Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1882-05-17

ZEALAND s..:sr-
ma which no genius, no statesman, has yet
been able to solve. Perhaps one reason of
the failure has arisen from inattention to the
fact that the real enigma lies not in Ireland
considered in itself. The true problem is the
connection between Ireland and England,
the mutual action and reaction of the two
countries. The conduct of England toward
Ireland is as much a factor in the question
as is the conduct of Ireland under English
rule. Ireland became subject to England by
conquest, as India did. India is governed
exclusively by England. Her people possess
nothing of English political liberty; they
have no representation; they are conquered
people ruled by the conqueror. The Irish
had nothing of the East Indians apathy,
they had profound love of country and a
strong sense of individual rights. England,
therefore, found it impossible to support
to It's full extent toward ireland the
part of conqueror commanding a con-
quered people, who must obey. Force
could deprive the people of the exercise of
personal rights, of the SOIL of their lives,
but no force that human power could bring
against Ireland could crush out its spirit OF
independence. There stands a rock whose
firmness neither the vigor of English will,
nor the perseverance, OF English obstinacy,
has ever been able to move. Under these
circumstances England resorted to that
weakest refuge of the bsffied statesman-
compromise. Ireland was granted munich
pal institutions, legislative representation,
and religious freedom. These were generally
doled out as concessions, not to a sense of
right and justice, but to demands accom-
panied by violence or danger OF violence.
Concessions so wrung from grudging hands
do not win gratitude, and they repel sffec-
ton. These stubs thrown to the whale" still
leave England ruling Ireland as a conquer
ing owner-not as Ireland wishes but as En-
gland wills. In the words of the New
York Herald; "Law is framed to suit En- |
glish views not Irish needs" Here lies the |
key of the present situation. The geographic |
cal position of Ireland axes it impossible for |
England to sever all connection wit h her. |
ireland an independent country might !
make alliances with other European coun-
tries, which in time of war would give
England's enemies ports for their
shipping and garrisons for their troops |
at England's very door. The Irishman |
may gnash his teeth that such a
plea for the union of the two countries
should exist, but he cannot deny that were
Ireland in England's place, he wonld find it
necessary to do as England does, in SO far as
insisting upon the continuance OF the union
of the two countries. The question remains
what are to be the terms of that union?
Here lies the point OF all the difficulty that
exists between the two countries. England
cannot forget that she holds dominion as a
conquerer; the Irish people will not sgree to
surrender their rights freemen. In
dealing with this aspect o. the question, the
English Tory party have always adhered
strongly to the position of Eogland exercis-
ing the dominion of conquerer. The Lib
eral party, in various degrees, have recog-
nized in the abstract, and more or less prac-
tically, the rights of the Irish people as
members of the human family in common
with themselves, and as natives of the
country descendants of its ancient owners.
Mr.. Gladstone has signalized himself
by admitting these claims of the
Irish people to an extent no
English statesman ever did before.
Such, however, is the influence of old habit,
OF the love of dominion, of reluctance to ad-
NIT ourselves wrong and our adversaries
right, that neither the present English Lib
eral party, nor Mr. Gladstone as its most adj
vanced leader, has been up to this day able
iuiiy to give up the position OF conqueror,