The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1885-09-15

T
inc, criticise and suggest any amendments that
| occurred to them. AT the next meeting OF the
/ Cabinet. Mr.. Chase said: This paper is of the
| utmost Importance. greater than any state pa
| per ever made by this government A paper of
| SO much Importance, and involving the liberties
| of so many people, ought, think, to make some
| reference to Deity do not observe anything
| of the kind in it, Mr.. Lincoln said: mo.
overlooked it. Some reference to Deity must be
inserted Mr. Chase, won't you make draft of
| VIII you think ought to be insertedP'
/ j. Chase promised to do SO, and at the next
meel lg presented the following; land upon
this act sincerely believed to be an act of jus
| tice warranted by the Constitution upon mill
| tary necessity. / invoke the considerate iudg-
| ment of mankind and the gracious favor of
| Almighty God" When Mr.. Lincoln read the
paragraph Mr.. Chase said: You may not ap-
prove it, but thought this. or something like it,
would be appropriate" Lincoln replied, 81 do
approve it; it cannot be bettered, and will
adopt it in the very words you have written"
When the parts of the proclamation contain
| ing the exceptions from its operation of States
and parts of States were considered Mr. Mont
| gomery Blair spoke or the Importance of the
| proclamation a state paper, and said that
persons in after times in seeking correctinforma.
| ton of the occurrences of those times would
| read and wonder why the thirteen parishes and
| the city of New Orleans in louisiana, and the
| counties in Virginia about Norfolk, were except
| ed from the proclamation; that they were in the
| very heart and back of slavery" and unless
there was some good reason, then unknown to
| him, he hoped they would not be excepted. Mr.
| Seward said: II think so too, and think they
should not be excepted" Mr.. Lincoln replied:
"Wel upon first view your objections are clearly
good. but after issued the proclamation of Sept.
%, Mr.. Bouligny, of Louisiana, then here, came
| to see me- He was a great invalid and had
| scarcely the strength to walk up stairs. He
wanted to know of me, if these parishes in
| Louisiana and New Orleans should hold az
| election, anG elect members of Congress- whether
l would not except them from this proclamation.
l told him would" Continuing ne said: mo,
l did not do that In so many words; if he was
| here now he could not repeat any words | said
which would amount to absolute promise
| But know he understood me that way, and that
| is just the same to me. They have elected mem
| bers, and they are here now Union men, ready
to take their seats, and they have elected Union
man from the Norfolk district" Mr.. Blair said:
If you have promise out, l will not ask you
| to break it." Steward said mo, no. We
would not have you do that" MIR. Chase then
| said: Every true, they have elected Hahn and
| Flanders, but they have not yet got their seats,
| and it is not certain that they will" Mr.. Lin
coin rose from his seat, apparently irritated, and
walked rapidly back and forth. across the room
| Looking over his shoulder at Mr.. Chase, he said:
There it is, sir. am to be buliied by Con
| gress, am /? If do, I'll be burned" Nothing
| more was said A month thereafter
| Hahn and Flanders were admitted to their seats.
The only differences in the Cabinet were upon
| this very question. Mr.. Lincoln adhered strict
| ly to the opinions expressed in his inaugural
| That the resolves and ordinances of secession
| were void, that the insurgent States were never
| out of the Union, that all that was necessary
| for them or the people of those States to do
| to lay down their arms and cease fighting ac-
| knowledge the Constitution and laws of the
| United States and conform to their require
| ments. Mr.. Chase, with great many other
| Union men, had different view of that sub
| ject the discussion of which is not now impor-
tant, further than than to state that they held
| that Congress had the right and power to enact
| such laws for tie government of the people of
| those States as they might deem expedient for
| the public safety, including the bestowal of
| suffrage upon negroes. MIR. Lincoln thought
| that suffrage, if it came to the negroes
should come in other ways. In his amnesty
| proclamation of Dec. s, 1868, will be found a
| fair indication of his mind concerning the freed
people. He said that any provision of such
| State, (which shall recognize and declare their
permanent freedom. provide for their education
| and which may yet be consistent, as temporary
| arrangement with their present condition as a
| laboring landess and homeless class will not be
objected to by the national executive"
In all his state papers and writings to that
| date, there can be found no assertion that he
intended to force negro suffrage upon the people
of the slaveholding States. Doubtless he con-
| tempated that. sometime in the future suffrage
would be voluntarily yielded to the blacks by
| the people of those States From all that could
/ be gathered by those who observed his conduct
| in those times, it seemed that his hope was that
| the people in the insurgent States upon exercis-
| ing authority under the Constitution and laws of
| the United States, necessarily recognizing the
extinction of slavery. would find it necessary to
make suitable provision, not only for the educa-
| ton of the freedmen specified in his amnesty
| proclamation. but also for the acquisition of
| property, Its security in their possession and
to insure that, would find it necessary and expe-
dent to bestow the suffrage upon them in some
| degree at least. We have some evidence that
such was his expectation and hope In letter
| to Governor Hahn, congratulating him upon hav-
| 1nCy ofn0 fyn6 ~ t1,NR
State Governor of Louisiana he said: Now
| you are about to have a convention which,
among other things, will probably define the
| elective franchise. | barely suggest for your
! private consideration whether some of the col
ored people may not be let in-as. for instance,
| the very intelligent and especially those who
have fought gallantly in our ranks. They would
| probably help, in some trying time to come, to
keep the jewel of liberty within the family of
| freedom. But this is only suggestion, not to
| the public, but to you alone"
1t was apparent to all who bore intimate rela.
| tions with Mr.. Lincoln that. foreseeirg the ter.
mination of the war by the submission of the in
| surgents. his mind was seriously affected in con
! temptation of the responsibilities which
! would devove upon him. His speech grew more
grave and his aspect more serious His second
inaugural address was a faithful mirror of his
mind. He seemed to be oppressed with &. great
| care, conscious that changes were about to occur
| which would impose upon him new duties in
which he might possibly find himself in conflict
with many of the public men who had supported
the government in the war. There seemed to ts
us many minds as there were men, and. in a
majority of cases, inclined to adhere to their
| own opinion, without regard to the opinions of
Mr.. Lincoln. or any else; yet he felt that the
responsibility all rested upon him. A short time
| before the captulation of General Lee, General
| Grant bad told him that the war must necessar
| lily soon come to an end, and wanted to know of
| him whether he should try 60 capture jeff
Davis, or let him escape from the country if he
would. He said: About that, told him the
| story of an Irishman who had taken the pledge
| of Father Mathew. He became terribly thirsty
and applied to bar tender for a lemonade, and
while it was being prepared he whispered to him.
and couldn't We put little brandy in it all un-
beknown to mesefF l told Grant if he could let
jeff Davis escape all unbeknown to himself to
| let him 60. l didn't want him. !"
| When he returned from tho Iaxaas ,zhara ho