The times. (Owosso, Mich.) 1882-1897, 1884-10-24

not take to itself or deserve the dis
tinctlve title of a temperance party"
1t may hold views which are essen
tial to reach the end desired, and il
essential, it is a self.evident fact that
they must be used to reach that end.
1t is this question: how far should
these principles be used, and how far
held in allegiance for the Nations
good, that is being debated in thous-
ands of minds all over the land to-
day. When men who are thoughtful
and devout hesitate concerning leaving
the enforcement of such laws to admin
istrations subject TO changes every
four years, l feel that such hestancy
is not born of selfish interests, but
love to the country. They may at
times seem to be the enemies of the
cause we hold dear, because they halt
where our whole hearts would have
them 60 forward and crush this evil.
They may to sentiment seem
Indifferent 10 holiness on the one
hand, or to human woe on the other.
Recall the words that Victor Hugo
puts into the mouth of the old con-
ventionalist in his reply to the
Bishop: "'Tis, true l tore the drap-
cry from the alter, but l did it to
staunch the wounds Of the country"
Or when other men say we will
steadily maintain the National trend
in which we believe, and through 1t
let come such reforms as the people
will, l cannot see how they may justly
be set down as opposed to the spirit
of our prayer, nor yet as in any spe-
cifc sense deserving the title Of a
temperance party. There is loyalty
to our country that is deep and pro-
found because it is born of a close
knowledge of our nations trend and
history. l thus speak because / want
it to be clearly understood, that the
talk now so prevalent about one party
being q rum party and another being
a temperance party is only surface
talk which does not touch the ground
principle of thought in many minds.
And l can say it the more freely be-
cause the divergent tendencies to
which l have referred are not to-day
made prominent, but because they
must he made terribly prominent
when we close in to struggle for de-
feat or victory to the cause Of Ma
tional Prohibition.
If it seems to any of you that |
am unduly emphasizing the factors l
have mentioned, can only say that
| do so because DESTROYS of retaining
the sympathy Of those who see these
as strong factors, and because as fac
tors they are fully as important as l
have acknowledged them to be. If
absent from popular discussion this
dual trend in our Nation is not alb
sent from the region of real thought.
And it is made so not only on the
question Of National liquor legisla-
ton. The question of marriage and
divorce is being discussed by relig-
ious bodies all over the land. 1t is
being written-upon by many, in secu-
lar as well as religious papers and
magazines. Conflicting legislation in
the various States is felt to be det-
riment to the sacredness and purity
of the marriage bonds. The question
of the relation of Government,
State and National to charters
and contracts is only another
phase Of the same question.
Judge Edward A. Loring, in the Au-
gust number of the North American,
has an article on "The drift toward
Capitalization" which he opens thus:
eff our peril is Capitalization of power,
it has been enhanced by two opinions
delivered by the Supreme Court of
the United States. By one the Gov
eminent may create whatever money
it may require to maintain itself in
power. BY the other, if the Govern
ment unlawfully takes the property
Of the citizen he has no legal means
for its recovery" Even if hidden
from popular Glamour, this fact will
not down by joke on the stump, or
the cry, "vour fanatic" or "your a
falsifier." Thus much relative to the
part this question of States VS.. Ma
tional rights must have in any prob
lem for the people for the people to
solve. Now let us look little beyond
tbic ooJ go k1u, .. g, (f~~ - ;e\ h.;y y,