The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-04-21


measure of State policy, can consistently aid in
this, when by so doing he must see that the best
interests of the whole nation may be imperiled.
AT all events, while not deciding for others,
am unwilling to aid IN inficting such irreparable
mischief upon the country.
1.-The vote of this State may, and probably
will settle the presidential election. With the
Democratic party the contest will be a death
struggle; and we all know how efficient its party
machinery is in holding all its members in line
on the day of an election. If it can succeed in
having the Republican party commit itself
squarely for prohibition as a political question,
it may draw off from it enough votes, otherwise
Republican, to carry the State If the Republican
convention should decline thus to
commit it, and a prohibiting organi-
cation, such as you suggest shall be
formed and even 10000 or $1,000 votes be OBJ
tanned by it, the State will undoubtedly go Demo
cratic, because very large majority, perhaps
ninetenths, of these will be, like yourself Re-
publican. To me, therefore, it is clear that you,
and others referred to in your letter, have very
heavy responsibility resting upon you in
deciding whether you can, consistently
with your obligations of duty to the nation, con-
tribute towards the success of the Democratic
party. This responsibility is twofold; first as it
regards your relation citizens TO the whole
country; and second, as it regards the ultimate
effect upon the principle of prohibition itself 1t
is impossible for you not to know that the organ
ization of a prohibition party that should enable
the Democrats to carry the State and elect a
President, would bring about the complete and
final defeal of prohibition. That achieved, you
would be left to the reflection that you had aided
in turning over both the nation and the State to
those who will inf1ict innumerable ills upon both,
merely for the sake of showing that it is within
the power of a small, impractcabe minority to
punish majority for disagreeiug with it upon
question about which good men have differed
since society organized.
II have the greatest possible respect for
the conscientious convictions which in.
fuence good citizens when casting their
ballots. Yet neither communities nor States are
so organized as to be subject to the entire con-
troll of this class, which is often in minority.
Under our form of government we compelled
to submit to the will of the majority. And when
minorities find themselves powerless to resist OF
reverse this will, it is, in my opinion, not only
wise but an imperative duty to pursue a pruden
tial and conciliatory course, and thereby gain
some good, rather than by the adoption of ex-
IRENE and incorporating measures to excite
antagonism and lose alias would inevitably be
the case with the supporters of prohibition if
they should organize themselves into a separate
political party in this State during the approach
ing canvass. We must have respect for the
opinions of those who differ from u.s. if we desire
to have own opinions respected 1t is not
possible for us all to think alike, or even te-
draw the same conclusions from undsputed pre-
misses. And whilst man should be expected
to yield up the convictions of his own con-
science with reference to his own
individual responsibilities and duties, yet, as
the affairs of government and society affect 9th
ers who are equally interested in them with our
selves, we forfeit none of our independence by
such concessions as may become necessary to
promote the general good-that is by agreeing
to do the best that be done under existing
circumstances Your own reflections will proba
bly, bring to mind many instances where the per
sistent pursuit of lmpracticable measures has re
suited in more loss than gain. One memorable
instance now occurs to my own mind:
''In 1874 Mr. Clay was the Wing and Mr. Polk
the Democratic candidate for the presidency
The former was opposed to the annexation of
leAtS anu III ldNOT VI Ine IIulIaUlOn OF slavery
and the latter in favor of annexation and the con-
sequent extension of slavery. The result of the
contest depended upon the vote of the State of
New York, which would have been given to Mr.
Clay but for the organization of the p
Liberty party, which, by voting for. s..
its own candidate, accomplished nothing
but to draw off enough Wing votes to give the
State to Mr.. Polk and elect him to the presidency
1t would require volume to picture the con-
sequences that followed that event Texas was
annexed and the Constitution violated in the act;
the United States paid $40, 900 900 of her debt.
the public indebtedness was increased enough
slave territory was introduced into the Union to
make five States, the war with Mexico was
brought on and the Constitution again violated,
and an open and direct issue was forced upon the
North by the South which, in the end produced
the war of the rebellion, caused the loss of more
than million of lives, and created public debt
of more than So, 600, 900, OO0 Besides these con-
sequences, the principle of free trade was intro
duced in place of that of protection to our in
dustry which had been established under Wash
ington and sanctioned by all his successors in the
presidency, previous to Mr.. Polk; our cur
rency was destroyed and hecountry cursed with
an,ultitude of local and irresponsible banks; trade
of all kinds was paralyzed and bankruptcies be-
came common all over the country. 1t seems
strange, nevertheless it is true that all these
calamities should have been brought upon the
country by mere handful of men, professedly
Wings, who claimed to be too conscientious to
vote for the Wing candidate for the presidency.
If they had voted for Mr. Clay, and thus secured
his election, not one of these calamities would
have occurred. Therefore, their impracticability
in the pursuit of their extreme views, and their
unwillingness to concede anything to others
brought this mountain Of affection upon the
country