McCook weekly tribune. (McCook, Neb.) 188?-1886, 1884-07-24

tribute at no distant day to the universal
acceptance of the philanthr0pic End Christian
principle of arbitration. The effect even of
Suggesting it for the Spanish American states
has been most happy and has increased the
confidence of those people In our friendly dis
position. 1t fell to my lot as secretary of
state, in June, 1881, to quiet apprehension In
the republic of Mexico by giving the assur-
ance In an official dispatch that there is not
the faintest desire In the United States for
territorial extension south of the Rio Grande.
The boundaries of the two republics have
been established in conformity with the best
jurisdctional interests OF b0tn. The line of
demarkatiOn is not merely conventional. 1t
Is more. 1t separates Spanish-American
people from Saxon-Amerfcan people. 1t di-
videS one great nation from another with dis
tinct and natural H. ally. 81, -
We seek the conquests of peace. We desire
to extend our commerce, and III an especial
degree with our friends and neighbOrs on this
continent. We have not improved our rela-
lions with Spanish America as wisely and as
persistently as we might have done. For more
than generation the sympathy of those coun-
tries have been allowed to drift away from U.S.
We should now make every effort to gain
their friendship. Our trade with them is large
already. During the last year our exchanges
i'm the Western hemisphere amounted to three
hundred and fifty millions Of enthusiastically
one-fourth of our entire foreign commerce.
TO those who may be disposed to underrate
the value of our trade with the countries of
North and South America, it may be well to
state that their population is nearly or quite
fifty millions-and that, in proportion to ag-
gregate numbers we import nearly double as
much from them as we do from Europe. But
the result of the whole American trade is in a
high degree unsatisfactory. The imports dur
ing the past year exceeded two hundred and
Twenty-Five millions, while the exports were
less than one hundred and twenty-five mil
lionS-allowiIlg a balance against us OF more
than one hundred millions of dollars. But the
money does not go to Spanish America. We
send large sums to European coin or its equiv
alent to pay European manufacturers for the
goods which they send to Spanish-America
We are but paymaSterS for this enormous
amount to European factOr-an amount which
is serious draft, in every financial depres-
sion, upon our resources of specie.
Cannot this condition of trade in great part
be changed? Cannot the market for our pro-
ducts be greatly enlarged? We have made q
beginning in our effort to improve our trade
relations with Mexico, and we should not be
content until similar and mutually adyan-
tageOus arrangements have been successively
made with every nation OF North and South
America. While the great powers of Europe
are steadily charging their colonial dOmina-
ton in Asia and Africa, it is the especial prov
ince OF TINS country TO improve anu expana a us
promises SO much. No field has been cultiva-
ted so little. Our foreign policy should be an
American policy in its broadcast and most COM
prehenSiye SenSe-a policy OF peace, OF friend
ship, of commercial enlargement.
The name of American, which belongs to
us in our national capacity, must always exalt
the just pride of patriotism. Citizenship of
the republic must be the panoply and safe
guard of him who wears it. The American
citizen, rich or poor, native or naturaliZed,
white or cOlored, must everywhere walk Sc
cure in his personal and civil rights. The re-
public should never accept a lesser duty, it
can never assume Il nobler one, than the pro-
lection of the humblest man who owes 10y
alty-protection at home, and protection
which shall follow him abroad, into whatever
land he may go upon a lawful errand.
THE SOUTHERN STATES
l recognize, not without regret, the neces-
Sity for speaking OF two sections OF our COM
mon country. But the regret dimiuishes when
| perceive that the elements which separated
them are fast disappearing. Prejudices have
yielded and are yielding, while growing cor
diality warns the southern and northern
heart alike. Can any one doubt that between
the sections confidence and esteem are to-day
more marked than at any period in the sixty
years preceding the election of President
Lincoln? This is the result in part of time and
in part of republican principles applied under
the favorable conditions of uniformity, 1t
would be great calamity to change these in
fluences under which southern common
wealthS are learning to vindicate civil rights,
political tranquility and industrial progress.
If there be occasional and violent outbreaks
i'll the south against this peaceful progress,
the public opinion of the country regards
them as exceptional and hopefully trusts that
each will prove the last.
The south needs capital and occupation, not
As much as any part of the
north, the south needs the full protection of
the revenue laws which the republican party
offers. Some of the southern states have al
ready entered upon career OF Industrial de-
velopment and prosperity. These, at least,
should not lend their electoral votes to de-
Stroy their own future.
Any effort to unite the southern states upon
issues that grow out of the memories OF the
war, will summon the northern states to com
bine in the assertion of that nationality which
was their inspiration in the civil struggle.
And thus great energies which should be
united in a common industrial development
will be wasted in hurtful strife The demo-
cratic party shows itself a foe to southern
by always invoking and urging
southern political consolidation. Such pol
icy quenches the rising instinct OF patriotism
i'm the heart of the southern youth; it revives
and stimulates prejudice; it substitutes the
spirit of barbaric vengeance for the love of
peace, progress and harmony.
THE CIVIL SERVICE.
The general character of the civil service of
the United States under all administrations
has been honorable. In the one supreme test
the collection and disbursement of revenue
the record OF fidelity has never been sur
passed in any nation. With the almost fabulous
sums that were received and paid during the
war, scrupulOus integrity was the prevailing
rule. Indeed, throughout that trying period,
it can be said to the honor of the American
name that unfaithfulness and dishonesty
among civil officers was as rare as misconduct
or cowardice on the field of battle.
and necessarily enlarged the civil service, I'M
til now it includes a vast body of officers.
Rules and methods of appointment which pre-
vailed when the number was smaller have
been found insufficient and impracticable, and
earnest efforts have been made to separate
the great mass of ministerial officers from
partisan influence and personal control. I'M
partially in the mode of appointment to be
based on qualification, and security of tenure
to be based on faithful discharge of duty, are
the two ends to be accomplished. The public
business will be aided by separating the legis-
lative branch of the government from all con-
troll of appointments and the executive de-
partment will be relieved by subjectlng ap-
pOintments to fixed rules and thus removing
them from the caprice of favOritism. But
there should be rigid observance of the law
which gives in all cases Of equal competency
the preference to the soldiers who risked their
lives in defense of the Union.
entered Congress in 1863 and in some
what prolonged service l never fonnd 1t eXpe-
dent to request or recommend the removal
of a civil officer except in four instances, and
then for non political reasons which were in
stantly conclusive with the appointing power.
The officers in the district, appointed by Mr..
Lincoln in 1861 upon the recommendation of
my predecessor, served, as a rule, until death
or resignation. adopted at the beginning of
my service the test of competitive examina-
ton for appointments at West Point, and
maintained it so long as L had right by law
to nominate cadet. In the case of many Of
ficers found that the present law which ar