Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1882-02-24

OUR FOREIsN POLICY.
Since the war so many important domestic
matters have engaged the attention of the
people of the United States that compare
| lively little attention has been given to the
condition of our relations with foreign pow
ers. Proceedings indicating the beginning
Of actual operations upon the Panama canal
have made this abstinence from attention to
those relations no longer capable of preser-
vation- The war between Peru and Chill
has, by its consequences, also made such at
Iention necessary. Mr.. Blaine and the
| United States representatives TO the nations
| at war interfered in both questions in man
ner that did not meet the public sentiLeci,
and the line of policy that was initiated by
the three has been abandoned. The New
York World, assuming that under all these
circumstances we cannot sit still, saying and
doing nothing, asks what the foreign policy
of the United States is TO be, now the Elaine
system is overset? American interests and
American honor have to be sustained, but by
what kind of policy? Is the United States
.till to retain its guarantee ard protection
to "any modes of communication that now
exist, or may hereafter exist" on the territory
described in the United States treaty with
New Grenada? Is the influence of the United
States government to go for nothing in the
final arrangements between Chill and Peru,
or are those arrangements to be inspired by
people of trading European nations whose
commerce has obtained predominance
over ours in those countries, owing
to our commerce being confined in the swad-
ding clothes Of parental protection? With |
out any will of ours these questions have |
become living issues, and whether we will or |
not, with or without our cooperation, they |
will have their solution. Those solutions /
will closely sf-ct the United States when
from paper agreements they assume the
sctuality of moving powers and principles.
they assumed when the Monroe doctrine was
propounded to The wor d. or to take the part
OF junior partner to Great Britain, as appears
to be assigned TO them by the Clayton Bull yer
treaty? The Blaine policy has been set aside,
but these questions remain; on what policy
are they to be answered? Are we to relax
with compliance, or to stand firm with strong
pAihCAPiCs VIC hdtC uO nav VIC nave, Will
true mother-in-law fondness, protected
American shipping until the American Fl sg
has become a rare sight in every seaport
in the world, and we have so sedulously
our commerce that England,
France and Sweden can do more business
with our neighbors on this continent than
Having given up so much, is it
{ Il. L.
power and influence that the American peo-
pie INDUCED in when Monroe was president?
Ought We not to be satisfied with keeping
English iron, French lace and German
knitted wares from ente ring our PORTS, so
hat the abeence of competition shall do
.way with any need for invent pg new
machinery or making improvements in our
abric? Is not this attention to trade, these Z
Influences that will build up wealthy and I
paramount class, the careful enfort ement of !
system of taxation that will compel foreign
countries to further their trade and Increase ,
heir influence over the various republics on
his continent, while assuring to ourselves 9
bsence of competition and mutual trade |
nth each other-is not this the true, paying t
'olicy? The British minister who ia in
with our government main t
aims that the commercial interests of Great /
Britain. in the waters of the New World a
ntitle her to an equal voice with the United r
tates in the control of those waters; but need
re care about that as long as we can keep /
british merchandise from gaining a footing
q our markets? We are nation of fifty il
,iilion souls; rapidly increasing our 4
atural productions; we are building factories :
nd mills and shops; in time We shall have
nore goods than the country can con- v
ume, we already have more grain
nd cotton than I've require for home use; =
ut those are subjects which can be laid aside +
Thile we consider how we can re-impose the p
Ak upon quinine, and makes sure that our
'essemer steel, and Syracuse salt, and Louis =
ana sugar are sufficiently protected against a
oreigners sending any Of their iron, salt or b
ngar to our ports. The talk about Ameri-
an honor is mere sentiment; honor produces =
o profits. The extension OF American infu- Fl
nee by sustaining Monroe doctrines and SIM
ar distractions is Quixotic and absurd
We want something that will protect us from
'reign competition, and give US a fair per il
entage on cur capital; that is acting upon Il
considerations from a solid basis.
american flags floating on every sea, Amer
IAN influence growing and predominating,
-merican power increasing and command
ig respect in every court and legislature &
,roughout the world-such things are mere
gments; we want protecting so that we can
lake good profits, build upour fortunes, and W
rasp the SEXUAL, solid realities of life. With b
sound and money-making policy like this,
he Panama canal question, the Peru and to
hill question, the Clayton Bulwer treaty, IL
nj all such rubbish, can be left for Eng ..
md, France or Germany to settle, if they OF
ant them settled, while We make good for
ines out of handsome profits secured to US al
= the Notwithstanding power OF ample pro- m
ction.
The q mbrOse SHIFTS. 81