The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1885-12-12
Our Seacoast Defences.
Letter from Samuel j. TiIden to Com
sressman Carlisle.

|, lSS5.-Dear Mr.. CarllSle: AS puDllc Oplu-
ion points to you as the Speaker of the next
House of Representatives, l desire to submit
q suggestion as to one of the public objects
for which an appropriation ought to be prompt
and liberal. In considering the state and
management of the public revenues, the sub.
iect involves the questions whether we shall
extinguished the surplus by reducing the
revenue or weather We SHALL apply the
surplus to payments on the public debt;
or, whether we shall seize the occasion
to provide for our seacoast defences, which
have been long neglected | am of the opin-
ion that the latter is paramount necessity
which ought to precede the reduction OF the
revenue, and ought also to precede an exces-
sive rapidity in the payment of the public
debt.
The property exposed to destruction in the
twelve seaports-Portland, Portsmouth, Bos
ton, Newport, New York, Philadelphia, Bal
timore, Charleston, Savannah New Orleans,
Galveston and San Francisco-cannot be less
in value than 5000, 100000. To this must
be added vast amount of property depen-
dent for its use on the seaports. Nor does
this statement afford true measure OF the
damage which might be caused to the prop
erty and business of the country by failure
to protect these seaports from hostile naval
attacks.
They are the centres not only to foreign
commerce, but of most of the internal trade
and exchanges of domestic productions. Io
this state of things the machinery of trans
portation of the whole country has become
adapted. The interruption of the currents OF
traffic by the occupation of one or more OF
our principal seaports by foreign enemy, or
the destruction of them by bombardment, or
the holding over them the menace OF destruc-
ton for the purpose of exacting contribution
or ransom, would infict upon the property
| and business of the country an INJURY which
! can neither be foreseen nor measured. 1he
elaborate and costly Notifications, which were
constructed with the greatest engineering
| skill, are now practically useless. They are
not capable of resisting the attacks OF modern
artillery.
A still greater deficit exists in our coast de-
fences. The range of the best modern ar
tillery has become so extended that our pres
ent Notifications designed to protect the har-
Dor of New York, where two-thirds OF the I'M
port trade and more than one-half of the ex-
mort trade of the whole United States is car
rried on, are too near to the great populations
of New York City, Jersey City and Brooklyn
to be of any value as a protection.
To provide effectua defences would be the
work of wears. 1t would take much time to
construct permanent Notifications A small
provision of the best modern guns would take
several years. Neither of these works can be
extemporized in presence of emergent danger
A million of soldiers with the best equipments,
on the heights surrounding the harbor OF
New ork, in our present state OF preparation,
or rather in our total want OF preparation,
would be powerless to resist small squadron
of war steamers
This state of things is discredtable TO our
foresight and to our prudence.
The best guarantee against aggression, the
best assurance that our diplomacy will be sue
cessful and pacific, and that our rights and
honor will be respected by other nations is IN
their knowledge that we are in a situation to
yindcate our reputation and interests. While
we NAV afford to be deficient in the means of
offence, we cannot afford to be detenceless.
The notoriety of the fact that we have neglect
ed the ordinary precautions OF defence invites
want of consideration in our diplomacy, MUS
tice, arrogance and insult at the hands OF
foreign nations. 1t is now more than sixty
wears since we announced to the world that
we should resist any attempts, from whatever
quarter they might come, to make any new
colonization on any part of the American
continent; that while we should respect the
status quo, we should protect the people OF
the different nations inhabiting this continent
from every attempt to subject them to the
dominion of any European power, or to inter
/ tere with their undiSturbed exercise OF the
rights of self government. This announce
ment was formerly made by President Monroe,
after consultation with Mr. Madison and Mr.
Jefferson. 1t was formulated by John Quincy
Adams. Our Government has firmly adhered
to the Monroe doctrine, and even so late as
1865. it warned Napoleon LII out of Mexico
1t is impossible to foresee in the recent scram-
BILE of the European powers for acquisition
of colonies how soon an occasion may ARISE
for our putting in practice the Monroe doc
trine 1t is clear that there ought to be some
relation between our assertion OF that doc
trine and our preparation to MAINTAIN It, 1t
is not intended to recommend any attempt
to rival the great European Powers in the
creation of a powerful navy. The changes
which have rapidly occurred by the dimlau-
ton of the relative resisting power OF the de-
fensive armor of iron-clads and by the IN
creased efficiency of modern artillery, which
on the whole has gained in the competition,
suggest that we should not at present enter
largely into the creation of armored vessels.
In the questions that beset this subject,
until they shall have reached solution, we
can content ourselves with adding but sparlng-
ly to our navy. But what we do add should
be the very best that science and experience
can indicate. This prudential view is rein
forced by the consideration that the annual
charge of maintaining war vessel bears an
important proportion to the original cost OF
construction. In constructing permanent for
tifcations, and providing an ample supply of
the best modern artillery, the annual cost OF
maintenance is inconsiderabie. Nearly the
whole expenditure is in the original outlay for
construction. If we do not make the expen
diture necessary to provide for our coast de-
fences when we have surplus, and have no
need to levy new taxes, we certainly will not
make those expenditures when we have no Ion
ger a surplus in the Treasury. 10 leave our
vast interests defenceless, in order to reduce
the cost of whisky to its consumers, would
be solecism. The present time is peculiarly
favorable for providing for this great national
necessity too long neglected. Not only does
the surplus in the treasury supply ample
means to meet this great public want without
laying new burdens upon the people, but the i
work can now be done at a much lower cost
than has ever before been possible. The de- |
fensive works would consist almost entirely |
of steel and iron. These materials can now
be had at an unprecedented low price.
A vast supply of machinery and Of labor,
called into existence by great vlclsStude IN
the steel and iron industries, offers itself to
our service. We should have the satisfac-
ton of knowing that, while we were availing |
ourselves of the supplies which would ordi-
nariy be unattainable, we were setting in
motion important industries and giving en-
ployment to labor in period of depression.
With encouragement by the guarantee ofwork,
or, perhaps, by the Government itself furnish
ing the plant, the inventive genius of our
people would be applied to the creation of
new means and improved machinery and
establishments would spring into existence
capable of supplying all of the National wants,
and rendering us completely independent of
all other countries in respect to the means of
National defence. | endeavored to impress
these ideas upon Mr.. Randall the last time l
had the pleasure of seeing him.
With my highest regards to Mrs. Carlisle
and yourself, | remain very truly yours,
S. j. TILDEN.
Hon. J. G. Carlisle.