Mexico weekly ledger., 1883-05-24

secure and the future still more alarm
ing Fully aware, however, Of the
difficulties and the problems before
US. We are free, We are voters; we
have the right to acquire and hold
property the broad acres Of the
West are open to Us as to other AM
erican citizens; our rightto travel and
entertainment finds expression in an
adequate Civil Rights bill, the enforce
ment OF which depends greatly upon
ourselves. In each case properly
brought before the Supreme Court, in
which our rights under. the amended
Constitution have been brought in
question, the decisions have been on
= line always with the true theory OF
the Government, and uniformly in
our favor. What more can we want
that mere law can give? II our right
to vote be abridged or denied, the as
sertion Of that right would probably
come from us, but not by the way Of
4 convention. And If the negro don't
value the right to vote, let him stay
away from the polls, or fight for Il
when he is there. II he cannot reach
his rights any other way, he has the
privilege Of dividing his forces, and
making allies of his enemies. In
civil rights we are presented with an
other alternative. We must. defend
our rights with our arms or our purs-
es. If necessary we must sssmite the
Egyptian or be able to carry our
cause to the highest court.
With regard to the specific charges
of this committee:
1. If negro labor is not fairly re-
numerated at the South, conven-
ton will scarcely be able to regulate
the standard Of wages. II the negro
is not protected by law in the collec-
ition Of money due him, let him work
for cash, or let the rich men of his
own race combine like Hebrews Of
the South, make the advances, and
take liens on the crop. 45s+H -.
/ 2. The negro may not have q fair
share in the public schools South |;
but he has, beyond dispute, unlimited
and increasing advantages for educa-
ton at the South quite adequate to
his present attainment, in many cases
far beyond, provided for him by the
good sense Of the Southern people,
as well as by Northern philanthropy.
Public school education unfortunately
is not yet part of the Constitution
and the laws. The negro must take
his chance with the millions Of white
illiterates who are awaiting Congress
ional action and aid.
/ 8. The negro is protected in his
civil rights so far as mere law can
protect him. If the law of March l.,
1875, Revised Statutes, section 1880.
does not give complete civil rights
when enforced by hostile officials, it
lonly shows that public opinion is now
the point of attack. ss=s ri ::
| T.. 1t is childish to say the negro
is ignored so far as his political rights
are concerned. If six million and 9
half negroes are unrepresented (by
one of their own number) in Congress
it is the fault of the negroes them
selves. as in the Seventh South Car
olina district, or 1t must be charge.
able to the defect in our theory Of
lgovernment, which does not provide
for direct race representation.
| 5. II the negro does not get his
share Of "Executive protection (?)
and encouragement" (pstronage), il
is because he does not control the
force that compels votes in the sey.
Ieral States swaying patronage and
Isecuring protection" In each
Southern State to-day there are many
colored Federal officials appointed by
the same influence that appoints white
men. Here, at Washington, the neg
70 is represented in every department
and quite in proportion to his inau'
ence, character, and ability to fil
high positions. Why should sensible
men clamor for conventions, and givt
absurd reasons for holding them, un
less it be either to place the negro il
"a ridiculous position, or grind some
body's political axe, or give quas
Headers chance to sell out their rac'
tagain? The convention may be helt
and the terms of the bargain may al
ready be made and the good
sold, but the next Republican con
vention will show some slight difficult
ty in the delivery Of the goods.
= RICHARD T. tGREESER.
II WASHINGTON, d. c., May 2. -