The Labor enquirer., 1883-03-17


political assessments were impossible. YET
the New York policemen were assessed
for political purposes, and the money thus
raised seems to have been divided be-
tween the two parties. Each party
wanted money so badly that it was
willing to join its opponent in plundering
and dividing. What hope for preventing
political assessments by prohibition, when
under such conditions political assess
ments can be levied?
Nor can we hope to cure corruption by
mere improvement in administrative
machinery. The disease is deeper seated.
Growing inequality in the distribution
of wealth begets tendency to political
corruption by extending the functions
OfgOyernmentto0 much in one direction
and too little in another.
Our absurd attempt to protect Ameri-
can industry" by tariff brings enormous
moneyed interests into politics, and, from
the blackmaiIing tide-waiter to the
Wood-puIp senator, debaucheS the public
service. The federal internal revenue
system, and in large part the revenue
systems in our state and local govern
ments, also powerfully foster corruption,
while minor misuSes Of government
power tend IN the same direction. On
the other hand, we have in large part
abandoned to corporations the true
governmental function Of coming money,
and thus raised up a power Of corruption
whenever their interests are at stake,
and we have in most important part left
to other private corporations the true
governmental function Of opening and
highways. The truth of the
axiom that ''th9 government must own
the railroads, or the railroads will own
the government" is seen in every Ameri-
can state, as it is in the halls Of congress
or on the bench of the supreme court.
Nevertheless, any reform that can be
made in the administration or political
is not only good in itself, but
clears the way for more radical reforms.
Money is power-poWer of all kinds, and
in normal times it will exert it's power
in politics just as it exerts its power in
the press and even in the church. But
while the money power" will always
exert an influence upon elections in
which it is interested, that power be-
comes the greater just as money is neCes-
8ary for elections. When it requires a
large expenditure for any candidate to
be elected, or even try the chances Of
it is only such as have money
of their own, and are willing to thus
spend it, or such as will make engage
ments with those who have money to
spend, that can hope for election or
really become candidates, and the pOpu-
lar choice is restricted to the rich or un-
And when political party
must raise large sums Of money it must
turn to those who have money interests
in politics and become to that extent
their servant.
We have laws enough against bribery
in elections; but laws against bribery
are of the nature Of the pope's bull
against the comet. Where some want
to buy and others to sell the bribery
goes on all the same, Some Of our states
have endeavored to prevent the iIIegiti-
mate use of money in elections by other
means. The constitution of Pennsylva-
MIA, for instance, requires the OfhCer-elect
to swear that he has spent no money in
his election, save for certain prescribed
but the first instance of this
having any effect occurred
in the last legislature, when a senator
from one of the interior counties con-
fessed inability to take the oath, and his
seat being declared vacant, he was re-
elected by his constituents without any
use of money. Perhaps this,
and the fact that the proceedings have
been commenced against an officer who
did, as is averred, falsely take the oath,
indicate a rising sentiment that may
make this clause something more than a
dead letter. But the prospect is hardly
hopeful
The fact is that the iIIegitimate ex-
penses of elections grow naturally out of
the legitimate expenses. The habit Of
raising and using money for improper
purposes begins in the raising and using