New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1884-03-13

here employed IN illustrating and illuminating
the abstract lines of constitutional acuoh anu
the social and moral effects of the enlargement
of the electorate The argument Is iis Ic''l"i nd"
bic for its sustained animation ana ulgni'y "S
for its lucdity. From beginning 10 emu .ncio
is NOT a trace of intellectual decadence OF Oh inc
debiltating effects of old age.
The introduction of this great measure, wmch
;s oxpected to add 100000 voters to the
E,clish constituencies over 2OO, 600 in Scotland
and over 400. 900 in Ireland, is defended on three
broad grounds. First, it is a redemption OF
Liberal pledges to the constituencies; secondly,
if satisfies the desires of the people; and
thirdly, 1t strengthens the State by creating
new classes of citizens, whose political ca
pacity has been tested by the experience
of the last fifteen years acquired III
the b0roughs. Those who are to be eniran-
chscd in the counties are minor tradesmen'
skilled laborers and peasantry. They CORE
spond closely to the classes of population i'll the
large towns and the smaller rural communities
known rs boroughs, upon which the franchise
was conferred in 1861 Mr. GladstOne's tech
meal proposal is to leave the ancent-right,
household and lodgcr franchises as they are III
the borOughs, and to extend them by applying
the ten-p pound yearly franchise to the occupa-
ton of land without houses or buildings, and by
creating a franchise for servants, who are
neither owners nor tenants, yet tulhl the ldea
of inhabiting househOlders. The borough fran
chsc modified in this way he extends to the
counties throughout the United Kingdom. he
franchise is equalized i'll county and borough
and Ireland is placed on n level of political
equality with England and Scotland. The Re
form Bill is large in its effects and progressive
in spirit, vet curiously conservative in adhering
TO ancient principles of franchise. The creation
of faggot-voters is prohibited in future, but ex-
listing privileges of this nature are not abol-
ished Mr.. Gladstone aims to arm 2oOo'ooV
with the balot-twice as many as were enfran-
chised in 1867. and nearly four times as many
as were made citizens in 1882. He thinks that
this great result ought to satisfy every school
of thought in the Liberal party, and that indl-
vidual preferences and prejudices ought to be
set aside So powerful plea for unity OF ac-
ton as the closing passages Of this speech con-
tain has rarely been made by political leader.
Mr.. Gladstone disclaims any expectation OF
passing either IA complete or an ideal Franchise
Bill. He considers the hold of the ship filled
with a gcol and sufficient cargo, and gives
warning of the consequences of deck loading
! RcdiStr button he reserves for another Parlia-
mentary voyage, but meanwhile Is not unwlll-
ing to give his own views on this question
without protesting to commit the Government
to any arbitrary policy. Redistribution, as he
outlines it, will be a large measure without
being revolutionary or working disfranchiSe-
ment II will not be based on any population
scale, nor include equal electoral districts, but
will follow the historical lines known rs bor-
ough and shire, and respect the individuality OF
the main constituencies. These principles Will
not satisfy the advanced Radicals, but they VIII
improve the chances of the Franchise Bill cs-
peciay as the Prime Minister pledges himself
not to reduce the proportional share of repre-
sentation accorded to Ireland. The smaller
boroughs, especially in the South Of England,
are by this scheme to yield seats for Scotland
and the North of England and also for London
and other great centres of population.