The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1882-10-18

10 W01cl U6p6nQS 6ll06E upon 1Ho Will VI bOulo
clique or faction or the voice of a majority
which, however honest it may be, has by no
means been authorized to act for the individu-
ais constituting the party within its assumed
jurisdiction. The corruption OF the party pri-
mary is Of such notoriety as to have become
the subject of universal jest. The exercise of
undue influence, even the buying OF votes at
primary elections, is thing so common sS to
be hardly thought worthy OF concealment
Even when the initial stage OF voting has been
conducted with reasonable fairness, the result
of the primary is not seldom question of
grave doubt. The counting of the votes, the
announcement OF the result and the granting
of the credentials, are all separate steps in
which fraud is as frequently traceable as in
the utteraDce of u forged bill of exchange
These things are unquestonably true and gem
orally accepted as true with regard to all par
ties in different localities. There are, no
doubt, very many instances throughout tho
country where no such fraudulent practices
have ever prevailed. There are unquestiona-
bly, townships, perhaps counties, in which no
undue influence has ever been exerted in The
control of the primaries; where no vote has
been bought and no false return has been made
in the interest of any faction or candidate. Yet
it is more than probable that nearly every
thinking man in every party honestly believes
such instances TO be exceptional, if not sare.
So far as these two elements of this plank in
the platform of the New York Republicans are
concerned, there is very little room for serious
ence of the land will indorSe them fully.
1t is the third element which is of peculiar
if not entirely novel character and with regard
to which the widest difference of opinion may
reasonably be expected to prevail Can the
evils which have been referred to be cured by
legislation? The question is not altogether
new in political speculation. In one sense it
may be said to have been incorpor-
ated In the laws OF some other States.
Yet tfis regulation of the primary
statute, which has been attempted elsewhere.
is, as we shall see hereafter, weak and ineffee-
tual in comparison with that promised in the
broad and lucid terms of this resolution. It has
certainly not been subject of general discus
sion OF late either in the public press or among
The people. The most jealous opponents of the
party system OF government, the most earnest
and emphatic opponents of "Bossissm" have
not formulated any statutory remedy for these
evils or established in the public mind airy
definite plans by which the defects of the pres
ent system might be obviated or seriously
checked by legislative action. Before answer
ing the inquiry, whether these evils are cura-
BILE by legislation without impairing the sys-
tenn of government by parties in republic, it
is necessary to examine with some care the
growth and character of this system and deter
mine first whether it is desirable that it should
be retained at all.
Previous to the establishment of our govern
ment Democracy had never been tested on anv
very extensive scale. The walls of q single
city, or the boundaries of district which a
days journey even then might span, limited
the only examples of the Democratic expert
ment which the world had ever known. Even
these were what the average American voter
would at once declare to be of debased and
modified type Self-government as the right of
the individual-the equal opportunity and
equal power of every citizen in determining
and directing the policy and conduct of gov
ernment-had been established only in theory.
1t is beyond question that the founders Of our
Republic never contemplated any such method
of determining the public will as obtains under
our present system of party organizations. 1t
| was the belief and the expectation of the faith
| ers of the Republic that each individual citizen
| would exercise his right as member of the
self-directiDg body polite at the polls by vot-
| ing not for an idea, but for a man. 1t was no
doubt believed and desired in the election, for
instance, OF meMbers of Congress, that the indi-
| vldual voters would express their preference
for representative-not because of his advo-
cacy OF any especial Dogma but because of
their general belief in his intelligence, capaei-
| ty and integrity. In other words, the plan of
| government devised was intended to result in
| the selection OF the most capable Lawmakers
| and administrators, and not to establish the
performance of any particular theory which
the voters might desire to be carried into effect
Their idea of republic was that the citizens
| should choose rulers. 1t was no doubt hoped
that the intelligence, honesty and patriotism of
majority of voters would result in the election
| in the majority of cases, of the wisest ablest
and most patriotic of the citizens Irrespective
| OF the peculiar views which those chosen
| might chance to entertain. Men, it was be-
lieved, would be selected strictly on account of
| their own individual worth-not because of
| any political association they might have or
| any principle to which they might be dew ted.
| This idea is a most fascinating one, and within
| the past few years has formed the basis Of
more than one attempt t. rebuild Utopia In
| our midst. Theoretically, it is perhaps the
most beautiful plan upon which human society
was ever organized. Practically, it proved an
utter failure, almost before it had been put
into operation. The American people carried
the principle of sef-governmept step farther
than the fathers of the Republic had ever CON
! templated. In plain terms, they insisted upon
| doing the governing themselves, and making
| those who were intended to be their rulers,
| simply their agents They insisted upon
choosing men to represent, not their authority,
| but their ideas also. Instead of selecting in
dividuals to think for them, they persisted in
choosing men to carry their own thoughts,
their decisions into effect. Instead of select
ing their representatives simply upon the basis
OF individual worth, general ssgacity, and ex-
allied patriotism alone, they made the prime
qualification of such representatives that they
should uphold and maintain certain specific
ideas.
From this irresistible inclination of people to
govern themselves in their own way arose our
modern idea of party government, and from it
grew, by gradual development, our present
system of party organization. The machine
which we are accustomed to hear SO glibly re-
Vlled has the advantage over all the rest of
our governmental organization in being a
growth and not an invention 1t was not de-
ylsed BY any man or set of men for their own
advantage or for any specific or Interior pur-
pose. 1t grew naturally and necessarily out of
the spirit underlying our form of government
1t is a logical extension, a healthful develop
ment, of the spirit of self-governmeDt. 1t is
the town meeting made universal. Il is the
means by which the American spirit sought to
bind on every mans shoulders his portion of
the public burden and to secure to him his
due share in the right of self-government 1t
is the very perfection of LiDcon's idea of "a
government of the people, by the people and
for the people" 1t is in theory complete
system of government by majoritles Stripped
OF flaws and impertection, it becomes perfect
system for ascertanlng the will of the majority
IS to what constitutes the greatest number in
self-governing community. 1t 10 the only
plan which has yet been devised or developed
by which a nation can extend its domain i'll
definitely and yet maintain in its purity the
theory of Republican government.
The American party differs from the kindred
idea which had existed in previous government
tai forms, chiefly in two respects. First, it be-
gins with the voter The individual const-
tutes its prime integer. The idea upon which
it is based constitutes not only its directing
force, but also its rdiS0n d'etre. 1t must exist
in the minds of the citizens before party can
Do erected on 1t. Even the English party,
which is most nearly related to our own, is Of
ten without formulated principles on which to
stand. The member of Parliament is very
much less an exponent of the thought of his
constituents than the American legislator, and
more nearly analogous an attorney, with dis
cretiJnary power to act on their behalf. With
us the party must always be built upward from
| the mudsill. A, B and @, individual voters
become possessed ofsa common idea which
they esteem Insufficient importance to demand
the subordination thereto of all other political
notions. Others unite with them and accept
their view of its Importance. 1t spreads and
grows until it has infected to greater or less
degree the universal thought. Then those
holding to this idea meet in the primary, in
township or ward, choose delegates to repre-
sent them in the county, and they in turn au-
thorize the State and National conventions.
This, in brief, is the genesis of party in our ac-
ceptance of the word. 1t is not only collec-
ton of individuals favoring a common pur-
pose, but that purpose must be of such para
mount Importance as to put all other political
questions for the time being in allegiance. If
the idea on which it rests is broad enough and
strong enough to impress the country with a.
belief in its paramount necessity, it grows I'M
til it has a majority and the reins of power
pass into the hands of its representatives.
Theoretically, our idea of party is modelled
on the most advanced principles of democracy
which underlie our governmental system. 1t
is republic within the Republic. 1t is an
adaptation of our legal methods and municipal