Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, 1884-07-24
RLA1NE,s LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE.

| it more space than any other subject under con-
sideration. He says: SIN enumerating the is
sues upon which the Republican party appeals
for popular support the Convention has been sim
gularly explicit and felicitous. 1t has proper
ly given the leading position to the Industrial
interest of the country as affected by the tariff
on imports" son that question: he says, "the
two political parties are radically in conflict"
He then elaborates his views in favor of a pro-
tective tariff, which, he argues contributes TO
our wealth and dignity and elevates our nation
al character. AS to the surplus revenue which
the tariff adds to the nations revenue, he says
| Our opponents find fault that our revenue
system produces a surplus. But they should
not forget that the law has given specific pur-
pose to which all of the surplus is proftably ana
honorably applied-the reduction of the public
debt and the consequent relief of the burden OF
taxation. No dollar has been wasted and the on
| ly eXtravigance with which the party stands
charged is the generous Pensonlng OF soiaiers,
embodies the highest form of justice in the re-
cognition and payment of sacred debt. When
| reduction of taxation is to be made the Repubi-
can party can be trusted to accomplish it in
such form as will most effectively aid the indus
tries of the nation.
| He also makes labored argument to show
that the export trade of the United States has
increased enormously under the protective policy
Of the government, and says:
| The total exports from the United States from
the Declaration of Independence in 177G down to
the day of Lincon's election in 1860 added to an
that had previously been exported from the
American colonies from their original settlement,
amounted to less than nine thousand millions OF
dollars. On the other hand our exports from lS6o
to the close ofthe last fiscal year exceeded twelve
thousand millions Of dollars the whole of it being
the product of American labor. Evidently a
protective tariff has not injured our export trade
when, under it's influence, we exported IN TWEEN,
r., 20
amount that had been exported in the entire pre-
vious history of American commerce. All the
details when analysed, correspond with TINS
gigantic result. The commercial cities OF the
Union never had such growth as they have en-
loved since 1860. Our chief emporium, the city
of New York, with it's dependencies, has within
that period doubled her population and lncreas,
ed her wealth five told. During the same perlod
the imports and exports which have entered and
left her harbor are more than double in bulk and
value the whole amount exported by her between
the settlement of the first Dutch colony on the
island of Manhattan and the outbreak OF the
civil war in 1860.
While he claims these statements as true, he
also argues that the agriculture of the country is
no less enhanced by protective tariff than are
the manufacturing interest.
Considerable space is devoted to our foreign
policy, which, summed up, is to the effect that
his party seeks only the conquests of peace and
SAN No>>--~-J
and especially would he desire to extend and
enlarge our commercial relations with Mexico,
though he is explicit in his averment that it is
| not the policy of the United States Government
to extend it's boundary south Of the Rio Grande.
| Concluding this branch Of his subject. he says:
| Cannot this condition Of trade in great part
be changed? Cannot the market for our pro-
! ducts be greatly enlarged? We have made a
beginning in our effort to improve our trade re-
lations with Mexico, and we should not 1e con-
tent until similar and mutually advantageous
arrangements have been successfully made with
every nation of North and South America. While
| the great powers of Europe are steadily enlarg-
ing their colonial domination in Asia and Africa,
it is the especial province of this country to I'M.
prove and expand it's trade with the nations OF
America. No field promises so much. No field
has been cultivated so little. Our foreign policy
should be an American policy in its broadest and
most comprehensive sense-a policy of peace, OF
| friendship, of commercial enlargement.
| The name of American, which belongs to us
| in our national capacity must always exalt the
Just pride of patriotism. Citizenship OF the re-
| public must be the panoply and safeguard OF him
who wears it. The American citizen, rich OF
| poor native or naturaliZed, White or coioreu,
| must everywhere walk secure in his personal
I and civil rights. The repulic should never ac-
| cept lesser duty, it can never assumed nobler
| one, than the protection OF the humblest man
who owes it neutrality-suspicious. at home and pro-
| whatever land he may go up on lawful errand
A portion of his letter is devoted especially to
the .'Southern States,'' Of which he speaks as
| follows:
| I recognize, not without regret the necessity
| for speaking of two sections of our common
country. But the regret diminishes when see
that the elements which separated them are fast
disappearing Preiudices have yielded and are
yielding, while growing cordiality warns the
Southern and Northern heart alike. Can any
one doubt that between the sections confidence:
and esteem are to-day more marked than al
| any period in the sixty years preceding the
election of President Lincoln? This is the
| result in part Of time and in part of Republican
principles applied under the favorable conditions
of uniformity. 1t would be great calamity to
change these influences under which Southern
Commonw are learning to vindicate civil
rights, and adapting themselves to conditions OF
political tranquility and industrial progress. IL
there be occasional and violent outbreaks in the
South against the peaceful progress, the pubic
| opinion of the country regards them as eXcep-
| tional and hopefully trusts that each will prove
| the last.
The South needs capital and occupation, not
controversy. AS much as any part Of che North
the South needs the full protection Of the reVe.
nue. laws which the Republican party offers
Some of the Southern States have already enter,
| ed upon q career of industrial development ano
prosperity. These, at least, should not lend
their electoral votes to destroy their own future
ANY effOftS 10 unite Cue oOuIueIl uPoi
issues that grow out of the memories OF the wal
will summon the Northern States to combine in
the assertion of that nationally which was their
inspiration in the civil struggle. And thus grea,
| energies which should be united in common in
dustrial development will be wasted in hurtful
strife. The Democratic party shows itself Zoe
to Southern prosperity by always invoking and
urging Southern political consolidation. Such
a policy quenches the rising instinct of patriot
| ism in the heart of the Southern youth; 1T re-
wives and stimulates prejudices; it substitutes
| the spirit of barbaric vengeance for the love OF
peace, progress and harmony.
He noxt discusses civil service, and favors the
rule of impartial appointments in the service OF
the Government. He says "Ihe people have
the right to the most efficient agents in the dis
charge of public business, and the appointing
power should regard this as the prior and ulteri-
or consideration"
Discussing the Mormon question, after citing
constitutional provisions on the subject Of relig.
ious liberty, he says:
The claim of the Mormons that they are divine.
! iv authorized to practice polygamy should nc
| more be admitted than the claim of certain hea-
then tribes if they should come among us, to con-
tinue the rite of human sacrifice. The law does
not interfere with what a man believes; 1T takes
cognizance only with what he does. AS citizens
| the MormonS are entitled to the same civil rights
as others and to these they must be confined
| Polygamv can never receive national sanction OF
federation by admitting the community that up.
holds it as State in the Union. Like others
the Mormons must learn that the liberty of the