Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1883-02-07

been some reason for it. but now there va,
none, and such course as proposed might dc
much harm. No exigency calls for it except
5 the carrying out of contract which was With.
out consideration, as had heen we'll said He
had none but the kindest feelings for Messrs
Nye and Dow. but he wished to congratulate
them that they own the republican party that
although that party had snubbed them and
kicked them ohs Of Office and into office, to-
day they have go. it by the nose with their
thumb and finger, sad they are pinching it
good.
Mr.. Hall of Rockland ssd no matter what
might be the considerations ,f gentlemen a.
to the propriety of submitting his amend
ment to the people, he trusted tint the act
that the democratic party are Joined in solid
phalanx against it is reason TO doubt wI.ther
republicans ought not to he solid foe !,
There had not been for the last % years
an issue that nearly concerned the well-bes
ing of society of this country that the demo.
cratic party had not opposed. There never
had been one which would advance Its
well-being which had not received the solid
support of the republican party. Therefore,
when the opposition was found combined here
in solid phalanx against this amendment il
was time for republicans to awake and see
that the matter should be submitted.
The argument which had been made
as to the closing of the door of the
legislature to those not believeing in pro-
hibitory law, was fallscious. He referred to
the question of slavery and of the amendment
II the constitution of the United States pro.
hibting it, and said that their were many who
still honestly believed that the question ought
never to have been submitted; but would
kt.,I,
closed the door of congress against
their entering there? Probably there
never had been an amendment to the
constitution that had not called forth
differences of opinion and against which there
were not gentlemen to-day opposed. Yet.
would il be contended that the doors of the
legislature were closed against them? He
thought not. The simple question to-day is /:
shall we submit to the people this question OF
a constitutional prohbitory amendment? He
claimed the petitions show that it is called
for and he gave the great temperance ele-
ment of the State credit for their honesty
and sincerity in their endeavors for the sup
preston of the infamous traffic in intoXi-
eating liquors. He claimed that there could
be no harm result from allowing the people
to vote upon the matter. He had been out
somewhat among the people since last Satur-
day. and found that it is the almost universal
conviction among the temperance people that
it must be submitted to the people for their
decision.
Mr.. Thompson of Brunswick spoke in OPP
position to the resolve. He said it had
been said that the resolve was likely
to pass. He believed it would. 1t had
also been suggested to him that
his position might be injurious to the repub-
lican party. Possibly this might be true. 1t
had been said that the position which he had
taken might be injurious to him. that he had
offended a revengetul class of men. and that
he should be an unsafe candidate for anv
office. He understood this we'll. And lest
some part of his remarks the other day might
be attributed to the heat and the excitement
of debate, he deliberately reaffirmed every
single syllable that he had uttered. He had
not failed to consider his lonely situation
here. 1t was cause of happiness to him
that for one hour in his erring life he had
served God for naught.
Mr. Robinson of Readfield thought it was
not the duty of the House to discuss the
merits of the proposed amendment, and he
considered that the debate had taken a wide
range from the real question No one denies
that prohibition is and has been the settled
policy of the State for the last thirty years.
All the petitioners ask is that this principle
of the State be proposed to the people
as an amendment to our organic law.
They ask that the constitution be made
harmonious with the settled principles of the
State. He believed the people were the ones
to settle the question. The action of sub
hitting the matter to them was not a finality.
1t would not make il a part of the constitution.
The people were to decide that question.
Therefore it seemed to him that the question
to determine was not the merits, but whether
the people should be granted the privilege
they ask for.
Mr.. Talbot of East Machias said:
l rise to take direct issue with the gentle
man from Readfeld, on the proposition that
the legislature, is merely acting as middle
man to propose an amendment to the consti-
tuition. without considering the question of
necessity, and say that they have no power,
even to propose an amendment, unless two
thirds shall deem it necessary. 1t is one OF
the projections thrown around the cOnstitu-
ton to guard it against changes by hasty and
ill considered action. and the responsibility il
thrown upon the legislature and their power
given only where, in the exercise of their
duty as representatives, 'they shall deem it
neeessary"-and no one who deems the
amendment unnecessary, or who intends
to vote against when before the people, can
vote to propose II, without SINKING the re-
sponsibility, and in violation of his duty as
a representative. I repudiate this attempt
by special pleading, to obtain for this pro-
posed amendment, the votes of those who in
tend to oppose it at the polls. In
my first remarks | said that it devolved
upon the affirmative side of this question,
to show the necessity, and that they had
failed to do 50, because it had been decided
both in the highest courts of the United
States and of this State, unanimously, that
the whole question was one of police regula-
ton. over which the legislature has now COM
plete control, with power to enact and pro.
vide for the enforcement of any laws they
saw fit to enact, and nothing could be added
by the amendment. The only argument, Gil
it may be called argument) either in this
House or in the daily papers, is the one OF
keeping faith with the people on promise
made by political party. What are the
facts? A political party, as we are told, in a
convention, very large and respectable, in
the sweet and vernal month of June, 1882, al
the city of Portland, in order to regain power
as party, wooed and won the
virtuous and chaste temperance party,
and there union was consum-
mated, one of the nearest and dearest. A
union where the honeymoon was very short,
for in less than three months this same party
was holding soft dalliance with the rum in
terest and by their Illicit contracts (some OF