New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1882-04-13
COERCION IN IRELAND.

Mr.. Goodwin Smith speaks for himself when
he advocates more stringent measures OF coer-
cion than the British Commons have yet en-
acted for the government of Ireland. His as
sumption that the great mass of the American
people as distinguished from the politicians
will approve of the drastic processes which lie
recommends is unwarrantable. If they are
disposed, to-day, to sanction the force bills
which were passed year ago, it is because
they honor and respect Mr.. Gladstone, MIR.
Bright and other leaders of the Liberal party,
and not because they have full faith In u
species of legislation which can only be justi-
fed on the ground of political necessity. Ii the
Coercion acts had been proposed by Con-
sentative Ministry, and had not been coupled
with so generous and so complete measure OF
agrarian reform as the Land act, the sympa-
thies of the best classes of American society
would have been enlisted in behalf of the
Irish tenantry. When statesman of Mr..
Gladstonc's lucidity of mind and conscien-
tiousness had recourse to force bills, and so
ardent friend of the Irish people as Mr.
Bright reluctantly conceded the necessity of
this course, there was suspension OF judg-
ment Concessions 50 generous as the provl-
sions of the Land act took the sting out OF
Coercion. Americans were convinced that the
English Liberals were doing their best to re-
form abuses and to redress wrongs as well as
to restore order in the distracted country. Yet
they have never ceased to regard the Coercion
acts with instructive aversion. Arbitrary
measures which, AS Mr.. Lowell has said, are
contrary to the spirit and foundation princi-
pies OF English and American Jurisprudence"
do not commend themselves to the deliberate
Judgment of O free people. Mr.. Goodwin
Smiths recommendations in regard to the abO-
ltion of jury trial in agrarian cases, the colec-
ton of fair rents by summary process, the sus-
pension of representation of rebellious dis
tricts. the suppression of the murderous
press" and special precautions against foreign
emissares may be received with favor in Eng
land, but there is no warrant for assuming that
they will be appauded by the American people
There is no evidence, however, that the Lib
eral Government has determined to advance
still further on the barren path of repression.
A few nights before the Easter recess, Mr..
Gladstone was closely questioned in the Com
mons respecting his policy i'll Ireland. Mr..
Courtney, ono of the Under-Secretaries OF the
Government, had made several speeches out of
Parliament in favor of extending to the Irish
people the same principles of county govern
ment which the Liberals are inclined to
confer upon English counties. These had been
wilfully construed as distinct admissions of the
Justice of the cause which the Home Rulers
are advocating. The Premier was called
upon to explain these utterances and to define
the intentions of the Government. In reply he
discaimed any intention of introducing during
the present session either a comprehensive
measure Of Home Rule or more stringent
force bill. 1t was premature, he explained, to
talk of introducing another measure, when the
Coercion act would not expire until the last
day of September and when the political and So
cial conditions in Ireland might vary materially
from month to month. An interval still re-
mains in which the Government can decide
upon its future course of action. If it finds 1t
necessary to propose a more stringent measure
or to ask for any of the additional pow
ers of which Mr.. Goodwin Smith discOurses,
the faith which Mr.. Gladstone has inspired
among the best classes of Americans may re-
main mistaken. The plea of political necessity
and the enfcr cement of benefcent scheme of
land reform may again be urged with irresisti-
BILE force. But Russian methods will still be
un- English methods, and Americans will look
upon them with cold distrust.