New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1883-12-26
THE OWNERSHIP OF LAND.

To the Editor OF The Tribune.
SIR: As National Secretary of the American
Freeso Society," may perhaps be deemed authorized to
say that THE TRBUSEs editorial OF date "Mr
Henry Georges theory OF land" Is evidently based on
Misrepresentation as to what that theory H.
You assume, for instance, that what IA pro
posed "would tell the workiDgman that under no
circumstances could he make his hearh-stone his own
property" In point OF fact the system would "tell" him
nothing OF the Titles 10 land are not TO be inerered
with all that Is proposed TO Increase the present tax
as make Il nearly equal to that ground rent
which Mil, Cairnes Sumner. Ricardo and other authori
ties agree with George ia considering "uneaTed rep
rcsentlng does simply the advantage which the own
er has over Others through the aid OF the law in his right
exclusively control the particular hndnqueston BY al
loving class than the whole community enjoy this
exclusive right (which impossible for ali TO share in
specie without requiring them to pay therefor to the
community the fair market value of the privilege we sim
ply enable that class TO exact from all others tribute
which grows amount with the demand for land-erOws
Professor Carnes says, even while its prOpretors
sleep" Wages and interest the other two incomes, are
earned either by present labor by the sayednp results
oflabors which past Rent alone il obtained by an
arthcily existing right to prevent others from usinga
needed part OF the naturally existing conditions OF exist
ence.
Your Irshmau says he paid for this privilege That
Il not our fault No one hnh any rcht TO sell him the
privilege oftaxng others for the OF the earth the
nopoEing than the average share In value Of
these natural aud Indispensable conditions. Landlords
r. such contribute nothing to production dnasmuch "a
the land would Doe NJ hand anyhow aud yet they take In
ground rcusa very apprciablc portion OF the results of
Industry This causes serious deduction rom the nat
ural rewards Of labor and capital deduction which, for
the smaller -hnrcrs I'm those rewards, Il Croucay grew
Gus burden aud 40 times practically fatal our
Irish friend il In the position that In which the
slave holders were. Both invested" their money In al
legged titles" which grantOr could give IL Il sheer
impudsnce the innocent victims OF either kind or
slavery permit the oppression Of their own ana every
other generation rather than disc ard the loss which
abntun" might Involve for that small part OF the pres
eut generation which has chosen Ia exchange its legu
mate savings this wholly nadmssnbe kind OF claim.
m abolition be had without ruin or loss 20 any one
very well; hut with without loss, abolition must he
had There are many more than you think Mr. Editor.
who firmly and constantly declare concerning the private
monopoly OF the ground-rcnt ~ land, Cato declared
conc inlng Carthage, "Dclcuda est"
ON the whole, do not follow You In thinking
II "crOus circumstance that men are found O form
societies, and sing songs and pat In motion me
usual political machinery behalf OF the idel mat un
the only sense I'm which advocate IT, the Government
shall own all land. By all means let "thc workngnan
own his hearthatOnc. How this promoted by letting
Mr. Aston and Trinity Church own the "hcarth-ones' OF
many hundreds ~ hcmi how IL 10 prevented by sayug
that shall have more than the average snare o
land I'm yaucI without paying M much "a others would
be willing 20 pay To the community for the prvieget
Noc York, Dec Il, 1888. CHARLES FREDERIC ADAMS.