The Evening critic., 1882-05-29
Why Gladstone Fails.

Ihe history. OF EngllSn rule IN lrelanu,
eventful as it has been for moro than three
centuries, was never so interesting and GER
tainly never appealed to the common sense
and feeling of the world at large as at this
moment. On the surface the existing stu
alton is not altogether dissimilar to fre-
ouent other situations in the past, when
the efforts of Irishmen for the betterment
of their political condition have disturbed
the current of British events. In general,
we hear now the same passionate appeals
of Irish eloquence and see the same strong
struggling of Irish spirit on the one hand,
met by the same phlegmatic English cyni-
cism and the same cool English brute force
on the other, that have always character
ized the contentious of the two peoples.
The new policy of the English Ministry
has now progressed far enough to make it
clear to every discerning mind that in such
of his measures as are calculated to be of
actual benefit to Ireland, Mr. Gladstone is
not sustained by English public opinion,
while those in which he is sustained by
English public opinion are not calculated to
be of actual benefit to Ireland. 1t is OBJ
served now as heretofore that, however
widely or bitterly Englishmen may differ
on any other class of subjects, they are
unit on all questions of policy affecting
Ireland. We do not speak now of the doc
trine of Irish independence or separation
from the United Kingdom-which the Eng
lish themselves describe by the very conve-
nient term "secession"-but of the class of
doctrines, such as Home Rule and Reform
of the Land Tenure, which are based upon
q primary admission Of the integrity of the
Union or United Kingdom. Much as has
been heard Of late about English Radical
ism, or Republicanism, as represented
by exponents like Sir Charles Dixie,
or even the more violent Bradlaugh, it does
not require close scrutiny of the situation
to discover that there is a vast dispropor-
tion of noise to meaning in the movement,
and that after all no serious inroad has
been made upon the mass of tradition,
precedent and custom, which is termed
the British Constitution" The mobs of
the great manufacturing centres are unruly
and turbulent, as they always have been; but
the real genius of the English people is still
the stolidest type of conservatism, and the
actual ruling forces of public opinion are
still the blindest reverence for ancient
forms and the most dutiful Difference to
time-honored privileges. The Queen is to
an Englishman's politics what the image of
the Blessed Virgin is to Spaniards re-
ligion, the visible symbol of the purity Of
his faith, while landed aristocracy is to
the former what the priesthood is to the
ba rraotiaol Of Al IL,
volyed in his creed.
Thus the existing system of Land Tenure
in Great Britain is an inseparable part, not
only of the social, but of the political
structure, and every rejecting Englishmau
realizes that any scheme for the partition
of the vast estates upon which the ars-
tocracy is based is blow aimed at tn,
centre of the British Government, ant
thereby necessarily the beginning of tn,
end of erything thst he has been taugh
to revere 10 society and of everything tina
he has been educated to consider indis
pensable TO sound government. The fac
that the land does not now represent th,
chief property value of hecountry, or tina
its tillage has become subordinate indus
try through the competition of new agri
cultural developments elsewhere does no
alter tn e social or political importance o
its possession. Rent-rolls may diminish
and estates depreciate in money value; ole
seats may pass into the hands of plebeial
tradesmen or untitled factory-owner
suddenly grown rich but for all that, it'll
in fee simple to the soil still remains tn
badge Of social status and the stepping
stone to political pow-r.
This feature of British institutions
common alike TO all three members of th
United Kingdom, and therefore the argu
ment in favor of its overthrow as to an
part applies equally to the whole.
there is good reason why the Ministr
should assume the burden Of the arreai
of Irish farmers this year, the landlords {
England and Scotland DO not need muc
wisdom TO foresee tnat there win be goo
reason for application of the principle I
the arrears of English and Scotch farmer
next year. The same logic applies to th
question Of peasant proprietary. In shor
no syisem can be devised for the relief q