The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-10-22

been reduced almost to colonial vassalage
by reaso7 Of our conduct l do not so think, nor
do believe you do and until are prepared
to reorganlze ourselves as guilty OF the otense
against the Union, and not the South, think
we had better let well enough alone Applause
2Let this Union be consolidated more strongly
than 1t has been. Let them ENJOY all their CON
stitutional and legal rights. But require of them
conformity to the law and Constitution which we
krender ourselves. Now, it so happens
What this class Of men to whom
II have referred, who were engaged in an attempt
| to destroy the Union, and who are now prepared
to cast their consolidated votes for the Demo
cratic party, belong to that class of men. and
they seem to think it is to their interest that
they shall permit our industrial resources to be
made dependent upon a system OF laws pre-
scribed by the British government until, IN point
of fact it has come to be great issue IN this
country, not only whether the Union shall be
consolidated and maintained as it is, but wheth
er, when it is maintained we shall maintain the
control over our industrial interests which we
always had from the beginning Now, is there
any doubt of the position of tho Republican
party upon that question: Is there any doubt
Of the position of the present leader of the Re-
publican party, whose voice wou will hear pres
emily, upon that question: Is there any doubt
of the fact that both he and
the Republican party stand Just where
our fathers stood when they inaugarated those
measures under which we have prospered and
arisen to our present greatness and emlnencei
know that our Democratic friends in this sec
ton of the country Pepudlate tne lQea OF Tree
trade. They do not seem to be willing to advo-
cate the doctrine Of free trade. One portion of
them say that they quite willing that our
labor shall be incidentally protected, and
another portion of them say that our duties
should be levied in reference TO revenue alone,
and our industrial interests left to the incidental
eh9nce of protection.
Now, the great question as to whether we
should protect our national industries is the
same to-day as it was when our government was
begun. 1t has not changed at all, except that
our manufacturing, commercial and agricultural
interests have all enlarged. AT the beginning
of the government the agitation was
had to deal with new country yet to be de-
veloped, and they did what they considered was
best for them to do in view of all the interests
involved. The government was obliged to have
money to support itself, and that money had to
be raised in the least oppressive way to the PEG
pie. Under the old colonial system the States
of the Union imposed duties upon the products
of each other. The people of New Jersey could
not supply the city of New York with
marketable articles without paying a duty to
New York for the privilege of taking
their goods across the Hudson river and selling
them IN the market New York sustained@her
State government pretty much in that way, but
when our fathers came to create a Constitution
they deemed it eXpedient to change shat portion
of it, so that by removing this burden the people
should feel unity of patriotism, and that unity
was created by preventing State from
imposing duties on the products of sanother
The result was that it was
prescribed in the Constitution that Congress
should have the power to regulate and raise reve-
nue. for the payment of the debts for the com
mon defense and general welfare of the people
of the United States. Now, our Democratic
friends say that the only use of money that the
government could possibly have is to raise
enough to carry on the government by paying
the Office holders 1 suppose they mean by
revenue only" that they are all for revenue.
Laughter In other words they see no distinction
hafxu fhat n1xNa nd
exclusively" except that the latter means rev
enue exclusively for the Democrats. Laughter
and applause. This idea of levying duties
alone for revenue involves the possibility in the
first place of abandoning our industrial interests
which our fathers did not intend to do
and cautioned us not to do. IT you
want to find an unanswerable argument in favor
of the Republican theory of a tariff, l will tell
you where you can find it: in the messages of Gen.
Washington Thomas Jefferson, James Madison,
James Monroe and Andrew jackson. They
fully discuss the question and contain precisely
the arguments made by the Republican speakers
to-day. They tell you in those messages that we
are young and prosperous people, that we have
extraordinary mineral and other resources, and
that it is the duty of the governments to levy
such revenue as shall deyelope
us to supply ourselves with what we need
out OF the raw material we raise.
if were to copy those messages, and commit
them to memory and reeite them here it would
be an admirable Republican stump speech.
There is but one class of politicians in this
country who have opposed that theory. | mean
one class as body, and they are the cotton
growers of the South, who were the original
nullifers in President Jacksons administration,
and theesecessionists in the late war. They all
believe that Congress has no power to levy
duties except for revenue, and that all
other tariff legislation is unconstitutional. The
Democratic party is asked to-day to put itself
unaef the lead and control of the men whom Jack
son swore ''by the Eternal he would put down
as traitors if they did not stop their opposition
to the law. By the operation of our tariff laws
we have developed our industries to an extent
unparalleled in the history of the world. Our
manufactures have grown until they surpass all
the manufactures OF the world We are, under
the operation of protection, the greatest agrcul-
tural and manufacturing power earth. We oc-
cupy a higher position and weld a larger
and broader influence than any other Nation in
the world because the government of the United
States has regarded it as a duty under the Con-
stitution 20 provide for tine protection of Amer
lean industry and labor
Our Democratic friends tells us we have $780,
100000 surplus in the Treasury, raised from the
people by taxation. That is not true The
largest portion of that money was not raised by
taxation at all nor did it come from
customs Two hundred and odd millions
of it represents gold and silver deposited In the
Treasury of the United States by individual eiti-
zcns of the United States, who prefer to have
certificate which passes as a bank bill rather
than carry the gold around in their pockets. l
have one of these gold certificates in my hand. l
will show it to you. 1t certiies that twenty dol
lars in gold has been deposited in the Treasury
of the United States and that it will be paid out
when the certificate is presented. "a
voice, THAT is right" Yes that is right, but
it would be wrong to steal it from me
before got it. Laughter 1t is my money, but
the Democrats want to take it and divide it out
ILaughterl. Ninety-ive million dollars was
raised in this way. During the war it became
necessary for us to issue greenbacks to sustain
the government Democrats said it was un-
constitutional that it was not money but rag
We wanted to make that greenback equal to
gold, and John Shermna asked Congress to give
him authority to issue $95, 900, 900 of bonds and
sell that 500, 000 900 of bonds and put the money
in the Treasury so as to redeem the greenbacks
when presented and thus enable the