The semi-weekly miner. [volume] (Butte, Mont.) 1882-1886, 1883-07-04

independence was presented by
Richard Henry Lee, Of Virginia,
and Thomas Jefferson and John
Adams were appointed to
make a draft of the formal declara-
ton If separation. Two days after
wards, July 4th, 1776, the immortal
Declaration Of Independence was
presented, adopted and published to
the world with the signatures of the
members, fifty-six names that ''were
not born to die" The famous in
strument was drawn by Thomas JEFF
ferson, who took q prominent part
in the agitation that led to the calling
Of the Continental Congress.
The signing of the Declaration at
the time that instrument was exc
cuted was no holiday business in the
nature of ward meeting resolutions
designed to catch the popular vote.
It was an act where, as Benjamin
Franklin so forcibly phrased it, if
the members did not hang together,
they would all hang separately. 1t
was treason, not only in those who
signed but in these who gave aid
and comfort to the movement.
In examining the grievances com
planned Of by our revolutionary an
c~estors, the commercial ideas of the
present age may regard them as such
that should have been endured.
They certainly were not Of that griev.
GUS character as to interfere with
the thrift and prosperity of the peo-
pie. The first and most serious cause
of discomfort was the enforcement,
fourteen years before the revolution,
of tho navigation act against illegal
traders, which annihilated the colo
NAL trade with the West Indies.
Four years afterward parliament
passed the odious stamp act, which
created general indignation and riots
throughout the colonies. This act
called into existence the colonial con-
gress, and the dogma was then FORM
ulated, mo taxation without repre-
sentation." The next year the stamp
act was repealed, but parliament re-
fused to abandon the assertion of its
right to tax the colonies. AS late as
1773 all duties were repealed except
ing that Of three pence on a pound
of tea, which was continually f1aunt-
ed ~ q red flag in the American face
to excite their indignation. The lib
erty-loving colonists quit drinking
tea, sent some back, stored some in
damp warehouses, and a party
disguised as Indians threw a cargo
into Boston harbor. England then
determined to enforce its au-
thority over the colonies, and sent to
America 10000 troops for that pur-
pose. The landing of these troops led
to the battle Of Lexington, April 10,
IT'S, and Bunker Hill, June II, ITS,
and caused the British government
tho next year to send over an army
Of $1,000 mon, including 1900 He's
SLAMS. Thus was the Revolution pre- |
cipitated, and assent to the declara-
ton fixed in wavering minds.
1t was truthfully remarked by |
Daniel Webster, "seven long years
our forefathers fought for an idea"
The tax Of three pence on q pound of
tea amounted to nothing; it was the
arrogated right Of the British
parliament to levy the tax. This is
the lesson that should sink deep into
the American heart to-day. 1t is
possible for US to make money and
prosper by an acquiesencs in the con-
dition of affairs about us. Our revo-
lutienary ancestors sacrificed peace,
comfort and fortune in resisting an
aggression on their rights. And this
10 the element of character that
should be made perpetual for the per-
petuity Of free institutions. Men are
respected in the ratio Of their dispo.
sition to resent encroachment on their
Our highways are
made secure from a knowl-
edge that the might of
the people will hunt down and pun
ish brigandage; our commons are
freely pastured by the herds of citi-
zens where the assurance exists that
horse thieves and cattle thieves will
come to grief; the person and
property Of the citizen il sacred from
where the spirit Of free
dom dwells to guaranty to the hum
blest the equal protection Of the laws.
The disposition to make terms with
bank robbers; to purchase immunity
from highwaymen; to sit down and
count the cost of the pursuit of MUIR
derers and horse thieves; to calculate
the chances of resistance where
the person or his property
is menacea or to compro-
mise in any matter where right and
are involved, will make the
of revolutionary ances-
tors q race of slaves. War is bad:
lighting for personal rights is consid-
sred vulgar; and going to law is rated
IS an absurdity; but we too much
to appreciate that, out of these
horns of adversely, we pluck the ]
of security. It is not good for 1.
10 that we become q nation of traf. l
shop-keepsrs; but is good that 9
ully possess at all times the spirit /