National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1885-06-03


very life depended upon cheap food, cheap
raw material and a wide command of the
WORLDS markets. and free trade sentiments
have been spread broadcast over the world,
and England to-day stands not 30 much the
great eSemplar as the great ,propagandist OF
nations is the aim and the effort Of British
statesmen. Now what do we see2
In the house Of lords, in one OF the early
debates, Lord Goderich said: "Other nations
know as well as the noble lord opposite and
those who acted with him that what VIC the
English) meant by free trade was nothing more
nor less than, by means of the great adyan.
tages wo enjoyed, to get the monopoly OF all
their markets for our own manufacturesandt
prevent them, one and all from ever becoming
manufacturing nations
So we learn from this precious revelation
that British free trade really means the mo-
nopoly of all markets and the breaking down
OF all manufacture except their own. Now,
would like to ask If II looks reasonable that n
nation whose people have cleared the land,
built its mills and shops, opened Its mines of
coal and ores, paid Its debts and taxes, can be
expected to admit foreigncrs-who have no
share in these tasks and burdens--to Its mar
kets on equal terms with its own citizens?
tariff Is q means of asking them to pay
reasonably for the privilege OF bringing in
their products.
But the political demagogue will go out into
the masses who have not studied figures and
facts and say to them, Can you reasonable
men be made to believe II you can buy yard
81 CIotn LOT y WithOut ouly thht ~ Is cheaper
course will answer, "Now But let us 60 back.
When we had no tariff and no manufactures
cotton cloth was ~ cents per yard; to-day,
with the tariff and manufactures IL Is 6 cents.
Toll me who loses by tn is tariff, the English
manufacturer or the American laborer2
This protection that is held up as such bug
aboo has made the English producer lose IS
cents per yard, instead OF making tho con-
sumer pay the extra tariff
The second law passed in Congress under
the present constitution wasa tariff law for
protection.
Washington, az first President met Congress
clad in suit of homespun, and signed this
bill July 4, 1859.
Jefferson, made President by rival party,
was too broad in his views to differ from
Washington.
Madison, May %, 1900, advocated the same.
| Ben FRANKLIN, ditto.
Andrew Jackson. Dec. Z, 1880, In his second
annual message recommends protective tariff,
and Daniel Webster in his great speech at Al.
| bany Aug %, 1872,
The term protection was well understood in
our colonial history, and II VIC go back to the
history of tho constitution and to the con.
vention which adopted II we shall find that
every where--when masses of men were as
sembled and the wants of the people brought
forth-the idea was held up that domestic in
dustry could not prosper manufactures and
the mechanic arts could not advance without
regard to laying n duty to the protection of
American labor aud industry, A word upon a
tax for revenue only, OF which we hear so
much.
Briefly this is the case tariff for revenue
| only is n permanent tax on the consumer,
with no COmpensating benehts-for instance,
| ten and coilee and other articles we cannot
| produce, and Oh which there can be no home
competition, tariff tends to raise the price;
| while prote Ctive tariff Is sometimes Il tran.
| silent tax, but always has cOmpensating benc-
| fits from the start, and always results ia lower
| prices being rather boon than tax.
! Let us look at the trade in railroad iron from
| lSiOto 1854. Englishmcn spent money freely
| to break down the tariff OF 1872 and get the
iow tariff of 1916 with all its ad ydlorem rates.
| BY this method frauds in the importers in
| voices could push duties down, so that in
| lSiD-'5O 20O,OVO tons of railroad iron was
pushed into this country at $40 per ton. The
their business ruined. This plot had worked
| well and their harvest was at hand.
From 1850 to 1854 the British sold us sO00 900 tons
OF railroad iron at $40 per ton, With adequate
| protection our own mills could have fur
nishcd the iron ut $50 per ton, For want OF
II they were stopped, aud thus $780, 900 600 went
| into the hands OF the British capitalists, and
ofoourse the inevitable result was the financial
| crisis and crash of 1851 Gold had been
| driven out Of the country; industries
had been ruined; importations had become
| excessive Eleven years OF approximate free
trade brought upon us universal financial ruin,
II Is we'll known that just before the rebel.
| lion the government was borrowing money to
| pay ordinary expenses In timo Of peace
| Since tho Morrill, tariff of 1861 was enacted the
country has progressed, and prospcred as no
| country on the face of the earth has done,
Notwithstanding We have passed through one
of the greatest civil wars OF modern times.
/ might go on ad ininitum giving you exam
| pies In all Unsatisfactory, pottery, plate
| glass, lumber, boots and shoes, staple goods,
| &c. &c, with the same result.
Many farmers are told, aud honestly believe,
that only the manufacturer has protective du'
| ties while farm products are open to free trade.
| | III look mt tho DleHult tlrln Inv and
| We find rice has duty upon II of "a cents per
| pound; wheat % cents per bushcl; rye and
barley, 49, butter, 4; cheese, q; potatoes, 10,
| ana so on,
The las, appeal almost of the Cobdon Club
| the Mongredien Western Farmer tract, sent
over here by the car load, is like all the rest
| from that quarter. It's real meaning is-let Eng,
| land DO the workshop OF the western world
and you our granary. The farmer Is told that
| he is heavily taxed to support manufactures
in the cast and the western farmer and east
ern manufacturer are the neads center upon
| which the charge is rung, In the meantime
| the farmer is learning that mills and factories
| are his natural allies aud that as they flour
| iSh he prOSpers, and when manufacturing UNI
der revenue tariff is crippled or broken down
| the farmers sulier also.
| The difference among the laboring class in
| America and England is very marked The
| Americans position is eminently superior in
| all that pertains TO the happiness and well
being of himself and family aud his ability Ia
| save for the future.
one out of every seven of the population In
| England according 10 their Official record end
| their days us pHupers, and their growing un
easiness of the tree trade policy there tells III
a tale that we had better listen to,
word for woman and | have done. Low
| wages means coarse md scanty living, meageT
education narrow thought, and II hamperod,
crippled life. In this whole protective ques'
ton the interest Of woman stands equal to thai
| of man,
Every woman should be a protectionist, fol
with the lowering of mons wages the family
needs do not lessen, and mother and chile
must needs put shoulder 10 the wheel 10 hell
exc out the scanty supply We to-day do MOI
have TO graduate mothers ana daughters II
blast furnaces, in brick yards, or In the fields
While diversified industriesin America hay,
given women chance TO earn living in
WomAuly way, the demand for cheap com
modities has not yet unseNed her and com
PEELED her to leave home and Preside to l0bo
in tho held or mine little better than beas
The following notice is from the New Yorl
SUM
EDITOR OF THE suE-Sir; | found thi
advertisement In the Dublin Frcemda'S Jour
Hdi'
Wsnted-stIong, nimble girl to assist il
| minding children and 30 Of messages; age, 10
eight shillings per quarter Apply 90 HARBOUR
street, ii o'clock to 3 Monday.
For miuding the children and running OF er
rands tho strong, nimble girl will receive ,
per year, or INiy-seyen cents per menth
Happy land
lhecllnehing argument for protection is tn,
strength IL has given this nation, the cities I
! has built nm. the prDsperoua mud uiVpFRiHaf