The true northerner. [volume] (Paw Paw, Mich.) 1855-1920, 1884-08-14


our own homes.
Hon. William r. Morrison. Chairman of the
Committee OF Ways and Means OF the House OF
Representatives, and leader OF the free-trade
Democracy ON the floor OF the House, as well as
his associates, all insist that protective tariff
Their argument is that the tariff gives a bounty
to the manufacturer that is Indirectly paid by
the labor that they employ. And, I'm the next
place, that the laboDer IL compelled To pay an
increased price for his living in consequence of
this bounty. In answer TO these assertions,
! claim that capital and labor in this country
must go hand In hand together; that the down.
fall of either ruins the other; that therefore,
protection TO the manufacturing interests of
this country IL protection TO the laborers, and
that bounties TO manufacturing establishments
are Kept down by the labor unions, which are
nothing but protective societies among the wage
classes. In the next place, claim that protec-
ton To manufacturers IL a protection to the la
borer per Sc; for capital is not compelled to seek
manufacturing enterprises, while labor must
have market The manufacturer could make
as much money out of his products by a system
or cheap labor as he can by high wages, with
protection. For example, England il a free
are in a fiourishing condition. Her manufactur-
ers are making money. But how is IL with her
laborersp Are they able to accumulate property
| and acquire homes2 i assert that the English
manufacturers make money only because they
have reduced he pay OF their wage classes To
the lowest living limit. We often designate it
as "pauper labor" But whatever it's designa-
ton my be, il is certainly at the very lowest
limit to which labor and physical endurance can
be reduced.
Annually there is an influx of immigration to
this country amounting to 100000 people. These
Immigrants come with their families and are
laborers. They come TO work aud toll in our
midst; TO add wealth TO our nation. They left
their homes in foreign countries for some cause
III free trade Ia so much better for the wage and
working classes than protection, why do they
not seek the friendly shores of EnglandY Why
do they not enter the workshops of that free
trade country instead of coming TO America,
with her high protective laws? Have you ever
heard of there being an influx of immgrat on to
England or any other European country The
| reason OF immigration to this country is evil
dent: Their friends who preceded them have
| told them by letter and otherwise that wages
| are better here; there was a better chance in
the race of life on our shores than in any other
country in the world. Hence their presence
among us. Why is it, II free trade is so much
better for the laborer than protection, that ever
| since 1870, in every labor organization and So
ciety, where they have had occasion to march in
procession on public occasions, their banners
and transparencies have testified to the benefit
| OF protection to the American wage classes. L
might multiply instances aud continue to pro-
duee evidence TO prove The assertion that wages
are higher in this country than in any other, but
/ consider IL work of supererogation and an
atront TO the intelligence OF the wage classes of
this country TO pile up further testimony on this
| point
The assumption by our free-trade friends that
| the cost of living is doubled or quadrupled un-
| der protective system is not borne out by
| facts. As test OF what / say / challenge any
man TO examine in the city or Richmond the
books of n merchant a To the price of wooden
cloth, cotton goods delaines and ginghams in
1860 and compare it with the price for like arti-
Giles at the present time. Upon making inquiries
any one will find that prices of like articles were
| higher than they are now. And this, although
| free trade existed in 1860, since which time we
have been living, and are now, under the pro-
| tectve system.
AS an illustration of what say, refer TO the
single article OF wooden blankets, about which
our free trade friends have exercised themselves
so much among the laboring and wage classes
4 Il HA,tl.t mott haf Loft
often hear again during the discussions this
| year, that the farmer and laborer are taxed for
| their blankets from 81 to s. pair. 1t will be
| alleged that this enormous tax goes into the
rockets OF the manufacturer. deny that wooden
blankets of any quality as high IN price day
as they were in 1860 The lowest grade of coarse
| blankets manufactured were sold at 81 pair in
| 1860 whereas the same quality Of blankets to
day are manufactured and sold at 81. % a pair
| The next quality, in 1870, were sold at $3.50 a
| pair, and they can now be bought for 81 80 a
! pair, and on to the very highest grades
which manufactured and sold These
are the wholesale prices, and you must remem-
| Der that this is under tariff which protects
| from 40 to GO per cent. In other words, we had
| 10 pay from 80 TO GO per cent higher for the
same class and quality of blankets than we do
| in 1894 under a protective law; and, what was
| worse for us, the bounty" that we then paid
| went into the pockets of foreign manufacturers,
| and was not distributed among the laborers of
! our own country. But under a tariff there can
| be no bounty distributed to manufacturers
| The trades unions and workmens organizations
keep the price oflaDOr TO Its highest limit, which
| Is right, and gives TO the manufacturer but a
| small margin; and competition among our own
people brings the price down so low that we OBJ
tain the article at a less rate than we could I'M
! der system OF free trade. IL Is not confined to
4 the article of blankets alone Carpets show the
/ same ratio in favor of American industry. So
| with our deaines, cotton fabrics, ginghams: and
| all that Is necessary tor any one to do to become
| thoroughly informed on this subject il to take
/ time to investigate greater disparity exists
| in the values of iron aud steel, although we are
| constantly told that the iron interests Of Penn
| sylvania are protected beyond the bounds of
reason. If the free-trader will take occasion to
/ hunt up the prices of best refined bar rail iron
! in Philadelphia from 1856 TO 1860. and from 1880
TO 1884, he will ind a large balance in our favor
! as against the price during the free-trade years
| desire to illustrate the theory of an open
| market for all commerce by referring to Chinese
cheap labor. As principle, believe the doors
OF this country should lie opened to the settle
ment OF all persons in the world, provided they
make their home among US for the purpose of
! becoming part of our citizens, and are willing
To assimilate with and become absorbed by our
civilization. This was the theory of the fathers
of the republic. But the exception which urge
is against a species of slave labor. need not
argue with any intelligent man that the Chinese
| coolies, by many centuries of brutal treatment,
| have become Injured to coarse and cheap living.
| While his power of endurance TO perform phys
| ical labor Is not reduced below one-fourth of
| that of our own laborers, his diet and conse-
| quent cost of living is disprOportonately re-
duced below his power TO perform labor But
the greater objection against this kind of laborer
| is that he does not seek home in this country,
| except for temporary purposes-comes here
under a contract, and, having accumulated
a few thousand dollars, Immediately returns
| TO his native land. He takes no interest in our
affairs, refuses the offers of Christianity civ
ilization brings his idols with him, institutes in
our midst court OF idolatry, and refuses to
! yield assent in any manner to the teachings of
our missionaries. The great fact remains that
| IL they overspread and overrun this country.
their labor will effectually and materially lessen
| that of our own wage classes and reduce them
by competition TO the verge of starvation, for no
| laborer in this country can live upon what the
Chinese laborer will live upon and grow rich. II,
therefore, the doctrine of free trade is right, the
| Chinese coolies should not be prohibited from
| entering our country, because they would fur
nish TO the manufacturing establishments cheap
| labor, to the farmers the same, and would soon
| take the place of domestics and
| crowd out the busy hands of labor in the thou
| sand vocations which our people now NIL. IL is
| true this would cheaper living and productions
| of all kinds, but 1t would deprive our own
| laborers OF the means of earning livelihood.
More than half n century ago the Monroe doc
| trine was explicitly announced as the policy OF
| this nation. 1t has been revered and respected
| by all parties and classes of men from that day
| to this. While it In true that Great Britain
| promised to refrain from the colonization of
| British Honduras, yet 10 is nevertheless true
that, negatively, she agreed in the Buwer- Clay
I ton treaty not to possess herself of further ter
| ritoy on this continent. That she has violated
| this treaty from time TO time IL also true. En-
| gland has never RETAINED from violating auy
1 tra.ifv VIII har nj int at