The Wilmingtonian., 1884-09-27


which will plough, harrow, sow the seed,
cut the crop, garner and thresh the grain,
and which to-day set down bags of Amer
lean wheat in the corn markets of every
town in England in ruinous competition
with the native product. In canned goods
she has almost monopoly of the European
markets. Tools of American make are sold
in Sheffield at prices which the local manu-
facturers cannot touch, and nearly every
handy knick-knack in use in English
households is of American invention, if not
Of American make 1t is impossible to
argue that this is the outgrowth of Protec-
ton, for it is as clear as anything can be in
this world that the articles so produced bear
the burden Of taxation before they are
exported from this country, and that their
cost is as much enhanced in this respect as
if the goods went out free and had TO pay
duty on the other side. American industry
has, therefore, 1hriven abroad in spite OF
Protection rather than by favor of it,
'H. F,'' a correspondent of the Morning
Ne,os very Justly insists that it is not the
American Mechanic but the Manufacturer
who is benefited by protective tariff. The
law which gives him higher wages with one
hand takes away more than equal proper
| tion of his earnings with the other, aud
always for the benefit of the manufacturer
rather than of the country Will any sane
man pretend to say that it is the foreigner
who pays the tariff duties on articles of
clothing? He pays them, in the first
instance, no doubt, but it is the consumer
| ii. C. the American artisan) who has to bear
the actual burden, because the difference in
the cost of the clothing has to he paid by
him. For examples "a suit of wooden material
| for which all English mechanic would pay
twelve dollars will cost his American
brother twenty-five, and the only result of
the tax is that the importer is able to make
two profits-one in the ordinary course of
trade, and second by skilful financing on
the basis Of the tariff. Says "H. f." with
cruel cogency: "Are we prosperous while
wealth is the lot of the few and poverty the
doom of the many? Shall we help the
nation by laws which enable the millionaire
to double his millions at stroke, while the
laborer has his ninety cents reduced to
eighty?"
In plain terms, the sole effect of high
taliff is to create the very evil which the
founding Of the Great American Republic
sought to abolish, namely, the Capitalization
and permanent establishment of the balance
, of power in the hands of a few to the detri,
/ ment of the toiling, suffering many. What
| difference is there, save in name, between
our Jay Goulds, Yanderblts, Cyrus Fields
. and millionaire manufacturers and the her
| editary lords and counts Of the Old World
0 In the one case wealth has been acquired
often by the basest means, by individuals
: and by the maintenance of those means it il
i perpetuated in their families In the othe
case titles which have been bestowed b.
public services or even at the dictation o
regal mistresses, have been continued b
patent Of nobility. What is the dfferenc
II between the case of my Lord Trmnoddy
!, whose tenants are unable to earn their brea
P from the land they till, and the miserabl
st underpaid laborers who build roads for Van
" derbilt and the railroad kings? Is thel
is any material difference between the arist'
N. crat and the plutocrat in the arrogance an
@ selflshness evinced in the disposal of the
IT. wealth?
it How long will the working men of Anne
of iea be led about with chains round the
n necks by millionaire monopolsts under IL
he plea that they are untitled to be trusted
lrt large, and to fight his own battle in tt
on markets of the world? This is not pol
Din ical but a national question. Protecti
lg- has a CERTAIN association with Republica
IN ism because it was begotten at che Til
ar when the Republican party came into exi
the ence and seized the reins of power. b
nc there a'e Democrats who lean to Protectlc
er- and Republicans who would at all evel
u sanction experiments in the direction
Mr. Free Trade. The real issue is briefly this
an whether the American working man is or
ate, not as fit as any other to fight the battle
we life with all the world before him, orwhet
and he will continue to prefer to be fed
sops and spoon meats while his master
7 be feasting and banqueting on the products
late another's toll?
lich One of the strongest arguments for
ming continuance Of human slavery was that
negro was incapable of self-control
unworthy the privilege of voice in
. government. After only twenty years
oJ trial he has ialsiiied the predictions of
the enemies on both points. Let our worl
ican men ponder over this problem. The 81
petit holders were not a whit more anxiou,
hops protect and watch over their slaves
Q to guard them from wrong at the hand
elder others and generally to exercise pat'
ming relation towards them, than are the mon
anics list manufacturers of to-day to see that