The Republican journal. [volume] (Belfast, Me.) 1829-current, 1884-02-14
Labor VS.. Capital.
SECOND LETTER.

SECOND LETTER.
Why should Labor as a factor in the problem
of the civilized industries of the age be regard
ed as opposed to Capital? Which of the two is,
all things considered, of the most importance:
Capital, in the sense implied in the above cap
ton, means money; without which it is suppos-
ed no great business schemes can be operated.
But what is money good for in starting and
carrying forward the stupendous enterprises of
our times unless it finds its millions of ingen-
Gus brains, strong and willing hands to make
its investments effective and profitable? These
are the thoughts and queries which are being
pondered by the anxious minds intent on find
ing rational solution of the perpleXing and
threatening complications in the business world.
The columns of our political, agricultural and
scientific journals and the pages of our best lit
erary magazines abound in grave discussion of
the questions pertaining to the relative posi-
tions and interests of the capitalist and laborer.
the wealthy manufacturer and the poor opera
tive, the banker and the borrower of money,
the railroad companies and the toiling, sweat
ing farmers of the land Truly we are yeXed
in this generation by causes of anxiety and dis
content quite unknown to the generations of
the past.
In a recent communication. | ventured to
question some of the assertions of q corrcspon-
dent of this paper, respecting the condition of
the laborers in the vaeous industries of our
land. In that communication may have done
injustice to the views of your correspondent;
but having very radical and decided opinions on
the subject under consideration, submit this
explanation as my only apology, simply adding
that so far as / seemed harsh in my treatment
of the ideas advanced by "Democracv,' | was
actuated only by the pure>t desire to maintain
the rights, and defend the interests of the
worthy laboring people of the country against
what deem the overbearing and oppressive
eXactions of the wealthy and powerful monop-
olists and aristocrats.
We are apt to deride the aristorracy of blood,
the caste distinctions of the old world, and de-
claim in enthusiastic phrase. the praises of our
constitution, our just laws and the social equal
ity which characterize the popular government
of our nation. Is this comparison between
other countries and our own meant to be infer
red as a genuine and appreciative statement of
our preference for the best form Of govern
ment, social fabric founded in truth and jus
tce,-or Is it false and dcceitful snare:
There is in our country ut the present time
an aristocracy of wealth. quite as despicabe
fully as >ubyersiye of popular rights, as any
other sham which i, dignifed by that name.
We who believe the poor are the prey of the
rich are called communists; we are denounced
as asitators and disturbers of the peace of So
ciety; we are lecturtd to as unreasoning in
CRATES who don't know when we are well used,
and eXpo>tuIated with because We desire to en-
joy fair share of the proceeds of Our toll.
Now it is assumed by those who would like
to chant q lullaby for this diSquietude of the
masses, that the managers of the great business
operations of the land, those who furnish the
money, have alone the right to regulate the
rates of compensation for work; that the lords
of wealth and every man who owns and directs
any industrial scheme may unite with every
other man, and combine to use their influence
and power to coerce the aboring masses TO sub
nit to just such eNactons in the matters of
wages and hours of labor Is they may see tit to
prescribe, The right of the laborer to have an
equal voice in fixing or regulating these rpnd-
tons between him and hi, employer is often
ridiculed and denied. The union Of Il class of
worker, for the defence and protection of their
rights and interests is dcnomnatcd a 1tcon>pir-
ary, and is treated As an unwi>e and unlawful
combination against the true wrfare of both
employer and employee. The right of the one
is is sacred As that of the other in all mutual
concerns and no amount of sophi>ticul ar@u-
meut can make it otherwise.
Much is written in condemnation of '>trik,>."
Granted that the workers have been the great
est sufferers from >trikcS;' it does not prove
that the laborer has not the rolht to protest in
this manner against wrong which he suffers.
and which becomes uncomfortable. You say
THAT the employee has no more right to dictate
what his compensation shall be than hi> en-
ployer has to r,ual,i him to work for les, than
the current rate of wages" admit this aS>er-
ton, but it proves nothing against the right of
self defence which the poor man pos>esse,
against the disposition of his rich employer to
grab and appropriate the Just share of tn pro-
fits of the laborer's skill and hmdwork
\ "strike" is in many casts, Just Is drfcu>ihh.
on moral and economical ground, a. Il revolt
against tyrannical government. DO We ever
question the right of our forrfathcrs to prpt,.,.
against the eNaction, of England, and to throw
OIL the unjust yoke Of the tyrlnt King: Tine
American revolution was a gigantic sa,l.
Within the last few year, my opportunities for
observing the operations of the systems Of tabor
and the condition Of the laborcr> in some Of the