The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-12-12
DIssEUTING THE TREATY.
Its Folly and Va1uelessness to the United
States Clearly Set Forth.

made one With Mexlco WHICH IS llkely 10 prove
failure; he has made another with Spain in ref
erence to her American colonies, and there is
more reason still why that should fail more
unreciprocal piece of reciprocity was perhaps
never presented for the acceptance of govern
ment Here are two colonies. Cuba and Porto
Rico. whose annual exports aggregate SlOO,0
900 and their imports about $50 600 900. Two
thirds of those exports come to the United
States, in return for which the colonies take
one-fourth of their imports from us. We desire
to increase our sales to this customer as largely
as possible: and in order to effect that purpose
Mr.. Foster proposes that shall surrender an
amount of revenue much in excess of the largest
amount of goods we can ever expect to send to
said colonies
In every point Of view this proposal is mon
strosity Ia the first place. there is no just pro
portion between the amount of revenue to be
surrendered by the two parties respectively. IN
our case it is generally estimated that the
amount of duties to be repealed on the products
we import from the colonies will be about
$50 0O0A0Q which may perhaps DE
taken as a safe approximation; and the
on which this surrender is to be made range
from 60 to 20 per cent 1t is difficult 10 estimate
exactly what amount of duty the colonies would
surrender under the treaty. fer no recent olhelal
returns of their commerce are available. 1t is
safe to say, however, that the amount OF Gus
toms income to be surrendered by the United
States is fully three times the entire sum OF the
import revenues of Cuba ana Porto Rico. HE
average rate of duties on imports in the colonies
is about % per cent, part of which is to be re-
mitted on certain articles and the whole on
others; while we undertake to yield over 60 per
cent. upon three -fourths Of our entire imports
from that source and TO make large reductions
upon the remainder. The lnequlty OF this eA-
change is so preposterous that 1t is lnconcelVa-
bic how a minister. a Secretary of State, or
President of the United States should consent
to submit the proposal for acceptance
In the next place. there is no fair reciprocity
in the relative commercial advantages to be &C.
rived from the treaty. AS already shown, the
colonies import only half as much as they eN-
port. We import from them now $67 100000 of
produce, and they take from us in
return $4,000, 900, From Spain they take
$12 5G0.0 and it is not likely
the Spanish government would permit any
important sacrifice of this part of the trade,
which is secured to Spain by special diserimina-
tons of duty. There remains 500 OO,OoO OF
imports from all other countries Ii we could
be sure of gaining the whole of this latter
amount. it would be an utterly inadequate
return for the sacrifices we offer TO make. But
there is little chance of our winning any really
important amount of the trade now transacted
with other countries. In breadstuds pro
visions animals COAL wood and oils, which con-
stitute large portion of the colonial imports
we have already a natural monopoly, and there
fore, cannot expect to gain much Nlne-tenths
of the trade in flour is already in our hands, ana
all we can expect from thar source would be a
slight increase of demand resulting from the
large reduction of duty; what thai might amount
to, whether absolutely or relatively, may be
inferred from the fact that our exports OF
-four to these colonies only amount to 81, 100000,
or per cent of our total exports OF the article.
On other articles the customs duties are so low
compared with our own, that no possible con-
cessions on these can give us any very decided
adv ntao n rDmnQtitiOn with other countries.
OF the So. 600 900 of imports of cotton manufac-
lures. England now supplies about W per
cent; and except on the PLAIN
variety of fabrics, nor the necessary eheapness
to enable MS to win very much OF this trade.
The same may be affirmed of linen fabrics and
dry goods at large-which is plain enough from
the fact that we need a tariff about doubie that
now existing in Cuba, to keep competing goods
out of our own markets The same position will
hold good with respect to earthenware, glass
ware, iewelry, leather manufactures, hardware.
cutlery etc.-on all of which the duties affirmed
by your manufacturers to be necessary to enable
them to hold their own, as against foreign COM
petition. are about double those imposed under
the colonial tariff
1t might have been something to the purpose
had the colonies surrendered in our favor their
oppressive export dntes but all that is conceded
on this very material point is that they shall mot
be made worse than they already are.
Yet while this treaty gives such immensely
valuable concessions to the colonies-involves
such a surrender of revenue on our part and gets
so preposterously little in return-iris so shaped
as to entiee and deceive a wide range OF Amer
lean interests into its support Nearly every
manufacturing interest is beguied by the assur
ance that a new market is opened unto them:
and. with so much eagerness as at this mo
ment of depression exists for mere straws Of !
support they are likely to accept the balt with
ont stopping to consider how very limited Is
the scope of the boon offered to our respective
industries and how feeble are the chances o.
their getting anything beyond fraction OF that
little An especially seductive SOP is thrown out
TO the shipping trade by providing thai all mer
chandise imported or exported under this treaty,
must be carried in United States or Spanish yes
sells, and putting American vessels under the
same exemptions as Spanish. The attractions
of the glittering bait will vanish when the fact
becomes known that already twothirds OF all
the vessels entering our ports with cargo from
Cuba and Porto Rico carry the American flag,
and of the remaining one-thlrd Spain supplies
- per cent by virtue of special Determinations
in their behalf. Moreover, If 1T were fact that
trade with the colonies were more largely served
than it actually is by other than American or
Snanish vessels, its transference as 4 monopoly
To these two nationalties would manifestly so
far interfere with free competition in ocean car
rage as TO seriously neutralize any advantages
otherwise derivable from treaty.
The browning folly of the proposed compact,
however. lies in the certainty that every advsnt
age we may hope to get will be won by Ctreat
Britain and that consequently, we shall be
found to have made enormous saerlflceS and
wholly deranged our revenue system for abso-
lutely nothing. England watches our busy ne
gotiators with absolute Indifference. And there
is reason enough for her attitude, for she is al
ready on the point of consummating CONNER
cial treaty with Spain, and, by virtue of pro
tocol signed a year ago in anticipation of the
completion. already enjoys the advantage of
1.-THE most favored nation privilege, and our
own treaty reserves to Spain the right to make
such a compact Virtually, therefore, the com
paratively nominal advantages we might hope to
gain are transferred to the bands of competitor
with which we are unable to cope.
The more this extraordinary piece of work
manship is examined the palmer it becomes that
it does not deserve moments serious attention;
and if the Senate is not influenced by cOnsidera-
lions entirely foreign to the merits OF the scheme
itself it will quickly consign the precious docu-