New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1882-01-27

in which those principles shouid W. nPta% tbe,.
may feel called upon to enunciate 10 me Lufoi
public the principles which form the rue vi MI
policy" Had the understanding we so ehlnrS'at
desire but taken place among the thtee oHci,' ~
the Ouise of the new revolutionary ler'V,, Nv"
different might have been I'll" result Of the besan'
Polish and Italian Revolutions; the RuSHlah mani
festo would not have served as an excuse loI tno
French ornaments: the smaller states NouL. ma mi
known round what Central Power ihry mIgh, tatS
in time of need; the hopes founded nv ihe parry vi
anarchy ON the want of a complete unity among me
leading Powers. and the courage ENGINEERED III "
bv thai dcluson would, finally, not exercise such
preiudicia influence on the puhlIc mlhu rs 10 ho"
unfortunately only too much the case
Only last year the marriage of the Austrian crown
Prince and the Princess Stcphanie of Belgium was
regarded az q most suspicious event, masnuch rs
the Coburgs had always been constitutional SOW
ereiens and the lIapshurg now on the throne ha'
recognized the fundamental rights OF the estates OF
his realm. Yet half a century ago the establish
ment Of the Belgian monarchy called forth THIS
lamentation from Prince Mctternich:
The BELGIAN affair is regarded by our august mas
fer with the utmost adherence however the truth
may Ice disguised. il starts with cOuntenanclng re-
belliOn But since the affair exists as iilouIuIuI
reality il must he taken IN hand anu oiomGh' 10 10
least Unfavorahle conclusion possible. me our
which think alike on this suhlcct-aud place III
tnat category those of Russia Prussia ana our own
have TO resist those influences the eHec; ~ WSn
IL 10 DELAY the progress of the negotiation; lnesc
Influences are the position OF the trench GoNeII'-
ment fhe errors into which the British CABINET
allows itself to he scduced. and finally the nh%lel4-
ing, calculating Obslnacy OF the hllg ol INC ->''i'
CTlands
Tbrourhout the period covered by this volume
the Chancellor was constantly haraSsed by the
foreign intrIgues of the French Government Inc
Orlcauist monarch having entered upon his reign
through the shifting chances of revolution, WAS
liable 10 lose his crown as easily as lac had won II,
and consequently, he made the most strenuous
excrtious to distract public attention by ceaSeleSs
activity in diplomacy. This mcddlesomencss was
constant source Of irritation to Prince Meter
Mich. His adherence of the new Govern
ment was based on three distinct grounds
il was illeutimate in It's origin, ii was
revolutionary in its TENDENCIES, and it was
distrac.ing and mschievous in its tactics. The
great mass Of the state papers contained in this
volume relate 10 the proceedings OF the Government
of Julv-ts attitude in the BcGan-Dutch compiI-
cations its intervention in the Ancona and Antwerp
affairs its convention with the DIyan, concluded by
Admiral Roussin its mediation between Mchcmct
ali and the Porte and its ollciousness in various
entanglements with the Swiss Spanish and Porin-
guese Governments In all thes" episodes
thc Chancellor charged the French Government,
not without reason. with "A deliberate and sys-
tematc attempt, a. he wrote to Count Apponyi, to
cr-roSs. at whatever cost the leading position in
q
confuse the moral sense of Europe bv raising
false issue of non-iGteryertion. In the following
extract from secret dispatch to iIiige in Paris.
written IN $50, Prince Mcttcuuc|s views Of the
Orloarfst Government are frankly disclosed:
If we scrutuize the events Of 1880. and the con-
sequences which 10 10 this moment have resulted
from them. with strict hnt impartial glance we
shall find II impossible 10 look upon them aS any
thing else than n recurrence Of the Revolution of
I-Sl One feature that Is always met with IN
yccurrcnt evil Is its identity with the original evil:
but a notable distinction j. ueVettheless apparent Ia
the objects upnn which II II summoned to exercise
il, ravagcs. The slightest reference 10 the events oil
recent times is sufficient 10 afford the conviction
that such at least, is the case with the Revolution
of 1890 as compared with that Of l1S9 Ia the
earlier Revolution. the univ eTsIl impression we de
rive is that of strength; the later one rs conspcu-
ouslv hears the stamp of weakness. In ! -, the
throne was chete, the Revolution full OF the sap and
viqor of youth; in 1880, the throne could only
point to an existence OF fifteen years ana all me
revolutionary elements were Gillette. but Tor the
faults committed by Louis WILL and Charles y,
the Revolution OF 1880 would never nave exceeded
hc dimensions of a revolt, aad its trumphS, easy rs
they were. have not succeeded in elcvatlng II INTO
anything more than rrohH''R Ge pd'd%: The
pcseut usurpatiOu is characterized 10y elielnlnacY;
Loris Philippe would not nave maintained himself
n single month on NapOeOns throne, even suppoS-
inc he had ever mounted 1t. Doctrines and amb-
tious aspirations are not enough 10 insure stability
70 the Government Of an Empire so agtafcd. The
real Revolution, the Revolution aimed at by the
leaders of the Republican parry. Is the lrrrconcl-
allie enemy of the throne of the 9TH August. That
throne has created nothing for it has not the
power tc create ANYTHING; all 1t can do Is to main
lam IFS own position 1t resembles worthless lamps,
which ONLY light up the vessels containing them, or
Iipht that gives out no heat. Its existence IS cm-
phatcally negative one; it maintains ITS position,
for everything must occupy some place or other
and two things cannot occupy the same place; the
only vitality il can boast OF hes IN the minds of the
II en- whose endeavOrs fixed on the one object of
discovering III ians to prop up It's existence. |
rcpeat. the throne of the 9TH August has created
nothing and will create nothing, Tor disorder is
aft.lt Ittz n ltaV Ia
mcutS at its disposal than those which emanate
from disorder or lead to it. Thus all the efforts of
the French Government are pcTsIstently directed
to weakening foreign countries. IN the results 0l
that policy II hopes to find the means for its own
existence and preservation. The existence OF
thrones and even that of any Governments which
derive their strength from the sanction of time.
seems in its eyes . standing menace to the stability
of it, own existence feeling its own weakness. 1t
p9ralytIc or newly created. but feeble as that of
1890 In default of being able to create anything,
if has been forced to content itself with an invention,
and the only result it has been able 10 produce Is
the so-called principle OF non-lnterventlon.
The catastrophe of 1915 not unforeseen by the
Chancellor. but it occurred at least fifteen years
after the date which his preiudices and hopes had
set for another uphcaval in French politics The
Orcanist Government in reality rested on more
stable foundations than he imagined, and. despite
the facility with which il was finally overturned, it
was strongly entrenchcd in popular favor. The
Chancellor had no sympathy WIN liS liberal ZEN
denotes. He did not have the faintcst suspicion
that it was opening the way for the final triumph
of an orderly and progressive republic. He
looked upon it only as disturbing force
that was breaking up the Europe Of
1915. and when he finally succeeded in
bringing the Gar Nicholas face TO face with his
own sovereign at Munchengratz and in negotiating
a secret convention by which the three Courts of
St Petersburg Vienna and Berlin contracted for
NAL engagements to oppose any application of the
French principle Of non-interyention. he cOngratu-
lated himself upon having effectually protected tine
Continent against the influx Of democratic ideas and