The Wellington enterprise. [volume] (Wellington, Ohio) 1867-188?, 1884-09-10
CIereIands Letter Of Acceptance.

Is surprise and disappointment, and is
remarkable more for what it does not
than for what it does say. On no point
now at issue does he express an opinion
Or give assurance of what the Demo-
cratic policy might be in event OF its
success in the coming election. So far
as affording chart or guide, he might
ms well have submitted thesis on the
incarnation of the soul or dissertation
on boiled milk as the natural pabulum
pf infants. None of the great questions
of statecraft are touched upon, ard the
ten million voters Of this country are
left in ignorance Of what Mr.. Cleve-
lands opinions are on any of them. In
view of the tact that candidates for the
Presidency are debarred by custom from
active participation in the campaign,
their letters of acceptance have come
TO be looked to as an exposition OF the
views of the nominees, and the inter-
probation they put upon the platform is
accepted as official. IL was for this
reason that the public looked forward
to Mr.. Cleveland's letter with more than
usual interest. The ambiguity OF GER
tain important paragraphs and the evi.
dent intention to confuse the reader OF
the, Democratic platform made il neces-
sary that some one regarded as Demo
cratic authority should interpret the
same, so as to leave no doubt as to the
policy proposed Take, for example,
the Democratic Convention's utterance
on the tariff question. In what two To-
calities is It understood alike? And what
representative Democrat will be honest
enough TO tell the people what it sig
niicance is, to be accepted in all parts
OF the Nationp This was so plainly Mr.
Clevelands first duty that to ignore it
yas but to confess either that it was not
lsceptible of explanation or was in
,nded 20 mislead. A paragraph of a
nger-length would have been enough
81 which to explain the only two APP
parent contradictions involved; or Mr..
Cleveland in the same space might have
followed the example of the late Demo-
cratic nominee, who declared the ques-
ton of protection local issue. Of the
two, General Hancock was the most
sincere and, therefore, more honorable.
1t is not enough to dismiss it as needing
no supplement or explanation. The
New York Horid'S view of this inn
portant question is diametrically op-
posed to that of the COarier-JOurRdL,
and each is loud in proclaiming its own
explanation as the only correct one.
That there is an issue here, and that the
Democratic party itself has acknowl-
edged it, may be sufficiently proved by
simply referring to the prolonged fight
made by Democrats in the last session
of Congress on this very point That
the struggle will be renewed on the first
opportunity needs no argument. The
public had right, therefore, to expect
that the candidate for the Presidency
should lnqualifedly commit himself on
this point. The slight put upon it both
by the Democratic Convention and by
its nominees will deceive nobody, for il
is known to all intelligent men that the
tariff question is the shuttlecock in the
Democratic game Of battledore.
But the most astounding thing in this
letter is the manner in which the writer
proclaims his utter ignorance Of the du-
ties Of the high Office to which he as.
pires, an exhibition the most humiliat.
ing of its kind. 1t is plain enough that
Mr.. Cleveland had no help in draft
ing that paragraph. The Presidency
is much more than an executive Office,
and TO man such as Mr. Cleveland
has shown himself to be, il affords an
opportunity TO become almost an auto
crat The veto power makes him o
National Legislator equal to two-thirds
Of House and Senate, a power TO be
conferred only on men of the largest
mental build and incest discrimination.
In Andrew johnson the country had
President of the kind that Mr.. Cleve.
land would make, man OF the narrow.
est conceptions, an obstructionist, and
the ready tool Of any and all who
choose to ilatter his vanity II Mr..
Cleyeland's vetoes as Governor Of New
York may be taken as an example of hi.
character as an executive, there would
be little hope Of the success of any
wholesome legislation, and corporations
would manipulate him as puppet
In dodging the questions that all the
people arc daily discussing over and
over again, Mr.. Cleveland has insulted
the intelligence of the country. Moved.
perhaps, by the idle and humorous crit.
icisms made Of the length of the letters
OF Blaine and Logan and Butler. bG
has contented himself with cutting his
down to almost paragraph, and then
fills that with matter rs irrelevant TO
the questions Of the hour as would bo
that OF q discussion OF the Bacon
Shakespeare controversy, or the best
way 10 construct chicken-house. The
longest paragraph Of his letter, and, in
fact the only one that expresses an
opinion on anything, is the one devoted
TO stating his reasons why the Presi-
dent should hold the Office for only one
term, a question having no more to do
with this campaign than that of the ex-
pediency Of capital punishment for
murder. His whine IN favor of civil
service reform Is drowned in Mr.. Hen
drick's stentoran declaration that not
less than fifty thousand Federal Office
holders must 60 at once, while a cor
responding number Of untried partisan
bummers are inducted into their places.
with what result may be easily
imagined. The evident disgust felt by
Mr.. Hendricks, after perusing this
triaing letter OF a petty statesman, as ex-
hlbited by his curt acceptance of his
nomination, is natural and excusable.
Mr.. Clevelandis Ieftnr casts oontannt