The Jackson standard. [volume] (Jackson C.H., Ohio) 1847-1888, 1884-04-10
SPEECH OF
Hon. J. W. MCCORMICK,
ON THE BONDED WHISKY BILL.

| con, and my remarks shall be DfleI.
Fair and honorable debate comedies to
every man the right to his convictions
as also the right to advocate them,
and, free from acrimony and bitter
ness, leads to safest results in The dis
cussion of any measure. L shall con-
tent myself with the expression Of
some convictions of my own, more or
less, directly or indirectly, growing
out of the matter now before US for
our consideration.
The question involved in this dis
cussion on the proposition now be-
fore the House in the provisions of
this bill seems to me to be one OF pol
icy against principle, of expediency
against right. Policy asks what is
easiest, what will pay best; while
principle asks the question, What is
right? And knowing the right, per-
| forms it.
When it comes to q matter of prin-
ciple, whether you apply the rule to
the nation or the individual citizen,
its force is the same, and honor and
integrity make it binding upon us to
observe it.
What ought to be done in regard to
the liquor traffic is to members Of this
House in their official capacity ques-
tion of momentous Importance. 1t is
question not to be dealt with rashly,
or decided hastily, or without regard
for the rights of the citizen; and by
the citizen we mean the great body
of our people of all classes and condi-
tions in life. Statistics give the
whole cost Of liquors in the year 1873
| $700,000,000. A recent statement in
an editorial of the New York Tribune
gives the amount of SS00,000,00O
spent in this country yearly for drink;
an amount exceeding by 100000, 900
the entire sum raised by taxes Of all
kinds, national, State, county, city,
town. and school district, as stated
upon the authority Of the Census
Bureau America pays whisky deal
ers more than she pays the laboring
classes. Drink costs more than three
times as much as we pay for clothes,
fourteen times as much as we pay for
public schools, and eighteen times as
much as we give to the poor.
A traffic that costs in actual pay
ment and in loss Of productive labor
more than half the national debt
every year is not an insignificant mat
ter to the true political economist,
leaving out of the question the class
who oppose the traffic from moral
convictions. The cost Of pauperism,
of crime from intemperance, the
waste Of grain, and loss Of productive
industry in their effects upon the
country can not be evaded by the 10y
al statesman who has his country s
good in view and seeks the perpetuity
Of our free institutions. Such drain
as these make on nations resources
affords grounds for alarm that can
not fail to claim his thoughtful con-
sideration, and against which he fails
in his duty if he does not lift a warm
ing voice. But there is another phase
Of this question that necessarily pre-
sents itself for our contemplation !;
other things besides the pecuniary af-
fairs of the nation effect its welfare
Secretary Seward in his lifetime
mo Republican Government can
stand that has not for its support the
morality and virtue Of the people,
In the same connection he goes on
to say:
"But what fearful decay of public
virtue attends the liquor traffic, de-
grading and destroying to those who
should become the pillars and strength
of our Government"
It has been well said that govern
ment emanates from the moral attri-
butes of mankind. 1t is a thing of
moral necessity, and its power and
obligation are Of moral kind" 1t
is the duty Of the Government to
make it difficult to do wrong and easy
to do right, to throw around the citi-
zen such safeguards and such whole
some protection as will secure him
against the impure and vicious and
stimulate within him the desire for
the pure and the good. But the ef-
feet Of the liquor traffic, direct and in
direct, view it as he may, upon the in
dividual and upon society is paralyz-
ing to the physical, intellectual, So
cial, moral, and political well-being
Of the community and State.
Burke has defined law as benef-
cence acting by rule; but who, in
looking at the immeasurable evils,
can plead in behalf Of the benefcence
of the liquor traffic? The thousands
of millions Of revenue to the Govern
ment would soon fly upward in the
balance as weighed against the bur-
dens and griefs and anguish and death
it entails upon society.
In its hold upon the country this
traffic is aggressive in its character,
and is becoming more and more ex-
horbitant in its demands. In illustra-
ton of the truth that
He that hath thousand friends hath not friend
But he Fiat hath enemy shall meet him every
this traffic comes crowding in upon
US here. What other business or
traffic comes into the council cham
bers Of this nation seeking such help
and such special privileges as are de-
manded by this bill? By what right
or precedent does it come here seeking
to be freed from its obligations, when
no other business would for mo-
ment indulge the thought even that
it had any right to make such claim
But this traffic, in all its boldness and
effrontery, according to it's accustomed
habit of seeking to dictate and con-
troll the policy of States, does so as
sert itself and presents it's claims for
recognition here. The question that
confronts US, then, is: Is it right that
this bill pass? Looking at that ques-
ton in the length and breadth and
full scope of its pecuniary significance,
is it for the welfare of our citizens,
the comforts Of our free homes, and
the prosperity of our country? Can
we honestly, sincerely, and conscien-
tiously answer that question in the