The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-05-01
THE HOUSE.
Speech by MIR. Hewitt in support of the
Morrison Bill.
adjourned


Morrison Bill.
WASHINGTON. April 30-On motion of Mr.
Roserrans joint resolution was passed author
zing the Secretary of War to loan tents, etc, to
soldiers reunions, and to grant condemned can
non for monumental purposes on proper appl-
cation.
The morning hour was dispensed with, and
the House went into committee of the whole
Mr.. Cox in the chair, on the tariff bill.
Mr.. Dingley controv erted the propositions laid
down by Mr.. Cox, Mr. Hurd and theirs, that the
decline of American commerce was the result of
the protective tariff.
Mr.. Hewitt of New York, said that after
listening to the eloquent speech delivered yes
terday by the gentleman from Ohio, he had
doubted whether it was worth while for him to
take up the thread of that great argument but
he had concluded TO try to gather some stray
sheaves of wheat from the great field over which
the gentleman had passed his devOuring sickle.
He had been charged with inconsistency on the
tariff question He had no apologies to make
for having progressed out of darkness into the
open sunshine of truth, but he would have had
apologies to make if, having reached conclusions
which eontradlcted those he held years ago, he
shouldfail, here and everywhere toannounce them
with that frankness which belonged to an honest
man and faithful Representatives. Mr.. Hewitt
Unen look up Jfle SUBJECT pfOleCuOn IN cOnQec-
ton with the aboring classes, and said there was
stagnation everywhere in protected industries.
The testimony taken by the Senate committee
on labor was absolutely unanimous first that
wages of workingmen in this country not
sufficient to give them even decent support for
their families and, second, there had been a
steady degradation of the condition of the labor
ing classes during the last twenty years. The
owners of the great coal mines of Pennsylvania
had recently met in Philadelphia and soemnly
come to the conclusion that they might
keep up the price of coal by only
suspending work for nine days in month.
Keep up the price of coal to the workman, to
| the farmer, 70 everybody who earned living by
the sweat of his brow, and then tell him he was
protected by the tariff Could there be greater
mockery of justice! Take the iron works. Last
year twO-thirds of the furnaces of the country
were in blast THIS year nearly two thirds were
closed, and the wages Of the army Of workers
| had been reduced. He was among the unfortu
nate manufacturers who had been forced to re
duce the wages of his worlmen He was com
| PEELED to give them choice between no work. or
| work at less wages than they ought to get.
Nh. Kelley, of Pennsylvania-Tha you, most
profoundly. most heartily, for indorsing my doc
trine that production has so far outrun consump-
ton the world over that the proportion in which
the joint production of labor and capital should
be distributed. must be readjusted
'The Lord delivered him into my hand re-
| piled Mr.. Hewitt The gentleman says protec-
ton has been unable to prevent overproduc-
further and say protection creates overproduc-
tion-that this is the logical end and conclusion
of protection. You have limited market
walled in by the tariff What can you do with
your surplus! Nothing but pile it up as long
as money last, and then stop and those pro
tected workingmen are left to starye.
He then went on to consider the manner i'll
which the condition of the laborers could be i'm
proved. Trades unions he contended are the
| shield armor and protection of workingmen,
| and they were all the protection he
| needed. But in this country trades
| unions paralyzed by protection.
| they were at with each other Under pro
tective tariff trades unions must be feeble and
must finally die. In an oyepstocked market,
| with doors open to foreign immigration, trades
unions were absolutely powerless Workmen
| had no means of bringing owners to terms, eX-
cept by their labor associations and labor asso-
Citations failed every time overstocked
market Passing on to . discussion of the con
dition of the workngInen in England. he as
serted it had improved steadily since the era Of
free trade. He did not claim that this improve
ment was due entirely to free trade, but free
trade made it possible for trades unions to or
ganize and go to a master and say, you con
tribute capital administration, management; that
is worth certain percentages the rest belongs
to u.s. and we intend to have it,
i,nd they had got it, He believed the tariff must
go. To have it go at once would ruin him,
would ruin all manufacturers, and would iniure
the labor engaged in manufactures. Congress
had no right to infct this wrong. Reform must
be made slowly. This steady progress would
convince the workingmen that Congress was on
the right road He would begin by putting raw
materials on the free list, and by raw materials
he meant those articles, on which
no process of manufacture had been APP
piled. He would let the duties remain after
the process of manufacture began, and not be
fore. Then he would limit the rates of duties
He would not have those excessive rates which
cOntradicted the sense of justice of every
Then, he would say to the people: 1--WE have be
gun the work Of redemption; judge you this
| tree by its fruits. Have you steadier wages
more of the comforts of lifel If you have let
US 90 on with this good work. If it turned out
otherwise, he would pause, He was not as
bigoted and preiudiced as once he had been
Would you be in favor of repeating the con
spracy laws!H inquired Mr.. Brumm
They are disgrace to the nation. l would go
to the very end in giving the laborer the same
rglts before the law that he has before bis God.