The Labor enquirer., 1883-12-08

differences, but the poor and homeless
could leave the crowded thorouxhfare
of the Atlantic and find in the fertil
regions Of the west, present employment
and the hope of future comDetence.
But now different conditions exist il
our country During the last twent.
years frauds and chicanery, sane
toned by law, have centralized
capital in q few inscriptions individuals
Monopolies have grasped the natura
resources of the country and controlled
every field of enterprise.
LII every direction we see the PERM
cious effects. On the fashionable avenues
of our cities tower the stately mansions
of the opulent, sparkling with the dis
/ play of luxury and adorned with what
ever can please the senses or imagination
In the dark alleys and obscure streets o
the same cities may be seen the homes
of the toiling poor, with their scant fur
niture and wretched surroundings.
In the City of New York there are 50(
persons, with each million or more o.
dollars, and in the same metropolis there
are no less than 10000 people who
nightly roam through the streets with
out shelter, and begin the day
DEFENDING ON CHARITY TO SUSTAIN 4
MISERABLE EXISTENCE.
Statistics indicate that the aggregate
property of the United States surpasses
in value that of any European country
Within the last thirty years the wealth
of the nation has increased with every
decade in geometrical ratio, until il
exceeds the enormous sum of $50,OO0,-
100000, while the wages of labor have
remained stationary, or have actually
decreased. The values of all commodi-
ties necessary to the comfort or support
of life have increased three or four fold
in the period mentioned, and the pur-
chasing power of money has, of course,
diminished in the same proportion. The
rich are becoming richer, the poor
poorer, while society is fast assuming
the characterit has in European states,
with their distinctions of caste estab-
lished by law or conventional usage. AS
the result of all these things well de-
fined and vivid line now divides capital
and labor throughout the nation. Con-
trary to their natural relations, and to
the injury of the whole community, we
find them to-day in opposition like two
hostile armies. Neither seems to con-
slider its individual responsibility or the
destructive consequences that may result
from conflict; hence, there is on either
side sullen determination beneath
which are smouldering the fires of desc
lating strife. No reflective mind can
view the situation without dread for the
iuture of the republic. How perma-
nent reconciliation of labor and capital
can be effected in our country is now the
problem of the day. Upon the success
full solution of that problem depend in a
large measure the prosperity of the
nation and the peace and liberties of the
states 'Erl ~ "
Capital must desist in the future from
CoRRUPTLY INFLUENCING AND PROCURING
-z-. res LEGISLATION '---
to centralize the resources of the nation
in the hands of few, and must repair,
as far as practicable, the evils already
inflicted. The history of our country
shows the character and extent of such
legislation We select from number of
bNO Va bIiSS Va .phS
more familiar. For instance, the United
States use more iron than any other
country in the world. 1t is evidently
the interest of seven-eighths of the peo-
pie that the duties on those staples
should be at the lowest rate consistent
with the necessities of the public reve-
nue.. 1t is the interest, however, of a
few manufacturers of iron in Pennsyl-
yania and some other eastern states that
the tariff on such articles should be
prohibitory. These monopolists, with a
capital of many millions of dollars, have
controlled legislation, and imposed
duties so heavy as to exclude from COM
petition with their own fabrics iron and
steel manufactured in Europe. On a
moderate estimate the people of the
United States have paid not less than
5000, 100000 by way of additional prices
on these staples. This enormous sum
did not 90 into the public treasury, but
was a tribute levied by law for the bene-
fit of favored class.
Again, the importation of sugar, which
is not an article of luxury, but of neces-
sary consumption among all classes OF
our people, is virtually prohibited by the
duty laid on thesforeign production. In
consequence of this tariff we pay twice
as much for refined sugars as would be
required were the duty removed. Thus
the poor, constituting not less than 30
OOO. 600 of our entire population, are taxed
out of their hard earnings to benefit few
planters in Louisiana, Texas and Florida.
Thus, too, the whole country is made
tributary to $4,000 people who inhabit a
small territorial area in the states men
toned.
It is not my purpose tJ compare or
discuss the merits of the different sys-
TENS of tariff under which duties may
be levied. All that / contend for is that
eyerv tariff should be so adjusted that
articles of luxury rather than articles OF
necessary use or consumption should be
the chief subjects of taxation; and
whether revenue or protection is the
object,
THE BURDENS OF GOVERNMENT SHOULD
BE BORNE BY THE CAPITAL,
and not by the industry of the country
Bu, more, unjust than any provision o.
our tariff, was the repeal of the internal
revenue tax on incomes and transfers O
property. This was a tax essentially on
the wealth of the nation. 1t was levied
ON those who were the ablest to carry it
It compelled capital to pay in propor
ton to the interest upon its investment
1t virtually said to the money loaners
the great landholders of the country ane
the owners of bonded secureties, You
too. must pay your just share of the ex
penses of government whose laws ant
power are constantly invoked for th'
protection of your properties, and who's
courts are filled with litigation for thu
enforcement of your alleged rights
Now a Vanderbilt, an Astor or Goul'
| NAV contribute no more to the suppor