Savannah morning news. [volume] (Savannah) 1868-1887, 1882-04-20
The Chinese Question.

calls for a calm, historic discussion OF
its intrinsic merits, irrespective OF the
bias of partisanship. The investigation
required is, to ascertain the intention OF
those who framed and adopted the Con
stitution of the United States, as con-
veyed by the instrument itself, illumined
by recognized international law, and by
authentic contempOraneous history. The
solution hinges upon the power granted
to Congress by the Constitution ''to estab-
lish an uniform rule of naturalization,
an inherent power of sovereignty, which
it is absolutely necessary TO the general
welfare shall reside in the head of the
State; and which, under the COnfedera-
ton, had been exercised by the States re-
spectlvely-each for its own citizens.
The first mention of naturalization in
connection with our politics / find re-
corded in letter from Mr.. James Madi-
son Ia member of the Continental Con-
gress and of the convention that framed
the Constitution to the Hon. Edmund
Randall. of Virginia, dated 'Philadel-
phia. August 81, 1882" in these words:
"Your favor of the 10th came duly to
hand Yesterday. The hints which it
gives in regard to merchandise imported
ia returning flags, and the intrusion of
obnoxious aliens through other States,
merit attention. The latter subject has,
on several occasions, been mentioned in
Congress. but believe no committee has
ever reported a remedy for the abuse.
A uniform rule of naturalization ought
certainly to be recommended to the
States. Madison Papers, D0g l, p. 161.
Seven years afterwards the power TO
establish a uniform rule of naturaliZa
ton by Congress was recommended in
the new Constitution and adopted by the
States. This power did not, however,
divest the States of the right of confer.
ling citizenship within their own limits,
respectively, which must not be con
fused with the power to make citizens
of the Union. under the Constitution,
whose rights and privileges OF citizen
ship were defined. Georgia might natu
raliZe foreigners as citizens of Georgia.
but she could not make them citizens of
the United States.
At the time of the adoption of the
Constitution in 1889 the population
of the United States did not exceed
4. 900. 900, and it was desirable to open q
way to its increase; and, as one State
could not legislate for another, it was
absolutely necessary that the power to
nationalize for the general welfare should
be in the common head of the State
created for its protection. 1t was clear,
cold, business estimate of the situation,
and in no manner an intention ''to pro
vide home for the oppressed of other
nations" ''to offer an asylum, etc y or
to become ''the propaganda of demo
cratic opinions throughout the
world"-ali of which specious dema
gogism has been gotten up since
bv interested politicians, who found gain
in cultivating the naturalized voters and
their mistaken ideas. Nowhere in the
debates in convention are any such crude
notions expressed. Demagogues may
cavil at this statement, but it is, never
| theless. true. The country was eXten
sive and should be peopled, the govern
ment was weak and must be strength
ened, it was poor aud must be made rich
its prosperity and grandeur must be pro
| NOTED. These views only were enter
| tanned and hence provision was made
|
| aliens mentioned in the debates), "who
were of merit" and attached to the
principles of liberty" to the rights and
| privileges of citizens of the Union. The
| trainers of the Constitution were skilled
statesmen and wise men, and they looked
only to securing the blessings Of the Con
stitution, as summed up in the preamble
| to it, "fOr themselves and their pOsteri-
| ty." The rest of the wo i was not
within their jurisdiction or il erests, and
they did not give themselves concern
about it, only SO far as to advance their
own ends by admitting good foreigners,
Europeans, into their political society
They purposely excluded from their
national organization, Indians and
negroes who occupied the same territory
with themselves and according to the
Interpretation of the Supreme Court-19
| Hocdrd r., 303-"The power to estab-
lish a uniform rule of naturalization was
confined to persons born in foreign
country, under a foreign government.
| And such had been held to be the true
meaning and intent of the Constitution
! bv standard authorities, Wing and Dem
ocratic, up to the civil war When Mr..
| Webster. as Secretary of State, was APP
| .)lied to for a passport for a wealthy free
| negro citizen of Pennsylvania to visit
| Europe. he declined it on the ground
chat the negro was not and could not
be a citizen Of the United States under
the Constitution; :" but he offered ga letter
of protection" There can be no denial of
the historical fact that the Constitution OF
1887 50 twas made 10y white men for
white men, and that naturalization or
| citizenship was not for Indians or ne
groes, but for persons Europeans in
mind born in foreign county under
foreign government. Were there any
doubts on these points, the fourteenth
| amendment would set them at rest, as it
adds to the Constitution the power to
| make citizens of all 'fpersons born, or not
naturalized, in the United States, and
| subject to the jurisdiction thereof, as citi-
zens of the United States, and of the
State wherein they reside, which addi-
ttion would not have been necessary, had
it already been held by Congress. By
| this amendment, the African race born
in the United States, both slave, and
the free enjoying civil and pc.
litical rights in some of the
| States, as in Maine, for in
stance, were admitted into the fellow
| ship of the Union as citizens of the
/ United States. Whether this change
from the original intentions of the
trainers and adopters of the Constitution
will prove 6 wise one remains to be seen.
1t was apparently necessity, as the
least of two evils, to save the prosperity
| of the Southern State7, seriously i'm
perilled by taking from the slaves the
protection of their proprietors and of
the laws made in their favor, and cast.
ing them upon the world without any
defense whatever. As they had been made
| freemen, they must be made citizens, or
sunk in a condition ten thousand times
worse than that of slavery. This was
the emma in which we were placed
/ by {. emancipation act and sound
craftsmanship, regarding the question ss
one of imme 1iate life or death (witho t
regard to Radical politics.. promptly
adopted the antidote most ready TO its
hand, and saved the South from law
lessness, rapine and destl uction. 1t was
a bitter dose to take, but it was neces-
sary, and Gs the condition of the patient
| improves, other remedies for the general
welfare will no doubt be resorted to.
But in the admission of Chinese to our
political society in the future, no plea of
necessity can be urged, as it will be a
voluntary act in determining to admit
| them or to repel their intrusion. On the
one hand, "trade" urges their admission.
On the other, national labor, morals.
h Int ,f