The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1885-04-29
A Dignified and Judicial Review of the Cove
nant with Russia and the Facts Of
the Penjdeh Incident
The Blame for that Unfortunate Collis-
ion Must Be Properly Located,
i nd the Record Cannot Be Closed Until Eng
land Has Fulfilled All Her Obligations
to the Utmost Limit.
ENGLAND's ATTITUDE.
speech of Mr.. Gladstone in Asking S55 ,OOO,-
900 for War Purposes.

Speech OF Mr.. Gladstone in Asking $55, ,O0O,-
900 for War Purposes.
LONDON, April 28-The House of Commons
on Monday evening, had gone into committee of
supply and having, at tie Prime Minister'S re-
quest. rejected by vote of 209 to 1885, a motion
made by the opposition to separate the vote
of credit This motion called for a division of
the vote or credit for the expenses of the Soudan
enterprise and another for Especial preparations
account The object of this motion plainly was
to secure debate on the governments Soudan
policy 10y questioning the outlay of that part of
the credit which would, by its division, have
been applicable to the expenses of the Khartoum
expedition. In the committee of supply tie vote
of credit as whole, being up, Mr. Gladstone
proceeded to explain the governments object in
asking for it. He disposed of any
probable discussion of the Soudan ques-
ron by short and powerful argu-
ment In this he urged that ut was now
the paramount duty of the government to hold
the British forces in the Soudan available for
service wherever the call of duty and honor
may take them in the service of the British en-
pire." This utterance was received with cheers.
Mr. Gladstone continued as follows:
Il now come to the subject of the special
preparations, with regard to which have heard
with great satisfaction the assurances of the
honorable gentlemen opposite to the govern
nneEt. that they are disposed to forward in every
way the grant of funds the use [cheers from the
opposition benchesl of which, to the best of our
mind and judgment are required for the main
tenance of what /, on q former occasion, de-
scribed as national and imperial policy.
tCheers. Certainly an adequate sense of our
obligations to our Indian empire has never yet
been exclusively claimed by any one party in the
state In my opinion he would be guilty of
moral offense and gross political folly who
should endeavor to claim, on behalf of his own
party, any superiority in that respect over those
who are habitually opposed to him. ICres of
Hearr Heart 1t is an imperial policy in which
we are engaged lCheers.l
SIN respect to this vote, / have heard that
there are comments upon its smallness but it is
the largest vote of credit which has been asked
for within the last seventy years, except that in
the time of the Crimean war. What / would
observe is this: That the vote is a little larger
than it looks for, though it is stated at Ell 00O
900, in the first place, it is contemporaneous with
large increase of the charge of the annual es-
Inmates for the army and navy; in the second
place, it is possible it will receive considerable ad
dition from the other branch of the vote; namely
the Ca 500 900 which we put down as likely
to be spent in the Soudan, and, in the third
place, and more important than either of these
two items, it must be borne in mind that this
case is primarily, an Indian case-a case of
military preparation.
A REASONABLE REQUEST.
''Those who might want to know what is the
total amount of the charge now going forward
as likely to be entailed by the present prepara-
tions. would require to know what we ourselves
do not know yet, namely: What will be the
cost of the vigorous and effective measures
which, as we hope and believe, are being taken
in India to meet its share of the present obliga-
tions. [Cheers.l A demand for information is
always plausible demand often a reasonable
demand, never demand to be treated with any
thing but respect. Let US consider what is the
present position, and what is the mode of con-
duct IF the government adapted to that position
1t is not case of war. There is no war before
us, actual or, we may say, perhaps, proximate,
though I am slow to deal with epithets which
are, of course, liable to some latitude of inter
probation. / am not called upon to define,
and I would find great difficulty in
de6ring-since it does not stand upon
any choice Of mine, of my coleagues-the
degree of danger that may be before us. We
have labored, and we continue to labor, for an
honorable settlement by pacific means [Cheers.
But one thing will venture to say with regard
to that sad coptingency-an outbreak of war, a
rupture of relations. between two great powers
like Russia and England-one thing will say,
with great strength of conviction and great
earnestness in my endeavor to impress it upon
the committee, that we will strive to conduct our
selves to the end Of this diplomatic controversy
in such way as that if, unhappily, it is to end
in violence or rupture, may at least be able
to challenge the verdict of civilized mankind,
upon review of the correspondence upon q re-
view of the demands and refusals, to say wheth-
er we have or whether we have not, done all
that men could do, by every just and honorable
effort, to prevent the plunging of two such
countries, with all the millions that own their
sway, into bloodshed and strife. Loud cheers.
'.In my opinion, the question before the COM
mittee at this moment is simple and very mar
row one. What we present to you is case for
preparation Is there or is there not, any cause
for preparationl [Cheers.l Look at the facts
before US; try them by that test and by no other
Do not urge your own foregone conclusions as to
the misconduct of Russia or any one; do not en-
ter into the judicial part of the case only, but
also into that part of it which is prudential.
Upon that aspect of the case, and that alone
asking for no credit as to the future and no ac-
quittal as to the past-we say it is case for
preparation. [Cheersl The facts within your
knowledge are enough to make it your bounden
duty SO to prepare. Therefore, If am asked