The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1885-01-23

port from the committee on rules to which was
referred his resolution providing that the mum
Der of employees of the Senate should DO limited
to the number and restricted to the services
stated in the statute, except that there should
be keeper of the cloak room. Mr.. Magee said
the committee had no such resolution before it.
and on his motion the resolution was laid on the
table by yeas, 81; nays, IL.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION
The hour having arrived for the special order,
the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the
bill Is. 26l to provide for Constitutional Con-
ventlon In speaking upon the bill, Mr.. Fonlke
said The present constitution was adopted
nnder the provisions of a law of 184l, which re-
CURED that the question as to whether Constl-
tutional Convention should be called or not must
first be submitted TO vote of the people That was
done the people so decided, and the convention was
called. This bill provides for calling the conven-
ton at once. 1t is substantially the same as the
one introduced on this floor four years ago
by the senator from Jackson Jason
b. Brown] and the same, in terms,
as the one brought into the Senate in pursuance
of the recommendation of the present Governor
of Indiana-Isaac P. Gray. The reasons why
insist that this General Assembly shall call
constitutional convention are in many instances
the same as his This bill provides that the con-
vention shall consist of one hundred members
That was provision In the bill, as originally
introduced by the senator from Jackson, four
years ago. But it was amended so that the
number should be but ifty-one member from
each of the senatorial districts of the State If
this Assembly should desire that amendment
to this bill, as far as the details are
concerned, there will be no question
The time has come for new Constitution
The State of Indiana has far outgrown the pres
ent constitution, which was established more
than thirty years ago. During that time the
prosperity of the State has been something almost
unrivaed. The provision in our constitutional re-
gard to legislative machinery is one which should
be radically amended. We have every two years
a meeting of the General Assembly. and so great
is the dissatisfaction of the people that the con
vening of the General Assembly is looked upon
with regret, and It's adjournment is treated as
matter of congratulation. So great is the dread
that unwholesome laws may be created at the
biennial sessions of our Legislature that the people
are glad when they see Us go home. 1t was that
general fear that the Legislature would unsettle
the laws which led to the introduction In the
present constitution of the provision that we
should meet only once in two years,
and shall only remain in session sixty days.
The possibilities of evils by the General Assem-
bly, ought to be granted without unnecessarily
crippling their possibilities for good. If court
of justice could not be relied upon for equitable
decisions would you say it would be a proper
remedy to limit it's sittings to one every two
years, and provide it shall only sit for sixty
daysR Could not as much evil be done in sixty
days as in two years? The true way is to pass
such regulations as will enable us to properly
consider the bills presented to us, rather than
that we should adjourn and go home without
properly considering the measures presented Ii
is utterly impossible to enact useful and health
full legislation in the time prescribed. The judi
ciary committee has been in session four or more
evenings until midnight, and its members
know it is not possible to foresee
expenses likely to arise. or to provide
against necessary evils of proposed laws,
we'll as to protect the evils which demand relief
from legislation. There are bills before the
Senate now of which we do not know whether
they would be productive of more harm than
good. We vote for bills pushed hurridly through
sometimes ten-fod worse than the evil we hope
to remedy. This is q sad commentary upon our
mode of legislation. but how can it be other
wise, wher. hundreds of bills are introduced
some Of them over one hundred pages long A
good part of this session will be devoted to the
repeal of laws which previous legislatures have
passed There ought TO be some means of cor
rectins this There should be provis-
ion in the organic law that no law
can be passed or even proposed for our
that any and every one who has rights to protect
against it, or is interested therein, can in some
manner be heard by members of the General
Assembly. AS it now is when 1t comes to leg1sa
ton, it is all ex parte. The promoter of bin
shows bis side, but the other side is not present
ed We do the best we can. We pass the bill
and in year or two we repeal it. Our legisla-
ton should not fuctuate backwards and for
wards like a pendulum There is provision in
tfeAenStitptonlH which requires that bills shall
be read three several times on three several days
No one can know the contents of bill on the
first reading, except the author Or whoever may
have seen it previously. If the bill is printed
that is some security, and we are apt then to
know something about it before it comes to
the final vote. There ought to be
some way of publishing to the
people all proposed legislation before its
enactment Just that thing is done to-day in
the Parliament of Great Britain. No bill can be
introduced affecting the financial interests of the
country before it is published in what is called
Public Orders" Three weeks before the
session of Parliament such bills must there be
presented and any person having an interest in
these bills is entitled to be heard. The result is
that after hearing both sides members
can Judge of the merits of the meas
ure proposed Sometimes a bill affecting
important interests will be introduced
read three times on one day and passed under a
suspension of the rules. and no one having any
interest adverse to the bill knows anything about
it until it becomes law of the State There ought
to be more careful deliberation in the first place
Under the provisions of present Consti-
tuition every idiot and every insane man, and men
that are neither able to read write and men
who cannot reason intelligently any subject
can be brought in wagons to the polls and voted
at any general election in this State IF we limit
the right of suffrage to we ought to limit it at
least to some extent as to intelligence. If we
Go not open the FRANCHISE door ana auOW men
and women to VOTE the Constitution at least
ought to provide that the idiot and the insane
cannot vote But do not desire to discuss the
matter of woman suffrage.
Mr.. Magee Cnterrupting)-Di / understand
you to say that you favor q constitutional limit
as to intelligence
Mir. Foulke-Personally ! do not. I do not
believe there is any danger in throwing the door
as wide open as possible, except as to the person
who is idiotic or who is wholly irresponsible for
L nn%l Ia hA1fA
ought to vote
Mr.. Magee do l.
Mr.. Foulke--I believe that even ignorance has
the right to protect itself against intelligence. l
do not believe in leaving the rights of one in the
hands of another. but that each class, white,
black, male and female should have the God
given right of saying what is hest for itself.
But that, sir, is matter of personal preference.
1t may be said if the Constitution is to be
amended why cannot that be done by offering
r far n,