Salt Lake evening Democrat. [volume] (Salt Lake City, Utah) 1885-1887, 1885-09-08
OPINION IN POLITICS.

polVgamV. The logic frequently urStu W
support this view is that it is the state OF
mans mind towards anything which
determines his real attitude, and that his
acts are but the result of such a state OF
mind. That the mind is the well-spring
of all actions, but all that enters the
mind does not assume form in doing.
II it be just to withdraw
right or privilege from a man be-
cause OF his opinions, opinions which
if put in practice would C ause him to vio-
late a law, then it is not only just to
punish him for maintaining his opinion,
but it is the duty of society to punish him
for holding the opinions Further, if the
opinions which a man holds disqualify
him to take part in the control OF public
affairs, such opinions are the real danger
and the State should not only punish
those who hold them, but the State, as
means Of self protection, is bound to insti-
tute courts OF inquiry to discover who
hold pernicious opinions and who do not.
But this is not all; it is the duty OF the
State to 90 still further and prescribe what
opinions and beliefs may be entertained
consistently with the best interests of the
State, and prescribe all which are detri-
mental to its best interests. The State
once having assumed to control and
direct affairs in the domain OF opinion
and speculation, not only should it pass
Acts of Supremacy, but it must also pass
Acts of Conformity. If it undertake to
punish what is wrong in matters of opin-
ion and speculation, it must likewise en-
force that which is right. The State having
undertaken to say what is right and what
is wrong in thought and opinion, it must
establish the Spanish Inquisition, as
being the most thorough and effectual
means of discovering the persons who
hold opinions dangerous to the public
safety. But it is said by some that it is as
dangerous to the State for men TO teach
polygamy as it is for men to practice it,
the preaching being an inducement to
men to practice polygamy. Such is not
the case, for no mans opinion can have
the same effect as his acts. That the
Mormons sincerely believe in the doc
trine OF polygamy, or celestial marriage
as they frequently and more reverentially
term it, few, if any, will deny, while those
who do deny the sincerity of their faith in
this doctrine have no real acquaintance
with the Mormon people.
The treatment of the Catholics in Eng
land during the reign of Elizabeth af-
fords a good illustration of the effects
of repressive legislation on account
OF religious opinions. No more odious
legislation was ever enacted that the
anti-Catholic legislation OF Elizabeth.
Henry Hallam, than whom none are
more just, more impartial, in his Consti-
tutional History of England, makes these
observations upon the restraints and pen
alties which were imposed upon Cath
Olics during Elizabeth's reign:
"But, in my Judgment, the instances
which the history of mankind affords,
where even these restrictions have been
really consonant to the soundest policy, are
by no means numerous. Cases may also be
imagined where the free discussion of con-
troverted doctrines might, for time, at
least, be subjected to the same limitation
for the sake of public tranquility. | can
scarcely conceive the necessity of restrain
ing an open exercise of religious rites in
any case, except that of glaring immortality.
In no possible case can il be justifiable for
ha IN MT wit fl,o
private devotions or doctrines of any man.
But least of all can it carry its inquisition
into the hearts recesses, and bend the re-
luotant conscience to an insincere
profession of truth, or extort from it
an Acknowledgement of error, for the
purpose of inficting punishment. The
statutes of Elizabeth's reign comprehend
every one of these progressive degrees of
restraint and persecution. And it is much
to be regretted that any writers worthy of
respect should, either through undue preju-
dice against an adverse religion, or through
timid acquiesoence in whatever has been
enacted, have offered for this odious code
the pretext of political necessity. That ne
cessity, am persuaded, can neuer be made
out: the statutes were, in many instances,
absolutely unjust; in others, not demanded
by circumstances; in almost all, prompted by
religious bigot7'g, by erceSSiUe apprehension,
or by the arbitrary spirit with which our
government was administered under Eliza
beth"
Such are the thoughts and reflections
of the historian of the English Consti-
tuition upon the anti-Catholic legislation
OF Elizabeth, the historian of whom
Macaulay said: "His knowledge is ex-
tensive, various and profound. His mind
is equally distinguished by the amplitude
Of its grasp and by the delicacy of its
tact. His speculations have none of that
vagueness which is the common fault of
political philosophy"
1t is said by those who would deny to
any processing Mormon the elective fran
chise, that the Mormons, at least, are
traitors to the American Government.
The same thing was said of the English
Catholics, because they held the religious
tenet that the Pope had the power to
depose heretical princes. Again we must
return to Hallam and see what comment
he makes upon this accusation against the
English Catholics OF the time OF Eliza
beth. He says:
IF statute is made, by which the cele-
bration of certain religious rites is subjected
to the same penalties as rebellion or con-
spiracy, would any man, free from prejudice,
and not designing TO impose upon the unin-
formed, speak of persons convicted on such a
statute as guilty of treason, without express
ing in what sense he uses the words, or deny
that they were as truly punished for their
religion as if they had been convicted of
heresy? A man Is punished for religion
when he incurs penalty for its profession
or exercise to which he was not liable on any
other account.
'This is applicable to the great majority
of capital convictions on this score under /.