The Iowa plain dealer. [volume] (New Oregon, Howard County, Iowa) 1867-1895, 1882-12-21
A BRITISH VIEW.

Article.
The remarkable letter Of the London
Times. Philadelphia correspondent, pub
lished on Tuesday, illustrates what is
believed in America to he the greatest,
or, ut east. the most immediate OF
American social dangers the growing
prominence Of the plutocrats and the
growing jealousy with which they are
regarded. We hare nothing in England
quite like the American millionaire.
We have rich men on this side, but,
With the possible exception OF tho
Rotlischilds. who are not English. and
Of whose position nobody knows any
thing accurately, our millionaires are
not 50 rich, and are not 50 prominent in
the national life, and are not inclined
to devote themselves solely to affairs.
perhaps of all British subjects the man
with the largest available resources;
and the lesser millionaires, men with
from f2,0DO,O00 to $4,000, 900,
either found families" process
which involves large purchases of
land and comparative obscurity, or
take to art and culture; or, like Sir I.
Brassey, range themselves into the sys-
tenn Of accepting Office. We cannot re-
call man who makes himself very Wis
IDLE by his use Of money alone, and
still less one who makes himself obnox-
ious. Baron Grant wanted to do the
former, but did not succeed, and now is
only recommended by Emma mine
shareholders, and the Londoners in
rusty coats who sit about on his seats
and enjoy the dreary liveliness Of Leiecs-
ter square. In America, the million
aire is what King is in European
object always of perpetual notice. and
often Of fanatical detestation. Owing
partly to the immense spaces, partly to
the diffusion Of wealth and partly to
habit, almost all great undertakings in
the American Union, and more especi-
ally undertakings in the interest
of communication, are carried on
nominally by corporations, and
these corporations tend to fall under
individual control. The Americans, to
be in with, prefer the Presidential sys-
tenn to the Parliamentary in oil things,
and leave to individuals whom We shall
call Chairmen far more direct power
than Englishmen usu lily do. They do
not use, moreover, the checks by which
We habitually prevent single men from
monopolzing stock in any concern, and
then governing it at their own discre-
ton. The notion of one man owning
ell the shares in the Bank Of England,
and appointing all the Directors, would
horrify Englishmen. An American with
. great fortune can buy joint-stock
bank, or railway train, or great tele-
graph system, and govern it as he
pleases; and he has many temptations
to do it. He wants occupation, and he
wants power, and he wants status; and
the control, say, of railway, with its
stocks, its contracts, its patronage, and
it, importance to State Governments,
gives him all he wishes for, beside
prospect, if he manages well, OF indefi-
nitely increasing his @pilc.'
What Americans want with colossal
fortunes we can hardly imagine, for
they get little that Englishme1 think
pleasant out Of them; but they do want
them, and set before themselves pecun-
iary ideals which to Englishmen seem
fabulous. Capitalists who shou d
know tell us that Mr.. Stewart. with
$4,000, 900, was not the richest Ameri-
can alive. one man, at least, possessing
: much heavier impediment to carry on
his road to heaven. With a million
and few sixpences an Engishman is
inclined to retire and pursue his tastes
in quiet; but an American is just begin
ming to operate" On grand Gale, and
with sense Of power and freedom.
With that money he begins to use his
brains. An American millionaire,
therefore. often makes himself master
of some grand concern, or group OF
concerns, and is thencetornard sort
OF King, governing as he pie ,se.,
pushing his policy rs against o. her
policies ii ,hting huge corporations,
defving the public, with which he
is sure, sooner or later. to come into
collision, corrupting State Govern
ments, and even influencing the Gov
eminent of the republic. He occupies
the post on a. once Of great company
and great aristocrat, and as he has
usually rs fes bowels as company, and
is as sslf-centered Us the great aristo-
crat. he is hated as neither is hated in
this country. And there is often cause
for hate.
Nothing can be more yexations to 4
community than that single man
should control all telegraph lines Of the
continent, as is nearly the case in
America, or should be able to make or
destroy entire cities, counties and
methods OF industry, bv altering rail-
way routes or rates things entirely
within Mr.. Vanderbilt's power, or Mr..
Jay Gould's-throughout great States;
or not only own, but insist on doing the
repairs for half city, like Mr.. Aston in
New York.
A feeling grows up that the individ-
nal should be made responsible for the
use Of such gigantic power, even
though it be derived from property,
just as it would grow up here il the
Gros enors, the Russells or the Bentinck
ladies used the enormous powers in
their hands through the ownership OF
West London. in any within zeal way.
Respect for property is stronger here
than In the Cnio !; hut just let the Duke
OF Westminster order his tenants, as
leases fall in, to paint all their houses
black. This feeling is more bit er
again I individuals than corporations
naturally, because the latter cre-
ate less sense Of individual and un-
reasoning will; and in America it
rises to such heights that the most
prominent millionaires-Nr Wander
bilt anil Mr.. Jay Gould-are in nearly
. much danger from dynamite as ordi-
nary European Kings. OF course any
appearance of abSolutism, and especial
~ Of coarsely cynical absolutism, in
their manage cement deepens the feeling,
both on it good side and on its bad,
roasing mere env, into hatred, while it
gives to the hatred the excuse of patri-
otism. We can we'll believe. there
fore, that when few days since Mr.. w.
Vanderbilt, in presence of an "in,er-
viewer" believed nv lis readers to be
Trustworthy, openly damned the pub