The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-12-19

good reason that it is party Of loyalty
founded on the principles of republicanism,
and is content to let the majority rule even in
this instance, wherein tits quite apparent that
the votes of entire States were stolen by fraud
and violence that cannot be truthfully denied
and is not categorically or unequivocally de-
denied in the heart of that portion of the.
Union for which Mr.. Watterson presumes to
speak.
With charming righteousness in man of
the years and experience of Mr.. Watterson,
he makes the following admissions:
at would be idle to deny and foolish to try
to obscure the circumstance that the change
of parties has come about largely through the
fundamentally of the South, which in 1861
withdrew from the Union, and in 1865 was
compelled to return to it by force of arms"
1t would indeed be idle, and it would be the
part of wisdom in Mr.. Watterson to further re-
fleet that but for the change of 700
votes in New York city and a very few thou
sand in the southern tier of counties Of Indi-
ana, the Republican candidates would have
had 233 electoral votes to l69 for the Demo-
cratic; the Democratic party would have been
kept away from the public crib and the Union
would not have been reunited" Now,
please observe, that the 'freunited Union"
hangs on very slender thread-namely, 700
votes in l, 200, coo in the State of New York
In Democratic eyes the alleged reunion"
hangs on these for the sole reason that they
turn the scale and give public control into the
hands of F'the South which in 1861 withdrew
from the Union" because it could not longer
control it. In other words, the solid South
consents to a reunion on exactly the same
terms that would have held it in 1S61-the
power to control it. And by exactly the same
loyal sentiment now proclaimed by Mr.. Wat
terson the South and the Democratic party
would, in 1888 as in 1861, be justified in dis
solving the reunited" Union.
Finally, Mr. Watterson gets down to the
real object of his paper, and in the exuberance
of his rejoicings over the reunited Union"
takes occasion to indulge in personal abuse of
the Republican candidate, for whom, in the
North, that did not Withdraw from the
Union in 1861, and in which section elections
are not controlled by murder and violence,
was cast a majority of nearly 100000 votes
After the election Mr. Blaine took occasion to
say that which is known to all, that such q
IL
Of the Southern States. For this, while I'M
able to deny the truth of the charge, Mr..
Watterson assails him personally, as stirring
up sectional prejudice. Throughout the paper
the writer has shown himself narrow, bigoted
and insincere. lie knows that hundreds Of
men have been murdered in the South be-
cause they dared be other than Democrats.
He knows that the assassins have been re-
wsrded by election to offices of honor and
trust. He knows that to-day not less than
from six to ten Democratic SEN
ators and probably twenty-five con-
gressmen hold their offices by
virtue of violence and murder He knows
that not a single Democratic paper in the
South has dared to or cared to denounce as
sassination when done in behalf of the rarty.
He knows that representative papers, like the
Charleston News and Courier, the Atlanta
Constitution and the Birmingham Age,
recommend the supremacy of the Democratic
party in the South sat any cost" Mr.. Wat
terson is no statesman, and has no conception
of patriotism. He sees no good in the loyal
and law-abiding North, and every virtue in
Guiding patriotism and loyalty, in the section
that does not hesitate to make it solid Hat
any cost" His reunited Union" occupies
very narrow ground and has very uncertain
tenure. By plurality of some 200 in a State
in which it is in the minority by $4,000, the
Democratic party has come into power. A
zephyr in politics would overthrow it. What,
then, becomes of this mans ''reunited UnionY"
@- .@.-z>--..-.s@z@@@
CONE, let us reason together, farmers Of
America You are the deluded victims of the
protective tariff England wants your wheat,
corn and cotton, and is willing to give fair
prices in exchange, but our government in
sists on protecting you against the facilitating
effects of Engand's generosity. If free ex-
change were permitted you would live in de-
moralizing luxury; you would have clothes too
good for you, and better implements than you
need, and warmer houses, and under these in
huences might grow indoent and lose your
sturdy virtue and yipor So the tariff ffpro-