The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-05-22

published in the journal of Saturday by Mr.. J.
B. Conner is a refreshing variation from the
hundredyear-old platitudes and fallacies Of the
so-cailed American system.
He admits the theory of free trade in the
abstract; takes no stock in the balance of
trade and drain of gold' humbug, and de
clares that were it not for the false standards
abroad by which the greater law of the Al
mighty, inalienable rights, has been struck
down by the law Of might free trade, as the in
ternational law of the Almighty, would be true
in its application to the trade between the sew
eral countries. He say: Free trade, the interna
tional law of the Almighty, is true in its applica
ton to nations who deal alike with their respec-
tive peoples" With this admission fall many
of the doctrines of protection. What becomes
of the plea for diversity Of industry, home
markets for the farmer, development of native
resources, and protection to young industriesf
Protectionists are never tired of pointing to
these many effects of their doctrines, while free
traders have always maintained that it is i'm
possible to make all countries alike in their
industrial organization. Mr.. Conner must ad
nit that if every government upon
the face of the globe were as free
as America their would still exist
those differences of climate, SOIL mineral prod
ucts, and character of people which now prevail
and which determine the character of the products
of the several countries. The enjoyment of uni
versal suffrage by the slaves of Cuba would not
place the sugar planters of Louisiana independ-
ent of the tariff So long as France remains the
center and dictator of fashion. no recognition of
the inalIenable rights of her citizens would make
her any the less mistress of silk manufactures
An Australian Declaration of Independence
would not put Australian wool on the backs of
American sheep. Nor would any elevation of
the coal miner in the British possessions remove
the necessity of the duty of 70 cents per ton to
compel the New England manufacturer to buy
his coal of the Pennsylvania miner. Depth OF
coal deposit, ease of working mines, and the dis
lance from the place of consumption are factors
which '-inalienable rights" can never annihi-
late.
But, having granted this much, he is still
frightened by the bugbear of ''pauper labor. In
agreeable contrast to protectionist dogmas he
admits that the prevalence of low wages in Flu
ropean countries is due to the fact that 'the law
of supply and demand in labor and wages Is dis
turbed or destroyed by land tenure and the bal
lot wrested from the citizen The example he
cites, so far from sustaining his theory, is the
most striking and happy illustration of the fal-
lacy of this pauper plea.
The result of the liberation of the slaves in the
South has given them the ballot and the power
to obtain and hold property by reason OF the in
sustain his theory Mr.. Conner would have US
believe that the labor of the free man is more
expensive than that Of the slave, else why his
parallel between the American slave and Eu-
ropean pauper No one result of the liberation
of the slaves has been more conspicuous than
the increased efficiency of the colored laborer
under freedom and the ballot. The cotton
planter who, in 1860 saw in the growth of the
anti-slavery movement the downfall of his in
dustry, and who opposed the liberation of the
slaves upon the ground that cheap labor was
necessary to the production of cotton, now hnds
that the paid labor of the freedman is cheaper
than that of the slave. This fact has been CON
firmed by other Investigators in other fields.
Mr. Brassy found that the free Portuguese labor
on the drainage works of Rio Janeiro was cheaper,
even with wages at As I'D per day, than the labor
of the slaves The British consul at Pernam-
buc0 stated that with slave labor the cost of
producing III IL tons of sugar was "a, 25I. The
same quantity, under free labor, could be pro-
dueed for fl 080
Paradoxical as it may appear there is no theory
of polite al economy which is better sustained by
the facts than the one that along with higher
wages comes cheaper production. The attitude
of the respective countries of Europe toward
each other in the construction of their tariff
systems illustrates this theory. Notwithstand-
ing Mr., Conner would have us infer that all
countries of Europe are free-trade countries,
Great Brittian is the only one which is free from
protective laws. just in proportion as the work
man is allowed to exercise the ''inalienable
in that proportion do the wages become higher.
OF European monarchies England is the freest.
Russia the most despotc. English workmen
are the hest paid of any in Europe, Russian
workmen are the poorest
So far. this is in accord with what Mr.. Conner
advances as the true theory of wages. But a
half knowledge, resulting from a superficial study
of these facts, has misled more than one
protectionist. 1t is not strange that
opposers of free trade jump at conclus-
ions which little deeper research into
the tariffs and wages of Europe would show
them are altogether at variance with the facts
Thus Mr.. Conner fails to tell US that it is not
England who fears competition with the paupers
of Russia, but, quite the contrary, the paupers
of Russia fearing competition with England. He
fails to cite the fact that just in proportion as
wages decrease in Europe below the English
standard does the clamor increase against English
competition. He does not tell us that England,
paying the highest wages in Europe is free
trade country, and that Russia, paying the low
est, is the most highly protected
High-priced labor, with its accompanying high
standard of living and increased efficiency is
everywhere beating the pauper labor of the
world and were it not for our suicidal policy of
taxes on raw materials America would soon
assert her supremacy in the commercial world,
and find employment for every idle forge and
shuttle in the land. CHARLES Z. FERGUSON.
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