The Valley Virginian. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1865-1895, 1882-02-23
The Free Trade Fallacy.

tation on Free Trade, and like all of the ad
vocates of that tallacious policy, when they
come TO present the question, falls into a num-
Der of errors both of fact and deduction.
In the first place, it is asserted by our con-
temporary that the tariff question is not in
any sense party measure, and that men are
aligned upon it, not with reference to their
political affiliations, but solely on the ground
of personal interest. That the manufacturer
of the north and the manufacturer of the
south are leagued on the one side, against the
farmer and mechanic on the other. The rec
ord bearing on the bject directly antagonizes
this assertion. In its first declaration of prin-
ciples, the Republican party distinctly planted
itself upon strong protective platform, and
has reaffirmed the same, in substance at every
national convention it has since held. On the
other hand, the Democratic platform of 1856
announced that the time had arrived for PRO
gressive free trade" throughout the world, and
at each succeeding national convention the
party has practically made the same declara-
ton. Its tariff for revenue only" plank of
1880, and the disastrous results which followed
| the effort of it's Presidential nominee to en-
| tighten the country on the subject, are too
fresh in the mind of the public to need more
than passing reference The records OF the
two parties stand out as distinctly as the dec
arations of their platforms. The Morrill, tariff
| bill, based on the principle of protection, was
passed by the Republican party in 1860. Many
| oh bovo kaa do in tba low bt,t
the underlying principle of protection still
forms the corner stone of its structure In
1876, when the Democrats gained control of
the House, the Morrison tariff bill, practical
| free trade measure, was introduced, but by an
almost united Republican vote, aided by a
few of the opposite party, it failed of passage.
In 1873 the Wood tariff BILL similar, in effect,
to the Morrison bill, was defeated in the House
by vote Of 134 to 100. Of the 1874 veting
against it, 115 were Republicans and 10 Demo
Gratis. OF the 1870 voting for it, 113 were
Democrats and Republicans. This may be
considered as a fair average alignment of the
two parties on the tariff question. We could
give other votes upon measures involving the
| protective principle, which go to show that
each of the two great national parties has in
variably ranged its followers, with few ex-
ceptions, on party lines, when the tariff was
at issue.
| We fancy that neither the intelligent farmer
nor the intelligent mechanic will be led astray
by the VipdicatOr's calculations that forty dol
lars out of every hundred which each spends
IN the support of his family, is tribute ex-
acted by protective tariff. If there be me-
chanic who gives credence to that statement,
let him contrast his condition with that of the
laboring classes of Europe. In England the
wages range from one-half to two-thirds those
paid for the same character of work in the
United States, whilst the cost of the actual
necessities of life, bread, meat, &c, is from 90
to 40 per cent. greater than in this country.
| 1t is to prevent our home mechanics from COM
ing in competition with the half paid labor of
Europe that the tariff interposes.
| The farmer is no less indebted to the same
wise policy. Under the influence OF strong
tariff, manufacturers have sprung up in every
State of the Union turning out labor-saving
machines, and thereby reducing the cost OF
cultivating the soil. Railroads have penetrat-
ed every section, affording access to the mark
cts of the world, and giving the grower
| the advantage of active competition in dis
posing of his crops. Lands have increased in
value, and all of the necessities, aye, even the
luxuries Of life, been placed within COM
paratively easy reach. Let any of our older
farmers go back twenty or thirty years and
contrast the prices paid for the rude nipple
ments OF that day with the prices now paid
for improved machinery. Let him take into
consideration, also, the fact that the minor
products of his farm-fruits, vegetables, straw,
and the like-which before were disposed of
at merely nominal prices, or given away, now
command ready sale by reason OF the estab-
lishment of home markets, and he will be able
to answer for himself the sophistries of our
worthy contemporary. In former days, near
| ly every farm house of the Valley had its
carders, spinning wheels and loom, and the
busy housewife converted the wool into cloth
| for the men. Now the whole domestic system
| is reyolutionized in this respect. 1t is found
| far more profitable to sell the wool and buy
the cloth, than to follow the old plan. This
would be the very place to save that 40 per
cent, if the Vandicator's theory is correct. But
the experience of every prosperous farmer
| presents an overwhelming argument against
any such fallacy. To demonstrate how cheaply
clothing can be bought now, we give table
of prices in 1860 and 1874, simply for con-
trast:
Choice tub wool, well washed, sold per
pound IN 1901 Tor. . 20
Average highest wages paid for hands in
1851, per day. l 5O
Price OF nine-ounce jeans, wholesale, per
VaTu. OU
| Tub wool, poorly washed, 1874, sold per
pOunu IOr. ............... 0U
Average highest wages paid in 1874, per
Gay Observation-Disclosures. w
Price OF nlne-ounce jeans, wholesale, per
yard. Oh
| In 1874, the wool grower obtained double
the price and the mill operative double the
| wages he did in 1860, and the wholesale price OF
the same class and grade of goods declined 16S
per cent. The single item of wool is not an ex-
ception. Every manufactured article has been
| reduced, whilst the raw material has advanced
| in price. Factories have been planted and
tive tariff. Before they were established, the
| supplies we purchased abroad cost far more
than we now pay for them. Until we were
| able to enter the markets as competitors, the
importers and foreign manufactures forced us
to take their goods az just what they chose to
ask. We may illustrate this by single cita-
ton. Prior to the establishment of Bessemer
works in this country, only few years ago, i'm
ported steel rails cost $3.50 per ton; now they
can be bought at S42.
With hundreds OF millions of dollars seek
ing investment in 81 per cent bonds, does ii
not appear extremely improbable that mo-
nopolies. paying enormous dividends, should
be allowed to draw forty dollars out OF every
hundred expended by the farmer and me-
chanic? Does any one suppose that the
shrewd financiers of this country, always striv
ing to place their money where it will bring
the biggest return, would be willing to sink
capital in per cent. bonds, whilst their neigh
bors are reaping such golden harvests? Not
bit of it, You might as well talk of one of
our Stanton merchants establishing mo-
nopoly. You might as well say that a man
with 81 900 capital could settle here and en-
bark in an enterprise paying 200 or 300 per
cent and not invite and develop competition as