The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-03-15

l mon L nc opportunity ana llc test came
promptly. The new sovereign, free and indie
pendent government of South Carolina sent
commissioners to Washington to negotiate for
the surrender of the national forts. and the
transfer of the national property within her
limits. Mr.. Buchanan prepared an answer to
their request which was compromising to the
honor of the executive and periOus to the
integrity of the Union. Judge Black took
decided and irrevocable stand against the
Presidents position. He advised Mr. Buchanan
that upon the basis of that fatal concession to
the disuniOn leaders he could not remain in his
Cabinet. 1t a sharp issue, but was soon
adjusted. Mr. Buchanan gave way, and per
mitted Judge Black, and his associates, Holt
and Stanton, to frame reply for the admins
tration
jefferson Davis, Mr.. Toombs, Mr. Benjamin,
Mr.. Slidell who had been Mr. Buchanans init
mate and confidential advisers, and who had led
him to the brink of ruin, found themselves sud
denly supplanted and new power installed at
the White House, Fooled and no longer able to
use the national administration as an instru-
mentality to destroy the national life, the seces
sion leaders in Congress turned upon the Presl
dent with angry reproaches In their rage they
lost all sense of the respect due to the chief
magistrate of the nation, and assaulted Mr..
Buchanan with coarseness as well as violence.
Senator Benjamin spoke of him as "a senile ex
ecutive. under the sinister influence of insane
counsels.' This exhibition of malignity towards
the misguided President afforded to the North
the most convincing and satisfactory proof that
there had been change for the better in the
plans and purposes of the administration. They
realized that it must be deep sense of impend-
ing danger which could separate Mr. Buchanan
from his political associations with the South.
and they recognized i'll his position a significant
proof of the desperate determination to which
the enemies of the Union had come.
Mr.. Blaine then details the reorganization Of
the Cabinet-Secretaries Cobb, Floyd and
Thompson resigning, and Messrs. Dix, Holt and
Stanton succeeding. "Thus reconstructed"
says Mr.. Blaine, ''the Cabinet, as whole was
one of recognized power This reconstruction
of the Cabinet was followed by marked change
in Mr.. Buchanans position, which was received
at the North with unaffected satisfaction, and
at the South with unconcealed Indignation"
This change was announced in a special message
to Congress on the 6th of January, 1861. OF
this message Mr. Blaine says:
A certain significance attached to the date
which the President had selected for communi-
eating his message to Congress. 1t was the 8th
day of January, the anniversary of the battle of
New Orleans, celebrated that year with enthu-
siastic demonstration in honor of the memory
of Andrew Jackson who had, a memorable
occasion not unlike the present, sworn an EN-
phatic oath that the federal Union must and
shall be preserved" There was also marked
satisfaction throughout the loyal States with
Mr. Buchanans assurance of the peace of the
District of Columbia on the ensuing 4tb of
MdrCn, on tle occasion OF MI. Lincoln lnduEu-
ration. He did not himself share in the serious
apprehensiOns that were entertained of dis
turbance" on that occasion. but he made this
declaration, which was received in the North
with hearty applause: In any event, it will be
my duty to preserve the peace, and this duty
shall be performed"
ANALYSIS OF MR.. BUoHANAN's CHARACTER.
The chapter concludes with an analysis and
estimate of Mr.. Buchanan's character, which is
given in FULL
There were, indeed, two Mr.. Buchanans in the
closing months of the administration The first
was Mr. Buchanan of November and December
angered by the decision of the presidential cleo
ton and more than willing that the North, in
Guiding his own State, should be disciplined by
fright to more conservative views and to a
stricter observance of what he considered sol
emn obligations imposed by the Constitution
IF the Southern threat of resistance to the au-
thority of the Union had gone no further than
this, Mr. Buchanan would have been readily rec
onciled to its temporary violence, and would
probably have considered it national blessing
in disguise. The second was Mr.. Buchanan of
January and February. appalled, by surrounding
and increasing perils grieved by the conduct of
Southern men whom he had implicitly trusted,
overwhelmed by the realization of the evils
which had obviously followed his official declara
TONS hoping earnestly for the safety of the
Union, and yet more disturbed and narrowed in
his mind than the mass of loyal people who did
not stand so near the danger as he, or so accu-
ratelY measure It's alarming growth. Inc EreSl-
dent of December with Cobb, and Floyd and
Thompson in his Cabinet. and the President of
January, with Dix. and Stanton, and Holt for
his councillors were radically different men. No
true estimate of Mr.. Buchanan in the crisis of
his public career can be reached if this vital
distinction be overlooked
1t was Mr. Buchanaus misfortune to be called
to act in an emergency which demanded will,
fortitude and moral courage. In these qualities
he was deficient He did not possess the executive
faculty. His life had been principally devoted to
the practice of law in the most peaceful of commu
mites and to service in legislative bodies where
he was borne along by the force of association.
He had not been trained to prompt decision had
not been accustomed to exercise command. He
was cautious and conservative to the point of
timditY. He possessed ability of a high order,
and though he thought slowly, he could master
the most difficult subject with comprehensive
power. His service of ten years in the House,
and an equal period in the Senate was marked
by a conscientious devotion to duty He did not
rank with the ablest members of either body,
but always bore prominent part in important
discussions and maintained himself with credit.
1t was said of Mr.. Buchanan that he instinct
lively dreaded to assume responsibility of any
kind His keenest critic remarked that in the
tentative period of political issues assumed by
his party, Mr.. Buchanan could always be found
two PAGES in the rear. but in the hour of tri-
umph he marched proudly i'll the front rank.
He was not gifted with independence or sef-as
sertion His bearing toward Southern states
men was derogatory to him as man of spirit.
His tone toward administrations of his own party
was deferential as almost to imply lack of
selfrespect He was not leader among men.
He was always led. He was led by Mason and
Soule into the imprudence of signing the Ostend
manfesto he was led by the Southern members
of his Cabinet into the inexplicabe folly and
blunder of indorsing the Lecompton iniquity; he
led by disunion senators into the deplora-
BILE mistake contained i'll his last annual mes
sage Fortunately for him he was led, month
later, by Black, and Holt, and Stanton to a
radical change in his compromising position
If Mr.. Buchanan had possessed the uncoquer-
able will of jackson or the stubborn courage of
Taylor, he could have changed the history of the
revolt against the Union. A great opportunity
came to him, but he was not equal to it. Always
an admirable adviser where prudence and eau
ton were the virtues required he fatally
wanting in a situation which demanded prompt