Barbour County index. [volume] (Medicine Lodge, Kan.) 1880-current, 1882-03-09

s.ra de often skillfully avoids the
s scn.1 OF his opponents position and
o an CONFUSION In his ranks by attacking
an exposed point when really the righteous.
ness OF the cause and and the s,renstI IS
logic al lntrenchment are against him. He
sSonquers often both against the right and
ne heavy battalions; as when von,o
Sharies Fox, in the days of toryisn. carried
tue house OF commons against iustice
against Its memorial rights, against it, own
SSonVlcnons, IL indeed, at that period Fox
Bad convictions, and, in the interest of O
corrupt administration, in obedience to q
tyrannicAl sovereign, drove Wilkes rom
me seat to which the electors of Middlesex
nan CHOSEN him and installed Luttrell in
oenapce, not merely of law but of public
uecency. For an achievement of this kind
SaTneio was disqualified, disqualified bv
the texture of his mind, by tine
HONESTY OF HIS HEART.
oy his conscience and by every instinct and
aspiration of his nature.
LIE three most distinguished parlis-
neD'ary leaders hitherto deyeloped in this
country are Mr.. Clay, Mr.. Douglas and Mr..
1nauoeus Stevens. Each was a man of
consummate ability, of great earnestness. of
Intense personality, differing widely, each
from the others, and yet with q signal trait
In common-the power to command. In
me give and take of daily discussion, in
IDe art Oh controlling and consolidating re-
'uelant and refractory followers, in the
Skill to overcome all forms of opposition.
ana 10 meet with competency and courage
toe varying phases of unlocked for assault
or unsupported detection. it would be diff
hcult to rank with these fourth name IN
an our congressional history. But of these
Mr.. Clay was the greatest. 1t would, per-
hdps, be impossible to find in the parlia-
mentary annals If the world a parallel to
Mr.. Clay in 1S41, when at GA years of age
lie took the control of the whig party from
ne president who had received their suf-
trages, against the power of Webster in the
cabinet, against the eloquence Of Choate in
the senate, against the herculean efforts of
Caleb Gushing and Henry A. Wise in the
house. In unshared leadership, in the
pride and plentitu6e of power he hurled
against John Tyler with deepest scorn the
mass OF that conQuenng column which had
swept over the lana in 1S4U. and drove his
administration to seek shelter bebind the
i'nes of his political foes. Mr.. Douglas
achieved victory scarcely less wonderful
when, 10 1854, against the secret desires of
strong administration, against the wise
counsel or older cblefs, against the conser-
Vative instincts and even the moral sense of
The country, be forced @ reluctant con-
gress into repeal of the Missouri COM
promise. Mr.. Thaddeus Stevens in his
contests from 1865 to 1868 actually advanced
his parliamentary leadership until congress
tied the hands Of the president and govern
ed the country by its own will, leaving only
pertunctory duties to be discharged by the
executive. With 200.000,t00 of patronage
'n his hanos at the opening of the contest,
aided by the active force of Seward IN the
cabinet and the Dral power of Chase on
the bench, Andrew Johnson could not
command the support of one-third in either
house against the parliamentary uprising of
which Thaddeus Stevens was the animating
spirit and
THE UNQU ESTIoNED LEADER.
From these three great men Garfield diff
Tered radically, dinered in the quality of
his mind, In temperament. in the form and
chase of ambition. He could not do what
they did, but he could do what they could
no., and in the breadth Of his congressional
work he left that which will no longer ex-
ert potential ibflnence among men, and
which, measured by the severe tests of DOS
thumous criticism, will secure more en-
during and more enviable fame.
Those unfamiliar with Garfield's indus
try, ami ignorant of the details of his
work, may, IN some degree, measure them
Ov the annals of congress. No one of the
generation of public men to which he be-
longed has contributed so much that will
be valuable for future reference. His
speeches are numerous, many of them
brilliant, all of them well studied, care
fully phrased, and exhaustive of the SUBJ
ject under consideration. Collected from
che scattered pages OF ninety royal octave
volumes of Congressional Record they
would present an invaluable com peD dunn
of the political history of the most i'm
pOrtant era through which tine national
government has ever passed. When the
history Of this period shall be impartially
written, when war legislation, measures of
reconstruction, protection of human
rights, amendments to the constitution,
maintenance of public credit, steps toward
specie resumption; true theories Of reve.
nue. may be reviewed, unsurrounded by
prejudice and disconnected from partisan
ism, the speeches OF Garfield will be esti-
mated at their true value, and will be found
TO comprise vast magazine of fact and
arguHeDt. of clear analysis and sound
conclusion. Indeed, il no other authority
were accessible, his speeches in the hOuse
of representatives from December, 1868, to
June, 1850, would give q we'll connected
history and complete defense of the imEor-
tant legislation of the seventeen eventful
wears that constitute his parliamentary life.
Far beyond that, his Speeches would be
found to forecast many great measures vet
to be cempleted-neasures which be knew
were beyond the public opinion of the
hour. hut which be confidently believed
WOULD SECURE POPULAR APPROVAL
within the periOd of his own lifetime, and
by the aid OF his own efforts.
DIffung, as Garfield does, from the bril-
liant parliamentary leader, 1t is not easy to
ind his counterpart anywhere in the record
OF American public life. He perhaps more
nearly resembles Mr.. seward in his su-
creme faith in the all conqueriug power
OF a principle. He had the love of learning,
aud the patient industry of investigation,
to which John Quincy Adams owes bis
prominence and his presidency. He had
some of those ponderous elements of mind
which distinguished Mr.. Webster, and
which indeed, in all our public life have
lett the great Massachusetts, senator with
out On intellectual peer.
In EBglish parliamentary history, as in
our own, the leaders in the house of COM
mons present points of essential difference
from Garfield. But some of his methods
recall the best features in the strong, indie
pendent course of Sir Robert Peel, and
striking resemblauces are discernible in
that most promising of modern conserva-
tives. who died too early for his country and
his fame. the Lord George Bentinck. He
had all of Burke's love for the sublime and
the beautiful, with, possibly, something of
bis suDerabundaDcp. and in his faith and