The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1882-08-09
Mr.. q. w. SmaIlev or England ana
Egypt-Mr. GladstOne's Account or
uVis usosiev

Gladstone had heard Lord Salisbury,
speech, but IL he had he could not hay,
applied himself more directly to the an
swering Of Lord Salisbury's rather perfdi
Gus question, "What business have we #
Egypt" or what claim that can rightfull,
be asserted by forcei The answer h,
gave is partly historical. Rightly O,
wrongly, England-not alone, but be]
/ partnership may for the present b,
left out Of the question-pulled dowr
one ruler over Egypt and set up another
the present khedive. She did more thar
set up ruler, she set up system OF gov
eminent. The change OF ruler and tht
change OF rulers, so often represented rs M
Intervention in behalf of Euroncan bond
holders, were really bcncficcnt to Egypt
and in the interest OF the Egyptians them
selves, who never before were so prosper
Gus or contented. The Control improved
the finances. The Khedive rcigned witt
justice and moderation.
From the establishment Of the KhedivC
in 1870 down TO the moment Of the bonn
bardmcnt at Alexandria there Is a series Of
steps which form chain that cannot bt
broken. Mr.. Gladstone guards himself
however, against any responsibility for tho
| origin Of this state OF things. ave found
it existing; we recognized frankly the
claims OF honor and duty which il Implied
What broke up the existing state Of things
was not popular but military discon.
tent. The attempt to depict Arab as head
OF National" party has broken down
owe have not the smallest reason tc
believe" says Mr.. Gladstone, "that the
popular feeling Of Egypt is adverse to the
continuance Of the Khedive's rule" With
manifest allusion TO Sir William Gregory
and Mr.. Wilircd Blunt he adds: "There
have been periods in this history, even in
this country, in which it has been charita-
bly, believed that the military party was the
popular parry, and was struggling for the
liberties OF Egypt. There Is not the small
est rag or shred OF evidence TO support
that contention"
In that very energetic phrase Mr.. Glad
stone offers a plain challenge to those peo-
pie who attack English intervention on the
ground that il is Intervention against the
liberties OF Egypt and Of the Egyptians.
There, | apprchend, is the kernel OF the
whole question in is relation to the sympa-
thies Of those nations who care for popular
liberties. There are Americans, rs there
are Frenchmen, who have detained
party in Egypt. and Arab at its head. II
they are serious. let them take up Mr..
Gladstone's challenge and produce their
evidence. But, till some rag or shred of
that evidence is forthcoming, discomfort
with English policy must base itself on
some other ground.
| know OF but one other, which is this,
that actual hostilities might have been
avoided. "Wcn," says Mr.. Gladstone,
"wc Justify the bombardmcnt Of the forts
at Alexandria simply, directly, and exclu-
sivelv as an act OF self-defence." We sent
the fleet there, he proceeds q give the sub
stance, not the worlds, TO protect English
subjects. We have never desired to use it,
nor to use troops. We bosought the inter-
yenlion OF the Sultan as the sovereign OF
Egypt. We appealed to Europe to act.
4 conference was held. The Sultan could
not be got to send troops to restore
lawful authority in a province OF his
own Empire. Europe declined to act in
concert. France was solicited TO unite
with England, but France held aloof, and
has now at last promised guarded and
limited cO6peratiOn, solely for securing the
SueZ canal. In these circumstances there
remained but two alternatives. Either
Egypt, for the government OF which Eng
land had made itself responsible in the past,
was TO be handed over to Arab and to
anarchy, or England must take upon her.
self the task of restoring order. The lat
ter is that which the Government has
chosen.
If anybody doubts in what spirit min
istrv of which Mr.. Gladstone is the head
enters upon such task, he will find some
thing to assure him in the last portion Of
this most remarkable speech. Never, |
think, has the doctrine of morals and pub
lie duty rs the basis OF political action
been carried furthcr-not by Mr.. Bright
himself. eve hope TO put down that
tyranny which now reigns in Egypt" and
when that preliminary step shall have been
achieved-and God grant that il may
he soon-We hope to promote a settle
ment Of Egyptian affairs based upon
the maintenance OF international right,
based upon the avoidance OF every selfish
purpose and design" Again and again
Mfr. Gladstone rCiterates in solemn language
his earnest desire to promote the liberties
of Egypt, and his eagerneSs towelcome the
assistance of any or all of the European
Powers in the work. Whether we go 10
Egypt alone or in partnership, we shall not
90 for selfish objects" And on the other
noint: cit will be a sacred part OF our
duty to favor equal laws in Egypt, and
within the limits of reason to favor popu'
lar liberty"
Yes. answered the lingo critics-and
some who are not JingOes-England Is 10
have all the cost, and risk, and loss, and
responsibility, and Egypt and Europe are
10 divide between them the resulting Dene'
its From the lingo point of view that il
nerbaps an effective objection. But l ap
nrehend that to foreign nations this selfisl
complaint will go far to JUSTIFY the GOV,
eminent, and will stand as suilicien
proof of its disinterestednesS; ana oi ~
anx;ons purpose to make its Egyptian pol
lev a policy OF justice and liberty.
IVY G. W. S.