New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1883-12-07


States put together. In the use of whiskey as a
beverage the Western States may keep even
with us, per capita, but New-YO certainly does
her full share in that respect.
Another point of objection to the distribution
of the whiskey tax refers to its cOnsttutOnality.
We are amazed al the number of men, especial
ly on the press, who are profound jurists and
who know the precise limits and powers of the
organic law. We have not failed to observe,
however, that these learned pundits are gen.
orally surprised when informed that Congress
has already exercised the power which is so
loudly pronounced unconstitutional. Every
argument now brought against the distribution of
the whskey tax was far more ably stated against
the distribution of the surplus revenue in Jack
sons time and the distribution OF the proceeds
from the sale of public lands under the Presi-
dency of John Tyler. But against these objec-
tiOns both bills were passed by Congress and
approved by the Executives named. There is
not a constitutional point in the case of the
whiskey tax that was not involved in one or the
other of the former distribution bills. One or
both of these measures were supported by Mr..
Webster, Mr.. Clay, John Quincy Adams, Mil
lard Fillmore, Thomas Ewing, George Evans,
William Pitt Fessenden, Robert G. Winthrop
and many others of the most learned and able
in Congress from 1880 to 1912. The Demo-
cratic DIRECTORS may be pertinently reminded
that President Jackson in his first Message to
Congress recommended that the surplus reve-
nue. arising from du ties on imports be appor-
toned among the States according to their
ratio of representation He renewed the rec
Ommendation in his second Message, and took
occasion to answer the objection now made that
it would lower the dignity of the States to re-
ceive revenue from tho National Treasury.
With his strong cOmmOn-sense Jackson de-
clared that there could surely be nothing de-
"rogatory in the States receiving its quota of
the National revenue for domestic use, upon a
fixed principle, as n matter of right and from
fund to the creation of which each State had
contributed its fair proportion" We leave the
constitutional ObjcctOrs to wrestle with that
comprehensive declaration of Jackson.
Local taxation in tho United States is very
heavy. In many cases it is positively Cypress
i've. New York is more heavily taxed than Lon
don Philadelphia is more heavily taxed than
Paris; Boston is more heavily taxed than Ber
lin. 1t is difficult to find town in the North
ern States in which the total of local taxes (by
which we mean State, county, municipal and
school taxes is not equal to eight dollars per
head of the total population, men, women and
children. Some arc lower. Many are higher.
In this city the rate is over tlcenty dollars per
head. Perhaps there IL no city in the Union
with population exceeding fifty thousand where
the taxes do not equal or exceed ten dollars per
head. Throughout tho Union the total of all
taxes paid-distinct from National taxes-will |
be found to equal, if not exceed, four huudred
millions of dollars TO relieve this burden, 1t is
Mr.. Blaines idea that the whskey tax can be |
proftably used when the National Government |
shall no longer have need of it. II would per- !
haps, in the aggregate, take off from the people |
one quarter of their heavy burden of taxation. |
In some States it would lift and discharge OPP |
prcssiye debts; in others it would make needed |
public improvements in all itwould enhance the |
educational facilities of the people. When we
think of the myriads of voters in the Republic |
who cannot read the names on the ballots they |
place in the box, it quickens us to lay hold of
every resource that may extend and improve |
our system of schools
The whiskey tax may, in the end, be one of |
the great instrumentalities to work out valuable |
results. If one State has it, all must have it. |
The distilling States cannot untedly collect n |
half-millon of dollars from the source that |
Yields nearly hundred millions to the touch of |
National power. And National power cannot be |
used except for the common good Of all. There
will be ample opportunity TO discuss the ques-
ton in all its aspects and all its bearings.
There is no need Of premature committal or ag-
grcssiyc partisanship in regard TO it, We are as
willing to receive light rs to give light, and
shall in the end determine our course by the
weight of testimony and the strength of the
argument At present we are willing to say |
that it is an important and far-reaching issue
and may deeply Affect many interests i'll the
future.
u