The Indianapolis sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1880-1904, 1885-04-19

BY ROB ROY.
no. II.

ing of hostilities between the two sections.
For months before the breach occurred there
was almost passionate controversy between
the Union and dis Union elements in the
South. Georgia furnished the two most nota-
bic cham pions of the two sentiments in the
persons OF Robert Toombs and Alexander
II. Stephens. Both were giants in the arena
Of debate. In the acrimonious abolition dis
cussions in Congress Mr.. Toombs had won
the applause of Southern slave owners. But
without this source of popularity, his re-
markably handsome face, courtly manner
and respondent eloquence would have chal-
leDged admiration from any audience he
might have stood berore. On the other hand.
Mr.. Stephens had q peculiar hold upon the
confidence of the people. He was esteemed
wise, conservative, and entirely honest. He
had the esteem and trust of the people as did
no other Southern publicist. Toombs repre-
sented the aristocrscy of the South, eteph-
ems the masses; Toombs was a Senator,
Stephensa Representatives, he liked him.
self cslled, "commoner."
The election Of Mr.. Lincoln was held by
Mr.. Toombs en- overt act on the part of the
States North against the State, South. He
and his political confederates and followers
at once appealed for secession from the
Union by the slave holding commonwealths,
and the establishment OF separate and in
dependent general government.
In November. 1860, the Legislature Of
Georgia was in session. The seat Of State
government Was then ct Milledgeville. q
small town in the eastern part of the State.
Information was spread that an effort would
be made to have the Georgia Assembly pass
a resolution favoring the secession OF Geor-
gia. Upon receipt OF this news my father,
an earnest Union man, repsird to Millidge.
vile and did me the kindness TO take me
with him. I was then a boy of ten years.
We reached Milledgeville IN the 18th Of No.
vember, to find excitement rife over the
question of union or disunion. well re.
member my fathers calling. almost imme-
diately, on Mr.. Stephens and the interview
between them-almost painful because of
! the apprehensions of both that the country
was on the eve OF great calamity, If not OF
destruction.
! That night Mr. looms spoke in the Repre-
sentative Hall to an overlooking audience of
legislators and citizens in advocacy of Sc
cession. 1t was frey and infismmatery de
nuncistion of Northern abolitiouism and OF
the administration of government that was
! to follow. The glitteripg passages were
greeted with rounds of applause. But in
the mist of the acclamations my eyes rested
on two faces that never lost an expression of
solemnity-the faces of my father and of
! Mr.. Stephens.
On the next evening Mr.. Stephens spoke
in the same hall, and, largely, to the same
audience. The contrast OF sentiment be-
tween him and the speaker of the night be-
fore was not greater than the contrast in
their manner and personal appearance. For
the stalwsrt figure, jocund face and dazzling
rhetoric of Mr.. looms we had the slender
frame thin and sallow face and conservative
words of wisdom of Mr.. Stephens. 1t
was the differenence between the
hero and the hotspur-between the
statesman and the fanatic. Mr.. Stephens,
face indicated the seriousness of the dis
cussion he was about to enter upon, even be-
fore he opened his mouth to speak. One VINO
was present said of him: He manifested
that deep solemnity which the man of God
feels. or which he ought to feel when he
rises in the pulpit to address dying sinners
upon the salvation Of their souls" / intro
duce here one or two extracts from that
speech, which, by the way, was entirely ex-
tempore. "Fellow-citizens," was his begin
ming: Il appear before you to night at the
request of members of the Legislature and
others to speak upon matters OF the deepest
interest that can possibly concern us all oil
an earthly character. Never since
l entered upon the public stage has the coun-
try been so environed with difficulties and
dangers that threatened the public peace and
the very existence of our institutions, as
now.
The CONSERVATION that has come upon the
people is the result of a sectional election OF
President of the United States-one whose
opinions and avowed principles are in antsg.
Cnism TO our interests and rights, and we be.
lieve, if carried out, would subvert the Con-
stitutien under which we now live. But
are We entirely blameless in the matter my
countrymen2 give it to you as my opin-
ion that but for the policy the Southern PEG
pie pursued this fearful result would not
have occurred.
The first question that presents itself is,
Shall the people of Georgia secsde from the
Union in consequence of the election of Mr..
Lincoln to the Presidency of the United
States? My countrymsn, tell you frank
ly, candidly and earnestly, that l do not
think that they ought. In my judg ment the
election of no man. onstitutionslly chosen
to that high office, is sufficient cause to
justify any State TO separate from the
Union. 1t ought TO stand by and aid still
in maintaining the Constitution OF the coun-
try. To make point of resistance to the
Government. to withdraw from it because
any man has been elected, would put rs in
the wrong. We are pledged 10 maintain the
Constitution. Many OF us have sworn to