New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1883-04-27


been Presldent when that outbreak occurred we
oon hardly supvo,s that he would have tried to ex-
ecute the laws He looked upon military es1ao-
llsbment. no we YER small with the utmost dread
ue ahborred q navy, and rather than put the
country IA state of defence. he subjected US "
RACES aud humili atoms at the hands OF England
which sti,l make us blush. 1t Is hardly TOO much
t say that in his eyes any organized ana eihciFn'
government was despotism; the modei society WINS
one in which every man did as he pleased suolrc'
only to the moral influences Of an advanceu Pn'io'-
ophy and an exceedingly free-spoken press.
Between "A yisonrry Utopian theorlst ike Jehor-
SOU, and o practical iar-seeipz statesman nho ""D
lion there could not Int be an irreconcliaDlo opPo
stion Jefferson enter aimed an bones' "ie""
the great Federalist leader, whom IN all g"ou Ia"
he accused of monarchlcal designs anu 0o''up
| methods He weared Washington wiz" '"' -,
complaints warnings and ba~eless charse'' ""a
nayer toroave himself for being deluded at nr''
',,,no,,i,o U.m,lton's scheme Tor the assump-
| tion of the debts OF the separate colonies Nv ''0
Conceal Government 1t says little for JEFFERSON
no,i,icI n,rspcacity that he did not see the ooa'
mas of this importani Foderalst measure uh'ii ''o
Iat. Neither did he understand inc hh"uo'"' '"''
| of Hamilton policy. The plans Oh 'ho
| were sIInplu in themselves and h"hi''o" VA" -"
e,lt, of clear statement. but Jefferson con1esse"
that be :, as entirely unable to comprehe III 'ho UNA"
cial reports, and his criticisms upon them pro'ru
mat he iuieed rightly of his own ncapaclty. he
did realize. somewhat tardily, that the treasury
was becoming a means OF ESTABLISHING a'"eo'y VI
the Consultation which he regarded as no better
than centralized despOtism. WIN NE peou''"'
views of the functions of government, 1t was new
table that lie sould be an upholdei OF eX're'ne wv
.,rinss NJ State rights He drew the famous Ken
pas nl,,tIn "a
later times:
Intending them a. protest against uhcoIs,I.u,
tonai enactments he far ontran he constitutions
limits OF the most vigorous protest. "u'' 80 -
document which was simply ad",inisieteI
severe bOOd- letting to 1t before theV wouu pas
Y,r even modified form II remained " al
tion and sufficient precedent and authority ;or III
ihe subseunent secession d0ctrlneso o, the Eaote
States for the notification proceedings % Sou',
Carolina almost. II not quiIe. Io1 sno Jeaer
1861 Reacting against extreme oppression, JeHo.-
son fell into the abyss OF what mas snue Touu
garded as treason The misfortune Is az ~ %
to his own thporlZiDV argumentatV hani1 vi iasns
down abstract doctrines OF right anu wrong III
matters of government.
He looked npon the probability of secession win
so much complacency, ana so openly reJoceu ' 'Ho
advantages which the Louisiana acquisition wonIu
offer for the division of the Union. that Mr. M"rsp
IS moved 10 speculate what gospel he womb nave
nreached TO tue Democracy If he had been awe III
1861. We do not see how he could well nave kep'
out of the Rebellion.
Nevertheless. as we remarked before Jenoi'""
vos not n consistent politician. Only few years
after the drafting of the Kentucky Resolutions
menace of secession uttered by the other party
and then he turned right-about-face and wroto 10
follows:
10 nm a tempoIary superiority of one of the par
ties tine other Is to resort session OF the Union
no Federal Government can ever exlst IL W ~
an Yea of the present rule OF MasHarn anu
Connecticut we break the Union, VIII the eVI supp
there Suppose the New-Eng and States alone cur
OH vii, orr nature be chaDgedf are We no' n.,.
st 10 the south of that, and with AL the passous
ot neuT immediately we shall see Zen 1sIlN"ula
and Virginia party arise IN the rrsIduaiy con
acy and the public mind wiz he iII tb,
the same party spirit. What q game 700, wiz .no
one party have Ia their HANDS by etrrnally threat.
enine the Other that unless they do 10 anu 20 '1t
will immediately JON their Northern nelenoo's; ~
co. r,dnce our Union 10 Virginia and North caro-
lima Immediately the conflict VIII Do esta" 1.
between the REPRESENTATIVES OF tnese wv 'nIo
aud they Will end Dy Dfeah'hs INV '
units.
The acts of his Administration were in stIll more
able contrast with his fundan entail political
theories eroSser violation oil his doctrine OIL tho
limitation of Federal authority could hardly ne
imagined than the purchase of Louisan". Inc
most brilliant achievement CT his Presidency, II
not the highest service he ever rendered 10 MS
country was HAT and daring Reputation oil MS
most cherished principles. ANA this was l"io"ou
in his SECOND term by another somersanlt when no
recommended, contrary to the dogmas oi his party
q system Of internal impI movements for the express
reason that il would tend to unite and nationalze
the country The detestod Hamilton could not nave
mr. ed the Federal idea more warmly.
Mr. Morse's book ought to be read in connection
With Mr. Lodges life of Hamilton in the same ST.
ries Then we shall be at no loss TO decide whether
Jefferson was not great statesman iho
,llustrious Federalist with far reaching vision ana
ingenious mnu, devised that policy which has led
us In whatever greatness we have alta ned as a
nation IL is not too mich to say that IN the III
fancy OF the Government our experiment in repuo-
can lnsttu tions was saved from disastrous failure
more by the formative schemes OF Hamilton anu
the constitutional interpretations of Chief Justice
Marshall than by the acts of any other individuals
The party of which these distinguished men were
the great lights went out OF power; but their
PRINCIPLES took a firm hold. and in the day OF dam
ger We saved ourselves by going back TO them'
Time. which has proved that they were right in
THAR ADMINISTRATIONS and right in their doctrines.
has also proved that Jefferson was always wrong
accent when he adopted the policy of his opponents
and that tho county would have rushed to signal
min IL il had followed the lines he marked out for IT,