New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1885-11-05
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
TUE arsTORY OF KANSAS.

ihnhhITIri ye,si,X Of Kansas american COMMON
we0ths seres.l 1Omo PIP VIZ oh housN''"' 1
Elm & Co. ,,s
In one of tho later chapters of his book Professor
soring remarks that " the struggle for the posses
sion of Kansas the loss of which TO the south mauo
secession a certainty was essentially pohtcal anu
constitutional-not military The lew sAii'nio"o'
that took place have secondary IL no' V0i'S
importance" Coming at the close OF lung ~"
rather rhetorical narrative OF these ski
the course of which the political ana
aspect Of the struggle is never NoiS '''"-y =.
sented this declaration gives TIE re"u'1 49,. ~
X nnouestionablv true, so plainly true tha' VIC
ondnr Professor Spring did not think OF IL carry
enough 70 make it the leading idea Oh MS WORK.
But be begins ibadly. The political ana cohs'V"-
t;o,ol history of Kansas dates from Senatar DouE-
loss renudlation of the Missouri COMPROMISE uh'cl
,La nrctcxt that the binding force OF that solemn
n gr,cnent had already been destroyed by tue Ol"S
comnromise bills of $50. This was the WORST tue
mast scandalous and, as it proved the IaSI aV''P'
of the Southern conspiracy TO fasteh slavery "p0l
free territory and marked the coming OF inc great
crisis in our history. No doubt professor 5PIlns
understands its significance perfectly well D"t nc
,oaLes siurnlarly feeble and obscure statement Vi
+be cose and lie maintains moreover, That Douglas
nosition was sound. 1t is quite certain that "he'
the inventor of SQuatter Sovereignty huouuCcu III
his Kansas Nebraska bill the astonishing Theory
that the Compromise Of 1s2O was Nold hecauSo ~
was " inconsistent with" measure adopted thrty
years afterward, his novel contention was receive"
yyrith Llanl1 amazement; it is certain that Mt
DoncIas himself did not venture upon FMS do'triDe
until a more brutally frank proposition by Sena-
,or Dixon. of Kentucky forced him to bid high Tor
contborn support: it is certain that until 1871 the
whole North and large part OF the South as We'll
firmly believed the agreement OF $50 to be dell
mite settlement OF the limits of slavery. Professor
cnrinp however. makes the following uterance'
Tho General drift of which is plain enough, although
the STYLE is not a model of peIspicuiy The Com
promse of 1880 rejected all articles OF restrctoh'
and sanctioned lie principle OF popular soVer-
dignity. The adoption of a new policy, applying 10
territories in the main but not literally, ana aoso-
lutely untouched by the elder agreement, may not
have technically stuffed Out.the compact Of $50.
4bouoh stch eminent legal authorities as Rufus
Cboote and Daniel Webster are quoted in the
affirmative Yet practically the effect OF 1t could
only be TO Ovorlay and Oblitcrate The Missouri
borraip. Mr.. Douglas in the bill organizing Kansas
and Nebraska, simply followed the latest
precedent"
Starting with this inadequate estimate OF the
origin of the troubles, the author is easily r WIN
away from the contemplation Of the political and
constitutional" issue to the incidents of second
airy if not tertiary importance" which marked the
courso OF the Kansas war. We must do him the
iust,ce to say that, in spite of serious literary
hlemlshes he presents these incidents with elect he
iulges them in a moderate and impartial spirit ana
he brings out some interesting facts which other
historians have not seen fit to make prominent
For example he dspels very common illusion
that the early Free state settlers OF Kansas were
mainly aboltionists on principle and champions of
equal rights The truth is that they were opposed
To the establishment of slavery in the Territory for
sh nj re
negro policy. aiming at the total exclusion of all
blacks bond or free. was marvel of illibcra'itv
and Injustice. The details OF the " sNrmshine as
Professor Spring calls the disorders of the period of
struggle may indeed trivial after the lapse OF
nearly thirty years, but they have an Importance
disproportionatc to their immediate effects; and
we should not find fault with copious parade OF
them, if only the exhibition were made with due
regard for historical perspective and the laws Of
art Most of the authors faults Of construction
spring from his faults of style. lie can hardly
hiring himself down to a straightforward statement,
ond his passionate love of flourish is constantly
tempting him to waste his time with tribes and
becloud his narrative with cOIuscating show of
words Missouri invaders were Z" an unwashed,
braqgart volcanic multitude The committee
did not dare 10 risk frothy, pictorial I'M
ballasted leadership" 1t was now Ntraighttor-
ward innoxious larkish business" The imper-
sonal missionary motive-romemberng those in
bonds as bound with them this apropos of John
Browns murder of the five POttawatomie squatters
-" danes like sunshine spear-pomts where
everything else is hideOus and ehast!y. Every
great cause has effected complete conquest Of inn
pressibe and unbalanced disciples. thrown over
them spells of victorious fascination, haTncssed
them to its service with absolute capitulatiOn Of
self blinded them hOpcessly to interest and
methods other than their own. and reduced TO a
minimum in their estimate the sancttleS and rights
of those who ran counter to their fanatcism. he
"audacious Topeka movement was an amateur
Constitution drawing upon itself the eyes of the
Nation rousng intense passions of friendship and
hostility and actually pushing through one house
Of Congress" and It" in tie indifferent success Of
those milder cNpedients which eliminated at the
pOlls and in the compilation of :TOnclad statutes,
public opinion steadily grayitated toward an
aggressive northumberland policy as Unfolding
larger buds of promise" "The talk OF the assem-
bly, . was reminiscent. furious. stygian ayenge-
full" All this reminds Us of a Hcrad reporter
trying to describe a million dollar fire. If the
author of such halcyOn and vOclferous' English
only knew how tiresome it is to read, the students
of the University of Kansas might be spared a bad
example
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