Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1884-08-13

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Democracy on the floor of the House. as well as
his associates, all insist that protective tariff
Is hurtful to the labor system OF this country
Their argument Is that the tariff gives q bounty
to the manufacturer that Is indirectly paid by
the labor that they employ. And, in the next
place, that the laborer Is compelled to pay an
increased price for his living in consequence of
this bounty In answer to these assertions, L
claim that capital and labor in this country
must go hand in hand together; that the down.
fall of either ruins the other; that, therefore,
protection to the manufacturing interests OF
this country is protection to the laborers, and
| that bounties to manufacturing establishments
are kept down by the labor unions, which are
nothing but protective societies among the wage
classes. In the next place, claim that protec-
| ton to manufacturers is protection to the Ia
borer per se for capital is not compelled to seek
manufacturing enterprises, while labor must
| have market. The manufacturer could make
as much money out of his products by system
of cheap labor as he can by high wages, with
protection. For example, England is a free
are in a f1ourishing condition. Her manufactur-
ers making money. But how is it with her
laborers? Are they able to accumulate property
and acquire homes2 assert that the English
manufacturers make money only because they
have reduced the pay of their wage classes to
as "pauper labor" But whatever its designa-
ton may be, 1t is certainly at the very lowest
limit to which labor and physical endurance can
| be reduced.
Annually there is an influx Of immigration to
this country amounting to 100000 people These
immigrants come with their families, and are
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| midst; to add wealth to our nation. They left
| their homes In foreign countries for some cause
Ii free trade is so much better for the wage and
| working classes than protection, why do they
not seek the friendly shores of England? Why
| do they not enter the workshops of that free
trade country instead of coming to America
| with her high protective laws? Have you ever
| heard of there being an influx of immigrat on TO
| England or any other European country The
| reason of immigration to this country is evil
dent: Their friends who preceded them have
| told them by letter and otherwise that wages
are better here; there was better chance in
the race Of life on our shores than in any other
country in the world. Hence their presence
among us. Why is it, if free trade is much
better for the laborer than protection, that ever
| since 1870, in every labor organization and so
ciety, where they have had occasion to march in
procession on public occasions their banners
| and tranSparencies have testified to the benefit
of protection to the American wage classes.
| might multiply instances and continue to pro-
duce evidence to prove The assertion that wages
are higher in this country than in any other, but
| l consider it work of Supererogaton and an
atfront to the intelligence of the wage classes of
this country to pile up further testimony on this
| point.
The assumption by our free-trade friends that
the cost Of living is doubled or quadrupled I'M
der protective system is not borne out by
| facts. AS a test of what say challenge any
| man to examine in the city of Richmond the
books of merchant as to the price of wooden
cloth, cotton goods, delaines, anu ginghams in
1860 and compare 1t with the price for like arti-
| cles at the present time. Upon making inquiries
any will find that prices of like articles
|
free trade existed in 1860, since which time we
have been living, and are now, under the pro-
| tective system
AS an illustration of what say, refer to the
single article of wooden blankets, about which
our free-t trade friends have exercised themselves
so much among the laboring and wage classes
doubt not that you have heard often, and will
often hear again during the discussions this
year, that the farmer and laborer are taxed for
their blankets from 81 to S. a pair. 1t viii be
alleged thqt this enormous tax goes INTO the
| dpnV that wooden
blankets of any quality high IN price to-day
as they We're in 1860. The lowest grade of coarse
blSnkets manufactured were sold at 81 a pair in
1860, whereas the same quality Of blankets to-
day are manufactured and sold at 81. % a pair.
The next quality, in 1860, were sold at $3.50
pair, and they can now be bought for 81 80 q
pair, and so on TO the very highest grades
which manufactured and sold These
are the wholesale prices, and you must remem-
Der that this is under tariff which protects
from 40 to 60 per cent In other words, we had
to pay from 80 to so per cent. higher for the
| same class and quality of blankets than we do
| in 1884 under protective law; and what was
| worse for US, the bounty that we then paid
went into the pockets OF foreign manufacturers,
| and not distributed among the laborers of
| our own country. But under tariff there can
| be no bounty distributed to manufacturers.
| The trades unions and workmens organizations
keep the price of labor to it's highest limit, which
| is right and gives to the manufacturer but a
small margin; and competition among our own
| people brings the price down so low that we OBJ
| tain the article at a less rate than could n
der q system of free trade. 1t is not confined to
the article OF blankets alone. Carpets show the
same ratio in favor of American industry. So
with our delaines, cotton fabrics, ginghams; and
all that is necessary for any one to do to become
thoroughly informed on this subject is to take
time to investigate. greater disparity exists
| in the values of iron and steel, although
constantly told that the iron interests of Penn
sylvania are protected beyond the bounds of
reason. Ii the free trader will take occasion to
hunt up the prices of best refined bar rail iron
in Philadelphia from 1856 to 1860, and from 1880
to 1884, he will find large balance in our favor
against the price during the free trade years.
desire to Illustrate the theory of an open
market for all commerce by referring to Chinese
cheap labor As principle, believe the doors
OF this country should be opened to the settle
ment OF all persons in the world, provided they
make their home among us for the purpose OF
becoming part of our citizens, and are willing
to assimilate with and become absorbed by our
civilization. This was the theory of the fathers
of the republic But the exception which urge
is against species Of slave labor. I need not
argue with any intelligent man that the Chinese
coolies, by many centuries of brutal treatment,
have become Injured to coarse and cheap living.
| While his power of endurance to perform phys
lcal labor is not reduced below ONE fourth of
that of our own laborers, his diet and conse-
quent cost OF living is disprOpOrtionately re-
duced below his power to perform labor. But
the greater objection against this kind Of labOrer
is that he does not seek a home in this country,
except for temporary purposes-comes here
under contract, and. having accumulated
few thousand dollars, Immediately returns
to his native land He takes no interest in our
affairs refuses the offers of Christianity or civ
ilization brings his idols with him, institutes in
yield assent in any manner to the teachings of
our missionaries The great fact remains that
If they Overspread and OveIrun this country,
their labor will effectualy and materially lessen
that of our own wage classes, and reduce them
by competition to the verge of starvation, for no
laborer in this country can live upon what the
Chinese lsborer will live upon and grow rich. If,
therefore, the doctrine of free trade is right the
Chinese coolies should not be prohibited from
entering country, because they would fur
nish to the manufacturing establishments cheap
labor, to the farmers the same, and would soon
take the place of domestics and
crowd out the busy hands of labor in the thou
sand vocations which people now fill. 1t is
true this would cheaper living and productions
Of all kinds, but it would deprive own
laborers Of the means of earning a livelihood.
More than half a century ago the Monroe doc
trine was explicitly announced as the policy of
this nation. 1t has been revered and respected
by all parties and classes of men from that day
1 to this. While it is true that Great Britain
promised to refrain from the colonization of
| British Honduras, yet it is nevertheless true
that, negatively, she agreed in the Bulwer- Clay
ton treaty not to possess herself of further ter
ritoy on this continent. That she has violated
| this treaty from time to time is also true. En-
gland has never refrained from violating any
| treaty where her commercial interests were at
stake. The situation of our Government in ref
4 erence to these matters is to outward appear
ances, in a state OF quietude and unconcern;