, 1882-04-14
Las,alle, Napoleon ILL.,, and B Smsrck.

Tie teachings ot Ll,Sal,e were the
teachings Of BouapartI~m before the u
Of December. 1851. Bouapartism, too,
got into irresponsible power 10y striking
mp shady alliance with certain pseudo
socialists. and by using the restoration
OF full universal suffrage as i deceptive
parole. Herr Won Bismarck made his
political studies on that subject n
France when accredited 10 the Tuiler'es.
Lassalle, would.be Persiguv under a
sham revolutionary guise completed Bis
marck's education in that particular
branch of statecraft This has been a
much as confessed by the Prince himself
in parliament when he avowed that he
was visited in secret by Lassalle at the
time the latter was supposed D be the
mortal enemy Of the government, and
lie was indebted to LaSsalle
for many spirited political cop-
versations. l happen to know that
Countess Hatfield, LaSsalle's most init
mate friend through life. declared after
his death that iii he had lived six
months longer he would have entered
into a government position Bucher,
who has also occupied himself with
State Socialism, at all events entered
afterward into government position Is
Bismarck's most uuly conidant-a posi-
ton he holds 10 this day, ana in which
he has recently rc-edited work of Las.
sale. All these facts are patents before
the eyes Of the world, yet how often Is
Lagsa les true character still mlsludged.
But then, "the world wants TO be de-
cejvcd.' Napoleon III. dabbled, like
most usurUers, n occasional experiments
for the alleged benefit Of the masses, so
as the better to be able to crush the in.
termediate, more cultured classes which
generally prize political rights, 1t is a
policy thpt can be traced from the days
of Greek tyrants into the history of
Eastern despots, and from some
OF the Kings Of the old
French monarchy to the usurper
Car Eor,s Godunod As rule. it need
scarcely be sad there is generally y some
seeming basis for this interference Of the
tyranny with the prevailing institutions
of social economy. In so far he is able
to put on the mask OF benefactor of the
people. But he a'ways .kes good care
neither to go beyond q certain line nor
to hurt his own selfish interests, which
are the grossest bar to public welfare.
His very power is founded on see.saw
game between the propertied and the
dislnherited class, alternately maintain.
ing order, as lie does, for the former, and
craftily holGipg ont allurements to the
latter. BY turns he ether flattcrs or
smites the several classes, until cOwardly
trN
so thoroughly disguised with the long
series OF acts OF violence and trickery
that the de pot at last fallst) the ground
between two stools. There is full
reason, no doubt, for the enactment of
laws of insurance against acci
dents in industrial employment,
and against the helplessness of
workmen in old age. A St..te which goes
by the maxim that in the battle Of life
everything is to belong to the strong is
not in reality civilized State, but merely
a politely reflex of what occurs in the
animal kingdom. Prince Bismark, take
ing his rhetoricel cue from Stocker and
others of that sanity connection,
says that practical Christian
ity" forbids permitting such injustice to
the weak. 1t would, however, be better
to lay the stress on the duties of 'prac-
tical humanity" thus including the to-
tality, instead of q minority, of mankind.
He also declares that "the unprotected
classes must gain the conviction that the
State not only remembers them when
taxes are to be paid and recruits to be
furnished, but that it also thinks of them
when they are to be shielded and to be
supported, so that they, with their weak
forces, shall not be run over and tram
pied down on the great highway of life"
True, but, then, how is it that Prince
Bsmarck's schemes only apply to
the working class of the towns, which
is but a small section of the working
class at large? Let statistics speak |!
Lassalle once endeavored to make ont
that "a per cent. of the population of
Prussia have to live from hand to mouth
Be that as it may lat all events the towns
population in Prussia and throughout
Germany leyen as in France and in
| other Continental conntrlesl consists in
its vast majority of the agricultural class.
Two-thirds if not more, OF the aggregate
population Of the country consists OF
peasants and laborers. One-third only
(burghers and working men) live in the
towns. How is it, then, that Prince
Bismarck, in the fulIness of his practi.
cal Christianity, does not bring forward
any bills for the insurance against acci'
cents and for the sustenance in old aqe
of the laboring classes in the country
Can it be that he merely wishes to set
the two sections of the towns population
in which the Liberal and Democratic
aspirations are chiefly embodied, at log
gerheads, while he carefully avoids
touching the pocket of the landowners ?