The Austin weekly statesman. (Austin, Tex.) 1883-1898, 1884-01-24
FORWARD GUIDE RIGHT
MARCH.

NAL rule in Western Texas ana the
lawless pleasures and pastimes Of free
grass bands. 1t is recognized that the
administrative agencies of the gov
eminent are uneqal to the under
taking, and public emergency now
cries aloud to the legislature for
measures that will raise up barrier
against tidal waves that sweep with
mighty, destructive forces over the
bosom of not long ago untroubled
sea of increasing prosperity. Mr.
Davis took occasion, the other day in
the Senate, to denude the military
genius of Texas, to expose it to view
in a horrid deformity, as having
shaped by misconception executive
inactivity, leaving to grow and be-
come hideous that " IN v shakes
the social condition of Texas
from center to circumference.
When in the dreamy visions
of befuddled peace (D officer
there arose scenes of massacre, when
in mind diseased, the blood of white
women and children appeared as
changing the current of streams into
crimson tides, when COLLINS that SO
often sport about jug handles, as
sumed the guise of black demons
dancing around sacrificlal affairs, Ethe
governor touched his magic lamp and
forthwith this military genius gave
life and activity to a mightier force
than the Army of Occupation, while,
under the grandeur of the states mill
tary pageant, refusal of federal gen.
eral to respond to the demands of war
were laughed to scorn. Texas was
instantly in arms at the order, and
had there been one armed black man
found where the dreamer had
seen hordes of Ethiopian demons, rev.
cling in blood, the carcass of this
become a scabbard for the sheathing
of a thousand bayonets. There was
no temporizing then, when Africa was
contemplating the ways and means
for raising a temple to God, but when
organized bands of fence-cutters open
ly defied law and drove people from
their homes and destroyed live stock
and Improvements, there was no pow
er in the state that would call to arms
a single man to defend the honor and
dignity of Texas against the domina-
ton of the devil. Extraordinary
power existed, warranting armed
demonstration against innocent
blacks, but the military arm was par
allied in presence of organized out
lawry, and the declaration was made
that these revolutionary dcmonstra-
tions were locally Insignificant; that
these lawless conspirators against the
state had treated with the powers
that be; that they had signed stipula-
lions of permanent peace. In face
of this outlaw bands increased in
numbers, openly defying the constitu-
ted powers of the people, to whom
the latter looked for protection
and to whom they were
IcotuJ W COuGllDubO blCdou1C,
blood, if need be, to vindicate the
dignity of Texas, to maintain the So
cial pledges of a state. Evils have
grown, while they could have been
suppressed, and from the powers that
have been unequal to emergency re-
sponsibility for the continuance of
these evils has been shifted to the leg
isIature. The Democratic party is on
trial in Texas. Civilization has made
up its case against it, and to these
legislators is left the task of defend
ing it against the counts in the accu-
sation. They may safely defend it,
or they may, by improper treatment,
allow the verdict to be made up
against Democracy. Questions lead
ing to the evils, now soiling the fame
and the fair name of Texas, have fire.
quently been presented to the legisla-
ture for consideration, while oppor-
tunity has been given to correct ION
ditions leading thereto. Warnings
and appeals have not been needed,
and now there exists the necessity for
correcting sins of omission as well as
of commission. Laws have
not been passed that should
have been, executive means for
suppressing indignities to the state
have not been employed, and upon the
legislature now devolves the shaping
of measures that must relieve the
state, as well as the Democratic party,
under which the states destinies have
been shaped and its affairs admins
tered, from overshadowing evils. The
STATESMAN has frequently exposed
what 1t considers the root and the
outgrowth of these conditions. Free
grass is the great disturbing cause. 1t
must be made one of the things that
were, and penalties and sufficient for
FIXTURES must be imposed to make the
unrighteous fencer and the fence
cutter dread the repetition of crime.
The licensing of murder would make
these evils greater, while such a Ii
cense would send Texas so far down
IAO oOtt1O VI t1tAALoIAOAs GlAlO ouO
could not recover from its eff
fleets in a lifetime. These crimes
should be made penal; those who
practice them should be sent to the
penitentiary for from ten to twenty
five years; and property, too, should
be confiscated in satisfaction of those
injured or despoiled: but to blacken
our statute books with law licensing
murder, placing it in the power of
bad men to take the life of any one,
under easy pretenses, would be a
measure which might have been sub
mitted to in the dark ages, but against
which the civilization of the nine
tenth century would revolt. To pass
such a law would be to admit the ina
bility of the people of Texas to rule,
and this is not their condition. This
pursuit of false theories will not do.
Evils and their causes are too plain
not to be seen. Strike down
causes and abolish the evil, and at the
same time maintain the capacity of
the people to rule through human
and not inhuman laws. Free
grass must be attacked. Against
this every Democratic legisla-
tor must move. 1t is the citadel
that must be attacked, and to carry it