The Daily bulletin. [volume] (Honolulu [Hawaii]) 1882-1895, 1884-11-24
CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM,

On Friday the .Iicertiser had an
article that asked. in effect, what all
the talk about constitutional reform
meant. 1t is n hopeful sign to find
the only paper supporting the Gov
crnment through thick and thin,
deigning to pay so much attention to
public opinion. The article referred
to calls upon the Opposition press
Ito come down from the clouds of
generalties and 10 descend to parti-
culars. - No doubt the challenge
will be accepted, if not sooner, when
the Government press condesccnds
to reply to the bill of particulars re-
garding the present NIinistry's crook
ed ways. For instance. neither ex-
planation, excuse nor rcparation has
ever been vouchsafed for the illegal
and unintelligiblc financial statement
recently put forth. Our contempo-
rary would make it appear that the
desire for constitutional reform now
prevalent is merely u revival Of Il
political struggle of u score of years
ago, which it says was IA fight, not
for constitution, but for power:
not for principles, but against in
dividuals.' 1t will probably find.
when the present workings Of the
thoughtful minds in the community,
over the unsatisfactory administra-
ton Of affairs, crystallizes into
definite movement, that it is very
much mistaken. Whatever were the
merits of that former struggle, into
which il is not our purpose now to
inquire, we have reason to know that
Il powerful proportion OF those who
are sick of the existing state Of
affairs would display very little, and
no lasting, enthusiasm over any
Opposition policy that did not COM
prehend more than replacing the pre-
sent Ministry with another. even of
men much superior in every way.
Indeed, it is impossible to hope for
any great betterment of government
under such an odd piece of patch
work as the constitution of this
Kingdom presents. With the mcrest
Teini at comforting representative
government, it combines the obsolete
autocratic elements of English mon
archy in the middle ages, the decay
ing aristocratic privileges of the
present English constitution, and
the most faulty characteristics of
the American republican system.
Monarchs may come and go, minis
tries rise and fall, but adminstra-
tions that were failures throughout
still have a powerful influence in
affairs in the persons they have
left in the two potent but ire
spOnsible bodies, the Privy Council
and the House Of Mobiles. a Minis
try may have no policy, nor brains
10 devise one; their pet measures
may be cast out by the Legislature
rs rubbish and themselves snubbcd
by formal ccnsure and studied par
liamentary indignity but if the
Appropriation Bill can be squeezed
through, giving them authority to
handle the revenues of the nation,
they may hold their places and emo
luments from one session Of the Leg
islature To another. Even If CON
demned at the polls, there is no
guaranty that they will be dismissed
unless the verdict against them is
sustained by such numbers in the
Assembly as to make them wholly
impotent, and, it. dismissed, there is
no assurance that their SUCCESSORS
have the support Of the people. Add
to these anomalies the hopelcssness
OF having an independent Legislature
while it is SO largely composed as at
present of Government officials, from
Governors TO district magistrates.