The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1885-02-24


present one. Capacity for party intrigue flor
which offices are now made rewardS) ought to be
| rather disqualification than reason for ad-
1 pontment. Prejudice and dishonesty are very
frequent companions of partisan zeal and ability.
If selected our officials by lot, and limited their
terms of Office to two months as they used to
! do liz the republic of Florence we should scarce
| ly fare worse than we do now. We have not
! even the guaranty of the official responsibility
| of the appointing officer, for appointments
most commonly made upon the influence Of
some political friend. which the superior IS
! powerless to resist. He does not even dare to
remove the subordinate after his unworthiness
| is known lest it may give offense
Now, no man should fill any Office unless he
knows enough to perform its duties This
| knowledge can be found out in two ways; first,
by examining him, and secondly, by trying him.
A man ought not to be reading clerk who can
not read distinctly, nor an engrossing clerk If he
cannot write good hand and spell properly.
| Yet have known reading clerks who could not
read and engrossing clerks who could not write.
An hours examination would easily have ex-
posed these shortcomings In all matters. then,
where there are any duties to be performed in
which the candidates fitness can be ascertaned
| by an examination, there ought to be such
examination. But this is not eaongh we ought
to seek not only to obtain fit man, but the
very fittest. You cannot tell who the fittest
Will be until you compare one man with another.
| Examinations should therefore be competi-
! tive Now, the larger the competition the better
| will be the ability secured. TO find out who is
| the very best, you must give all chance This
| is nothing but simple justice. Every citizen
| ought to have the right to prove himself the
| worthiest if he can. This is true democratic
| equality. 1t recognizes the broad principle that
| all men are created equal; that they have an
equal right to seek any Office in the gift of the
| government; that neither wealth, nor BIRTH nor
influence. nor political opinion shut the door
on them and say: "You cannot enter"
But 1T is not enough that the applicant should
| hQ ma knn hic Ht,fia ii foil To
| perform them. He must also be tried If he
| be found unworthy, let him stand aside and give
place to the next upon the list period of pro-
baton should be imposed, and no officer should
receive a permanent appointment until his
superior certlfes to his proper conduct in the
| discharge of his duties. There should also be
proof OF moral character. and limitations as to
age and health. When these safeguards are
thrown around the service, and promotions are
made to depend solely upon the faithful perform
ance of duty, we have, I think, as good a system
as can be devised. We apply to govern
ment the great law which nature APP
llfe-the survival of the fittest The direct re-
suit OF the competitive system would thus be the
appointment of much better class of public
servants but its indirect results would be still
more important 1t would give a new i'm pulse to
thorough education in all the elementary
branches required for the public service and in
directly to education of every description 1t is
not easy to realize how closely thorough knowl
general education. The opening of civi-service
TO competition would be a more powerful stimu-
lus to education than the establishment of a
thousand scholarships. But the most important
gain would be the removal of one of the main
causes Of the political corruption which now in
fects our Institutions The offices at the disposal
or party managers constitute great mass of
political capital wherewith to bride men to per-
form the 6aser and more dishonorable party
services. 1t is tie glittering prize Of some Office
held before the eyes of the ward politician which
animates him in his political bartering To put
these Offices beyond the power of patronage, to
render them no longer attainable by such MEANS
is to wipe out much of the trickery which per-
vades our political organizations.
Arbitrary power corrupts its possessor. This
is just as true OF party as of a man. The
moval of patronage will make both parties purer
and cleaner. The demoralizing solicitations
which consume the time of legislative and ex-
ecutive officers will cease, and they can devote
their undivided energy to matters of public poll
cy and craftsmanship Public economy will be
promoted legislators will no longer vote exorbi-
tant salariee to favor their appointoes. Lonlov-
ais without cause will be stopped when vacan-
cies must be filed by competition. The officials,
no longer subject to political assessments, nor
liable to be arbitrarily removed, will work for
lower salaries. They will no longer neglect their
official duties for politics, since they will no
longer owe their office to political work. Hence
the same number of persons can do more and
better work. The officers will retain their man
hood and independence, and will not be required
to vote for person or measure which they do
not approve for fear of losing their places. The
charge that our best men keep aloof from Office
because politics is demoraizing will no longer
be true. To hold Office Gunder the civil service
will be creditable, because it will show that the
posseSsor has ability and knowledge.
Executive appointments will no longer
be influenced by the Legislature.
the Legislature and the executive. Politics will
become less trade. Party intrigue will fall
more into disrepute, while the general suspicion
of corrupt motives which clngs to almost every
legislative act will in great measure pass away
The bane of modern political life is an accursed
hunger for Office 1t is the common saying that
Young men should not go into politics because
it ruins them for everything else" The excite
tendant upon political life seem to disqualify
men for the quiet duties of business The tenn
porary character of appointments and the arbi
trary removals by which sooner or later nearly
all are thrown back into private life, are the
source OF bitter dlsappoin tment Politics wrecks
the lives of nearly all who engage in it, In its
mad vortex those who enter perish Such being
its tendency, its baleful influence should be con-
fined within the narrowest possible limits
The wisdom of civil service reform is demon
strated, not merely by reason but by experience
and historic fact 1t is no longer an experiment.
It has been tried, and is everywhere successful
Its success has been tested, not during a month
nor a year, but during long series of years;
not in one form of government alone, but by the
governments of many of the most civilized com
munities in existence; in England, in India, in
Australia in Canada in France Sweden, and
last of all, in our own federal government,
and in the Empire State. 1t has been tried long
est and proved most thoroughly in England and
her dependencies Her history in this respect,
as in others which have affected our dearest po-
itical rights, is pregnant with instruction. From
England we imbibed our first clear notions of
constitutional liberty; from her soil we trans
planted the jury system into our congenial at
mosphere from her illustrious prototypes have
we copied those fundamental declarations in the
bill of rights which rest at the foundation of
our government. Our notions of legislative
representation, popular education public trials,
free speech and free press all drawn together
with our Anglo Saxon blood and instincts, from
the great mother of the American Republic
Her experience has been more vast and more