Saturday press. [volume] (Honolulu, H.I.) 1880-1885, 1884-09-20
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a month ago The political situation
IN England was about as follows The
Conservative party, holding majority
in the house of lords, refused to con.
slider, that IS, refused to read second
time, Mr., Gladslone's bill ior the ex
tension oi the franchise That bill
when passed will give the franchise to a
large number OF the English poor, nov
disiranchised 10y the force Of cireum.
stances. The Conservative lords de-
clare some of their antagonists say
pretend to be cordially in sympath,
with the movement to extend the clee
toral piyilcgc hut disagree with the
Liberals rs to the methods of bringing
about the desired end The circum.
sanec, howevcL has uccasioned much
exciting talk, stilling, lor the move.
mcnt, the rlamor over the Egyptian
and Irish questions So deeply in
earnest are the English people In the
matter that they are discussing ay
they frequently have discussed before
the abolition OF the house oflords. It
/, TO the credit OF the English Liberals
generally that they prefer the accepted
and constitutional methods by which
the lords have previously been obliged
to yield. \ correspondent OF the New
York Post sums up the situation as fol.
lows
The apparent question before the country /,
whether q measure extending the fnncise To
two millions of new voters shall be permitted
10 pass without being accompanied by another,
measure providing ior such'a re.allotment oi
seats as shall give these new county voters a
share ol members, proportioned ,hci,
numbers and nj the same time, contain
ing securities against the complete eiincement
Of mnoritcs by maioriticS. The real question,
however, is rather this Which party shall have
the carrying Of redistribution bill ? The
character OF such bill may determine the bal
anee OF political power for some years 10 come
Hence the Tories, knowing that the framing
Of 1t will fall into the hands OF TIE present
govcmmcutifthepreseni parliament lasts.ar ca
geriolorce dissolution ofparliament. They wish
to reject the franchise bill nordcrtoprovoke the
the government to dissolve parliament. consider
that anew parliament will bemorc favorable to
abletothem thanlhc present Onthe olhcrhand
the Liberals, knowing tha, the Tories will crit
ieise adversely, and II possible defeat, sweep
ing scheme Of redistribution, think ,ha, their
best, II not their only, chance Of getting such 4
scheme promptly through parliament lies in pass
ing the franchise hill isst, because then the
Tories will be so unwilling to face a general
election, on the present allotment Of seats, but
with constituencies swollen by the new voters
tha, they will accept redistribution scheme as
the lesser of two evils. Each
which the other would make. The govern.
ment knew well enough that the lords would
reject the franchise bill il they dared and the
only question was, Would they dare p 1t
classes Of the counties, those counties in which
their strength has hitherto chiefly lain and il
would bring forciby before the nation the
question Of their own place in the constitution
a question which the Radicals often tried to
call a,,eltiont TO, but so far with little success.
Lord Salisbury was know TO be burning for the
fray He is discon,cnted with his position at
the head of vast majority in the upper house
which has repeatedly had to submit to the
Liberal majority in the house of commons.
He thinks, and indeed he declares, tha, If the
house OF lords is never to use its power, il
may as well cease 10 exist altogether.
The issue is at last made and neither
side seems likely to surrender without
a struggle. In the meantime many Of
England's best minds are at work upon
a solution Of the problem. We give
below the plan Of Prof. John Stuart
Blackie, Of the University of Edip-
burgh, who writes in the Scotsman of
July. 18th asfollows:
observe in your columns some serious talk
in regard to reform OF the house OF lords
One Of your correspondents seems to himself
10 have settled the matter in very easy way,
by simply turning that noble assembly about
their business, and giving full sweep to the
commons, without check or hindrance in ell
matters Of legislation. With this extreme pro.
posal scarcely think any sensible man will
agree. That acour, cfrevison may be as useful
in legislation as it is in law seems conclusion
that flows plainly from the weakness and the
fallibilty of human nature. Nothing is more
dangerous in a well.ordered state than hasty
legislation; and every democracy, liable'as it is
to sudden fits Of Incorporate passion, ought to
be kept in check by some superior assembly Of
more cool or cautious temper. In order, how.
ever, that a democracy may submit to have its
decisions modified or nega,ived by court Of
review, iha, court must beconsttued as habitu.
ally TO command the respec, Of the great mass
Of the people. II ought 10 represent the high
est practical wisdom Of the nation. Now, any
one may see AT glance that an assembly Of
hereditary peers, ,consttuteda as the British House
Of Lords is, cannot, in the nature OF things,
be looked upon asrepresenting thehighes, pow.
CT OF the practical wisdom and experienced
craftsmanship Of the country. Practically, so
far as my observation goes--and am no par.
" man, but only lover Of my country and a
student Of social science--it represents not su.
perior wisdom in any sense. but rather
three things-one OF which Is sufficiently rep.
resented elsewhere and the other two should
not be represented anywhere--viz., property,
pride and prejudice; The principle Of he
reditary house of senatoss IA indeed a nantes,
sbsurdity; one nigh, as well have bodyof he.
redi,ary judges in the law courts, hereditary
bishops in the church, hereditary professors
in the university, hereditary editors for the
newspapers.
The professor solves the problem as
follows;