National Republican., 1883-04-09

about tho secret intentions of everybody.
Simultaneous explosions arc written
on the fhccs of men who project
them. These terrible policemen who
exist in Smalleys alleged mind have "bafled
the conspiracy" but they modcstly decline
to affirm explicitly that they will be able i'm.
mediately to break up the whole gang" They
may affirm it incohcrently, or ask little
time, or break up q portion; but the whole
thing, and immediately--we that is moro
than even the omnsciont police can explic.
lily promise. They admit themselves TO be
crammed with yet undivulged knowledge, and
they believe that in one case they caught the
wrong person; but for our desire to know
more than this we must o'ermaster 10 as we
may.
There is, however, more serious aspect of
this case. The British public may ybe com.
posed, as IL is and may even laugh, as IL un-
doubtedly does, at the absurd fzzle Of the
sensation mongers, but the American gov
crnment is not to get of so easily. Mr..
Smalley declares vehemently that "no humd,,
being doubts that the plot was Iish-Amcrican.'
When to this conviction Of every human be-
ing is added that of tho 7ribuao's representa-
tive the testimony becomes overwhelming
Look at the consequences he foreshadows.
He says that American dispatches arc
scanned with interest to discover what line
the American government under these cir
cumstances will be likely to take" Sta
toned here as we are at the national capital,
aud within hailing distance of the American
government" and anxious to deal seriously
with serious subject, we venture the
opinion, without having made any inquiry or
received any information, that tho American
government will expect its citizens of Irish
birth who may bo sojourning for lawful pur-
poses in the British kingdom and conducting
themselves properly to be protected against
any anti-Irish mob which tho incendiary
teachings of the London newspapers may raise
for their destruction. Americans in England
are answerable to tho laws of that realm
while there, but they are also entitled
to the protection Of those laws. As to
the obligations of the United Statos
toward England, they will be scrupulously
observed. Americans would feel disgraced If
any violation Of such obligations should be
treated as Earl Russell met Minister Adams's
remonstrance to the fitting out of the confed-
crate cruiser Alabama at an English port dur
ing our civil war. The only satisfaction we
could then get, or ever did get for that until
respect for our power gave us the treaty of
Washington, was that as there was no Eng
lish statute violated international duty and
decency must wait upon the English parlia-
ment.
The Irish in America for the most part be-
lieve that England is waging war Of exter-
mination upon their fellow countrymen, who
are still nominally English subjects. Blood
is thicker than water, and their intense sym
pathy is not always wise in its expression.
Native born Americans are bred to sympa-
thize with the oppressed of every land. When
tyranny strikes at q race of which millions
have already assimilated with us, it need not
be wondered at if tho sympathy with
our naturalized JeltoW-cti=ens of Irish birth
becomes very general. When representatives
of the English government on the floor of the
house of commons avow the policy of aiding
the Irish poor to emigrate, knowing that
they will chiefly come to this country, our
government may consent to quietly receive
the banishcd victims of famine and misrule,
but ifit does it will expect to hear honestin-
dignation express itself freely, and will not
accept any English lectures on department
through the New York Tribune's minister to
the court of st. James-G. w. S.-for per-
mitting that freedom of speech on the subject
which is every Americans birthright.,