National Republican., 1883-05-31
ALLEGIANCE AND FRATERNITY
Address Of Hon. G. O. GOrham at the Decoration
Ceremonies in Wilmington, N. Q.
Considering the Lessons Of the War Be-
side the Graves Of Those Who Fell.
Tho Duties Of the Present and Hopes Of The Future Not
The Miseries Of the Past Demand Attention.
Many Confedorates Take Part in the Ger
emony-Letter From Gov. Cameron.
Special DisDdtch.

Special DisDatcn.
,,1LM1NGToN, N. c., May 30.-Tho exer-
cises here, under the management Of the
memorial association, were very largely at
tended, many ex-confederates participating.
Tho orator of the day was Hon. George @.
Gorham, who delivered the following address,
which was listened to with tho closest atten-
ton:
GoRHAM's SPEECH.
The scene before us and tho situation of
which we arc apart, il rightly understood,
speak more eloquently for the occasion than
any words can hope to utter. The hallowed
ground whereon we stand, these green
mounds, under each of which lies low the
head of soldier of the union, the now peace
full aspect of the then bloody stage on which
the mighty tragedy was enacted, in which
many who hear me were actors, some on the
ono side and some on the other, the dusky
children of disaster and wrong, whose fate,
with all of ours, was firmer knit than any
mortal knew, the kindly welcome by you all
of q northerner come by invitation to speak
few words in honor of the nations dead in
a state which was the enemy's country when
they fell, but which is now happily and gladly
part of the great republic as of yore these
seem to me to teach we'll the lesson of the
hour. As 1 read it, it speaks of ALLEGIANCE
and FRATERNITY.
1t pleads for peace among all the people on
the basis of universal acquloscence in law and
the obligation of paramount allegiance to the
national government. IL asserts absolute
equality of rights for all, to be measured by
the standard of the national constitution, and
excuses no man who substitutes his own will
for the law.
spoke of allegiance, by which is meant
fidelity and obedience to government. 1t
has long been the fashion to maintain that
the political doctrine of state supremacy
prevailed generally in the slave states before
the war, and that when the state and
national authorities clashed the citizens of
the slave states were quick to respond to
the state Thus state allegiance was said to
be placed above national allegiance. We are
now tar enough removed from the war to
Criticise this view without feeling. 1t was
not, as hold, to the state that the secessionist
deemed his allegiance due; it was to slavery.
No national nor state authority was regarded
unless arrayed ON the side of this dread Mo-
loch. Maryland and Delaware, kentucky and
Missouri, were powerless TO command the alle-
glance of those of their sons who desired to
fight the battles of slavery within the con-
federacy. No theory of states rights re-
strained the secession leaders in congress be-
fore the war, when Capitalization was deemed
by them necessary for the aggrandizement of
the slave power.
Your own state was practically hurried out
OF the union and into the confederacy because
OF events in South Carolina nearly month
before delegates to a convention had been
chosen to decide the question, and thirty three
days before the adoption of the secession ordi-
nance. Then slavery demanded and secured
the first allegiance of all who did not wish to
brave the terror of its ban. Had allegiance TO
the state laws been paramount to allegiance to
slavery your state authorities would have
awaited the orders Of the state, given May 20,
instead of obeying the commands of slavery,
proclaimed from the cannons mouth before
Fort Sumter, in South Carolina, April 13.
These historical facts are alluded to to show
that slavery and not the states opposed the
union.
The preservation of the states with all their
reserved powers unimpaired, 80 far from
being menace to the nation, is but preserv-
ing the elements which compose il.
Slavery was a despot, and could only live
in safety by being allowed despotic power.
The law of selfpreservation drove it to revolt
when it lost national control in 1860, and the
forces of civilization destroyed 1t as they will
destroy all obstacles to progress The ma
tion is perpetual. The states are indestructi-
bic. The chief cause of disturbance between
them has been removed. Let us beware how
any other source of mischief is allowed to
grow. The price of harmony Is national
allegiance. We cannot pick and choose the
laws which please us and which therefore
we will obey. We cannot select out those of
our own political inclining, and say, "these
are the better class" or "these are the
wealthy and intelligent, and, therefore, be
they majority or minority, they shah
rule" This is neither reform nor conserva-
tism. 1t is vain insolence and wholly unre-
publican and anti-democratic. Allegiance is
not due in this land to any privileged class.
The men on whose graves we come to-day to
lay the garlands of gratitude and honor died
that government of the people, for the people,
and by the people, might not perish from the
earth. BY that term the people, Is not meant
few who have got the start Of their fellows
In wealth, or like number who are
swollen with conceit and self-import-
ance. The majority rules where law
is maintained. Each man may labor
zealousy to impress his views upon others,
but each man must judge for himself what
views to accept. Every man may properly
exercise such lawful influence ~ he may
possess and may lead whoever will follow,
Leadership is natural and right when follow
ing Is voluntary. But at the ballot box
leach man must be allowed to vote just as he
pleases, and to have his vote counted just as
IL was cast" Resistance to this in national
elections is withholding tho allegiance to
which the nation is entitled, and is recog-
MIXING paramount allegiance to something,
which, like slavery, seeks TO array states
against the central government.
] said tho lesson of the hour was allegiance
and fraternity. l placed allegiance first, be-
cause those who obey the laws cannot frater-
nize with any who do not. The widest latitude
of opinion may exist rs to the wisdom of any
law, or rs TO the worthiness of any man to
have citizens privileges; but private opinion,
however formidable, cannot Justify disre-
gard of the former or any abridgement of
the rights of the latter. The war 10 over.
There are no traitors. Slavery Is dead.
There are no slaves. No faction exists
in any state which would restore slavery
if it could, and the number who deny
the supremacy of the nation within the
limits ofits powers is too inconsiderable to be
vex the country or to retard the complete re-
storation of fTaternal relations between the
people but tho mad pursuit Of political power.
Let us beware how in our party struggles, we
endanger the prize for which we strive. Real
fraternity Is possible only when true allegiance
IL maintained. The strife for power can never
shake tho national foundation when all
feel assured of fair play and honest
acquiescen.e in tho result | know of
no place more fitting for these reiloc-
tions than over the graves Of men who
gave their lives TO maintain the authority
OF chief magistrate constitutionally chosen
by the people against the resistance of those
whom he addressed on the fourth of March,
1861, as "discontented fellow-citizens."
Party spirit and the love of power are de-
structve of society when they cannot be
restrained by defeated men after the result of
an election. In u republic the constitu-
tional majority is sovereign. The majority
OF one day becomes the minority of the next.