The Worthington advance. [volume] (Worthington, Minn.) 1874-1908, 1884-07-24


they send to Spanish America We are but
paymasters for this enormous amount annU.
ally to European fact0rs-an amount which
Is . serious draft, III every financial de;
preston preston, upon n our resources ct specie
part be changed! Cannot the market for
our products be greatly enlargeds We have
made beginning In our effort to improve
our trade relations with Mexico, and We
should not be content until similar and mu-
successfully made with every nation of North
and South America. While the great power
OF Europe are steadily charging their colo
NAL domination in Asia and Africa 1T Ia the
and expand it's trade with the nations Of
America No field promises so much. No
field has been cultivated 80 little. Our for.
eign policy should be an American policy In
its broadcast and most comprehensive sense
policy of peace, of friendship, of CONNER
cial enlargement
The name OF american which belongs to
us In our national capacity must always ex-
alt the just pride Of patriotism. Citizenship
of the republic must be the panoply and
can citizen, rich or poor, native or natural
lied, white or colored, must everywhere
walk secure in his personal and civil rights
The republic should never accept a lesser
duty, it can never assume nobler one, than
the protection of the humblest man who
owes it neutrality-suspicious. at home, and
protection which shall follow him abroad,
into whatever lands he may go upon law
full Grand
THE SOUTHERN STATES.
recognize, not without regret, the neces-
sity for speaking of two sections Of our COM
mon country. But the regret diminishea
when see that the elements which separ-
ated them are fast disappearing Preiudlces
ing cordiality warns theosouthern and the
Northern heart alike. Can any one doubt
that between the sections confidence and
esteem are to-day more marked than at any
period In the sixty years preceding the cleo
in part of time and in part of Republican
principles applied under the favorable con-
ditions of uniformity. 1t would be q great
calamity to change these influences under
which Southern commonwealth are learning
to vindicate civil rights, and adapting them
selves to the conditions of political tranquil
lily and industrial progress If there be Oc-
casional and violent outbreaks in the South
against this peaceful progress, the public
ceptional and hopefully trusts that each will
prove the last.
The South needs capital and occupation,
not controversy. As much as any part Of
the North, the South needs the full protec-
ton of the revenue laws which the Repub-
lican party offers. Some of the Southern
states have already entered upon career Of
industrial development and prosperity
These, at least, should not lend their elec-
toral votes to destroy their own future.
Any effort to unite the Southern states
upon issues that grow out of the memories
Of the war, will summon the Northern states
to combine in the assertion of that national
ity which was their inspiration in the civil
should be united in a common industrial de-
velopment will be wasted in hurtful strife.
The Democratic party shows itself foe to
Southern prosperity by always invoking and
urging Southern political consolidation.
Such a policy quenches the rising instinct
OF patriotism in the heart of tho Southern
youth; it revives and stimulates prejudice;
| it substitutes the spirit of barbaric VEN
geance for the love of peace, progress and
harmony.
The general character of the civil service
of the United States under all administra-
tions has been honorable. In the one su-
preme test-the collection and disbursement
been surpassed in any nation With the
almost fabulous sums which were received
and paid during the late war, scrupulous in
tegrity. was the prevailing rule Indeed,
to the honor of the American name, that un-
faithfulness and dishonesty among civil Off
GERS were as rare as misconduct or cowardice
on the field of battle.
and necessarily enlarged the civil service,
until now 1t includes q vast body of officers
Rules and methods OF appointment which
prevailed when the number was smaller
have been found insufficient and impractical
bic, and earnest efforts have been made to
separate the great mass of ministerial officers
from partisan influence and personal control
Impartiality in the mode of appointment to
be based on qualification, and security Of
tenure to be based on faithful discharge of
duty, are the two ends to be accomplished.
The public business will be aided by separ-
ating the legislative branch of the govern
ment from au control of appointments, and
the executive department will be relieved by
subjecting appointments to fixed rules, and
thus removing them from the caprice of
favoritism. But there should be rigid Oh.
servance Of the law which gives IN all cases
of equal competency the preference to the
soldiers who risked their lives in defense OF
the Union.
Ientered congress in 1868, and in some-
what prolonged service never found it ex-
pedient to request or recommend the re-
moval of civil officer except in four in
stances, and then for non-political reasons
appointing power. The officers in the dis
trict, appointed by Mr.. Lincoln in 1861 upon
the Recommendation OF my predecessor,
served, as rule until death or resignation.
adopted at the beginning of my service the
test OF competitive examination for appoint
ments to West Point and maintained it SO
long as had the right by law to nominate
cadet In the case of many officers found
that the present law which arbitrarily limits
the term of the commission offered con-
slant temptation to changes for mere po-
litical reasons. have publicly expressed
the belief that the essential modification of
that law would be in many respects advan-
tageousI
Ny observation in the department of state
confirmed the conclusions lof my legislative
experience, and impressed me with the CON
v1ctfOn that the rule of impartial appoint
ment might with advantage be carried be-
You'd any existing. provision of the civil ser
vice law. 1t should be applied to appoint
ments In the consular service. COnsuls
should be commercial Notwithstanding
the globe with watchfulness for their coun-
,try's interests. Their intelligence and COM
potency become, therefore, matters of great
public concern. No man should be appointed
to an American consulate who is not well in
structed in the history and resources Of his
own country, and in the requirements and
Language of commerce in the country to which
he Is sent The same rule should be applied
even more rigidly to secretaries of legation
in our diplomatic service The people have
the right to the most efficient agents in the
discharge of public business and the appoint
ing power should regard this as the prior and
Interior consideration.
j THE MORMON QUESTION.
F: Religious liberty is the right Of every citi-
zen OF the republic. Congress is forbidden
by the constitution to make any law sre-
speeding the establishment of religion, or
prohibiting the free exercise thereof" For a
century. under this guarantee, Protestant
and Catholic, Jew and Gentle, have wor-
shipped God according to the dictates of
conscience. But religious liberty must not
be perverted to the justification of offenses
against the law. A religious sect, strongly
intrenched in one of the territories of the
Union, and spreading rapidly in four other
territories. claims the right to destroy the
great safeguard and imminent Of social
order, and to practice as a religious privjl-
sty state of the non
ness and unity of the family must be pre-
served as the foundation of all civil govern
ment, az the source of orderly administra-
ton, as the surest guarantee of moral purity:
The claim of the Mormons that they are
divinely authorized to practice polvgamy
should no more be admitted than the claim
of certain heather tribes, If they should
come among US, to continue the rite of
human sacrifice. The law does not interfere
with what man believes; it takes cognt-
zance only of what he does As citizens, tho
Mormons are entitled to the same civil rights