News and citizen. [volume] (Morrisville, Vt. ;) 1881-current, 1882-05-11
MoNopoLI AND IT'S FRUITS.
Address by Professor AdIer-The Oil
Monopoly and the Builders of
Palaces Arraigned Before the
Court of Morality.

: Chickering Hsll, New York City, was
, crowded in every part on Sunday morn
} ing to listen to Professor Felix AdIer's
: address on monepoly. He spoke for 6
} full hour. and several of the sentiments
ne uttered werefollowed by hearty ap.
plause. He said:
The danger OF monopoly is real and
grave. 1t is ell them grave because
the organs of public speech are too
} oftsn silent with respect to it, and its
encroachments are rarely made fully
known. When w perceive fortune
of more than 8 slD8,O0J655o in the hands
of single person We may well begin to
ask whether such concentration OF
wealth is likely to endanger the safety
of the Republic or not. Let us consider
few of the points that are urged in
favor of monopolists. 1t is said that
capital can only render its most efficient
service wnen it is massed in large guam
titles. This is true. It is, further
more, said that large capital must be
controlled by single mind that there
must be captains of industry men
whose genius, like that of military COM
manders, enables them to lead the
armies of industry. This also is true.
In former times a commander actually
owned his army; had a proprietary
right in the service of his soldiers, and
the head of country was supposed to
own the country. But this view has
long since been abandoned. A distinc-
ton between executive control and
ownership has long since been made in
the army and in the State. So, too, a
time will come when it will be made in
the domain of industry; when there
will be great capital and great directors
of capital, but not, therefore, great
capitalists when the captains of indus
try will content themselves with the
honor of direction, with the charm that
lies in the exercise of great authority
and pecuniarily with the ample salaries
which the general joint stock companies
of the future can well afford to pay
them. 1t is said that the possession of
great fortunes may be public benefit
when the possessors use them for large
philanthropy; but as matter of fact,
we have little guarantee that they will
be so used, and in plain speech, many
of the wealthiest are at the same time
the meanest.
All thisdiscussion would be of little
immediate significance if it were not
for the circumstance that the evil re-
suits which monopoly has already pro-
duced, and is even now producing in
this country, have become so palpable
and oppressive. About a year ago an
article was published giving some ac-
count of the great monopoly which mas
laid its heavy hand upon the oil re-
eions of New York and Pennsylvania,
and setting forth facts which, taking
them as reported Gin ihe atlantic
Monthly), must fill one with horror and
indignation. It is there charged that
hundreds of families have been ruined
by this monopoly; that thousands OF
persons, honestly seeking to earn the
means of subsistence, have been thrown
out of employment by 1t. A list OF
seventy-six refineries is mentioned, of
which twenty-one were driven out OF
the business, thirty-ore were dis
mantled. and the remaining twenty-four
were leased or so1gh be run IN the
interest of monopoly OF to be shut
down in order to keep up the price arti-
fcially by this means. al this would
have been impossible without the col
lusion of the great railroads that are
supposed to be common carriers, serv-
ing the public at large. 1t is stated
that the great railroads have returned
millions on millions as rebate to oil
monopoly, and that they finally refused
to carry oil for the competitors OF the
monopoly at any rate, thus seeking to
shut off the competitors entirely from
the market. And all this in a free
country, in which the laws are sup
posed to be made and enforced equally
for the benefit of the whole people!
But not only does the monopoly IN
jure these private interests, it also in
troduces or perpetuates corruption IN
the management of our political affairs.
The party politician needs the means OF
the great corporation the great cor
poration needs the vote of the party
politician. Thus, one monopoly is
served by another, and they combine to
iniure the interests of the people, their
common prey. We are told that the
people of Pennsylvania i'll vain sought
redress for their grievances from the
Legislature, from the courts, from the
Governor of their State, and finally
from the Congress of the United
States. Somehow the Legislature, the
courts, the Governor and the Congress
refused to act, and the people obtained
not what they sought. lis it possible
for us to divine the reason?
And now there is added another
circumstance that makes monopoly
dangerous. 1t is the extravaganza and
display which are its fruit Here In
this CITY of New York we witness, L
think for the first time in the history OF
the Republic, the building OF magnlf-
icent palaces by private citizens.
These palaces are the fruit OF monopoly.
They are as such-in the name OF
morality I dare to say it-an eyesore
and a shame, do not believe that any
of the truly educated and refined VIII
envy this display of magnificence nor
those who display it. They are not'
from any higher estimate OF human me-
enviable. And yet, when we perceive
this new and evil fashion OF palace
building in our city, we cannot help
recalling to mind a few things. we
cannot help recalling to mind that there
is no provision made for the chronic
sick in our city; that there are nun
dreds of desperately poor ana sich
people who are turned away from the
door of every hospital and forced 10
die in neglect and needless pain pecauSe
there is not wealth enough In the clty
tB provide for them. We cannot heip
recalling that New York has no puoiio
library worthy of the name. we canno'
help recalling that the poor are oo.n
| PEELED to live in wretched tenemen'S'
with all the accompaniments OF squaior,
of misery. of sickness, OF CRIME aa