Morris tribune. [volume] (Morris, Minn.) 1880-2000, 1883-11-17
BOOM FOR ARTHUR.
Indications of q Movement to Noms
mate Him for President,
And q Few OF the Points that Ard
~ Favorable to His Success. All
as Seen by a Special Cor
respondent.

NEW York, Nov. 15.-" Gath" says ths
Arthur campaign for the Republican nomi-
nation to the presidency is under wing; that
his friends are busy planning how to attain
their object. He constructs:
MIR. E. A Buck, publisher of The Spirit OF the
Times, had leading editorial last week that
thought queer for a non-partisan ana
turf paper, proclaiming that the coun-
try would not trust the Demo
cratic party; that Sherman had failed
to carry Ohio; that Arthur had carried New
York, and that Arthur would sweep the
country again. glanced at the article, and
thought to myself perhaps the Pentecostal
day has come, whenevery body not Ill poll
tics is coming into one party But now see
that there was husbandry in all this matter,
for it was produced in Washington City be-
fore The Spirit of the Times came out.
The president is entitled to fair treatment
in this matter. He has increased the number
of his friends by his conduct during the past
year. The Republican party is in all embar-
raised position toward his denomination.
We do not know what proportion OF the
party's voters will stay at home rather than
vote for him again. Unless l mistake the
signs, there is liberal percentage of men
who will not overlook his connection with
the tragedy of 1881. Yet the ties ofparty are
strong, and there may be at this moment
many thousands to aver that they will never
vote for Arthur who might after the cam
paign opened follow to the polls.
l observe The Evening Post approves OF
him; The Tribune hardly ever says anything
against him; The Utica Herald is a little
grouty about him now and then; and Col
lector Robertson never says a word, being
secure in his office, and is, hear, saving
money.
One of Arthur's shrewd points is that he
has in his own cabinet two of the most
popular men to run for president in this
country-Gresham and Lincoln. Lincoln
was not appointed by him, and does not owe
him as much allegiance as Gresham. But
Lincoln could hardly stay in the cabinet and
not consent to the scheme to run Arthur
The Republican party at present is not in
a rebellious condition. There are no personal
movements within it toward new candi-
date, no new issues around which new can
didacy can easily arise; and the apathy
which extended to the polls now extends
only to the choice of Arthur's sue
cessor. We look over the country in
vain to find a man of positive quail
ties who could organize against Arthur,
Blaine only excepted. Blaine towers at pres
ent more than ever before by reference to
the general plane of men in his party. He
stands something like Tilden-I mean the
ideal Tilden-does to the Democratic party.
Looking back on the long series of defeats,
Tildens column seems to rise ont of the
ground. Looking back to the slaughtered
lealers of the Republican party, Blaine seems
to be magnificent fragment, yet alive with
tJ,o
imperceptibly creeping into the clouds.
Arthur has almost completely silenced the
Democratic party and the south by his per-
sonal conduct toward individuals in both He
takes on his excursions to the plains the
chief author of secession in Missouri, Senator
Vest His bearing at horse race brings the
Kentucky Confederates around him. His
fishing propensities amuse innocent and
idle men of the quality of Izaak
Walton. While he does not court
the ladies, he looks at all of them as
if he were almest in love, and yet can be
moderately tart to anyone who presumes on
his mildness. He has one advantage over
Blaine-that he is not fertile in his promises.
When he came to the White House he found
it just as easy to say to man he did not
mean to favor: 81 will not be able to do it; it
is my misfortune; believe that l would if
could, but l cannot" The man goes away
distressed, but not an enemy.
Since the days of Abraham Lincoln there
has been general leavening of the taste and
refinement. The president is careful about
his clothing, his bedding, his linen, his hosiery,
about his finger nails, and knows the
due relation to be held toward servants,
and even toward his fellow-citizens.
He appreciates his Office, has a slightly
aristocratic self-esteem, is particular not to
| break his word, and not to give it r2shly.
| Therein he draws the line somewhat against
both Blaine and Hayes Blaine was too gen.
erous of his promises to keep them all, and
| Hayes would not say no at once, so that
good many people went away expecting to
hear from the president again, when he had
already resolved, perhaps when they made
their request, that he should not appoint
them.
Arthur is also fortunate in being almost
| the only young man left in the high situa-
tions of his party. Gen. Sherman is, per-
haps, the most relied-upon man in the Repub-
lican party, if he belongs to it. If he would
allow a movement to procead in his favor
| it might become very formidable
Robert Lincoln would get the sup
port of the Republican party more
universally than Arthur. He is
not, however, a politician; has nobody to
direct his Organization for him; is fettered by
being in Arthur's cabinet, and probably
would be antagonized by Gen. Logan If his
| friends would take the field.
| I by no means concede the renomina-
ton of Arthur, but it is well at this
early stage to examine his strength plainly.
Hardly any great executives have been legis-
Iators. Washington never opened his mouth
| in the constitutional convention over which
he presided Gen. Jackson was wholly a
hero of physical life when he went in the
presidency, ard in the senate he never said
anything. Lincoln had been a good deal in
the legislature but Only two years in Wash
| ington.