Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1882-09-07
THE LOSS RY sIRIKES.


We publish in another column an article
on this subject which demonstrate that
strikes are not the remedy 10 cure the evils
about which the laboring classes complain.
When labor was scarcer than now, the labor
ing classes had the advantage of their en-
ployers, who generally yielded to the de-
mand forincreased wages. But the resalts Of
recent strikes show that the strikers are the
sufferers. This fact is not reassuring to the
laboring classes of the country. We sympa-
thizs with them, but sympathy can devise
nothing to change the natural laws that
govern business. The salient point in the
controversy between employers and employed
so far az the rights of the parties are con-
cerned, has been epitomizsd thus: Any indi-
vidual working for another has a right at
any time to demand an increase of wages or
shortening of the hours of labor, or both
these advantages II he ia denied his de-
mand he has a right 10 cease 10 labor, being
governed in the premises by no other
restraint or Limitation as 10 the time of
quitting than are imposed by common sense,
good 1alth and -siinnlalinn,- sfaAnifn
implied, under which he has placed himself.
Any number of individuals have a right 10
combine and cooperate for their own ad-
vantage, or supposed advantage, and do in
body what they might do Individually, sub
iect only to the limitations which would rest
On individuals. Employers have the abso-
lutte and unquestionable right to determine
what they can afford or what they will pay
Tor given service, and plain moral obi
CATION rests upon them to free their action
from caprice, 10 make no unusual or unnec- |
essary demands and not to discharge an en- |
ploye without good cause or reasonable |
notice. The rights OF the parties as here
stated cannot be denied by any person hav-
ing a reasonably clear perception of the /
principles which underlie the superstructure |
OF society in a government of law and
justice. This being true, no one has the
right to blame either the strikers or
the employers, as both are acting on their
personal rights. 1t is the misfortune of labor
IN this and all other countries that it Is un.
able to starve capital az capital starves the
laborer. As rule strikes fail, because
they commence the war on terms as unequal
as the army which goes into battle without
ammunition. When a combination of labor
opposes a combination of capital, as the
result OF the many strikes of late demon
strates, capital can afford to wait, can calcu-
late the strength OF the opposition, and take |
advantage of the demand for employment.
while labor must be daily lodged, and
clothed, and fed, and can fight but blindly |
against an opponent OF unknown Resources 4
The surrender of labor, in q war with capt.
tai, is only question of time. Thisis to be |
but it is true. The same causes
that forced the surrender of Lee will control | {
the war between capital and labor. Il is
enough, but it is a fact. Even
when the employers yield 10 the strikers.
hey are but bidiDg their time, for sooner or
alter the keen competition of labor gives :
lin once more the key to the position. II
) then the strikers are made to feel that a '
commentary concession but lily compensaies
or the los incurred while engaged in theI t
trike. Even if they secure the advance OF C
RACES demanded, this gain is more than l
by concomitant losses-di- Il
ectly, in living expenses while the strike t
as going on, and indirectly by contributions 4
} the general resistance fund, in habits of
ileness incurred and in the alienation Of t
lie good will of the employers. 1t is seldom \
lat strikes benefit the strikers. The facts 4
: the laboring classes, as they show that the \
lmerous strikes of late have contributed TO | n
e suferings OF the laboring classes.