The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-05-07


how futile in government was mere theory,
and how valuable was common sense. He be-
lieved in that which had stood ,he strain Of long
practice nor could he be expected to yield il for
something impossible and impractical
BLACKBURN AND EATON.
Mr.. Blackburn said that, unlike the gentle
man from Pennsylvania Mr.. Randall lie did
not complain of the conduct Of the debate 1t
had been fair-fair from the stand point from
which the bill had been reviewed. He did regret
that the gentleman from Connecticut Mr.
Eaton should have seen fit in the exuberanct
of his zeal to have INDUCED in remarks which
We're received, and could be received by many
of his political associates. only with sense of
the sincerest pain. He regretted that the gen
tleInan should have found it necessary to appeal
to the prejudice and passion which should have
been buried with the war which gave them
birth. and should have attempted to haunt in
the face Of the American House Of Representa-
tives the bloody shirt. which sense Of dignity
on the part of Republicans themselves had
long since consigned to oblivion.
Mr.. Eaton-l suppose my friend alludes TO
the remark / made in reference to the cunfed-
crate constitution. | thought I explained, to
the tull satisfaction of the gentleman from
Georgia Mr.. Hammond exactly What meant
that intended to point out as an irresistible
argument, that i'll the making Of the confed-
crate constitution. the leaving out of the gen
eral welfare" clause showed that the sense Of
that people prevailed: and permit me to say that
the distinguished gentleman from Louisiana
LMr Gibson quoted the same clause Of the con
federate constitution, and made precisely the
same line of remarks, and | have yet to hear
that he is sectional
Mr.. Blackburn did not blame the gentle
man so much for using that reference. ! know
that the original responsibility for its
introduction into the debate did
not lay at his door, but that
the suggestion was furnished to him
nv a fftpf
south; but regret that the word traitor should
have crept into the tariff debate.
Mr.. Eaton thought that my public character
and public record would be defense against any
lutionary war. was speaking of Connecticut
man who was called a traitor, as he was; and
said that there were other traitors than he-that
the woods were full Of them.
Mr.. Blackburn-If the gentleman's opprobri.
Gus ephitet was intended for those who figured
in the revolutionary struggle. have no cause
for complaint
Mr. Hunt said it was he who had shown the
confederate constitution to the gentleman from
Connecticut for the purpose of showing that
constitution with the fifth section in it did not
mean what n constitution did from which that
section had been rejected.
Mr.. Blackburn then proceeded with his argu-
ment in favor of the bill. 1t proposed to abate
tariff taxation TO the extent of 20 per cent 1t
did not propose TO insert the knife too deeply.
Would any gentleman dare 10 claim that the re
ductiOn was too heavy? The gentleman from
Pennsylvania Mr.. Randall stood complaining
of the committee on ways and means, and said
the bill was a confession of incapacity. The
same gentleman, at the last Congress, stood ad-
vocating at its every stage what could only be
described as a tariff abortion in the shape Of the
commission bill The gentleman had changed
his opinion on the subject Of
tariff legislation. In 1852 he had
expressed himself in favor of reduction Of the
tariff. Now he did not want any reduction He
had gone forward, and now protested against
even whisper in the direction of agitation Of
the tariff question. If it was necessary in 1882
to reduce the surplus revenues, why was it not
more needed nowF He Mr.. Black burn opposed
repeal of the internal revenue system Of taYation
sole and fil-dat}at tepfal advocated it for the
protective tariff rates The issue presented by
the Republican side protection for the sake
of protection. If it was revenue the gentleman
wanted let them take all the government needed;
but when they had got that, let
them to stay the hand of the tax gatherer, for
whenever they had passed that limit or gone
inch beyond that limit, the tax gatherer's
hand became the robbers hand. The time was
not far distant when the people would repudiate
the bald political hypocrisy of the protectionsts,
and refuse to submit to such political jug9lery.
For the first time, the people were aroused on
this question. 1t was the issue in American
politics to day, and it would not down. Gun
ming and insincerity had been able for years to
evade this issue 1t could not lons; be deferred
now. Political parties must stand and fight
the battle out. He cared not what gentle
men might say about free trade and the
ultimate purpose of the Democratic party
here; that was not the issue.
There was man proposing free trade There
no free trade in this bill. 1t a PROPOSE
ton to limit taxation of the people % the de
mands of the government, and whoever refused
to stand by ii could find no ground on which to
plant himself. The man who voted to strike out
the enacting clause declared to the people and
the country that he was not willing to have the
tariff revised. taxation reduced, or the surplus
revenue ahated The man who voted to strike
out the enacting clause admitted 10 the country
and to the world that he dare not face the issue
either of revision Of the tariff reduction OF
taxatiSn: even on terms which he himself might
offer. "Prouo~>- .aS the battle cry Of the
Republican petty. Let the national con
test be inaugurated ON tho grou2a
selected by that party; let the Republican party
bear on its standards the motto. Taxation fol
tribute, and the Democratic party would bear
ON theirs, Taxation for revenue From par
ty point of view he welcomed the contest The
fighting would be made hot enough and the
Democrats would appeal to the people. If the
pending bill was not crystailized into law, there
nothing left for that party except TO 20 to
another court higher than the halls Of Congress
and there it would appeal for the triumph of the
principles for which it had battled \ hundred
years-principles which had guided the destinies
of this great government, principles which ac-
counted for the Democratic majority in
the House to day. The advocates of
those principles We're ready for the
fray, armed in cause which
they knew to be lust, proud of its history
and proud of its hopes; remembering the vie
tories with which it had blazoned the century
tNt 10y behind it, trusting to the fairness of its
tenets recah1s oil the glorious traditions
opening promises of its future. the Democratic
party abided the issue which was 20 come He
trusted in the ultimate triumph of his party.
The end of the conflict must come and when il
came the people would stand for the right. Let
the Democratic party broaden the policy of the
government; let 1t lbcralize the laws; lei it give
a free American registry under whose @gis
every American citizen might fly the American
flag from the deck of every American ship.
whether built here or on the Thames, the
Mersey or the Clyde; let it rebuild our
wasted merchant marine, and when it
had done that, it would have put the country on
the right road 10 that destiny to which her loca
tinn her ADVANTAGES the genius and manhood