The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-03-15
Demoralizing Effect OF the Doctrines
Of Buchanan'S Last Message.
The Reorganization of the Cabinet and the
Change in the Presidents Policy-A
Chapter Of Absorbing Interest.


the first volume of ex-senator Baine's book
Twenty Years of Congress-" have been re-
ceived here, from which the following. concern
ing the presidential election of 1860, is taken:
The winter following the election of Mr. Lin
| coin was filled with deplorable events. In the
whole history of the American people, there ISL
! epoch which recalls so much that is worthy of
regret and so little that gratifes pride. The re-
suit of the election was unfortunate in the wide
| divergence between the vote which Mr. Lincoln
| received in the electoral colleges and the vote
which he received at the polls In the electoral
colleges he had an aggregate of 1870 His oppo-
nents, united, had but 1913 OF the popular vote,
Lincoln received 1856, 452: Douglas, 1,291, 574;
Breckenridge, 850082; Bell 646.l24. Mr.. Lin
| coins vote was wholly from the free States ex.
| cept some rs 900 cast for him in the five border
slave States In the other slave States his name
was not presented as candidate. Mr.. Douglas
received in the South about 100000 votes. In the
| North the votes cast dstnctvely for the Brock
| inridge electoral ticket were less than 100 000
and dstinctively for the Bell electoral ticket
| about 80. 900.
| 1t was thus manifest that the two Northern
| presidential candidates. Lincoln and Douglas,
had absorbed almost the entire vote in the free
| States, and the two Southern presidential can
didates, Breckenridge and Bell, had absorbed
! almost the entire vote in the slave States. The
Northern candidates received popular support in
| the South in about the same degree that the
| Southern candidates received popular support in
the North In truth well as in appearance it
| ported Northern candidates and the South sup
ported Southern cadidates 1t was the first
| time in the history of the government in which
the President was chosen without electoral votes
from both the free and slave States. This result
| was undoubtedly source of weakness to Mr.. Linz
| coln-weakness made more apparent by his sig
nal failure to obtain a popular majority He
| had a large plurality, but the combined vote of
| his opponents was nearly a million greater than
| the vote which he received.
! The tim4 had now come when the Southern
| disuniOnists were to be put to the test. The
event had happened which they had declared in
| advance to be cause of separation. 1t was per
haps the belief that their courage and deternin-
alton were challenged which forced them to
| action Having so often pledged themselves not
| to endure the election of an anti-savery Presi-
| dent, they were now persuaded that, if they
! quietly submitted, they would thereby accept an
inferior position in the government. Thig
assumed obligation of consistency stimulated
them to rash action; for, upon every consdera-
ton of prudence and wise forecast, they would
have quietly accepted result which they
knowedged to be in strict accordance with the
Constitution. The South was enjoying excep-
tional prosperity. The advance of the slave
States in wealth rapid than at any
other period in their history. Their staple
products commanded Ugh prices and were con-
| tinually growing in amount to meet the demands
| of a market which represented the wants of the
civilized world In the decade between 1850 and
1860 the wealth of the South had increased
three thousand millions of dollars, and this
not from an generalization of slaves, but from
increased cultivation of land, the extension
of railways and all the aids and appliances of
vast agricultural enterprises Georgia alone had
increased in wealth over $500, 000, 900, small
proportion of which from commercial and
manufacturing ventures that had proved ex-
tremely profitable There never was a commu-
nifty on the face Of the globe whose condition so
little justified revolution as that of the slave
States in the year 1860 Indeed, it was a sense
of strength born of exceptional prosperity which
led them to their rash adventure of war
hx,n T,i,,c
of the South to say that in November, 1860 they
desired unanimously or by majority or on
the part of any considerable minority, to engage
in a scheme of violent resistance to the national
authority. The shareholders were, in the main,
peacefully disposed and contented with the situa-
ton. But slavery as an economical institution
and slavery as political force were quite dis
tinct. Those who viewed it and used it merely
as a system of labor naturally desired peace and
dreaded commotion. Those who used it as po-
litcal engine for the consolidation of political
power had views and ambitions inconsistent with
the plans and hopes of law-abding citizens. 1t
was only by strenuous effort on tho part of the
latter class that an apparent majority of the
Southern people committed themselves to the
desperate design of destroying the national gov
| ernment.
Mr.. Blaine then details the incidents attend
ing the secession of South Carolina, which State
did not wait for the result of the election, but
early in October 1860, began correspondence
| WlUl UUe OllieE COJlOI oldJeS, Iue response 10
which did not indicate decided wish OF purpose
to separate from the Union. Up to this time
presidential electors for South Carolina had
always been chosen by the Legislature, and to
the unpropitious assembling of that body in
! November, 1860 Mr. Blaine attributes the pre-.
cipitation of the war of the rebellion. A short
paragraph is devoted to the import attached to
the word ordinance in connection with seces-
sion the writer showing that its previous use
had been confined to acts passed by inferior
| bodies, and that there was authority for at
taching to it such impressive meaning. Mr..
Blaine then states that but for the action of the
senators from the other Southern States South
Carolina would have stood alone, and her seces-
sion would have proved abortive
BUcHANAN's RESPONSIBILITY.
Having given the history of the secession Of
South Carolina and shown how the other States
were induced to follow her example, Mr. Blaine
says:
| Long before the secession movement had been
developed to the extent just detailed. Congress
| was in session. 1t assembled one month after
the presidential election, and fifteen days before
the disunionsts of South Carolina met in their
| istarred convention. Up to that time there
had been excitement threats of resistance to
the authority of the government in many sec
| tions of the South, and an earnest
attempt in the cotton States to promote
cooperation in the fatal step which 50 many
We're bent on taking. But there had been no
overt act against the national authority Fed
era officers were still exercising their functions
J in all the States the customs were still col
lected in Southern ports; the United States
mails We're still carried without molestation from
! the Potomac to the Rio Grande. But the crit
zeal moment had come. The disunion conspira-
cy had reached point where it must 90 forward
with boldness or retreat before the dispayd
power and the uplfted flag of the nation. The
Gus us to permit the enemies of the Union to
proceed in their conspiracy and the hostile
movement to gain perilous Roadway. At that