Morning journal and courier. [volume] (New Haven [Conn.]) 1848-1894, 1882-02-18

NO ROOM FOR EXCLUSIVE CONTROL
THE NATIONAL CAPITAL.

THE NATIONAL CAPITAL.
The Monroe Doetrine-England's Dis
sent From its Policy-Not willing to
Allow the United States Full Control
of the Isthmus Canal.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 1.-THE following let
ter from Earl Granville to the British minis
ter here was the most important document
among the correspondence sent to the House
by the President to-day in response to a res
olution
FOREIGN OFFICE, JAN 7, 1882,
Sir-In the dispatch of the 18th ult. I in
formed you that the United States minister
at this court had communicated to me the
substance of a dispatch which he had re-
ceived from Mr.. Blaine, then Secretary of
State, on the subject of the convention of the
10Th of April, 1850. Finding that Mr.. Lowell
was authorized to give me copy of this dis
patch if I wished it 1 requested him to do so
and have already forwarded to you copy
for your information Her Majesty's gov
eminent have given their careful considera-
ton to the views set forth in the paper.
They entirely agree in the statement made
towards its conclusion as to the cordial rela-
tions so happily existing between the two
countries and as to the opportunity which
this state of things affords for frank expo
sition of the views held by either government
without risk of misconstruction. They have
no hesitation therefore in proceeding to ex-
anime the grounds advanced by Mr.. Blaine
for desiring modification of the convention.
The principles upon which the whole argu-
ment of the dispatch is founded are, as far
as I am aware, novel in international law.
If a discussion of the subject on
the abstract grounds of public right
were deemed useful or opportune it
would not be difficult to quote pas
sages from publicists of acknowledged au-
thority in both countries in support of this
opinion. But for several reasons it will be
better to treat the matter from the side of the
practical considerations which it involves.
without of course being precluded from re-
verting at any future stage, in case of need to
its other aspect. Her Majesty's government
cannot admit the analogy which rtols sought
to draw from the conduct of Great Britain
in regard to the suez canal is correct or jus
tilted by the facts. They have made no att
tempt to fortify the Island of Cyprus or to
establish it as an armed position on an i'm
portant scale, though they have an un-
doubted right to do So The fortress of
Gibraltar, the Island of Malta and the mill
tary establishment at Alden came into posses
sion of England at date long anterior to the
Cl1no Wn6n the MeO1Cerranean ana heQ pea
could be regarded as a military route to India
For years afterwards the whole mass of rein
forcements of India was sent by way of the
Cape of Good Hope, nor has any addition
been made to the strength of these positions
since the opening of the canal beyond what
has been natural consequence of the i'm
provement in military science. AL
though no doubt well adapted by
the situation to command the Straits of
ho Tc1o IF hoe
not in any sense been made fortified posi-
ton. The fort and garrison on the island
are in fact sufficient only to protect the
lighthouse which has been erected there for
the general benefit of navigation from q
possible attack by Arabs. The Navy depart
ment of the United States must be well
aware that Her Majesty's government have
never sought to bar, or even to restrict, the
use of the canal by the naval force of other
countries, and that even during the recent
war between Russia and Turkey, when the
canal itself formed portion of the territory
of one of the belligerents; when the seat of
conflict was close at hand, when British in
terests might in many other respects have
been nearly involved they contented them
selves by obtaining assurance that the sphere
of operations should not be extended to the
canal. Her Majesty's government cordi-
ally concur in what is stated by
Blaine as regards the unexampled
development of the United States on the
Pacific coast, and the capacity which they
possess for further progress. That develop
ment has been watched in this country with
admiration and interest, and will continue to
be so regarded, but though in rapidity it may
and probably has exceeded the most san
guine calculation, Her Majesty's government
cannot look upon it in the light of an unex-
pected event, or suppose that it was not
within the view of statesmen who were par
ties on either side to the Clayton-Bulwer
treaty. The declarations of President Monroe
and of his Cabinet in 1928 and 1924, what
ever may be the view taken of their scope
and bearing and of the admissibility of the
| principles which they involve or which it is
sought to deduce from them, show at least
that at that period, twenty-six years anterior
to the treaty now under discussion, there was
a clear provision of the great future reserve d
| to<the Pacific coast. 1t is, in the opinion
of Her Majestys government an inadmissible
contention that the regular and successful
operation of causes so evident at the time,
and in their nature SO irrepressible, should
be held to have completely altered the con-
dition of affairs to the extent of violating the
| foundations of an agreement which cannot
| be supposedGto have been concluded without
careful thought and elaboration. While
recognizing to the fullest degree the extent
| to which the United States must feel inter
| ested in any canal which may be constructed
| across the Isthmus of Panama, Her Majesty S
government would be wanting in regard to
| its duty if it failed to point out that Great
| Britain has large colonial possessions, no
| less than great commercial interests, which
render any means of unobstructed access from
| the Atlantic to the Pacific oceans matter for
| her also of the greatest Importance. The
| development of these possessions and inter
| ests has steadily continued, possibly with less
rapidity, but on a scale which has some rela-
| ton even to that of the Pacific States,
| Her Majesty's government do not wish to
| ignore the share which other nations have
acquired in the commerce of Central and
| South America or to exclude from considera-
| ton the interest of those countries in any
canal which may be made across the Isthmus.
| They are of opinion that such canal as q
| waterway between the two great oceans, and
| between all Europe and Eastern Asia, is q
work which concerns not merely the use of
the American continent, but of the whole
| civilized world. This is view which finds
| its expression in the sixth article of the
| treaty of 1850. Her Majesty's government
are as anxious as that of the United States
! that while all nations should enjoy thei +
| proper share. in the benefit to be ex-
| pected from the undertaking., no single
| country should acquire a predominating
| influence or control over. such means of COM
munication, and they will not oppose or de-
| CHIC any ulScuSSlou lOE t06 purpose OF S6cur-
| ing on a general international basis it's uni
versal and unrestricted use. With all defer
ence to the considerations which have
prompted the proposals made In Blaine's dis
patch, Her Majesty's government cannot be-
lieve that they would promote this object or
be beneficial in themselves The relations of
the United States with European powers are
fortunately of q nature to give rise to no feel
ings of suspicion or alarm The general ten
! 6anpU f0r6iOn rxiu
promise that they will so continue. But if
| provision is to be made on one side for diff
ferent state of affairs, it must be expected
that the course thus indicated will find its
natural and logical counterpart on the other.
Her Majestys government can conceive nc
more melancholy spectacle than competition
among the nations holding West Indian pos
sessions and others on the Central and South
American continent in ahe construction OF
Notifications to obtain command over the
canal and its approaches in the event of an
occasion arising for such measure. They can