St. Paul daily globe., 1885-12-27
Negotiations Between Gladstone and Par
nell Come to an 0minous and Agra
waiting Standstill
Parnell Will not Declare Himself and
Gladstone Alarmed at the Attitude
of His Followers.
Emperor William in Good Health and
Spirits--Prince Alexander Ar
r1Ves at Sofia.
The French Ministry VIII Resign
A Royalist Split Reported In
Spain.
The Hon,e-Rule Dilemma.

Special to the Globe
LONDON. Dec. 26.-The singular mes
sage from Hawarden published Sunday was
perhaps intended by Gladstone as diplo-
matte denial of his own responsibility for
the published narrative of his conversion to
home rule. If So it has failed. Every
sentence is in the future tense or is condi-
ional The document denies nothing eX-
eept that. Gladstone holds himself bound to
any idea announced in his name. His
guarded negatives never for moment spoke
the public belief in the substantial accuracy
of the one essential statement amid many
that were evidently conjectural. Glad
stone did not last week resolve to
accept home rule in principle, did
not make known that resolve to several
persons, Lord Salisbury among them, and
did expect to carry the Liberal party with
him When convinced that he could not
do this. he climbed down from the home
rule platform rather faster than he had
climbed uD. The distinct refuSalS of Cham
berlain, Sir Charles Dixie and the great
body of the Liberal press to adopt home
rule on GladSt0ne's mere dictum probably
convinced him that he had made mistake.
Lord Hartington's letter, composed in con-
sultation with GOSchen, completed the evi-
dence This letter, an emphatic refusal to
accept home rule. appeared simultaneously
with GladStOne's recantation, but Harting-
toms determination was
KNOWN To HIM BEFORE.
When the interview between Harrington
and Goschen had terminated, Gladstone
was without follower among the leaders
of either of the two great sections of the
Liberal party, He had no choice but to
abandon a position politically untenable.
John Morley's subsequent speech at New
castle came too late to help him, nor was it
a speech Of unqualified adhesion, nor does
Morley'S present party rank authorize him
TO speak for any section. Both Gladstone S
former Irish secretaries. Forster and
Trevelyon, join Lord Spencer in op-
posing an Irish parliament, and it
is understood that the last secretary,
Campbell Bannerman, is of the same
opinion. Gladstonian Liberals endeavOr
to save the situation by proclaiming that
all accounts published last week were not
authentic. They deceive nobody but them
selves. Another semi-Official dispatch as
serts that there has been no negotiations,
direct or indirect, between Gladstone and
Pamell. 1t is true that none have taken
place which can commit or even cOmpro-
mise either leader, bat active negotiations
went on between SubordinateS Of both sides
and broke down on the question of the
veto. No English statesman dareS propose
scheme for an Irish parliament without
Teserving the right of the imperial parlia-
ment to decide in the last resort whether
the Irish assembly exceeds its jurisdiction
and without TeServing equally the power to
annul any bill or resolution
HOSTILE OR DIsLoYAL.
The Irish reply that such restrictions reduce
the Irish parliament to mere debating So
cety, and insist on parliament that shall
be practically independent. The English
TejOn that such a parliament can only lead
straight to separation, against which every
leader of both parties is unequivocally
pledged, and which England refuses even
to discuss. Nobody suggests a way of
escape from this deadlock. ParnelI
refuses as always to formulate his own
scheme, because he says the production OF
a specific plan would be the signal for a
break up of the loose cOnfederacy over
which he maintains precariouS presidency.
The breach between the Parnellites and the
Tories widens daily. The protests of the
Tory press against home rule are daily
more emphatic The silence of the
Tory leaders Is unDrOken. he excite
ment following the disclosure of Gladstone's
purpose has decreased in England. The
effect in Ireland appears disastrous to Irish
loyalists, demoralizes the police, and drives
landlords from the country. Ulster leaders
say that no guarantees can protect them,
and that if separation comes they are quite
resolved to protect themselves. The Eng
liSh papers again point out that the Irish
agitation is largely IriSh-American and
would collapse tomorrow if not sustained
by American money.
'',The Irish at home," says the Standard,
'do not care enough for home rule to keep
the machinery going at their own expense.
The American argument that Ireland ought
TO have separation, because the majority
want it, elicitS the query why America re-
fused to allow the Southern states to depart
when much greater majority demanded Sc
ceSSiOn. -