Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1884-02-15

before relief is given. Mr.. Sherman's ex-
perience certainly ought to have taught
him the laissez Jdire-the do-nothing, de-
lay-everything policy is as bad to-day as
when it drove Louis Philippe from his
throne. Mr.. Sherman thinks the business
OF the country was not benefited by the
revision Of the tariff last year. As the re-
vision made no essential change in the
tarif-took off less than five per cent. of
the former duties, and left the country
disappointed, and tradesmen sure that the
revision was no settlement and conse-
quently prices could not be depended upon
as permanent, the revision was no benefit,
while the disappointment resulting from
its failure to accomplish the ends intended
was baleful. All this, however, is no rea-
son for present postponement, but for the
contrary; is a reason for Congress, this
session, relieving the country of the per-
centage which the revisers intended to
wipe away but failed to do. Such action,
instead of being an unwise disturbance,
would be a wise removal of the disturb
ance caused by a tariff intended to remove
twenty-five per cent. of su%perfluous taxa
ton removing less than five per cent.
But, says Mr.. Sherman, Congress is in no
condition to pass a well-considered and
harmonious tax law. Then, by all means,
let it pass the Morrison bill, the provisions
OF which were all thoroughly considered
by an investigating committee last year.
But, says Mr.. Sherman, there is difference
of opinion respecting the tariff ever among
members OF the same party. The Morrison
bill presents a middle ground and being
constructed with business aims, not in ac-
cordance with political bias, team therefore
be safely supported by the moderate men
of both parties, and the extremists on
both sides, being left to themselves, can
do nothing. Mr.. Sherman is anxious that
what is to be done to the tariff shall come
from full party responsibility. There lies
the very basis OF his position. The coun-
try wants a lower tariff, to do away with
the plethora of revenue-to remove the
pressure of an ex~travagant tariff, so that
business may revive, strikes end, and
closed mills and factories be opened
while Mr.. Sherman wants a tariff hat will
build up, not the country, but the power
of a party. Such sacrifices of the greater
to the less the country bears with great
patience in prosperous times, but those
who play the priests at a party altar when
the people are suffering from dull trade
and a widespread calamity, do so at
their peril. Mr.. Sherman fears that
if a tariff measure is passed now the
people will not know who is to be held
accountable for (which shows hat he
does not know the American people yet.
Let him and his associates withhold the re-
lief the country is Just now so much in
want of, and the people at the ballot-box
will show him they know their friends,
and can distinguish them from those who
subsequently do as the ~monopolists bid. 1t
is the current attempt of the protection
lists just now to represent tariff reformers
as extremists who would jump from high
tariff to free trade as well as a stupid
gardener might bring a tender exotic out
of the hothouse on a frosty morning; but
the Morrison bill, with its cautious moder-
alton, gives flat denial TO such an accusa-
ton OF recklessness. No sentence in Mr..
Sherman's confession of faith is perhaps
more worthy OF notice than his declaration
that protective duties must extend TO all
farm labor-so the telegraph says, perhaps
it should be all forms of labor-and need
not extend to capital. But the con-
trary OF this is the case; protection
is extended to what the capitalist
favored by it has to sell, but it is
refused to the labor that he buys. Mr..
Sherman's idea that the development of
raw material leads inevitably to manufac-
lures, is strangely at war with history and
existing hets. Another OF the Senator's
important points is his declaration that
what cannot be made self-sustaining with
in a reasonable time, should not be pro-
tected-which is very true. Sugar has
long been protected, and is as far from
being self-sustaining as ever, yet the
m~onopolist party protect it, and sugar
cries more" as vociferously as ever.
What Mr.. Sherman says 'shorld be" is
rot always what he will help TO, insure
shall be-" To hear a preaching on the
cheapening of home productions b. pro-
lection is like seeing Satan sprinkle holy
water. Sugar, as we have said, has bsen
long protected, but it is not cheap yet.
Mr.. Sherman is horifed at what occurred
under free trade in Nhe panics OF 1887 and
1857; but what of the protection panic o.
1878, and of the present trade distress? Mr.,
Sherman also wants a moderate tariff
as the Morrison bill msderates what the
present tariff makes i~mmoderate, he
ought to be its hearty supporter, unless he
does not mean what he says. Finally,
Mr.. Sherman wants to encourage ship
building, but he opposes tightening the
tariff this year, so that his longing that
way cannot be very ardent. We nave dis.
cussed the Senator's remarks rather in de
tail than in general, for no general princi
pie is to be found in it, except a determi
nation to delay tariff reform. He say
the tariff should" do several things tina
it fails to do, but heis like somebody tn,
Great Teacher met with, who will bin'
heavy burdens, but will not put forth
finger to relieve the sufferer who is sink
ing with its weight.