Clarksville weekly chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1873-1890, 1885-01-10

nuN nOiC IOI luS PURPOSE Oh us
tributing 1t among the States of thi
Union, and 1t Is q remarkable fact
when you come to consider ant
figure out the proportion each Stat,
would have, that they bear the nu
merical relations that the amount.
forced from the people of the States
do
am free to say that, although
unconstitutional from beginning tC
end though it is, / am almost will.
ling to submit to such proposition
| II did not know more fatal OBJ.
lection. My main objection is that i,
would forever make the States Oi
this Union the dependents of the
Federal authority and destroy that
relation which exist between States
towards the Union, and utterly
wipe out the rights of the people Of
the States which are the ground
work of our institutions of freedom
the rights and liberties of the cit
izen. Now, believe the sooner we
go back to the strict construction of
our Constitution the better 1t Will
be for the American people. Pro-
lOnged applause. / am of opinion
therefore, that the duty OF the Dem
ocrati: party is to follow strictly in
line of its history from Jefferson
down, and require that there should
not be loose and free construction
of the Constitution in the enact
ment of federal law, and that there
should be that close, strict construc-
tioa of our Constitution which JEFF
ferson, Galiatin, Madison, Monroe,
Gen. Jackson and Mr.. Polk insisted
upon, and, in their public conduct,
adhered to.
Now, having said to you that /
want to get clear of the internal
revenue taxation, you have a nat
ural right to ask in what way L
would collect the public revenue. /
would transfer it, or remit the rails
ing of the revenue To the approved
mode of collecting il from duties
put on imports. While we concede
the fact, for the Republican party
conceded the fact, and SO does the
Democratic party in its platform
assert that the present tariff needs
revision, there is great dispute
among the people OF the country as
to what way these changes should
be made. For one. l am free to cay
that / have never been able to find
in the Constitution OF the United
States any power which gives to
Congress the right to levy duties
for the sake uf protection per Sc.
In other words, have never been
able, with great study, to find II
justification for Il revenue tax to ac-
complish protectecti0n for the sake
of protection. And yet we have
people in the United States who
advocate that course. / believe
such legislation would promote mo-
nopolies and would result in class
legislation, which /, during the pc
riod OF my public life, have always
resisted. We have three sets of
thinkers in our country at this
time. One class want prohibitory,
high tariff duty. Another class
seeks to have free trade established,
and third class, to which / claim to
belong, want the duties to be levied
on articles of import so that, when
they come in competition with
those manufactured in our own
country, they shall have such duty
placed upon them as will result in
preventing their importation. By
this equalization the money invest
ed in manufactures in this country
would not be injured and the labor
of the United States will be saved
from the degrading level which the
pauper labor in Europe has reached.
Applause. Aid so long as / have
the right to stand in the councils of
the Union, I will never, by any
word, act or deed, iinpoverish the
revenues of the producing class in
the United States, and help to re-
duce it TO the miserable condition
of European pauper labor. / wish
to say that we resolve to collect our
revenue through the agency of
tariff. that moment you secure such
a levying OF duty upon the foreign
product as will bring no injury to
those engaged in producing the
same article in the United States.
And let me tell you, it is mere
matter of arithmetic, a sum that
anybody can do.
The imports of the United States
doubled are about $500, 900, 900. Two
hundred millions or two hundred
and ten millions is received from
that source, which would give an
average rate OF duty upon foreign
products OF forty-five per cent. And
il you will, in an intelligent and
manner, make the
duty on some articles higher, and |
the duy on some other articles low
er. the general average can be main
tained so as to secure two impOr- |
tant objects. First, a revenue suffi-
.ient to support the Government OF |
the United States and, second, an
amount sufficient to incidentally |
protect every industrial interest in
The country.
Now free trade, in my Judgment,
s. absolutely impossible between
two countries, where the business
rate of interest in the one is lower |
han the business rate OF interest in
he other; or, where lower wages
ire paid for the same service in one
han I'm the other. For where a
over rate of interest exists and |
over wages are paid that condition
,f things will come around that will
)ring merchandise TO the country
where the higher rate of interest
prevails. And it brings the coun-
ry where the higher rate of inter
st prevails TO adopt one OF two.
emedies. They must either lower
he legal rate Of interest or adopt
he doctrines enunciated in the last
Democratic platform, made last
Tuly at Chicago, by filling up the
rap between the cost of the article
u the foreign country and the cost
4 the articles in this country. The
platform enunciated no new doc
rine. 1t was maintained by Mr..
Madison. 1t was maintained by
Mr.. Jefferson. ty Gen. j Jackson, and
t was maintained by James K.
Polk in that celebrated letter to my
'wn townsman, John X. Kayne, in
844, aud upon which letter James
(. Polk and Geo. M. Dallas carried
ny State.
These gentlemen who undertook
O state i'm discoursing on the tariff
hat when we adopted this principle |
II our platform we were favOring
lew doctrine of legislation, were
Utterly wrong and the truth of his
ory does not justify them. 1t Is
yery easy for politician or states
nan to theorize ON the tariff. 1t
aves a deal OF study, but If l con-
true the Chicago platform, upon
a /