Democratic Northwest. [volume] (Napoleon, Ohio) 1869-1894, 1883-07-26
Is it Really Dead, or What's the Mat
s-,-, teri

We have carefully searched the Re-
publican press to find some declaration
of principle, some logical statement Of
issues or some plausible reason by which
it might hope to retain its old party ad-
herents, but OUR search has been in vain.
Has the party no principle left to dis
cuss, or dare its press not discuss?
The Republican journals, from small
est to greatest, are entirely devoted to
the discussion of the standing, situation
and relation of individuals; to the for
mer political status of men; the hair
pulling between Thompson and the En-
.Quirers the aspirations of certain per-
sons to the United States Senatorship.
In none of these journals do we find
anything beyond the organization of
parties, the composition of committees
and the rivalry between individuals.
The Cincinnati Ne,cs Journal we'll
says:
From such journals we find no discus
sion of the democratic moderate view
of the tariff, with the laying of neces-
sary revenues to encourage industry,
but not to foster monopolies. No de-
fense of their extreme high bounty re-
publican view; we find no mention of
the Pennsylvania idea of the levy of
of state taxes solely for the expenses of
government economically administered
but the levy of surplus revenues for the
national government, and distribution
among the states to buy support for the
bounty tariff to monOpoliZe. We find
no discussion of the Pennsylvania
Hayes idea of a national system of edu-
cation, a new sectional question, plan
by which one section is to support the
schools of another to the injury of both.
No mention is made of the proposition
to raise surplus revenues for distribu-
tion among the states for educational
purposes and to reduce local taxation,
the provision of a surplus for national
stealage and local corruption, to pre-
serve the protective bounty to monopo-
lies. There is no discussion of the real
question underlying the liquor legisla-
ton, the difference of fundamental
principle between the republican Maine
liquor law idea of the utter criminality
of use, making, and sale, and the DEM
ocratic idea that only the abuse is i'm
proper. This discussion is deftly
avoided. Why? Because Of a hypo-
critical effort to deceive and draw sup
port from two opposed republican ele-
ments. There is no discussion of con-
vict labor, grave question involving
not only the proper treatment of crimi-
mails, but an irrepressible conflict be-
tween convict labor and free labor.
There is no discussion of the wool tariff
beyond silly assertion that democracy
is responsible for an act passed by con-
gress republican in both branches. A
grave fraud has been perpetrated on the
people by the Republican party and
John Sherman in the trade dollar,
coined in the interest of the bullion
holders. Mr.. Sherman has been placed
in very bad light as financier and
statesman, exhibited where he and his
party are always found, representing a
great pecuniary interest; but our re-
publican contemporaries are silent or
copy false accounts of the origin of the
fraud, leaving Sherman out.
All discussion of doctrines, of issues,
of principles has ceased, and for this the
republican organs have no subject of
graver importance than the mere party
organization and machinery of the
democratic party, the personal aspira-
tions of its great men, the past relation
of its candidates to party organization.
This may be craftsmanship, grave poll
tics, and serious business; but to some
people it resembles the discussion of
such grave subject as demanded the at
tention of the Liliputions when the
great dispute arose about whether the
egg should be broken upon the big end
or upon the little end.
Theirs is dead party, its mission
ended, land it has nothing to propose.
There is no popular impulse back of its
movements. Its campaigning is the
mining and countermining of rival
bosses and leaders. Sherman and Fos-
ter are laying pipes and pulling at cross
purposes; Noyes and ButterwOrth and
the friends of Taft are pulling against
each other, and all in more or less hos
tility to the leading bosses. In so fal
as there are ideas left in the party, they
are drawback. Absolute protection
and tariff for revenue opinions, prOhi.
bition, regulation, and liberal senti.
ments, dissatisfied wool interests and
the interests of those who have dimin-
ished the wool tariff, are all found with
in the party. There is no great single
idea or sentiment moving the masses
: and compelling the bosses.
1t is for that reason that republican
| nr %o fh n ~
, doctrines by democrats. They have
none left to discuss, and they woulG
like to have democrats, like themselves
solely devoted to fencing about superb
cials and chopping logic on the face O
things. Hence, in the absence of any
popular impulse they actually believe
that the democratic campaign will bt
like their own-a battle of conflicting
,, personal rivalries on the surface. Dem
ocracy has many aspiring men, an(
many personal interests; but the party
is moved by profound popular i'm
pulse.
We are glad to see the republican,
dwelling upon the surface, discussing
the part of personal aspirations. Th'
state OF their own party is reflected IL
what they aver Of the opposition. II
; the absence of any great popular senti
, ment able to compel all factions ant
/ personal aspirants, these forces woul(
! operate in the democratic party precise
,, ly as, under the same conditions, the,
T do operate in the republican party
. But the democratic conditions differ il
this, that democracy is moved by pro
found desire to recur to democratic idea
of government with q strict confine
, , ment of government to its own prope
and limited sphere. This overrides an'