Savannah morning news. [volume] (Savannah) 1868-1887, 1882-10-13
The Tariff Commission and the
SpeciOus Arguments of the Pro
tectiOnists.

Inc TarlH commission ana the
Spacious Arguments of the Pro-
tectiOnists
Editor Mor7aG1ag Neaos: Whether or not
the proceedings of the junketing Tariff
Commission will result in any benefit to
the country is question for future de-
velopment, but it has demonstrated con-
clusively one fact, and that is, that the
arguments of the protectionists are not
founded upon any considerations of
craftsmanship for the general welfare, 3"
but upon avaricious influences Of indi-
vidual profit at the expense of the
people. When the commission was
formed it was charged by the advocates
of free trade to have been organized in
the interests of the protectionists, and its
action seems to sustain the accusation.
In attempting to defend protection, they,
however, over-exerted themselves in Sc
curing too willing testimony to their pur-
pose, and have exposed to the public
scrutiny the foundation on which the un-
sound system of an unjust taxation by
high tariff is reared.
In the earlier tariffs the principle gov
erning their legislation was ''for rev.
enue;" and in the debates, if protection
was admitted at all as one of the sub
stantial powers granted to Congress, it
was allowed only as an incident to the
revenue raising power, and to be guard
ed with the strictest jealousy. But in
the revision of the tariff in the winter of
1924, Mr.. Clay reversed this theory,
and became the champion and leader of
what was deceptively called the "Ameri-
can SYSTEM" making protection the OBJ
ject of the law and revenue the incident.
Mr.. Clay supported his argument for
an increase of duties on the statesman
like ground ''of the existing distress
then prevailing throughout the country,
and the consequent necessity of creating
a home demand for labor, provisions and
materials, by turning a larger pro-
portion of our national industry into
the channel of domestic manufac-
lures. . The total population of the
United States was at that time 10,607,-
500, about one fifth of what it is to day,
and manufactures were in their infancy.
And who led the House of Representa-
tIves on the other side? Strange as it
may sound to many not familiar with
our political history, it was Daniel Web
ster. He denied the universal distress
so gloOmilY pictured by Mr.. Clay, and
maintained that if it did exist partially
in some of the States, it was due to the
circulation in them of deprecated cur
rency.
Mr. Webster denied the necessity for
increased protection TO manufactures,
and proclaimed the inadequacy of the
measure for the relief of distress in any
part of the country, if any such existed.
The debate continued for nearly three
months, and Mr.. Clay finally succeeded
in obtaining the protection he desired by
the small majorities of five IN
the House and four in the Senate.
The bill was approved by President
Monroe as an incident of revenue, in
consideration of the small degree of pro-
lection extended. The entering wedge
was thus introduced, and tariffs for pro-
lection began to assume political aspects,
and soon became sectional issues, as they
bore unequally upon the different States,
the new burdens of imports they inn
posed falling upon the producers of the
exports, enriching the manufacturers at
the expense of the agriculturists.
That this was the result of the
system of protection introduced by
Mr. Clay in 1924, subsequent history
has confirmed, of which the most
significant fact is that within four years
of the grating of protection upon the
revenue bills, the great talents of Mr..
Webster, the able and ardent opponent
of the System" in 1924, were engaged
by the manufacturers, and that ever
afterwards he was their feed attorney in
and out of Congress to the day of his
death. There were millions in that pur-
chase which the New England and
other manufacturers were shrewd enough
to discern, and which they realized by
the hundred fold in their business.
But times are now changed. The Uni
ted States are no longer weak people
struggling with the greater powers of the
earth for national life and domestic pros
perity. We are now the greatest of ma
tions, dividing with Great Britain, our
only rival, the supremacy of the world
in the products of manufactures, agri.
culture, mining. commerce and all other
industries by which men live, nations are
maintained and wealth accumu-
lated. The argument for Mr..
Clay's so-called American system
of protection is no more of force, as
there is no longer need for the protec-
ton of domestic industry, which has
come to its full growth. justifying the
accepted maxim, that "the cause being
removed its effects cease with it." Bills
for revenue now should be limited to
cover the current expenses of govern
ment, to pay the public debt, and to en-
courage a home supply of the articles
necessary in time of war. Beyond these
protection becomes a war upon labor by
capital, for individual enrichment at the
expense Of the people by an unnecessary
and Ubiquitous taxation of them.
DEMOCRAT OF THE OLD SCHOOL.