The Ouachita telegraph. [volume] (Monroe, La.) 1865-1889, 1882-06-03
laborers, nonproducing consumers, all
of these, of course, consumers.
~

of these, of course, consumers.
Third-If protection raises the pri.
ces, wages or income of all these classes
alike, in equal proportion-in other
words, if it is equally divided, then it
is useless-it leaves US precisely where
we started. Calling prices high does
not increase our wealth or better our
condition in the slightest. The boy who
boasted that he had sold his hen for
800, and had taken his pay in two fif-
ty dollar puppies, is case in point.
(Laughter.)
Fourth-But if it bears unequally, If
one class is benefited at the expense of
another, if the prices of the protected
producers are increased more than those
of the unprotected producer, or the
| wages of the protected laborer more
than the unprotected, or if prices are
arbitrarily raised on the non producing
consumer, then is protection unjust,
unconstitutional and iniquitous. Dis
prove who can.
Protection comes before the Ameri-
can people bearing in its embrace three
great falsehoods, around which are
clustered a large family collection of
minor untruths, as-first, that it pro-
ects the American laborer; second,
that it benefits the consumer; third,
that it increases the national wealth.
Now abideth these three lies; but the
greatest of these is the first. Laughter. y
All that the workingman has for sale
&c Sc 3oh So h; ;1<
and muscle. When he offers these to
the protected manufacturer he does it
in competition with the whole world. |
Though the manufacturer, by ringing |
the changes upon "Amerlcan labor"
and appealing to the popular feeling of
the people in that behalf, has obtained
the enactment of a law taxing all con-
an average of fifty per cent. on
every dutiable article, for the benefit of
the said American labor, yet with him
at the door of that factory stands COM
peting labor from every country in Eu-
from Asia, Africa, Australia and the
islands Of the sea. (Applauss). From
among these hands uplifted for bread
the manufacturer makes his choice on
the strictest principles of free trade.
He never once thinks or dreams of di-
viding this bounty, which the people
have placed in his hands, with the
laborer. A great law of po-
[itica1 economy-the law of supply and
the price of that Ia
BOZ but the moment the finished arti-
:le from that laborer's hand is offered
'or sale that great law of supply and
is abolished, and in its stead is I
the protective tariff, which
;ays to the consumer, you shall buy at
ny price, for will not permit the for l
,igner to intrude with competing pro- +
lucts. The manufacturers protection
8 secured by law; the laborer's de- r
oends on the charity of his employer. c
Loud applause). "Free trade in flesh +
md blood; protection to tho capital &
which manufactures; competition in (
luman labor; monopoly in calico and q
blankets" (Great applause). Let the S
all over this broad land, b
n the fields aud in the factory, know Q
hat the policy they have been deluded i
nto sustaining invites the fiercest COM a
'etition against them in all that they a
,ave to sell-their muscle; and ex- C
ludes them from its benefits in all p
hat they have to buy. This fact once II
ealized is all that we could desire. 1
They say that the tariff enables the I
to pay higher wages to n
he workman and higher prices to the tt
armer. The fallacy here consists in the Il
Implication that he will pay higher 81
wages and prices simply because he is u
bic to do it, when, in fact, we know ii
hat he will buy his food as he does b
is labor, at prices regulated by free Il
and not by his ability to e:
ay. There is no law compelling him cl
} pay high wages or high prices for ct
arm products, but there is law COM
elling the laborer and the farmer to
ay him high prices for all his manu-
lctured products. Common sense in