The evening light. [volume] (San Antonio, Tex.) 1881-1883, 1882-04-22
THE CHINEsE BILL.

The course of the president on the Chinese
question seems to have been frank, candid
and square. There is not the slightest partl-
san color to it. The fact that suspension OF
the treaty for twenty years amounted to vir-
tual abrogation of it was not the presidents
secret. Just such prohibtory measure Is
provided against by the treaty itself. 1t was
particularly incumbent on the president 10 De
mindful Of that fact. congressman and the
public journals may blow cheap opinions and
Indulge in buncombe, but the president Is
department Of the treaty-making power. 1t
was essentially incumbent on him to observe
the faith of the treaty. His objections are
stated in manly and patriotic words and pans
taken to intimate that he will not be IN the
way of the measure if this singl reasonable
objection is obviated. 1t is not vital, it is IN
deed non-essen:ial. Within the ten years
proposed there will be five occasions on which
the people will have the right to express them
selves on the question through congressional
changes. Why should not ten years be long
enough to Withhold from them the exercise OF
that right ? Why should we presume to send
the Chinese question over to the next century
The more it is thought of and discussed the
more forcible appears the objection OF the
president to the bill. 1t was vital to him IN
his official position to make such objection.
It was not, and is not, vital to the bill. The
president and friends of the administration in
congress will not be answerable to the country
if the measure is lost by any iniudicious course
taken upon it, or toward it. We have re-
peatedly urged, and declare again, that the in
terdcton of tradesmen or skilled labor, as
'.laborers'' was a direct, distinct and
wilful violation of both the letter and
spirit of the treaty. The president does
not seem to have considered it so,
or to have attached sufficient importance to it
to let it govern his official action. But nothing
can be clearer than that President Arthur has
been actuated by the highest sense of patriot
ism and of public justice on the question, and
that he has done no more then was absolutely
incumbent on him. In our opinion he has
done less, and we yield to none in our sense
IF the immense importance of the measure,
not to the Pacific States alone, but to the
whole people Of this country.
We SEE that George Dolby, who was the
business agent of Charles Dickens, during his
tour through the United States, proposes to
publish volume of the letters of Dickens to
him. We cannot imagine book of more in
ierest than this is likely to be. Whatever its
effect upon the fame of Dickens, it will let the
world into the true causes of his unapPeasable
enmity toward people who had shown him
only kindnesses, and showered on him only
nonors. Many of these letters, doubtless,
were written hurriedly and in moments of in
tense excitement, as it was just before the
close of Dickens persistent efforts OF many
wears to quirk, CANNON and snap the Ameri
can government into international copyright
and of his vain hammering Of the intellectual
sides of that staunch old government man-of
war, VIM. l.. Marcy, the secretary of state o
the United States, in which process Mr.. Dick
ems was of course greatly bruised. Mr. Dick
ems was great scribbler, but Mr.. Marcy wa
great man, and the conflict was unequal
It is a pity tina! Mr. Dickens memory can
be spared this exp ,sure. But that is not thu
worlds affair, and it will be better and wise
for learning of what excessively mean and in
significant materials some of its idols ar
made. Let us have the book Mr.. Dolby, tn
publication of which may not be the handsom
thing for you, but we will thank you for it a
the same.
Il THE TENTH DISTRICT.