The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1885-04-07
MR.. INGERsOLL'S REASONS. y

MI, lNGEhoUILo hhASUNS."
The eloquent Ingersoll, looking back over
the campaign, is kind enough to say ~ told
you So" According to his own evidence he
knew just how the election would go weeks
before it was held. If memory fail not, Mr..
Ingersoll was represented as explaining his
inactivity during the campaign by saying
that he felt so sure of the election of Mr..
Blaine that there was no need of his making
speeches. Now, however, FIVE months after
the result was recorded, it is quite plain to
Ingersoll that it could not have been other
wise, as he himself predicted at Chicago
The great inidel, like the majority of NOR
tails, understands things better after they are
demonstrated, and it may be that he has hit
some of the reasons why the Republican can
didate was defeated, no difficult thing to do
in April, 1885. In recent conversation he
gave vent to his views in the following
manner:
"The Republican party threw itself away.
1t declared it had nothing left for which to
live. When the Supreme Court decided the
civil rights bill unconstitutional the Repub
lican party tamely submitted When the
sand-lotters and pock- marked pests of the Pa
cifc coast howled against the Chinaman, be-
cause he was clean, honest and economical,
the Republican party joined in the howl. Mr..
Blaine went on the stump and asserted the
beauties of protection. Every morning after
he made speech there came the news of some
big factory closing up and 1900 employees
being thrown out of work. That sort of
thing stalked after him like ghost Then
he had to admit that such things as business
depressions come in spite of protection, and
so gave way his position. He should have de-
clared himself in favor of a reformation of tho
tariff on basis of protecting everything that
would tend to build up manufactures in this
country and of protecting nothing that
would prevent manufactures here. The
lawyer who has himself for client is
BANKED fool That was the trouble with Mr..
Blaine. If Mr.. Smith or Mr. Brown had been
the candidate, and Mr.. Blaine had managed
his cause, he would have been elected. Mr..
Blaine the attorney for Mr.. Blaine was
afraid to strike out. He lost his election by
refusing to vote in Maine. He had said that
prohibition was local question. 1t was being
settled in Maine. 1t was his local duty to
have helped to settle it. He should have gone
to the polls and voted his convictions. If he
had done SO all the ng-haired cranks of the
country would have left st. John on the in
staut. Blaine would not have lost a Repub-
lican vote by it. He gave himself away in
the Irish movement The Roman Church
never came to Blaine because of his desertion
of her. There was an Interior purpose, and
mighty one, that turned the entire Catholic
clergy in his favor. The Republican
party does not want the dyna-
mite, Fenian, British-hating disturbers
That gang are naturally Democrats
not Republicans. The clergy business was
bad. If Blaine had not been managing his
own case, he would have set down on Burch-
ard so hard as to have left only grease spot
of him. But Blaine said worse things than
Burchard He said We had divorced church
and state in this country; that countries had
existed without state, but no country could
prosper without church. Why, if / had been
in politics, would have called meeting that
night to denounce him, though | had made
fifty speeches in his favor before, unless he
had preferred to retract and recant that utter
ance. That declaration lost him more votes
than Burchards, and his refusal to vote in
Maine lost him his election. predicted it at
Chicago. told S. B. Elkins that Mr.. Blaine
had the most powerful friends and more of
them in the Republican party than any other
man, but, likewise, the most powerful and
IuOSt DuIlloIOuS 0u0IHltS, anu tudt tue idtlef
would defeat him. | must say he ran away
ahead of anything | expected"
1t is evident that these structures are tine
tured with bitterness because Mr. Blaine did
not slap religion in the face when Burchard's
blunder made it possible This is his strong>
est argument and his weakest point, as might
be demonstrated if Ingersoll were to appeal to
the people for their suffrages. There is no
doubt that biunders were committed during
the campaign, but none so fatal as that of the
over-zealous preacher, which was taken adj
vantage Of and so worked for two or three
days as to more than account for Cleveland's
slender plurality in New York Had Mr..
Blaine been of mind to follow Ingersolls post
election advice he would have gone into the
minority in New York State by thousands in
stead of hundreds. 1t is not our purpose to
answer Ingersoll seriatim; his opinions are
his own, and some of them now may be shared
by many others, but at this time no criticism
has 1.-THE of the value it would have had as
a prediction.
THE success of Miss Sweet in managing
the business of the Chicago pension agency is
ample demonstration, if any were needed, of