The Wilmingtonian. (Wilmington, Del.) 1882-188?, 1884-10-25
CENTS.

the phase of temporary expediency, origin
ally part of the measure, has palmed off
upon the citizens of the land a protection
tariff, hood winking their too often willing
dupes by the specious claim of patriarchal
authority!
Subborned by money and bribery these
hireling legislators have played into the
hands of rings and monnpolies thereby per-
petuating protection when the few alone are
benefited. The Tins has come when the
workingman is actually injured by measure
beneficently conceived by the fathers of the
country.
Did the Republican patty discountenanco
monied interference in legislation, did it as a
body refuse companionship with jobs the
theory of protection might inure measurably
to the benefit of the workingman instead of
accruing entirely to the benefit of the cap
italist The former has now no share in the
projected advantages of protection, the
measure, or what was good of it has been
strangled by the Republican party, it is use
less to the populacel
What can be said OF it as an example of
American legislation is that the theory and
inception was good and for some years it
uninterruptedly fulfilled its mission but was
ultimately seized upon by faithless legisla-
tors for personal ends and its good intents
criminally turned from the direction its
trainers had in mind.
1t is demonstrated that the avenues for
the natural distribution of wealth among
the masses have been diverted from their
original intent; the spirit of the constitu-
tiopal statute and its machinery affording
the opportunity of fair and equal dispersal,
so clogged and transformed that one class
the populace--the workingman-the laborer
for whom the legislation was incepted,
NOT only receives no advantage by it, but,
in addition to seeing his share finally lcgis-
lated away from him, finds his daily wage,
| bo some flagrant and ridiculous subversion
of the protection law paradoxical position of
a heavy contributor to these benefciaries of
NAL administration. The fathers coat, the
mothers and the children's cotton print are
taxed to aid the fallacy of protection in
maintaining the unconsciously seif-impoged
burthen of monopoly. Through the ILL
advised use of the franchise the masses have
surrendered the opportunity of equal share
in national prosperity. The monopolist has
stepped in at this point and garnered to
himself, has stolen, what should have been
reserved to the people had their legislators
been trustworthy. had they considered
''pGblic office a public trust" Their
arraignment for these misdeeds is now in
order, for, these very legislators, the Repub-
lican party, are now before the bar of public
opinion, suppliants for newal of public
trustl The opportunity presents itself
Will the people further trnst that party! 1t
| would pc lar oetter 1or tne laporer 10 HaNe
manufactured goods come free within our
ports than to subject them to duty and then
allow the manufacturers of clothing &C.,
import labor by which they are enabled to
get their work done at the very lowest
wages these same manufactures then turn
ing around aud compelling the masses to
pay for these clothes fifty per cent more
than they could be gotten for if the duty
were removed. An amelioration of the
, present position of the laborer would
be placing of per capita tax Of $4,000 on
all imported labor. This would accrue to
, the advantage of the laborer and would
strengthen his position. The fact that it
might be a slight tax up IN those into whose
pockets all the advantage, at presents, flows,
is a matter, in the nature of the case, which
ought not to be an object for solicitude in
current legislation. #.....
f'The laborer is worthy of his hire" and
the system of protection, which makes il
possible for the avaricious capitalist to Cir
cumscribe wages to the limit of starva
> tion, is radically wrong. A high tariff and
the importation of cheap labor are making
the few richer and the many poor.