Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1882-02-23
APPORTIONMENT FOR REP
RESENTATIVES.
Speech of Hon. j. L. Updegraff in the
House of Representatives, Feb. 10.

| limited SnOulQ De gldu 10 examine SOno
III the provisions of this bill more at
length than it now will be possible to
do. 1t seems to nae SO Objectionable that
it eannUt be fully characterized by any
language which would be strictly par
liamentary. But its full discussion is
the less important from the fact that it
Is not, in my judgement, at all likely to
be indorsed by this House.
Mr.. Hazleton. Mr.. Speaker, l hope
wetmay have order, that the gentleman
may be heard.
The Speaker The House will be in
order
i Mr.. Updegraff Yes, Mr.. Speaker, l
know members are somewhat tired of
this bill, and it is late in the day, but
have often patiently listened to some
members who are now out of order
when they were making as poor speeches
as this, and that is saying geod deal.
[Applause.l
Mr. Speaker, it is only to single point
that shall call attention. The gentle
man from New York, (Mr. Prescott }
who is chairman of the Census Commit
tee, and who introduced this bill, vsunt-
ed the wealth of his State as reason
for her increased representation. He
tells us that New York holds S210,364,-
25O of the nations bonds and one-ffth
of the bank capital of the United States.
| That the assessed value of her taxable
property is 1855, ,139, 1873, and that her
| citizens held nearly three-fourthS Of the
gold certificates of the country, and pay
S17, ,283, 1893 of internal revenue. He then
says:
Am to be met with the claim that wealth,
the sinew for the support of the Government
and her bulwark of defense counts nothing in
| representation? That such was not the de-
sign of the founders of the Constitution is
self-evident Taxation and representation
they considered joint factors for their blows
| for freedom.
| Mr.. Speaker, it is to vindicate the
truth of history and to refute this asper
sion on the work and the fame of that
august convention which framed our
Constitution that L have asked the at
| tention of the House. In that conven-
ton three times was the suggestion to
make property or wealth the basis Of
representation brought forward. and ev-
cry time and promptly was it as signifi-
cantly repudiated as this bill will be by
| this House lApplause.1 =-
On the 5th of July, 17S7-when the
convention met after two days ad-
| iournment to celebrate the 4th-Mr.
! Rutledge, of South Carolina, moved this
proposition:
That the suffrage of the several States be
regulated and proportioned according to the
sums paid toward the general revenue by the
inhabitants of each State respectively, and
that an apportionment of suffrages, according
| to the rule aforesaid, shall be made, &c.
Mr.. Rutledge advocated the plan. He
said:
Property was certainly the principal object
of society, and if numbers should be made the
rule of representation, the Atlantic States
would be subjected to the Western.
The proposition was brought to aSote.
| The voting was by States. South Caro-
lima voted aye. Nine States voted no
Massachusetts, Conpeeticut, New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina;
| Georgia was absent; and it is but justice
to say that Mr.. Pinkney, of South Caro-
lima, was opposed to the principle, but
the majority of delegates from that State
favored it. On two other occasions it
was brought before the convention, but
never again came to vote, so strong
was the opposition to it. On the 9th of
June, 1887, when this matter and the
relative power of iheS States was under
discussion, Mr.. Patterson, of New Jer-
sey, made the following striking argu-
ment. He said:
There is no more reason that a great indi>
! vidual State, contributing much, should have
more votes than a small one, contributing lit
tie, than that a rich individual citizen
should have more votes than an INDECENT one.
If the taxable property of A was to that of B
as forty to one, ought A for that reason to
have forty times as many votes as b? Such
a principle would never be admitted, and if it
were admitted would put B entirely at the
mercy of A. AS A has more to be protected
than B, so he ought to contribute more for the
common protection. The same may be said
of large State, which has more to be pro
tected than a small one. Give the large States
an influence in proportion to their magnitude,
and what will be the consequence? Their am.
bition will be proportionately increased and
the small States will have everything to fear.
Such, Mr. Speaker, was the action and
such the language of the trainers of our
| Constitution. Though they had lived
under the influences of an aristocratic
Government, the true principles of re-
publican liberty seemed to come to them
as revelation. On the question of
property qualification for voters, Colonel
Mason, Of Virginia, said:
We all feel too strongly the remains of an
cient preiudices, and view things too much
through British medium. A freehold is the
qualification in England, add hence it is i'm
agined to be the only proper one. The true
idea, in my opinion, is, that every man hsv'
ing evidence of attachment to, and permanent
common interest with, society, ought to share
in all its rights and privileges.
A century of freedom and progress
finds many Americans far behind these
great founders of our liberties in just
appreciation of republican principles,
although they were then untried in the
world After our Constitution had been
framed, it's principles were ably and
badly advocated. In the fifty-seventh
number of the Federalist, Madison,
speaking of the qualifications of Repre-
sentatives, says:
Who are to be the electors of the Federal
Representatives. Not the rich more than the
poor; not the learned more than the ignorant;
not the naughty heirs of distinguished names
more than the humble sons of Obscurity and
unpropitious fortune. Who are to be the OBJ
ieets of popular choice? Every citizen whose
merits may recommend him to the esteem and
confidence of his country. No qualification
of wealth or birth or religious faith or civil
profession is permitted to fetter the judgment
or disappoint the inclination of the people.
These facts of history fully attest the
| views and the spirits of the men who
framed our Government. Let US follow
these true lights now as best we may in
: all our work. If we do we shall hear no
: claim for power in any measure of
5 wealth or bonds or bank stock or gold
! certificates. New York is grand State
{ ThrOned in beauty, with one foot on the
| inland seas and one upon the oceon, she
4 is indeed an Empire State" But it is