The Lambertville record. [volume] (Lambertville, N.J.) 1872-1968, 1885-10-07
PROHIBITION AND POLITICS.

The following extracts from letter by
Bishop s. M. Merrell of the M. E. church,
in the Chicago Inter Ocean, presents very
conclusive reasons why the third party
movement is a mistake:
"There are two methods Of procedure
open to the friends of prohibition. The
one is with and the other is without sep
arate political organization. Which is the
preferable? Undoubtedly that which
promises the permanent success of the
cause in the shortest time and with the
least friction and animosity. 1t may be
that some cherish the conjecture that both
methods substantially can be employed
but this is a delusion. If we adopt the
party method we must adhere to it, and
make 1t successful by party methods, or
we must fail. There is no such thing as
securing the sympathy and cooperation
of the good men in the other parties with
out inducing them to abandon their
party affiliations and join the new party
which we propose for them. 1t needs no
argument to show that this is an under
taking of such magnitude that genera
tions will be required to accomplish it.
The usual argument in favor of this
method is that this separate party organi-
cation was unsuccessful 10 the old contest with
slavery. This is unsupported assumption.
The separate party vote only strengthened
the bold of the pro-slavery power, and
gave 1t such assured control of tho Gov.
eminent as to intensity the contempt it
entertained for the opposition. The
separate party did not succeed Provi-
dence interposed, circumstances changed,
old party lines were disrupted and the
slave power was broken by influences
which no man can trace to any separate
political organization. The analogy is not
complete. The precedent does not apply.
The fallacy is manifest 1t remains that
no great reform, involving moral elements
has ever been successfully carried out in
this country through the agency Of separ-
ate political organization. One of the
serious objections to this plan is that 1t
cannot concentrate the temperance senti-
ment of the country. In spite of fate and
good affections it will alienato men by
hundreds aud thousands whose moral
instincts are right and whose influence
might be secured Tor prohibition ca any
plan that simply appeals TO their con-
sciences as men, as citizens and as Christ
ians.
MS DdbtiG tUu w US tOhkht
by factions 1t requires union, wisdom,
prudence, as we'll as courage and persist
ence. The prohibition party in its party
organization includes only about per
cent. of the prohibition sentiment. The
votes it cast will not amount to that much.
In the State of Ohio, for instance, under
very unfavorable circumstances, the di-
rect vote for constitutional prohibition
was 1898, 900, while the vote for party can
didates was about II, 000 This IL less
than per cent, and the proportion is not
better in other places In such leading
Prohibition States as Kansas and Iowa,
the ratio is much smaller. 1t is u mere
faction. Its leaders are earnest and zeal
GUS, but they do not command the follow
ing needed for success. Modesty is
virtue which in itself is not less beautiful
because the leaders of this faction fail to
cultivate it. 1t is not to be assumed that
wisdom is always with majorities, but it is
scarcely to be believed that this very small
majority in tho ranks Of Prohibition have
acquired monopoly of this grace. In
the multitudes of the non. partisan friends
Of the cause there are some whose judy
ments ought to entitle them to respect
yet in the clamor of the politicians all
voices are drowned which do not shout
the praises OF the " management.
constitutional provisions should never
be made the basis of party organizations.
The organic law of the State and the Ma
ton ought to have the support OF the pa
triotic citizens in all parties. The only
way to secure this end is to avoid thrust
ing platforms into the Constitution. Pro-
hibition of the liquor traffic cannot DO
permanent till it is in the constitution,
and 1t cannot go into The constitution as
aparty measure. II is too broad for
party. Like the fundamental principles
of the Government, it must be the CON-
mon ground of the better classes aud par
ties; like the common school system, IL
touches interests too vital to the common
veal to be made the football of politicians.
Parties divide on interpretations OF the
Constitution; not on the Constitution
ITSELF Interpretations form politics, and
party issues relate to politics. This is
the legitimate battle ground Of politics.
But there is realm of principle beyond
the conflicts of parties, where the moral
character of the Government rests upon
the foundation of right--where the en-
during elements of Christian civilization
crystalize in organic law and to that
broader realm Of essential right must this
question of prohibition come. Another
serious objection to the party features is
that it renders 1t inexpedient and i'm.
proper for the churches to take the active
part in the advocacy of the cause that is
desirable.
''In word, then, the writer, after
forty years of active work in the temper
ance cause, and as an advocate Of every
measure that promises restriction to the
liquor traffic and looking with grateful
appreciation upon the growth of that
moral sentiment which promises constitu
tional prohibition, deeply regrets the
efforts to remove this great question from
It's proper place in the churches, the
homes, the schools and the bipartisan
gatherings of the people, and its identifi.
cation with a political party where his
own and hundreds of thousands of other
voices must be hushed or uninfluential
for good. He protests In the interests of
the cause itself-a cause which has been
sacred to him since childhood-a cause
which is higher and holier than apy
party, and broader than any political
platform. He would never ask any exis-
ting party to adopt 1t as party measure.
and would never incumber it with party
organization. Hundreds of thousands in
both the old parties will vote for Prohibi
tion, but will not 60 out of their parties
to do it. Wise management will hold 1t
where its appeal can be made to men to
support it regardless of party, on the
broad ground Of morality, humanity and
public utility, remembering that two.
thirds of the real legislation of the eoun-
try is non partisan in its character, and
that ~ 10 a misfaka IN aunpaca tlat tI..,