The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1883-10-18


alter the election, but befor. the inauyu.
ration of the latter, as Chief Magistrate
OF the nation, throws great deal of
iight upon the policy which President
Harheld would probably have pursued
toward the South had he been permitted
10 live 10 the close of the term for which
he was chosen. The late Presidents
views of Senator Malone aud his tnl.
lance with the Republican party of Vir.
gina are also very clearly intimated.
lhe correspondence will be read with
special interest by all who have followed
the course of events in the South since
the return of the Democrats to power in
1876:
NEW YORK, December 2S, 1880
10 the Hon. James a. Garfield, Men.
tor, Ohio-Dear Sir: To address YOU
letter at this time would Je the last
thing | should have thought of doing
except for the long continued and eyi.
dently sincere urgency Of some of nv
friends, both at The North and South,
who seem to feel that am qualified to
give some correct information, and pos
sibiy some valuable suggestions, upon
what we call the Southern question
assume one or two things at the out.
set. FOR instance, that there is 10 prac-
tical or constitutional method of revers
ing, even if we would, what has taken
place since 1876. mean here the over
throw Of the Republican State Govern.
ments at the South by the violent and
armed attacks of the white Democratic
agencies. Wise or unwise as the action
OF the present Administration may have
been in this respect, we have nothing
now to do but 10 look at things rs they
are. assume also that it is with us a
perfectly indsputablc fact that the right
OF suffrage in most of the lately rebel.
llous States, so far rs respects negroes
and Republicans, is systematically viola.
ted and trampled upon as the means of
continuing the political control of the
White Democrats of that section. | as.
sumo, too, that such a denial and disre.
gard OF that great right, to say nothing
OF the attendant crimes of murder, in.
tlmldation, persecution and ostracism,
cannot but be q national evil, SO far
affecting the welfare Of the whole coun-
try as to cause it to justly assume the
proportions OF 4 great national issue or
Another position hope may be as.
sumed i'll this discussion, namely, that
The END to be reached is free suffrage
resulting in good government TO se-
cure a free suffrage is not enough. That
alone will leave the great motive by
which the white Democrats of the South
nave heretofore professed to be guided
the only excuse that can be urged for
their conduct-that the free suffrage of
the negroes is not compatible with toler-
able local governments. On this point
let US not be wanting in candor. The
former ascendaucy of the Republican
party of the South was attended by
gross abuses i'll most of the Southern
States-abuses SO gross as would have
awakened the highest degree of discon-
tent Ill any Northern State. as an
instance, may say, as l was compelled
at the time to say, that my own struggle
as Governor OF South Carolina was
almost wholly with the corrupt elements
OF the Republican party, elements openly
organized for and bent upon public plum
der l abate nothing of what l then
SAID on this point. l never could have
been induced TO stand as a candidate
again in 1876, but for the reason that
felt that the overthrow of free suffrage
was, in the long run, greater evil than
what felt could be made only the tenn
porary evil of bad government.
In the light of past events l say it is
not worth our while to attempt the task
of restoring free suffrage to the South
unless Mt the same time We can make
sure to reasonable degree the preva-
lence of good government with :he res
toration OF The Republican party to
power. Laying higher considerations
aside, il would tuTt the Republican party
more TO bear again the odium Of the
former Southern State and local Govern.
ments than the lcss in Electoral votes
and Congressional representation, which
is the result Of the last election. Prac-
tically, therefore, the problem must be
free suffrage with good local government.
If am right in this conclusion, then l
cannot be wrong III saying that such a
result points to the necessity OF building
up at the South, by all the lawful agen.
cies which we can employ, either as
citizens or officials, Republican party
which can be trusted to give the people
good local government.
Recognizing, then, the task as being
what have set forth, the proper inquiry
is, how can it be accomplished? I can
not, of course, 60 into details here.
Negatively, I may say, the true course
will be to avoid the methods of the past,
to steer clear of the mistakes of former
Administrations. If this is too vague
then | say, as fundamental proposition,
that the Administration must teach the
lesso ~ it has never yet been taught
atth outh, that no partisan zeal, no
partisan services, no courage or fortiiude
in standing by the party, can ever quail
ify man to any degree for public office
unless he has also a we'll. earued charac-
ter for honesty and capacity equal to the
full discharge of his public duties,
together with just title 10 good rcpute
in the community where he lives or may
be stationed. l thus qualify the rule
because know we'll that there are cases
in the past and present bitterness of
Southern politics, whore men are de-
nounced by whole communities as ras.
Gals and thieves for no cause but their
political action or sentiments. At the
same time it is true beyond dispute tha:
the South during the last twelve years
has constantly suffered from the presence
of Federal officials whose personal char
acter was not good, but grossly bad, and
on whose integrity no man could rely in
private matters. 1t would be difficult to
exaggerate the extent Of this evil
Party services, so called, have seemed 10
be the sure and only sure pathway to
Office.
II the President shall, by his choice of
Federal officials at the South, cay once
for all that no countenance will be given
nothing but stern opposition-to any
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