The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1885-09-19

| >
entrance Of my family vault on the home
| plantation, a few hundred yards from
the site of the old Manor house, which
| he built, and where he res died. on the
| banks OF the Bohemia river
PROHIBITION AND POLITICS
Reason why the Third Party Movement is
Mistake.
From a Lctfc, by Eishop s. M.McrrtA IN the Chicago
Hie-Oc,GH.
There are two methods of procedure
open to the friends of prohibition. The
one is with and the other is without sep
arate political organizations. Which is
the lreferable? Undoubtedly that which
pro Uses the permanent success of the
cause i'll the shortest time ami with the
least friction and auimosity. IL may be
that some cherish the conjecture that
both methods substantially can be EN-
ployed; but this is delusion. If we
adopt the party method we must adhere
to it. and make it successful bv part
methods, or we must fail. There is no
such thing as securing the sympathy and
co operation of the good men in the other
parties without reducing them to aban-
don their party affiliations and join the
| new party which we propose for them.
1t needs no argument to show that this
is an undertaking of such magnitude that
generations will be required to accom-
plish it,
The usual argument in favor of this
method is that the separate party organ
ization was successful in the Old contest
with slavery. This is an unsupported az
sumption. The separate party vote only
strengthened the hold of the pro slavery
power, and gave it such assured control
of the Government as to intensity the
contempt it entertained for the o"posi-
ton. The separate party did not sue
| coed. Providence inteIpcscd, circum
| stances changed, old party lines were dis
rupted, and the slave power was broken
by influences which no man can trace to
any separate political organization. The
analogy is not complete. The precedent
does not apply. The iallacy is manifest.
1t remains that no great reform, involv
ing moral elements, has ever been sue
cessfully carl led out in this country
through the agency of separate political
"A r 1,
objections to this plan is that it cannot
| concentrate the temperance sentiment of
the country. In spite of fate and good
affections it will aliv,ate men by hun
dreds and thousands whose moral in
stincts and right and whose influence
might be secured for prohibition on any
plan that simply appeals to their con
sciences as men, as citizens and as Chris
tians.
This battle is too great to be fought
by factions. 1t requires union, wisdom,
prudence, as well as courage and per-
sistence. The Prohibition party
in its party organization includes only
about per cent. of the prohibition SEN
timent. The votes it casts will not
amount to that much. In the state of
Ohio, for instance, under very unfavora-
BILE circumstances, the direct vote for
constitutional prohibition was 323, 600,
| while the vote for party candidates was
about 4 200. This is less than per
cent. and the proportion is not better in
other places. In such leading Prohibit
ton states as Kansas and Iowa, the ratio
is much smaller. Is is u mere faction.
| Its leaders are earnest and Jealous, but
they do not command the following need
| ed for success. Modesty is a virtue
which in itself is not less beautiful be
cause the leaders of this faction fail to
cultivate it. 1t is not to be assumed
| that wisdom is Away with maioritieS,
but it is scarcely to be believed that this
very small majority in the ranks of Pro
hibtion have acquired monopoly of
this grace. In the multitudcs of the non
partizau friends of the cause there are
some whose judgments ought to entitle
them to respect; yet in the clamor of the
politicians all voices are drowned which
do not shout the praises of the 'managc-
ment."
Constitutional provisions should never
be made the basis of party organizations.
The organic law of the state ami the
nation ought to have the support of the
patriotic citizens in all parties. The only
way to secure this end is to avoid thrust
ing platforms into the Constitution. Pro
hibition of the liquor traffic cannot be
permanent till 1t is in the Constitution,
and it cannot go into the Constitution as
a party measure. 1t is too broad for a
party. Like the fundamental principles
of the Government, it must be the com
mon ground of the better classes and
parties; like the common sch DOL system,
it touches interests too vital to the COM
mon veal to be made the football of pol
iticians. Parties divide on interpreta-
tions of the Constitution, not on the
Constitution itself. interpretations from
politics, and party issues relate to poll
tics. This is the legitimate battle ground
of politics. But there is a realm of prin-
ciple beyond the conflicts of parties,
where the moral character Of the Govern
ment rests upon the foundation OF right
where the enduring elements of Chris
tian civilization crystalline in organic
law-and to that broader realm of essen
tial right this question of prohibition
must come. Another serious objection
to the party feature is that it renders it
inexpedient and improper for the churches
to take the active part in the advocacy
of the cause that is desirable.
In word, then, the writer, after forty
years of active work in the temperance
cause, and as an advocate of every meas
ure that promises restriction on the
liuuor traffic, aud looking with grateful