New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1882-03-28
LETEES AND THE CONSTITUTION

One reason why the Constitution is often
treated with contempt is that so many people
try to make contemplate thing of it. AT the
outbreak of the war, a certain set OF politicians
dragged their party into disgrace by insisting
that the Nation had no constitutional right to
keep itself alive. Much the same set of men
are now insisting that the Nation has no right
to keep its territory from destructive inunda-
ton. If this were really the sort of Nation that
we have, it would not be worth keeping alive.
Interpreted as these men interpret it, the Con-
stitution would deserve only contempt.
1t is thIeshing cid straw to go over the old
argument of State Rights politicians, that the
Federal Government has no power that is not
granted to it in express terms by the COnstitu-
ton. The wheels of a thousand cannon have
rolled over that dogma, and the heels of a mill
ion armed men have ground it to dust. The
Nation is sovereign and has the powers of a
Sovereign. He who interprets the Constitution
otherwise shows that he is afraid of the people,
and does not dare to trust them at large with
out constitutional handouts.
1t is familiar theory that the Government
ought to be kept as poor and weak as possible,
so that it should not be able to waste the
peoples money. If the people are not fit to
save their own money or to expend it wisely,
they are not fit to govern. Be it granted that
they do not always govern themselves wisely.
They sometimes waste their money; witness
the Arrears of Pensions act and the Silver bill.
But they rule themselves more wisely on the
whole and in the long run than the best and
wisest of their critics could rule them. The
one who is wiser than any body is everybody.
Whether the United States should cOnfne the
Mississippi within proper limits is not a constitu-
tional question. 1t is question of eXpediency.
The States are unfit for the work. Some are
weak, some incompetent, and some lazy
States that have branded themselves with acts
of population cannot save themselves from
overflow if they would. Nor can they act to-
gether, and the work to be done needs for
effectiveness and economy one head, one plan,
one hand, and one perpetual control, from the
Missouri to the Gulf. The United States can
raise the money more cheapy than any State,
can command by mere detail of skilled officers
competent engineers without expense, and can
punish. as no State can. any interference with
any part of the work. If it is to be done at all,
the United States must dc it.
The land belongs to the United States. 1t
is to the interest of the whole Nation that this
land should be made productive. The MlSsls-
sippi River belongs to the United States. 1t is
altogether too big to be left i'll the custody or
care of any State. The whole Nation needs
its free and uninterrupted channel, and the
same expenditure that is necessary to secure
free and cheap transportation by this great in
land sea will also go far to prevent destructive
overflow of the stream in time Of flood. The
river destroys its own usefulness for naviga-
ton because it breaks its boundaries. Con-
fined TO a regulated and proper channel, it would
be forced TO cut out that channel to "a sufficient
depth. Since this is not only the opinion of
practical men who have battled with its waters
for lifetime, but of the ablest engineers who
have studied the problem, it may be safely said
that little more will need to be done to prevent
overflow after the Government shall have i'm
proved the stream for navigation.
If this work is to be done at all, it would be
wise economy TO do it without delay. Whether
done by contract, or under the direction of
officers Of the Government, in either case the
work should at once be placed upon such a
footing that its progress v II not DO inter