Weekly Chillicothe crisis. (Chillicothe, Livingston Co., Mo.) 1878-19??, 1882-11-09

One of the 'Battlc of DOrking
school of writers has produced ,
pamphlet on "Thc war of 1885, whicl
is supposed to be waged between the
United States and Great Britain
Among the causes which led to the con.
iict were the distortion of the Monroe
doctrine, which warned the European
powers from having anything OF i'm.
portancc in n diplomaticwa to do with
the American governments, and the
assertion of our supremacy with refer
cncc to all international matters in the
western hemisphere. In the meantime,
by our arrogance and prctentions, we
had succeeded in creating the animoSi-
| ty of the new world nations, who pre-
fcrrcd European connections to our
own. We had also adopted resolutions
of sympathy with the Irish republic;
had refused to interfere with the dyna-
mite machine preparations against
England which were going on on our
soil, chad winkcd ut fcnians banding
to invade Canada" while American
contributions had sustained for Il long
| llIit lnc lTlNl rtDtlllpn.
THERE'S Just enough substantial fact
in the above hypothetical propositions
TO suggest that there is nothing very
improbable about them The policy Of
Mr.. Blaine pointed precisely in the di-
rcction indicated, and though matters
appear to be somewhat composed in
Ireland Just at present, there is no lack
Of politicians who would be disposed to
place the United States in the attitude
toward England withrcspcct to Ireland
that is described. But whatever degree
Of improba6ility there may be us TO the
causes for war set forth, there is still
less with reference 10 the events which
ale represented rs having occurred
aftct the war had commenced. The
enlargement of the Canadian canals.
which is going rapidly forward at
present, had been completed, and Eng
land was not only able to invest our
coast ports with her ships Of war, hut
send them To the important cities on
the great lakes We had no navy that
could do anything to prevent her doing
as she pleased.
There i, something almost startling
in the way this proposition is put, Our
cities on the Atlantic coast are about Il,
completely at the mercy of such fleet
rs that Of England rs they could well
be. Her iron-rads could ,ail through
the fire Of our popgun forts without
amy difficulty to speak Of. and we have
no vessels that could offer them any
serious resistance. New York cilv,
with immense wealth, including the
Sub-Trca>ury with its millions of coin
would have to be surrendered on
demand or submit TO bombulslmcnt
ON all sides. In the hypothetical
history Of the war, NIL the cities that
could he reached bv water, both on the
ocean and the lakes, were assessed
from two 10 twenty millions each under
penalty OF destruction. We had millions
of soldiers, but they were powcrlcSs
against the sea enemy, So far we can
follow the historian with u quickcnrd
imagination. but when he represents
internal revolutions and 81 SubvcrSiOn
81 INV 4ONfIUlItUl VIZ TtIlNt 10 90
with him. There would be not such
thing rs internal d,ScnSion in this
country at such time, whatever other
mi-foruncs might brfall Us. The
common danger would knit lis together
stronger than ever
But the picture drawn is one that
ought to he impressed vividly on the
mind Of every American citizen. The
folly Of assuming thcaggrcssive toward
any notion with bignayy is apparent,
willie it must be no less evident that
there is Il wonderful lack of discretion
in permitting the United States to
remain in the comparatively helpless
state she is in. In the nature Of things
wars will arise. We can not expect
TO be exempt, especially in these days
whcnnations are contcnding throughout
the world for commercial advantages.
If congress can not attend TO our naval
armament OF its own volition, there
ought TO be pressure brought to bear
to make it.