New-York tribune., 1885-09-18
MR.. GLADSTONES MANIFESTO.

Mr. Gladstone's address to the Midlothian
electors is of course recognized as the Liberal
programme. 1t has been awaited with eager
and hopeful expectation, for upon it depended,
in the opinion of the majority, the success OF
whatever efforts might be made to heal the
breach made by the impatience of the extreme
Radicals The leaders manifesto is adroit and
statesmanlike. 1t embodies a marked conces-
sion to the Radical wing, and while apparently
avoiding a distinct and definite expression Oh
the Irish question, it condemns the policy OF Mr..
Parnell and aims at putting upon HIM the entire
responsibility for whatever further dlscord
may arise between the two peoples. Mr.. Glad
stone plainly intimates that the irish leader Is
in the position of one who shaving power TO
promote peace and friendship uses 1t Tor stfiie
and enmityn He does not go so Tar us Mr..
Chamberlain, but he certainly il careful to re-
frain from committing himself and his party to
any expression which might be construed into
an indication of Willingness to make terms with
tne ParRoilites.
In regard to the reform Of the land laws Mr.
Gladstone plainly recognizes the justice oil at
least the foundation principles OF the RIdical
programme. The abolition of primogeniture
and entail il, if not absolutely proposed, yet
positively approved. lie recommends dealing
freely with the transfer OF IA id, registration oil
titles. and land taxation. Ia this last phrase
great deal Of meaning may be packed at pres
cut. Mr.. Chamberlams ideas on land taxation,
Tor instance, involve very much more than those
of Lord Harrington, and it does not seem clear
how far MIR. Gladstone is prepared to go IN the
direction of Mr.. Henry Georges doctrine.
lr.n
campaign, and perhaps it is not Thought desir-
able to make the programme too definite at this
juncture Land law reform is well-sounding
phrase but it will depend upon the revelation
of pubic opinion made in the canvass how idr
the scheme shall be extended. AT present the
main point is to sec Ire the loyal adhesion OF the
Radicals, aud SO present a united troat to the
common enemy.
MIR. Gladstone touches the immature issue of
dsestablishment tenderly. To him all refer
ence to the separation of Church and State must
be painful, unless he has changed views whicn
were formerly engraitcd upon his character.
But he recognizes the tendency OF the time
| toward disestablisnment rs he must have fore
cast it years ago when tue question came before
MIN with reference to the Irish Church. The
curreut, he observes. is setting slowly toward
disestabishment, but he "b1lieves the vitality
of the Church equal to her needs even at this
crisis.n This is not a positive declaration, nor
was one of that kind called for but If any in-
| ference may be drawn from the language, II
would seem to be that Mr.. Gladstone wiil not
be found in opposition to the Radical current,
should it set in still stronger in the direction
/ of slbeIatlonn There Is not much comfort
for the Church IN the Liberal position on ths =
! grave issue, and the position is all the more
! significant because the question has not yet
taken an active shape.
But indeed the Radical influence is very
strong all through the address, and not least 81
i'm respect to the House of Lords. Mr.. Glad
| stone almost gives up the case on behalf OF tina
body. lie admits that an important change
i'm the character of that house is justified, ant
all he has to suggest in arrest of judgment Is
this: trust "a reasonable share of power may
be allowed under wise conditions TO th'
principle of birth" The principle of brit
being one which must be among the first to e
when democracy advances, the prospect OF con
tinued popular tolerance for II chamber basc'
on that principle cannot be regarded as very
hopeful. The demand for radical change in tn
House of Lords being once admitted, it il
scarcely possible to limit the modification shor
of such reforms as will eliminate the hereditary
privilege of legislation. Mr.. Gladstone con
cludes, reassuiingly, that much of what he ha
written refers to the future and according to hi
expectations beyond his reach. There is trutl
in this, but it is not the less clear that he i
quite willing to commit the Liberal party to
programme much of which is go radical rs U
involve measures almost subversivo in the ex
tent of their implication, and it is apparent tha
the reception given 10 this manifesto by tn
English rs well as Scotch electors should con
stitute good test of the condition Of publ
opinion throughout the country as regard
what many are unlikely to consider altOgethc
safe progress.
ANOTHER LESSON FOR ENGLAND.