Burlington weekly free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1866-1928, 1885-10-09

goods brought in those owned by foreign
ers. These discriminating duties were
intended to counterfeit the commercial
regulations of foreign nations and encour-
age American shipping. (Pitkin's History,
vol. H. p. 325D "The first scheme of du-
ties on foreign commerce" says Bancroft
IN his History of the Formation of the
I Constitution of the United States of
America, sought to foster American in
dustry by the free admission of materials
necessary to the manufacturer. Vol 1,
/ p. 81, Bancroft further saws: The want of
power to establish a productive impost
and sustain navy to counterfeit the com
mercial regulations of other nations. were
among the leading motives put toward
| for the new constitution.
The struggle and plan for revenue was
equal to and a part of that for our protec-
/ ton of industry and general pros
/ perity. Both were necessary to sus-
/ tain the government and perpetuate
the union of the States. 1t was seen and
maintained by the leading statesman of
this time that "the regulation of trade by
the Union was desirable because it would
open way to encourage domestic indus
try by imposing tax upon foreign manu-
/ features, secure reciprocity in commercial
/ intercourse with foreign nations, counter
act external commercial intu nee by es-
tabllShlng commercial interest at home,
and because it would prepare the way for
II navy Qd p. 1885, g. Absolute free trade
US to exports was made the fundamental
! law of the United States for the same rea-
sons.
The American system was matured af-
ter long and hard experience of the col
onies and the confederacy and supported
by the fathers of the revolution and the
leading statesmen of the republic. Adj
ans, Franklin, Jefferson and Madison
hardly less than Hamilton Jay and others
gave their best thought pen and voice to
its support and enactment And this,
though the first four were "at heart" as
Bancroft says, "for free trade" II should
be sorry" says Adams to Jefferson,
as reported by Bancroft ito adopt mon
opoly, but driven to the necessity of it. I
would not do things by halves. If mono
poles and exclusions are the only arms of
defence against monopolies and exclu-
sions, would venture upon them with
out fear" A. the court of Great Britain,
Adams urged upon Pitt that "the end of
the navigation act was to cOniine the com
merce of the colonies to the mother coun-
try From the same place he wrote
"They'-Ohe English mean that Ameri-
cans should have no ships nor sailors to
annoy their trade. He counseled the
United States, as their only resource, to
contine their exports to their own ships
and to encourage their own manufactures,
though we foresaw that these measures
would so annoy England rs in few years
to bring on the danger of war My
general principle" said Madison, ''is that
commerce ought to be free and labor and
industry left at large to find their proper
object" But eve must consider the gen
eral interests of the Union rs much as the
local and State interest" He confessed
that the States rife for manufactures
ought to have attention, and so prepared
and presented bill for securing revenue
and protecting manufactures, making dis
elimination in favor of American tonnage.
Practically he believed that protection for
our reascent industries was essential to
the United States, and "he threw" as
Henry Cabot Lodge says in the Septem-
Der number of the Andover RCUiClU, the
great weight of his influence in favor of the
protective policy. In a word, we did not
materially differ from Hamilton on this
great question"
With such a parentage and such IA his
tory the American system, the most popu-
lar part of which is protection to home
industries, has ever been made the policy
of the government and become entrenched
in the hearts and homes of the people.
The government has, from time to time,
altered specific duties laid upon certain
lA t,,ta
rlty of the system. Individuals eminent
men and localities have in past times as
now cried out against protection and
clamored for free trade, but no one of the
great parties into which the country has
been divided, has hitherto dared TO risk
Its standing and hoped for supremacy on
the doctrines of free trade.
If any of the colleges of the country in
their instruction on one of the most i'm
portant and practical subjects, Political
Economy, either because they are theoret-
cally with Andrew and Madison for free
trade or for any other reason, put them
selves in opposition to the practical sym
pathies of the people, as it is alleged that
some do, by adopting the British system
and advocating free trade, it is not to be
wondered at that they fall off in numbers
and lose the confidence of the public If
it be objected to this view, that it
implies that the taught are wiser
than the teachers, We have only to say
that it is not the name and place but the
qualifications that make the teacher "A tit
one to be instructor and guide TO his fell
low men. Besides the cleare st knowledge
on practical questions is not always OBJ
tanned by speculation or reasoning from
abstract principles and absolute theorems
only but by these corrected by the eXpe-
rience of practical life. For this reason
Adams and Franklin or our own Morrill,
would be better teachers on these practi
cal themes than some who are now set to
teach, however wide their reading or how
ever well they may reason from assumed
premises.
An old minister of Ohio seemed rather
opposed to an educated ministry. Said he ::
why, my 'brethering,' every young man