The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1882-11-26
The Irish Parliamentary Party.

The Irish Parliamentary Party.
A striking account Of the Irish Parliamen-
tary party, as viewed in its relations to Ire
land on the one hand and imperial politics on
the other has been contributed by Mr.. T. NJ.
HEALY to the FortniOhHy Rerie,c. Mr. HEALY
is well known 10 our readers rs member OF
the Parncllitc group, and especially as THE
author Of q clause in the Land act Of 1881, on
whose Interpretation the usefulness of the
measure in large degree depends.
1t is Mr. HEALYs opinion that the closure
will not affect the Irish party for the present
as regards the character of tho legislation
which it may facilitate He boldly takes the
ground which Mr.. PARNELL has been CEN
sured by some of his countrymen for occu-
plying, viz, that with the exception OF coer-
cion. there Is scarcely any measure that the
Liberals may force through with which the
Irish party will not be in political sympathy.
That is to say, the Parncllite members have
nothing in common with the English Tories,
but are essentially Liberal in respect OF all
measures not directly affecting Ireland
Then. as TO the possibility of passing new
Coercion act under the gag law, Mr.. HEALY
assures us that at the next general election
thc lie phlty VIII itSClNc Il
OF strength equivalent to the loss of power
caused by the new rules, for tho number Of
Parnelite members will then he not far from
eighty instead of less than forty. His notion
is that even under the new forms of Parlia-
mentary procedure, eighty members can, IL
need be, give the Government quite as much
trouble as thirty-four members have been
able to give in recent sessions
What, according to Mr.. HEALY, has been
the rationale of the so-called obstructive
policy OF tho Irish party? That policy has
been based, he tells us, ON the conviction that
even If u British Ministry have the best in
tentions toward Ireland, the ris inertiG
among its own followers and the active an
tagonsm of its opponents are SO great that
useful Irish legislation will be attempted
only under the spur OF urgent necessity.
Moreover, few English Ministries have any
good intentions toward Ireland, and Minis
teral reluctance can only be overcome by
making it more inconvenicnt to withhold
than to grant legislation. He denies that
any Irish question has ever been dealt with
on its merits until 1t has first been consid-
cred in the light of its relation to Ministerial
exigcnces and the criticisms Of the OPPOSE
ton. We do not, however, understand Mr..
HEALY to question the sincerity of Mr.. GLAD
STONES professions, for he hints that the
shortcomings OF certain statesmen are not
chargeable so much to any fault of their own
as to the fact that before anything can be
done for Ireland by anybody, English opin-
ion which is generally badly informed, must
be consulted.
Mr.. HEALY says that II there were no Tory
party the Irish question could be settled in
n session. But as the Conservatives will for
many years be strongly represented in Par
Lament. and are politically allied with Irish
landlords, the action OF an Irish party must
be vigorous enough to overcome, not merely
the natural reluctance even Of Liberal Minis
tries to undertake large Legislative changes
in conformity with Irish demands, but the
further hesitation supcrlmposed on the Gov
crnmcnt by the standing attitude Of tho To-
rics. On the other hand, Mr.. HEALY Is OF the
opinion that Home Rule, If granted at all,
will be bestowed by a Tory Ministry. This,
at first sight, seems irreconcilablc with the
remark just quoted, but upon consideration
will be found consistent with it. The British
Liberals were unable in 1867 to pass a second
Reform bill, because the Conservatives were
vehemently opposed to any further extension
OF suffrage. Nevertheless, when the Conser-
vativcs came into power, and Mr.. DISRAELI
made clear to them that new Reform bill
was the price of their continued asccndancy,
they consented to pass such measure, and
We're able to do SO j. cause the Liberals, al
ready committed to a similar scheme, could
offer only lukcwarm resistance. So as re-
CARDS the matter Of Home Rule the Con-
| scrvativcs might be able to confer such a
boon on Ireland, because many of the Lib
erals, when their party was out OF Office,
would intcrposc but feeble and desultory
opposition. Moreover, the very fact that
| Home Rule was sanctioned by Conservatives
would so far to convince the people Of Great
| Britain that it could not involve a mutilation
of the United Kingdom.
Touching this point, Mr. HrALY declares
that, FOR his own part, he can see no danger,
| but only source Of strength, for the Eng
| fish people in Home Rule. There Is not, he
| thinks, Il single guarantee which their Gov
| eminent now possesses for the maintenance
Of English power in Ireland Of which Home
Rule would deprive them. Until satisfied
with the result Of the experiment, the Irish
| forts and barracks could still be held by Eng
| li-h soldiers, the police could still be kept
up in every Irish town, and English wai
ships could anchor, as at present, in Irish
waters, We are bound to say, however, that
we find it hard to conceive of Il system OF
Home Rule which would permit the police OF
every municipality to be paid and controlled
by the imperial authorities. At all events
that is not tho kind Of Home Rule with which
we are familiar on this side OF tho Atlantic
Neither can we concur with Mr.. IIEALY in
| pronouncing the constitutional machinery
required to adjust the workings Of loca
Legislature to those of an imperial Parlia
mcnt "a matter Of detail" We regret to sec
that no member OF the Irish party has vel