National Republican., 1885-09-05
SMALL FI,EIsIIOLDs.


the rcsounding walls of legislative assem-
blcs. The ablcst initiators Of great and |
necessary reforms are often the most uuob- |
trusiyc and silent workers. These, in gen |
eral, are dilgcnt and lifelong students Of |
benevolent natures, who, from the quiet |
rcccsscs Of their own country homes, where !
they rotate and rtlminatc between their
little libraries and their lawns and gardens
and fields, and where betimes they hold free
and sweet communion with the outer world
amid smiling meadows and brooks and for
ests conscicntiously devise and present
plans. gratuitously, for the amcloration of
their less fortunate fellow creatures.
A rural philosopher Of this sort, one
worthy of our sincere respect and high re-
gard, Is the Hon. Charles A. Wnshburn (Of
the Justly celebrated brotherhood of that
name), who, from his sylvan domicle near
Morristown, IN New Jersey, and by the aid
of his publishers, the Messrs. Lippincott, of
Philadelphia, has recently issued an admira.
bic duodecimo entitled "Political Evolu-
ton" Mr.. Washburn is well remembered
as one of the late ministers to Paraguay,
and also as the author Of the hest history
we have of that romantic country.
The contents Of the unusually thoughtful
and suggestive volume now before us,
political Evolution" seem to deserve, in
an eminent degree, the consideration Of our
national and state Legislators; and to them,
therefore, as our practical movers and
molders in matters Of public concern, we
would particularly recommend the book.
The origin, progress, forms, and functions
of good government are ably set forth at
adequate length; but, passing by the
authors treatiscs on these interesting sub
iects, we come to the latter portion of the
work, which deals directly and pOintcdly
with the mOmcntOus questions of land re-
form; and this is the part that appears to
us to possess an almost indispensable value
at this time From various pages selected
at random we make the following quota
tiOns, which we think our readers will do
| well to pcrusc and ponder with all the care
that attaches intelligcntly to both patriotism
and self-intcrcst
"Whethcr protection or free trade be the
better policy for the United States, it is
not the direct purpose Of this essay to
prove. The immediate purpose is to show
| that the land should be divided and sub
divided into small farms, and that us many
| laboring people as possible shall he en-
couraged to purchase, and own In fee sim
| pie, little plots Of ground, with such
houses or cottages as they can afford to
| build, SO that from their own farms or
gardens they can raise for themselves and
! families the whole or at least part of the
| food they require, and have ut the same
time no rent and only nominal taxes to
pay 4: that those who depend entirely on az
riculture for their support shall find it for
their interest to have smaller farms, t.
| cultivate them more scientifically and thor
Oughly; and that the taxes of the whole
state shall fall so heavily on the owners
Of large tracts that it shall he for their in
tercst to break them up and sell them, or
al. III
l tions to the laboring farmers. 90
"rhc land available for the production of
food being limited in extent, the possession
Of II gives the owner n monopoly of its use:
and though the government may take II for
public Objects by its right of eminent do
main, yet for all other purposes, not iniuri-
GUS to Others, he may occupy 1t To the cX-
clusion of all the world beside. To that
extent, therefore, he is a monopolist. But
no one has the moral right to keep from
other peoples use that which was designed
by nature for mans support. From the
recognition of this principle springs the
right Of eminent domain. The public good
overrides all private considerations ant
under the general laws the latter mus
. Weld to the former. "
"An innovation so great as would he tht
collection of all the taxes from the land, ant
from unimprovcd land as much as iron
|
upon 1t, will, at first view, doubtless, b,
met with almost universal disapproval
But that is the proposition | make; and
should system based on this principle eve
be adopted, II seems hardly possible bu
that wherever II may prevail the avcrag
condition of the human race will he in
, iinitely better than was ever before know
! In the worlds history %
"That the denser populations may he in
] n Ia III
groups or villages, the tax on land must b
= so graduated that it shall he almost nOmina
/ on the first few acres which any pcrsO
may own, increasing at Il regular ratio n
, the acre of every owner is enlarged. TIL
tax on the land should be a percentage O
= its value, and this percentage very little o
= the first few acres, but on each additions
five or ten acres the percentage of assess
, mcnt should he increased. If the tax on
Il homestead Of five acres or less were at til
( rate Of per cent, on the value of the land
o and nothing ON the improvements thereon
J. the amount Of the assessment, except
l. cities and towns, would be little more tina
l. nominal A hundred dollars an acre ma
II be taken, for illustration, us a fair averag
of the value of land In the country, II,
: near a city or village. This, at per cen
II Of its value, would render its owner lab
II for only So annually for his entire tax, an
N still less II his tract were smaller Yet
d would be but just to have a minimum ia
u on every owner of real estate, even thOug
8 he might hold only a square rod for u
l. expense of keeping the records and prcser
V Ing the boundary lines, when they we
J, once well defined, would be the same f
$ an acre as for square mile. @
- "The scale of taxation according to ar
10 alone, by which the rate would be rasI
III from figure almost nominal on the fir
IL few&cres, and on the next additional five
ten Hres to a still higher figure, and so
hs In progression till the owner Of hundreds
or acres might find 1t for his interest to st
p out In small parcels to small farmers WI
IL would be content with ten, twenty.
ne thirty acres, or to artisans who would fc
C. rich in the possession Of Il homestead
u two or three acres, might work to adva
g, tagc on agricultural lands, but would II
NC reach the owners of city or town lots, wi
'ir are generally the richest class Of the col
rs munity where they live, and who must
u reached and embraced in any system tn
Oh would meet the appreciation Of nm intel
re gent and just-minded public. 80 %
nc "The land Is designed for the support
he the human race, and any legislation til
an allows one man to hold more than he c
On cultivate, while many others have not
,il single yard to call their own, is in vic
IS tion of natures laws. In this light I
ny large landholder is seen and felt as Il tr
nc passer on the great common, and he shOu
10 be taxed In proportion to the excess OF
llt seizure Of the general heritage.
rs, The exemption from taxation, or rather I
,st very light tax on the first few acres Of eve
III landholder, would be the check that wor
prevent the small tracts from being
sorbed by the larger estates. The man W
only five or ten acres would pay little c
than nominal tax, but the same few acl
,at added to the 100 or 500 Of the large p
he prictor would be liable to so hea
ch an assessment that it would not be pro
de able Investment for the purchaser In
in, land and England the pGasantry have bc
lid driven from their little holdings by the q
~, grasping landlords their novels have be
sly destroyed, and the acre or two that f
ere nished potatoes and tumips that kept st
pts walton at bay were added to the lords p
rs, sessions. But under the system here p
cs. posed the lord could not afford to add
,nn nnasout's LITTLE Garden IN his nVprprn