The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1885-01-24
pREAcnERs AND poLrr1cs.
Henry Ward Beecher and DIR. Van Dyke Dis
cuss the Much-Nooted Subject.

Van Dyke ir., d. D., on the subject: ''Shall
FClergyinen be Politicians? Mr.. Beecher's con-
tribution may be considered moderate defense
or rather justification of his course during the
last campaign. He begins with an argument
intended to support an assertion upon which
he pins his faith, viz, that Protestant clergy
men ARE simply men among men, With this
established to his satisfaction, Mr. Beecher says:
There several things that must be taken
for. granted in discussing the right and duty of
the American clergyman to take part in politics
1T is to be assumed that he has common sense;
that each man is at liberty to determine the
best method of employing his influence, whether
by private conversation, or by preaching from
the pulpit, or by his pen, or by public speech
from the platform. 1t is taken for granted that
a clergyman knows enough to discriminate be-
tween the aims of political action and the mere
instruments by which those aims sought to
he accomplished, and that he has the ordinary
prudence that guides men in selection OF time
and place and other circumstance. WITH these
prelminaries | would argue:
Flrst-That all procedure which puts clergy
men into class and pretends to elevate them
above their fellow-men. and by reason of their
holy function frees them from contact with the
ordinary duties of humanity. is most perncious,
both in its philosophy and its morality and no
where so emphaticaliy as in America and under
our Government. The law wisely
regards simple citizenship, and rot the occupa-
ton of the citizen. OF all ungracious pleas for
exemption, that is the most perncious that
pleads the Sanctity of the clerical Office as if
there was holiness in it that relieved the
clergyman from the common duties of citizen
ship.
Second-With all the more force will these
views apply to the clergyman in q land where
the body of citizens have laid upon them the
solemn responsibility of determining the laws.
of securing their execution of electing the
magistrates and executive officers, and of form
ing the whole policy of the State No man has
right to put contempt upon the political duties
of the citizen, least al the clergyman!
If by reason ofsuperior endowments advantages
of wealth, attractions of refined eis
ure, or relish of literary philosophical
pursuits. men grow unwilling TO >mlngle with
their fellow-men to take up political
tasks and burdens refusing to perform amply
and continuously their political duties, they do
in fact remit to the less fit, and to the positively
unfit, the whole of the State, its politics. mag
stracy and morality This is distributive
reason When this long procession of selfish
men-the rich man. in his Self-indulgence; the
artist, in his daintness; the scholar, in his liter
ature: the fashionable and the indolent, in their
gittering selfshness-are seen moving away
from politics, it will only need robed and
recreant clergyman at their head to form a band
OF infamy, tramplng under foot the very life of
their country
Third-Because he is by profession moral
teacher, the clergyman should be an example to
his flock of conscientious patient duty per
formed. and from him they should receive both
Indictment and instruction The man that
breaches only an abstract gospel is but a pulpit
ciDher There would have been fewer Christian
men in the pententiary to-day if the pulpit had
succeeded in establishing in mems minds clear
er idea of what is safe and lawful in business.
Less dogma, more morality! The world to come
must be reached by wise walking in the world
that now is. In like manner minister should
instruct his people in political duty and in their
political dangers. Two elements are needed to
exalt politics from the low level at which it now
exists-the influence OF woman and Of faithful
pulpit.
NJ 4
ligon if they studied the life of Christ more and
theology less Jesus dainty teacher in
professional robes. Born to poverty and labor
he never forsook his mates. He lived among
them lie ate and drank with them; he preached
to- them OF their special sins und special duties;
he refused the dignity of rabbiship, and to the
end was IA man among men, Little like him will
be his professed preachers that talk long and
loud of Dhosopy and theology. but whisper
softly in mutfied pulpits of morality of everyday
life, and think themselves holy in proportion as
they neglect Chr;sts example of life and teach
ing.
Fifth-The example of American clergymen
In the colonial days, through the Revolution and
afterward, until the mephitic gas of slavery had
well-nigh suffocated the pulpit is instructive
Ministers in New England were the counselors
of the magistrates. To day tia pulpit is regain
ing its old American tone In single instances
it may work harm, but no asrm of injudicous
men can be half so harmful as pulpit without
message to common people about their daily
duties, their common temptations, and above all,
without word of instruction To men as ci:i-
Zens fulfilling their sublime duties to the laws.
to the magstracy, and to the policy of this great
Nation.
1t is objected. that practical union of church
and state is likely to result from meddling min
listers. No more than from meddng lawyers,
neddling DOCTORS meddling schoomasters. On
the other hand, the very way to induce the evils
feared is by erecting into privileged class men
who assume to be too holy to NEEDLE with
ffatr hot hnlo 10 poifi
1t may be said that the minister has an unfair
advantage: that his audience cannot reply that
he can exert partisan influence which will
offend, divide and break up church. All this
is quite true; but 1t could only happen to one
without skill, prudence or tact 1t is an argu-
ment against the misperformance of duty, and
not against the imperative duty. Ii clergyman
waits till sides are taken, till mems passions are
aroused, and then assails or defends, he will
show an utter want of common sense. He must
instruct his people in the duty Of citizens, as
part of his yearly task; he must exalt the duties
of patriotism; must make distinction between
good men and bad, long before hot and turbu-
lent times arise. AS general thing instruction
from the pulpit upon political duty should not
be given on the eve of an election. When the
lines are drawn. and the air is lurid and torrid
the pulpit should be silent, and the Clergyman
should exert his. influence through some other
channel. In tranquil times, between great po-
litical campaigns, if ministers would give to
their people such discussions as abound in DR..
Francis Lfebers textbooks, there would be
neither complaint nor disturbance
Mr.. Van Dyke takes. the negative side of the
question. After an introduction in which he
admits the truth of much Mr. Beecher wrote, he
says:
The clergyman in politics is superauous He
has TO special fitness of training for this sphere
of activity In fact may question whether
he is not actually untitled for it. And certainly
his frequent and absurd mistakes, when he at
tempts it, have often given occasion to ths pious
TO mourn. to the ungodly TO scoff, and to the
politicians to swear. Why should the clergyman
attempt to tell you how to votel He is not
master of political economy He has no angelic
intuition in regard to qestions of fact The only
ground on which he assume peculiar right
to instruct or control anyone in these matters is
the theory thata spiritual father must also be
temporal director, and this is theory against
which, / think, rhe majority OF American people
have an unconquerable prejudice.
The clergyman in politics is disloyal. The