The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1884-07-19

quo OOu1h neeo5 INC Iull projection OF inc rev.
enue laws which the Republican party offers
Some of the Southern States have already en-
tered upon career of industrial development
and prosperity. These, at least, should
not lend their electoral votes to destroy their
own future.
Any effort to unite the Southern States up
on issues that grow out of the memories of the
war, will summon the Northern States to COM
bine in the assertion of that nationality which
was their inspiration in the civil struggle. And
thus great energies which should be united in
a common'ind ustrials development will be vast
ed in hurtful strife. The Democratic party
shows itself foe to Southern prosperity by al
ways invoking and urging Southern political
consolidation. SHch policy quenches the
rising instinct of patriotism in the heart of the
Southern yougth;i it revives and stimulates pre-
judice 1t substitutes the spirit of barbaric ven
geance for the love of peace, progress and har-
mony.
THE CIVIL SERVICE.
The general character of the civil service of
the United States under all administrations
has been honorable, In the one supreme test
the collection and disbursement of revenue
the record Of fidelity has never been surpassed
in any nation. With the almost fabulous sums
which were received and paid during the late
war, scrupulous integrity was the prevailing
rule. Indeed, throughout that trying period it
can be said to the honor OF the American name,
that unfaithfulness and dishonesty among civil
officers were as rare as misconduct and coward
ice on the field of battle.
The growth of the country has continually
and necessarily enlarged the civil service, I'M
til now it includes vast body of officers.
Rules and methods of appointment which pre-
vailed when the number was smaller have
been found insufficient and impracticable, and
earnest efforts have been made to separate the
great mass of ministerial officers from partisan
influence and personal control. Impartiality
in the mode of appointment to be based on
qualification, and security OF tenure to be
based on faithful discharge of duty are the two
ends to be accomplished. The public business
will be aided by separating the legislative
branch of the government from all control OF
appointments and the Executive Department
will be relieved by subjecting appointments to
fixed rules and thus removing them from the
caprice of favoritism. But there should be
rigid observance Of the law which gives in all
cases of equal competency the preference to
the soldiers who risked their lives in defence OF
the Union.
entered Congress in 1868, and in a some
what prolonged service I never found it ex-
pedient to request or recommend the removal
of civil officer except in four instances, and
then for non political reasons which were In
stantly conclusive with the appointing power.
The officers in the district, appointed by Mr..
Lincoln in 1861 upon the recommendation of
my predecessor, served, as a rule, until death
or resignation. I adopted at the beginning of
my service the test of competitive examination
for appointments to West Point, and maintain
ed it so long as I had the right by law to NOM
inats cadet. In the case of many officers l
found that the present law which arbitrarily
limits the term of the commission offered a
constant temptation to changes for mere poiti-
cal reasons. I have publicly expressed the
belief that the essential modification OF that
law would be in many respects advantageous.
My observation in the department of State
confirmed the conclusions of my legislative exc
perience, aud impressed me with the convic.
ton that the rule of impartial appointment
might with advantage be carried beyond any
existing provision of the civil service law. 1t
should be applied to appointments in the con-
sular service. Consuls should be commercial
Notwithstanding the globe with watchiul-
ness for their country's interests. Their intel
lgencs and competency become, therefore,
matters of great public concern. No man
should bs appointed to an American consulate,
who is not well instructed in the history and
resources Of his own country, and in the re-
quirements and language of commerce in the
country to which he is seat. The same rule
should be applied even more rigidly to Secre-
taries of Legation in our diplomatic service
The people have the right to the most efficient
agents inthe discharge of public business and
the appointing power should regard this as the
prior and Interior consideration.
THE MORMON QUESTION.
Religious liberty is the right of every citizen
of the Republic. Congress is forbidden by the
Constitution to make any law respecting the es
Enlistment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof" For a century, under this
guarantee, Protestant and Catholic, Jew and
Gentile have worshipped God according to the
must not be perverted to the justification of
offenses against the law. A religious sect,
strongly intrenched in one of the territories of
the Union,a nd spreading rapidly into four 9TH
or territories, claims the right to destroy the
great safeguard and imminent of social order,
and to practice as religious privilege that
which is a crime punished with severe penalty
in every State of the Union. The sacred ness
and unity of the family must be preserved as
the foundation of all civil government, as the
source of orderly administration, as the surest
guarantee of moral purity.
The claim of the Mormons, that they are d.
vinely authorized to practice polygamy should
no more be admitted than the claim of certain
heather tribes, If they should come among us,
to continue the right of human sacrifice. The
law does not interfere with what a man be-
lieves; it takes cognizance only of what he
does. AS citizens, the Mormons are entitled
to the same civil rights as others, and to these
they must be confined Polygamy can never
receive national sanction or liberation, by adj
hitting the community that upholds it as
State in the Union. Like others, the Nor
mons must learn that the liberty of the indi-
vidual ceases where the rights of society begin.
OUR CURRENCY.
The people of the United States, though Of
ten urged and tempted, have never seriously
contemplated the recognition of any other
money than gold and silver-and currency di-
rectly convertible into them. They have not
done 60, they will not do SO, under
any necessity less pressing than that
of desperate war. The one special requi-
site for the completion of our monetary system
is the fixing of the relative values of silver and
gold. The large use of silver as the money
of account among Asiatic nations, taken in
connection with the increasing commerce Of
the world, gives the weightiest reasons for an
international agreement in the premises Our
government should not cease to urge this
measure until common standard of value
shall be reached and established; standard
that shall enable the United States to use the
silver from its mines as an auxiliary to gold il
settling the balances of commercial exchange
THE PUBLIC LANDS.
The strength of the Republic is increased
by the multiplication of land holders. Oul
laws should look to the judicious encourage
ment of actual settlers on the public domain
which should henceforth be held as n sacred