The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1885-11-09
rs THIS A BLOODY sHIRT7


much less in defending or apologizing for it.
The Journal has repeatedly referred to the in
justice perpetrated by the apportionment un-
der which, in the aggregate, twenty-five
voters in the States lately in rebellion have
the same political power, both in Congress
and the Electoral College, that thirty three
have in the States that were loyal to the Con-
stitution. In the eleven States which went
into the war there was cast, at the late presi-
Dental election, 1884, 044 votes. These
States send to the House of Representatives
eighty-fve members, OF one for every %, 1853
voters. In the remaining twenty seven States
8, 137, 140 votes were cast, and these are repre-
sented by 240 members, or one for every
80, 908 voters. In round numbers, two voters
in the States lately in rebellion have the
in the States that remained loyal.
This is putting the inequality in it's least Of
fensive form, for it gives to those States in
which the most marked irregularity exists the
benefit of the appointments in few States
that approximate fairness. When we come to
look at it in detail we find such inequalities
as these: Georgia, with voting population Of
142,479, has ten representatives, or one for
every Ia, 248, while Indiana with voting
population of 495, 2O6 has only thirteen rep
! resentatives. or one for every 39,093, more
| than two and half for one; South Carolina,
| with voting population of 81, 623, has seven
representatives., or one for every 1900,
making one voter in South Carolina nearly
equal to three in Indiana. Mississippi, with
a voting population of 1906 has seven rep
resentatives, or one for every 17,046-more
| than two to one for Indiana and four to one
in Colorado which has but one representative
in voting population of &C, 1872, while South
Carolina has more than five to one in Colorado.
Or, to place them in groups: Iowa has one
representative to $4,000 voters: Indiana, one
to IS, 093; Connecticut, one to 34,315; Colora-
do, one to &C. 1872; Illinois, one to SO, GAL; Kan
sas, one to 1911; Maine, one to SO, 615 Mich
igan, one to sc, GAL, Minnesota, one to 38, 069;
Nebraska one to a. 600; New York, one to
81, 1876; New Jersey, one to 81, 266; New Hamp-
shire, one to A. 22S; Ohio, one to 1882; Ore
gon, one to 52,656; and so on through the
loyal states, while the States late in rebellion
run thus: Alabama 10, 223; Georgia, A. 247;
Louisiana, 1925; Mississippi, 17,146; South
Carolina, 1900; Tennessee, %, 944; Texas,
5000, and so on, not one State lately in re-
bellion having as high as $1,000.
1t does not matter that this fraud upon the
voters of America inures to-day to the benefit
of this political party or that; it is one of the
classes of outrages that sooner or later come
while, it curses the Nation in thousand
ways. It is not to be expected that those i'm
mediately enjoying the usufruct of this wrong
will move for its correction. They may
rather be expected to resist; but there is
power in the hands of the people to correct it
| without resort to any thing bordering or revo-
| luton 1t Is not our purpose to suggest at
this time the necessary steps to be taken to
right the wrong. For the present, we merely
| allude to the fact that a voter in Indiana is
counted as equal to only onetLird of voter
in South Carolina, and that in the whole ter
ritory lately in rebellion two voters are equal
to three of those in the loyal States. 1t will
certainly not tend to the allaying of discon-
tent on this subject that these voters, by
large majorities, are ''solid" for one party and
| that, constituting a majority Of that party in
Congress, through the party machinery. con-
troll the policy of the Nation that they so re-
Gently sought to destroy. If this is ''bloody
shirt" make the most of it.