The Labor enquirer., 1884-03-29
DENVER, COLORADO. SATURDAY. MARCH 49, 1884,

paid in full, and the people Of the stats
forever released from their grip, and theil
immense drain of money stopped, with
out paying them any more money, mol
any faster than we would pay them any
/ how under the present system within the
next twenty years, or even less.
And from that time forth, no toiler or
the farm or in the shop, would pay trlb
ute to rich idlers. The 500, ,OO0, 600, and
more, which the aristocrats draw yearly
from the state, would remain with those
who should earn it, and could and would
be used to improve and fertillze the
farms, to beautify and adorn the homes
to educate the people, and'to make them
prosperous and contented.
There would be better citizens. Being
home-owners, they would be more inter
ested in governmental affairs thar
renters are. They would take more in
terest in elections, and vote more lntelli
gently than the gangs of workmen whit
at present do not vote at all, or do moi
care much how they vote, or vote as theil
employers direct Each citizen having
property rights, he would be interested
lin good laws we'll executed. ~si
There will be no landlords and nc
tenants. No rent collectors and no dis
traints for rent. No tax collector, no tax
sales and no taxes. There would be ar
absolute security of title. A man could
have home free from all conditions.
There would be no mortgages, and nc
money loaners. No shylocks, no pawn.
brokers. No tax sharks. no tax titles.
Nobody, in fact, but plain, simple, in.
dependent farmers, who would own theil
farms and would not owe cent; or in
dependent, intelligent, contented me-
chanics and artisans or steady, reliable
business men, who would not be doing
business on borrowed capital who would
not be heavily in debt for goods, and not
liable to fail at the slightest shrinkage
in prices but men who would own theil
storehouses and their goods who would
buy and sell for cash, and who would
never fail, for they would not owe any,
thing, and nobody would owe them.
The farmers would raise as much pro.
duce, or as much as is necessary; the
merchants would sell just as much, fo1
there would be just as much consumed
The factories would make jus; as many
goods there would be just as much food
eaten, and as many clothes worn. The
production of the state would be in
creased, and could readily be exchanged
for foreign productions as required.
The credit of the state could not but
be good. Paying no tribute, she would
keep her own resources, or obtain full
equivalent in other products in ex-
change Her merchants and farmers
would all be land owners and owe moth
ing. In short, the state would have the
best of credit, Blt she would have. no
need of it. For no man among her, 'titi
zeRs would need to buy on credit.
There would be no aristocracy, as the
term is now understood. No large es-
tates in lands or bonds and mortgages.
No idle rich whose wasteful extraya-
gance aud airs of superiority would be a
menace and a discouragement to the
poor.
There would be no miserable poor
for every effect of such reform would
be to give the weak a chance to get
strong; the poor chance to easily earn
a living. And if every one can easily
earn an honest living, there will surely
be less crime.
The state would stand forth among her
neighbors landlord and mortgage free, a
land of prosperity, contentment and
peace, with
"a bold peasantry, their country pride"
Then why may not the reform be be-
gun? And why may it not be begun at
once? The answer lies with the strug-
Cling but all-powerful working classes.
The rich idlers will oppose it; and
there must inevitably be contest. But
with cause which asks but justice, and
which is naturally and morally right,
there will be right and strength upou
the one side, and wrong and weakness
upon the other. 1t then only requires
coofness and moderation to win the fight
for the down-trodden of all climes.
MERRITT H. DEMENT,.
THE END.
TnCS UnTNE