The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-09-27


eminent which has ever been SO watchfully
Jealous of the moral freedom of its subjects In
foreign lands.
''The statements Of the Russian government
that it was about to seek a harmonious solution
have been supplemented by very distinct indica-
tions of the probable direction in which the so
luton viii be sought. There is, unfortunately,
little doubt that the Imperial government con-
templates even more sharply defined restrictive
measures against native Hebrews, apparently
under the belief that by REFRESHING their 1nJu,
rious activity as it is phrased, the causes OF
discomfort which the native Christians feel
against the Jews will be measurably lessened
and internal harmony between these conflicting
elements be restored.
1T cannot but be inexpressibly painful to the
enlightened statesmen of Great Britain, as well
as of America, to see discarded prejudice OF
the dark ages gravely revived at this day; TO
witness an attempt to base the policy OF great
and sovereign state on the mistaken theory that
thrift is crime of which the unthritty are the
innocent victims, and that discomfort and dlSaf-
lection are to be diminished by increasing the
causes from which they arise. No student OF
history need be reminded of the lessons taught
by the prosecutions of the Jews in central
Europe and on the Spanish peninsula
Then. as in Russia to-day, The Hebrew
Jared better in business than his neighbor
Then, as now, his economy and patient indus
try bred capital. and capital bred envy, and envy
perse eution, and persecution dlsaifectlon and
its unvaryiag circle. The Hebrews are made a
people apart from other people, not OF their own
volition, but because they have been repressed
and ostracized by the communities In which they
resided The ghetto of medieval times still
teaches its eloquent lesson, which the nations
have done well to heed In Great Britain and
in the United States, the 1sraehte is not segre
gated from his fellow-m men, His equal part in
our social framework is unchallenged; his
thrift and industry add to the wealth of the
toned
1T was perfectly clear to the mind of the late
President that an amehoration of the treatment
of American Israelites in Russia could only re-
suit from very decided betterment of the con-
dition of the native Hebrews-that any steps
taken toward the relief of one would necessarily
react IN favor of the other, and that, under all
the peculiar and abnormal aspects Of the case it
is competent and proper to urge the subject upon
the attention of Russia. To his successor IN the
chief magistracy these conclusions are no less
evident, and 1 am charged by the President to
bring the subject to the formal attention of her
Britannic's Majesty's government, in the
firm belief that the community OF inter
ests between the United States and
England in this great question Of civil rights
and equal tolerance of creed for their respective
citizens in foreign lands will lead to considera-
ton Of the matter, with view to common action
thereon. 1t would seem, moreover propitious
time to initiate movement which might also
embrace other powers whose service IN the work
of progress is commensurate with our own, to
the end that Russia may be benefcialiy in
huenced by their cumulative representations,
and that their several citizens and subjects visit
ing the territory of the empire on law-observing
missions Of private interest shall no longer find
there subsection of conscience to military forms
and procedure which obtains nowhere else in
Europe.
'You may read this dispatch to Lord Gran
vile, and If he desires it, leave with him copy.
You will say to him at the same time that,
while abating no part of his intention to press
upon the Russian government the just claim of
American citizens to less harsh treatment in the
empire by reason of their faith, the President
will await with pleasure an opportunity for a
free interchange Of views upon the subject with
the government of her Majesty. l am, sir, ETC.,
JAMES G. BLAME