The Wilmingtonian. (Wilmington, Del.) 1882-188?, 1884-07-26
The Lords and the Land.

The recent maSs-merting of the agrieul-
tural laborers and artisans in London, pro
testing against the opposition of the House
of Lords TO the Franchise Bill has evoked
considerable comment in this country, but
unfortunately the majority Of the writer's
betray complete ignorance Of the very
essence of The subject. The movement is
looked on by some as the advance wave of
a bloody revolution By others, specifically
only, as the demand of the mass Of the peo-
pie for the suffrage which should be their
birth right.
That these views are alike wide Of the
mark will anpear from moments intelH-
81 uui.sGLration Of the question, as it really
exist, viz who has the prior claim to the
first fruits Of the land-the privileged mno-
rity to whom it descends as mere appan &c
without absolute ownership, or the working,
toiling majority who cultivate and till it,
enriching mono but the clergy and the nom
intl landlord. This is the back bone Of the
argument and everything must in the end
be referred to it.
At the present time an acre Of land in
England las to support (1) tic titled land
lord CO his middie-mln or his agent (3)
general and local government (l) the estab-
lished church % the tenant farmer 90 the
laborer The last named has no vote; the
| tenant farmer is COM elIed by law to ray
tithos to the support of privileged clergy
who toll not neither do they spin. This, too,
though he may be mem Der of a different
religious denomination from that recongized
and supported By the State Government
1t mast be quite obvious to all that as those
| who derive the chief benefit from the soil
are those who do the least work on it, there
must be some special provision i'll the Gov
ernment of the co untry for the maintenance
of such condition. This provision is found
in the House Of the Lolds and in the limi
tation of the franchise The Church Of En-
gland is supported in idcness for the reason
that her bishops have each seat in the upper
House, and controlling voice in all legis
lation. The House of Lo'ds being essential
ly an hereditary chamber naturally supports
hereditary and vested interests, ecclesias.
teal or secular. It's vetocs have been re-
peatedly oyer-ruled, but only under absolute
compulsion of the steincst k nd has iG with
drawn its policy Of uniform obstruction.
It is not then that the English peopl
object to rank, title and privilege. It i
not that a social crisis or revolution i
threatened at a brief notice The real ques
tion is the ownership Of tile land. If tn
franchise be extended TO the masses Of tn
people, the dise>tablishment of the Churc
Of England will be one Of the earliest results
and glorious result too. 1t will remoy
: that burden from the land which it is leas
calculated to bear, In ;he lapse Of yeal
the pccrage will probably cease to be her,
ditary and tile law Of entail will be abolisl
S ed. Meanwhile gradual extension of I'll
t rranchise--probably au educational vote
: will be adopted as compromise. Revolt
: tions are not in accordance with the conse
a vative spirit of the Englslmau. If he Ii;
one virtue more proLouueed them anothe
it is patient loyalty. 1t will take centul
at least to overthrow this but once over
:, thrown, it is a tinalty.