The Indianapolis journal., 1884-05-16
LETTERS FROM THE PEOPLE.
Temperance-Abolition.

past Men say a third political party
was formed upon that issue, and maintained
and insisted on and persisted in, and finally
became triumphant. Why not pursue the same
course in prohibitions
Now, Mr.. Editor, may say that am one of
the ''old guardian Abolitionist for fifty years
and an Abolitionist yet-a member of the old,
despised and maligned Liberty party, who cast
my first vote for James G. Birney being one
of the 1000 who did not 'bow the knee to the
''BaaF of slavery in the memorable campaign of
1910. Twas Freesoiler in 164S. Free Terri
tory man in 1852, and have been Republican
ever since the earliest formation of that party,
in 1856 And, besides all this, I have been
pledged to total abstinence for ffty-six years, so
that l think may claim that my position en-
ables me to know something of the matter con
cerning which am writing. And l say, first,
that while the Liberty party, from 1910 to
1874 including the two presidential cam
paigns), did stand on the ground of the
whole hog none,' and secuted the
idea that 'haf q loaf is better than
no bread" that exclusive ground was given
up in 184S and onward, and the work there
after was carried forward on the method of ac-
complishing step at time, with the ulti-
mate, of course, all the time in view. In 1913
and down to 1860, the practical ground occupied
by political Abolitionists) was shut slavery
from free territory, and it will eventually die"
So that the 'Wilmot Proviso' movement, and
free territory" and the free soil - and the Re
publican movements were every one Of them
abandonments of the original exclusive, whole
hog or none ground taken at first by the Liber
ty party. What the result of the whole agita-
tion would have been, had it not been for the
violent action of the South itself can never be
known. They acted upon the old heather
proverb Whom the gods would destroy they
first make mad" Had this not been done we
might have been fighting slavery to-day. But,
even though we grant which as have
shown, is not the fact) that the Liberty party
succeeded without ever changing its ground or
abandoning its principle of separate, isolated
action Of making slavery and it's total aboh-
ton, and that alone the ralyihg point it does
not follow that the same action would be wise
at the present time as to temperance and pro
hibition, since the cases in question are totally
unlike The temperance struggle and
the antslavery struggle are, in
one vital point, fundamentally dissimilar,
and this difference forbids such action as has
been spoken of above Slavery was thing of
law and general usage, which could not exist in
individual instances except by the consent of
the people at large, and the favor and protection
of law, and prevailing public sentiment. Thou
sands of the people all over the land to day
would buy and hold slaves if they could sell
them again; in other words if property in them
was recognized and protected by law. Now, all
that was needful in the ease of slavery, was to
change the legal status of the Slave and when
this was done, the destructive work of abolition
in hat
fore, a definite thing, which could be ae
complished in a certain time, during which the
general interests of the country might be, per
haps, held in abeyance although at more or less
risk, or postiveinjury: justas mans corn might
be- put off till his haying was done, or the build
ing of fine house might be delayed till his
fields were cleared, and his fences built, and his
barns and stables erected. That needed work
would be done by and by, and then the neglected
work might go on again.
But temperance or prohibition is a thing of
entirely another sort. The practice of drinking,
upon which, of course, the traffic chiefly de
pends, is entirely an individual and personal
matter which may be practiced by any one, no
matter what the law or public sentiment may be;
so that the mere enactment of laws or constitu
tions so far from ending the battle, only gives
good chance to begin the fight. The real fight
would come afterward. The struggle against
alcohol, therefore, is conflict that is never done.
Men thought fifty years ago that the work had
been accomplished; but We have found that it is
of laws or 'amendments" does not end the mat
ter as the slavery amendment ended that con
test Every man drinks for himself, no matter
what his neghbor may do Hence this battle
against the drink traffic and habit will be always
on hand And he who undertakes to make pro
hibition the sole question and platform for polit-
ical action until that work shall have been ac-
complished will have to tight it out on that
line' not only ''all summer but until the power
of human appetite and passion shall be utterly
quenched Hence, on that ground ''other inter
ests" would have to wait forever.
But the great interests of the country can
not wait forever. even for the drink traffic In
the presence of a definite, overwhelming
necessity, such as the rebellion, they
might wait for time, even at
positive loss, yet their time must come at last
The great questions concerning national industry,
general employment. development of resources,
wages, employment, labor relation of labor to
capital, Justice between man and man, general
security, equal and efficient protection to the
whole people, personal liberty, thorough en-
forcement Of public law-these things and such
as these can not wait forever; in fact they
cannot safely wait at all They stare us in the face
like the Sphinx ON the sands of Egypt asking
of every conner the fateful question, and de
vouring each unlucky one who fails to give an
intelligent and satisfactory reply. Not the
temperance problem alone is waiting, but the
others also, which, in their place and proportion
are of great and almost overwhelming value.
All these great subjects demand constant care
and attention, and neither can be ignored for
the other for any considerable time without
great aud signal damage. Take, for instance,
the great subjects of labor and capital and their
mutual relation and the rights and duties of
each in respect to the other the relation of cor
poratons to the State and to the public; or still
more, take the Punishment of labor and re-
munerative wages to the people at large
by grand and full development
of the material and industrial resources of the
country. Such great and vital things as these
cannot wait for anything-except, indeed for
what concerns the foundations of government
itself, and the establishment and maintenance of
general justice, and right, and protection. They
cannot wait till you have created a public senti
ment that all men shall let drink alone or even
that a majority of them shall do So Suppose
we were to undertake to carry out the principle
in common life what if we were to say to a man
who is given to drink, You shall not work till
l,..+