New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1882-12-29
REFORM or CIVIL SERVlCE.

The Civil Service bill which was passed by the
Senate on Wednesday, by the strong vote of
80 to ), is better bill in some important par
ticulars than the one which Mr.. Eaton pre-
sented on behalf of the organized friends OF
Civil Service Reform. 1t embraces a stringent
provision aga nst assessments of officials, which
is on the whole as likely to be satl factory as
any other yet suggested. On the other hand, the
bill is worse than MIR. EatOn's in some respects.
Amendments regarding the selection of persons
for the appointments at Washington, ana some
other changes make the bill intentionally
vague and uncertain in its operation. On the
whole it must be claSsed as an honorable effort
to reach a long desired reform, but the best
that can be expected is that it will prepare the
way for a better measure.
Vaeueness and uncertainty in operation APP
pear unavodaby in the first section. which
prescribes the rules that are to govern appoint
ments. According to the bill the President is
to i'll all Offices of a subordinate sort by seec
ton according to grade from among those
graded highest in competitive examination.
1t would be hard for anybody to say what this
means. If one man should he selected from
among "a hundred who surpassed the rest in an
examination, that would be literal compliance
with the bill So it would be If the President
should he allowed to select from among those
who exceed a certain percentage i'll grading.
OF these there might be not more than one,
however sc that the power of selection would
DO virtually taken away AS this power is
conferred upon the President by the COnstitu-
ton, and he cannot be deprived of it by Con-
gressional enactment, the provision allowing
some latitude of choice seems to have been
necessary ; and yet in the hands of President
disposed to abuse it, the provision Is dangerous.
1t is possible for him to flame such regulations
that his power of selection shall be practically
unrestricted. 1t is quite possible for him to
make such regulations that he can appoint any
man of many who may apply, and the ex
amuatiOns would thus be rendered practically
void.
The Territorial system of representation in
Federal Offices Is an objection to the bill and
may prove a fatal one If twenty men are exam.
med, and grades No. l, b No. 2 and G No. g.
it may happen that the man WHO grades No. 900
is the only one from his State or Territory. In
that case, if the bill means anything, all the men
who have done well in the examination must DO
set aside for man who has not done we'll The
difficulty is complicated by the fact that yacan-
cies that may arise for longtime to come in
the departments at Washington would have
to be filled under the apportioDment plan by per-
sons from States not row largely represented
Twenty places are to be filed, let us say from
persons who hail from States having less than
their proportion in the service. But there ale
ten States having less than their proportion
therefore, the President might appoint two
men from each of the ten States, selecting ac-
cording to grade, or he might appoint twenty
men or less from one State. In the latter case
the examination would be virtually farce.
Not more than five men in all, we will say.
might present themselves from Arkansas, and
all might prove to be of low grade. But one
man from each of five other States, though
passing at higher grade, might BE passed by
under the terms of the bill In order to "equal-
ize" appointments from Arkansas first. These
illustrations only serve to point to an almost