St. Johnsbury Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1867-1919, 1885-04-30

war between the two countries, TO be
held guilty of treason if she adheres to
our enemies, her husbands country
men, giving them aid and comfort.
The status of children born in foreign
countries, of American parents, also
needs attention. The feudal rule was
that children born within the terrific
rial limits of a state, of foreign parents,
became its subjects. The United
States still clings to this notion, which,
as Bluntschli said drought man down
to the position of an appendage to the
soil" By the modern rule, which first
appeared in the Code Napoleon, child
takes the nationality of its parents,
unless, upon becoming of age, it man
ifests a wish to become a citizen of the
state in which it was born. When
foreign commerce was small, few per-
sons travelled, and only ambassadors
resided abroad, the feudal rule worked
little Inconvenience, but the changed
conditions of modern society, which
have led to the adoption of the modern
rule in France, Germany, Austria,
Sweden, Norway, Switzerland, Spain,
Belgium, Greece, Russia, and Bolivia,
require its adoption In the United
States.
3. The protection of our carrying
trade by the adoption of the rules of
1856. In some European states liabil-
ity to capture on the sea, in time of
war, was formerly determined by the
nationality of the goods in others, it
depended on the nationality of the
ship carrying the goods. In 1856,
Austria, France, Great Britain, Russia,
Prussia, Sardinia, and Turkey adopted
20 nj p1l In \ "a
flag covers enemy's goods, with the
exception of contraband of war;" Free
ships make free gOods.) (b.) "Neutral
goods, with the exception of contra
band of war, are not liable to capture
under an enemy's flag" Other states
were asked to adopt these rules and
the only important states which have
refused are Spain, Mexico, and the
United States. We declined, because
the invitation was to adopt four rules
in their entirety, one of which, that
abOlishing privateering, was believed
to be disadvantageOus to states having
weak navies. Yet it had been the ira
ditiOnal aim of our diplomacy to en-
graft upon international law the rule,
''free ships make free goods )" our
Government was, when this invitation
was received, negotiating with sepa-
rate states for its adoption /; but because
of the doubtful gain of privateering we
refused what we had sought for sixty
years, unless allowed all we wanted,
the exemption of innocent private
property, which European states would
not permit. Our capacity to do the
work of privateers police work of
the sea for which clumsy memo f-war
are unft-without privateers, was
proven during the Rebellion. Priva-
teering is a resource of the weaker bel
ligerent, and while it might aid us if
i'll war with stronger naval power, by
drawing its ships of war from active
service to the work of conveying mer-
chantmen, such advantage would be
small, compared with that which might
reasonably be expected to follow our
adoption of the rules of 1856. Geo
graphical position and political tradi-
tiOns making us a neutral state, the
carrying trade of belligerents might
then, if we had a merchant marine,
often seek the protection of our flag,
thus adding to our freights while war
lasts, and perhaps contributing to our
permanent advantage. By refusing to
accede to the declaration of 1856, the
United States deliberately surrenders
any advantages which European war
might bestOw upon it's commerce for,
as that declaration binds only its sig
natOries, they alone are entitled to its
benefits, and we could not comgete
with other neutral carriers for the bel
ligerent's freight.
Such subjects as these enumerated
do not make the staple of brilliant for
1aIrr hu,A IL
difficult and important to keep the
ablest secretary of state, who seeks to
secure his cOuntry's peace and happi-
Nor do these subjects exhaust the list.
An extension of the Extradition Rene
dy till every eXtraditiOn treaty shall
include all breaches of trust, cases of
fraud, the purpose of which is to OBJ
tain property or money, Offenses
against bankrupt laws, and Offenses
relating to coinage, is imperatively
needed. Our thirty-one extradition
treaties, whose varied texts have pro-
duced conflicting interpretations, doubt
and insecurity, should give way as
early as possible to a single Extradi-
ton Union Treaty. The importation
of criminals and paupers has only been
still denied the intellectual toiler the
regulation of the Northeast fisheries is
IL makeshift, incompatible with the
steady growth of an important indus
try the laws of war, vague and fiuc-
tuatlng, need cOditicatiOn several of
our commercial treaties require revis-
ion the three rules defining the duties |
of neutral state, adopted by Great
u fol. = ha V..t r.
neva, in 1872, have not yet been ac-
cepted by other powers, though the
contracting states agreed to invite |
such action and, finally, the control
of an interoceanic canal consistently |
with existing treaty obligations, or the
securing OF an honorable release from
such obligations, is left to tax the
highest diplomatic skill. JingOism
may evoke cheers from an unthinking
crowd but, while these subjects await
successful treatment, it is not true that
a new foreign policy is necessary to
enable the secretary of state to be use
full. The extension of our foreign
must bring us into contact
with conflicting interests, and it will
he increasingly difficult in practice to
avoid all entangling alliances but it
VIII be well for the country, when
urged to rush into international poll
tics, to remember that almost the last
official utterance of its distinguished
and experienced diplOmatist, the late
George p. Marsh, was a hope "that the
vastly greater interests of our internal
industry and government
nay not be sacrificed to considerations
with our foreign policy"
Il independent.
New Haven, Conn.