Salt Lake evening Democrat. [volume] (Salt Lake City, Utah) 1885-1887, 1885-03-14

and the notification has been so regularl,
sent by letter under his hand. 1t there
fore seems clear to a demonstration tha
he intends only to retire into that situa
/ ton, which he held before he first tool
| the seals; / mean the debating to ever
! part Of the kings administration. Th,
North BritOn desires to be understood al
having pledged himself a firm and in
trepid assertor of the rights Of his fellow
subjects, and of the liberties of Wings anC
Englishmen
The Kings speech has always beer
considered by the legislature and by the
public at large, as the speech of the min
lister. 1t has regularly, at the the be-
ginning of everv session of parliament
been referred by both houses to the con
sideration of committee, and has been
generally canvassed with the utmost
freedom, when the minister of the crown
has been obnoxious to the nation. The
ministers of this free country, conscious
of the undoubted privileges of so spirited
people, and with the terrors Of
parliament before their eyes, have
ever been cautions, no less with
regard to the matter, than to
the expressions of speeches, which
they have advised the sovereign to make
from the throne, at the opening of each
session. They well knew that an honest
house of parliament, true to their trust,
could not fl to detect the fallacious arts,
or to reno ms rate against the daring acts
of violence committed by any minister
The speech at the close of the session
has ever been considered as the most
secure method of promulgating the
favorite court creed among the vulgar
because the parliament, which is the
constitutional guardian of the liberties
of the people, has in this case no op-
portunity of demonstrating, or of i'm
peaching any wicked servant of the
crown.
"This week has given the public the
most abandoned instance of ministerial
etfrontery ever attempted to be imposed
on mankind. The minister's speech of
last Tuesday is not to be parelleled in the
annals of this country. 1 am in doubt,
whether the imposition is greater on the
sovereign or on the nation. Every friend
of his country must lament that prince
of so many great and amiable qualities,
whom England truly reveres, can be
brought to give the sanction of his sacred
name to the most odious measures, and to
the most unjustifiable public declarations,
from a throne ever renowned for truth,
honor, and unsullied virtue" l am
sure all foreigners, especially the King of
Prussia, will hold the minister in con-
tempt and adherence. He has made
our sovereign declare, My expectations
have been fully answered by the happy
effects which the several allies of my
crown have derived from this salutary
measure of the definitive treaty. The
powers of war with my good brother, the
King of Prussia, have been induced to
agree to such terms of accom-
as that great prince has
and the success which
has attended my negotiation,
has necessarily and Immediately diffused
the blessings of peace through every part
of Europe. The infamous fallacy of this
whole sentence is apparent to all man.
kind: for it is known that the king of
Prussia did not barely approve, but alb
solutely dictated, as conqueror, every
article of the terms of peace. No ad-
vantage of any kind has accrued to that
prince from our negotiation,
but he was basely deserted by the Scot
tish prime minister of England. He
was known by every court in Europe to
be scarcely on better terms of friendship
here, than at Vienna: and he was be-
rayed by us in the treaty of peace.
What a strain of insolence, therefore, is
it in minister to lay claim to what he is
conscious all his efforts tended to pre-
vent, and meanly to arrogate to himself
a share in the fame and glory of one of
the greatest princes the world has ever
seen. The king of Prussia, however, has
gloriously kept all his former conquests,
and stipulated security for his allies, even
for the elector of Hanover know in
what light this great prince is considered
in Europe, and in what manner he has
been treated here; among other reasons,
perhaps, for some contemptuous express
sions he may have used of the Scot: ex-
pressions which are every day echoed by
the whole body of Englishmen through
The southern portion of this island.
The preliminary articles of peace were
such as have drawn the contempt ofman-
Kind on our wretched negotiators. All our
most valuable conquests were agreed to
be restored, and the East India Compa-
nv would have been infalliby ruined by a
single article of this fallacious and bane-
ul negotiation. No hireling of the min
ster has been hardy enough to dispute
his yet the minister himself has made our
sovereign declare, the satisfaction which he !
cit at the approaching re-establishment |
If peace upon conditions so honorable to |
lis crown and so beneficial to |
lis people. As to the entire approba-
ion of parliament, which is SO vainly !
,oasted Of the world knows how
hat was obtained. The large debt on
he civil list, already above half year in
4rrear, shows pretty clear the transac-
ions of the winter. 1t is, however, re-
that the minister's speech |
wells on the entire appreciation given
~ Parliament to the Preliminary Articles,
which l will venture to say, he must be
shamed OF; for he has been brought to
onfess the total want of that knowledge,
ccuracy and precision by which such
advantages, both of trade and
erritory, were sacrificed to our inveterate
nemies. These gross blunders are, in
eed, in some measure set right by the
Definite Treaty; yet the most important
rticles, relative to cession, commerce
nd the fishery, remain as they were with
espect to the French. The proud and
.eble Spaniard too, does not renomce,
ut only desists from all pretentions,
'hich he may have formed, to theright of
Only about the island
Newfoundland, till favorite oppor-
unity arises of insisting on it, there, as
ell as elsewhere.
"The minister cannot forbear, even in
ne kings speech, insulting us with
ull repetition of the word economy. /