Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1882-12-20
Che freem
MONTPELIER VT
WEDNESDAY. DEC. 90, 1882.
Letters,


always elegant that takes the form of
letters or their modern substitute, tele-
grams; and though no chair has yet been
in any college to teach this sort
of thing there is good deal of instruction
getting abroad in relation to it.
The particular thing that just now
brings the subject of letters to the front is
the publication in the New York Herald
of ten columns OF letters that passed
between Senator Dorsey and Gen. Garfield.
L. P. Morton. Gen. Arthur and others in
the presidential campaign of 1880. These
ten columns are said to be only small
part of the interesting correspon ence in
question and appear to have been given to
the press at this time when Dorsey is
under indictment and on trial for the STAR
route conspiracy, to show his relations
with the leader Of the party.
But before noting few If the things
brought out by this correspondence which
is useful just now when the contract of the |
public service and election methods are
under consideration, we might look over
the big water and rest our eyes on the |
saints there that are held up as models of
governmental wisdom and purity.
Mr.. Gladstone, easily the first of English
statesmen, celebrated last week the fiftieth
anniversary of his entrance into public
life. His course has been honorable to his
country and himself. But it will not 90
down to quote him as sample of success
without Influence" His father was
rich man and In effective do not mean
by bribery, but by "influence" of wealth.
bought his son a seat in parliament. And
if anybody wants to know of English
election methods let them read some OF
the sketches of contested elections there
whether found in official reports or in
cosby tales such as found in Sergeant
BaIlantynes memoirs. In the latter be
will find q suggestion of how Mrs. Brassey,
the charming authoress of several books
OF modern travel, was successful in politi-
cal work where she innocently bought
goods Of tradesmen.
And the "in6uence" that works in Eng
land in elections in some way gets into
sthe civil service there. How it is we arc
not prepared to say but it is true enough
that the party in power gets the advantage
of the party out of power md has lpts OF
patronage which it makes use Of So we
must get at our own problem our own
way and we shall get at it all the quicker
il many of the advocates of reform will
stop setting up as examples lot of Eng
llsh performances that when carefully
studied are no good at all as models.
The evils that exist here find their coun
terparts rather than their contrasts in
older countries. The use of money and
o. influence" in elections, and the evils
of patronage and Influence in appoint
ments, are not found in America alone
nor even the violence that prevails in some
quarters of this country. And at any rate
whether universal or local. these evils
exist in the United States. The letters
published in the Herald afford common.
tary on campaigning, that unpleasant as
it is, may better be made public, so that
folks can understand just how things are
When President Garfield died be was BIZ
many considered to have in some way
fallen in the cause of civil service reform
1t is questionable whether his death wa:
due to the spells system as much as i
was the resultant of party, factional ant
personal ambitions and Vaccinations
The chance is that history will finally sa,
that Guiteaus shot was not the outcom,
of personal revenge or grievance that b.
did not get an office but rather the schem
of a crank to unity republican factions.
The letters published in the Herald shcv
that Garfield, who was indisputably
great man and statesman, was like tn
great reform leader of the democrats il
1876 a managing politician, Tilden, unde
niably the greatest of the democrats ant
their protested bearer of the standard c
reform, managed his own campaign
Garfield as shown by his letters TO Dorse,
had his hand on the helm in the republ
can campaign of 1880 His letters Will
they may advance the estim .tion in whc
the practical side of his character is bel
will do no good to his reputation as
high exemplar of American citizenship.
Like Webster and like Tilden he coul,
not see that he WAS greater than III
presidency. He used the men and til
means they gave who were at the comman
OF the party. He even condescended t.
have the preference that it WAS suppose
his fellow church members would hav
for one of their peculiar sect used Il
working capital for the campai ~. Th
correspondence shows Morton contributin
OF his large fortune toward rpublica
success, and shows Garfield in such init
III te correspondence with Dorsey rs hi
admirers will not like. 1t does not, it
true, show him under the domination {
the men who furnished tn money an
who spent it, but il does show the level t
which the conduct of presidential can
paign brings great man.
A campaign managed by BArnum O
the democratic side and by Dorsey on Ii
republican side was sure to be one
money and bad methods. Barnum ha
bought mules" in 1876 and expected
get more Ct them for his money In 18s
but he found in Dorsey a man who ha
outmanaged him. Barnum $ methods wei
successful in Indiana in 1876 and wer
unsuccessful there in 1880 and Dorsey
won instead.
The democratic party in 1880, kpowin
what Barnum's methods had been in l87
rut him again at the head of its campag
committee. Leading republicans gave NJ
Dorsey dinner at Delmonica's in Ne
York after the close of the 1880 campaign
fTrt 1 ~