New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1882-07-08
THE BEUILDERED OFFICEHOLDER.

THE BEUILDERED OFFICE-HOLDER
If there is any person in the world entitled
at this moment to the hearty cOmmlseratlon
of his fcllow-men it is the unhappy holder OF
a minor Government Office. He Is for the
moment the central figure, the chief issue, in
our politics. Round him the tide of battle
surges over his head politicians of all stripes
and rcformers of every degree rain thick
blows upon each other while they thump his
head with non-partisan mpartiality and
wresile among themselves for his veslments.
Ostcnsibly the object of their friendly solici-
tude, he is really their victim and quarry
Into his ear they din diverse and contradict
DRY cOunsels, they ply him with perSuasionS
caioe him with promises intimldate HIM with
threats, till he hardly knows which way TO
turn. Before him rises Jay Hubbcll holding
out in mute appeal the Congressional contil-
button box. They tell him that if he exam
ines closely Jay Ilubbci's winning smile he
may read in its lines the highwayman's stand
and deiycr"-that in the words of Mrs. Part
ington "there's no compulson dboW it; hes
got to pay" Then upon him iumblng his
pocket-boOk pumps down the Jealous rciormer
with a copy of the statute fOrbidding cOntu-
buttons for political purposes under heavy
penalties and gently admOnishes him that II
he drops a penny in the box off goes his
head. Hesitating between the devil and the
deep sea, he hcus the uplilted voices of
Samuel Cox and Samuel Randall proilering
him their deepest sympathy and dcnouncing
.oundly the system of extorton illustrated by
Jay IIubbell and his outstretched contribution
box. All this must confuse him.
And who is this official around whom circu
lates so large n disturbance ? Usually a clerk
on a salary by no means large holding place
which is far from being a sinccure person
who simply does fair day'sS1ork for far
days pay, and without perquistes or favors
endeavors to earn an honest livelihood. What
has he done or what is he liable to do, tAat
the great parties should rend him III pieces
in their wrangling around him, or that the
over-zealous reformers should demand that
he he denied the exercise OF his
Judgment and free will, or that special statutes
should be enacted making acts criminal i'll him
which may he Gone openly with impunty by any
other citizcn2 We are told that he represents
the "spoils system >; that he has obtained the
Office whose duties he undenilbly discharges
honestly and faithfully as a reward for party
service that he has personal and selfish in
terest in retaining in power the party to
which he owes his place; and that his contri
button of money to that end is subversive Of
public morals. This the professional re ormers
tell us and our Democratic friends, who, being
out of Office are not hampered in raising cam
paign funds by any legal restrictions upon
contributions from office holders, echo the
statement with vigor. The selfish motives of
the holders of office are condemned and put
under legal restraint. But for every Office
holder thus forbidden to raise Il finger for his
own protection there are scores of Oilicc-seek-
ers willing and eager to contribute to the
funds of the party out Of power for tickets in
the Office lottery of a new Administration
For their selishness there is no check. In
deed, the disarming of the ins furnishes an
incentive for more liberal contributions to
party funds from the outs.
Unsellishness in politics is high ideal.
There are people who think it is attainable
through legislation. Some of our Civil Service
Reformers are experimenting in that direction.
The ofiice-hOlder however, upon whom unscfl-
ishness is enjolned, is prone to take practical
view of the matter. When his party commit
tee comes to him for contributions for election
the point He knows that to keep his
place his party must be kept in power,
and that to keep it in power money must be
raised for campaign expenses. lie sees neither
immortality nor improperly in making his con-
tributiOn, even though he have no higher mo-
tive than a prudent and reasonable regard for
his own welfare. The professional reformcr
who comes to him preaching the virtue of non
resistance and elf-sacrihce, and demanding
that he offer no opposition to the efforts of
those who are trying to ou,t him and take his
place, he looks upon rs an impracticablc
thcOrist, well-meaning sort of crank"
When he feels the cammy hand of Mr..
Samuel Cox or Mr.. Samuel Randall sliding
down his back hair in IA caresSing way, while
they urge him not to submit to such cXtortion,
he knows that each of these worthless mas
dozen candidates for his place, and that the
clammy sympathetic hand waits only for
Democratic success to grip him by the collar
and IN a twinkng jerk him out. To them he
lays his finger on bis nose; he knows their
litue game SO, bufletod and beset the poor
holder of paltry Office finds himself a central
point in politics, with hot debate all about
him to whether he may or may not contrib
ute money for political purposes.
Well, suppose all office holders of every name
and degree assent to the theory of the profess
si0nal reiOrmers and refuse to lift finger or
pay penny for political purposes. What hap
pens new party comes iii and they go
out. Think of it IA moment. And consider
what reform of the Civil Service that would
be. 1t is well enough sometimes to follow w