New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1882-05-21
pRAc7JcAL MEASURES FOR IRELAND.


warns them against placing implicit confidence
even in the most thoroughly digested schemes
OF legislation. The Coercion act of last year
was most carefully drawn and exhaustively
discussed, and the Land bill was the outcome
of prolonged anal laboricus session, yet III
each case the judgment of those who favored
and also of those who opposed those measures
was not sustained by practical tests of expert
ence. This was not an ordinary illustration
of the talbilty Of human Judgment 1t was not
strange that political forecast should be upset
and that popular expectations should be uniul-
filled A successful solution Of the Irish problem
would have been a greater surprise than com
plete failu re- when the processes employed
were as artificial as the factors and results
were complex. What was remarkable WAS the
fact that the theoretical calculations of the
advocates, critics and opponents of those
measures should be reversed--that success
should be achieved where failure was
dreaded, and that failure should ensue
where success was confidently expected.
Tie Land bill worked well where it
was either assumed or feared that it
would work badly, and it broke down where
resistance and friction were least anticipated.
In like manner the practical effects of the CO.
erciOD act were an unexpected revelation 10
friend and foe Certain results which had been
looked for did not follow, and other results which
had pot been looked for did follow. This applies
with equal force to the operations of the Dis
establishment act, the Land bill of 1870 and
the Bright clauses. This experience naturally
tends to create a feeling Of distrust for what
ever is theoretical or experimental in egisla-
ton When new scheme OF repression or
ali unt1ied remedial device is proposed,
the practical working of the measure
will be a matter of greater concern to
the English people than the abstract ideas
on which it is based, or the theories of human
ature OF government procedure which it EN-
bodies.
Take for example, the Arrears bill which
has been introduced by Mr.. Gladstone. The
first question which will naturally arise in an
Englishmans mind is this: Is it scheme
that will work, or is it complicated piece OF
legislative mechanism like the Land act that
Will soon get out of gear and break down?
Until that question can be answered satsiaC-
torily the tendency will be to waive all cOnsid
erations of abstract right and public expedi-
ency. Our own conjecture is that 1t can be
SO answered. While applications are made TO
County Judges and the act is administered by
a commission, there is less likelihood of a
block in the machinery than there was in the
operation of the present Land act. The reason
is close at hand. The mutual interests of
landlord and tenant will promote settlements
in and out of court. The tenants business
before the commission or the county magistrate
will be to prove his inability to pay his arrears
OF rent He will have the aid of his neighbors
and of his landlord as well. The landowner who
has found it impossible to collect his rents for
three years will he anxious to compromise OF
the basis of two-thrds if there be a reasonable
chance of his getting his money regularly in
future. 1t will be for his interest to allow his
tenant to &c into court and make " a poor
debtors OATH" and he will not be apt to OPP
pose the claim. He will agree in advance to
stand aside, and in this way will secure a third
of his arrears from the tenant and as much
more from the Government. Such a bill will
not be likely to promote litigation. 1t will
lessen it, by facilitating settlements in the
county courts. In its practical opera
ton it can scarcely fail to be far
more effective than the Land bill. Of
the moral aspects of the measure very little
can be said. A bill which tempts a debtor to
exaggerate his poverty and creditor to act
iii collision with him in obtaining a Govern
ment grant may restore peace in the island,
but it cannot conduce to the ends of public
morality.
Let us apply the same test of practical
efficiency to tho ether Irish act which has
been laid before the Commons. The opponents
of the new Coercion bill contend that it is
weak measure because it affords exceptional
means for the punishment rather than
the detection of criminals. If that be the
strongest objection that can be brought
against it, there will be cOgent reasons
for expecting good results from the act. The
letre de cachet has no deterrent force in civ
ilized country. TO arrest popular leader or
a village agtatOr on suspicion and to keep
him imprisoned for an indefinite period is a
medieval expedient that no longer possesses
any terrors in Ireland. The suspect is well
fed and comfortably lodged, and energies from
Jail popular hero. One suspect tried, con-
victed and punished will be worth twenty I'M
der arbitrary arrest so far as the effect in re-
pressing disorder in the island is concerned.
If this act will diminish the number of ar
rests and multiply the convictions it may
exercise salutary influence upon public senti-
ment If it will facilitate the summOning of
witnesses, as Mr.. Trevelyan says, and if some
provision can be made for the employment of
special juries, as some of the Irish magistrates
recommend, its practical efficiency may be iu-
creased still further. In this case, however.
the working of the act will depend largely
upon the spirit in which it is proposed by the
Liberal Ministry and received by the Irish
members, and upon the manner in which il il
administered. Mr. Gladstones remarks during
Fridays session, the concilintory reply of
Mr.. Sexton and the regulations of the new