The Caldwell tribune. [volume] (Caldwell, Idaho Territory [Idaho]) 1883-1928, 1884-10-11

was ULYSSES s. Grant, nothing but a soldier; III
der him the loss was "a cts and under the fir:
two years Of the much abused but honorab
soldier Hayes it was eight-fenths OF a mil
[Applause. And for the two years of CARTEL
and Arthur, | have not the exact figures, but
believe them to be mill and eight-tenths of
mill Now these facts are as cool in their ju:
tice as Fairbank scales; there is no more elc
quence in them than in the multiplication Ia
ble But that is not all. During the war tn
London exchange did not permit our bonds t
be listed. Turkey might come there, Portugal
anybody anything except the bonds OF tn
fragments Of the republic. This was no
strange, because there were not lacking Cit
zeRs all over the North who declared thos
bonds not worth the paper they were printed
on. To-day the British capitalist gladly invests
in American bonds, getting thereby a smalle
return than from his own consols. With th,
premium at which they sell, the interest realiz
ed from our bonds is .265, $50 and 900 as they
stand from month to month. This again /:
not a republican monopoly; it does not rise
from the divisions which form party; ii is the
judgment Of the people, who don't care any
thing about democrats or republicans; they
care nothing about our professions of politics
or religion II the Feejee Islanders were equal
ly able they would buy bonds from them in the
same way All they want to know is that there
is the ability to pay and the moral certainty Of
payment.
| THE TARIFF.
Then It is not true that this great party,
great even in maintaining the union, has fall
len below its strength and wisdom in handling
/ the finances of the country. Perhaps il is crit
icised because the nation has not grown under
republican control. Perhaps it is because we
have not protected American interests in all
| things And we approach the only sub ects
upon which there is anything like genuine
issue between the two parties, the enormous
tariff question. The republican party in gen
| eral was not only ready but hoping that the
question might be met now. 1t has been agi-
tating this country more or less for the last
thirty years, and we are ready for great fair
and square contest upon the doctrine. We
OF the republican party claim no particu-
lar scale Of duties, no surplus of revenue of
any fixed amount / think we have paid the
debt very rapidly, and | would reduce the
revenue in accordance with the best and the
sensible judgment of the business men and
the legislators But | do not yield for mo-
ment the proposition that protection is always
the right of a government, and sometimes
high duty. [Great applause. Our govern
ment has right to practice free trade in the
extreme and to raise every dollarby direct tax
atom 1t likewise has right to devote the
revenue of the customs to the encouragement
Of old industries. The free trade party, the
free trade men, pure and simple, treat us as If
we were claiming some moral wrong, as II the
very doctrine Of protection was robbery, and
that is a favorite expression of theirs. Now,
hold that it is the first business of a govern
ment, among its first and highest duties, to
watch and see what is the social and intellect
ual and financial, the business and material
condition of its people, to legislate with that
in view. Isn't that statement of the very first
principles the very first duties of government.
They say we NEEDLE, that it is meddlina' with
that which should be left without restraint.
Well, doesn't the government NEEDLE always.
1t begins when the child is born, and requires
a certificate and a record. 1t controls his
sob fox no Of hat a
long to him; lest the father may waste them
it appoints guardians for him; it controls his
marriage, and then again his children after
him, and when he goes to the grave it regu-
lates the disposition of his property and pro-
vides for the distribution of whatever he may
have given away. From the cradle to the
grave the government follows him. But the
free trade party says to you that after you
have provided for the personal rights, prot, Of
ed a man against assault upon his perso4A r
his property, you have ended the work of . v
eminent; thereafter you should leave all this |
great struggle, the enormous tide of struggle
between capital and labor, of one country over
another, to the chance of an hour; in short,
that you should apply to the people, whom
you are bound to protect, the great doctrine Of |
ldisSez fare, or the devil take the hndmost.
1 hold it to be the duty of the nation to
build itself up There is no selfshness in !
this. 1t is the duty of every man to build up |
the family and his home, not by any wrong |
doing, but If he and his neighbors or every
head of family will do this the community |
will prosper | hold it, also, TO be the duty of
a government, so far as it can do it, to see
that the nation develops every possible re-
source and capacity within its limits The
free traders will acknowledge, in some re-
spects they are obliged to acknowledge, the
duty of nation to protect itself. They will
do it on other grounds, l have no doubt. If
we have iron ores and the business Of manu-
featuring iron and stNi-l within our limits, it
is the duty Of the ma 'ut"> zee that that manu-
'acture is built up. bse-iise we can not carry
ron and steel for the whole catalogue of mu-
litions of war. If it is possible to raise wool
md manufacture wooden goods there, If the
industry has not been crowded, 1t is the duty
4 the government to see that 1t is Greeted and
ostered. One of our embarrassments In tho
7oolen clothing SO far the free traders will
o with us. Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill
nd other leading writers in favor of free
rade do not let slip an acknowledgement
hey can not help, that in the case of new
ountry, endeavoring to establish itself, and
ew industries, protective tatitf will be for
ne time justified. / go further than the iron ..
nd WOOL. Every possible capacity should be !
eveloped, and, somewhere between Maine ,
nd California, between the gulf and the lakes, /,
e can produce almost everything that is ,
eeded for human comfort and happiness. ;
Applause. - ---.-.
FREE TRADE PALACES. .I.
The coffee and the tea and the silk, without ,
hich we could live, and if those be the posi-
Titles of the country, then there arises i'm
ediately duty. But some say It can be done !
etter without. History shows that establish /,
industries In the hands of great capitalists, !
here there are oppressed laborers, Will come I
to cut down and keep down the struggling y
dustry In their own country. And the Brit a
h free traders are always spending their q
-eath and cndeavorng to prove that we :,
lould keep this great country rs Il market as q
lsture us province for British industry. | a
Did that nation should build itself up as far !.
possible that 1t may be us far as possible Il a
lf-containcd nation. Ii is perfectly obvious Z,
at new industries will not be established -
thout this protection, and | refer you for IL
he illustration to Australia and the wool pro- ~
lotion there. The colonsts found themselves
Using wool successfully and sending II ever so :,
any thousand miles, to Yorkshire and else .,
here, and brought back to Australia made up :,
TO goods. They said, Why send It'll Why 81
lvel SO far from the sheepl And so they are n,
npted TO start some wooden factories, and a.
en- the wooden factories of Great Britain sold ~
cheapy that they broke down the factories n
Australia. And then the Australians began n
put on duties--duties even against the a,
)ther country-and a fearful wall went up NJ
I'm the Free Trade Almanac over the wicked a.
SIS Of Great Britains colonies, who insisted r.
protecting themselves even against the 81
thar nd fba tnofhar faalc much Iii tha VI