The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1882-09-24
THE CRY OF MONOPOLY.
The Civil Equality OF All Men.

To THE EDITOR OF THE SuN-Sr: As I in
timatcd at the close OF my last preceding paper
shall end this discussion with an application
OF our protested principles Of human equality
to men Of all races and conditions. whether
born upon our soil or coming here from other
lands. We began our national life with the
solemn public declaration that all men are Gre
ated free and equal. and have an equal right to
life. liberty and the pursuit Of happiness.
Circumstances rendered the immediate and
universal accomplishment Of this great princi-
pie impractcable. African slavery existed at
the time OF the Declaration OF Independence
in all OF tho thirteen colonies After the
colonies had become States. while II was
assumed that slavery would In no long
time disappear from the eight Northern and
Middle States. IL was also assumed that it
would remain indefinitely In the five Southern
States. In the latter. slaves OF the African race
were tho only laborers. and although. unlike
tho Roman law OF slavery. the law Of none Of
our States put the life Of the slave in the
absolute power OF tho master tho principle Of
our slavery was that the labor Of the slave was
the property Of the master. and that the owner
ship could be transferred ike the ownership Of
any other chattel. SO completely was this system
OF property in slaves interviewer with tho whole
texture OF society in the States whore the re-
was virtually no other form of labor. that when
the political institutions Of the country came
to be framed in the Constitution Of the United
States. it became necessary to give certain
guarantees to the right OF the States to main
tain this kind Of property: for without this
concession tho new Union demanded by the
exgencies and the welfare Of the country
never could have been formed. 1t thus became
an unavoidable result that from the tree insti-
tutions of the country and the equal rights, Of
apparent inconsistency became n matter Of
great reproach TO us in foreign countries both
not wish we'll to our new institutions. Among
ourselves. the public duty OF maintaining the
Union Of ne States ulon the principles on
felt and faithfully acted upon for three genera
tons. At length sectional conflict. resulting
eliminated in Il sectional civil war, at the close
OF which IT. was swept away forever by certain
Let us now see what are the bottom prin-
ciplcs of those amendments, In the first place,
can hold odd the e ownership Of another mans abo o
In the second SSe they made al
United States and Of the State in which they
reside, In the third place. they made it i'm;
| life. liberty. or property without due process
| Of law" which means judicial sentence. In the
state to deny to any person within its ,nrisdic
ton the equal protection of the laws. Finally:
e9ey ahe @skns any ts
between citizens on account of their race color.
or.previous condition of servtude.
1t is plain then. that we are living under
set of constitutional principles that are funda.
mentally. different from those which prevailed
tiona history. The spirit Of these new prnc-
| pies is that. in respect to certain civil rights.
difference Of race that there shall be no claim
| by one man to the labor OF another that is not
| founded on voluntary contract. and that every
whole domain
Ell BY the laws. The amendments Of the Cen.
that H''t the power Of Congress to MAKE make
uniform laws for the NATURALIZATION Of for
inasmIch as the right Of suffrage in tho State
| OF residence follows naturalization for all
hardly to be considered as proper per for Congress
| to discriminate in the naturalization of for
eigners AGAINST any race whatever Now, in
portunities for employment. can it be proper
iorany State either 70 shape its legislation SO
~ to create ine1ualties by actual discrimna-
| ton. or to give less degree of protection to
race Of nS.9 hsS IL the mater a oi free
| to allow men Of one nationality TO exclude
men Of another from the labor market by com
| binations which aim TO monopolizc employ
| ment for those who make the combnationst
These considerations are worthy of serious
| the spirit and the letter OF the cons titutionai
amendments, or else to ignore the great
changes which they have introduced and re-
! sort &c determinations which they We're in
| tended to abolish. II we legislate TO prevent
the Chinese, or any other race. from coming
| here. we shall not only shut out certain
amount Of useful labor. but we shall virtually
say that we will have no more citizens OF the
| If We legislate in our States. or in Congress
| lsupposinG Congress to have amy control over
the subject. so as to put il in the power of men
Of any nationality, Of origin, to exclude men OF
| any other nationality from the labor market or
Il we refrain from securing to men Of al ma
! dispose Of their labor we shall encounter
constitutional provision that was designed TO
PUT AL men upon an e1uaiitX-not an equality
an equality of right to dispose Of that which is
| their own.
We can already see that demands are made
! for legislation which will lead US into conflicts
tona ameniments; and why should we
! allow the, supposed conflict between capt.
tai and labor TO be- made the means or oc-
] casion for assisting one or two or more natiun-
alites to exclude men of any other national,
/ ity from an equal chance in the labor market?
| great purposes OF the constitutional amend
mcnts, but il would be injurious to the inter
s2a a Gn na s ss Ths naDn that Gs
those who ., happen to be- today IN
amy right f'F'sn eHsSGa 5h S
from that employment would il ii were
practically carried out. be AZ bad for labor rs 1t
would be for capital because II would necrs-
sarlly cripple enterprise and SO contract 4l the
fields Of labor Itwould be lighting one alleged
| would have u very direct tendency to drive
capital out OF the investments which now So
directly and efficiently promote the prosperity
and welfare OF the country The true way to
solve the difficulties between capital and labor
is to keep the labor market absolutely free and
open: to secure practically to every man VINO
has labor to sell FREQ and open chance TO sell
it Tor Whatever II will bring. according To- ITS
value, and not to put, or a low to be put. into
the hands of any one class OF men. or oi several
classes the power TO take the determination of
what wages II business Will bear out OF the
hands Of those whose right it Is to settle the
value Of the commodity which they want. both
in respect to the kind of labor and the capacity
OF the individuals who are to furnish it,
In its political ASPECTS. as between parties. |
care very little about the whole matter. One
thing. however. seems very plain to me. Tho
democratic party. If it now has any great pub
lie reason for its continuance H. an organized
party. and for obtaining II victory over the op-
ponent party. must lind that reason in what 1t
can accomplish of II reform in tho genera. Coy
eminent. TO cnoctuate rctorniut ION in the
civil service, To put an end to the abominable
practice OF assessing public officers Tor the eX-
pcnscs ol political campaigns, which Is nothing
hut u gathering of Il corruption iundto main
tain u party in power: to put the Government
once more on the track of tho Constitution by