National Republican., 1884-02-26
FROM THE PEOPLE.
Letter From Distinguished Naval Authority
on Oar Coast DJienses
The Bourbon Scheme for PcnsionIng In-
human Slave Catehers.
OUR COAST DEFENsEs.

Your admirable article of the twentieth in
relation to our neglect TO provide for our de-
fense will meet with the approval Of all
thoughtful men, however little it may do so
with those who throw buck their heads and
say We are the greatest people ON earth,
sr!P Granted, If you choose, but is that q
reason why we should not provide for our
defense? What arc the objects Of n nation ?
Arc they not to provide against external enc
mics; to provide against internal disorders
to establish general, economy whereby q
people may enjoy the fruits Of their labor in
peace aud security
In relation to your very plain statement as to
our condition, and criticism observed in AN
evening paper, it may be worth while TO ex.
anime the laws of nations rs expounded by
Nattel, book perhaps quite unknown to
your commentator On page So will be
found Let us now proceed to n third di-
vision of tho duties which nation owes to
itself-a third object Of good government.
One of the ends of political society is to de-
ieud itself with its combined strength against
all external insult or violence. If the So
cicty is not in a condition to repulse an
aggressor it is very imperfoct-it is unequal
to the principal object of its distinction and
can not long subsist. The nation ought to
put itself in such state us to be able to
repel and humble an unjust enemy. This is
an important duty which the care Of its
own perfection, and even of its preservation,
imposes both on the state and its conductor"
at is its strength alono that can enable n
nation to repulse all aggressors, to secure its
rights, and render itself everywhere respect
able. 1t is called upon by every possible
motive to neglect no circumstance that can
tend to place it in this happy situation. q
% page 90. The power of nation is
relative, aud ought to be measured by that Of
its neighbors, or of all of the nations from
whom it has anything to fear. The state is
sufficiently powerful when it Is capable of
causing itself to be respected and of repell-
ing whoever would attack it,"
Nattel may be entirely ignored by our en-
liRhtened congress, and your hippant critic
may delight in a FOOLS paradise, but that
will not meet the case when it arrives. He
says: But all this discussion of naval at
tack on our sCaboard assumes two improba-
bilties-a sudden outburst Of war and a
failure on our part to secure an alliance.
As a matter of fact, in case of q war, we
could get all tho ships and guns we wanted,
and have what time was requisite to bring
them here or where they would do the most
geod." The above hypothesis are wholly
illusionary. As an illustration the reader
will remember the Trent affair; it was make
amends without parey or suffer the penalty
What assurance have we that ransom will
no / be demanded by an enemy of our unpro-
war and that their ultimate destruction will
only be avorted by an almost immediate COM
plianCe with whatever powerful enemy may
demand? 1t is as absurd to suppose that an
enemy would give us warning, and thus
enable us to make efforts Of preparation as it
is to believe that we could at such moment
secure a protective alliance.
Boosting of $l50,000,000 of revenue that
may be thrown away, it is difficult to con-
ceivc anything moro ignoble than to grudge
whatever is necessary to our defense, and to
propose in advance to purchase a defender
when danger arises.
Gen. Washington's advice that we should
avoid entangling alliances is either unknown
o or disapproved by your contemporary. He
has the idea that few ships purchased in
haste and sent where they would do the
most good" would he all sufficient in addition
to the alliance which he suggests could so
readily be made. If desired, it should be
made now, and styled by its proper name--a
protectorate. Would he buy frst-class forth
fcations and have them delivered to order?
Will he inform you under what neutrality
laws we could be supplied with all that we
require, and where the ships are to be found
for sale when we require them?
-four legislators also dwell in a FOOLS para
disc, let them consider what the late minister
Of foreign affairs of France said to one Of their
number: But how about your defenses i?
why, IN the intelligence department. OF our
war Office we have drawing of every mill
tary work Of consequence on the whole Amer
lean coast line, with comments on their
strength, and their is not tirst-clasS fortifi-
cation among them. DO you know how long
it takes to build first class modern gun 2'
The American said he did not. Lacour said,
at takes a whole year. Your cities would be
shelled and sacked and laid under tribute
while you were creating q navy, and how
could you rebuild fortifcations with 1000
pound shells falling about the ears of the
work ingmen? BE sure that your defenseless
condition is thoroughly well known and
commented upon by every power in Europe
that would gladly see you humbed for, as
said, your prosperity is q dangerous menace
to all of them but France" KEN MEuR.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 81, 1884.