The Indianapolis journal. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1867-1904, 1883-04-04
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR.
The Liquor Question.


phases of this question it will not be denied
that there are good temperance people who
are largely governed by considerations of ex-
pediency, rather than by absolute right and
wrong People of this class are conservative,
and occupy an important and useful place in
all reforms. They check on the hasty,
impetuous and nconsiderate, and not infre-
quently the important factors in the sue
cessful issue of reforms But there is an
other class who are not so useful, viz: those
who are governed by simple party expe-
dency, There are those who have clear
enough perception of what is the right
Thing to do and, if they have any confidence
in the final success of correct principles,
know the right thing will be reached, yet for
present and temporary success, even at the
peril of the immediate future, give way to
paltry expediency. 1t cannot be said that
they have much conscience, or scruple, for
that matter.
Now, as / said yesterday, the moral ele-
ments of society have continued long strug-
gle on this liquor question. The subjective
work in personal pledge-taking, and the OBJ
jective and aggressive work of legslating
\ against the traffic, were not the end aimed at
but steps to the end. The logical conclusion
when a thing is judged wrong is that the
wrong thing must cease some day, and the
4 only after-questions that can be as to
time and method. 1t will surely be conceded
that the ordinary method is exhausted
i when it has become a farce, i. e.,
when the advocates of the wrong COM
pletely manipulate such method by drafting
and passing such laws as suit them. This is
the point arrived at in Indiana on that fea-
ture of the subject
But concede that the question is not and
ought not to become party question. OF
course men of all parties are members of
churches and social organizations, and are not
partisans. Three years ago a movement was
made 10 eliminate the question from party
politics, by taking the sense of the voters of
the State on it. 1t was the true democratic
idea of deferring to the wishes and judgment
of the voters on the merits of the question
involved and untrammeled by party inter-
ests or party environments. That movement
bad majority of the people at the election
III in 1882 of ,S65 as represented in the lower
house of the Legislature. 1t received in the
House the entire Republican and seventeen
I Democratic votes-.fiftv-six in all, which
[ represented nearly 5000 majority of the
popular vote of the State. In other
4 words, majority of men of all parties, in a
y non-partisan movement Endorsed the propo-
sition by referring this question to the peo-
pie for settlement The movement was ar.
rested in the Senate by the liquor interests.
L After having gained so much, does anyone
4 suppose that the masses OF the people will
4 abandon the movement? Did we march back
II and disband our armies after the temporary
defeat at Bull Run? Did we turn to making
new compromises and patching up new
Il truces with the slave power after the Chicka-
manga repulse? Neither will there be any
abandonment of vantage ground on this
question. One party has yielded entirely to
the new movement; has made a non-partisan
Il campaign on it or in recognition of its JUS
tiee. The other elected seventeen members
Of the House on it. and thus recog-
n nized it. The people of one party are
n practically in harmony with the movement
n IN nearly one-half of the counties represented
n by the other party the people are harmoni-
Va "us IN recognition of the movement With
such immense advantage does any one sup
WI j.use that there will be any relaxation of
la effort for success? 1t is idle to suppose So
.M 10 go forward means no wrangling for the
I people in ffty-siX counties, but it does mean
defeat, or at least distraction in the other
! thirty-six counties for somebody.
u The new phase of the movement toward
q constitutional prohibition, l think should be
by way of constitutional convention
through which the whole matter could go
" 10 the people. II the money and power of
The liquor interests have hitherto framed
laws and manipulated legislatures IN
rheir own Interests it might for
u several sessions still continue to
I do it, and the fight would be prolonged. But
Y in constitutional convention there are no
u benevolent or penal institutions over which
VS parties may decker nor executive bureaus to
hN parcel out nor other places to trade for votes
= and principles. If the people shall resolve
}, for the submission of the liquor question to
Y Sthe popular vote by this method, and thor
oughly organize in every county for it dur
! ing this off year OF party politics, they can so
:" intehsify public sentiment to make it
very palpabe to the party politician, and
next year he will not prove formidable OBJ
ponent to the policy of electing legislature
which will take the necessary steps toward
,C calling convention. On many accounts,
besides, there is reason for a constitutional
Il convention. Others beside prohibitionists
C are demanding it, and it would be a happy
o concurrence all around TO get what is needed
4for the State, and in the right way The
to work of such a convention would go to the
Vi 4people for their SANCTION and so the LIQUOR
IN 4question could be remanded to the popular
e fvote. The work of thorough organization
This year is the road to the consummation.
INDIANAPOLIS, April 3. J. B. CONNER
The Two Last Days of the Session.
90 To the Editor of the indianapolis journal.
BY the clause in the constitution prohibit
70 ing the Legislature from passing any bill
: upon the last two days of the session, the
constitutional convention certainly meant
II sAactly what the language of the constitu-
y zion conveys to the understanding. The
constitution of 1916 contained no such
I prohibition. Under that constitution the