New-York tribune., 1883-10-27
THE COIORED TOTER.

II is not unnatural that the colorcd people, i'll
their first Chagrin Mt the overthrow of the civil
Rights law, should say foolish things. We are
not surprised therefore that some of them even
some of their leaders who ought to know better,
should speak OF this defeat of a Republican
measure adopted for their benefit as in some
mysterious way an injury inflicted upon them
by the Republican party. Perhaps we ought
not even to wonder at the advice offered by one
of their speakers in a recent meeting that they
should now proceed to a business arrangement
with the emocracy-should sell their political
support, so to say for a reserved seat at the
theatre. Reflection will make them wiser, and
all this irritation will be forgotten.
The Civil Rights law was the crowning act of
a series of legislation by which the Republican
party undertook to secure for the black race the
full benefits of emancipation. The abolition of
slavery and the equality of political rights were
established by the constitutional amendments +;
and then followed various acts of Congress in
tended to enforce the constitutional provisions,
to protect cOlOrcd people i'll the exercise Of the
suffrage and the enjoyment of all other political
privileges, to give them fair standing in the
courts, and in general to guard them against
! the consequences of a rancOrOus race prejudice.
| IL was often objected, while these laws were
under discussion, that the attempt of Congress
to hasten the social amcliOratiOn which the
negro having once been made Il voter was sure
to reach by his own efforts, was ill-judgcd; but
the Republican party persisted i'll its policy of
equal rights and the whole programme was car
ried through. When the various chapters Of
the system of enforcement lcgisation,' as it
a. L. l..
appeared that although some of the cnactmcnts
were wise and cilcctual there were others in
which Congress, too Jealous for the black man. :
Interest," had exceeded its powers Wherever it
undertook to restrain unjust action by the
States, it was right; but when it usuIpcd the
functions of the States by attempting to legis-
late in their domestic concerns, its acts were un-
constitutional and wholly void The principle
of the first decisions in the enforcement cases
was so plain that the Court was sustained by Il
practically unanimous public opinion. The
best friends of the colOrcd man could not help
seeing that Congress had tried to do what 1t had
no power to do; and there was no room to
doubt that whenever the Civil Rights act came
under review it would have to be annullcd, like
It's predecessors.
not been fruitleSs 1t lasted long enough to
save the Southern negroes from complete sup
preston by the Ku-Klux and the White
Leagues, and TO protect them in the enjoyment
of the ballot at a time when they could not have
maintained themselves alone. 1t gave them a
certain social consideration when they were
weak and tinid. 1t set bounds to the power of
hostile State legislation. BY its formal deClara-
ton of equality it produced moral effect which
must be permanent in spite of the failure of
particular laws Now that the colored people
are thrown back upon the States for whatever
further law they need they are in vastly bet
ter position for pressing their demands than they
could have been had not the Republican party
persisted 50 long III the enforcement policy.
We believe that as soon as the present excite
ment dies away the equal rights of which they
are still in some places deprived will be quietly
conceded them. But if State legislation should
be necessary, there is only one party from
which they can expect to get it. To sustain the