The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-05-07

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| essence of protection. If it was not u proper
| time to begin the work of tariff reduction when
| a presidential election coming on and the
| people could record their votes on the question:
| when would the proper time be!
Mr. Gibson was sorry the bill was not in such
! form as to do justice to his State. but it
came like all other legislation, to be acted
! upon and amended, and to decline now to CON
| slider it would be to stand obstructionst to
much-needed legislation He not willing to
enter into a coalition with the Republican party
to obstruct wise and patriotic legislation by the
Democratic majority. He was willing to trust
| to the wisdom honesty, good sense and good
| faith of the friends of the measure to do exact
| justice to his State and exact justice to all sec
| tions.
| SPEECH BY MIR. RANDALL.
| Mr.. Randall then took the floor in opposition
to the bill. He opened by referring to the ex-
treme quickness with which capital invested in
large industrial establishments took alarm,
while, in common with all other interests it was
| liable to be called on for taxation to aid in sup
porting the government. Congress owed it to
itself that nothing like vindictive policy
should be adopted. In the nice adjustment of busi
ness affairs there nothing more conducive
| to success than stability. If there was stability
| it was a sure foundation of confidence, and as
! natural result, capital and labor moved forward
in their respective spheres in content and in
| accordance with mutual profit. To judge from
the Incorporate language and exaggerated
| rhetoric which had so frequently marked the de
| bate, 1t would seem that those engaged in indus
| trial pursuits Were robbers and outlaws As
matter of fact, they were nothing of the sort.
| They were part and no mean part, of the busi-
ness of the country. and had been invited by law
! to engage IN those employments, and therefore
| if for other reason, they entitled to the
| protection of the law. They were part of our re-
| sources as nation; to develop those resources
| was the test of true craftsmanship he rejoiced
in the growth and prosperity of every
lrDa Of A!ao rrr,t, h.ra ffg
advocates of the bill were to be believed the
men who had built up manufactures
had committed an unpardonable sin. He could
! see good reason why England should think
| so, but not why such should be the feeling of any
citizen of the United States Great Britain had
| never ceased to deplore the loss of her American
colonies; she had struck, as she thought dead
ly blow in 1872 and during our late civil war had
| done her best to sunder the two sections.
| Since that time she had changed her policy, and
instead of force, resorted to persuasion and ad-
vice. She had eked out the lions skin with that
of the fox. The United States should remember
| the warning to fear the Greeks, even when
bringing gifts,
| He then went on to argue against policy that
unsettled business interests by constant tinker
| ing with the tariff Should law last longer
| than the meeting of the next COngressl Should
the meeting of Congress cause fear and its ad-
! iournment cause enjoyment! Should moth
| ing be settled, for time at least. but
| should doubt and mistrust always haunt
! Jle WORKING anu sleeping HOllfS OI Gile peOpeF
For one, he was emphatcally opposed to any
| such suicidal policy. 1t would be madness for
| any party to pursue it, 1t was submitted to
every members Judgment to apply the heroic
| remedy to this BILL to let it iinger out
sickly existence, leaving in its wake business
confusion and general bankruptcy. 1t was not
| based on any sound principle There had been
apology for it, but no defense 1t was guessed
| it might reduce the surplus revenue, but nobody
| pretended to speak with certainty. There was
| no attempt for adjustment of the tariff. 1t
sliced, reckless of the injury it might do Ger
tain interests and industries 1t was like the
man was too small he was stretched
cut d8wff 59fXorhbje .leuctA i too long, lie. MAS
and not wise scheme of reduction. A horzont-
| al reduction offered no remedy; on the contrary,
| it made worse what was bad before. 1t was q
palpabe confession of inability to handle the in-
tricate problem at issue. or else rash eagerness
| to do what was at once uncalled for, unwise, and
unfortunate. 1t appeared to be agitation only
! for the sake of agitation. which always
mistake. 1t was the clear dictate of common
sense to have waited until the effect of the last
tariff bill could have been learned, and thus have
saved from all passion and turbulence the presi-
| dental election-a question which the public
welfare was so deeply concerned and which, if
| possible, should never be made purely partisan
| issue
This 20 per cent reduction was not so danger
Gus for what 1t did as for what it promised In
| this respect there was no room for conjecture.
1t was proclaimed to be the first step toward free
| trade. Let gentlemen consider what free trade,
| so called, meant 1t meant change of our whole
scheme of collecting revenue. The people had
become accustomed to the import duty and it
| had been proved the safest and best method of
| taxation. 1t caused no friction, comparatively
little. All this would be abolished and the in
! ternal taxes continued Was that the wish
I Cs the people? The old confederation relied on
| direct e vation, and it failure. The faith
ers Of the government sought refuge in different
system, and the result was more perfect union
in order to provide lor ne common defense and
| general welfare. The bill u6re a captivating
caption, and it was doubtless intelt ID to be
captivating 1t did not abolish the war taxes;
for if it did it would repeal the internal revenue
taxes. If those taxes abolished there
would be no surplus revenue, and the admins
tration of public affairs would be run properly
and well. The surplus revenue for this current
! year would be about 500 100000 The House
was invited here to choose between first step
! toward free-trade, or to wait to reform the tar
if until such time as the Democratic party
should build on the principles eX-
pressed in the Ohio platform. He had
no difficulty in choosing between the two lines
of public policy; and he chose for his own people
| and his own country. He did this in the full
assurance that free trade would bring nothing
but disaster and ruin while the principles
pressed in the Ohio declaration would bring
prosperity, happiness and higher order of civ
| ilization Would it not be wiser to defer con
sideraton of so important question until the
| country ha6 passed through the excitement of
! the presidential struggle, and until some in
! formation could be secured as to the workings of
the tariff bill of 1882 Then "a real reform meas
ure could be, adopted which would remain un-
disturbed for years, and would be safe steady
and universally accepted The business inter
| ests would have time to adapt themselves to
whatever changes might occur
Though this subject ought not to involve any
question of party allegiance it might be we'll to
consider how far its agitation might advance or
retard the march to victory of the great Demo
cratic party. The Southern States alone were
| inadequate to success, and which of the North
ern States was likely to accept this new dispen-
sation2 He would speak plainly and utter his
| fears even in the presence of political enemies.
Take the four great States of Connecticut, New
York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. The cen
sus showed that more than l, 100, 900 persons
were engaged in manufactures in those four
| great Commonwealths. Did the gentleman be
| l;c,.o ,.,dctin,, of nntant factnr in