The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1884-08-10

eide. eat sun and all0WeA the bill to DO passed.
precisely % repcetsA b. James 3. Green OF
Missouri. who had been the ablset defender Of
the Breckenridge Democracy In that body. In
the House Mr.. Thaddovs Stevens. Mr.. Owen
Lovojoy. the Washburns. and all tho other
radical Republicans vouchsafed no word ox-
pianatory Of tbis extraordinary change OF
position"
II IL Idle 10 attempt TO Justify this abandon
mont OF tho ono principle which gave the Re-
publican party any reason for existence by
saying that all the Territories covered by the
bill Ivy north Of So 30 . and were therefore In
no danger OF slavery. With . candor that does
him honor. Mr.. Blaine points out that such .
plea il suicidal that 1t impcaches tho action Of
tho Republicans with regard to Kansas and
discrodits the course OF tho anti slavery Whlgs
and Free soiiors who In 1s4s successfully In
sisted upon cInbodying the wilmot Provlso In
the act organizing the Territory OF Oregon.
Surely" observes Mr.. Blaine. IL An anti.
slavery restriction wore needed for Ore
gon. II was needed for Dakota. which
lay In the same latitude. Beyond doubt. II the
Territory OF Kansas required . prohibition OF
slavery. the Territory OF Colorado and the Ter
ritory OF Nevada. which lay ~ far south. aoed-
ed 1t also" Mr.. Blaine disposes with equal
ease OF the exesso that tho lepublicans could
secure the Presidents approval Of the bills In
the form In which they were passed. but that
Mr. buchanan would have retoed them had an
anti slavery clause been embodied. Tho Terri
tories could have waited . few weeks longer
for al organized government. and. as matter
Of fact. Mr.. Buchanan went out OF once and
Abraham Lincoln was installed as President
only five days after tho bills received the Ex.
ecutive signature.
1t 10 great satisfaction to 500 even handed
SaA In vnar NJ I'm.
gress." Tho conspicuous Republicans who BY
the act above described virtually acknowledged
that their fierce denunciation OF tho Nebraska
bill was nero sound and fury. signifying moth
ing except oifice-seektng. never had tho grace
or decency to retract tho abuse with which
they had dronched Mr.. Webster for adopting
ten years earlier Q course identical with
that which was now quietly pursued by the
political Pharisees. On this head 1t IL par
tcuarly instructive and invieorating to listen
to Mr. Blaine. IL indeed" he writes. lit
be fairly and frankly admitted. as was the
fact that receding from tho anti-savsry POSI-
tion was part Of tho conclilation policy OF the
hour. md that the Republicans did II the more
readily because they had full faith that slavery
mover could secure a foothold In any OF
the Territories named. 1t must be like
wise admitted that the Republican party
which had been held BY Mr.. Webster In 1850.
and acted from precisely the same motives that
insured the 7th Of March speech. Mr. Webster
maintained for New Mexico only what Mr..
Sumner now admitted for Colorado and
Nevada. Mr.. Webster acted from the same
considerations that now influenced and oon-
trollsd the judgment Of Mr. Seward. AS
matter OF historic justice the Republicans who
waived the anti-slavery restriction should ut
least have offered and recorded their apology
for any animad versions they had made upon the
course OF Mr. Webster ten years before. Every
prominent Republican Senator who agreed
in 1861 to abandon the principle OF the
Wilmot Proviso in organizing the Tori
tories of Colorado and Nevada. had in
1850 heaped reproach upon MIR. Webster for
not insisting upon tho same principle for the
same Territory. Between the words Of Mr.
Seward and Mr. Sumner in tho one crisis and
their votes In the other there Is discrepancy
for which it would hnvo been well to leave on
record an adequate explanation. Tho danger
to the Union. in which they found q good rea-
son for recedinE from the anti-slavery restric-
ton on tho Territories. had been cruelty do
MED to Mr.. Webster as a justifying motivO.'
but. after all. what explanation or apology
could be expected from men who were bold Us
lions when no danger WINS In sight. and who
had only SCOTS and jeors for Webster's solemn
prophecy. but who skunk back appalled, when
the prediction was fulfilled?
We have touched particularly on MI. Blaine's
remarkable admissions because they cast a
powerful and authentic light upon q record
that had mover been truthiully set forth. the
record OF the backslidings. evasions. and n.y.
pocrlsies OF tho Republican party. Nothing
could be more prepostcrous than the innuendo
Nhott I, t. u tstor pnH .s,it an
the facts and the other on tho Presidency 1t
Is just because tho author hns completely
risen to tho large proportions OF his task. and
has utterly effaced the partisan in the histo-
rian. 1t Is because he has voiled nothing and
distorted nothing. that Twenty Years OF Con-
gresS" Ia sure to live. We would not OF course,
imply that some OF the views put forth are not
open to serious objection on tho part OF those
who adhere to the fundamental principles OF the
Democratic party. When the author passes from
the unbiassed appreciation Of men to the delib-
crate estimate Of measures. he sometimes as
sumes positions which to many will appear I'M
warranted. For ourselves. We cannot at all
agree with Mr. Dlaine's conception Of the es-
sentnl relation botween the Federal Govern.
ment and the constituent States. or Of the
methods OF construction which may be lawfully
applied to the American Constitution. Fow
4 ststssmon oven In this oentralizng epoch seem
more disposed to welcome the extreme deduo
| tons from the Federalist theory Of our politi
cal system, and We shall hereafter Take occasion
to note tho tolerance. II not positive approval
with which Mr.. Blaine regards some grave en-
croachments by the Federal Executive. For the
present. We shall only call attention to onl
other topic OF special interest discussed In thu
first half Of the volume. viz. the intimate 70
| lation which the advocacy Of protective tariff