National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1882-03-22

der the coercion act, without opportunity
for defense or knowledge of the charges
against them, is uufriondly treatment of
our Government, and it is gratifying to
know that the state Department is maxi
ing dilgent inquiry into the subject.
The refusal of Earl Granville TO inform
Minister Lowell of the charges upon
which Mr. McSweeney, of San Francisco,
had been imprisoned was too compla-
Gently received by our representative.
The subsequent admonition by Mr..
Lowell that "such persons" a. e., natural
lied citizens of the United Statcs) must
be taught that they cannot be lrishmen
and Americans at the same time was
Yery true as to any Irish-Americans
guilty of encouraging revolt against
British authority, but very un-American
and uncomfortable as applied to worthy
citizens of the United States visiting
in the United Kingdom and conducting
themselves lawfully, but unfortunate
enough to bc suspected by an English
constable or mCrcenary Irish spy and
informer. The better an Irishman loves
his native land the better he loves this
land of liberty and equal opportunities.
AS to the idea that our citizens visiting
in Ireland are to be subjected to the
tyranny which follows the suspension of
all laws for the protection of personal
liberty, we do not believe it. Undoubt-
cdly all persons who visit England from
abroad must obey her laws, and abstain
from contributing in any manner to dis
order Fit can be shown that any Of
our naturalized citizens now in English
prisons have violated any law or in
cited others to disobedience, let them suf-
fer the penalty ofthat law. Aliens in our
country are subject to our laws as we'll as
citizens. But because our citizens in
England are amcnable to English law
it does not follow that they may be
caught in stecl-traps or imprisoned for
life without accusation or trial simply
because English law which protects per-
sonal liberty has been suspended. Eng
land may deal as harshly with her own
subjects as the Judgment of other nations
may consider within the line which sep
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she cannot expect that foreign nations
will see their unoflcndng subjects or cit
izens crushed by her mailed hand or sac
rificcd to her policy in Ireland.
Mr.. Lowell, in his letter to Mr.. Merritt,
our consul-general at London, who had
transmitted the application of an Ameri-
can citizen named Hart, besides using
the phrase TO which exception has been
taken, declared that he could see no
reason for expecting England to dis
tinguish between our citizens and her
own subjects. But she does make that
distinction when she enlists soldiers, and
she may find our Government in WASH
ington insisting that she must give
reasons for depriving American citizens
of liberty, even in localities where she
enforces land laws by suspcnding all
others. Even Mr.. Lowell concluded his
letter to Mr.. Merritt by saying that al
though Hart had no right to be told in
what he had offended, yet Of course, if
there were any facts to show that his
was an exceptional ease, they ought to be
forwarded in order that if injustice had
been done him it might be the subject
of proper action. This was all Hart had
applied for.
The state Department will soon be in
possession of all facts and papers which
could be had from Minister Lowell, and
will no doubt see that justice is done. Our
naturalized friends must have patience.
What they want is to see innocent per-
sons liberated This can be done by a
show of firm purpose. A quarrel with
England is not what is wanted. A vim
dication of naturalzed citizenship is the
desired result Our flag would not be
worthy of respect if it would not shield
an Irish American visiting the grave of
his mother as jealously rs it would guard
one Of Minister Lowell's Harvard chums
on journey through the Orient.