The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-01-15

ana relenuleSS DuU III was against Uue S1uAU Vi
disloyalty and the organization which es
poused it, and not against individuals.
Sleepless in his vigilance, undaunted in his
courage, boundless in his resources, and fer
tile in expedients, Governor Morton met
every emergency; he placed his State in the
front rank, and shed imperishable luster upon
the Indiana soldier in the days when the sol
der was the only hope and stay of the nation.
Yet let it be said and never forgotten, that in
asking Of the men he summoned to arms no
loyalty other than loyalty to the country;
he maintained relations of personal friendship
with members of high repute in the organi
zltion against which his very soul was in re-
volt, and to-day, all over the State of Indiana,
there are party opponents of his who
wear honorable titles and bear hon
orable scars in a service to which
he commissioned them. His unbending
purpose and marvellous pertinacity have been
misiudged for traits of malignity. In this
hour when death has softened passion and
tempered Judgment, let it be recalled that
never in the most heated debate was he be
tIayed into mere personal invective; That as
an executive he ever tempered Justice with
mercy, and that he interposed to save from
death men who had been adjudged worthy of
that penalty for their crimes against the gov
eminent he loved with ardent passion. Could
man deserve the harsh judgments that have
been passed upon him who exhibited the care
and thoughtfulness he did toward the thou
sands of brave heroes who responded to his
calls? In New York, burdened with cares
thrust upon him by the unfriendlness of the
Legislature of 1868, he heard of the transfer
of Indiana troops from the Potomac to the
Cumberland. 1t was in the sultry summer.
The soldiers were crowded into box-ca1s, and
must necessarily suffer greatly. He tele
gTaphed the superintendent of the c., H. & D.
railroad, at Cincinnati: 'On the arrival of
the Indiana troops at your depot see that they
have all possible attention, even to cup of
cold water, in the name of the Great Master.
This is not the act, neither are the words the
words, of a man of cold and selfish ambition
80, when Governor Morton was transferred
to the Senate of the United States, in 1867, it
was in the heat of the years of the turbulence
and obstinacy of Johnsons administration.
At the close of the rebellion no one heard his
voice raised for the exemplary punishment of
the leaders of rebellion. He did not use his
great influence to secure either the execution
of Jefferson Davis, the ACKNOWLEDGMENT of the
seeded States, or the sequestration of the es-
tates of traitors. Indeed, he suffered somewhat
in the estimation of wing of his own party,
led by men who were then in a rage for uni
versal hanging and contiscation, because he
was inclined to give his influence to Mr.. John
son in what he believed was purpose to peace
fully reconstruct the States Mr.. Molton's
senatorial record will be searched in vain for
the introduction Of any measure for personal
punishment or national revenge. But he was
confronted with the old antagonist of the ma
ton, led by such men as Frank Blair, with the
Broadhead letter for platform, and there APP
peared to him no other OF better way to CON
serve what had been fought for on the battle
field than by the passage of the con
stitutional amendments, the enfranchise-
ment of the colored people, and the
adoption of such measures as would keep the
Republican party in control of the national
and Southern State governments. To him
there were but two partes-the one espousing
the national idea and the other antagonizing
it. The Republican party was means to an
end 1t was sanctifed in his mind to the ac-
complishment Of an object worthy the rivers
of blood that had been shed and the millions
of treasure that had been expended Should
/ be a mote in its record somewhere To have
abandoned it, or to have contributed to its
/ weakness by decimating its ranks ON a minor
issue, was treason to the one overshadowing
idea and purpose of his public life. Senator
Morton loved power He was conscious of
his own strength. He had been tried in great
! crises, and had succeeded. But he never loved
power for mean purpose, but only desired it
that he might contribute to the one object of
unifying and consolidating the nation,
Strengthening the government, and exalting
patriotism, so that in future years the ma
ton might not make shipwreck upon the rocks
that had so nearly wrought its destruction.
This was the secret of his strong craftsmanship,
which has been so harshly stigmatized by
those who have not been able to look beyond