Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1882-05-12

BY the assassination of Secretary Caven-
dish and Under Secretary Burke the cause Of
Ireland has received terrible blow. The
crime, like that of the assassination of Lin
coin, was committed at a period when there
was the least cause for it. The British min
istry had abandoned its sternly repressive
policy for ono of greater liberality, and new
secretary representative of this change had
just taken the office vacated by q man who
had become obnoxious to the Irish people,
What, then, could have been the motive for
the deed? 1t would seem as if no sane man
who is q friend of Ireland could expect to
promote the welfare of the people of that I'M
happy country by the commission of o crime
which shocks the civilized world. The idea
that the Land League is responsible for the
dastardly deed is not for q moment TO be en-
tertained. Mr.. Parnell, Mr. Dillon, and 9TH
ers Of the Irish leaders, have spoken in terms
of unfeigned horror and indignation of the
crime. Their declarations will have a good
effect, both in ireland and England, but they
were not needed to strengthen the conviction
that the responsibility for the deed could not
be justly laid upon the Land League. Moth
ing, indeed, could have been better calculated
to Illustrate the hopes of the Irish leaders at
the very moment when, through the changed
policy of the Gladstone administration, most
of the reforms which they had contended for
were about to be peacefully conceded. When
the details of the crime are more fully known
it may be found that Under Secretary Burke,
who had long held his position in Dublin,
was the real object of vengeance and that
Secretary Cavendish was slain in defending
him. The supposition that the deed was
committed by ''cranks' is unworthy of Sc
rious consideration. Guiteaus do not hunt in
gangs. -Four men were directly engaged in
the crime, and there is more reason to be-
leve them to have been the agents of q con-
spiracy than to suppose that their deed was
self-prompted or their association accidental.
And this the more because the deed is not a
single and phenomenal outbreak of Irish pas
sion, but is in keeping with q series of recent
and bloody crimes, perpetrated with 80 great
boldness and concealed with so great dexter
ity as almost to argue a national demoraliza-
ton which has come to regard murder as JUS
tihable. Herein lies the worst feature of the
situation. This crime indicates the existence
OF a secret, INSCRIPTIONS Nihilistic organza.
ton which not only eludes the Government,
but is beyond the control of the Irish leaders
themselves and is ready even, as in this case,
to work out its own frenzied schemes in de.
fiance of the wishes of those leaders. This
element, desperate, unreasoning, whose ex.
tent and ramifcations no one knows, will
have to be taken into the account henceforth
in the administration of Ireland. And this is
the worst consequence of the act-that, un.
| just as it may seem, all Ireland will have tc
bear the reproach, and be made to suffer the
consequences of the crime. On the Other
hand, it is not improbable that some good
will como out of this evil. The feeling OF
horror awakened by the tragedy at Dublin
may be the means of enkindling a kindliei
feeling toward the Gladstone administration
on the part of the more enlightened Irish ele
ment. The people of Ireland to-day are less
In the attitude of rebellion than before this
act was committed. Mr.. Gladstone is toe
wise statesman to overlook this fact, and
notwithstanding the urgent demand on the
part of some of the English people for the
adoption of severe retaliatory measures, he is
proceeding with his conciliatory policy at
calmly, to all appearances, as if the dastardly
deed had not been committed
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