New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1884-06-22
MANUAL OF PROTECTION.

MANUAL OF PROTECTION.
GOVERNMENT REVENUE Especially Ihe 4 FpcrGG
system An Argament rr iCr rrle By ELS H.
! RoBERTs. l2mo. PIP $50. Boston: housn'oh'
Minlin X Co.
This volume comprises the authors course of ten
lectures delivered before the students of Cornell
| University IN February OF the present year. 1t
does not assume to be a complete treatise on
Political Economy 1t il a specific study of the sub
ect of Government Revenue from the American
point of view Ii relates primarily TO the income OF
States-thc means and modes of getting money LOT
the public treaSury-thc practical experience OF ma
tons with reference to revenue. Incidentally II eA-
! plains the American system of Protection ana sets
forth the logical grounds upon which that policy IS
based An active career journalist and contrO-
| versalst. four years of practical experience as n
| member of the Committee of Ways and Means oil
! the House of Representatives, and natural pre-
! dection for economic studies, have gwen Mr. hoD-
erts an excellent preparation for work Of TINS
| character 1t is a useful book. conspicuous alike
| for lucidity and common sense.
The first four chapters are historical, relating TO
! old time methods of raising revenue modern prac-
tees at home and abroad aud the tariff history OF
the United States As the outcome of this survey OF
the testimony of nations, the fact IS cduced that
! Great Britain and the Netherlands are the only
countries which levy impoSts with view to favor
| ing commerce.. Those two countries have an agsre-
cate population OF 600 000 whereas the remain
| ing countries of Europe and America wherein the
| industrial system is enforced have an aggregate
populatlon of $40 900 900. The summary of Ameri-
can legislation in the fourth chapter is admirable
for compacncss and cearncss. In the.htth chapter
| the various charges paid to Governments are de-
scribed and the conclusion is reached that imposts
sbonId befelt as little as possible From this point
! the discussion advances rapidly. Freedom OF pro-
ductIon is shown to be the first necessity ior any
people and the two schools of revenue legislation
TO be divided by this line Shall the revenue sys-
fem favor Protection in largest measure or shall IL
exalt commerce to the first place in its favor Inc
controy ersy defined to be between free production
on the one hand and free trade on the other andthc
authors argument is that production is more de-
serving of favor than foreign commerce, because 1t
lies at the basis OF all property personal and ma
| tional; because ii employs more persons; because
it carries comfort into homes; because 1t de-
veops in largest degree the best elements OF society
| and manhood.
! Various falacies about markets arc exposed, es-
pecialy the cant assumption that one must buy IN
the cheapest and sell in the dearest markets ana the
| conclusion is logically drawn that Americans are
getting the best markets, both to buy and to sell ln
| bv fostering their own industries This Is demon
| ,trated by consideration of the plain facts OF
| IUflpS
revenue policy which by the confession of its adj
vocates will strike down the money wages of pro-
| ducers must be the foe of the progress which has
| been the glory of our Republic and must tend to
| DESTROY the diversity and the efficiency of labor
| which have been the chief instruments of our de-
! velopment as nation and our improvement as a
people" In the chapter on alternatives the
| following passage occurs:
Practically, the contest is between the British
system on the one hand, and the American system
on the other Yet in Britain the assault upon Gus
tom houses and the excise lacks no feature o. the
aggrcssiveness which inspires the advocates OF Tree
trade in the United States. There the contest Is
clear and bold over a plan for imposing all charges
| npon the land upon homes and farms and plants of
! ;hdustrv and their earnings and savings. Com
merce is not content with the favortlsm which has
enriched it. 1t is quite as Jealous IN trying TO cast
upon production every charge or tne uQVIrln I
underlying legislation must be taken INTO account.
In this country, the other hand, the policy has
been from the beginning to favor industry mere on
our own soil. To that end duties have Decn IGyled
| upon commerce. deliberately, and with studlouN
adherence to principle. The design has been to
| draw from commerce its due share OF the revenue
| Even if this share should come out OF our own
! people that would be quite easy for them as I'M
posts upon land OF other property OF on cohSuiHp-
ton OF vocatonS But as matter Of experience, 1t
! has been demonstrated that always very large
mart of customs duties is thrown upon the foreign
| producer or his agent. In every instance, AFTER a
| period varying with the character OF the coHIhod
| itv for cyery industry established IN this country
|
| before the duty was imposed. We look for foreign
| trade through the tTlumphs Of our industry. Just
as our grain and meats and our cotton, ana our
tobacco our leather and our petroleum have entered
! the market, of the Old World, 50 our watches ana
our cutlery, our agricultural implements ana ma
Chncry, CalCOes and our carr yes, our musical
| Instruments our paper, our drugs ana chemicals
! have won their tOOth0ld
! Foreign commerce must always he the concern of
a few production cnlistS the many. The british
! system claims monopoly OF favor LOT ua4e DIV
! sea; the American system places foreign llaic on
| the same level with other occupations, hut gives IL
"A rank after domestic industry: 1T casts upon lIaie
by 4 share of the burdens Involved IN MAINTAIN
.ng the Government. Seeking freedom for every IN
tcIc,t, it begins by insisting upon freedom or the
| handIwoTk of the multitude, for the production
| which lies at the beginning OF all wealth.
! The chapter on The Rivalries of Commerce"
! meets without hmchng the indIsputabc fact OF the
| decay of American shipping:
The crucial point of criticism against the protec-
tive system is that it intertercS with commerce.
But il asserts industrial freedom IN the whole range
! of production. The appeal is urged To abolish pro
! tcctve duties especially IN order lhdi we may ma
a foreign market for our wares IN addltoh 10 tlis
! plea is demand that we shall by removing duileS
restore flag TO the ocean. The assumption tidt
we can secure the carrying trade by sacrificing our
| manufactures * not sustained by anything but
nLraSes We lost share of the ocean carrying first
! bv the War of 1872, which was Wagcd directly 70
drive vessels from the waters, and succeeded IN
! checking our maritime progress. We had made
vast gains wnen again the War OF the RCbelHon
! enabled foreign Powers, under the nag OF The on
! fcderacy to strike deadly blow al our merchant
| navy. The introduction Of iron for ships contrib
uted to supplaut our wooden clippers by steam
! vessels and We have not yet recovered the lost
ground. Nor is it the first or the most important
! task which dcvolvcs upon American enterprise.
Until have still further extended Our home pro
duction and carried still further the network OF
our railroads, have laboTs quite as imperative as
any foreign rivalry can prompt. Capital and IN
du>ry are getting better returns in these home en-
terprIscs than ocean service can now promise.
Wien these fields fully titled, American courage
and foresight will tempt the seas once more.
The author makes freedom of industry the vital
point of the discussion and the complete juStliica-
ton of the American system of revenue. Admitting
that the flag has lost its commercial prestige on the
sea, he compensatng advantages for Protection
IN the wonderful career of industrial development