New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1884-07-19
Mr.. RL1LNh,S LET1ER.

Mr.. Dlainc's lcttcrof acceptance places before
| his counirymcn the foremost man of the time.
II reaches aud passes the high-watcr mark of
American statcsmanshp. II would bc DIM
cult Ia naino any document IN tho long
aud glorious history of the Republic which
sipnssos this In maslolly grasp OF many great
que ,tions, or in profound and solid reasoning
Vet Il comes, not from n Chief Magistrate al
ready crowned with II Nations highest hon
0rs, but from 4 candidate In the midst OF a
contest of strange bitterness. No opponent can
complain that Mr. Blaine has eyaded or lodged
any important question. With singular candor,
| nowhere shrinking from the aVOwal oil opinions
| in some quarters unpopular, and nowhere
| swerving from his own known opinions to court
| the favor Of any, Mr.. Blaine treats every ques-
ton earnestly and yet as calmly as as If he had
| no personal interest at stake. BE the result
what it may this contest has already conferred
| lasting benefit upon the country, in eiciting
| from candidate document which would have
| done honor to any President i'll our history,
| which will elevate the standard of public dis
cusSion for coming generations, and which Will
| raise the Nation in the estimation OF the wlsest
| and best men of other lands. To no other Ma
| ton on earth could an address Of such dignity
and craftsmanship be offered campaign
document.
The unusual length of the letter is due to a
| powerful argument on the tanh Ques-
| ton. But the treatment of other topics,
though moro brief, viii surprise both
friends and foes. Mr.. Blaine's adversaries
will be startled by his reasoning on the Civil
| Service question, which not only surpasseS the
utterance of any other leader of that reform in
| cearness, but looks far beyond the existing
law or any measure yet proposed by its adyo-
Gates. The simple statement that Mr. Blaine,
| in his long career, has requested but four
removals from Office and those for n0n-pOliti-
cal ana conclusive reasons, may be pondered by
| Mr. Curtis 1t is in order for many gentlemen
TO Justify themselves, if they cam for represent
| ing Mr.. Bane's position on this question so
| falsely.
Mr. D'aine's remarks on the money question
will give offence to some whose prcudices have
carried them beyond the power of reasoning.
But we believe they accord with the opinions
of a majority Of the people. Nor can any rca-
sonablc man, whether railroad owner or settler,
find valid objection to the position taken re-
| carding the public lands. Those who hold the
ties Of family sacred will welcome his strong
remarks on Mormonism. Though prejudice
| and party spirit may still blind many Southern
| citizens to the Justice and nobcncss Of Mr..
Blaiuc's suggestions in regard to sectional di-
| visions. surely the more progressive and
polroic will appreciate them.
awe seek the conqucsts Of peace I'm tlis
one sentence, MI Blaine forcshadows foreign
policy so Grand. so Just, and 80 clearly patriotic
and necessary, that il is amazing 10 iind any
citizen opposed 10 il. That tho United states
desires no conflict, but should cultivate closer
| relations with other American nations; that
arbitration should take the place OF war be
| tween Western nationsj that trade between
| this and other American nations should
bc enlarged aud molo more healthy, 30
that we shall not be- paying Europe for n
| large part Of the products brought from out
| near ncighbors; that an American policy
| should make citizenship of the Republic " the
pnnoply aud safeguard of him who wear. IL -
| can there bca true American who does not with
| his whole heart accept and approve this policy 7
| Why, then has Mr. Blainc's position been so
shamclully bcicd only because those who
are not true Americans seek the supremacy Of
British interests.
1t seems hard TO find any other motive for
the hostility shown TO Mr. Blaine's views on
the tariff. The ablcst men in the country for
many years have written and spoken on that
question. But we are not able to point to a
more powerful argument than that which Mr..
Blaine presents. The fact that the increase in
wealth during twenty years OF protection has
been more than double the entire wealth of
the country in 1860" the fruit Of the toll of
two hundred and fifty years must stagger
the most stalwart theOrist Since no parallel
can be found, in the whole history of the
world, to the material progress thus realized,
where are we to look for an experience to
Justify any change of policyl Those who COM
plain of a decay of foreign commerce are
warned that they fail to distinguish between
the ship and It's cargo, and are confronted with
conclusive facts. But this argument must be
read with care and weighed it addresses the
agriculturist. the transporter, and all who
live by wages earned, with singular power.
In his closing paragraph Mr.. Blaine appeals
to the justice of his coIntrymen for that free
and honest ballot "withOut which no National
welfare is assured Thus surveying the
whole broad field Of National interests and
rights, he outlines a magnificent, harmonious,
and truly American policy, which shall protect
every citizen in his right to vote in his rights
abroad and in his labor. 1t cannot be that
such policy will be rejected. Every citizen
must respond to Mr.. Blaines eloquent words
THE Republic should never accept lesser
"duty, it can never assume nObler one than
" the protection of the humblest man who owes
" it loyalty-protection at home, and protection
(Which shall follow him abroad. into whatever
" land hc may go upon a lawful Grand"
RESULTS OF GREELT'S LiBORS
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