The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1884-07-19

Europe in coin, or it's equivalent to pay Euro
pean manufacturers for the goods which they
send to Spanish America. We are but paymas
tiers for this enormous amount annually to Eu-
ropean factors-an amount which is serious
draft, in every financial depression upon our re-
sources of specie.
Cannot this condition of trade in great part be
changed2 Cannot the market for our products
be greatly enlarged We have made begin
ming in our effort to improve our trade relations
with Mexico, and we should not be content until
similar and mutually advantageous arrange
ments have been successfully made with every
nation of North and South America. While the
great powers Of Europe are steadily enlarging
their colonial domination in Asia and Africa, It
is the especial province Of this country to i'm
prove and expand its trade with the nations of
America No field promises SO much No field
has been cultivated so little. Our foreign policy
should be an American policy in its broadcast and
most comprehensive sense-a policy Of peace, of
friendship, of commercial enlargement
The name of American, which belongs to us in
our national capacity. must always exalt the
just pride Of patriotism. Citizenship Of the Re-
public must be the panoply and safeguard Of
him who wears it The American citizen, rich
or poor, native or natural1zed white or colored
must everywhere walk secure in his personal
and civil rights. The Republic should never ac-
cept lesser duty, it can never assume nobler
| one, than the protection Of the humblest man
who owes it loyalty-protection at home, and
protection which shall follow him abroad into
whatever land he may go upon lawful errand.
THE SOUTHERN STATES.
recognize, not without regret the necessity
for speaking Of two sections of our common
country. But the regret diminishes when I see
that the elements which separated them are fast
disappearing. Prejudices have yielded and are
yielding while growing cordially warns the
Southern and the Northern heart alike. Can
anyone doubt that between the sections conf
dence and esteem are to-day more marked than
at any period in the sixty years pre-
ceding the election of President Lincolnl
This is the result in part Of time and
in part of Republican principles applied under
the favorable conditions of uniformity 1t
would be great calamity to change these infu-
ences under which Southern Commonwealth
are learning to indicate civil rights and adapt
ing themselves to the conditions of political
tranquility and industrial progress. If there be
occasional and violent outbreaks in the South
against this peaceful progress, the public opin-
ion of the country regards them as exceptional
and hopefully trusts that each will prove the
last
The South needs capital and occupation, not
controversy. AS much as any part Of the North
the South needs the full protection Of the rev
IL
Some of the Southern States have already en-
tered upon career Of industrial development
and prosperity. These, at least should not lend
their electoral votes to destroy their own future
Any effort to unite the Southern States upon
issues that grow out of the memories of the war,
will summon the Northern States to combine in
the assertion of that nationality which was their
inspiration in the civil struggle. And thus great
energies, which should be united in a eommonin-
dustrial development will be wasted in hurtful
strife. The Democratic party shows itself foe
to Southern prosperity by always invoking and
urging Southern political consolidation. Such a
policy quenches the rising instinct of patriotism
in the heart of the Southern youth; it revives
and stimulates prejudice; it substitutes the spirit
of barbaric Yengence for the love of peace,
progress and harmony
THE CIVIL SERVICE.
The general character Of the civil service of
the United States under all administrations has
been honorable. In the one supreme test-the
collection and disbursement of revenue--the
record of fidelity has never been surpassed in any
nation. With the almost fabulous sums which
we're received and paid during the late war,
scrupulous integrity was the prevailing rule.
Indeed, throughout that trying period it can be
said, to the honor of the American name, that
unfaithfulness and dishonesty among civil Off
GERS were as rare as misconduct and cowardice on
the field of battle.
The growth Of the country has continually
and necessarily enlarged the civil service, until
now it includes vast body ofoficers. Rules and
methods of appointment which prevailed when
the number was smaller have been found insult
fcient and impracticable, and earnest efforts
have been made to separate the great mass of
ministerial officers from partisan influence and
personal control Impartiality in the mode of APP
pointment,to be based on qualification, and secu-
rity of tenure, to be based on faithful discharge
of duty, are the two ends to be accomplished
The public business will be aided by separating
the legislative branch of the government from
all control Of appointments. and the executive
department will be relieved by subjecting ap-
pointments to fixed rules and thus removing them
from the caprice of favoritism. But there should
be rigid observance of the law which gives in all
cases of equal competency the preference to the
soldiers who risked their lives in defense Of the
Union.
entered Congress in 1863, and in somewhat
prolonged service never found it expedient to
request or recommend the removal of civil
officer except in four instances. and then for
non-political reasons which were instantly con
elusive with the appointing power The officers
in the district, appointed by Mr. Lincoln in 1861
upon the recommendation of my predecessor,