The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1885-04-22

LIE OIs,auiLdtlo1i.
THE statement made by Mr. Gladstone in
the House of Commons, yesterday, when he
asked for credit of $55, 900, 900 for special
military purposes, is regarded as most signif-
cant, and as almost certainly foreshadowing
war between England and Russia. Mr.. Glad
stone, very nearly in terms, indi-
Gated the evacuation of the Sou
dan, the suspension Of work on the
Suakim and Berber military railway, recently
begun, and the probable transfer of the troops
now in that country to the scene Of trouble in
Afghanistan. While he still hoped for peaceful
solution Of the difficulties with Russia touch
ing the boundary question, it is quite evident
that the Premier intended to impress the
country with the imminence of war, and the
necessity for the government to abandon all
side issues and concentrate for possible great
struggle with its old enemy.
Russia is necessarily aggressive. Its situa-
ton and condition compel it to be such,
while the situation and condition of England
force it to be conservative to the furthest
possible verge. Russia is bound to reach the
sea; that is a law of its being, and essential to
its life as an empire. In some way or
other it must carve its way to an
outlet, and it is merely '1kicking against the
pricks' for other nations to hope to prevent
this manifest and natural destiny. Then,
again, Russia has restless and uneasy popu-
lation that can be readily led into foreign
war, and thus consolidated into har-
monious support of the home government.
The Car can better afford to force war
for what all Russians have been taught to be
lieye is divine right as well as a human me-
cessity, than to struggle with internal forces
that threaten domesti peace, retard industrial
progress, and imperil the very existence of the
dynasty. War is the readiest, the most
popular, the most natural thing for
Russia. 1t has not yet reached its natu-
raj limit of expansion, where the dispersive
forces begin to dominate, and while it is on
that side Of the zenith, war is a thing of less
moment than the hope of the ultimate gain.
With England the conditions are different.
The empire has reached its full limit of ex-
p ansion, and the forces of dispersion are at
work. 1t is compelled to conserve at all
points, and in certain contingencies and when
pushed to the extreme war becomes one of the
necessary weapons Of this conservation.
England is "a nation of shop-keepers" that is,
it's material and commercial interests are
supreme To succor these its immense col
onies are held; for this it holds India, and for
this it undertakes to opacity" the Soudan.
To threaten the integrity of India-in its. re-
lations to Great Britain is to attack the great
commercial life of the empire, and this is what
Russia does when it forces its way into AT
ghanistan, and weakens the power of England
with the tribes that hold sway between Russia
and the Indian provinces. So that, while
England appears to shuttle and hesitate, be-
CuuSo ~ Aocc hOI ACdiiy Wdut W uSuCy duu ID
willing to concede it's aggressive neighbor
points in the game Of diplomacy that appear
almost humiliating there is limit where this
concession must stop by the very same token
that suggests it, and for the same reason. Mr..
Gladstone's statement in the House of Com
mons indicates that this point is probably
nearly reached, and that England will be
compelled to fight. What the out
come of real struggle between
these two great powers would be, we
do not attempt to forecast; but it must be
plain that, in some way or other, Russia must
and will force itself to the ocean, so that it
can reach the world through some less uncer-
tain channel than waterway controlled by
venal power likely at any moment to be
bought into hostility.