New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1885-06-11
TIE BRITISH CRISIS.

| Itvould be premature to attempt 10 forecast
tho noliticol consequences of the Ministerial de-
feat in England. Modern history is made so
rapidly that prudent men ought to be content
TO study it in the past and present lenses with-
out striving to exercise clairvOyant lntutlOhs OF
venturing into prophecy. The constituencies
which are speedily to be consulted have been
| reinyigorated with fresh blood. TWO millions
of new voters are under the Franchise Bin 10
cast ballot for the first time, and complete
REORGANIZATION of the representative system mas
been effected by the Seats Bill. What the
verdict of the electors will be, the shrewdest
and most experienced politicians in England are
at n loss to conjecture. Until that decision Is
rendered it is matter of slight Importance
| whether Conservatives or Liberals are III ONCE
| 1t will be q transition period during which
| Ministers must be content to wait Tor the cOun-
| try to make known its WILL A saSaclous frlme
| Minister, under such circumstances, VIII hesl-
| fate to take any decisive step or to commit the
Government to any new policy The new body
of electors is Jealous of its political authority
1t will resent antcipations of its purposes
The voice of English democracy is to be heard
at the next election. Who Can say what It's
Judgment will be7
II is pIactical however. to discuss two of the
most pressing questions of the day. The first Is
the effect of the Ministerial defeat upon the
negotiations with Russia. If the Conserya-
tives decline to accept Office, the Liberal Minis
ters must make the best terms they can with
NJ. de Giers. Their defeat will be an added
embarrassment Of which Russian diplOmatists
will be certain to avail themselves. There will
be no change of policy, but an inevitable ten
dencv to sacrifice the meagre concessions
partially agreed upon in st. Petersburg. The
Liberal Ministry, not being strong enough to
threaten war, will be forced to whittle down its
demands and to make peace on terms even more
humilating than those already offered. Con
sentative Ministry, in like manner, will not be
in a position to introduce n new foreign policy.
Until the general election is held 1t will not
know what course the country is prepared to
sanction and even if Lord Salisbury could tell
beforehand what the popular decision would be,
il would be necessary for him to MAINTAIN, ms lar
as possible. the continuity of action of the Gov
eminent He could not break off negotiations
with Russia nor reverse at moments notice
Lord Granvilles policy He would have to fol-
low the lines marked out by his predecessor
| and secure the ratification of the Anglo-Russian
eon,pact as speedily us possible. 1t follows that
whatever arrangements may be made for con-
ductinc the Government during the interval
elapsing before the appeal to the country, a
nociGc policy must be steadily maintained
Whether Conservatives or Liberals are in Office,
Russia will profit by the uncertainty respecting
fine result of the English elections. No Min
istry can speak with authority or act with firm
ness until the electors declare their will.
The second question, which may readily be
| answered, is the fate OF the Coercion Bill. The
| Radicals are now certain to vote against it,
| whether there be a change of Ministry or not.
| 4 Government that has been defeated and is re-
tanned in Office only because the Opposition de-
| clnes 70 liouidate bad debts and carry out weak
comnromses cannot maintain discipline in its
ranks. Mr. Gladstone would not be able to
drag the Crimes Bill through the Commons;
and if Lord Salisbury's lieutenant were to pro-
nose coercion in any form, he would find his
recent allies, the Parnellites, in opposition sup
ported by every Radical in the House. Unless
some unexpected compromise is made betW cen
the two great parties, the Crimes Act must be
| allowed to lapse.
| Mr. Gladstone's opponents i'll voting against
him on a question of revenue have succeeded
| not only in weakening England In It's negotlG-
tions with Russia, but also in bringing coercion
IN an end in Ireland. From our own point Of
view the second result is great gain both for
England and Ireland but neither the Wings
nor the Conservatives will be prepared to admit
this. There can, however, be only one opinion
in England respecting the inexpediency of a
| change of Ministry while negotiations with so
INSCRIPTIONS Power as Russia are still pend
ing. In fact when the situation Is closely
studied, the defeat of the Government seems a
serious error in political tactics on the part of
the Conservatives In compelling Mr. Glad
stone to resign on a question of taxing wine
and tea, rather than beer and spirits, they have
released him from a most critical position In re-
lation to the Crimes Act, and at the same time
have increased the difficulties of foreign negot-
alton and accepted the responsibility OF govern
ing Ireland without exceptional laws
/