Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1882-03-08

alluslons, rarely appealed TO prejudice, dld
not seek to in1ame passion. He had a
quicker eye for the strong point of his
adversary than for his weak point, and on
his own side he so marshaled his weighty
arguments as to make his hearers forget
any possible lack in the complete strength
of his position. lie had u habit OF stating
his opponents side with such amplitude Of
fairness and such liberality of concession
that his followers often complained that he
was giving his case away. But never in
his prolonged participation in the proceed
ings of the House did he give his case
away, but in the Judgment of competent
and impartial listeners to gain tho mastery
Those unfamiliar with Garfield's indus.
try,and ignorant Of the details of his work,
may, in some degree, measure them by the
annals of congress. No one of the gener-
alton of public men to which he belonged
has contributed so much that will be val.
liable for future reference. His speeches
are numerous, many of them brilliant, al
of them we'll studied, carefully phrased
and exhaustive of the subject under con-
sideration. Indeed, if no other
authority were accessible, his speeches in
the House of Representatives from Decem.
ber, 1865, to June, 1880, would give a well
connected history and complete defense oI
the important legislation of the seventeen
eventful years that constitute his parlia-
mentary life. Far beyond that, his
speeches would be found to forecast many
great measures, yet to be completed
measures which he knew were beyond the
public opinion of the hour, but which he
confidently believed would secure popular
approval within the period of his own
lifetime, and by the aid of his own efforts.
Garlield's nomination to the presidency
while not predicted or anticipated, was
not surprise to the country. His promi-
nence in congress, his solid qualities, bis
wide reputation, strengthened by his then
recent election as senator from Ohio, kept
him in the public eye rs man occupying
the very highest rank among those entitled
to be called statesmen. AS d
candidate, Garfield steadily grew in popu
lar favor. lie was met with storm oil
detraction at the very hour of his nomina.
ton, and it continued with increasing
volume and momentum until the close oil
his victorious campaign:
No might nor greatness in mortality
| Can censuro 'scape; backwounding calumny
| The whtest virtue strikes. What king SO strong
Can tie the gall up in the slanderous tongue?
Under it all he was calm and strong
and confident ;never lost his self-possession
did no unwse act, spoke no hasty or i'll.
considered word. Indeed nothing in his
whole life is more remarkable or more
credilable than his bearing through those
five full months of vituperation-a pro
longed agony OF trial to Ii sensitive man, q
constant and cruel draft upon the powers
of moral endurance. The great mass o.
these unjust imputations passed unnoticcd
and with the general debris of the cam
paign fell into oblivion. But in few in
stances the iron entered his soul and he
died with the injury unforgotten if not un
forgiven.
Garfeld's ambition for the success O
his administration was high. With strong
caution and conservatism in his nature, he
was in no danger of attempting rash ex
periments or of sorting to the empircsm
of craftsmanship. But he believed thai
renewed and closer attention should be
given to questions affecting the materia
interests aud commercial prospects of fifty
millions of people. He believed that oul
continental relations, extensive and unde.
veloped as they are, involved responsibility
and could be cultivated into profitable
friendship or be abandoned to harmful in
difference or lasting enmity. lie believed
with equal confidence that an essential
foreruuner to q new era of national pro
gress must be feeling of contentment il
every section of the Union, and q generous
belief that the benefits and burdens of the
government would be common to all
Himself conspicuous illustration of wha
ability and ambition may do under repub
with passion Of patriotic devotion, anc
every waking thought was given to heI
advancement. He was an American in III
his aspirations, and he looked to the desti
ny and influence of the United States with
the philosophic composure of Jefferson
and the demonstrative confidence of John
Adams.
The political events which disturbed the
presidents serenity for many weeks be
fore that fatal day in July, form an import
ant chapter in his career, and, in his owr
| judgment, involved questions Of principle
and right which are vitality essential to the
constitutional administration of the fedora
government. 1t would be out of place
here and now to speak the language o.
controversy; but the events referred to
however they may continue TO he source
of contention with others, have become, sc
far MS Garfield is concerned, as much 6
matter of historyas his herosm at Chicka
mauga or his illustrious service in the
House. Detail is not needful and persona
antagonsm shall not be rekinlled by any
word uttered to-day. The motives of those
opposing him are not to be here adversely
interpreted nor their course harshly char.
acterized. But of the dead president lhi.
is 10 be said. and said because his owr
speech is forever silenced and he can be
no more heard except through the fidelity
and the love of surviving friends: From
the beginning to the end of the controversy
he SO much deplored, the president wa.
never for ono moment actuatcd by any
motive of gain to himself or of loss tc
others. Least of all men did he harbor
revenge, rarely did he even show resent.
ment, and malice was not his nature
He was congenially employed only in the
exchange OF good Offices and the doing ol
kindly deeds
There was not an hour, from the begin
ming of the trouble till the fatal shot enter
ed his body. when the president would moi
gladly, for tho sake of restoring hal lmony
have retraced any step he had taken, il
such retracing had involved consequences
personal to himself. The pride of consis.
tency, or any supposed sense ofhumiliatiou
that might result from surrendering his
position, had not feathers weight with
him. No man was ever less subject tc
such influences from within Or from with.
out. But after most anxious deliberation
and coolest survey ofall the circumstan tes
he solcmnly believed that tho prerogatives
of the executive were involved in the
issue which had been raised, and that he
would have been unfaithful to his supreme
obligation If he had failed to maintain, in
all their vigor, tho constitutional rights
and dignities of his great Office. He bo.
lieved this in all the convictions OF
conscience when in sound and vigorous
health, and he believed it in his suffering
and prostration in the last conscious
thought which his wearicd mind bestowed
on the transitory struggles Of life.
More than this need not be said. Less
than this could not be said. Justice to the
dead, the highest obligation that devolves