Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1882-06-23


To the Editor OF the Morning News:
In a recent issue of the Chicago Evening
Journal l found a paragraph calling upon
Mr.. Conkling 10 give the country the true
reasons for his resignation. As / am con.
versant with all the facts, perhaps can
crafty Governor Shuman's curiosity. was
present at the Chicago Convention in 1880,
and took an active part. j did not vote for
General Grants nomination, and subsequently
at the election did not vote for General
Garfield, 90 i trust wha. i shall say will
not to be regarded as q Stalwart assault upon
the memory of the late presid ent Some of
the hitherto unpublished facts of history are
these: In the early fall of 1880 the country
was startled by the announcement that the
fusion ticket had been elected in Maine.
Almost universal decentralization took hold
upon the Republican party. A stampede
was threatened, odds upon Hancock's elee-
ton were offered and grew larger day by day.
General Garfield, naturally, sought some
means for
CHECKING THE PANIC.
All eyes turned toward Ohio and Indiana,
and every one agreed that the loss of these
States in the October election meant the GER
tain defeat of the party in November. As
they had every reason TO expect, the National
Republican Committee found that the disas-
ter TO Maine played havoc with their finances
The capitalists and great moneyed corpo-
rations of the country have but one plank
in their political platform, viz: resolution
to always support the winning side. When
the fortunes OF the Democracy began to rise
and the Republicans to fall, contributions
to Governor JEWELS committee grew
scarce, and serious inconvenience for
the lack of funds was threatened
1t was General Garfield who hit upon the
plan that saved the party. After making a
contract with Levi P Morton to give him a
cabinet Office or foreign mission if the
house of Morton, Bliss & Co. would start the
subscription with something handsome, he
called on Whitelsw Reed and arranged
scheme for securing help from Jay Gould
and his fellow magnates of Wall street. Upon
the statute books was a law passed by the
Forty sixth Congress in 1873. 1t was popu-
larly called the Thurman bill, and il pro-
vided for the establishment of sinking fund
by the Pacific railway, for the purpose of
extinguishing their Indebtedness to the gov
ernment. This act was
CONTESTED BY THE CORPORATIONS,
and the decision of the Supreme Court was
regarded by them with great concern. For
tunately for General Gsrfeld's plan, he, as
member of the lower house, had opposed the
bill, had attacked its constitutionality, and
had stepped into a corridor while the vote
was being taken, so that his name did not
appear upon the roll. 1t was very easy,
therefore, for him TO commission Whitelaw
Reid to say to Mr.. Gould that if purse
could be raised to help the party in Ohio
and Indiana he would cheerfully, when
elected president, appoint to the vacancy on
the Supreme Bench judge who would
vote the Thurman act unconstitutional.
Such a proposition did not involve
any sacrifice of principles on his part. Mr..
Gould was content enough to make the
trade, but he had had 30 much trouble with
politicians that he had come to the conclu-
sion TO always demand that such matters be
put in writing, not that he doubted that Gen.
eral Garfield was a gentleman of honor, and
would faithfully keep his word, but there
were so many misunderstanding in his life.
If he would just jot it down in little MEM
orandum it might be better than letter. He
[ Mr.. Could was perfectly willing to make
Whitelaw Reid custodian of the letter. He
didn't care about that, SO General Garfield
wrote the letter. Whitelaw Reid put it In his
vault, Mr.. Gould
RAISED THE PURSE
and Ohio and Indiana were saved, 1t has
been said that the sum was $3.50, 900, and
that Secretary Dorsey Pocketed all but $780,
900, but that is probably false.
Nine days after the inauguration Presi-
dent Garfield made good his promise by
sending the name of Justice Stanley Mat
thews TO the Senate. About the same time,
on Sunday in March, 1881, the president
sent an invitation TO Senator Conkling TO
call at the White House. AS 10 what trans
pired at the meeting have no doubt, as
was informed from the lips of the principals
General Garfield expressed TO the senator, in
almost extravagant terms, his kindly feeling
and his desire for a thorough accord in their
labors for the party and their country. Mr..
ConkliDg responded with an equally earnest
wish for the largest success for the new ad-
"And now" finally CALCULATED
he president, II want 10 recognize you and
want your advice regarding the New York
"You misunderstood me-" replied the SEN
ator. 81 have no requests
"oF THAT CHARACTER
ito make. During my career of public SER
rice l have never, save perhaps in one in
stance, sought the appointment of friend
% Office. In that case an old gentleman of
Utica secured the indersement of almost every
citizen of the city, Democrat as we'll as
for a minor position in the con-
'ular service, and / added my signature TO
he request"
"Well," said the president, "if you do not
;are to suggest appointments, will you do me
The favor to carry message to the vice.
president and Senator Plat? Will you say
10 them that / am very much pushed Just
nov? The mob is about me. If they will
collect all of their papers and hold them for
! brief period / will send for them, and
1t all be very glad to observe their wishes"
When Senator Conkling left the executive
mansion he called upon Vice-President Ar
thur and Senator Plat, and communicated
he presidents message. He added that he
,Conkling) had no wish in the matter. but
should be perfectly content with any choice
hey might make. During the succeeding
JUDGE RoBERTsos's NAME