New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1884-04-24

table After San Jacinto had there been no thought
| of annexation there would have been much INC
same thronging of adventurous spirits 10 inc s'""
| ard OF the victorious Houston. mus the pre-
vaiing desire for annexation Is amply explained
Rnt Mr.. Calhoun had personal aims, which
| made him not content TO await the ripehng ol INC
fruit. To avenge himself on Mr. Van Buren, he
sor,l+ for = vrcanon. and saw that annexation was
welcomed bv public opinion, and justly regarded as
| inevitable. His appeals enkindled the desire TOT
more slave territory. which soon became passion
| and grew to mighty political force.
These appeals not only DESTROYED Mr. van bnren,
and elected Mr.. CalhOun'S candidate. lhey alarheu
tho North The alarm was intensified by Mr.. Claws
| fatal hating between two opinions 80 anheNa- .
ton n measure wise in itself, came to he opposed
as a dark plot for the extension OF slavery As 10
| Texas Mr. Blaine maIntans, the prac'ical qnoS-
tion was whether we should incorporate her into
| the Union or leave her to drift In uncertain cur
rcnts-,possby to form European alliances who II
we should afterward be compelled in self-de-
| fence to destroy" In this sense, he holds that
history has vindicatcd the wisdom, the courage
| and the craftsmanship" of annexation
| But, while Northern opinion was uIs-
| taken as to the original motive, ITS Tears
were justified when the evil spirit evoked from the
depths by Mr.. Calhouns magic was fully disp'ayeu
! in the war which followed. Mr. Blaine recognizes
and iusItes 4" the belief of large majority OF the
ncope AZ the North that the administration (of Mr.
| Polk intended TO precpltate war, not meIely "
coerce Mexico" "a to Texas, but also to acquire
further territory for the purpose of creating addi
| tional slave States" Hence, while jusuiylng an
| nexotion he honors "the moral courage ana the
personal independence" of the few who voted
against the Mexican War bill
| twill be observed that Mr. Blaine sees both
| sides. lie dscriminates between wlse measmeS'
| and the base aims and mlschicvOus methods by
| which snch measures are often pushed with the
same care and importantly he shows how polltlcal
schemers were sometimes moved by pubic OPINION,
| and sometimes created it, III the compromises Oh
| 1852 the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and
the Kansas struggle. Like the genli, released by
tabled fishermen. the evil spirit set loose by Mr.
| Calhoun expanded over land and sea. 1t be-
came the Slave Power, audacious, despotlc
| intolerant and fanatically devoted TO ono idea'
! Made bold by Northern subSeIvience TINS Ne"
| South resolved upon mastery in the Union OF
| continental empire outside ofit." Made desperate
by the resistance of Mr.. Douglas and the uprising
| of tho Republican party, but reckoning that the
smell of powder would bnng the North to Its Knees
| the Slave Power resorted to Secession.
Mr. Buchanan's conduct at this crisis had for IFS
earliest motive belief that the North would back
down. But Mr. Blaine's tenth chapter is rch IN
bility upon individual characters lie shows, with
sinpnlarlv penetrating analysis of conflicting mo-
tives how Judge Blacks nmoSt purpose was first
reconstructed and then the Cabinet, and finally the
whole policy of Mr.. Buchanan. Not less interest
ing is the next chapter portrayal OF the uethous
by which the SeceSsiOnists weak IN NUMBER Dut
overwhelmingly powerful IN influence throngh
the prejudices and fears of Southern society
and its a1istOcratic organizations contTlVed
10 sweep into rebellion the people of eleven STATES
With the ptiless fidelity of photograph Chapter
Nil describes the shameful concessions by when
some Northern interests aud many Northern lead
ers strove to avert the cOntct-a retrospect huml-
iating to many public men now living. Then Mr.
Lincoln appears The rare craftsmanship of his
firm resolve mis- patient inaction and his mastery
appeals TO patriotic feeling gains by the contrast
Irving to him. more trying to thousands VINO
| did not possess his woDdrous wealth OF
| natence this course prepared public
! opinion for the irresistible Outburst of loyalty
| which answered the first shot at Sumter Chap-
fer XIV finely describes this grand uprising OF the
| Nation Succeeding chapters depict with a Skin
which no other historian of that trying period has
! shown, the wagering of popular sentiment as heIds
were won or lost the of general or local cur
rents of public opinion, its steady concentration
npon slavery as the canse Of the war; and ITS maj
! rpcping for Emancipation. In this respect MI
| Rlaines work is a most valuable contribution 10
| the Nations history.
The revolution of 1860 gave to the Nation
financial policy. 1t is III harmony with MI.
Blaines philosophic method that he does not reat
| the tariff question as one OF economic theory
| Whether different tariff would have made the
Nation richer. IN dollars and cents, seems to him
| secondary and uuimpOrtaut question. 10 his hhd,
the vital question is whethcra different taril wonld
! ;,I. ll1npUt
and women, as free and prosperous homes
! whether the dignity of labor and the freedom
| of citizenship wonld have been as well upheld.
! BEFORE slavery became a political and industrial
force the founders of the Republic had deemed 1t
! a most sacred duty 10 protect IFS industry III
every tariff they sought to shelter the labor OF the
country from dwelling competition with that OF
other lands where the laborer Is not also charged
| with the responsibilities of sclf-government. 10
| elevate aud dignity labor, to enable it to educate
| the young to give it personal independence con-
sisten with political freedom and to assure 1t time
| and means enough TO command needful information
! upon public affairs objects which, as MI.
Blaine shows, the early fathers ever kept III mind
| Slavery brought other motives TO the work OF
lepISIatIon When cottOu-grOwlng and slaye-brced-
ing became the dominant intereSts,lt Wasacconhteu
folly to bear burdens for the development of indus
| tries which could not stand alone To dignity OF
elevate labor not the aim OF the South. ii
! looked with honest dread upon a Northern society
| in which the Iaborng class had control. AS
antagonisrn grew between Slavery and Anti-Slavcry
! the South became more intensely and unltedy
! hostile 10 protective duties. Thus
settled financial policy. in harmony with
the needs Of freedom, not possible for the Re-
! public until Slavery had gone down. But with the
! overthrow of government by the few and for the
few. the Nation swung back to defence of its labor
as a most sacred duty of government by the people
! and for the people.
1t will be inferred that Mr.. Blaine's review Of
governmental action and public opinion on this