The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1885-04-29


US; We could not enable you, by any possibility.
to judge of question that has not yet reached
a state of maturity for judgment The evidence
is not complete; the development is simply going
forward Do not let US too sanguinely point to
favorable issue Do not let us despair that
reason and justice may, on both sides, prevail
over narrower and more unworthy feeling.
ICheers.l We cannot give you all the informa-
ton we possess. If we did give it, it would not
place you in position for conclusive iudg-
ment Were we to give part we should infalllbly
mislead you, and, therefore, we stand simply
upon what is patent and notorious, and say that
there is in those patent and notorious facts,
with which the whole world is acquainted, cause,
and abundant cause, for preparation Hear
Hear.
THE FACTS OF THE CASE.
"Shall I now, in very few words, sketch
and notorious factsa The starting point of our
movement in this case is our obligation of honor
to the Ameer, who stands between us and any
other consideration of policy. But our obliga-
tions to him are not absolute We are not
obliged-God forbid we should ever be obliged
to defend him or anybody else, were he mislsd
into course of tyranny, against the just re-
sentiment of his subjects We are not bound to
sustain him in any course of evil; but we have
contingent obligation to givc him our aid and
support, and think everyone who hears me will
say that that obligation should be fulfilled in no
stinted manner hear, hear, if it really be liy-
ing obligation, contingent only upon this one
condition-that his conduct is such that we can
honestly approve it That is the present condi-
tion of affairs in connection with the Ameer Of
Afghanistan. l have stated distinctly to the
House that there have been full communications
between him and the Viceroy of India, and that
the language he holds, and the principles he an
nounces are those which absolutely entitle him
to call upon us to act in concert and in council
with him, to act for him, and. as far as we can,
with him, to protect him in the possession of his
just rights. [Cheers.] Well, with this view, a
plan was formed for the delimitation of the
frontier between Afghanistan and what was only
yesterday the Turkoman country, but what
has now become by rapid progress, Russian ter
ritory. We have made very rapid progress our
selves in various quarters Of the world and the
idea which, beyond all, desire to carry along
with me. at every step of this painful and
every allowance and concess ion as to those with
whom we are dealing that we should claim for
ourselves. Hear. hear.1 Therefore will Only
say that this territory has rapidly become
Russian and that Russia is now in immediate
contact with Afghanstan, and the plan made
for the delimitation OF the Afghan territory has,
unhappily, been frustrated to this extent-that
it has not yet taken effect in action. The cir
cumstances of the delay may have to be
carefully examined hereafter. am not about
to examine them make the delay mat
ter of charge but must point out notorious
fact, that it allowed for military advances upon
debated ground that were obviously, and on
the face of them, in high degree dangerous to
the peace and dangerous to the future settle
ment OF the question.
THE AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE NATIONS.
However we set ourselves to bring about an
agreement with Russia by which we hoped that
those dangers might, in great degree, be
neutralized. That agreement was concluded on
the 10th of March, although it has passed by the
date of the 18th of March, nasmuch as I
think that was the date on which it was
telegraphed to Sir Peter Lumsden The
agreement consisted of covenant and con-
sideration The covenant that Russian
troops should not advance, or attack, provided
the Afghan troops did not advance or attack.
That was the covenant There followed a res
ervation, and the reservation was that, unless in
the case of some extraordinary accident, such as
a disturbance in Pcnjdeh, the status quo should
remain undsturbed. well recoect the feeling
which the mention of that reservation created
g. A. ol;. Ill
ated in our own minds. 1t was obvious
that we were just as much entitled
to insert reservations on our side.
only refer to this matter in order to
describe, as we'll as can, the spirit in which we
have endeavored to proceed-a spirit of liberal
construction and interpretation wherever wc
thought we could apply it without sacrifice of
honor or duty. Exceptions might have been
taken to that reservation as covering large
contingencies, had we been inclined to make it
in a spirit of cavling but We determined to give
credit and we thought it our duty to give credit,
to the parties to that agreement, and we acted
upon that duty and did not in this House say
one word to impute evil color to that reservation.
We tn ought it our duty to give that construction
to the reservation, and I do not say the
construction is shown to have been wrong Come
what may ['hear. hear'l, am bound to say that,
although the House was somewhat startled by
the reservation, l believe the agreement was
accepted by the House as binding covenant
1t was very solemn covenant involving great
issues. There were thousands of men on the one
side standing for their country, and on the other
for what they thought their patriotic duty.
placed i'm n position of dangerous cOntiguity and
in danger of bloody collisions. Then the
gagement came between the danger and the
people exposed to it. and we believed that it
would be recognized as one OF the most sacred
covenants ever male between two
great nations, and that there would
be rivalry between the two powers