Sacramento daily record-union. [volume] (Sacramento [Calif.]) 1875-1891, 1883-09-29

definite form the decided and predominant
opinion or conviction of the country.
There are some exceptions, of course, but
as a rule he insists that his statement is
accurate, and he goes so far as to say that
"the more democratic a country becomes,
and the greater, therefore, the Importance
of public opinion, the more likely it is that
on subjects of even supreme consequence,
no real public opinion should in fact exist. u
In this conclusion Americans will not
readily concur SO far as regards this coun.
try. We think we have the means here Of
obtaining the real sense of the public mind
on all great questions, and while it may be
thwarted for the time by the machinatiOn:
OF machine politicians, and the domination
of the bosses, we hold to the doctrine thai
it will be made manifest sooner or later,
and that its decision cannot then be mis-
taken, or reckoned as faltering. Nor can
we agree that the existence of definite
public opinion is likely to become more aud
more the exception. If the English elector
is guided simply by his confidence in this
mau, and his want of confidence in that
man, and does not consider the issue in.
volved In his choice, or rejection, the
American elector sooner or later will be
informed upon the issue itself, and make
his opinion known, and effectively
so. Mr.. Dicey is correct only in partial
degree, when he concludes that in America,
as in England, the electors are swayed
more by appeals to tine feelings than By
considerations of interest or policy. II
may be that first appeals to the heart
prevail over appeals to the head, but
these are not permanent. The independ-
ent voter, who is uniformly thinker, is
becoming more and more vital factor
in our political contests, and no party
can hope to succeed that cannot COM
mand his support. Very rarely is this in
dependent vote a sentimental one, and
rarely is it influenced by either passion
or by personal regard. The independent
voter may be on the wrong side, in the
opinion of the many, but he is where he is
from conviction. Il may he conviction
that it is his duty to punish the dominant
party, or reward another but in either
case the policy of the country is constantly
before the independent elector, and parti-
sans of all classes now direct their appeals
| to him, perfectly well aware that he must
have reason for his action that is suffi.
cient for himself, whatever the leaders OF
party may think about it. Whatever
else may be said of politics in America, it
cannot be charged that there is lack of in
telligence on public questions among the
electors, or want of courage to declare
on public issues. What we need most
is principle and honest dealiug
with public concerns. The one evil we
have to combat is shat of ofice.seeking.
The independent voter is trammeled only
by the necessity of choosing between can
didates neither of whom may be his
choice, and to that extent his true con-
victions do not find fullest expression
But he will make manifest, in time, his
right to name candidates as well as to elect
officials, and when that shall have come
about in all the country, the Democracy of
this Republic will in the highest degree be
representative of decided definite opinion
on the policy of the country. The recent
declaration of independent voters in Bos-
ton, and the sudden appearance of several
thousand independent voters at a primary
in New York are instances of the power
OF the class.
DR.. E. E. Hale, in the same journal with
Dicey, in very ineisive and amusing arti-
Gle on the social forces in America, ex-
presses some thoughts quite intimately rel.
alive to this subject of manifestation of
public opinion. In brief, he points out
that in America there is no such governing
center as London; in fact, there is not
here, as there, a center of public opinion,
of fashion, of education, or of politics. In
England what the papers term " the prov
inces play subordinate part, which it is
difficult for the American in his independ-
ence to understand. Parliament governs
England to the minutest detail, and hence
the Importance of its deliberations. But
with us Congress has no such Importance.
The people want only the mere synopsis of
its debates, and wish only to know of its
leading acts in the press reports. This is
because the country is governed elsewhere,
as well as at Washington. The English
man cannot understand that the
cities from which emanate the great
papers do not govern the country-he can.
not understand that these papers are for
the whole country, and not for the city.
Our publishing is done in cities, but our
reading in the country and the towns our
government is not at Washington, but
scattered all over the land in its homes );
public opinion is not formulated in the GEN.
tiers of population, but throughout the re-
public. The question OF the quality OF
sugar to be furnished to Red Cloud may be
discussed at Washington, and it is exactly
as important. but no more so nor less, than
the quality given State will furnish its
asylums." The American citizen deter
mines, says Mr.. Hale, that, whatever is
done at Washington, he means to attend
to the part of the business that belongs to
him. Thus the affairs of half hundred
centers are just as important as the affairs
of the nation at Washington. It is be-
cause the country is governed at different
and widely. separated points that we have
had given TO us such men as have become
distinguished upon the pages Of our ma.
tional history, and Mr.. Hale might have
added. that precisely because no center