est application. Mr.. Gladstone has for.
years past championed local self-goyern-
ment, restricted form of home-rule.
| Local self-governmcnt as 1t confronts
politicians in England to-day Is home
rule in no restricted sense, but In its
fullest and completest aspect. The time
for combining local sclf-government to un-
important urban and suburban bodies,
| tlv al nd nm lu N ali fvr,
has passed. Thanks to Parnell and his
courageous lieutenants, o uniform elect
i've system, with full control over finances,
appointments and internal administra.
| ton, Is the inevitable next step. Ma.
tional self-governmcnt with imperial
functions for central authority, must
follow as naturally as water flows down
hill. Mr.. Chamberlain, Sir Charles Dixie,
Lord Harrington and all Liberals
OF prominence have pronounced for the
fullest and completest scheme Of local
self-government short of National home
rule, and 1t will be the chief object OF
Lord Churchill's Tory democracy, II not
of the orthodox Conservatives under
Lord Salisbury, to outbid the Liberals In
this as they did in the franchise bill, and
convert home rule in the counties fHlt
home rule for the nations, unIesst the
Liberals, foresceing this, promptly fore.
stall them and make National Legislation
prominent plank In the Liberal platform.
1t is too early yet to figure on the number
OF seats to be contested at the approach.
ing election, but the returns already
received make 1t tolerably certain that
fully three fifths Of the oDe-seat divisions
will be contested. On the Liberal side
fewer candidates have appeared In the
newly created rural constituencies
than had been anticipated. The party
managers are indiposed to fnd money
for candidates unable to pay the ex-
penses of a contested election thcmselves
and niggardly spirit, as unusual as it ID
alarming to nominees of local political
bodies, is manifested at Headquarters.
At Conservative headquarters all is
life, activity and downright hard work.
Two-thirds OF more of the seats which
the managers consider worth contes,ing
have been supplied with candidates and
the party is providing the necessary
funds with upsparing hand. Healy, In
his promised speech on Chamberlain and
the English Radical programme to-mor'
row is expected TO bring out all the lights
and shades of local self-governmenl
schemes of rival English politicians, and
show the intimate relationship Of loca
to National home rule as advocated fol
Ireland by Parnell. Healy Is the mos
outspoken member Of the Irisl
, Parliamentary party, and, a
!, Parnell has given him cart
blanche to say what he likes on this oc
casion, his utterances are looked ferwar,
! ! to with interest, not only by the Liberal
and Conservative leaders. butin the larg
. English boroughs where the Irish vote
an important element.
| The Dago's Deadly Dirk.