New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1883-07-29

the relation of leading men to IL, the Cailornia So~
Element, aud the Ore on and Clayton-bnlwer
treaties. are all brought into clearer hsnt Nv 'ho
letters and papers published.
Mr. Curtis seems to have peculiar fondness Tor
Mr.. Buchanau's arguments on constitutionai q1cs-
tions. These were often acute, but always narrow,
"a WAS natural in one whose extreme notions OF
strict construction tended to cramp the MUD. ono
of the strongest of them which was warmly praised
Inv Mr. Web,ter. might be read with adv vantage by
Mr.. Randall and his associates. The payment OF
certain officials was resisted; Mr.. Buchanan argued
very forcibly that, inasmuch as they indispntaoiy
were legally appointed officials Congress was unuer
moral OBLIGATION to appropriate the money LUZ
their salaries The account given of Mr. Buchan-
ans diplc matte career shows the zeal OF tne p'os
rapher rather than the services OF the dipioiha'
in neootiatino the treaty with Russia MI buchanan
had success well-nIgh assured at the outset py VIC
strong desire of Count Nesselrode to thwart BRUSH
influence, and his efforts to negotiate WIN LoIu
Clarendon were wholly unsuccessful But MS cour'
~ and agreeable ma nnors clearly helped to promote
friendship between the United states anu INC
nations to which he was accredited, and even MS
laugbable embarrassment about his official attire
ard his appearance in this Queens drawing-room
in the simple dress of an American citizen with
a dress sword to distinguish him from the walters,
were not without some effect.
James Buchanan, a tall, finely formed. studious
and bright young man, was elected to the Legisla-
ture in 1914 being then twenty-three years OF age
an Fedcrali.t But his first public address was IN
advocacy of q Jealous prosecution OF the war with
Great Britain, which the Federalists strongly dis-
approved. He helped 10 raise troops and TO Voee
money for the defence OF the country was reelected
in 1915, distinguished himself in the defence OF a
Judge who had been impeached. and was elected
to Congress in 1920. 1t does not appear that no
started with any clearly defined political prlnci-
pies 1t was his misfortune that he gained his
early political training in time when men Gro
divided by personal ambitions and likings ratner
than by convictions. To who is not familiar
with the history Of that time or who has known OF
it only as 1t appears through the softening mist OF
reyerent heroworshp, it 10 sad disbursement to
read how completely small personalities and private
greed and ambition then controlled the life OF
most public men, Leaders seemed to have no loftler
aim than to lead successfully 10 the spells. Follow
ers had no other ideal Of duty than to be effective
| Adams men or Jackson men or Clay men. frinci-
! pies were the nero tools with which to carve out
| honor or office Mr.. Buchanan did not rise far
| above his early training. Not clear at the outset
as to his party affiliations. he renamed so far IN
decided IN 1924 that his impartial liking for Cen
| eral Jackson and Mr.. Clay, and conversation In
which that liking was expressed, led to the charge
| that he had sought to effect corrupt bargain be-
| tween the two. Though this charge was made by
| General jackson himself, apparently under misap-
| prehonsion Mr.. Buchanan remained ons OF his
most zeaeu us supporters, and finally entered into
| the Bank controversy with great zeal. But no
showed quite faculty OF being partly on both
sides particularly on the tariff question. and, like
many men Of that time held instructions from con-
stituents DO far binding that he ready to obey
| them without regard his own convictions. lie
was not reformer. One Of his early efforts was q
| strong speech in which he employed all his powers
of ridicue to defeat bill to prevent interference
10 elections by Federal officers. The truth Ia that
| Mr. Buchanan, at this stage OF bis career. mani
tested little conception Of politics except as means
| of getting office. His biogrnpher showers on him
most plentiful eulogums, but at times betrays a
conception of political duty not much exalted
than that OF Mr.. Buchanan himself Thus he SAYS
tvol l. p. 71) that the Jackson men could not have
| heartily favored a resolution TO abolish superfuous
Offices and cut down excessive salaries, because,
being morally certain room TO come into power, they
] cpuld have had no motive for Stacking them
| selves with legislative measure reducing the
number of offices the salaries of the officers" As
late as 1885, after his election as President, Mr..
Buchanan wrote: "Thcy say, and that too. with
considerable force that IL the officers under pre-
| ceiling Democratic administration shall be con-
timed by a succeeding administration of the same
political character this must necessarily destroy the
party. This. perhaps, ought not to be 50, but We
/ cannot change human nature" Assuredly this
private letter does not give exated conceptions OF
| Mr.. Buchanan or his party. Yet from Mr.. Curtis's
oft-repcated phrases one would suppose that Mr.
Buchanan fulfilled IN all respects his ideal OF cx-
| allied sts.esmanhIp
| In fact, statesmanship in ths true not
possessed by Mr.. Buchanan. lie was at times
strong debatcr. at times an adrot party mar ager
| ut times an ambitious asplrant for office. but
statesman never. There was no wise prescicnce IL
| the ex-Presdent; none Of that power which fore
sees the oak from the acorn. His pregnant noun
tains often brought forth mice, and his mice moan
tains. "Negro suffrage and negro government" b'
predicts in letter written in 1867, will nearly
destroy the production of the articles which bav,
rendered both the Southern States and New Eng
land so prosperous" but we all know that the Weld
of cotton has been larger since the abolition o
slavery than ID ever was before After the Demo
cratic party had split into warning fragments am
hardly nine months before the out break of the Civi
War, Mr.. Buchanan said in speech at tho White
House. July 8, 1860, "The present issue is tran
STORY and will speedily pass away. In the nature
of things it cannot continue There is but ont
| possible contingency that endanger the Union
Should the time arrive when Northern agi
tation and fauaticsm shall proceed 80 far as t.
render the domestic fresides Of the South insecure
then. and not till then. will the Union be il
danger" Surely no man called statesman eve
more bindy misunderstood the events with which
he had to deal. To the end he reasoned that thert
could be no bleeding Kansas in the Territories" Il
slavery should be admitted into them all until thu
organization Of States. and yet 1T was exactly thu
condition which had caused the fierce contest II
Kansas and it was plain that the faTne con
dIt.on must necessarily cause frightu struggles II
other Territories. In the application of consttu
tional principles TO questions OF public policy. MIR
Buchanan was not clear nor strong He conceived