Morning journal and courier., 1884-10-29

of industry and the remuneration of labor; we have to take care that the internal taxes are no more than are needed to supplement the customs revenue, and to reduce them, if needed, so that the people shall not be bur dened and dangerous surplus be produced. All these ends must be part of one consistent scheme of administration.
 It is almost & quarter of 8 century since the Democratic party have had any experi- ence in carrying on the government. When it passed from their control the country was embarrassed, her finances were in confusion, and when Buchanan was carrying on the Kansas war the credit of the government was so poor that it's bonds sold at a heavy dis count. Now, when the Democrats get chance to show what they can do in the house, they make a muddle of everything. They have no comprehensive scheme. They are not united among themselves. They dis agree on the tariff, they differ about the in- ternal taxes tone part of them wanting to re- peal the taxes on whiskey and tobacco be- cause they are unpopular in the border States, and the other wanting to retain them because they prefer to raise money by taxes rather than by customs) and they attack the tariff and the taxes and the national banks and the national improvements in a blind sort of way, each item by itself, with no idea of comprehensive policy.
 Now, the general and marvellous prosperity of the country and it's stability and credit abroad show that the Republican party tin @ most difficult time of war and reconstruc tion, and Impressions that have extended all the world over) has the ability of manage ment and of government. It can be trusted to keep the currency firm, to maintain the public credit, to reduce taxation Git has stead fly done this until only two or three "war taxes" remain), and to readjust the tariff. The Democratic House has shown that it can not be trusted to do any of these things. Such scheme as the Morrison bill, which can be defended neither by tree traders nor pPotectionists, is specimen of a legislation that has no principle at bottom.
 Very important questions are coming be- | fore Congress- The tariff must be read just l ed, the taxes must be reduced so that we | shall not have the temptation of a surplus, l and all this is to be done cautiously and with \ & view to many interests; and besides we have before us such very urgent questions as | the iliteracy and the civil condition of the majority of voters in the southern States. l This latter is difficult and delicate ques- l tion, requiring statesmanship and courage | and not legislation leading only to party ad- ] vantage.
 | To come down to our own work in this | State, Connecticut ought to send Q full Re publican delegation to Congress, an intelli- l gent delegation, that comprehends it's busi I ness interests and will represent it's ideas We are perhaps more directly interested 1T 1 this than we are in the choice of the federal | e4ecuIlFe. " as the State Just1y represented | by MT. Mitchell in the Second district, whc
 voted for the Morrison bill? In the First dis | trict we have man who in one term in Con
 gress showed peculiar aptitude for dealing l with economic questions. We have had nc
 more intelligent and careful dealing with al
 the intricate interests of the tariff than tha
 exhibited by MT. John R. Buck. He was
 sensible, conservative, clear headed; he made
 a study of the proper adjustment of various
 interests; and in the one term that he served
 he gained most enviable reputation in thu
 House for his knowledge of this subject ant
 for his practical good sense in dealing witl
 it. We need Republicans in Congress fo
 many reasons; we need such men as Buck fo
 particular reasons.
 Let us not forget the Congressmen in ou
 enthusiasm for the general ticket.