Burlington weekly free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1866-1928, 1882-07-07

RctCrtlnp 10 inc UfllClc WIFI INC uuONc
heading in your paper of the Goth, shall
touch but lightly on the advantagesof giving
to the Cabinet officers seats in Congress.
That there should be some plan, some sys-
TEN and some leadership in the arratyeS.''Int
and conduct of btIs... N-''s'ni Api-ec" OF the
chaos of ncutralzng forces like the spirit in
Dante's Inferno driven ctcrnally up and
down by the winds that there should be
some connection or relation between lcgis-
lation and administration that National
interest as represented by the President and
his Cabinet should have some chance to be
heard us against local interests ; all this
seems hardly to require argument M de
cent management of the finances is possible
without it while the civil service rcformers
will fluid sooner OF later that the only expe-
dicnt of use will hc to subject the officials
who exercise the appointing power to public
responsibility, enforced by individual ques-
ton and criticism in the open arena of Con-
gress in short the same process by which
the reform was carried in Great Britain.
The objections and obstacles TO the meas
urc are what | wish now TO consider. In the
| first place it must be observed that no con-
| stituiioual amendment is necessary, most
fortunately, for If it had to he carried not
only through Congress, but some twenty
seven State Legislatures, the attempt would
have to be abandoned in despair. The Con-
st,ution knows nothing ef the Cabinet and
Congress may just as well admit them TO
examination and debate us it may admit any
body else and as they appear now before the
committees. When Alexander Hamilton in
formed the first Congress that he had prcpar-
ed report upon the finances, he asked
whether they would have 1t orally or in
writing. After some discussion, Congress
voted 10 have it in writing. The decision was
one of the first encroachments of the Legis-
ature, grasping ut all power and aiming TO
reduce the secretary to mere clerical func-
lions but no one thought OF suggesting
| in the debate that there was any consti-
tutional reason against his appearance on
the floor 1t is not necessary that the
officers should have votes or be members.
In Italy the ministers attend in the
chambers and share in the debates, but they
have no votes unless they happen to be men,
bers, while it is frequently source of en-
barrassment to the English ministry that a
man, unless lord, can not Join the Cabinet
without also securing an election as Member
of Parliament.
The English ministry resign in body in
case of defeat, but that is only because the
Premier is dependent upon getting others 10
serve with him. If it were found necessary,
there is no reason why our Cabinet should
not resign in the same way, just as is done
under the Presidential system in France, but
then our President being unlike the sover-
eign of Great Britain, himself responsible,
..l.. l. .l,,.,, H..
fence of defeated ministry in England is to
dissolve Parliament and appeal to the coun-
try, but it is rare that Parliament does not
last two years, and with our short terms ii
would be very easy to bring forward all i'm
portnnt questions in such relation to the
elections US would test the opinion of the
country as between the Executive and the
Legislative.
In short, while details must be left to time
to settle, the main principle might be put on
trial next Fall by vote of Congress, but
that vote Congress will never give except
upon compulsion, for reasons which have
next to consider.
Iu the excellent article of Mr.. Willard
Brown in tho atlantic Monthly to which you
make aluson, after showing that Hamilton
Madison and Jefferson all predicted danger
from usurpation by the legislature, he says
that the reverse has occurred, and that ''a'
present it is the executive which is tho
stronger, and which is everywhere extending
its prerogatives to an extraordinary degree.
| can not see it in this light. 1t seems to mt
that the prediction of those statesmen is per
fcctly fulfilled that ii is the Legislature
which has usurped the powers of the Gov
ernment that the executive has, indeed I'M
mense and dangerous power ii it will use thai
power in obedience to the dictates of mem
r q l,,,t q, - .,
act in opposition to that body ii becomes a.
helpless us an infant.
1t is true that during the war we liveC
practically under military dospot
ism, but that was because Congress
being MS usual perfectly helpless, became
frightened by the roar of the country, sur
rendered its powers, and became the ODE
dent instrument of the executive, porten
tous sign of what may be expected in flu
turc crises. But as soon as the war wa!
over, Congress- by the Impeachment Of
johnson and by the Tenure of office bill reas
serted the intention to rule, and has beer
strengthening it, ever since. If evidence is
wanted refer to the recent report of Sena
tor Pendlcton from the Committee on Civl
Service Reform.
This is not merely question of theory
but involves an important difference of re
suit. If the executive needs to be brough
under control, there would be no difficulty
in securing the cordial cooperation of Con
gross but if Congress is the offending mem
) Der the case is very different. That BODY
stands between the executive and the people il
way to prevent common action of these two
The people, moreover are accustomed L
look to Congress for the remedy of thei
grievances they can hardly understand tina
it is nj this time the prime source of thos
grievances or if that is the case, what to d
about it.
The only available remedy is that which, a
l endeavored to point out in my Phi Beta ad
dress was adopted in the middle ages agains
fcudalism, a combined effort of the Execu
tive and the people. But for that is needle
an appeal by the Executive to the people.
| happen to know that many of the mos
distinguished members of the last two @
1 three administrations are earnestly an
, strongly in favor of the measure proposed
but for some to HE inscrutable reason, the
will not publicly say so. When one of thel
: passing over Congress, will go to the peopl
: with clear statement of the case, we sha
have the beginning of the end.
Very truly yours,
GAMALRL BRADFORD.
al T,ub,iJno Macs Julv 1890