Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1882-04-22

SIDED. Mr.. w. T. hoDlnsOn, oil new L OK
and Congressman Ford, of Missouri, also
made speeches.
Judge Blacks Address.
Judge Black said: Are we not required
to DO something for the relief of Ireland?
This is question on which / think no
American citizen has a right to be silent.
For seven centuries Ireland has worn the
yoke of political bondage. The general
, notion is that England and Ireland are
united kingdoms, but there is no real union,
| and there never They are pinned
together with bayonets. Undoubtedly much
Of the present trouble is directly caused by
the unnatural relations existing between the
millions whose labor cultiYates the soil, and
the landlords, small in number but great in
power, who stand ready to snatch away the
fruits of it "a soon they are gathered.
You may say what you will about the sacred
right of property-nobody believes it more
devoutly than l do. Concede that these
Landlords have a title which cannot now be
questioned. Assume that owner of prop
erty may rent it on the hardest terms he can
exact-still the existence of that gigantic
| monopoly, clothed with the privilege of des-
olating a country and starving the industry
| of people, Is the saddest fact in
the history of the human race. We must
speak respectfully Of England. The vast
| wealth OF her commerce makes 1t every
body's interest to stand well with her. Her
armies circle the earth; her fleets cover
every sea; the long reach of her diplomacy
| perplexes where it does not control the
| councils of all other States. We cannot but
remember that "Chathsm's language is our
| mother tongue" and the great name of
| Hampden ranks only second to that of
| Washington; nor can we forget that the
| present monarch OF that country is a queen
| whose personal virtues have richer value
! than ali the Jewels in her crown. But those
ministerial tools of greedy aristocracy,
who have done and are now doing all they
can TO Cypress and wrong a people to whom
they owe protection-are they fit to govern?
No, not TO livel If | had the voice of an
| angel trumpet -tongued" / could not speak
/ their condemnation more loudly than the
truth would warrant.
SYMPATHY FOR IRELAND.
After detailing some of the suffer ings of
the Irish people through centuries on account
of misrule and the efforts OF the people to
| right themselves, the speaker said: But what
| concern have we in this contest? Why
should we be disturbed by wrongs which we
neither suff,r nor inhict? / answer that
situated as we are, it is impossible to restrain
| our sympathies or school our feelings to the
policy Of a col indifference The Roman
dram atist, said: 81 am a man ana therefore
in all things human" These Irish are not
merely human; they are not Tartars, Mon
Il
i fully connected with hum anity. They be-
/ long to our own imperial race, whose physi-
! cal structure, mental endowments and ca
1 pacity for improvement put them ever in the
| foremost rank of men. More than that they
| are our kith and kin; we trace their ances-
tors in the line OF our own descent; their
blood, mingled with affiuent streams from
| other sources, flows in our own veins. But
| what can we do for them2 How can we help
them in this fearful strait? We have no
right to come between England and her SUBJ
| ects by any kind of force or violence, for
that is prohibited by the law of both coun-
tries and by treaty stipulatious. But you
have ways we'll understood of giving moral
comfort and material aid which -h-rzk no
law. The most devoted adberents of the
! British ministry acknowledged that the sue
cess of their Irish poliey Is more endangered
by your opposition 10 it than by all other
causes put together. A Lind League merely
a league with its roots on this |
side of the Atlantic will grow
| to be a power, not merely formidable but |
f .tal to the ascsndancy of the Landlords. To |
make this more Ineligible will require a |
brief look at the situation. The formation |
of the Land League, or rather the assump- |
ton of its present attitude, was new era |
in the history of the contest. Agricultural |
laborers resolved that they would not work |
for their enemies, and tenants said they |
would voluntarily pay no rent without the !
distinct assurance OF some permanent and |
substantial relief to the country. Acting |
upon the precept of the early christians to |
bear one another's burdens, they solemnly |
covenanted that each should be supported |
by the strength of all the rest. 1t was the |
greatest labor strike on record. The asso- !
citation was perfectly lawful. No criminal |
design was eyer imputed TO it. Active as |
sistance they would not render to their ad- |
krrew -. H.
they would yield when they must. Never |
theless, it spread panic among landlords,
middle-men and bailiffs.
IMPRISONMENT WITHOUT TRIAL.
Having alluded at some length TO the
action of Parliament touching the Land act
of 1881 and the imprisonment of leading
members OF the Land League, Judge Black
continued: Mr.. Forster and others engaged
in committing these outrages utter a shock
ing absurdity when they say that their object
was to maintsin law and preserve order
They commit crimes that strike heaven in
the face and pretend to be doing it for the
sake of the Law they violate. They break
the faith that holds the moral world together,
destroy all security for personal rights,
establish a reign of terror; and they cali
that social order! Is not this a contradiction
in terms and a mere mt ckery of common
sense? / am able 10 maintain against all
opposers that to seize an innocent man, pat
HIM in prison and hold him there, deprived
of his liberty, is among the ofienses against
divine and human law, which cannot under
any circumstances, ever be justified. This is
true when it is perpstrated by enc private
pers IN upon another; but il is almost in
tnitely worse when done by magistrate,
whose sacred duty il is to prevent such
wrongs not to commit them himself. If Mr..
Psrneil and the League had managed to carry
off Mr.. Forster and 500 Of his ablest friends
and kept them immured in dungeons for a
period of hopeless end, the case would have
been very plain, but not worse than what Mr..
Psrnell has suffered; nor quite so bad, for
the injury to him was Inflicted by the very
hand that was specially bound 10 protect him.
The charge of lawlessnC IS is not answered by
showing that the atrocities complained of
were done with the appreciation of Parlia-
ment That body could not give to such
crimes the sanctity of gal justice. | adj
nit that Parliament is unlimited in its pow
err to legislate, but an er pare order to kill or
imprison a man is not legislation. The Co
ercion act is not law, but sentence. As
doom pronounced upon innocent and absent
parties without notice, hearing or trial, 1t
was, of course, irregular, unjust and unau-
ihOrized; but still II was, in its nature, an
adjudication against particular persons, not
a rule of action.
RIGHTS OF AMERICAN CITIZENS.
Thus far have spoken OF the Icase as it
stands between the British government and
its Irish subjects. Upon this Ian only
assist with our voices in making up the judg-
ment of the world. But recent events have
given us more particular interest in the
subject matter. American citizens have
been kidnapped basely the Irish
patriots. What will we do about that? I
know not Our own history has not always
been proud one; our diplomatic record is
not free from blunders, and the drqlBlentun1
ad HON mem, while it proves nothing, may
embarrass discussion. But If we submit TO
this insult we must acknowledge that Eng
land is the master of Ireland and America
botn. If, on the other hand, We call that
lawless power to a proper reckoning, she
will see the necessity not only of discharging
The American prisoners, but OF making full
and ample reparation, lest worse thing
come>ppon her. The release of the Irish
r,S.o.-..;r- e E--I..l |