Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1882-05-17

and TO deal with Ireland as an integral part
of the general nationality, as either would
treat with Middlesex, or Yorkshire, or the
eastern or the western counties, if they had
claims to urge or objects to accomplish
The Liberals, therefore, vaccillate-this year
they make concessions, next year they pass
coercion bills, and this keeps the hot Hiber-
MAN blood at the boiling point, while the
cold constituted English look on with sur
prise, and wonder why there should be any
excitement. That their own policy, the do
ings of their own queen, lords and commons
can have been the moving cause never occurs
to them. Some natural obtuseness, and an
unquestioning conviction that what England
has done is right, and that those who resist
its arrangements are wrong, blind the Eng
lish to the real nature OF the situation
We are now at the point TO inquire what Is
the position that right principle and correct
policy require as between England and Ire
land. The answer is: The position that each
one of our States occupies in its relation
with the general government. Ireland
should be free to regulate her own internal
affairs, while subject to the common duties
and allegiance owing by England, Ireland,
Scotland and Wales to the tie of union that
binds them all and holds each of them re-
sponsible, and forbids any one to disrupt the
bond whose preservation is necessary for the
welfare and safety of the whole. Viewed in
this light the land law which Gladstone has
had enacted, and the further proposed meas
ures complementary to that law, are steps in
the right direction-laws made in obedience
to Ireland's needs. But the proposed coercion
bill, how does that stand? 1t is another
specimen of the vaccillation that goads Ire
land to fury. 1t is another piece of EGG
land dictatorialnessi in her part of conquerer;
it is treating Ireland as England treats mu-
tinous Sepoys in Bengal or the Punjaub. -Four
men committed crime at Dublin, and jury
trials are to be suspended throughout Ire
landi The murders were done, in all prob
ability, by wretches who saw that Gladstone
and Parnell, and through them England and
ireland, wore coming to an amicable under
standing, and wished TO prevent it, agita-
ton and disorder, not quietude and pros
perity, are most favorable to the miserable
gains of men who live on the throes of hu-
man passion, and thrive amid carnage. The
wish of these men is grati6ed. the English
minister, even the enlightened Gladstone,
introduces a coercion bill that will
arouse all the strife and vindictiveness such
creatures could desire. That bill is like
pntting the District of Columbia under three
years martial law, because President Gar
field was killed there. Innocent and guilty
alike are to be subject to all the pains, and
penalties, and deprivations, and cruelties Of
a harsh law, for those mems crime We
stand sghast at such dreadful laundering and
stone should be concerned in a measure so
unstatesmanlike and go impolitic If
juries refuse or dare not do their duty, if
criminal secret associations are plotting
against the country's peace and welfare, re-
pressive measures are needed, but not as
retaliation for the crime committed in the
Pheuix Park. We see in the case of the CO.
ercive bill how true it is that the so-called
Irish question is really an Irish English
question, and that wise councils, just meas
ures and forbearing patience is required as
much on one side as the other. The
question cannot and will not be settled by
England alone. The two countries must
act mutually, without dictation from either.
Only when representatives of each, acting as
equals, arrange terms of peace will Ireland
become as quiet and as prosperous as are
Scotland and Wales.