The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1885-03-17
BLAINE'S SECOND VOLUME.
The Days Following the Death of Lin
coin and the Succession of Johnson.
The Latter's Egotism and Sternness Of Char
acter-A Curious Illustration of His
Temper and Purpose.
From Advance Sheets.

The character and career Of Mr. johnson were
anomalous and in many respects contradictory
BY birth he belonged to that large class in the
South known as ''poor whitesn-a class scarcely
less despised by the slave holding aristocracy
than were the human chattels themselves.
Born in North Carolina, and bred to the trade OF
tailor he reached his fifteenth year before he
was taught even to read In his eighteenth year
he migrated to Tennessee, and established him
self IN that rich upland region on the eastern
border OF the State, where by altitude the same
agricultural conditions are developed that char
acterize the land which lies severals degrees
further north. Specially adapted to the cereals,
the grasses and the fruits of southern Penhsyl-
vania and Ohio, East Tennessee could not en-
ploy slave labor with the profit which it brought
in the rich cotton fields of the neighboring low
lands and the result was that the population
contained large majority of'whites
While Mr.. johnson had been, during his entire
political lfe member of tie Democratic party,
and had attained complete control in his
State, the Southern leaders always distrusted
him. Though allied to the interests of slavery,
and necessarily drawn to it's defense, his in
stincts, his. prejudices his convictions were sing
ularly strong on the side of free people. His
sympathes with the poor were acute and demon
strative-leading him to the advocacy of meas
ures which, in wide and significant sense, were
hostile to slavery In the early part of his
career as a representative in Congress, he warm
~ espoused if indeed he did not originate, the
homestead policy IN support of that policy he
followed a line of argument and illustration abb
solutely and irreconcilably antagonistic to the
interests of the slave system as those interests
AN1 Ixr&t
cratic leaders.
In all the threats of disunion, in all the plot
ting and planning for secession, which absorbed
Southern thought and action, between the years
1854 and 1861, Mr. johnson took no part. He
had been absent from Congress during the exciting
period when the Missouri Compromise was over
thrown; and though, after his return in 1857, he
cooperated generally in the measure deemed
essential for Southern interests, he steadily de-
clared that consistent adherence to the Consti-
tuition was the one and only remedy for all the
alleged grievances Of the shareholders. 1t was
natural, therefore, that when the decisive hour
came, and the rash men of the South determined
to break up the government, johnson should
stand firmly by the Union.
Of the twenty-five senators from the eleven
States that afterward composed the Confederacy
johnson was the only one who honorably main
tanned his oath to support the Constitutions the
only one who did not lend aid and comfort to
the enemies of the Union He remained in his
seat in the Senate, loyal to the government and
resigned year after the outbreak of the war
lin March, 1862, upon Mr.. Lincoln's urgent re-
quest that he should accept the important post
of Military Governor of Tennessee His admin
istration Of that Office and his firm discharge of
every duty, under circumstances Of great ext
gency and oftentimes of great peril, gave to him
an exceptional popularity III all the loyal States,
and led to his selection for the Vice-presidency
in 1864 The national calamity had now sud
denly brought him to larger field of duty and
devolved upon him the weightest responsibility.
HNl,4 H., H.
produced widespread depression and dread Of
evil. His position had been on8of exceptional
strength with the people. By his four years of
considerate and successful administration, by his
patient and positive trust in the ultimate tri-
umph of the Union-realized at last as he stood
on the edge Of the graye--he hac acquired so
complete an ascendency over the public
mind IN the loyal States that any policy
matured and announced by him would
have been accepted by vast majority Of his
countrymen But the same degree of faith
could not attach to Mr. Johnson although, after
the first shock of the assassination had subsidized.
there was generous revival of trust, or at least
OF hope, that the great work which had been SO
faithfully prosecuted for four years would be
faithfully carried forward in the same lofty
spirit to the same noble ends. The people Of the
North waited with favorable disposition and yet
with balancing Judgment and in exacting mood.
They had enjoyed abundant opportunity to &C.
quaint themselves with the principles and the
opinions of the new President, and confidence in
his future policy was not unaccompanied by
sense of uncertainty and indeed by an almost
painful suspense as to his mode of solving the
great problems before him. AS has already been
indicated, the more radical Republicans Of the
North feared that his birth and rearing as O
Southern man, and his long Identification with
the supporters of the slave system might blind
him to the most sacred duties of philanthropy,
while the more conservative but not less
loyal or less humane feared that from
the personal antagonisms of his own
h. L. -
deal too harshly with the leaders of the
conquered rebellion. The few words which Mr..
johnson had addressed to those present when no
took the oath of Office were closely scanned and
stunning grief which Mr. Lincoln's death had
precipitated. 1t was especially noticed that he
refrained from declaring that he should continue
the policy of his predecessor By those who
knew Mr.. Johnson's views intimately the omis-
sion was understood to imply that Mr.. Lincoln
had intended to pursue more liberal and more
generous policy with the rebels than his sue
cessor deemed expedient or prudent.
sTERNNEss AND EGoTIsM.
1t was known to a few persons that when Mr.
johnson arrived from Fortress Monroe on the
morning of April 10, and found the national
capital in blaze of patriotic excitement over
the surrender of Lees army the day before at
Appomattox, he hastened to the White House,
and addressed to the unwilling ears of Dir.
Lincoln an earnest protest against the indulgent
terms conceded by Gen. Grant. Mr.. johnson
believed that Gen. Lee should not have been
permitted to surrender his sword as soldier OF
honor, but that Gen Grant should have received
the entire command as prisoners of war, and
should have held Lee in confinement until he
could receive instructions from the administra-
ton at Washington. The spirit which these
views indicated was understood by those
who best knew Mr. johnson to be
contained, if not expressed, in this declaration
Of his first address, ''As to an indication of any
policy which may be pursued by me in the con-
duct of the government have to say that that
must be left for development as the administra-
ton progresses. The message or the declaration
must be made by the acts as they transpire.
is by reference to the past"
The effect produced upon the public by this
speech which might be regarded as an inaugu-