Savannah morning news. [volume] (Savannah) 1868-1887, 1884-05-07

since they had come to Washington local lines
of interest had widened into the horizon of
the country.
Mr.. Blackburn said that unlike the gentle
tleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Randall), he
did not complain of the conduct of the debate
In the main it had been fair-fair from the
different standpOints from which the bill had
been reviewed. He did regret that the gen
tleman from Connecticut lMr. Eaton) should
have seen tt, in the eXuberance of his zeal, to
have INDUCED in remarks which were re-
ceived and could be received by many of his
political associates only with a sense of the
sincerest pain.
EATON'S MISTAKE.
He regretted that the gentleman should have
found II necessary to appeal to prejudice and
passion, which should have been buried with
the war which gave them birth. and should
have attempted to faunt in the face of the
American House the bloody shirt, which a
sense of dignity on the part of the Republi-
cans themselves had long since consigned to
oblivion. Loud applause on the Democratic
sde].
Mr.. Eaton-I suppose my friend alludes to
the remark / made in reference TO the Con-
federate constitution. | thought l explained
to the full satisfaction of the gentleman from
Georgia Mr.. Hammondl exactly what |
meant-that intended to point an Irresistible
argument that the very making of that Con-
federate constitution. leaving out the general
welfare clause, showed that the sense of that
people prevailed; and permit me to say that
the distinguished Senator from Louisiana
Mr.. Gibson quoted the same clause of the
Confederate constitution and made precisely
the same line of remarks, and | have vet'to
hear that he IS sectiOnaE
Mr.. Blackburn did not blame the gentle
man so much for using that reference. |
know that the original responsibility for its
introduction into the debate did not lie at his
door, but that the suggestion was furnished
to him by a gentleman coming from section
further South but | regret that the word
"traitOr' should have crept into the tariff de-
bate.
MR.. EATON EXPLAINS.
Mr.. EatOn-I thought that nv public
character and public record would be defense
against any charge Of that kind. l was speak
ing of the revolutionary war. / was speak
ing of Connecticut man who was called
"traitor," as he was, and said that there were
other traitors than he, that the ''wOods were
full of them"
Mr. Blackburn-If the gentleman's oppro-
brious eplthct was intended only for those
who fgured%in the revolutionary struggle
have no cause for complaint"
Mr.: Hunt, of Louisiana, said that it was he
who had shown the Confederate constitution
to the gentleman from Connecticut, for the
purpose of showing that the constitution with
the fifth section in it did not mean what the
constitution did from which the section had
been rejected.
Mr.. Blackburn then proceeded with his ar
gument in favor of the bill
RANDALL's VACILLATION.
1t proposed to abate tariff taxation to the
extent Of 20 per cent. 1t did not propose to
insert the knife too deeply Would any gem
tleman dare to claim that the reduction was
too heavy The gentleman from Pennsylva-
MIA (Mr. RandalD stood complaining of the
Committee on Ways and Means, and said that
the bill was confession Of inCapacity. The
same gentleman at the last Congress stood adj
vocating at its every stage what could only be
described as tariff abortion in the shape of the
commission bill. The gentleman had changed
his opinion on the subject OF tariff legislation.
In 1882 he had expressed himself in favor of a
reduction of the tariff. Now he did not want
any reduction. He had gone forward and il
lustrating that aggressive nature for which
he was prominent, now protested against
even whisper in the direction of agitation of
the tarlH question. If it was necessary in
1882 to reduce the surplus revenue, why was
IL not more needed nOWf He (Mr. Blackburn
opposed the repeal of the internal revenue
system of taxation. The friends Of that re-
peal advocated it for some ill disguised pur-
pose and the maintaining of protective tariff
rates. The issue presented by the Republican
side was protection for the sake of protection,
If 1t was revenue the gentlemen wanted, let
them take all the government needed, but
when they had got that, let them stay the
hand OF the tax gatherer, for whenever they
had passed that limit or gone one inch beyond
that line, the tax -gatherers hand became the
robbers hand. Loud applause on the Demo-
cratic side. The time was not far distant
when the people would repudate the bold
political hypocrisy of the prOtectiOnist and
refuse to submit to such political juggery
For the first time, the people were aroused
on this question.
THE POLITICAL ISSUE OF TODAY.
1t was the issue in American politics to-day.
1t would not down. Cunning and insincerty
had for years been able to eVade the issue 1T
could not long be deferred now. The political
parties must stand and fight the battle out
He cared not what the gentlemen might say
about free trade and the ultimate purpose of
the Democratic party here- That was not the
issue. There was no man proposing free
trade. There was no free trade in this bill
1t was a proposition to limit the taxation of
the npODlp To the demands n ha o,,f
and who ever refused to stand by 1t could find
no ground on which to plant himself A man
who voted to strike out the enacting clause de-
clafed 10 the people and the country that he
was not willing to have the tariff revised. tax
alton reduced, or the surplus revenue abated.
Applause.
a man who voted to strike out the en-
acting clause admitted to the country and
to the world that he dare not face
the issue, either OF a revision of
the tariff or a reduction Of taxation even ON
terms which he himself might offer ZAP
plause. There should be a frank and candid
statement of the issue made that the peOple
should understand without any gauze or guise
being drawn over the question. He did not
know what the fate of this bill was TO be- II
it was good bill it should be passed If it
was a bad bill it should be amended and per-
fected, and no excuse could be offered for
refusal to make an effort to perfect it, 'Pro-
lection for the sake of protection" was the
battle cry OF the Republican party. Let the
national contest be inaugurated on the ground
party bear on its standard the motto Taxa
tlOn for trlbuteW ana the Democratic party
would bear on theirs Taxation for revenue"
From party point Of VIeW he welcomed the
contest. The fighting would be made hot
enough and Democracy would appeal to the
people.
BALLOTS THE LAST TRIBUNAL.
If the pending bill was not crystallized into
law there was nothing left for that party ex-
cept TO go to another court higher than the
halls OF Congress, and there it would appeal
for the triumph OF a set of principles which
had been battled for for 100 years-the prin-
clples which had guided the destinies of this
great gOvernment-the principles which ac-
counted for the Democratic majority in the
House to-day. The advocates of those prin-
cples were ready for the frav Armed in the
cause which it knew to be just; proud of its
history and proud of its hopes; remembering
the victories with which it had blazoned a
century that lay behind it; trusting to the
fairness OF Its tenets; recalling all the glorious
traditions which clustered about 1t, and
cneefed by the opening promises of its future.
the Democratlc party aEided the issue which
was to come. He trusted in the ultimate trl-
umph of his party. The end of the conflict
must come, and when it Game the people
would stand for the right. Let the Democratic
party broaden the policy of good: let it lib
erallze the laws; let it give free American
registry, under whose regio every American
citizen might fly the American flag from the
deck OF every American ship, whether built
here or ON the Thames, Mersey or Clyde; let
1t rebuild the wasted merchant marine. and
when it had done that it would have put the
country on the right road to that destiny to
which her location, her advantages and the
genius and manhood Of her people fairly en-
title her. Applause. He wanted to protest
against that injustice which had created the
impression that the advocates of the bill de-
sired to exile from the party all who might
differ from them He held no power of ex-
pulslon. He had no commission to issue
threat against any man. 1t rested with each
and every man to determine his party afilia-
tiOns. Any man could vote himself out of the
party if he wished to. He had no harsh words
to utter.
INVOKED TO KEEP THEIR PROMISES.
But on measure so broad and fair as this
one, he appealed to those who sat around him
to stand together and keep the promises they
made to the people. They had told the people
that they would revise the tariff laws and
make them just. Here they held the power
to make that promise good, and If they failed
to do so they would not be worthy to receive
the Endorsement of the people. Let him who
would strike down his party, her principles,
her measures and the people. show by the
record whose hand the blood was to be found
upon. Looking up he saw the grand and wise
motto OF his own commonwealth, and he could
no more than emphasize that motto in an
earnest, honest and final appeal: ''If we do
stand united we will conquer; if we are di-
vided, disaster will readily come" TAp-
plausel. In conclusion he said: 81 express
the hope that in the near future we may be
able to bring to the House enough Of enlight-
enment, OF patriotism, Of progressive intelli-
gence to repudiate the bigOtry which dis
graces politics in the shape of protection. No
bigOt. whether he be Christian or politician,
ever contributed one atom to the advancement
Of humanily's cause. and l ask at the hands
of this House, with firm reliance for faver-
able answer, that 1t may never be said that
the Democratic House in an American Con-
gress refused even to consider a bill which
proposed to reduce admitted excessive taxa
tion. and revise to degree an admittedly bad
tariff Applause.