National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1884-03-29

local public sentiment-men who would be apt to
pc moved by political considerations rather than
nc had said. would DO a decided step toward the
sellement of the difficulties growing out OF the
question OF races. Most of the conditions that had
education. Remove these aud tho simpler ele-
ment Of the problem would come into view.
Mr. Lamar did not believe free people could
DO male out OF an ignorant multitude. Liberty
could not be enacted y statute law. Liberty was
moral and intellectual force, II was the outcome
Oh peoples thoughts, habits, and sentiments, and
people VINO we're i'll ignorance would not be Tree
Notwithstanding statutes. Mr.. Lamar was no OPP
umist; he had no visions Of rapid strides In the
education of the cOlOrcd race dense ignorance,
even with this measure, had to DO met, and, what
ever trouble the work might outail, twas one that
al INC people, north aud south, would take pleas
ure IN dlrectng--tho work of guiding that great
mass IN iB slow onward and upward path.
MIR. Harrison read from the reports of the super
lntehdcnt Of education of Mississippi TO show the
scarcity of teachers there, aud contrasted the
statement with Mr.. Iamurs remark that enough
teachers could be had.
Mr.. Lamar replied that Il was merelya question
OF money with which TO pay them. Good teachers
could not be had without proper compensation.
Mr.. Culom would not say that no would not
voe lor the Dill In its present shape, but thought
IL ought to be in some respects amended. The
education of the youth of the country belonged,
ne SAID to the separate states, and the only eX-
cuse ior the general government interfering wa,
Wnen me state could not or would not educate
her children. So far rs his state ullinoiN was
concerned she was perfectly able and willing 10
educate all her children. He knew he spoke the
sentiment of his people when he said that llinoit
neither asked nor desired to receive dollar oil
educational aid from the United States govern
ment. He would like TO see the appropriation
confined TO the southern states exclusively. and
50 adjusted as to begin with only about S6OOO.OOO
rise Tor fey years, the money could be profit
ably appl led, and then diminish year by year as
the states themselves became able to carry on the
work. He would make the total appropriation
Sl0OOO0O0, instead of the Sl0j,00O,000 OF the bill
Mr.. George made strong and elaborate argi-
nj
basing 1t upon the general welfare clause. Hs
LOOK up seriatim and analysed the objections that
had been made to the measure, aud whether look
ln5 he said, at the abstract principle involved OF
az tho history Of the United States and the preoe
dents afforded for this action of congress- he could
tind no reason for opposing 1t, but, on the con.
made by some democratic senators that the bill
was Objectionable because 1t prescribed the
branches 10 DO taught, the objection was not tena
BILE, he said, because the prescription was merely
asserting that pyramid should stand on its bas'
and not on its apex. 1t required that the ole
montary and fundamental branches should b.
taught. II was simple requirement that not thu
diterential calculus or metaphysics, but reading
writing, and arithmetic should he taught. II wal
git by the United States on conditions subse
quently to be performed by tho states. The honor
the separate states was the pledge of performance
OF the conditions. He admitted that congress
could not grant money to u state on II condition
which would involve the surrender of its func
tons, as that 1t should surrender ID representa-
ton In congress or Its separate political existence
i
continue to oppose Capitalization, but ho coult
not shut his eyes to irrevocabe facts.
He had once beloved that state had the RICH
| 10 secede from the union. He believed now tina
the right had then existed, but 1t had been ir
revocably lost, lost amid the clang of arms ant
| the horrors OF war. he had once denied that thu
| federal government was tho judge of its Owl
| power. Yet that had been firmly established
| Those opinions" said Mr.. George, II have sur
| rendered, however unwillingly. will not feet
| on the dry husks and emasculated remains Q
constitutional theories, which, however respect
able they may hGVo been, now no longer contro
| or influence the government or the destinies o
| this great nation. We lNe in the present; we ar
| actors In the present; we must meet the demand
of the present The world moves and we mus
| move with 1t. l will not pass my life In
| dreamy contemplation Of the beauties aud excel
| lencies of obsolete theories, now mere abstrnc
| tons, and in plcturing the benefits and glorie
| 1t is enough to know that they are no longe
potent for the good or the evil OF this union am
| while may cast u tear over their tomb, will no
| spend my life in ministering ut the affairs whic
| have been erected TO them"
On the conclusion Of Mr.. Georges remarks
| motion to adjourn was made, which Mr. Blai
| opposed, and by calling the yeas aud nays de
| fealed; only 10 be disappointed, however, by tn
| success of q motion Immediately made to 90 int
executive session. He expressed a wish that tn
session might be prolonged in order that the de
bate might progress as far as possible, as he dit
not wish the friends of the measure to be put in
position of seeming to have wasted tho publ
time, yet vote would soon be necessary.
The senate, mt 4:3j, went into executive session
aud when the doors were reopened adjourned.