The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-07-24
MORTON ON HENDRICKS.
Speech of Senator Morton at Academy of
Music, Indianapolis, August IL, 1875,

him as a member of Congress, of the Legislature,
of the constitutional convention, as Commits
sioner of the General Land Office, as Senator OF
the United States, as Governor OF the State, TOT
nearly thirty years, and during all that time ne
has suggested no policy, produced no measure,
started no idea which any human being can re,
member, save and except one which we are al
asked to forget His place of general retirement
and relaxation has been upon. the fence and he
has never gotten down upon the one side or the
other until his party had taken such decided
ground as left no doubt as to their position.
Like Tilden, he will be the last of his line, and
will leave no idea. measure, nor policy as a po-
litical contribution to those coming after him.
His official life in small things has been repecta-
BE. and successful in lodging larger RESPONSE
bilities.
Perhaps no political career Of equal extent in
this country can be referred to which mas Deen
so barren of good or important results. In the
winter of 1S60-61 he stood with Buchanan and
the leaders of his party in denying all right OF
coercion in justifying the South and throwing
all blame for the then threatened rebellion upon
the Republicans of the North. After the break
ing out of the war he sunk out of sight for
time, and his position was wholly unknown
Toward the conclusion of 1861, when the country
was depressed by misfortune he came again to
the surface along with the leaders of his party,
and was bitter in his demonstrations against the
war and the government
The 9th of January, 1862, at the State conyen-
ton of the Democratic party, he made the most
tempted to show by labored argument that the
interest of the Northwestern States was wholly
with the South, and not with the East; that the
New England States had been our oppressors,
so that the inference of all was that the States
of the Northwest should form a Northwestern
confederacy for the time being, to be afterward
united with the South, and to cut loose from the
States in the East.
He arraigned the war party as the most intol-
Grant ever known, as corrupt, as the author OF
hard times and desolation, as wholly responsible
for the war, and said that if the war should be
so prosecuted as to abolish our market in the
South by destroying the peculiar system of labor
in that section he would advise the Northwest to
look out for itself. His fayorite phrase was
E'The restoration of the Union upon the basis of
the Constitution, by which he meant the preser
walton of slavery and giving to it equal rights in
all the Territories; and in referring to this in
subsequent speech in the campaign he said:
If this is rendered impossible by the folly or
wickedness Of the party in power then the mighty
Northwest must take care of herself and her own in
terests and not allow the arts and nesse OF New Eng
land and the eastern lust of power commerce and
gain, to despoil her Of her richest commerce and
trade.
Mr. Hendricks fully believed at the time that
he had struck the Democratic current of thought
and action, but afterward feared tina he had got
off the fence prematurely. TWAS, in my opin-
lon the worst speech made IN any Northern
state during the war; and exerted the most
deleteriouS influence. 1t was the fruitful parent
Of that crop of conspiracies and reasonable
schemes which afterwards disturbed the peace Of
the State, and so nearly compromised her posi-
ton in the Union. The Sons Of Liberty and
other 6isloyal organizations and the reasonable
schemes that were formed were but the offshoots
of that central idea of his speeeh--that the in
terests Of Indiana were not with the East, but
were with the South, and that the Eastern
States should be left out in the cold. Mr.. Hen
bricks did not belong to any of these organiza-
tlons, as believe, but that he knew all about
them, that ha never condemned them, and that
their leaders and contrvers were all his friends,
never doubted for a moment and that his
position was this: That if they succeeded in
their purpose he would reap the benefit, but if
they failed he was not responsible for their
action.
He has always exhibited an uncomfortable
hatred for the negro, and in this represented the
lowest aud most vulgar elements of his party.
In the Senate he opposed the freedom of the
slaves escaping into our lines during the war.
He bitterly opposed the repeal OF the fugitive
slave law long after the issue of the emancipa-
ton proclamation, and, speaking against the
issue of repeal, said:
It it is as plain to me as the multiplication table
that it should be defeated.
The 10th of February, 1864, on the resolution
to allow negroes to ride in the street-carS in
Washington, he said:
It seems to be considered great outrage that the
negroes in the District of Columbia NOT allowed to
take their seats in the with white and
that travel railroads in this city. If were
allowed to express an opinion should say the ont
rage would be the other way.
The 5th of December, 1867, in speaking on the
District of Columbia BILL he said he was opposed
to allowing negroes to sit on juries or hold Office,
and that 1T was a policy which subjugates the
white to the colored race
Mr.. Hendricks was in the Senate when the
thirteenth amendment of the Constitution was
adopted abolishlng slavery; when the fourteenth
amendment was adopted, securing equal rights
protection, and immunities in all the States,
and prohibiting the payment for slaves or the
rebel war debt; when the fifteenth amendment
was adopted, providing that no person should be
denied the right Of suffrage on account Of race,
color, or previous condition of servitude, and he
spoke and voted against all
He not only voted against the thirteenth
amendment, abolishing slavery, but in an ex
that the United States had no power to abolish
slavery by an amendment to the Constitution.
He said:
1t is enough to know that the Constitution existed
before the revolution in the colonies that continued
during the revolution that 1t with the colonies
into their state of Independence and separate
eighty and when the colonies into the federal
compact they did not submit that institution other
domestic institutions to the control of the federal gov
eminent. The federal government has had nothing to
do with the institution of slavery except far by
compromise it was protected and respected, and a
fugitive escaping from State to another shall be
returned without respect to the law Of the State into
which he escapes.
This was spoken of slavery in April, 1864, in
the last year Oh tne war, Wn0n slavery was IN
fact already dead having been killed by the
emancipation proclamation, but he still carried
the putrescent corpse about in his arms, and en-
tertained the vain hope Of calling it back to life
He opposed the enlistment of negro soldiers
and in speech at Shelbyrile, Ind, in Febru-
airy, 1868, just after his election to the Senate
said:
Tbelast and browning act Of infamy on the part Of
this Congress- to be the enactment Of the law to or
ganize $50 900 negroes into regiments. The bill has
passed the House and believe will pass the Senate
members voted against it. Their names should be |
preserved in letters Of gold What does this egisla
tion meant Is itthat the 20 900 900 white men at
the North cannot cope with the 600 900 white men
at the Soulful is it that the negro will make bet
ter soldier than the white mani
Further on he said
ha that tha eafatr 4ha bnnnr tba