The Valley Virginian. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1865-1895, 1884-10-02

and the South, when we had the control
of the government, legislated so as to des-
troy the manufactures of the North as
we had the power to do, with both
branches Of Congress and the Executive
under Southern control, the government
would have been dependent on foreign
countries for the equipments of war, and
the South would have been placed on an
equal footing, and would have maintained
a more equal contest. The argument is
conclusive of the necessity for self-sus-
tanning people in everything and this can
not be done unless our foreign commerce is
so regulated as not only to yield revenue
for the support of government. but main
tain our material and industrial indepen-
dence. In this rests our inherent power
our preparation at all times for self de-
fence, and aggression, should self-defence
make it necessary.
But sublimated statesmen like Mr..
Bayard and Mr.. Tucker, and Mr.. Carlisle
and Mr.. Hurd, cannot get down to these
practical, essential considerations of our
independent relations. There is too much
Of the people in them. They would revel in
theories and sweat over hair-splitting con-
structions of the constitution, in the face
of suffering and death by Hood; of moral
blight spreading like bosom of destruc-
ton over our territories while disease
an1 inuo6inn o,,l
hocks. and misery and want holding
high carnival in the homes of our laboring
poor, hating and hesitating and finally re-
fuslng to invoke the general welfare
is not craftsmanship. 1t is crankism.
1t deserves no better name. for it lacks
every element of genuine, practical states
manship under political system based Oh
the popular will, drawing it's support from
the resources Of the people, and designed
for their common protection gna Gabi-
ness.
Mr.. Tucker may dodge and squirm on
the tariff question as much as he pleases,
but he is in theory and belief "a free
| trader. With his views of the constitu-
ton. honest though they may be and
doubtless are, he cannot be anything else
| than a free trader. He has preached that
doctrine, substantially, all of his life. His
support of the Morrison bill was i'll the in
terest of eventual free trade, for it was
recognized by it's trainers and its leading
supporters as the entering wedge to a free
trade policy. He may protest his concern
for the working-men ever so vehemently,
and he sincere in it, but his doctrine. re-
duced to practice. would reduce the work
ingmen to poverty and restitution. He
cannot hold to the one belief and argue for
monia bill, on the bill for the relief of the
sufferers by the floods, against the bill to
stamp out polygamy in the Territories, his
opposition to the Blair and Willis educa-
tiOnal bills, his hostility to the inter State
commerce bill, his opposition to the national
banking system, ARE consistent with his tar
if views as expressed in the purpose and
policy of the Morrison bill. His method
of constituting the constitution will admit
of no other conclusion. Mr.. Bayard came
| to Virginia after his free trade utterances
at Brooklyn and Wilmington. He repeated
them in Staunton, and pleaded for the man
| from New York and Mr.. Tucker, because
| their beliefs were the same as his.
1t isa square fight not only in this dis
trict and in Virginia, but in the Nation.
between the policy of Free Trade and
| that of Observation-Disclosures policy that
will build up foreign industries at the eX-
pense of this country, and one that
will build up American manufactures
| strengthen our national defences, and
bring prosperity ,contentment and blessings
to the masses of the people. 1t cannot
be ignored or evaded. 1t is distinct,
positive and pronounced, and any suhter-
| fuge to escape from its consideration is
deception and dishonesty.