Salt Lake evening Democrat. [volume] (Salt Lake City, Utah) 1885-1887, 1885-08-15
AMERICAN ARISTOCRACY.

Such is the title under which Mathew
NJ. Trumbull, of Chicago, treats of Amer
lean institutions and manners in the
NineteeRth Century for August. His COM
ments have created much talk in Eng
land. and so wide became the interest in
his article that small portions of it were
sent by cable to this country. Below we
give some extracts from the article,
thinking that our readers would so prefer
them to having them in condensed form.
Doubtless the boldness and strangeness
of the comments will startle many:
"The forms and manners of the social
aristocracy in the old country are closely
initiated in the new, even to the cockades on
the hats of the liveried servants. Social
aristocracy is a little more nervous and SEN
sitive in America than IN England, because
it lacks the quality of ancient possession
and hereditary right. American aristocracy,
being necessarily of the upstart, mushroom
kind, and theoretically illegal, is never quite
at ease it has not that graceful, easy conf
dence that centuries of practice gives. 1t is
always afraid that it is not doing things just
exactly as they are done IN England. AL
awkward boor of low rank might tread on
the toes of the Duke of Somerset without in
suiting him, because the ariStocracy of the
Duke is of such ancient lineage, and SO
thoroughly Established, that he can decline
to be insuited by people of small heraidry
while Mr.. PlutuS, of New York, although
richer man than the Duke of Somerset.
would be compelled to resent the treading
on his toes, because his grandfather was a
pedlar.
1t is commonly believed by many Ameri-
cans that, because they have no TITLED no.
bIilty, nor any hereditary privileged orders,
that therefore they have no arlstocracy; this
Is mistake. ArlStocracy is not only legal
IN the United States, but 1T has been dellb-
erately established IN the Constitution.
social ariStOcracy will develop Itself In any
country wnere wealth Is unequaliy distrib-
uted. 1t springs out of the freedom that be-
longs to us all to form ourselves into exclu-
sive sets if we choose to do so. Perhaps no
great crimes can be charged against it. In
excess it may produce vanity, false preten-
sion, and show but it does not work oppres-
sion until 1t obtains political foundation
on which to rest. Such foundation is pro-
| vided for il in the Constitution of the Uni
ted States. The kingly powers of the Presi-
dent, the equal representation of unequal
States in the American Senate, the small
number of Senators, the select persons who
appoint them, the mode of their election
| their long tenure of office, and the greatness
of their prerogatives, make a broad and
strong foundation for an American aristoc-
racy.
The word aristocracy is used here, not in its
technical or dictionary meaning, but accord
ing to the sense in which it is generally un-
derstood by the people of the United States
not as the old Greeks used it, to express
the titled class, composed of the best people;
not as the European nations use it, to express
tho tifIaH nlnccao h17to 90 tha AT11ariaoro
it, to describe a class of pretenders who
would be titled people if they could, and
class who assume superior Importance on ac-
count of money. So the word democracy is
not used here in its partisan meaning, but
to express, first, the great body of the Amer
ican people, and secondly their form of gov
ernment. 1t is not easy to treat this subject
intelligently without comparing the Consti-
tuition of the United States with the Consti-
tuition of England, because, as one is found
ed on the other, we can study its operations
better by contrasting them with the parallel
history of its prototype and model.
1t is worthy the deep thought of the stu
dent of history that, during the ninety-five
years of the American Constitution, the
English Constitution on which it is founded
has been radically changed, until new the
Government of Great Britain, while presery.
ing its monarchical and aristocratic form,
has become in practice a representative de-
LuOCIdCN, Willie Ill6 NTON6TuIQ0HJ Vi GQ6 UNI
ted States, preserving all this time its repub-
lican form, has become in practice what
might be called constitutional monarchy.
The reasons for this apparent anomaly are
not hard to find.
The men who framed the American Con-
stitution were lawyers. They knew nothing
practically of any law except the English
law; they had no practical knowledge of the
workings of any constitution except the Eng
hsh Constitution, and they were afraid to
trust themselves too far away from the
ancient landmarks with which they were
familiar. They therefore proposed for the
new nation in the western world the English
trinity of government-king, lords and COM
mons. They made the king elective for four
years, not by the people at large, but by a
select body of citizens called Electors; they
made the House of Lords elective for six
years, also by select body called the State
Legislatures; the House of Commons they
adopted in nearly the same shape they found
1t IN the English Constitution. The KING
they called the President; the House of
Lords they called the Senate; the House of
Commons they called the House of Repre-
sentatives. In tins way they transplanted
to the fertile political soil of the new Con-
tinent part of the feudal system of
Europe, cu1ously enough, just at the very
time when that system was about to be over
thrown by violent revolution in France
and by peaceful revolution in England.
Next to monarchy, the most offensive
political Institution to Americans is heredit-
ary arlstocrdcy. but, if they have an aris-
tocracy 1t Is of little consequence with
what adjectlves they qualify it.
All branches of the American Govern
ment, except one, are jealously guarded by
the Constitution against the democratic ele- /
ment. Not only the prerogatives of those
branches but also the manner of their an
pointment show this. The trainers of the
Constitution were careful to protect the
great office of the President from the pro
fame touch of the people. The judis /
cial branch of the American Government
was made exclusively aristocratlc beyond !
any taint of popular control. The I
judges must be appointed by the President, |
and their term runs during good behavior as I
in England. The theory Is that the people 4
are not wise enough nor virtuous enough to I
be entrusted with the selection OF judges, /
and therefore they must be appointed by the |
President. He is, ec-o6fcio, both wise and