St. Paul daily globe. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1884-1896, 1884-07-19
oldiers who riskod their lives in defense of the

Union.
/ entered congress in 1853, and in somewhat
prolonged service never found 1t expedient to
request or recommend the removal of civil oth-
Ger except in four instances, and then for nom
political reasons which were instantly conclusive
with the appointing power. The officers in the
district, appointed by Mr.. Lincoln In 1851, upon
the recommendation of my predecessor, served,
as rule, until death or resignation. adopted
at the beginning Of my service, the test OF COM
petitive examination for appointments to West
Point, and maintained It SO long as l had the
right by law to nominate cadet. In the case Of
many officers found that the present law which
arbitrarily limits the term of the commission Of
fered constant temptation to changes for mere
political reasons. Ihave publicly expressed the
belief that the essential modification OF that law
would be in many respects advantageous.
My observation in the department of state
confirmed the conclusions of my legislative ex-
perience, and impressed me with the conviction
that the rule of impartial appointment might
with advantage be carried beyond any existing
provision of the civil service law. 1t should be
applied to appointments in the consular service.
Consuls should be commercial sentinels-encirc-
ling the globe with watchfulness for their coun-
try's interests. Their intelligence and compe-
tency become, therefore, matters of great public
concern. No man should be appointed to ar
American consulate who is not well instructed
| in the history and resources of his own country
and in the requirements and language Of COM
merce in the country to which he is sent. The
same rule should be applied even more rigidly
to secretaries of legation in our diplomatic SER
vice. The people have the right to the most
efficient agents in the discharge of public bust
ness and the appointing power should regard
this as the prior and Interior consideration.
THE MORMON QUESTION.
Religious liberty is the right of every citizen
80 - L 81.
constitution to make any law respecting the
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof For century, under this
guarantee, Protestant and Catholic, Jew and
Gentle, have ,worshiped God according to the
dictates Of conscience. But religious liberty
must not be perverted to the Justification of
offences against the law. "A religious sect,
strongly intrenched in one of our territories of
the Union, and spreading rapidly into four other
territories, claims the right to destroy the great
safeguard and imminent of social order, and to
practice religious privilege that which is a
crime punished with severe penalty in every
state in the Union. The sacredness and unity OF
the family must be preservedas the foundation
of all civil government, as the source of orderly
administration, as the surest guarantee of moral
purity.
The claim of the Mormons that they are d.
vinely authorized to practice polygamy should no
more be admitted than the claim of certain
heather tribes, il they should come among u.s. to
continue the rite of human sacrifice. The law
does not interfere with what man believes; it
takes cognizance only of what he does. As
citizens, the Mormons are entitled to the same
civil rights as Others and to these they must be
confined. gPolygamy can never receive national
sanction or liberation by admitting the COM
munity that upholds it as state in the Union.
IL r. 1n,,r a..
liberty of the individual ceases where the rights
of society begin.
OUR CURRENCY.
The people of the United States though often
urged and tempted, have never seriously con-
terplatcd the rec IGNITION of any other money
than gold and siIver-and currency directly CON
vertible into them. They have not done SO, they
will not do SO, under any necessity less pressing
than that Of desperate war. The one special
requisite for the completion of our monetary
system is the fixing OF the relative values of
silver and gold The large use of silver as the
money of account among Asiatic nations, taken
in connection with the increasing commerce of
the world, gives the weightiest reasons for an
international agreement in the premises. Our
government shoald not cease to urge this meas
ure until common standard of vatue shall be
reached and established--a standard that shall
its mines an auxiliary to gold in settling the
balances of commercial exchange.
THE PUBLIC LANDS.
The strength of the Republic is increased by
the multiplication OF land-holders. Our laws
should look to the jadicious encouragement of
actual settlers on the public domain, which
should herceforth be held as sacred trust for
the benefit of those seeking homes. The tend
ency to consolidate large tracts of land III the
ownership Of individuals or corporations should,
with proper regard to vested rights, be disconi-
aged. One hundred Thousand acres Of land III
the hands Of one man is far less profitable TO the
nation in every way than when its ownership is
divided among one thousand men. The evil of
permitting lnrge tracts Of the national domain to
be consolidated and controlled by the few against
the many is enhanced when the persons coutroil-
ing it are aliens. 1t IL but fair that the public
land should be disposed of only to actual settlers
aud to those who are citizens of the Republic, or
willing to become SO.
OUR SHIPPING INTERESTS.
Among our national interests one languishes
the foreign carying-trade. 1t was very serious
~ crippled in civil war and another blow was
given 10 it in the general substitution of steam
for sail in ocean traffic. With frontage on the
two great oceans, with freightage larger than
that of any other nation, we have
every indncement to restore our
navigation. Yet the government has
hitherto refused its help. A small share of
the encouragement given by the government TO
railways and to manufacturers and small share
of the capital and the zeal given by our citizens
to those enterprises would have carried our ships
to every sea aud to every port. A law just en-
acted removes some of the burdens upon our
navigation and inspires hope that this great in
racf nj laGt tic Il H.,
of attention. All efforts in this direction
should receive encouragement.
sAcREDNEss OF THE BALLOT.
This survey of our condition as nation re-
minds us that material prosperity is but mock
cry IL it does not tend to preserve the liberty of
the people a free ballot is the safeguard of
Republican institutions, without which no
national welfare is assured. popular election,
honestly conducted, cmbodes the very majesty
OF true government. Ten millions OF voters de-
sire to take part in the pending contest The
safety OF the Republic rests upon the integrity of
the ballot, upon the security of suffrage to the
citizen. To deposit fraudulent vote is no worse
crime against constitutional liberty than to OBJ
struct the deposit or an honest vote He who
corrupts suffrage strikes at the very root Of free
government. de is the arch-enemy of the Re-
public. He forgets that in trampling upon the
rights OF others be fatally imperils his own rights
''ltis good land which the Lord our God doth
give us, = but we MAINTAIN our heritage only
by guarding with vigilance the source of popular
power.
am with great respect, your obedient servant
JAxEs G.. BLAINE.
Wabash System Matters.
Especial Telegram to the Globe
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