St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1884-07-19
oldiers who risked their lives in defense of the

OQlOu.
entered congress in 1858, and in somewhat
prolonged service / never found 1t expedient to
request or recommend the removal of civil off,
Ger except in four instances, and then for nom
political reasons which were instantly conclusive
with the appointing power. The officers in the
district appointed by Mr.. Lincoln in 1851, upon
the recommendation Of my predecessor, served,
as rule, until death or resignation. adopted
at the beginning of my service, the test of COM
petitive examination for appointments to West
Point, and maintained 1t SO long as had the
right by law to nominate cadet In the case of
many officers found that the present law which
arbitrarily limits the term Of the commission Of
fered constant temptation to changes for mere
political reasons. 1 have publicly expressed the
belief that the essential modification OF that law
would be in many respects advantageous.
| My observation in the department of state
confirmed the conclusions of my Legislative eX-
perience, and impressed me with the conviction
| that the rule Of impartial appointment might
with advantage be carried beyond any existing
provision of the civil service law. 1t should be
| applied to appointments in the consular service.
| Consuls should be commercial sentinels-encirc-
| ling the globe with watchfulness for their coun-
| trys interests. Their intelligence and compe-
tency become, therefore, matters OF great public
concern. No man should be appointed to an
American consulate who is not well instructed
| in the history and resources of his own country
| and in the requirements and language of COM
merce in the country to which he is sent. The
! same rule should be applied even more rigidly
to secretaries of legation in our diplomatic SER
| vice. The people have the right to the most
efficient agents in the discharge of public bust
ness and the appointing power should regard
this as the prior and ulterior consideration.
THE MORMON QUESTION.
Religious liberty is the rightof every citizen
of the Republic. Congress is forbidden by the
constitution to make any law prospecting the
establishment of religion, prohibiting the free
exercise thereof For century, under this
guarantee, Protestant and Catholic, jew and
Gentle, have worshiped God according to the
dictates Of conscience. But religious liberty
must not be perverted to the justification of
offences against the law. religious sect,
strongly intrenched in one of our territories of
the Union, and spreading rapidly into four other
territories, claims the right to destroy the great
safeguard and imminent of social order, and to
practice as religious privilege that which is a
crime punished with severe penalty in every
| state i'll the Union. The sacredness and unity of
| the family must be preserved as the foundation
| of all civil government, the source OF orderly
administration, as the surest guarantee of moral
purity.
The claim of the Mormons that they are di-
| vinely authorized to practice polygamy should no
more be admitted than the claim of certain
| heather tribes, il they should come among u.s. to
continue the rite of human sacrifice. The law
does not interfere with what man believes; it
| takes cogniZance only of what he does. As
| citizens, the Mormons are entitled to the same
civil rights others, and to these they must be
! confined. Polygamy can never receive national
sanction toeratiOn by admitting the COM
munity that upholds II rs state in the Union
Like others, the Mormons must learn that the
| liberty of the individual ceases where the rights
of society begin.
OUR CURRENCY.
| The people Of the United States, though often
| urged and tempted, have never seriously con-
| templated the recognition Of any other money
| than gold and silver-and currency directly con-
vertible into them. They have not done so, they
| will not do so, under any necessity less pressing
| than that OF des perate war. The one special
| requisite for the completion of our monetary
system is the fixing OF the relative values of
| silver and gold The large use OF silver as the
money of account among Asiati; nations, taken
! in connection with the increasing commerce Of
| the world gives the weightiest reasons for an
] international agreement in the premises. Our
government should not cease to urge this meas
| nre until common standard OF value shall be
/ reached and establishcd-a standard that shall
enaSle the United States to nse the silver from
its mines as an auxiliary to- geld in settling the
balances Of coIlmercial cxchang8.
THE PUBLIC LANDS
The strength of the Republic is increased by
the multiplication OF land holders. Our laws
| should look To the judicious encouragement of
actnal settlers on the public domain, which
should henceforth be held q sacred trust for
! the benefit OF those seeking homes The tend
! eacy to consolidate large tracts of land in the
I ownership OF Individuals corporations should.
with proper regard to vested rights, be tiiscons-
! aged. One hundred thousand of land in
! the bands OF oEo Is far less profitable TO the
nation in every way Than when its ownership is
! divided among one Thousand men. The evil of
I permitting large tracts of the national domain to
| lie consolidated and controlled by the few against
the many is enhanced when the persons controll-
! ing it are aliens. 1t is but fair that the public
land should be disposed OF only to actual settlers
and TO those who are citizens OF the Republic or
| willing to become
oJE SHIPPING INTERESTS.
| Among our national interests one languishes
the foreign caryng- trade. 1t was very serious
! ly crippled in civil war ana another blow was
| given to il in the general substitution of steaE,
for sail in ocean traffic With q frontage on the
two great oceans, with freightage larger than
that Of any other nation, we have
every iniucement to restore our
navigation. Yet the government has
hitherto refused its help. A small share of
the encouragement given by the government to
railways and to manufacturers and small share
OF the capital and the zeal given by our citizens
to those enterprises would have carried our ships
| to every sea and to every port. A law just en-
acted removes some OF the burdens upon cur
navigation and inspires hope that this great in
terest may at last receive its due share
of attention III efforts in this direction
| should receive encouragement.
| sAcgEDSEss OF THE BALLOT.
This survey of orr condition as a nation re-
minds US that material prosperity is but mock
cry il it does not tend to preserve the liberty of
the people. free ballot is tie safeguard of
Republican institutions without which no
nationa; welfare is assured popular election,
honestly conducted embodies the very majesty
OF true government Ten millions OF voters de-
sire to take part in the pending contest The
safety Of the Republic rests upon the integrity of
the ballot, upon the secGrity OF suffrage to the
| citizen To deposit y fraudulent vote is 10 worse
| crime against constitutional liberty than to OBJ
/ struct the deposit OF an honest vote Ee who
corrupis saSrase strikes at the very root OF free
government. He is the urch-enemy of the Re-
4ublic. He forgets that Ia trampling upou the
H.hts o; others he fatally imperils his own rights
/ ..it q good land which the Lord our God doth
] give is, but we can MAINTAIN our heritage only
| by guarding with vigilance the source OF popular
! power.
am with great respect, your obedent servant,
! JAMES G. BLAINE
Wabash System Matters.
| Especial Telegram to the Globel