Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1882-06-07
The Ninety and Nlne."

anu tne Ninety ana nine nave empty nhnus'
The "Ninety and Nine."
The verses at the head of this column ex-
press POLITICALLY feeling which is rapidly
increasing among the working people of
this countryside feeling that in some way
they are not realizing the full and just re-
turns for their labor,-the feeling that in
some way, in spite of industry, economy and
perseverance, they do not "get along" as
they ought to. This feeling is intensified by
the knowledge that, on the other hand, vast
number of millionaires" have in the past
twenty years sprung up all over the country,
and now seem to control beyond redemption
various means of tolling the grists of the
people so deeply, that small modicum
only is left to the real producer. The same
feeling that shows itself in the Nihilism of
Russia, the socialism of Germany and the
Fenianism of Ireland, exists in a modified
form among the people of this free republic.
1t is at bottom a feeling that, as Byron
phrased it, "Tyranny of late hath cunning
grown" and can, even in free republic,
without any of the insignia Of rank or title
or the prestige of antiquity, lay its hands
upon the poor mans dimes aud aggregate
them into dollars and millions with the same
essential injustice and impunity which, in
another guise, gave to the old world its long
lines of kings and mobiles. This is a just
jealousy, inculcated by the founders of our
republic in multitude of warnings. That
"power is continually stealing from the
many to the few" that eternal vigilance
is the price of liberty" that "resistance
to tyrants is obedience to God" and that
"the safety of the people is the supreme
law" are but truisms of American speech.
Yet maxims, however wise, mere phrases,
however true, will not save any man or any
country from misfortune. In fact they may
be repeated so often as to become emptied
of all their meaning, when it is mere rep
etition, with nothing of experience, of
knowledge and feeling behind the speech.
That discomfort exists and is daily deep.
ening among the American people; that
we barely escaped political revolution
before the short crops of Europe for
three years, with abundant crops in Amer
lea, filed our depleted purses and soothed
the rising animosites for time, is well
known fact. That the same causes exist
that existed six years ago, and need only
similar conditions to stimulate the scarcely
slumbering feelings of discomfort into &C.
tive manifestation, no one who reads the
signs of the times can doubt. And it ought
to be remembered that our rich men do not,
as they do in Europe, control army and
navy,-with men like Bismarck, that " man
of blood and iron," at the helm.
IT. s said. and said .-"Is. by the nraisers
of the present times, that poor men, work
ing men, were never so well off, never in re-
ceipt OF so much money, as they are in
America to-day. And yet they are dissat-
isfed. Why is it so ? Simply because their
ideas are enlarged. The pauperized laborer
of Europe has no hope or expectation Of
bettering his condition. He lives in the
present, and browns thoughts of the future
in his only luxury, beer or whiskey. The
American working man has education and
aspiration. He looks forward to having a
home of his own, where "under his own
vine and fg-tree no one can molest him
1t cannot be safe for any class to be even
suspected of standing in the way of these
honorable and worthy hopes. Yet what are
the facts of the last crisis In Massachu
sets, that model American state, more thar
third, probably more than half, of the
working men who owned, or partly owned
their homes, lost them, and were evicted
under snap-mortgages," as ruthlessly as al
Irish landlord evicts his helpless tenants
And all through the country mortgaget
farmers were deprived of their farms in thu
same way, and compelled to emigrate, o.
fall into the rapidly increasing ranks of day
laborers with "no stake in the country.
This would have been serious calamity i
it had been universal; but it was more 8,
because it was not. 1t is very unsafe, in
country like this, for people who are losinI
everything to see few becoming rich amids
the general wreck.
Yet the men who thus grow rich ar
often, even generally, innocent of any direc
propose of harm. lie who lends anothe
man money upon mortgage does no wrong
He does no wrong when he realizes upon hi
security. This was agreed to in the cor
tract. He may be harsh, but generally h
is very lenient. He had rather have hi
money than the property; and often, in pani
times, the property does not realize tn
amount of the loan. AS a rule, America
capitalists are not extortioners, and the
are not to blame, in any direct way, for tn
revulsions in business which, indeed, brin
fish to their nets and increase both thei
absolute and relative wealth, while, at tn
same time, they endanger the stability G
society, which is the only guarantee for tn
full enjoyment of such wealth.
While it is quite sure that in any gres
popular disturbance, generated by generi
distress, wealthy persons and corporation
and the rich generally, will be endangere
in person and property, rich and poor alik
ought to understand that it is neither ind
viduals nor classes, so much as it is system
that are in fault. IL there were no lega
lied credit system in this country, paniC
would be impossible, mortgages and usur
unknown, and every man would be secul
in what he possessed. Men would acquil
property more slowly than now, perhaps, bl
what they had they could keep. The cas-
system, with credit only at the creditor
risk, would put an end to all litigation, an
do away with the need of all criminal court
1t would make millionaires impossible, an
paupers scarce 1t would secure our Ii
critics. purify our politics, and fill the worI
with peace and plenty. And yet whe
does it find an advocate
n