New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1882-10-20
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
p.Nnn1.pH OF ROANOKE.

x.,,;rded of Jusiiee Maules Characterization OF
lord Westbury's manner as one that would be
h offensive In Almighty God addressing black
beetle": but though the tone of Mr.. Adams is 81
proyokingly superior it cannot be denied that ne
has made most lively and interesting volume
John Randolph is by far the most picturesque
fpnre with which the at thors of this series have
yet had to DEAL and if the practical results OF us
life had been proportional to his restless and dra-
matte activity he would be one OF the most tempt
ing of subjects for the political biograpner more
attractive even than Alexander Hamilton. In the
career of the Virginian. as well as OF the New
Yorker there was always a touch of the romantic,
though in Randolphs case there was strain VI
coarseness and vugarty also from which the oVnei
was sngulary free. Mr.. Adams give s'rlAi"s
picture of the wayward youth ana loose euuc"-
ton of John Randolph. in the midst OF the piah'a-
finn so,ietv of Virginia rude and Fictitious civ
ilization now happily curiosity of the past. ont
of this school of bad politics and counterfeit man
ners came many strange compound OF aristocratc
prejudice and democratic theory, but many noole
and patriotic impulse also; aud we cannot under
stand the first century OF our government without
q careful study of the mixed influences which pro-
duced the typical Southern statesman. The owner
of lands and slaves, he was by the necessity oil MS
environment an agstocrat of tho most oyerhearing
self in the rouse OF Representatives, booted and
spurred and hourshing a whip. aud disturbing tSe
PROCEEDINGS with loud conversation II not WIZ
deliberate insolence. But the ownership VI slaVes
made these provincial despots also the most eXtraV
agant uphOders of State rights, anu the principe Oh
State nights pushed them on to the most RADICAL
theories of democracy, which were quite lhconSiSt-
ent with their personal pretenSlons "heh
Randolph came into public life, at the beginning
Of the present century the Jeiiersonian party had
clearly formulated its doctrine that the central
authority called National sovereignty was danger
against which the people must carry ceaseless
struggle The Government tended always toward
tespotism, and to cripple it by a rigorous mainte-
nance of the reserved lights and practical supremacy
of the States was the only way to save not merely
the liberties OF this country but the hopes OF uni
versa humanity On the other hand the Federalst
pripclple of Nationality. holly disputed In the
political campaigns was becoming established more
rapidly and firmly than many politicians theh
suspected. by the constitutional interpretations Vi
Chief Justice Marshall and other distinguished
ridges of the Supreme Court. Jefferson and his as
socates saw very well what the Court was DONG
and tried III vain TO clear of the bench ana eorgan'
ize il. Randolph. with whom State rights became
in time almost mania. threw himself at once lhto
the Jeffers0nian struggle and was of the Pres
Court To the end of his life he continued to dread
the spectre of National sovereignty, and, as Mr..
Adams observes he played tricks with his hobby
until his best friends were weary and disgusted.'
Nothing is more impressive, In the history OF the
contest than the failure of all the great leaders VI
the State rights party to stand by their own coors
We saw something of this in the lives of Calhoun
and jackson; we see 1t again In Jenersons Louis
lana and Florida transactions; even Randolph
the most nearly consistent of the school, was not
consistent always There could be no better proof
of the falacy of the principles of ills party than
tie regularity with which it broke down when 1T
tested them by The practical experience OF govern
nent Randolph quarrelled with most of his po-
litical associates sooner or later and lost nearly
all his influence Partly this the consequence
of his bad temper and other personal defects; but
besides the personal reasons there was the still
stronger one that his theories were untenabe. 1t
did not need the rude teaching of rebellion 20 show
that JefersOnan democracy was deluSion. That
was manifest as long ago as the time OF Jefferson
himself MI Adams has dishgured his narrative OF
the political conflicts and changes in which Ran
dolph was concerned with come defects OF style,
but 1t is interesting and instructive; even though
we may not approve Of his severe judgment upon
individuals or upon particular measures we must
commend the book for it's political lessons. The
cnieyous and msspent life was the most disastrous.
II was he who organized the slave power as the
marty of STATE rights. He 4" sketched out and
partly filled in the outlines of that political scheme
over which Calhoun labored so long, and against
which Clay strove successfully while he llved-the
identification of slavery with States rights. All
that was abest and most mastery, all except what
was mere metaphy steal rubbish, in CahOuns states
manship had been suggested by Randolph years
before Calhoun began his States rights career" AS
the biographer well says, Randolph discovered
and mapped out from beginning to end chart of
the whole course on which the slave power was TO
sail to its destruction"
Anecdotes of Randoph's eccentrcities have per-
baps abounded too much and Mr.. Adams is wisely
splring of them. But this picture of the Virginia
statesman in the closing years of his public service,
after he had squandered nearly all his reputation,
is SO remarkable that we must copy 1t:
Had Randolph. at this period of his life, shown
any respect for his own dignity or had he even
respected the dignity of Congress. he wOuld have
been a very formidable man, but he sacrificed his
influence TO an irrational vanity. His best friends
excused him on the ground that he was partially
insane his enemies declared that this insanity was
due only to drink; and perhaps charitable expla-
nation will agree with his own belief that all his
peculiarities had their source IN an ungovernable
ten per, which he had indulged until it led him to
the verge of madness. BE this as 1t may, certain it
is that his flashes of inspiration obtained only
at "A painful cost of time and power. During these
last years Randolph was like jockey thrown
early out of the race who rides on with antics and
gestculations, amid the jeers and wonder OF the
crowd, toward that winning post which bis old
rivals have long since passed. lie despised the
gaping clowns who appIauGed him, even while he
enjoyed amusing them. lie despised himself, per-
haps, more than all the rest. Not once twre
only, but day after day. and especially during his
short Senatorial term, he.wOuld take the floor, and
leaning OF lOling against the railing which in the
old Senate chamber surrounded the outer row of
desks. he would talk two or three hours at a time
with no perceptible reference to the business IN
hand, = lie Mr. Calhoun sat like statue IN the
Vice Presidents chair. until the Senators one by
on retired, leaving the Senate to adjourn without
a quorum. thing till then unknown to its cour-