The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-07-22
GEN. LoeANs LETTER or ACCEPTANCE.
WASHINGTON, July 2I.-Following is the text
of Gen. Logan's letter accepting the Republican
nomination as a candidate for Vice-president:

OF Oen. LOganS letter accepting Ono hepuD1lcdu
nomination as a candidate for Vice-president:
WASHINGTON, D. G., July 10, 1884,
Dear Sir-Having received from you on the
oath of June the official notification Of my nom
nation by the national Republican convention
as the Republican candidate for vice-president
of the United States, and considering it to be
the duty of every man devoting himself to the
public service to assume any position to which
he may be called by the voice of his ceuntrymen,
! accept the nomination with a grateful heart
and a deep sense of its responsibilities, and if
elected shall endeavor to discharge the duties of
the Office to the best of my ability.
This honor, as is well understood, was wholly
unsought by me. That it was rendered by the
representatives of the party, in a manner SO fat
tering, will serve to tighten whatever labors |
may be called upon to perform.
Although the variety of subjects covered in
the very excellent and vigorous declaration Of
principles adopted by the late convention pro-
hibits, upon an occasion calling for brevity of
expression, that full elaboration of which they
are susceptible, / avail myself of party usage
to signify my approval of the various resolu-
oNObo " OAO PAauAOIIu, duQ 10 QlSCuSS tu0Iu
briefly.
PROTECTION TO AMERICAN LABOR.
The resolutions of the platform declaring for
a levy of such duties 'ias to afford security to our
diversified industries, and protection to the rights
and wages of the laborer, to the end that active
and intelligent labor, as well as capital, may have
its just award, and the laboring man his full
share in the national prosperity" meets my
hearty approval
If there be a nation on the face of the earth
which might, if it were a desirable thing, build a
wall upon its every boundary line, deny commu-
MON to all the world, and proceed to live upon
its own resources and productions, that nation is
the United States. There is hardly a legitimate
necessity Of civilized communities which cannot
be produced from the extraordinary resources of
our several States and Territories, with their
manufactures, mines, farms, timber lands and
waterways. This circumstance, taken in con
nection with the fact that our form of govern
ment is entirely unique among the nations of
the world, makes it utterly absurd to institute
comparisons between our own economic systems
and those of other governments, and especially
to attempt to borrow systems from them. We
stand alone in our circumstances, our forces,
our possibilities, and our aspirations.
In all successful government it is q prime
requisite that capital and labor should be
upon the best terms, and that both should enjoy
the highest attainable prosperity. If there be q
disturbance Of. the just balance between them,
one or the other suffers, and dissatisfaction fol
lows, which is harmful to both.
The lessons furnished by the comparatively
short history of our own national life have been
too much overlooked by our people. The funda-
mental article in the old Democratic creed pro,
claimed almost absolute free trade, and this,
too, no more than a quarter of a century ago.
The low condition of our national credit, the
financial and business uncertainties and general
lack of prosperity under that system, can
be remembered by every man now in middle
life.
Although in the great number of reforms in
stituted by the Republican party sufficient credit
has not been publicly awarded to that Of tariff
reform, its benefits have, nevertheless, been felt
throughout the land. The principle underlying.
this measure has been in process of gradual de-
velopment by the Republican party during the
comparatively brief period of its power, and to-
day a portion of its antiquated Democratic OPP
ponents make unwilling concession to the cor
r~ectness of the doctrine of an equitably adjusted
protective tariff, by following slowly in its foot
steps, though a very long way in the real.
The principle involved is one of no great OBJ
security, and can be readily comprehended by,
any intelligent person calmly rejecting upon ii.
The political and social systems of some Of our
trade-competing nations have created working
classes miserable in the extreme. They receive
the merest stipend for their daily toll, and in the
great expense of the necessities of life, are de-
prived of those comforts of clothing, housing,
and health7producing food which with whole
some mental and social recreation can alone
make existence happy and desirable.
Now, if the products of those countries are to
be placed in our markets, alongside of American
products, either the American capitalist must
suffer in his legitimate profits, or he must make
the American laborer suffer, in the attempt to
compete with the species of labor above referred
to. In the case of a substantial reduction of
pay, there can be no compensating advantages
for the American laborer, because the articles of
daily consumption which he uses-wlth the ex-
ception of articles not produced in the United
States, and easy Of being specially provided for,
as coffee and tea-are grown in our own country,
and would not be affected in price by a lowering
in duties. Therefore, while he would receive
less for his labor, his cost of living would not be
decreased Being practically placed upon the
pay of the European laborer, our own would be
deprived of facilities for educating and sustain
ing his family respectfully; he would be shorn
of the proper opportunities of ~self-improve-
ment, and his value as a citizen, charged
with a portion of the obligations of
government, would be lessened, the moral tone
of the laboring class would suffer, and in turn
the interests Of capital, and the well-being of
orderly citizens in general, would be menaced,
while one evil would react upon another until
there would be q general disturbance Of the