The Vancouver independent. (Vancouver, W.T. [Wash.]) 1875-1910, 1882-04-20
LassalIe, Napoleon I'LL, and B smarck.

The teachings of Lassalle we're the
teachings of Bonspartism before the I'd
of December, 1851. Bonapartism, too,
got into irresponsible power by striking
up a shady alliance with certain pseudo
socialists, and by using the restoration
of full universal suffrage as deceptive
parole. Herr Won Bismarck made his
political studies on that subject in
France when accredited to the Tuileries.
Lassalle, would-be Persiguy under a
sham revolutionary guise, completed Bis
marck's education in that particular
branch of statecraft. This has been as
much as confessed by the Prince himself
in parliament when he avowed that he
was visited in secret by Lassalle at the
time the latter was supposed to be the
mortal enemy of the government, and
he was indebted to Lassalle
for many spirited political co.,
versations. 1 happen to know that
Countess Hatfield, Lassalles most init
mate friend through life, declared after
his death that ''if he had lived six
months longer he would have entered
into a government position" Butcher,
who has also occupied himself with
State Socialism, at all events entered
afterward into government position as
Bismarck's most truly conidant-a posi-
ton he holds to this day, and in which
he has recently re-edited work of Las
sale. All these facts are patents before
the eyes of the world, yet how often Is
Lassalles true character still misjudged!
But then, "the world wants to be de-
ceived." Napoleon III. dabbled, like
most usurpers, in occasional experiments
for the alleged benefit of the masses, so
as the better to be able to crush the in.
termediate, more cultured classes which
generally prize political rights. 1t is a
policy that can be traced from the days
of Greek tyrants into the history Of
Eastern despots, and from some
of the Kings of the old
French monarchy to the usurper
Gear Boris Godunoff. As rule, it need
scarcely be said there is generally some
seeming basis for this interference of the
tyranny with the prevailing institutions
of social economy. In so far he is able
to put on the mask of benefactor of the
people. But he always takes good care
neither to go beyond q certain line nor
to hurt his own selfish interests, which
are the grossest bar to public welfare.
His very power is founded on see-saw
game between the propertied and the
disinherited class, alternately maintain
ing order, as he does, for the former and
craftily holding out allurements to the
latter. By turns he either fatters or
smites the several classes, until cowardly
or over-confident human nature becomes
so thoroughly disguised with the long
series of acts of violence and trickery
that the de>pot at last falls to the ground
between two stools. There is full
reason, no doubt, for the enactment of
dents in industrial employment,
and against the helplessness of
workmen in old age A State which goes
everything is to belong to the strong is
not in reality civilized State, but merely
politely reflex of what occurs in the
animal kingdom. Prince Bismark, take
ing his rhetorical cue from Stocker and
others of that sanity connection,
says that practical Christian
ity" forbids permitting such injustice to
the weak. 1t would, however, be better
to lay the stress on the duties of ''prac-
teal humanity" thus including the to-
tality, instead Of q minority, of mankind.
He also declares that "the unprotected
classes must gain the conviction that the
State not only remembers them when
taxes are to be paid and recruits to be
furnished, but that it also thinks of them
when they are to be shielded and to be
supported, so that they, with their weak
forces, shall not be run over and tram
pied down on the great highway of life"
True, but, then, how is it that Prince
Bismarck's schemes only apply to
the working class of the towns, which
is but q small section of the working
class at large? Let statistics speak |!
Lassalle once endeavored to make out
that "a per cent. Of the population Of
Prussia have to live from hand to mouth.
Be that as it may at all events the towns
population in Prussia and throughout
Germany (even as in France and in
other Continental countres) consists in
its vast majority of the agricultural class.
Two-thirds if not more, of the aggregate
population of the country consists OF
peasants and laborers. One-third only
(burghers and working men) live in the
towns. How is it, then, that Prince
Bismarck, in the fulluess of his practi-
cal Christianity, does not bring forward
any bills for the insu' ance against acci-
cents and for the sustenance in old age
of the laboring classes in the country
Can it be that he merely wishes to set
the two sections Of the towns population
in which the Liberal and Democratic
aspirations are chiefly embodied. at log