National Republican., 1883-07-26


States and his Britannia majesty" Mr.. Madi.
son urges:
But there is no subject that cnn enter with
greater force aud merit into the deliberations Of
congress than II consideration of the means to
preserve aud promote the manufactures which
have sprung into oxistence and attained an un-
parallcled maturity throughout the United states
during the period OF the European wars This
source ot national Independence and Wslth I
aEriousiy rcc)nmcnd, therefore, to he prompt and
constant guardianship Of congress-
In the great debate, in 1874, in the United
States senate, upon the tariff, the democratic
free traders north and south, argued against
the constitutionality of imposts for protec-
ton. As now, they labored with some in
gcnuty to conlound protection with prohibi-
tion. They attempted to use the name of
Madison in support of their theories. Mr..
Athorton, Of New Hampshire, even attempted
to show that the Madison tariff of July A.
1859, was one for "revenue alone" and not
for protection. In the senate at the time was
the Hon. William G. Rives of Virginia, a
man eminent for his abilities aud learning as
statesman, and who subsequently became
the biogaphor of Madison. In reply, Mr..
| Riv cs said:
Protection Of domestic interests was the end,
! the motive the vital essence of the power over
! foreign Commerce" delegated by the new const-
tuition to congress. But surely, Mr.. President, 1t
would be Il labor OF presumptous supererog0tion
| in me 10 detain the senate with the discussion OF
| u which rpppiypl 10 pDunlusiVn n
| cucidution from the hands OF the father of the
| constitution. need hardly say, sir. that / refer
| tU the letters OF Mr. Madison, addressed to cit
! zen of Virginia in 1928, in which he has shown
| By the most luminous development, and with Il
weight of authority which attaches to no Other
| name on questions of constitutional construction,
that this very power OF regulating commerce en-
| braces fully and was meaut To embrace, the en-
courOgemeut aud protection OF tue domestic in
dustry of the country by impost duties adapted to
| he object.
These letters are two in number. They are
dated, respectively, Montpelier, Sept. is,
1928" and "Oct. 80, 1925" and are addressed
10 Joseph c. Cabell, esq. They wero preceded
however, by letter dated montpelier, Oct.
! 10, 1921" aud addressed to the Lynchburg
! Ttginian. In his letter to that paper Mr..
| Madison declares that the doctrine of protec-
tion chad been entertained and acted on from
the commencement of the constitution of the
United States by the several branches OF
every administration under it," and that
"the power of congress, in its enlarged sense,
was "a primary and known object in forming
the constitution
In his first letter to Mr.. Cabell, Mr. Madi
son argues the question of constitutionalty
He urges:
That the encouragement of manufactures wa
an object of the power 10 regulate trade Il
proved by the use made of tho power fDl
thlt object in the first session of the frs
congress under the constitution, when, among The
member present, there were so many who had beer
members OF the federal convention which franco
the constitution and of the state conventions
which ratified II; enCh of these classes consisting
also of members who had opposed and who haC
espOuscd the constitution in Us actual form !
does not appear from the printrd proceedings o
congress Oh that occpsion tnat the power was dc
niei by any of them. And It may be remarked
that members from Virginia, in particular, as wei
OF the anti federal as the federal party, the name
then distinguishing those who had opposed an'
hesitate to propose duties ana TO suggest even pro
hib,tions IN favor If several articles of her pro
duclion. BY one n duty was proposed on minera
coal ia favor OF the Virginia coal pits; by anothe
n duty on hemp was proposed to encourage th
growth Of that urtlCe aud by third prohtbl
ton even of foreign beef was suggested as u meas
ure OF sound policy.
A further evidence in support Of the constltu
tioual power to protect aud foster manufacture
n
itself TO settle the question, is the uniform AN
practical sanction given to the power by the gen
eral government for nearly forty years, wiki
concurrence or aCquicsence of every state govern
, ment throughout the same period; and, il may b.
added, through all the Yics'itudes Of party whlc
marked the period. NJ novel construction, how
ever iugeniously devised, or however respectabl
andpatrotic its patrons, can Withstand the weigh
OF such auth CITIES, or the unbroken current of
, prolonged and universal a practice.
In his second letter Mr.. Madison argues i
favor of the exercise Of the power He el,
, quently and ably defends its exercise as tn
= true American policy, and exposes the in
I policy of the "let us alone" or free trade do
= trlnes.
. Now these letters have history. The
| Wefe ChllCu Oul ny Ihc SculIlOuS ahu u"hbNI
l Gus excitement in the south consequent upo
d the proposed and final passage of the tari
act of 1S2S-an excitement which, under th
unscrupulous manipulation of the free trad
c partisans of the foreign trader, culminatC
l. in 1882, in South Carolina, in notification.
II Virginia this seditous movement was head
n by the governor, Mr., William b. GilC
5. He even proposed that the Virginia legi
1t lature should levy imposts upon all northel
is manufactures introduced into the stat
l. Madison's name was freely used by Giles
r. partisans. In the Virginia legislature
a 179s, Mr.. Madison made report, accompani
% by a series of resolutions, in which the ali'
II and sedition acts were denounced as unco
is stitutional, and strong ground was taken
= favor of state rights.
le Hence the nullifers claimed him as {
u founder of their seditious school. In the
p letters Mr.. Madison, with great power, {