The examiner., 1882-03-25
The Lower Classes.

Why is it that in government, founded on the principle of equality of all before the law, that we hear so much said about classes, the higher class, the middle class, and the lower class Where is the line of social distinction What separates the people into these different classes? Do we find on the one side all of the honest and virtaous, and on the other all of the dishonest and vicious? Are there on one side only the intelligent, and on the other only the ignorant? If one of the virtuous fall, does that one immediately pass to the vicious side of the line and there remain until through abstinence, penitence and prayer such an one may have fairly earned a new title to consideration and respect 1? When one ofthe ignorant by patient study and application acquires a just title to intelligence, do those on the intelligent side at once extend to such an one the hand of fellowship and take him or her If such was the constitution of society we should have little fault to find with it. But such is not the case. These. are not the lines of social distinction. On the other hand if the lines that divide our people into different classes to-day were traced out they would be found to rest on great aOealth, moderate aOeolth and 20oV- erty. The very wealthy, such as thl rail- road, standard oil, bank, bond and bon anza king, constituting the higher class ; the average merchant or trader the middle class; while the laborer, the man who earns and eats his bread in the sweat of his face are the loaOer class. The quail ties of virtue, honesty and intelligence do not now constitute the test of social stand ing. The person to-day who has the hon. esty of road agent, the virtue of Mag dalen and the intelligence of an oyster, who possesses millions of wealth has the "open sesame" to the higher class, while that door would be shut in the face of the poor man, though he had the knowledge of Webster, the virtue of saint and the honesty of an angel.
 Such is about the present rule of social distinction. There may be exceptions but they are rare. Our wealthy or aristocra- tic class have not even the slim advantage of noble birth on which to base claim to social distinction, their only claim is wealth. That this class are endeavoring to bring about condition of things that will ulti- mately permit them to claim exalted birth is evidenced in the fact that many of them even now emblazon the panels of their coaches with heraldic designs, engrave dis gusting figures on their plate which they call coat of arms," and in the frequency with which the daughters of some of oul wealthiest men become props to sustain the declining fortunes of some scion oi English nobility, thus weighing the patri' elan and plebeian blood.
 Our wealthy class are our governing and controlling class. They shape legislation so as to still further concentrate wealth, as may be seen in the fact that the bill i'll troduced in Congress to continue our pres ent monopoly of national bank system was referred to the committee on Banking and Currency, seven of the eleven mem bers of which are national Bankers, they control the business industries of the na tion, they boast of their strength, for they proclaim that they are so organized tha they "can act together at single day. notice with such power that no act of Con gress can resist their decision," and they even threaten to plunge the country into { revolution and destroy the rights of th' working class in the event of that clas' combining and taking control of the gov ernment
 What an insult to the laborer. Work ingmen do you propose to rest quietI! under this insult? Do you who create th' wealth in which the rich riot, propose t' acknowledge that your only right in th' government shall consist in the privileg of voting for those who say to you tha