The Wilmingtonian., 1884-07-12
THE CUBA QUESTION.


G be in order for the party regnant, of what
ever stripe it may be, to assume a definite
attitude on the Cuban question.
} lfthe Monroe doctrine has any virtues in
: the eyes of the American people of the pres
D ent day, Cuba is a crucial test of its applica-
tion. The theory that America can have no
foreign policy is as contrary to reason and
, common sense as to urge that the Atlantic
Cable, the Ocean Steamship and the main
tenance of commercial relations with the
Eastern Hemisphere are matters with
which the United States has nothing what
ever to do.
The Electric Telegraph and the Steam
Engine have made the world one country,
nationally and commercially. It is idle to
believe that the United States can remain in
state of jealous isolation in the progress of
commerce and civilization. The car of pro-
gress crushes all who cannot gapple to its
wheels. In the near future Cuba may be
destined to play part in the domination OF
this country in the Western Hemisphere.
For centuries past Cuba has been an
appanage of Spain, once first-class
European power-but now one of the weak
est governments in the Old World. Cuba
remains as a solitary relic of the power
which Spain once exercised in the New
World, and which embraced such wealthy
and matchlcssly productive regions as Mexico
aud California. The dream of re-establish-
| ing the predominance of the Latin race in
the Western Hemisphere prompted Louis
Napoleon to inaugurate the Mexican aggres-
sion in 1862, at the time when the Civil War
| rendered it hopeless for the United States to
attempt remonstrance or active interference
1t will be recolected that two other
European powers Joined i'll this invasion, but
withdrew their auxiliaries as soon as the sell
fish objects of the French Emperor were
clearly made manifest. When the Civil
War was over, this country was in position
to demand and to enforce the withdrawal of
the French troops also. That demand was
complied with, because the United States
had an army and navy to back their
demand, and because on the question of
foreign interference all parties were cordially
united. Even the recently subjugated South
would have resented the establishment of a
,,,o+oa+o,oto l., Afo.,;.o
But this act of the French Emperor should
have opened the eyes of American statesmen
to the designs of european powers on the
insular and continental territories of the
New World in which anarchy offered direct
inducement to invasion. 1t should have
taught those who upheld the Monroe doc
trine, in substance and in fact, that to make
remonstrance effectual it must be backed by
corresponding measure of physical power.
Has this country that powerP
We think not 1t has been pointed out
over and over again that we have no navy,no
coast defenses, not even mercantile marine
available for the purposes of transportation.
There is not fort on the whole sea-board of
the United States which could withstand a
twenty-four hours bombardment by
modern iron-clad, of the type which laid in
ruins in that short period the powerful forts
Of Alexandria. If a Cuban difficulty were
to arise at the present time, (and all indica-
tions polnL W suO.. - - -,
not the power to raise voice in the matter,
even against feeble government like that of
Spain. We are strong enough in men and
money to repel invasion of our shores by an
armed force, even of hundred thousand
men, but we are not strong enough to make
ourselves respected on the seas or even to
champion the cause of our citizens in other
lands.
Cuba is costly possession to Spain, and
she might well be held to be governed by
considerations of policy in contracting the
limits and resources of her empire by its sale.
To the United States, on the other hand
Cuba would be possession of immense
NdluOs ~ 10 mibhih WV b"go eail AiOhi ouA
Southern coast, and is as much natural
appendage to the country as is Mexico, which
is doomed, in the natural order of events, as
well as by its geographical position, to
absorption into the community of States.
1t would be lasting monument of folly to
allow Cuba to fall into the grasp of pro-
gressive European power like Great Britain
OF France, yet such a contingency is quite
possible and even probable. Both these
powers possess navies of the first class, and
can maintain firm hold oninsular possessions,
besides finding population ready to pour
into and develop the resources of any coun-
try in which they set foot. Already both
these powers have considerable possessions
in Central America and the adjacant islands.
Their influence in the Pacific is immensely
greater than ours. 1t is idle for us then to
fold our hands contentedly and smile at
invasion, when the apathy of our statesmen
allows the prestige of our power to dwindle
away year by year, as if the Monroe doc
trine contained in itself some peculiar vir-
tue at which foreign powers trembled behind