The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1885-02-24
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.
Why It Should Be Introduced Into the
Affairs of the State of Indiana.
Argument in the State Senate by Hon. w.
d. FOulke, Delivered on the 9TH of
February, 1855.

The following is the Speech or Hon. w. u.
iFoulke, senator from Wayne county. upon his
bill providing for State civil-service reform:
With each new political contest the line of
principle dividing the two great parties has been
less clearly drawn and the platforms of each
have become more vague. Their respective can
dldates become less the opponents of any defn-
lite idea. The matter at issue resolves itself
more and more into the question who shall have
fhe Offices Everything else seems TO be Sec
londary to the distribution of the loaves and
fishes. If this continues thus we can have no
healthtul republican government. The evils
which flow from such a system are manifold.
The party In power however corrupt, feels that
IL has vast multitude of supporters in every
district in the country bound body and soul to
its maintenance by motives wholly mercenary
and selfish. In every political contest hundreds
OF thousands on each side support the claims of
the parties and their candidates regardless of
the principles involved, wholly from the hope of
private gain, and selfish ambition for Office and
power. Officials are chosen for the party serv-
ices they have rendered or will render.
The government, which ought to be served by
the bestmen in the country. is actually served, to
q great extent, by the most mercenary and in
competent. Men whose talents enable them to
acquire a competence in private life will not en-
ter service the term of which may expire at any
time, and which is certain to end whenever al new
party comes into power cat the end of each
four years the entire federal patronage (amount-
ing to one hundred and ten thousand offices)
Is collected into one lot, and the people divide
themselves into two parties struggling in name
to choose President, but in fact to control this
enormous patronage, which the President, when
elected, is compelled to distribute. The tempta-
ton to fraud, to usurpation, and to corruption,
thus created, is beyond calculation. A prize so
great, an influence so powerful, thus centralized
and put up at short periods, would jeopardze
1he peace and safety of any nation. No nation
can Withstand strife among its own people so
general so intense and so demoralizing. No
off 10
'ment, to disturb the public peace, to destroy po-
litical honesty, and to endanger the common
security, was ever before invented" report of
committee on election frauds, 1871
The reform heretofore proposed for these evils
has been to turn out the party in power under
which they have existed, and fill the places by.
new men taken from another political organiza
ton. The reform which the Democratic party
proposes is to turn cut Republicans and put in
Democrats The reform which the Republican
party will propose will be to turn out Democrats
and put in Republicans. There must be ''rota-
ton in Office, in the opinion of all those who are
out, while those who are in devote themselves to
the perpetuation of patronage and spoils. A
moments thought will show that merely TO
change an administration is clumsy way to
reform its abuses. 1t turns out the good as we'll
as the bad; the faithful servant as we'll as the
spokesman and the sineeurist; the honest officer
rs well as the jobber. The fear of removal for
corrupt practices may operate in some general
and impersonal manner upon the party as
whole, and thus act as some slight restraint, but
at does not appeal personally and directly to any
Individual in the service. But even where reform
follows mere change, it is and always must be
OF the most temporary character. Neither
or the two great parties of the country
to-day can say that the mere personnel Of
their adherents is such to secure them against
the temptations of long continued power We
are not gods, but men; and the party that cries
so DANGEROUSLY for reform when out of Office con-
tains within itself as much of human frailty as
hat hol1 for III
Every candid Democrat and every candid Re
publican will concede this. The party that
would weed out abuses to-day will bring forth
plentiful progeny Of corruption in a decade. The
cry turn the rascals out" proceeding alter
nately from the camps of Israel and Judah, and
followed by the mere transfer of spells, is very
edifying, but it gives no hope of permanent inn
provement. We want something that will i'm
prove 10th of the parties, not merely while they
are wandering in the desert, but while the flesh
pots of Egypt are before them. We want some
thing that will apply the remedy at the very APP
Droach of the disease; something that works, not
Sransiently and spasmodically, but by "a constant,
natural law We do not want nostrum or OPT
ate which gives mere temporary relief from pain
and leaves the source of the malady untouched
to attack us with greater violence on the NOR
row. What we need is wis medicatrix
nature;' something in the political system
which will restore and retain health without ex-
ternal aid; something which shall be present
wherever the forces of decay appear, to correct
them by its own inherent power The remedy
should be as permanent as the evil. 1t should
be addressed to the known weaknesses of human
nature, recognizing that these may appear in
Democrat and Republican alike.
We must remember that no party ever ex-
fsted no, nor any form of government into
which corrupt and selfish motives have not
somewhere entered. The question is, what will
contract within the closest space the sphere of
their activities2 Our experience in constitu-
tional restrictions shows that the evils of gov
eminent are always least where its powers are
limited within certain fixed laws; that it is
wiser to trust our rights to general pre-estab-
lished rules than to leave them to be determined
by the irresponsible will of another. Accord
ingly, in general matters of law we leave as
little discretion as possible to judges, our
Governors, and our political officials We con-
slider that fixed rules, however imperfect are
better than arbitrary power. Even our own
hands, as legislators are tied by many st ringent
provisions of our State and national constitu-
fions. We cannot impair the obligations of con-
tract, nor pass ex post facto laws. We cannot
establish a religion, nor create an order of no.
bility. Why is thisq Because it is deemed
safer to trust general rule in these matters
than to leave them to be determined by our arbi-
trary will. The great feature of all republican
institutions is jealousy of official power. We
have eliminated it from many parts of
our system. What the civil-service re-
Former asks is that still other limitations
should be prescribed Why is it that an ap-
pointing officer should be permitted to act any
mere arbitrarily in his appointments than in re-
Gpect of any other official actl Public Office is a
public trust and he has no more right to bestow
1t for his personal qualification or for the success
of his party that judge has to take away your
property or mine upon personal or party grounds.
If you ask, then, why L want appointments
controlled by rules and examinations why am
not willing to trust the discretion of the ex-
eoutive, or even of the Legislature, l answer:
''For the same reason that you insist that the
judge that passes upon your life, liberty and
for the same reason that you are unwilling to
trust his arbitrary discretion to do what to him
seems right"
The further civilization advances the less it
leaves to be determined by the caprice of its
rulers. Absolutism is an evidence of low
grade of society; and the arbitrary right of ap-
pointment to Office in man or a party is a rudi
mentary form of absolutism still left in civiliza-
ton which has, in the main outorown - re