New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1883-03-05

from press and people in his own section only seven
Southerners in Congress unfolding his VIEWS Feel
inq ran 40 hqh against him that 1t eliminated in
one instance IN murderous attack. Mr.. Stephens
assailant man who had held positions OF trust in
bis State had proclaimed the Georgian Representa-
tive traitor, and personal interview was sought
for the purpose of explanation. At this meeting an
attack was made with open knife and Mr.. Stephens
received several wounds on the and breast his
right hand in which he endeavored to hold his as
sailant's knife, was frightiully mangled Although
his injuries were serious and IN measure disabling,
he was not long kept out of the active work OF the
canvass reconciliation took place in after years
with his would-be assassin, and Mr. Stephens bog
raphers suppress his name
In 1850 Mr.. Stephens fought hard against the
Secession sentiment which grew up at the South De-
of the admission of California into the unon'
and made an active canvass Of his state, carrying
it against the Dlsunionists by an overwhelming ma
jority. The Georgia Platform of 1880" which
embodied the sentiments of the people OF Georgia al
that time, was the work of committee OF when
Mr.. Stephens was prominent member. In the
same wear he became an opponent of General Taylor
policy and supported the compromise measures
which he also maintained in the Kansas-Nebraska
bill of 1854. General Scotts refusal to approve OF
these measures drove Mr. stephens from his support
in 1852 He took strong ground against the Know
Nothing movement in 1885, and for the first time
became candidate for Congress without party
nomination. planting himself on this issue. lie was
returned by large majority. Some OF his more
noted speeches in Congress after this date
were the eulogy of Andrew Pickens Butler, debate
with Zollicoffer, of Tennessee, on slavery in the
Territories speech on the neutrality laws one on
the impeachment of Judge Watrous, and his last,
that on the admission of Oregon. In March, 1902
he voluntarily retired from Congress- foreseelng
Democratic discussions. He laid the blame at MI
Buchanan's door. saying, /" When see the engineer
is reckless and expect a smash-up ahead, always
get off at the first station"
But the divisions he saw in the future spread
wider and faster than perhaps he had anticipated.
1t was IN November of the following year that he
found himself addressing the Legislature of his
State assembled to consider the question of Seces-
sion He spoke boldly well as ably against
the meditated treason" saws Mr.. Greeley IN " The
American Conflict" He begged his hearers to re-
member that to secede for the mere election of
man TO the Presidency" would be to break the
"kacred instrument many of them had sworn to
support and urged that the South should not be the
aggressor. " If all our hopes are to be blasted"
said he, If the Republic is to go down, let us he
fouud to the last moment standing on the deck,
with the Constitution of the United States waving
the Constitution if such is their fell purpose. Let
the responsibility be upon them" AT the same
time he reserved the right to "strike." If MIR.
Lincoln SHOULD violate the Constitution, and
EXPRESSED the total subserviency TO the will OF
his State regardless Of all other obligations and
deman ds which was the distinguishing character.
stc of his political action through life lie proposed
that a convention be called TO consider the adv sa-
bllty of seeding, and the idea was immediately
acted upon. The convention assembled some Two
l.sA dina ants "a
passed Mr. Steph recording his vote against the
measure an still adhorng to his original position,
that of avowed opposug " the step as likely to he
traupht with disastrous Consequences. but announc
ing publicly his intention To abide by the decision
of the majority. In his work entitled g." The War
between the States" he says that in ms judgment,
tins wavering scale in Georgia WAS turned by
sentiment the keynote of which was gwen III the
words. we can make better terms out OF the Union
than IN IL Two-thlrds OF those who voted
for the ordinance of Secession aid so. have little
doubt, with a view TO a more certain reformation
of the Union on the general principles OF IT rect-
The first Congress Of the Confederate sta es. held
az Montgomery. Ala. February = le0l. after
eminent by electiug Jefferson Davis President and
Alex ander II. Stephens vlce-presdent OF the Con-
federacy both OF whom were reelected by
nunnlar ballot in the following autumn. On the
taiter's return 10 Savannah from the Congress. be
made q speech which, as reported, expressed ms
unrpserved sympathy with the Secession movement,
cow that be had embraced It, and his willingness to
outdo the most Jealous IN enthusiasm for the cause
He enumerated with evident complaceDcy the
many advantages of what he called the new Con
stiIutlun over what he had so soon cOne to dub
{" the old" The prevailing idea of the latter, he
said rested upon the assumption of the equality
of the races. "Our new Government" lie proudly
AYERS is founded upon exactly the opposite IDEAS
its fc undat laid its corner stone rests upon
the great truth that the negro Ii cot equal to tho
white man; that Slavery, subordinatlon to the
superior race, is his natural coudition" with his
acceptance OF the VicePresidency and this fanatIca
speech his identification with the Rebellion became
cOmpete. From belLg the earnest opponent of
Secession he had become It's enthusiastic advocate,
making an address "a few Gays later before the Viz
pinl1 Legislature which, 10 IL held by his biog-
rapher carried that state out OF the Union: stu
he often found himself at variance with the Conted
uIate Government on Questions OF administrative
policy and at the very outset of the war protested
strongly against the plans adopted to raise funds;
but his dissent FROM the views OF those IN power
never found expression IN organized opposition, and
his friendly relations with the members Of the
Government were not interrupted, In 1858 he
made ibis first endeavor TO negotiate with the ederal
authorite,, his avOwed OBJECT being TO obtain re-
wal of the exchange of prisoners, but 10 Is Baid
With the hope that the discussion mi ght open the
way 10 a conference the general relations of tue
opposing sections and possible negotiations for
peace. Another attempt at mediation was met with
the tidings of the battle at Gettysburg, aud he
refused access to Washington. Ia his narrative of
the conflict be repels the charge that he at any
time opposed to the further prosecution OF the war;
He says that the only subject OF difference between
himself and other OF the most ardent devotees
in the cause was as To the objects aimed at and
the best m cans to be employed to effect them. He
would have been willing to make peace on receiv
ing guarantees on the part OF the derellct North
Elm States to to the discharge OF their oblgs
tons aud to maintain the Federal sy stem accord
ing TO the true spirit and intent OF tho
Constitution of 17S7"-that IL to say, accurd-
lug to Mr.. Stephens upon recognition or
absolute State sovereignty. On the failure
of the Hampton Roads Peace Conference III
February, 1865, at which he was present on behalf
OF the Government hr saw that fur ther
efforts were useless and retired TO his home 10
await the crash which he know could not be far
| distant. Perhaps tho most forciblo intimaton he
/ nj lha nj
May 1865, which was followed by an mDrson-
ment OF five months in Fort Warren, his release at
the end of that time being upon parole.
He VAS elected United States Senator in 1866 by
the frat Legislature which organized under the
State Constitution, but was not admitted to his
seat In the same year he was summoned before
the decentralization Commitee at WashIngtOn and