New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1885-12-19
AN IRISH PARLIAMENT,

courage than battle. At Hawarden the white
flag has been raised, but no reasonable EngllSh
man can reproach Mr. Gladstone with coward
ice. He NAV be accused of political proiligacy
by the Tory press he may be censured by the
Wings for recklessness in favoring an Irish
Parliament before he has obtained from the
Nationalists any guarantees for Imperial unity !;
he may be denounced by extreme partisans for
instigating civil war in the United Kingdom !;
Int his courage cannot be called IN question.
He has hazarded his reputation as responsible
statesman and his pop Ilarity with the great
mass of the English people by proposing
scheme of legislative independence for Ireland
that cannot readily be distinguished from
policy of separation. AS the leader of the Lib
eral party he has offered to surrender almost
Internationally to Mr.. Parnell. With his party
rent asunder by faction feuds and with the
Moderate Liberals in open revolt against Rad
icalism, he has committed his followers 10
policv more extreme and radical than disestab-
lishment or land reform. Fully conscious oil
the obstinacy with which ths nation resists
attempts to wrest concessions from 1t, he mas
deliberately chosen the hour of Irish triumph as
the time for proposing mOmentous changes,
capitulating to Mr.. Parnel, as he did to the
Beers, without attempting to retrieve the
English reverses. Phenomenal courage was
required and that is quality for which, save
in diplomacy, MI. Gladstone has been consplc-
uous throughout his career.
The few sentences in which Mr.. Gladstone
outlines his scheme of Irish independence DIS
close its radical character. He pronounces
local councils, an extension OF county govern
ment and a privy council inadequate and use
less expedients "Only an Irish Parliament,
he saws, will meet the case ;" and this ha+
been Mr.. Parnell's contention from the outset.
There must be an Irish Parliament and an lrish
Cabinet responsible to it. "The right to veto
the acts of an Irish Ministry" he adds, would
be an Illusion" He proposes the exercise OF
sovereign power on the advice OF Minister
responsible to the Imperial Parliament-a sub
stitute for the veto which is not wholly ntelll-
gibe. Questions of commerce and economic
policy, he admits, will be very dlfhcult TO
manage, but with limitations he believes that
home rule may safely be granted and that 1t
will tend to raise the character of the lilsh
members That saving clause, with hmlta-
TONS" is capable of course, of indefinite eXpaD-
siOn and may include many positive safeguards
for the unity of the Empire. But taken as a
whole this scheme Is as comprehensive as the
most sanguine of Mr.. Parnells supporters
could possibly have hoped for. The restoration
of Parliament more truly representative than
Grattans of the genius of the IRISH people Is
definitely conceded. An Irish Ministry and re-
sponsible hou rule are explicitly provided for
! Artificial makcshifts are discarded. A most
| radical measure of legislative independence Is
! promised-so radical, in fact, that the Tories In
order to dish the Wings this time will be forced
70 advocate an Irish Republic under the Presi-
dency of Mr.. Parnell.
Mr.. Gladstones action will be ascribed by hls
critics to very low and by his admirers to very
! high motives His enemies will represent that
! he is bent upon turning Lord Salisbury out OF
| office with the aid of Mr.. Parnelrs eighty six
votes obtained by this immense Irish bride.
! Tbey will impute to him jealousy of Mr.. Cbam-
berlain's influence and desire to supplant him
in the affections of the Radical section by TAX
ing an advanced position on the Irish question.
They will charge him with entering into a
coalition with the Parnellites whereby when
the present short-lived Parliament comes to an
end he may appeal to the country with the
expectation of regaining the boroughs lost
through the Irish vote. To these taunts Will
he added the risks of Wing desertions denun-
citation of his course by great public meetings
and acrid criticism by the London press. There
are doubtless many sober-minded Englishmen
who are ready to-day to pronounce the grand
old man in his dotage and quite as mad as King
Lear They will discern no signs of courage
in his present atttude,-only criminal reckless
ness end turpitude. They will not give him
credit for practical sagacity, much less for
broad. minded craftsmanship, but will deplore
his imbecity and irrespOnsibility
On the other hand, Mr.. Gladstones steadfast
supporters will recognize in his advocacy OF an
Irish Parliament the most courageous and dis
interested act of his career. The best part OF
his life has been devoted to remedial legislation
for the island Disestablshment and the Land
acts have attested the earnestness of his desire
to compensate in these latter days for genera
tons of English rapacity, oppression and lntol-
crance /; yet the Irish people have withheld
their gratitude and he has not single Liberal
supporter elected for the new Parliament from
the island. But discouraging as his experience
has been, he still perseveres in his efforts to
| settle the Irish question,-and this time he is
willing to do it, not in the English, but in the
Irish way. He accepts home rule as the newt
able outcome of the overwhelming majorties
cast for the Nationalist candidates. For this.
after all, is the nineteenth century; aud
England, with its superior civilization, cannot
90 on governing the Irish in the English way,
when by legitimate agitation and constitutional
methods they insist upon the right of governing
themselves in their own way.
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