New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1883-11-26

because there is an immense territory III Amer
| lea and the influences of thirteen centuries OIL
monarchism are lacking. The future Oh Amell-
can democracy, however, was practically deter-
mined when only small portion of the present
! territory was occupied and when the population
was greatly inferior to that of France. The
colonies were founded, moreover as the Deepen
denotes of monarchies, and the population OF
the Union has been largely recruited from
the surplus population of the Kingdoms
and Empires of Europe. a country which has
admitted millions of mOnarchiCal subjects to
the rights of citizenship cannot be said to have
been wholly exempt from the influences OF Euro
pean tradition.
While Pere Hyacinthe does not despair of the
tendencies of French democracy, he considers
its future uncertain. He does not think that
anybody can tell what it may become; whether
it will degenerate into Cesarism or be real
government of the people "To become good
citizens and good workers." he exclaims, we
need heroes, perhaps martyrsw But heroes
and martyrs were not wanting i'll the early years
of the great Revolution, when Europe was
leagued against France. What the First Re
public lacked was neither courage nor intclll-
gence but soberness of mind steadiness OF
purpOse-that self-pOssessiOn and practical sa-
gacity which enabled the trainers of the Ameri-
can Constitution to devise a system of
government with elements of permanence.
Mr.. Jefferson and other representative Amer
leans warned the cOnstitution-makers OF
1871 that they must not neglect the
wise precaution of separating the ex-
ccutive and legislative powers and pro-
viding proper system of checks and balances.
The ideas of Rousseau prevailed An omDpo-
tent legislative chamber was organized TO eX-
press the enlightened judgment and to execute
the will of the democracy. The people not only
reigncd. but also governed; and rcigncd only to
be dethroned. The Convention was the victim
of its own OmnipOtencc. Neither herolsm, nor
martyrdOm, nor genius could compensate for
the fatal defects of Constitution in which the
executive and legislative powers were not sepa-
rated, but hOpelessly confoundcd
France does not need heroes and martyrs to-
day so much rs it does statesmen of practical
ability who will give the proper direction to con-
stitutional development. The system devised
i'm 1873 is not entirely without checks and bal
anccs. There is a Senate nOminally coordinate
in power with the popular Chamber; and the
President with the consent of the Senate can
dissolve the Deputies and order general cleo
ton. There are certain safeguards against the
ovcrmastcring influence of the Lower House.
But practically the Deputies are almost rs pow
crful in a political sense as the Convention.
They easily overthrow the strongest man in
France: they have snubbcd Prcmicrs and dis
cplincd Ministers; they have barely tolerated !
the President as the wooden figure head of the !
Republican ship; they have openly dciied the |
Senate and practically exercised all the func- /
tons of government II remains to-day rs it |
was a century ago, an open question whether an |
omnpotemt Chamber can furnish an enlightened |
democracy with durable form and system of .
government France does not need heroic |
period so much as it does commonplace and F.
era of constitutional revision.