National Republican., 1883-11-22

to make men slaves was the stake lost by the
refused to surrender what she had lost, and
had to be taught by constitutional amend-
ments that when men ceased to be slaves they
were to be treated as free citizens with equal
rights. A large and turbulent class at the
south still dchantly ignores all the changes
wrought in the negros status, except the
in his flesh, blood, muscles, brain,
nerves, and bones. This class is
animated solely by hatred of the nation
which prevailed in the war, and of all that
the nation has done because of the war. This
is bourbonism. 1t strikes at the nation over
the ncgro's back, and then pleads state rights
if the nation would seek to stay its hand.
The paralysis of state rights is our national
disease, and our enemy presumes upon it.
The nation has been known to go to other
than bourbon doctors for treatment, and for
several years there was very healthy action
of its limbs.
But to return to what we said mt the outset
Notwithstanding that all laws have been de-
clared equally applicable to whites and
blacks, we still find bourbonism resisting this
most ferociously. and swearing that the gov
ernmcnt is to be exclusively "a white mans
government" Tho niger" is to "keep his
place"
Now let northern workingmen read what a
States senate about "the place" of the laboring
people in society. This bourbon lord thought
no better of white laDorers than of black ones
Hear him.
III all social systems there must be class to do
the menial duties to perform the drudgery of
liic-that is class requiring but low order of
intellect and but little skill. Its requisites are
vigor doclity, fidelity. Su,h class you must
hare, or you would not have that other class,
which leads progress, civilization, and refine
ment 1t constitutes the very mudSW " society
and Of political government; and you might as we'll
attempt 10 build II house i'll the air as to build
either the one or the other except on this mud
sill. Fortunately for the south, she found race
adapted 10 that purpose to her hand--a race
vigor, in docility, in capacity to stand the climate,
to answer all her purposes. We use them for our
purpose, aud call them siGUeS. We found them
slaves by the common consent of mankind"
which, according to Cicero, 'fs1 ndturD est" The
highest proofot what is natures law. We are
old fashioned at the south yet; 1t is word lis
carded now by "ears polite" will not charac-
terize that class at the north by that term; but you haUs
It; it is there; it is everywhere; it is eternal.
This was uttered in the United States SEN
ate OH the fourth day of March, 1858, by Sem
ator Hammond, of South Carolina. (See ap-
pendix to Congressional Globe, first session
thirty-ffth congress, page ~
Hero is the very strongest statement that
could bo made in favor of an aristocracy,
in which a few should govern and the null
titudc labor for tho luxuries they enjoy.
But the South Carolinian did not stop at this
lie went on to describe more fully the Slaves
of the north-tho "mudsills" OF society, as
he called them:
| The senator from New York said yesterday that
the whole world had abolished slavery. Ay the
name, but not the thing all the powers of the earth
cannot abolish it. God only eau do 1t when He
repeuls the dat, "the poor ye always have with
| YOU" for the man WhO .iiveS by daily labor and
scarcely lives at that and who has to put out his
labor in the market and take the best he can get
for it, in short, your lOhole htreling class of man
ual laborers and operatives" us you call them
are essentially aareS
This is not the way the northern demo-
cratic partners Of these dainty bourbon aris,
tocrati tdlk, when they iawn on the work ing.
man for his vote and pretend to be his friend
But it is the way they feel toward him when
they get English money for a campaign fund
and try to cut down his wages by low tariff
further explain the bourbon estimate of the
northern mudslls as he compares them with
the negroes who were their slaves:
The difference between us is, that our slaves arr
hired for life and well compensated; there is NJ
starvation no begging, no want Of employment
among our people, aud not too much employment
either. Tours are hired by the day, not cared for
aud scanily compensated, which may be proved
in the most painful manner, at any hour, in any
street in any Of your large towns. Why, you NEE
more DCggars in one day in any single street o
the city Of New York, than you would meet in
| lifetime III the whole south, We do not thinl
that whites should be slaves, either by law OF
necessity OHr slaves are black of another anC
inferior race The status in which we have PLACED
them is an elevation, They are elevated from III
condition in which God first created them, b.
being made our slaves. None of that race on tn
whole face Of the globe can be compared with tn
slaves of the south. They are happy, content
uuuspirlng, aud utterly incapable from intel
lecluGl weakness, ever 10 give us any trouble by
their aspirations. Yours are white, of your owl
race; you are brothers of one blood. They ar
your equals in natural endowment OF intellect
and they feel CALLED by their degradation. on
slaves do not vote, We give them no politca
power. Yours DO uote; and being the majority
they are the depositaries of all your politlca
power
Tho bourbon neither learns nor forgets
There is no reason to suppose he has changed
his views as to white laborers since the abov
calm and deliberate statement of the bourbo
creed was announced in the senate.
Tho republican creed is different. 1t
based upon the sovereignty of the people
Government is great joint stock association
Each man has one share of stock, be he nabo
/ or workman, and upon that he can cast on
y vote only. There are no mudsills in govern
: ment. In the industrial world some will &,
f rich, and some will remain poor. But in r.
+. publican governments every citizen is sove