National Republican., 1883-01-30
A Pcrnic,ous prouos,,lon.

cause, in the estimation Of her sisters, sho had
become a disgrace to tho family. If the con-
duct of a state were to be thus made the sub
iect of federal judicial inquiry, it would be
proper to extend IL to all other matters as
well as to her dealings with creditors
For instance, her treatment of moral
questions, such as temperance and Sunday
observance, and hor public school policy
whether it should include tho modern Ian
guages the higher mathematics, and the adj
vanccd study Of national sciences. In all
these things state might so behave as to
shock majority of the others. If We are TO
cross the state limo for any other purpose than
to enforce necessary and proper" federal
laws, let us cover the whole ground in one
comprehensive amendment aboishing state
lines.
There has never been party in this coun-
try yet which was opposed TO the reserved
rights of the states, although there has al
ways been a party opposed to the granted
| powers of the nation. The idea that all tho
states but one might bo superior to that one
in integrity, is not likely to receive the assent
of any state in this union.
The mover of the amendment in question
is member of congress from Tennessee, II
state which for the time being is in the hands
of repudiators. lie is himself an earnest OPP
ponent of the ruinous policy which has tenn
porarily placed his state under the ban of the
public opinion of the world. The remedy
lies not in the direction Of destroying the
state, but of reforming it. The creditors Of
Tennessee trusted to the honor Of her people.
They had not and cannot have any other Sc
curity., Federal intervention, even though
authorized by constitutional amendment,
would not increase the resources of the state
nor improve the disposition Of the people to
meet their obligations. The federal power
could not compel the state Legislature to levy
taxes nor to vote appropriations. The validity
of the bonds sued on would still be denied by
the state, or their payment, If valid, still re-
fused for the original reason,
The extreme proposition referred to is use
full as II reminder of the extent to which we
have accustomed ourselves to look to the fed
eral medicine chest TO. remedies for all our
local aches and pains. The war and its con-
sequences have given our system II consider
able strain, and the necessities Of the time
made constitutional change the safest outlet
for the settlement of doubtful questions. 1t
is to be hoped that the Union of States is not
to be seriously menaced by the creation, in
their stead, Of ono mighty individual state,
the changing governments of which would
over be in the hands of the few who could COM
bne and control its material resources.
In ;nutit,,t;p,, 4 clo ontt D.
the north, but the republican party went into
power pledged to n recognition of state iurs-
diction of it within the states. 1t wns only
in the federal territories that the young party
of Freedom refused TO uphold IL by federal
law or federal assent to territorial law The
republican party Is committed to state rights as
well as to national rights. Its only substantial
l differences with the democracy on these sub
jccts have been first, when the lattor under
took to assert the authority of slave-stat, laws
in national territory ; second, when they de
nied the authority of the nation to protect IT.
property and enforce its laws in states whicl
I claimed to have seeded from the union
i third, when they demanded for the executiv,
department, under JOHNSON, the right to dc
termine which was the government in n state
= instead of agreeing with Chief Justic
: TANEY and tho supreme court and will
,, JouNsoN's first position, that congres
could alone decide such n question; an,
fourth, when they denied the right of con
grcs5 TO exercise the power granted in sec
" ton 8, of article !, Of tho constitutions Il
q follows; "The times, places, and manner G
holding elections for senators and represent
l, atives shall bo prescribed in each state b
" the legislature thereof; but the congress ma
at any time by law make or alter such regu
lations, except ms to the place Of Ghoosin
" senator's"
u To tho rights of tho states to control thci
~ own business, so long as they do not intel
u iere with the rights of the nation, wo bcliev
IL the republican party is us firmly welded rs
its antagonist. Indeed, tho Judges of It's ~
pontmont have much moro strictly construc
eS the new amendments, whom liberty plead iC
III their benefit, than ever did their predecessor
IL in democratic regns cOnstrue the fugitiN
ic slave clause when the hunted bondman seize
p- on tho horns Of the altar of justice,
No American state can long remain II
different TO the public opinion of the Goul
d. try, and this moral power is tho only T.
's stmining influence which is practicable
Ut desirable in any merely state concern. A
" individual cannot, as the constitution no
III stands, sue state. The attempt has bee
IL made to make u state the agent or assign
of creditor of another state, and tin
ovado and nullify this constitutional o
y staclc. A case involving the question
oi now pending in the supreme court. If
- state can, by this transparent trick, be su
ou ectcd to the suits Of individuals, the stat
GU are far moro likely to so amend the constit
III tion as to make such fraud impossible, thu
VS they are to agree to an amendment und
d. which they can be dragged into court at h
instance of every man who may fancy hin
self CREDITOR or even of bondholder who
- -, they may, for some supreme reason, choose
~ postpone.
cd France.
la The resignation of the French ministI