Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1884-07-23
GEN. LOGAN'S LETTER OF
ACCEPTANCE.
WASHINGTON, D. c., July 10, 1884.


voting himself to the public service TO assume
any position to which he may be called by
the voice of his counirymen, | accept the
nomination With grateful heart and deep
sense Of It's responsibilities; ard if elected
shall endeavor to discharge the duties OF the
| Office to the best of my ability,
This honor, as is well understood, was
wholly unsought BY me. That it was tender
| ed by the representatives of the party, in a
manner so fiattering, will serve to tighten
whatever labors | may be called upon to
perform.
Although the variety of subjects covered
/ lii the very excellent and vigorous declaration
| Of principles adopted by the late convention
prohibits upon an occasion calling for brevity
Of expression, that full elaboration of which
they are susceptible, | avail myself OF party
usage to signify my approval of the various
resolutions of the platform, and TO discuss
them briefly,
| PRoT EcIIos TO AMERICAN LABOR.
The resolutions of the platform declaring
! for levy Of such duties ''as to afford security
| to our diversified industries, and protection
| to the rights and wages of the laborer, TO the
end that active and intelligent labor, as well
as capital, may have It's just award, and the
laboring man mis- full share in the national
/
| If there be nation on the face of the earth
which might, if it were a desirable thing,
build wall upon its every boundary line,
deny communion to all the world, and pro-
! coed to live upon its own resources and pro-
ductions that nation is the United States.
| There Is hardly a legitimate necessity of
| civilized cOmmuDi les which cannot be pro-
duced from the extraordinary resources Of
! our several States and Territories, with their
manufactures, mines, farms, timber lands,
and water WAYS. This circumstance taken
in connection with the fact that our form of
government is entirely unique among the
nations Of the world, makes it utterly absurd
! to institute comparisons between our own
economic systems and those of other govern
ments, and especially to attempt TO borrow
| systems from them. We stand alone III our
circumstances, Onr forces, our possibilities,
and our aspirations.
| In al successful government it is a prime
requisite that capital and labor should be upon
the best terms, and that both should enjoy
! the highest attainable prosperity. If there
be a disturbance of the just balance between
them, one or the other suffers, and dissatis-
! faction follows, which is harmful to both.
The lessons furnished by the comparatively
short history of our own national life have
been too much overlooked by our people The
fundamental article in the old Democratic
creed proclaimed almost absolute free trade,
and this, too, no more than quarter of a
century ago. The low condition of our
national credit the financial and business
uncertainties and general lack of prosperity
under that system, can be remembered by
every man now in middle life.
Although in the great number of re-
forms instituted by the Republican
mfr
publicly awarded to that of tariff reform, its
benefits have, nevertheless, been felt through,
out the land. The principle underlying this
measure has been in proCe of gradual de-
velOpment by the Republican party during
the comparatively brief period of its power,
and to-day portion of its Anticipated Demo
cratic opponents make unwilling concession
to the correctness OF the doctrine of an equit-
ably adjusted protective tariff, by following
slowly in its footsteps, though very long
way in the rear.
The principle involved is one OF no great
obscurity, and can be readily cOmprehendeC
by any intelligent person calmly rejecting
upon 1t. The pOlItiCa! and social systems u
some of our trade competing nations have
created working classes miserable in the ex
IRENE They receive the mertst stipeud fol
their daily toll, and IN the great expense OF
= the necessities of life, are deprived of those
comforts of clothing, housing, and health
producing food with which wholesome ments
and social recreation can alone make exist
/ ence happy and desirable.
Now, II the products of those countries art
to be placed in our markets, alongside OF
American products, either the American capi
/ talst must suffer in his legitimate profits, OIL
he must make the American laborer snffer
in the attempt to compete with the species o.
labor above referred to. In the case OF
substantial reduction of pay, there can be n,
compromising advantages for the American
laburer because the articles of daily con
sumption which he uses with the exception
of articles not produced in the United States
and easy of being specially provided for, II,
coffee and tea-are grown in our own conn
try, and would not be affected in price by
I lowering in duties. Therefore, while h,
, would receive less for his labor, his cost o
: living would not be decreased. Being prac
tically placed upon the pay of the Europeal
laborer, our own would be deprived of faciii
ties for educating and sustaining his tamil,
respectfully: he would be shorn of the proper
opportunities of self Improvement, and hi
value as citizen. charged with portion Of
the obligations of government would bt
lessened; the moral tone of the laborinI
class would suffer, and in turn the interest.
OF Cdpldl, anu tue well Delng OF orderly Cltl
: Zens in general, would be menaced. while on,
evil would react upon another until Their,
would be general disturbance of the whole
community. The true problem of a good anC
stable government is how to intuse prosperit,
among all classes of people-the manufac
turer the farmer, the mechanic, and the
labortr alike. Such prosperity is proven
tive OF crime, a security of capital, and tn,
J very best guarantee OF general peace ans
happiness.
The OBVIOUS policy of our government l.
TO protect both capital and labor by a proper
imposition of duties. This protection SHOULD
, extend to every article of American produc
: tion which goes to build up the general pros
perIty OF our people. The National Conyen
ton, in view of the special dangers menacins
the wool interests of the United States, dtemeC
It wise to adopt a separate resolution on th,
subject Of its proper protection. This in
dustry is a very large and important one
The necessary legislation to sustain this in
dustry upon prosperous basis should be ex
tended.
No one realizes more fully than mvsel
the great delicacy and difficulty of adjust
Ing a tariff so nicely and equitably a,
to protect every home industry, sustain
every class of American labor. prom,ce t.
the highest point our great agriculture: inter
ests, and at the same time TO give to one anC
all the advantages pertaining to foreign pro
auctions not in competition with our own