New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1882-08-07
ENGLAND AND EGYPT.

Clads.one's speech last night in moving the Vote of
Credit for the Egyptian expedition is to be found
in the fact that the Conserv atives had no answer
ready to it, The proposal they made for adjourn
ment is not usual proposal They had ample
notice. They have had Lord Grauvilles dispatch
to Lord Dufern-a very complete and specific sum-
mary of the Governments case-in their possession
ever since last Friday. They have had the results
of the innumerable lnterroCatores daily admins
tered TO the Government for weeks past by MI
Ashmead- Bartlett, Sir Drummond Wolf, Mr..
O'Donnell, and the whole body of Conservative
irregulsrs. with occasional assistance nom 'he
heavy dragons of the OppostionFront Bench. lhey
have had the newspapers often more full ana IN
forming than the official papers, OF when also an
other batch was produced on Saturday. lhey nave
had the benefit OF all the partial debates repeatedly
raised in the House on all sorts of Egyptian ques-
lions With all this. they were not ready to answer
Mr. Gladstone when he sat down, and the country
is pretty likely TO draw a correct inference from
their silence and confusion
The truth is the Conservatives had not quite made
up their minds what line to take. They took two
lines in default of one Sir Stafford Northcote, who
rose to reply to Mr.. Gladstone, began by saying
that if England undertook the task of restoring Or
der in Egypt she would have the full support of
her sons of all shades of opinion. Two minutes
later he observed that before committing them
selves 10 the support of the Government, the Con-
seryatives would require some little consideration
Lord Salisbury replying to Earl Granville IN the
Lords earlier in The evening" took definite ground
enough at the beginning of his speech IL is the
duty of England, he said, to combine as one man to
assist the Government. By-and-by he declared,
If we ask ourselves what is there which we
have a right to ask the Egyptian Gov
eminent which We have not got, we should
L. Il fhr nm /
perhaps an odd way of assisting the Government
to point out that it is using force to support de-
mands which it cannot justify. But the argument
need not be pursued 1t is the business of the Oppo-
sitlon to oppose. The leaders of the Oppost ton
in the two Houses know very well that neither the
country nor their own followers would lie with
them in anything like policy of general hostility TO
the Government this question. On the other
hand it will not do 10 let Ministers have credit for
wisdom or energy or foresight when judicious criti
cism can impair their claim to all three. Hence the
divided voice of Lord Salisbury and the delay APP
pealed for by Sir Stafford Northcote Means must
be found of damaging the Government while ap-
pearing to support its action abroad.
MI Gladstones speech and Lord Granvilles dis
patches and speech together have made these pc
culiar Conservative tactics rather more difficult
than the Conservative leaders expected TO begin
with the impression Mr.. Gladstone produced in the
House of Commons one of very unusual kind.
He treated the financial part of the business with
his usual easy mastery and ID his usual manner
But directly he came TO the question of policy he
smoke in tone which denoted the deepest sense of
responsibility and the deepest conviction of the es-
sental justice of his case He evaded no
difficulty that he bound TO meet. If his
answers to some troublesome questions did not sat
isfy every body, they at least satisfied himself
NJ, cObtf In
eoquence and dignity and i'll weightiness of matter
everybody felt that the speech was worthy of the
occasion and of the speaker.
On the financial arrangement l will say but a
word Mr.. Gladstone's known austerty of principle
in all money matters has seldom been put to Sc
verer test, but he stuck TO his guns. None of his
criticisms the late Ministry had more effect with
the country than his demonstration of the profit
gacy of their system of spending money
without immediately providing for the outlay
by fresh and adequate taxation. lie leaves
them no chance of retoring the criticism upon him
self. The g, 100000 are to be provided for by All
increase of a penny-half-p penny III the income tax
making 1t Gid in the pound instead of cd. as now
This is the readest means doubt, of raising the
funds needed but it does not take great inancier
to do it. The finance however, is honest and in a
sense heroic also. Everybody approves 1t III theory
and in public. and everybody who has an income
tax TO pay grumbes at it in private. Mr. Glad
stones courage consists in facing this general dis
content of the classes from whom great part of
his political support must come.
/ don't suppose Mr.. Gladstone had heard Lord
Salisburys speech but if he had he could not have
applied himself more directly to the answering OF
Lord Salisbury's rather perfdious question, - What
business have we in Egypt" what claim that
can rightfully be asserted by force. The answer be
gave is partly historical. Rightly or wrongly,
England-not alone, but her partnership may for
the present be left out of the queslonpulled down
one ruler Egypt and set up another-the
present Khedive. She did more than set up ruler,
she set up system of government The
change of ruler and the change of rule, so
often represented as an intervention in behalf
of European bondhoders were really benef-
cent to Egypt. and in the interest of the
Egyptians themselves who never before so
prosperous coDtented. The Control improved
the finances. The Khedive reigned with justice
and moderation.
From the establishment of the Khedive in 1879
down to the moment of the bombardment at Alex
andra, there is series of steps which form chain
that cannot be broken. Mr.. Gladstone guards
himself, however, against any responsibility for the
origin of this state of things. 1--WE found it ex-
listing; we recognized frankly the claims of honor
and duty which it implied" What broke up the
existing state of things was not popular but
military discomfort. The attempt to depict
Arab as head of NATIONAL" party has
broken down. We have not the smallest reason TO
believe" says Mr. Gladstone, that the popular
feeling of Egypt is adverse TO the continuance of
the Khedive's rule" With a manifest alluson to
Sir William Gregory and Mr. Wilfrid Blunt he
adds: There have been periods in this history,
even in this country In which it has been charlt-
ably believed that the military party was the popu-
lar party, and struggling Tor the liberties
of Egypt. There is not the smallest rag shred of