Sacramento daily record-union. [volume] (Sacramento [Calif.]) 1875-1891, 1884-08-16
OUR LONDON LETTER.
CONCERNING THE POLITICAL
CRISIS IN ENGLAND.
The Franchise Bill-Many English.
men, Few VoterS-GladstOne
Plan for Reform.


| To help the readers of the RECORD UNION
| to better understanding of the pending
! political crisis in England l will give an
explanation in this article of few points
upon which, am sure, they will be glad
| to gain additional light, and a proper
| knowledge of which is indeed essential to
| an intelligent view of the situation there.
The alleged ground of opposition to the
| franchise bill in the House of Lords is that
it is not accompanied by measure for the
redistribution of seats. Anticipating an
objection oft kind, Mr.. Gladstone prom
ised, when he introduced the bill, that if it
was passed, it should be supplemented by
redistribution measure at the next session
of Parliament, which, in the usual course
would convene early in 1885. Suisse
quently he made an offer to their lordships
| that if they would sanction the impending
bill, he would call an extra session and in
| troduce such measure this Iall. Now, q
great many will be puzzled to know what
| is meant by the redistribution of seats, and
what necessity there exists for such action
| in the premises; and the same class of peo-
| pie would no doubt like to be informed. If
possible, what the redistribution measure
which Mr.. Gladstone promises would be
! likely to affect.
MANY ENGLIsHMEN, FEW VOTERS.
Let the reader bear in mind, first, that
under the existing Parliamentary system,
not only are the great mass of EngliShmen
| deprived of the privilege of voting, but
| that the most glaring inequalities exist in
rcgart TO the relative power exercised by
| the comparatively few who are allowed to
vote There is, perhaps, no better authori-
| tv on the franchise question i'll all England
| than Joseph Chamberlain, a member of
the present Ministry. This gentleman is
the oracle of advanced liberalism, and his
position and prospects are such that he Is
generally regarded as the man who will
succeed Gladstone in the Liberal Premier
ship. Speaking at WOlverhamptOn early
| in the wear, Mr.. Chamberlain stated that the
adult male population of the United King
dom was about eight and a half millions
! OF these not more than two and half
| millions he said, could vote at Parliament
ary elections. Thus, six millions are with.
| out the franchise, or, as he expressed 1t :
"Out of every seventeen men you meet on
the streets five only have votes, and the re-
mainder have no share in the government
| of the country" There is nothing like
this" he added, in any civilized country
of Europe, except Russia and Turkey, if
Turkey can be called civilized
| UNJUST DISTRIBUTION OF POWER.
| On another OCCASION speaking of the
| irregularities which mark the distribution
of power among those who are enfran-
chised, Mr.. Chamberlain, in the hearing of
! the writer, made the following surprising
statements In 1853, he said, one-sixth of
| the voters returned one-half of the House
| of Commons, and the only improvement
since then was that at present one-iitth in
stead of one-siXth of the voters returned
one-half of the members of that body. He
| further stated that 100000 people, i'll So
counties sent 1876 members to Parliament,
| and that the same number in 2l7 boroughS
j sent 800 members whereas, another 5000,
| 600, living in small towns and villages, sent
| only SO members. Another contrast cited
was that of Warwick, with 1900 inhab-
| itants, sending two members to Parliament.
| while only one more than that number
was sent by the ercat town of Birming-
| ham, with its population OF 100000. Still
| another glaring instance which Mr. Cham
berlain emphasized was taken from what is
| known as the Black Country" in which
i
| to Parliament, four represented 10000 peo-
| pie and the other four about 100000.
| From these facts the reader will see at
once both what redistribution means and
| how imperatively it is needed, f 7 the eX-
| isting arrangement not only outrageS the
| commoneSt principles of justice and rea-
| son, but it is utterly destructive of the
claim of the British House Of Commons to
be in any sense body fairly representing
| either the people generally OF the privi-
| legged few who are allowed to vote. And,
| of course. the new franchise bill will in
| crease these inequalities, and to that eX-
tent, therefore, increases the necessity for
some measure which shall squarely face
this crying evil and propose remedy.
TACTICS OF GLADSTONE.
| Under these circumstances the uniniti-
| ated will marvel that Mr.. Gladstone did
not accede to the demand of the Tories and
| incorporate redistribution measure with
| his franchise bill. When, however, such
| as these are informed of the honorable gem
! tleman's reasons for keeping the two meas
ures separate, and for giving precedence i'll
point of time to the latter, they will see
how tenable is his position, and will find
| additional causes therein for admiring this
| remarkable man. His chief reason he has
declared to be a determination to force the
| Opposition to express themselves definitely
upon the question OF extending the fran
| chise. He presents to them two millions
| Of her Majesty's subjects who are without
q vote, and whom he claims are as well
| qualified, and as Justly entitled to the suf-
| frage, as the two and half or three mill
| ions who now enjoy it. Upon this propo-
sition, unincumbered by any other, he is
! resolved that the Conservative party in the
| House of Commons, and their lordships in
the upper chamber, shall place themselves
on record. Here, he says, is an act of
justice which has been too long delayed
already. We propose that it shall now be
consummated, and that ii shall go through
on its merits. 1t will be time enough, he
adds to consider what proportion of parlia
mentary power these people shall possess
when they shall have been enfranchised.
| This is the high ground upon which Mr..
Gladstone plants himself in this matter
| ANOTHER REASON ASSIGNED
| For keeping the two measures separate was
drawn from the previous history of such
| legislation. THE uniting of the two de-
scriptions of legislation" he observed, has
resulted formerly in the inefficient handling
of redistribution" " If redistribution is to
be touched at all, it must be touched
| broadly" he added. more than that" he
| tOHIluutN, IldllCliISC OppO-
nents who find it difficult to show their
colors. Redistribution is their favorite
study, and it is impossible not to observe
this fact that of the three political crises
produced in connection with reform legis-
Iation every one has been produced by re-
distribution, and not by franchise. A vote
on the redistribution of power brought
| about the defeat of the first Reform Act of
| 1881, and it brought about sudden disso-
luton of Parliament a vote on the
redistribution Of power brought the crisis
of May, 1892, which was the most serious
crisis that has been known to this country
since the Revolution of 1858. 1t was all
brought about by vote of the House Of
| Lords-not upon the franchise, oh, not
was more convenient to deal with the ques-
| ton of redistribution. The union of fran
| chiSe legislation with redistribution makes
a confusion of things that ought to be kept
sedulously apart"
DECLINED TO EXPLAIN.
When it became evident that Mr.. Glad
stone was bent upon keeping his redistribu-
| ton scheme for consideration at q subseA