New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1884-07-05
LORDS AND COMuONS.


Mr.. Gladstone's challenge to the House OF
Lords is well timed as political diversion. The
Franchise bill in its various stages in the Com
mons has failed to cngross the attention of the
country. Few great public meetings have been
held, and there has been 10 systematic agitation
in its behalf. The public mind has been pre-
occupied with the crisis in Egyptian affairs and
with General G0rdOn's fortunes, and the fate of
| the third English Reform bill of the century has
| been followed almost with feeling of lstless-
ness and Indifference. Notwithstanding tho
great maorites it received in the Commons,
the leader of the Tory Lords had announced
that 1t would be thrown out, not on a question
of principle but on the convenient political pre-
text that it is not accompanied by a bill for re-
distributing the seats in the lower House. Some
demonstration of pronounced nature was
needed in order to divert public attention
| from Egypt and to give warning of the mOmen-
| tous interests that were imperillcd. Mr.. G lad
stone perceived his opportunity and proiitcd by
| it. His unexpected challenge 10 the House of
! Lords is one of the most adrot acts of his
political career.
| The general effect of the Reform Act of / 800,
which was passed II few months before the pres
Dress was to shift the centre of political power
from the upper to the lower House. When the
nomination boroughs were abolished, aud the
centres of population were given their rightful
proportion of influence in the state. the landed
nnstocacy lost control of the popula, Chamber.
The rich middle classes became the dominant
power in public lilc The ultimate abolition of
the House of Lords was predicted even by con
scryaivc men of the day. "Tho institution of
the pccngc.n wrote Lord MNCauay in 1893,
ais evidently dying u natural DEATH "No-
body he added, "sccms 70 care u straw Tor
what the Peers say about any Natter These
reflections were only natural after the storm
and strcss of the political revolution in which
thC titled nobility had been OvcipOwcrcd. The
pccragc, however, had greater powers of vital
ty than its strongest champions suspected.
During the last fifty years the House Of Lords
has shown n remarkable degree of flcybilily in
adapting itself to new conditions. Ii has never
ceased to ob,truct every popular movement di-
rcctcd against the privileges of u titled class
and land-0wning aristocracy, but 1t has had
sufficient discretion TO avoid prolonging the
struggle when it was apparent that the popular
Chamber was receiving the support of the cOun-
csted in the questions at issue between the
Lords and the Commons. The consequence has
been that the upper House has emerged from
one crisis after another with its authority as n
co coordinate branch of the National Legislature
unimpaired.
Mr.. Gladstone has fought more than one
battle with the Lords. In 1861, when they at
tempted to retain tax which the Commons
had voted to remove, he massed AL the financial
proposals of the Government: in one BILL so that
they could not maintain their position without
making themselves responsible for an admins
trative deadlock He gave them the choice be-
tween repeating the paper duties and cutting off
the financial supplies of the Government; and
in this way he upheld the constitutional prac-
tice Of the country. Again in 1871 when the
Lords rejected the bill for the abolition of army
purchase, he chose the bold alternative of pro-
ceeding by Royal warrant without reference to
The action of either House. The Irish Land bills
Of 1870 and 1881 were opposed by the Lords,
1Gt compromises were finally effected. In the