Butler citizen. [volume] (Butler, Pa.) 1877-1922, 1884-01-16
GEN. CAMERON'S HISTORY.
An Old-Line Whig Finds Some
Points to Criticise.
To the Editor of the Press.

i SIR:-I have read with interest
Gen. Cameron's account Of parties, and
| the attitude of the Democratic party to-
ward the tariff The latter is general
" correct, but bis history of the rise of
the Whig party, and the cause leading
to it, is not so accurate. He gives the
time about 1888 or 1899 during Van
Buren's administration 1t took its
name partially in 1882, and became
fully established in 1888 on the remov-
al of the deposits from the Bank of the
United States, W hen, as the Wings said,
'the hand which held the sword of the
nation seized its purse" He makes a
greater mistake when he says the Whig
party was one "of leaders rather than
principles" " The General was then a
Democrat, his first alteration not being
until 1916, when he supported James
NJ. Power for canal commissioner He
was not likely to view the series of acts
of Gen. Jackson which led to the for
nation of the Whis party with the eyes
OF those who formed it. There were,
indeed, grand leaders then, but the
party itself rose upon foundation of
great principles and pursued path of
right, until it fell asunder, in 1854, on
the great slavery issue, eliminating in
the Kansas trouble and the repeal of
the Missouri compromise. The Re-
publicans of to-day, who were the
Northern Wings of that day, have o
deep interest in their principles and
history.
A brief statement of the prior con-
dition of parties is essential to proper
understanding of the state of parties
during General Ja,kson's administra-
ton. The Federal party was so broken
up by the war of 1912 that Mr.. Mon
roe was reelected in 1920 without op-
position. John Quincy Adams had
long been in the Democratic fold and
was made his Secretary of State. Dur
ing the administration of Mr.. jefferson,
with whom Mr.. Adams held confden-
tial relations, he had separated from
the Federalists on the question of en-
bargo He had also held offices under
the administration of Mr. Madison.
He was, therefore, Democrat in 1924
and as Secretary of State under Mon
roe in the line of presidential success
sion" In the presidential contest of
that year he and Henry Clay, Gen. Jack
son and VIM. H. Crawford, all Demo
Gratis, were the only candidates. None
receiving majority of the electoral
vote. the contest went into the House
Of Representatives. Mr. Cameron
does not state the vote correctly. In
stead of Mr. Adams being lowest in the
electoral vote, he stood next to General
Jackson, having eighty-four, the latter
having ninety-nine, while Crawford
had forty-one and Clay thirty-seven.
Mr.. Adams appointed Clay Secretary
of State, and out of this grew the
charge of bargain and sale," Mr..
Clay's influence being thrown for Mr..
Adams in the election by the House.
In the election of 1928 there was no
party issue, Adams and Jackson both
being Democrats and the only candid
ates. The contest was wholly personal,
and of the most virulent kind. The
writer has q vivid recollection of it.
He was then nineteen years of age, re-
siding in Pittsburgh, and student at
law. He we'll remembers the coffin
hand bills reprinted by John B. Butler,
of the Statesman, then an Adams man,
afterwards a prominent Democrat.
They were placarded on the Office of
the Statesman, corner Of Wood and
Fourth streets. Many, perhaps ma
jority, of the former Federalists sup
ported Jackson, who had favored the
election of Mr. Monroe, instead of Mr..
Madison, whom Jefferson desired as
his successor. Jackson had also, dur
ing the trial of Aaron Burr for treason,
publicly denounced Mr.. Jefferson for
his course toward Burr. On the other
hand, Mr. Adams was considered by
many Federslists a renegade on ac-
count OF the part he took against them
during the administrations Of Mr.. JEFF
ferson and Mr.. Madison.
The charge of bargain and sale
against Mr. Clay, and the bitterness of
the canvass of 1928, led General Jack
son, after his accession to the Presi-
dency, into opposition to Mr.. Clay's
favorite measure, known as his Amer
lean System" One of his first acts
was his veto of the Maysville Road
bill, May 81, 1880, soon afterward fol-
lowed by his veto of the Portland
Canal bill In his Maysville Road
veto he took ground against the con-
stitutional power Of the United States
to construct internal Improvements
without the consent of the States but
conceded that money already raised
under the power of Congress (an old
doctrine) might be applied to promote
such improvements. (By the way,
how does this apply to Mr.. Blaine's
distribution plan y On the tariff, he
took ground against Mr.. Clay's doc
trine, alleging it to be the high protec-
tior, though his dislike Of and quarrel
with, Mr.. Calhoun led him to assert
the authority of the Government
against notification. In his second
annual message, of December 9, 1880,
Jackson approached the tariff question
very cautiously, conceding the power
and expediency of incidental protection
in raising revenue. But he narrowed
the doctrine by circumscribing the sub
jects of protection, and attacked the ex-
isting tariff on various grounds. protest
ing also against partisan measures. In
his next annual message, December 6,
1881, he became more unequivocal, and
making the speedy extinction of the
public debt his pretext, he recommend
ed a modification of the tariff and re-
duction of duties This led to thor
ough change in the tariff by the act of
July IA, 1882 But South Carolina,
under the lead Of Mr. Calhoun, not be-
ing satisfied and taking measures to
obstruct the execution of the law by
notification n new element entered in