Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1885-02-06

incompatible with free institutions and free
labor, and its overthrow the end and aim Of
our government This pronunciamento,
though IL caused q feeling Of amazement and
Dissatisfaction not only in official quarters
but throughout the country generally, both
South and North, was a noteworthy forerun-
ner and prophecy of that other proclamation
from a higher authority, which two years
later declared liberty to four millions Of
slaves, The only fault TO be found with it,
viewed from the standpoint Of to-day, is that
IL was issued before the times had become
ripe for it. The public sentiment of the
country was not yet prepared for such pol
10y az II announced. General Phelps, In
short was two years ahead of the times.
We give in full below this interesting histor-
ioal document;
His Emancipation Proclamation.
HEADQUARTERS MIDDLEsEx BRIGADE, I
SHIP ISLAND, Mississippi, Dec. 4, 1884,
TO the Loyal Citizens Of the SouthWest:
without any desire Of my own but contrary to my
private inclination, again fnd myself among you
a military officer OF the government. A proper re-
spect for my fellow countrymen renders II not out OF
place that should make known TO you the motives
and principles by which my command will be govern
ed
We believe that every state that has been admitted
q slave state into the Union since the adoption OF
the constitution has been admitted in direct viola
ton of that constitution. We believe that the slave
states which existed as such at the adoption Of
constitution are, By becoming parties to that compact
under the highest obligations Of honor aud morality
TO abolish slavery. II is our conviction that mouopO-
lies are as destructive as competition Is conservative
Of the principles and vitaes OF republican govern
ment; that slave labor is a monopoly which excludes
free labor and competitions the slaves kept In COM
parative ideness and in fertile half Of ara
bic national territory, while free white aborers
stantly augmenting in numbers from Europe, are
confined to the other half aud often distressed by
WANT that the free labor of the North more need
OF expansion into the Southern states from which Il
ia virtuav prciuded than had int Tava
1896 that free labor is essential to free institutions
that these institutions naturally better adapted aud
more congenial to the Ango-Saxon race than the
despotc tendencies Of slavery and finally, that the
dominant political principles Of this North American
continent so long as the Caucasian continues to
flow In upon us from Europe must needs be those Of
free institutions and free government Any obstruc-
tons to the progress Of that form Of government
the United States must inevitably be attended with
dscord and war.
Slavery, from the condition Of a universally-recos-
nized social and moral evil has become at length
political institution, demanding political recognition.
II demands rights to the exclusion and nnihilaon OF
those rights which are insured to us by the constu
tion and we must choose between them which we
will have for cannot have both. The constitution
was made for freemen, not for slaves. Slavery q
social evil might for time be tolerated and endured,
but as political institution It becomes mperious and
eXactng, controlling like dread necessity, all whom
circumstances have compelled to live under its sway,
hAmpering their action, and thus impeding our ma
tionAl progress. As political institution 1t could
let as coordinate part only Of two forms Of govern
ment vz the despotc and the free and II could eI
list under free government only where public senti-
ment, in the most unrestricted exercise Of a robust
freedom, leading to e1ravagance and lcentiousness
had swayed the thoughts and habits Of the people be-
| yond the bounds aud limits Of their own moderate
constitutional provisions It could exist under free
sovernmen. only wnere tns people, IN period o. un-
| TO overcome public reason, aud had attempted the
impossiby of setting up permanently as political
institution, social evil which Is opposed to moral
| law.
By reverng to the history OF the past we ind that
one Of the most destructive record--that Of
/ the French reyOlutiOn-WAs originated by
to give political character to Institution which was
not susceptible Of political character The church. by
being endowed with political power with its converts,
itsschools its immense landed wealth. its associations
secret and Open became the ruling power Of the state
and thus occasioned war OF more strife and blood
shed, probably than any other war which has desoat-
ed the earth. Slavery is e lees susceptible of polt-
zeal character than the church. 1t is At at this
moment for the lumber-room OF the past as was in
1898 the monastery the landed wealth, the exclusive
privilege, ETC., Of the Catholic church in France.
II behooves US to consider as a sef-govetning peo-
ple bred and reared and prAciced In the habits Of
seligovernment whether not neither we OF ghi
not to, reyoutoniEe slavery out Of existence, without
the necessity Of conflict Of like that Of the
French revolution. Indeed, we feel assured that the
moment slavery Is abolished, from that moment our
southern brethren-every ten Of whom have probably
seven relatives at the norh-would begin TO emerge
from hateful delirlum. From that moment, reliev.
ed from imaginary terrors, their days become happy
and their nights peaceful aud free from alarm the
aggregate amount Of labor, under the new stimulus
OF fair competition, becomes greater day by day
property rises In value, invgorating influences sue
coed to stagnatoD, degeneracy and decay and union
| harmony and peace-to which we have long been
strangers-become restored and bind us again in tbt
bonds OF amity and friendship, when we hrst be.
gan our national career under our glorious govern
| ment 1889.
Why do the leaders of the rebellion seek to chang,
the form Of our ancient government Is 1t becans,
the growth Of the African element OF your population
| has come at length to render change necessary
VIII you permit the free government under which you
have thus far lived, and which is we'll suited for II,
development Of true manhood to be altered to a mar
| row and bettlng despotism in order to adapt II TO
the necessities OF ignorant the
of their proud aud aristocrAtc owners? Will the Ia.
boring men Of the south bend their necks to the
yoke that is suited to the slave? We think not. W,
may safely answer that the time has not arrived whe1
our southern brethren for the sake Of keeping
Africans in slavery will abandon their Ions
free institutions and ensave themselves. 1t il tn,
conviction OF my Command as = part Of the natonA
forces Of the United States that Abor-mauual labor
lis inherently noble; that 1t cannot be sysemAticAl
ly degraded by any nation without mining its peace
happiness and power; that free labor is the granite
basis on which free institutions must rest that II II
the right the capital, the inheritance, the hope Of tn
poor man everywhere that 1t lie especially the righ
Of Ave millions OF fellow couutrymen In the slsv ",
states, as well as Of four millions OF Africans there
and all eftrts therefore, however small or great
whether directed against the interference Of govern
ments abroad or against rebellious combinations a
home, shall be for free labor. Our motto aud oui
standard shal be here and everywhere and on all &C
casioDs-"Free labor and workinRmen's rights" !
is on this basis, and this basis Alone that munih
cent goVernuent-the asylum Of the natons-can b,
perpetuated and preserved. ]. W. PHELPS,
Brigadier General Volunteers Commanding
While stationed at Ship Island Gen. Phelp,
coOperated with Commodore FarraRut in the
capture of the forts below New Orleans ant
OF the city, after which he was stationed
some ten miles above the city, at Carrolton
where he was the fret to organize negro
slaves as soldiers. For this act he was de
clared an outlaw by the rebel authorities
As indicating the character of the man and
of the bitterness with which he was hated
by the rebels of that section the story is tolC
that General Butler, when upon one occasion
demonstrated with for carelessness in expos
ing his person to the risk Of assassination
while going about upon his various duties al
commander of the department, dryly remark
ed the the rebels would never assassnatt
him while Phelps stood next in command
With his men Gen. Phelps was always pop
ular and highly esteemed, since he was evei
regardful of their health and comfort, anC
would often pause in his round of duties tc
pass pleasant word with one of his subor
dinates or to cheer the spirits of homesicl
hoy in blue"
HAis Attempt 60 Organize Negro Troops
1t is natural to suppose that Gen. Phelps
as q graduate of West Point. felt more or lesI
antipAthy to Butler from the first; at al
events their views upon the slavery question,
and the proper manner of treating the ICON
trabands" we're at variance, and Phelps's nat
urally intolerant spirit chafed at what he con
sdered the folly of the policy pursued by
Butler and the authorities at Washington. IL
the controversy which followed Gen. Phelps'l
efforts to enlist and arm the negroes who
hocked to his lines, the ability and foresight
which characterized him are we'll displayed
After repeated attempts to obtain permission
10 organize colored troops he at length wrote
to the Adjutant General of the department
as follows, at the same time tehdering hi
resignation;
HEADoUARTERs, DEPARTMENT oR TIE GULT,l
NEW ORLEANS, July 80 1852,
Capt. r. s. DAVIS, A. A. A. General =
sr-I enclose herewith acquisitions for arms, ac-
eoutrements, clothing, camp aud garrison equipage
ETC., for three regiments Of Africans which pro
to raise for the defense OF this point The location h
swAmpy and unhealthy, and our are dying at thu
rate OF two or three day. The southern lOyalist
are willing, as understand to furnish their share Of
80 furnish their quota Of men, which they have moi
thus Tar done. An opportunity now offers OF supply
ing the deficiency aud II is not safe to neglect oppor
tunitiea In war. think that With the proper faoili
ues, could raise the three regiments proposed in
short time without holding out any Inducements OIL
Offering any reward. have now upwards Of tire,
hundred Africans, organized into 1--WE who
are all willing and ready TO show their devotion TO ou
In any way that it may be put to the test They
willing to submit to ANYTHING rather than slavery
Society In the South seems on the point Of dissou
tion, and the best way 10 prevent the African from
becoming Instrumental in general state Of anarchy
Is TO enlist him in the cause Of the republic II WI
neglect ME services, any petty military chefain, BY
Offering him freedom eau have them for the purpose
of robbery and plupder ia ~ a..