Richmond dispatch. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1884-1903, 1885-04-26

Whether n convention oil the peopfc
Of Virginia should be called TO revise
and reform the Constitution Of the State
il a question upon which some OF our
best citizens are divided. IL is time
that the mind Of the people should be
directed to this subject, as by the last
clause Of the last article Of the Con-
stitution il is provided that at the gene
raj election within three years from
this time, or sooner, if the General
Assembly may provide, the sense
of the people shall be taken to de-
eide whether or not such q convention
should be called. In a mere party
sense il might be said that il would be
injudicious for the Democratic party,
now dominant in the State, to take
issue upon this question, with only
seven thousand popular majority, and
about TO engage in contest with the
Republican party, strengthened by the
accessions of some who were formerly
Readiusters; but the object OF this
article is to show that it would be in
furious TO the interests Of our people
| TO incur the expense, TO run the risks,
and TO divide themselves upon such q
question, in which the whole Common
wealth is interested.
It is perfectly natural that our peo-
pie should regard a constitution known
as the I" Underwood Constitution " with
disfavor. No true Virginian-especial-
| ly if living at the time in the " Black
district can recall the scenes OF the
period of reconstruction and the forma-
ton of the Constitution without the
shuddering feelings Of one awakened
from hideous dream. The white peo-
pie of the State, although unwilling to
engage in the war, were carried away
with the whirlpool and trusted all to the
arbitrament ofthe sword. The fall ofour
capital was the death Of the Confede-
racy. The name of the mother Com
monwealth was stricken from the sister
hood Of States, and she was a conquer
ed province, and by military order
convention was called to make consti-
tuition, intended to subject her to the
woke Of the conqueror. The majority
of the convention, with Underwood as
president, Hunnicutt, Spec. Hodges,
DIR. Bayne. and Porter as leaders
combination of carpet-baggers. scala
ways. and negroes "the Puritan and
the Black Leg, BliGl and Black
George" had everything their own
way, protested against by a few true
Vircinians-Marye, Eustace and Cat
lett Gibson, Mclaughlin, Southall. and
some others. But when the true sons
Of the Commonwealth asserted them
selves and resisted the adoption of
a fundamental law which deprived
the mass of the white people
of the right to vote, to hold
office, or to sit upon jury. they were
allowed to vote out these clauses. Even
without these clauses, in which shape
it was adopted. it is not the Constitu-
ton now as it was then. Amended
and changed as it has been since, it is
now an entirely different instrument,
and right-minded persons should decide
upon its terms, as it now exists,
whether it is better to retain 1t or at
tempt to make new one. Let us take
UP all the clauses changed and those
unaltered, and thus, after discussing
the reasons for and against any further
change, decide the question now. The
people of the State have unsparingly
used at different times the last clause
of the Constitution in making all the
changes that they have desired up to this
time. and this of itself shows that a con-
yention is not now necessary or desired.
This provision in relation to further
changes in the Constitution is a great
improvement upon those constitutions
framed in l776, in 1929, and 1850.
The object is to present some definite
question as to any particular change
sought to be introduced by one Legisla-
ture and sanctioned by one succeeding
to the people for its final decision. In
this way the necessity of popular
vote upon an instrument as a whole
which entirely suits nobody is avoided.
The Constitution of 1920, although
framed by body Of the ablest men
ever assembled together in America,
was not the choice Of the people, and,
as predicted by John Randolph,
only lasted twenty years. 1t was
adopted by the vote of the eastern
part Of the State, whose vote was
mostly cast against a call Of the
convention. Mr.. Calhoun, in his
profound work on Government, shows
that to adopt changes as time suggests
them is the only way to make funda-
mental law that will suit the people.
Taking the clauses in their order. the
article on the right Of suffrage has been
so amended as to admit all persons who
held office before the war and engaged
in it by giving aid and comfort to their
own people to the right Of suffrage, to
disqualify all persons convicted of petit
larceny, and to strike out the test-oath
required at registration thereby allow
ing all persons previously thought fit to
hold office and Of some experience in the
duties to vote and hold office, and ex-
Guiding the petty thieves from suffrage,
and allowing all freemen to register and
vote without test-oath.
The change of the basis Of represen-
tation in the General Assembly, as
constituted by the trainers, was vital
and important. They had so arranged
it that the House would HAYES majority
in their favor of 80 and the Senate of
s, making a clear majority Of 40 on
joint ballot, with which they expected
to elect all the judges and all the State
officers; which scheme was actually
carried out in some Of the southern
States and was only prevented here by
union Of the Conservatives and node
rate Republicans. The Legislature was
to be elected biennially and to sit an
nually, with power to extend their ses-
sions and to fix their own pay during
the entire session. By the present
change they are elected and sit bien-
nially with q stated salary, and il
they extend the session they sit
without pay, as the last Legislature
actually did. Their arrangement OF
the judicial circuits has also been
changed for the better.
BY the provisions of the Constitu-