Morris tribune., 1884-07-23

the sixty years preceding the election OF
President Lncolnl This Is the result In part
Of time and In part of Republican principles
applied under the favorable conditions OF
uniformity. It would be q great calamity to
change these influences under which southern
commemorative are learning to vindicate
conditions Of political tranquility and indus.
trial progress If there be occasional and
violent outbreaks tn the south against this
peaceful progress, the public opinion of the
country regards them as exceptional and
hopefully trusts that each will prove the
last.
CIVIL SERVICE.
| My observation TN the department of state
confirmed the conclusions Of my legislative
experience, and impressed me with the con-
viction that the rule Of impartial appoint
ment might with advantage be carried be-
yond any existing provision Of the civil
service law 1t should be applied to appoint
ments In the consular service Consuls
should be commercial sentinels-encircling
the globe with watchfulness for their coun-
trys interests Their intelligence and COM
potency become, therefore, matters of great
public concern. No man should be appointed
to an American consulate, who Is not well
instructed IN the history and resources Of his
own country, and IN the requirements and
language Of commerce In the country to
which he Is sent. The same rule should be
applied even more rigidly to secretaries of
legation In our diplomatic service. The peo-
pie have the right to the most efficient agents
in the discharge Of public business and the
appointing power should regard this as the
prior and ulterior consideration.
THE MORMON QUESTION.
Religious liberty is the right Of every citi-
zen o. the republic. Congress is forbidden by
the constitution to make any law respecting
the establishment Of religion or prohibiting
the free exercise thereof For century,
under this guarantee, Protestant and Catho-
lie, Jew and Gentle, have worshiped God ac-
aording to the dictates of conscience. But
religious liberty must not be perverted to the
justification Of offenses against the law. A
religious sect, strongly intrenched in one of
the territories Of the Union, and spreading
rapidly into four other territories, claims the
right to destroy the great safeguard and
religious privilege that which Ia a crime
punished with severe penalty in every state
Of the Union. The sacredness and unity of
the family must be preserved as the founda-
lion Of all civil government, as the source of
orderly administration, as the surest guaran-
antee of moral purity.
The claim of the Mormons that they are
divinely authorized to practice polygamy
should no more be admitted than the claim of
certain heathern tribes, if they should come
among US, 10 continue the rite of human sacri-
fee. The law does not interfere with what
man believes; it takes ccgnizance only of what
he does. As citizens, the Mormons are en-
these they must be confined: Polygamy can
never receive national sanction OF toleration
by admitting the community that upholds it
as state in the Union. Like Others the
Mormons must learn that the liberty of the
individual ceases where the rights of society
begin.
OUR CURRENCY.
The people of the United States, though
often urged and tempted, have never seri-
ously contemplated the recognition of any
other money than gold and silver-and cur
rency directly convertible into them. They
have not done so, they will not do SO, pnder
any necessity less pressing than that of des-
perate war. The only special requisite for
the completion of our monetary system is the
fixing of the relative values of silver and
gold. The large use of silver as the money
Of account among Asiatic nations, taken in
connection with the increasing commerce of
the world, giAes the weightiest reasons for an
international agreement in the premises: Our
government should not cease to urge this
measure until a common standard of value
shall be reached and established-a standard
that shall enable the United States to use the
silver from its mines as an auxiliary to gold
in settling the balances of commercial ex-
change.
PIE PUBLIC LANDS.
The strength of the republic is increased by
the multiplication of land-holders. Our laws
Of actual settlers on the public domain, which
should henceforth be held as a sacred trust
for the benefit of those seeking homes. The
tendency to consolidate large tracts of land
in the ownership of individuals or corpora
tions should, with proper regard to vested
sand acres of land in the hands of one man is
far less profitable to the nation in every way
than when its ownership is divided among
1000 men. Tie evil of permitting large
tracts of the national domain to be consois
dated and controlled by the few against the
many is enhanced when the persons con-
trolling it are aliens. 1t is but fair that the
public land should be disposed of only to
actual settlers and to those who are citizens
Of the republic, or willing to become so.
sACREDNEss OF THE BALLOT.
This survey of our condition as q nation
reminds us that material prosperity is but
mockery if it does not tend to preserve the
of Republican institutions, without |
which no national welfare is assured. A |
popular election, honestly conducted, en-
bodies the very ma jesty of true government. |
Ten millions Of voters desire to take part in |
the pending contest The safety Of the re- |
public rests upon the integrity OF the ballot, |
upon the security Of suffrage to the citizen. |
70 deposit fraudulent vote is no worse a |
crime against constitutional liberty than to |
obstruct the deposit Of an honest vote. He |
who corrupts suffrage strikes at the very !
root Of free government. He is the arch |
enemy of the republic. He forgets that In |
upon the rights Of others he fatally |
hat the Lord our God doth give u.s." but |
We can maintain our heritage only by guard
ng with vigilance the source of popular
power.
lam with great respect your obedient
servant, JAMES q. BLAINE.