The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1884-07-25

cultivated 50 little. Our foreign policy should
be an American policy in its broadest and
most comprehensive sense-a policy of peace
Of friendship, OF commercial enlargement
The name of American which belongs to us
in cur National capacity must always exalt
the just pride OF patriotism. Citizenship Of
the Republic must be the panopy and safe
guard of him who wears it The American
citizen, rich or poor. native or raturalized,
white or eolored, must everywhere walk Sc
cure in his personal and civil rights. The Re-
public should never accept lesser duty, it
can never assume nObler one than the pro-
lection of the humblest man who owes it 10y
alty-protection st home and protection which
shall follow him abroad into whatever land
he may go upon lawful errand.
THE SOUTHERN STATES.
recognize, not without regret, the neces-
sity for speaking of two sections of our COM
mon country. But the regret diminishes when
/ see that the elements which separated them
are fast disappearing. Prejudices have yield
ed and are yielding, while growing cordial
ity warns the Southern and the Northern
hearts alike. Can any one doubt that be-
tween the sections confidence and es-
TEEN are to-day more marked than at
any period in the sixty years preceding the
election of President Lincoln? This is
the result in part of time and in part of
Republican principles applied under the IA
neutrality-suspicious. of uniformity. Itwou.d be
a great calamity to change these influences
under which Southern commonwealths are
learning to vindcate civil rights, and adapt
tranquility and industrial progress. If there
be occasional and violent outbreaks in the
South against this peaceful progress, the pub
lie opinion OF the country regards them as ex-
ceptiOnal and hopefully trusts that each Will
prove the last
The South needs capital and occupation,
not controversy. As much as any part of the
North the South needs the full protection OF
the Revenue laws which the Republican party
Offers Some OF the Southern States have al
ready entered upon career of industrial de-
velopment and prosperity. These, at least,
should notlend their electoral votes to destroy
their own future
Any effort to unite the Southern States upon
issues that grow out of the memories of the
bine in the assertion of that nationality which
was their inspiration in the civil struggle.
And thus great energies which should be
united in a common industrial development
will be wasted in hurtful strife. The Demo-
cratic party shows itself a foe to Southern
prosperity by always invoking and urging
Southern political consolidation. Such d
policy quenches the rising instinct of patriot
Ism in the heart of the Southern youth; it re-
wives and stimulates prejudice; it substitutes
the spirit of barbaric vengeance for the love
of peace, progress and harmony.
THE CIVIL SERVICE.
The general character of the civil service of
the United States under all administrations
has been honorable. In the one supreme test
1.-The record of fidelity has never been sur
passed in any nation. With the almost fabu-
lous sums which were received and paid dur
ing the late war scrupulous integrity was the
prevailing rule. Indeed, throughout that
trying period it can be said, to the honor of
the American name, that unfaithfulneSs and
dishonesty among civil officers were as rare
as misconduct and coWardice on the field Of
battle
The growth of the country has continually
and necessarily enlarged the civil-service'un-
til now 1t includes vast body of officers.
Rules and methods of appointment which
prevailed when the number was smaller have
been found insufficient and impraoticable, and
earnest efforts have been made to separate
the great mass of ministerial officers from
partisan influence and personal control.
1mpartiality in the mode of appointment to
be based on qualification, and security of
tenure to be based on faithful discharge
Of duty, are the two ends to be ACCOMPLISHED.
The public business will be aided by separat-
ing the legislative branch of the Government
from all control of appointments and the Ex-
ecut1ye department. will be relieved by sub
Jeoting appointments to fixed rules and thus
removing them from the caprice of favorit-
ism. But there should be rigid observance Of
the law which gives in all casesOof equal conf
potency the preference to the, soldiers who
risked their lives in defense of the Union.
I entered Congress id 1865, and in some
what prolonged service never found it ex-
pedient to request or recommend the removal
of civil officer except in four instances, and
then for non-political reasons which were in
stantly conclusive with the appointing power.
The officers in the district appointed by Mr..
Lincoln in 1861, upon the Recommendation Of
my predecessor, served, as rule until death
or resignation. / adopted at the be-
ginning OF my service the test of competitive
examination for appointment to West Point
and maintained it so long as | had the right
by law to nominate cadet In the case of
many officers found that the present law,
which arbitrarily limits the term of the COM
mission, offered a constant temptation to
changes for mere political reasons, l have
publicly expressed the belief that the essen
tial modification of that law would be in many
"a 70
My observation in the Department of State
confirmed the conclusions Of my legislative
experience, and impressed me with the con-
Viotion that the rule of impartial appointment
might with advantage be carried beyond any
existing provision of the C1vi.Sefvice law.
1t should be applied to appointments in the
consular service Consuls should be CONNER
cial sentinels- encircling the globe with watch
fulneSs for their country's interests. Their
intelligence and competency become, there
fore, matters of great public concern. No man
should be appointed to an American CONSUL
ate who is not well instructed IN the history
and resources of his own country, and in the
requirements and language of commerce in
the country to which he is sent. This same
rule should be applied even more rgidly to
the Secretaries of Legation in our diplomatic
service. The people have the right to the
most efficient agents in the discharge of pub
lie business, and the appointing power should
regard this as the prior and Interior consider
alton.
THE MORMON QUESTION.
Religious liberty is the right Of every citi-
zen of the Republic Congress is forbidden
by the Constitution to make any law respect
ing the establishment of religion, or prohibit
ing the free exercise thereof" For century,
Under this guarantee, Protestant and Catholic,
Jew and Gentle, have Worshiped God
according to the dictates of conscience.
But religious liberty must not be per-
verted to the justification of offenses against
the law. A religious sect, strongly 1ntrenched
in one of the Territories of the Union, and
spreading rapidly into four other Territories,
oil 4trA nfo1L - 4
guard and imminent of social order, and to
practice as a religious privilege that which Is
crime punished with severe penalty in every
State of the Union. The sacredness and unity
of the family must be preserved as the foun-
dation of all civiligovernment, aslthe source of
orderly administration, as the surest guaran-
tee of moral purity.
The claim of the Mormons that they are Di-
vinely authorized to practice polygtmy
should no more be admitted than the clam of
certain heather tribes, if they should come
among us, to continue the rite of human sac
rifice. The law does not interfere with what
man believes; it takes c0gnizance only Of
what he does. As citizens, the MormonS are
entitled to the same civil rights as Others, and
can never receive national sanction or tolera-
ton by admitting the community that upholds
it as State in the Union. Like Others the
MormonS must learn that the liberty of the
Individual ceases where the rights of society
begin.
OUR CURRENCY.
Iu0 p0Opl0 OF Tue UnlUSQ STATES. ClOuQl
often urged and tempted, have never serious
ly contemplated the recognition of any other
money than gold and siver-and currency
directly convertible into them. They have
not done so, they will not do so under any ne
| cessity less pressing than that of desperate
war. The one special requisite for the COM
pletIon of our monetary system is the fixing Of
the relative values of silver and gold. The
large use of silver as the money of account
among Asiatic Nations taken in connection
with the increasing commerce of the world,
gives the weightiest reasons for an interna-
tional agreement in the premises. Our Gov
eminent should not cease to urge this meas
ure until common standard of value shall be
reached and established-a standard that shall
enable the United States to use the silver
from its mines as an auxiliary to gold in
| settling the balances of commercial ex-
change.
THE PUBLIC LANDS.
The strength of the Republic is increased by
the multiplication of landhofders. Our laws
should look to the judicious encouragement of
actual settlers on the public domain, which
should henceforth be held as sacred trust
for the benefit of those seeking homes. The
| tendency to consolidate large tracts of land
| in the ownership of individuals or corpora
! tons should, with proper regard to vest
| ed rights, be discouraged. One hundred
thousand acres of land in the hands of one
man is far less profitable to the Nation in ev-
| cry way than when its ownership is divided
among one thousand men. The evil of per-
hitting large tracts of the National domain to