The weekly democratic statesman. [volume] (Austin, Tex.) 1871-1883, 1883-03-15

successfully assailed by reason or ar
| gument. 1t has grown stronger in
minds of men the more il has been
discussed, and it will still grow stron-
ger as the discussion proceeds and
time rolls on. Truth is omnipotent
and must prevail. We have only to
maintain the truth with firmness and
F., WELD it Alright. Our system rests
upon an lmpregnable basis that can
and will defy all assaults from with
out. My greatest apprehension is
from causes within. There lies the
greatest danger. We have grown
luXuriant in the endurance of our
well-being and unparalleled prosperi-
ty. There is tendency everywhere,
not only at the north but at the south,
TO strife, dissession, disorder and an
archy. 1t is against this tendency
that the sober-minded, rejecting men
everywhere should now be called
upon to guard"
PRIOR TO THE WRITING
Of this letter, and just after the de-
livery of his great Milledgevine
speech, in which he expressed similar
views. Mr.. Stephens received from the
then President-elect Lincoln a note
asking for a revised copy of that
speech. To this communication Mr..
Stephens replied in letter. which
concludes with these words: The
country is certainly in great peril,
and no man ever had heavier or
greater responsibilities than you have
in the present momentous crisis" In
der date of December %, 1860, Lincoln
replsed to this communicate in the
following letter, which, it may be
well to note, was held secret by Mr..
Stephens until after the death of the
president:
For your own eye, only.1
My DEAR SIR-Your obligIng an
swer to my short note is just received,
and for which please accept my
thanks. l fully appreciate the pres
ent peril the country is in, and the
weight of responsibility on me. Do
the people of the south really enter
tain fears that Republican admins
tration would directly or Indirectly
interfere with the slaves, or with
them about the slaves? If they do.
wish to assure you as once friend,
and still, L hope. not as an enemy,
that there is no cause for such fears.
The south would be in no more dan
ger in this respect than it was in the
days of Washington. Isuppose, how
ever, that does not meet the case.
You think slavery is right and ought
to be extended, while we think it is
wrong and ought to be abolished.
That, L suppose, is the rub. 1t GER
tainly is the only substantial differ
ence between us.
Yours, very truly, A. LINCOLN.
To the Hon. Alexander Ii. Stephens.
In his reply to this characteristic
communication communication in
which it is particularly worthy of
note that the president-elect eXpli-
city disclaims all intentions of inter
fering with the system of slavery as
it then existed-Mr. Stephens still
further gives voice to what must be
regarded as having been the very gen
eral feeling then prevailing in the
south. He says:
I'm my judgment the people of the
south do not entertain any fears that
Republican administration, or at
least the one about to be in
augurated, would attempt to in
terfere directly and Immediately
with slavery in the states. Their
apprehension and disquietude do not
spring from hGiitt. SOL. They do not
arise from the fact of the Known ssTSiif t; N
slavery opinions of the president
elect. Washington, Jefferson and
other presidents are generally admit
ted to have been anti-slavery in senti-
ment, but in those days anti-slavery
did not enter as an element into party
organizations. We at the
south do think African slavery us
it exists with u.s., both morally and
politically right. This opinion is
founded upon the inferiority of the
black race. You, however, and per-
haps majority of the north, think it
wrong"