The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1883-10-26
THE NORTH AND SOUTH AND SLAVERY.

the existence of slavery, the Charleston News
and Courier comes back with a two
column article reaffirming it's position. The
News and Courier failed to copy our article
entire, though perhaps not much more than
half so long as its reply and now blandly re-
quests that the Journal publish its rejoinder
in full, in which event the Journals new
article shall enjoy the benefit of
the News and Couriers circulation.
The Journals former article was an exhaust
i've one, bringing out many of the necessary
facts to prove the injustice of the Charleston
papers charge. Any new reply at length
must embrace the same material and hstori-
cal facts, which were collected at a consid
cradle expense of time, and which are of a
character that cannot be impeached. Had
the News and Courier been liberal enough to
have published that article entire it would
have been a difficult matter to de-
cline to publish its present lengthy
reply. AS it is the Journal must respect
fully decline.
Before dismissing this subject to the care
of an impartial historian it is pertinent that
we again call the attention of our esteemed
contemporary to a few indisputable facts in
| this connection, familiar to the general pub
lie and known to even those who never read
history in their lives, While slavery for a
time found precarious foothold in the
Northern States, it was discountenanced
there from the first. The fact
that the last lingering shareholders
of the Northern States finally ridded
| themselves of slavery by selling their slaves
to Southern dealers and owners only goes to
prove the character of the men who were
base enough to hold slaves in face of over
whelming sentiment against the custom. 1t
is sad exhibition of the characteristics of
the men who sought to live at the expense of
slaves. That they did dispose of them in any
manner and quit the practice is evidence of
the almost universal hostility in the North
to slavery.
In strong support of this position may be
cited the status of the States on this
disturbing issue at the outbreak of the re-
bellion in 1861. The sentiment of the North
had been so strong against slavery that for
over half century every Northern State
had pronounced against slavery and had de-
clard for universal freedom. When the re-
bellion broke out there was not slave State
north OF certain line, and not u free State
south of it, Not one free State went into
rebellion, and not slave State was OPP
posed to secession and the establish
ment of a republic with slavery
as its cornerstone. 1t is hardly
probable that any intelligent being can be
brought to believe that these significant facts
were the freak of chance.
AS to the utterances of politicians and
statesmen at the outbreak of hostilities, lit
tie stress can be laid on them as matters to
go into permanent history. All diplomatic
utterances are colored, according to the ext
gencies OF the hour. 1t was the purpose of
North and of South to take every advantage
in getting good grip for the death struggle
| that was about to ensue. Every posi-
BILE influence was brought to bear
to enlist support. The leaders of the Repub-
lican party recognized the fact that very
large proportion of the Democratic party in
the North, while in favor of national unity
were still friendly to slavery, or at best
were not disposed to interfere. To secure
the aid and cooperation of this element it
was necessary to declare that in coercing the
South the only object was to preserve the
Union and to pledge that slavery should
not be interfered with. The Republican party
was sincere in that pledge, and had the South
been content to remain in the Union it is more
than probable that slavery would be intact to-
day. The truth was revealed in the South
Carolina convention, when, in the heat of
anger, the body that ordered secession
declared that the moving cause was the
increasing hostility on the part of the North
ern States to the institution of slavery"
This was the first clause of the paragraph re-
citing the wrongs" com planned of, and was
apparent in the minds of the indignant and
angry men who, in the city of Charleston, on
the oath of December, 1860, set in motion
the machinery of domestic war.
1t is useless to further discuss this
thing 1t is no longer a question ex-
cept in the minds of those who
would like to divide the fearful
responsibility of The crime that broucht
such a terrible punishment upon us all.