The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1885-11-05
THE PRESIDENTS PREROGATIVE.

enjoyment of his life.
The PRESIDENTS PREROGATIVE.
The republican papers are very
threatening in regard TO the action OF
the senate, in confirming the nonina-
lions of Mr.. Cleveland. Newspapers
are not ute as responsible and con-
sentative as senators of the United
States, and their menaces are entirely
gratuitous. The president, under the
constitution, has the power to select
his advisers and certain class of Of
fice-holders, with the advice and
consent" of the senate, but it his
been custom, arising from the spirit
of the constitution, for the president
to be unquest1oned in the selection of
those officers for whom he IS respon-
sible, and the clause has always been
construed to permit the senate to re-
fuse its consent only on the grounds Of
bad character. It does not matter how
J Objectionable man may be as an ''of-
fensive partisan" if the senate re-
fuses to confirm him it violates and
intrudes upon the prerogative of the
president.
| 1t does not matter how partisan
United States senator may be, there
are certain things he ca mot do, even
under the color of law, simply be-
cause he would injure himself and his
party. His own party would hold him
responsible for it and the people would
hold his party responsible for it..
The threat is revolutionary on the
part of these partisan papers and new
er will be put into execution by the
majority of republicans 10 the senate.
Mr.. Cleveland may, by mistake,
appoint a bad man. In fact lie has
i ulaue JnaG mistake In SeV crai distances
and no one, perhaps, would rejoice
more than Mr.. Cleveland, to be re-
/ lieved of the responsibility by the SEN
| ate turning such men down, but not
the least apprehension need be enter
| tanned that the senate will interfere
with the we'll established prerogative
of the president.
In this connection it is interesting
to note that this prerogative was with
drawn from the president during the
civil war. Then the senate insisted
upon revising the appointment and
also the discharge of civil officers to
such a degree as to make
the president its servaLt in
appointments and in djschargipg
or relieving even his cabinet officers.
The fact is little known in the south
with what jealous vigilance the pres
ident of the United States was watch
ed and controlled by the senate.
One would have supposed that the
senate and the people of the north,
during the war, had perfect and un-
limited confidence in Mr.. Lincoln,
but it seemed he was hampered in
his prerogatlve, and confined to his Sc
lection of his cabinet, by the pleasure
of the senate! This bit of history
crops out in the narration of cotem-
poraneous events to the Grant-J Ohm
son scandal, that is now claiming so
much attention.
1t has been noticedHthat in the story
of that affair, it has been said by sew
eral of the then senators that Mr..
johnson determined to relieve his
cabinet of Mr.. Stanton, and that he
was actually dismissed, and General
Grant put in his place, but
that the senate rescinded
Johnson's removal of Stan
ton, and that Stanton went back into
the war Office, and took possession,
notifying Grant of the action of the
senate:
We are told that until that time,
Grant opposed impeachment, but
at cabinet meeting the same
day Stanton returned and claimed
and took possession of the war depart
ment, johnson and Grant had a dis
pute before the cabinet, in which a
question of veracity arose, and that af-
ter that Grant favored impeachment
So 1t seems Mr.. Lincoln'5 admins
tratiou, under which this abrogation
of the prerogative of the president was
temporarily established. was not trust
ed so implicitly as We OF the south
supposed at the time. Choice bits of
history are cropping out every day.
That, however, was in time of
war, when the breach of custom oc-
CURED, but 1t has not since been at
tempted, and the threats of republican
papers on the subject of combinations
are idle vaporings of defeated and sore
politicians.