Shenandoah herald. [volume] (Woodstock, Va.) 1865-1974, 1884-07-11

long continued, making the years
from 1857 to 1869 extremely dull
and dispiriting in business circles
throughout the Union. The coun-
try was not exhausted and depleted
as it was after the panic Of 1887,
but the business community had
no courage; energy was paralyzed,
and new enterprises were at "a
stand.still.
sit soon became evident that this
of affairs would carry the
tariff question once more into the
political arena as an active issue
between parties. Thus far, the
new Republican organization had
passively acquiesced in existing
laws OH this subject; but the general
distress caused great bodies of men
as is always the case, to look to the
action of the Government for relief.
The Republicans found therefore a
new ground for attacking the Dem
ocracy-holding them responsible
for the financial depression, Initial
ing a movement for returning to
the principle and practice of pro-
lection, and artfully identifying the
struggle against slavery with the
efforts of the workingmen through
out the North to be freed from in
furious competition with the cheap
ened labor of Europe. This phase
of the question was presented with
great force in certain States, and
the industrial classes, by sort of
instinct of self-preservation as it
seemed to them, began to consoll-
date their votes in favor of the Re-
publican party. They we're mats
to see, by clever and persuasive
speakers, that the slave labor of
the South and the ill-paid labor of
Europe were both hostile to the
prosperity of the workingman in
the free States of America, and that
the Republican party was OF neces-
sity his friend, by its opposition to
all the forms of labor which stood
in the way of his better remunera-
ton and advancement.
"The convention which nomina-
ted Mr.. Lincoln met when the feel
ing against free trade was growing,
and in many States already deep.
rooted. A majority Of those who
composed that convention had in
herited their political creed from
the Whig party, and were profound
believers in theprotective teachings
of Mr.. Clay. But a strong min.
ority came from the radical school
of Democrats, and, in joining the
Republican party on the antl-sla-
very issue, had retained their
ancient creed on financial and in
dustrial questions. Care was for
that reason necessary in the intro
duction of new issues and the i'm
position of new tests of party fel.
iowship. The convention there:
fore avoided the use of the word
'protection,' and was contented
with the moderate declaration that
sound policy requires such an ad-
justment Of imposts as will en-
courage the development OF the IN
dustrial interests of the whole
country Amore emphatic declara-
ton might have provoked resist
ance from a minority of the con-
vention, and the friends of protec-
ton acted wisely in accepting what
was offered with unanlmlty,
rather than continue the struggl e
for A stronger creed which would
have been morally weakened by
party division. They saw also that
the mere form of expression was
not important, so long as the con-
yention was unanimous on what
theologians term the substance OF
doctrine 1t was noted that the
vast crowd which attended the con.
yention cheered the tariff fresolutlod
as Justify as that which opposed
the spread of slavery into free
territory. From that hour the Re
publican party gravitated steadily
and rapidly into the position oil
lavowed advocacy of the doctrine oil
protection. The national ticket
which they presented was composed
indeed of an original Whig pro-
tectionist and an original Demo.
cratic free.trader; but the DRIFT OF
events, as will be seen, carried 0otlI
alike into the new movement for a
protective system.
ga review of the tariff ffleglslatlor
lin the period between the war OF
1912 and the political revolution oil
l1s9O exhibits some sudden and ex
Itraordinary changes on the part OF
prominent political leaders in thelI
relation to the question. The In
consistency involved is, however
more apparent than real. Perhaps
liz would be correct to say that the
inconsistency was justifiable in the
ewes of those who found it neces
sary to be inconsistent. Mr.. Web
ster was a persistent advocate o.
free. trade so long as Massachusetts
was a commercial State. But when
by the operation of laws against
the enactment of which he had ID
vain protested, Massachusetts be
lcame a manufacturing State, Mr.
Webster naturally and inevitably
became a protectionist. Mr.. Cal
houn began as protectionist when
he hoped for the diffusion and
growth of manufactures through
out all sections alike. lie became
a free trader when he realized thai
the destiny of the South was to IN
purely agricultural, devoted to pro
ducts whose markets was not, il
Ibis Judgment. to be enlarged by
the tariff, and whose production wal
enhanced in cost by its operation
Colonel Benton's change was siml
lar to Mr.. Calhoun's, though at
later period, and not so abrupt o.
so radical. Mr.. Van Buren's shift
ling of position was that of a man
Iaa0arlv soaking the current of DO