The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1883-06-08
THE OHIO CONVENTION.
Senator Sherman's Views the Tariff and
the Scott Law.


81 thank you with all my heart for this re-
newed honor conferred upon me by the Re-
publicans of Ohio. 1t is from such assem-
blages this, fresh from the people,
representing every county of Ohio that the
wisdom and inspiration of the Republican
party comes. You mark out the course and
name the agents who each successive year
carry the Republican banner. From the
first Republican State convention, which as
sembled in this city in June, 1855, to this
time each of them have made their nomi-
nations, and boldly and frankly announced
their convictions, and, with few exceptions,
their work has been approved by the people,
H ow grave and varied these issues have been
it is scarcely necessary to remind you, Then
this country contained four millions OF
slaves; the bonds which held the Union were
almost rope of sand and were threatened
with disruption. What scenes have we
passed through; what tragic and noble his
tory have we recorded; what work has been
that of the Republican party during all these
stirring years. If you want to know our
principles, go look at the statutes of the
United States. Our principles are executed
laws. Our success has been the success of
liberty, union, honor, credit strength and
power. What an enormous advance has
been made by our country during the last
twenty-five years. The past at least is Sc
cure. But the Republican party is not salts
ueu WIFI retrospect alOHe IL LOOKS 10 Ine
future. What is yet to be done? Each
campaign brings its3few duty, and this, more
than usual demands of us courage and
progress. We cannot wait for our Demo-
cratic friends to overtake us, for they always
lag two years behind. They acquiesce, but
they do not propose or execute. They will
find fault with what we do, but they take
care to enjoy the blessings we confer. They
are in love with the Union; they are opposed
to slavery; they even believe in specie re-
sumption; but they are opposed to protection
laws, and sumptuary laws. We are for laws
protecting the LABOR of our people, and we
are for laws that will make the traffic IL
liquor pay the costs it entails. These are
the issues of the moment. Let us look at
them. We must impose large taxes for the
support of our national government, This
We think should be done by duty on i'm
ported goods and not on domestic products,
except on two or three articles of luxury,
like whisky and tobacco We also say, while
levying these duties, great care should be
taken to put them first on luxuries. and sec
ond on articles that come into competition
with our own fabrics, the purpose being to
give our own workmen the benefit of the in
creased price of the article caused by the tax;
to give to our farmers the home market of
busy laborers as consumers of his products,
aud to our country the increased wealth,
strength and independence caused by a great
that this principle of protection
should extend to all productions of the
farm as well as the workshop, so that the
wool of the farmer would be protected as
well as the woolens, We are for home indus
try and for fair wages for good days work,
so that the man who works shall not only
have the necessarieS of life, but for himself
and his children the means of improvement,
advancement and education. This is the
fixed policy of the Republican party. Where
our Democratic friends stand we can tell
after the next Democratic convention-may-
be-
AS to the temperance question, we all &C.
knowledge the great and manifest evils that
flow from the use and abuse of spirituous
liquors, and at the same time the difficulty
of dealing with the subject without interior
fering with the essential and necessary lib
erty of each citizen to determine for himself
what he will eat, drink and wear. Many
modes have been proposed to check the evils
of intemperance, and many worthy citizens
believe the only way is by absolute prohibit
ton of the manufacture and sale of spirits.
Others, equally sincere, believe that prohIbi-
ton is impractcable; that it could not be
enforced, especially in cities, and therefore
want to leave the entire control of the sub
ject to the General Assembly so that legisla-
ton might be adopted to meet the needs
of different localities and changing pub
lie opinion. The two propositions are submit
ted to the people. Every man should Judge
for himself, without regard to party, study
these propositions and vote according to his
convictions of what is right. In the mean
time this traffic goes on in open day, and by
night, filling our poor-houses, jails, and peni-
Tertiary, increasing the expenses of our
courts and police. Now the question is this:
Ought not this traffic to be taxed to pay
portion OF these expenses? This is the prn-
ciple of the Scott bill. 1t is right. Our
State constitution prohibits a license, but
this is not license, it is a tax. At all events,
license or no license, we are in favor of tax;
and if necessary, we will change the consti-
tuition to enable the General Assembly to
devise and enforce just system of taxation
on this traffic. And why not2 1t is done in
nearly every State, country, and city in
Christendom. and perhaps in pagandom.
We have for thirty years in Ohio neglected
this stream of revenue, this most unobiec-
tionaple form of restraining the traffic. We
have followed the example of the Pharisee
who would not relieve the poor unfortunate
because he feared to be contaminated. We
would not tax the liquor seller because, we
are told, it makes us a partner in the crime.
This is good logic for his pocket. We are,
or ought to be, practical men, and risk my
reputation as 81 prophet by saving that even
after one years enforcement of the Scott law
our Democratic friends will acquiesce and not
propose to repeal it.