The Columbian. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1910, 1882-03-17

| =
chose persons of proved ability for en-
ploymcns demanding mon of business.
lie hated the hereditary principle b.
cause, as he said, "IT nEArED MroR-
TANCE uroN IDIOTS" The Boss system
does the same, and hence, | am bound
to conclude, he would have hated that if
he had lived see it developed.
| wish your Society great prosperity
and success. Thomas Jefferson be-
queathed to us immortal principles it is
our humber part to create methods for
giving those principles effect. The ma
tiion has not become corrupt; it has
simply grown very large and very rich.
We have to adjust our politics to larger
conditions and apply Jeffersonian prin
ciples to the government of vast and
growing empire. In this arduous work
| trust your Society will bear part.
Respectfully Your,
JAMES PARTON.
AT regular meeting of the Jefferson
Democratic Association of York, Feb. ~,
1882, it was resolved:
That this Association desires and in
vites the fullest and freest discussion of
the doctrines of Thomas Jefferson; that
we hail it with pleasure, from whatryer
source ii may come whether from the
friends of Federal consolidation, or
the advocates of local liberty ; whether
from Federalist, ,imperialist, so-caled Re
publican or honest Democrat relying
iirmly,as did Mr. Jefferson himself, upon
the virtue and intelligence of the people,
certain that whenever the issue between
the blessings of home rule, and the dead
ly evils of Capitalization shall be fairly
understood, they will decide promptly
and wisely as they did in the years 1900
and 1876.
We gratefully acknowledge the able
and interesting letter which MIR. Parton,
the distinguished biographer of ,Jeffer-
son, has kindly added to the literature
of the Association, and we commend it
to the thoughtful attention of men of all
parties, who are prepared to sacrifice
merely partisan considerations, and sever
merely partisan ties, to save the Consti
tuition 1877 from threatened subverson,
and the erection of what is cuphemisti-
cally called a "strong government onthe
ruins.
But while we heartily concur in the
main with Mr. Parton's deductions from
the system of Jefferson, and admire his
lucid and forcible application of funda-
mental principles to the existing situation,
we are not to be understood as agreeing
with him throughout. We hold, for in
stance,and we believe Mr.. Jefferson, who
maintained that frugality, economy and
simplicity, were the great essentials of
republican government, would have held
with us, that our public servants are as
a rule well paid. We got better, more
faithful, and more honest service from
them, when salaries were low, than since
they have been raised in the general rot
of Federal Capitalization and extrava-
gance and if we were called upon to
vote for a change, we would favor, not
an increase, but reduction. That Mr.
Jefferson in the single isolated case of
Mr.. Monroe, regretted his inability to
compensate him for an extraordinary
public service performed at an eXtraordi-
nary private sacrifice, is true but it
does not follow that he even then con-
sidered the ordinary pay of public off
cials for ordinary services less than it
ought to have been. 1t was in those
days of Jeffersonian simplicity, and truly
republican salaries, that men stood
ready to serve the country at a private
loss. We see nothing like it now; when
salaries have grown large enough to
tempt cupidity, and offices are made the
spoils and rewards of partisan work. In
stead of that pectace-Jefferson ad-
juring Monroe to go and serve his coun-
Try, practically without pay, we see a
Federalist Congress voting retired civil
ian, already overloaded with gratuilies, a
mere gift of ten thousand dollars an
nually, instead of directing proper pro
ceedings to be instituted for the recovery
of one hundred thousand dollars wrong
fully received by him, as Presidential
salary, y,under color of an infamous statute
passed in fragrant defiance of the Con
stitution, and signed by.this, the chief,
beneficiary,
We hold with Mr.. Parton that Mr..
Jefferson would have approached the
difficult question of tariff reform in a
conservative spirit, keeping in constant
vie y the general good of the whole cour.-
try and not the particularinterests of few
owners of capital invested in certain ar
titicially stimulated industries We think,
however,,th that Mr.. Jefferson was rather a
fair trader than free trader. His leading
principles on this subject might be form
uated thus: Congress may do that
which is necessary for the general wei
fare-as for defense in war-and to that
end might impose II customs duty, pro,
tective and even prohibitory in charac
ter if the object thereof were to render
the United States as a nation, indepen-
dent of foreign nations, in the matter OF
warlike supplies. But Congress may not
"under the plea of building up desira
BILE industries" levy, either directly OF
indirectly, tribute upon the whole peo
pie, which does not reach the Treasury
but which passes, as a mere bounty, into
the pockets of favored few Wher
Mr.. Hamilton announced the reverse o
this proposition in his celebrated Report
on Manufactures, Mr.. Jefferson accepted
the issue as a vital one, and informed
President Washington, that in his judg
ment, it involved nothing less than tn,
question whether we were to live "unde
limited or unlimited government. Blu
for independence, for defense, for inter
national justice, he believed in the coz
stitutional power of the United States
to lay discriminating duties, and to g
even to the length of embargo, the las
measure short of war, 1t is clear that n
man, of his day, did so much to advanc
the domestic manufactures of his countr
as Mr.. jefferson and to this end he ex
I crted himself equally in both his publ
: and private capacity lie preferred L
rise the necessary revenues of the genera
= government from custom sdutes, wsel
= aa aiuslnl 10 thal nLinnt rnlLur lLnI. l.