The weekly democratic statesman. [volume] (Austin, Tex.) 1871-1883, 1882-04-06

. . .
The government was and re-
mained absolute in the king from
I701 to 1849-148 years. In these 14S
years the king ruled without any
semblanCe of parliament or legisla-
tive body. His will was the supreme
law, quite as much as was that of
Louis XIV. of France when he arro-
gantly bOasted: 81 am the Statep
In 1889 occurred a popular revOlu-
tion, which swept over all Europe
west of Russia, and in Prussia forced
Frederick Wilhelm w., brother of
the present king. to concede some
thing like a constitution and parlia-
mentary form of government. The
first constituent assembly convened
IN August, 1S49. The constitution
was modified by royal DEGREES in
1851, again in 1852, 1858, 1856, 1856,
1857, 1867, and the last time in
1873. AS the constitution now
stands the king, as the ex-
ecutive is assisted by a council of
ten ministers. He also shares i'll
part the powers of legislation with
the parliament, which is composed
of a house of lords and a chamber
of deputies, the latter elected by the
people. The king and each of the
chambers may propose laws, and the
king virtually cOmpOses and con-
trols the house of lords. Tie depu-
ties-433 in number-are elected by
the people for a term of three years.
Elections must be held within six
months after the expiration of the
term, or after the dissolution of par
lament by the king, who is given
power to dissolve it at will. The
sittings are open. The members
vote according to their convictions,
and no member can be called to ac-
count for his vote, or for opinions
expressed in the chambers. They
are paid travelling expenses and five
dollars per day, and refusal of pay
is prohibited. No law can be passed
without the concurrence of both
chambers and the approval of the
king.
There is now deadlock between
the chamber of deputies and the
king, whose policy of government
or rather, Bismarck's-fails to secure
a majority in that body. Hence the
royal rescript, in which the king at
tempts to repudiate the constitution
by asserting his sovereign and
hereditary right to direct the policy
of what he calls his government
He denies that the ministers are
responsible to the parliament, and
insists that they are the more clerks
to present his own plans. He claims
that the original relations between
the Prussian kings and people have
not been changed by the constitu-
ton, which is equivalent to saying
that he is, by hereditary right, as
absolute despot as Frederick Will
helm 1 or Frederick the Great. He
states it as his will "that in Prussia,
and also in the legislative bodies of
the empire no doubt will be allowed
to attach 10 his right to personally
direct the policy of the govern
ment." And he says that "his func-
tinnaries are expected to support
his policy, even at the elections"
There is but one Interpretation OF
these declarations. The king means
that his ministers shall, if necessary,
use force or other illicit means to
control the elections according to
his will and policy. And this is
what causes the Liberals of Prussia
to apprehend conflict with the
king in defense of the constitution.
In snort, the kings rescript is what
German paper describes it-a
coup Getdt. 1t is warning that the
parliament will be dissolved if it re-
fuses his policy, and that i'll another
appeal to the voters the army meth
ods of Louis Napoleon will be tested
to secure a majority in his favor.
Prussia-all Germany-is threaten
ed with civil wal or a return to des-
potic government.