Weekly Chillicothe crisis. (Chillicothe, Livingston Co., Mo.) 1878-19??, 1882-04-27
REAGAN'S RAILROAD TALK.
He Gets in Some Hard Hits That
Make the Co poration At
torneys Vince.
A Corporate Power That Equals the
Feudalism and Aristoc.
rscy of Europe.

A Corporate Power That Equals the
Feudaism and Aristoc.
rscy of Europe.
Swndiers of Stockholders and Rob
bera Of the Public.
Chicago Sentinel
For months the hired attorneys Of
the railroads have been before the con
gressiOnal commerce committee trying
to talk the Reagan bill to death. Last
week, the author Of the bill, Judge
Reagan, closed the debate in two
days speech. Our space permits us,
however to publish only Il synopsis of
it, but enough is published TO show
that 1t was powerful argument and
that the advocacy of the measure has
fallen into g cd hands.
A Washington dispatch says that ii
was strong arraignment of the grasp.
ing character Of the railroad corpora
ttOns, their abuses of their power, and
unjust determinations in favor of GER
tain classes Of shippers, and against
certain other classes, as well rs Il
fOrcible presentation of the merits of
the measure by which lie proposes to
remedy these abuses, as well as its
consttuiiOnality. He devoted some of
bis time to a criticism of the argu.
ments by the railroad attorneys, in
which, as had been expected he was
very severe. Ills scathing denuncia-
tiOn at one time almost provoked an
ugly wrangle between himself and ex-
Gov. Brown, the representative of the
southern railway system, who was the
only railroad representative present.
In opening his remarks, Judge Rea-
gan said be spoke not so much for the
purpose of replying TO the arguments
that had been made by the raiload
attorneys as to show their want of
relevancy to the principle and pur-
poses of the Reagan bill, and that it
was the design of those who made
them to mi3lead, befog and deceive
the committee into hon.actiOn on the
question before them. lie did not
know, he said, of any single matter of
greater Importance TO the country now
before legislative body. Abiding to
the growth of the railroad busnt IS, he
said "rhere is power growing up
in the country which, if not controlled
10y law, would soon establish a cOndi.
tion Of things as much tobe feared as
the feudalism and aristOc attic features
of the governments of Europe in for
mer generations.
BY this he meant the aggregation of
capital, power and influence, and priyi.
leges in the great railroad corporations
Of this country, There were now in
operation, he said, one h'adred thous-
and miles of railroads, REPRESENTING in
cost of construction and equipment
about five billions of dollars, an aver.
age of about fifty thousand dollars per
mile This vast system of railroads
was operated by about two hundred
and fifty thousand men, not including
the thousands of stockholders.
The history of these railroads, he
continued, shows that in the anxiety
Of the people to secure railroad facili.
ties, the railroad men have been able
to secure extraordinary and inconceiv.
able advantages over tile general pub
lie; that in many instances they have
used money unjuslly extracted from
the public to influence elections, legs-
lRtures and courts, ard to aid them in
imposing uni burdens on The people
who granted them the charters Under
which they exist. He continued: 1.-THE
claim is that railroads is private prop.
erty held under contracts and that
they cannot be controlled or regulated
by law-and some of the most promi.
nent railroad managers claim their
right to charge for freight whatever
the commodity will bear--that Is, that
they may, if they choose. charge enough
to cover all the profit, and leave only
enough to the producer to keep him at
work for their benefit" One vast
power he proceeded to say, carrying
not less than s30,000,0O0 worth of
commerce, besides the passenger and
other business for millions of people,
presents to the world the spectacle of
being able to charge whatever rates in
clinatiOn, interest or averice may die.
tate on the commerce between states
without any statutory legislation to
control them. Coming to the argu-
ments made by the attorneys for the
railroads, and their attempt to make
the committee believe that the hest
thing for them TO do was to do nothing,
and leave the management of the rail
road problem to the corporations. He
said: "They treat as impertinent any
attempt on the part of congress to con.
troll or check their masters capacity"
He continued: "Nowhere in history
has such vast power been seen uncon-
trolled by legislation. For several
years these corporations have had pow
er and influence enough to defeat all
the efforts made in congress to regu.
late their monopoly powers; but, If
congress shall continue TO disregard
the rights and interests of the people,
either through imbecility, corruption or
the fear of offending the managers of
these corporations, how long will it be
until they have the complete mastery
of our agricultural, mineral, manufact.
uring and commercial, and, indeed, of
all our material interests; of our gov
ernments, state and federal, including
the legislative, executive and judicial
depsrtmentsP" He spoke of the prob
ability of an aristocracy of wealth.
with unconditional monopolies and
privileges which, if not controlled,
would break down all the barriers of
civil liberty"
The question, he said, was not the
control or the management of railroads,
but whether the people, by the machin.
cry of their government, are to be
masters of their rights or the railroad
corporations to be masters of the peo-
pie, and subvert the constitutional
form Of government. He made a
strong argument in favor of the con.
stitutionality of congressional regula-
tion of commerce between the states,
ouot;nu from, tba oonai ;tution in aun