New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1885-05-21
Mr.. CHAMBERLAIN.
,,,s NEWEST VIEWS ON SOCIALISM AND THE
"A' RANSOM OF PROPERTY.

NJ cbamberlain's too-celebrated speeches az
p;rmincbam and Ipswich have been puoilsneu II"
anamphlet under the title The New DeinOoi a1S
ATS Wants ITS Claims, and its Rights No'n
about its Duties. This very signincan' 80
was criticised at the time the speeches.
Int remains TO be supplied on some iu.u- or+bor
rha sneacbes have been revised oy 'heii 49,
iho epooV"o' - 1vitbdrawn nor modlhed the
,-h;eh were most justly conoelhheu WIZ,
pa.o snoken The question what ransom
,rooartv will pay for the security IL enjoys Is
aoa,o asked Again we hear that society owes "
those of lts members who want to make snort WoIA
of priyate ownership something more than mere
4oleration in return for the restrictions whlch IL
places upon their liberty Of action The exploueu
communistic doctrine that every man was once
born into the world with a right TO part OF the
land is again gravely reasserted. No Preface OF
Note breaks the crude force of these remarKaole
propositions.
Mr.. Chamberlain is so confident in the rectitude
of his aim that he thinks he afford to disregard
the criticism which has laid bare the faliacies OF
his new gospel He has beyond doubt burning
wish to improve the condition of the less pros
perous classes in this country. He has so deep
sympathy with suffering that he detests those
whom he thinks responsible for it. lie 6eirays
every no and then something very like bitter
hatred of the classes who stll possess in England
dominant postlon-the classes who own LANDED
property. He would not consciously do MUS
tice even TO them, but he certainly means 10 clear
away somehow or other the legal obstacles whch
stand in the way of more equal distribution OF
wealth. 1t is perious path on which he mas
entered; not less perilous because OF the sincerity
of his convictions and the unsefshness of his
purposes.
1t is worthy of note that the pamphlet contain
ing Mr. Chamberlain's three speeches appears as
one of a series issued by the National Liberal
Federation. strongly commend it to any Ameri-
can who cares to see for himself whittier
Radicalism in England under Mr.. Chamberlain
lead is tending. When he has read these speeches,
perhaps he will ask himself what sort of reception
they would have been likely TO get had they been
delivered in America.
Not content with republishing these speeches,
Mr. Chamberlain last night restated-for the third
time-hls position with reference to Socialism. tie
was the guest and orator for the evening OF the
Eighty Club; club which derives its name from
the year of its foundation. month or two since
Mr. Goschen filled the place which Mr. Cham
berlain occupied yesterday. The two invitations
together show, as the guest of last evening
observed that the club is capable of truly catholic
hospitality Whether it was expected that the
latter should reply to the former, know not, but
usual freedom of manner. described Mr.. Goschen's
speech as an orthodox exposition of high and dry
Liberal policy, while of himself the Birmingham
oracle spoke with satisfaction q schismatic who
certainly has never worshipped with Wings in the
temple of Brookss.
Two things Mr. Chamberlain emphasized in this
address; his distress at the possibility that
domestic reform might be indefinitely postponed"
by foreign war. and his resolve to make politics
socialistic He defined politics to be the science OF
social life and happiness He reaffirmed his belief
that the new electorate will insist on legislation
for their own benefit; and on securing to them
selves larger share of wealth than they have
been able to obtain by their own industry. The
ominous word mandate" reappears and it is
certain that mandatory will presently take its
place in the political vocabulary of the English
Radical instead of representative. The stamp of
Socialism is on the whole speech. Tire Education
Act of 1870 Mr.. Forsters work, which Mr.
Chamberlain bitterly opposed at the time. he now
eulogizes as the greatest monument of Liberal
craftsmanship during this century. But he speaks
of 1t as the "sociaistic" organization of State
education. And he closes by declaring it to be the
duty of the State to protect the weak, to provide
for the poor to redress the inequalities Of our
social system to alleviate the harsh conditions OF
the struggle for existence, and to raise the average
enjoyments of the majority of the population"
Long before Mr. Chamberlalns time, and much
nearer than he to Rousseau, number Of practical
men agreed on a very different statement of the
AIMS of Government Their object was, they de-
clared, to establish justice, insure domestic tran
ouilhty provide for the common defence promote
the general welfare and secure the blessings of
liberty to themselves and their pOsterity. Mr..
Chamberlain will find this declaration in the pre-
amble to document little known and less stu died
In England but obtainablo, presume. IN the Brit
lsh Museum 1t is called the Constitution of the
United States of America.
Even among his Radical friends of the Eighty
Club, Mr.. Chamberlain was not allowed to escape a
protest against his new dogma The protest took
the civil form of question by Mr.. Raleigh, who
proposed a vote of thanks TO the speaker and
wanted to know what Mr.. Chamberlain meant by
natural rights and by the ransom which property
has TO pay. 81 hold" answered the Radical leader,
"that every man who comes INTO the world has
natural right to live and natural right to fair
enjoyment of life" Not himself quite satified with
this sociaiistic epicureanism he added right not
TO have to live in immortality. II may refer again
TO moro ancient authorities, should contrast this
with one of the most celebrated definitions ever
given. When the author of the Declaration of In
dependence, In the most solemn moment of a ma
tons history had to lay foundation for an appeal
10 the world III Dena1 OF Iree government, NO WAS
content to claim as inaienable rights, life liberty
and the pursuit of happiness. Mr.. Chamberlain has
improved upon Jefferson. 1t is not enough for the
new apostle that men should be free in the pursuit
OF happiness. He thinks it the business Of the
State to secure their happiness itself He insists on
natural right to q fair enjoyment of life" If
Government is not TO ensure that 10 all the millions
whom it represents" Mr.. Chamberlain sees no
other alternative than to adopt the Chinese prac-
tice and poison English babies as they come, INTO
he world.