The sun., 1882-08-27

in service that does not belong to the Govern.
meni but it addresses itself e the individual
afford to throw whole system OF promotion
into complete impracticability. by sacrificing
employer in an effort to control the. rate Of
wages. thereby destroying or imperilling his
chance OF bettering his condition He is deal
ing with a little capital that is his all in the
orld-his labor. his only means OF livelihood.
and his opportunity for becoming something
more than he was when he began. No employ
er can keep omen to him n Channel OF promo
tiOn which he himself uses his energies TO OBJ
struct and which he. perhaps. closes eilectual-
ly. He may listen to the voices Of those VINO
have objects to accomplish that are, not. or
ought not to be- his objects. II would be well
for him IT, while he listens. he cndeavors TO
discover what such persons are aiming at II
he must watch somebody. with jealousy, 1t
would be well for him to direct some OF that
jealousy to the demagogue. III he must dis
trus. somebody. let him turn little, OF that
distrust toward tho leaders who are dsduali-
1t is not. sir, to the laboring classes alone
that it is worth while to present tho views
which am endeayoring to set forth In these
papers. Public opinion at least In the city OF
New York and its immediate nelghborhood. II
one may judge of its late manifestations. stands
subject even II those utterances are nothing
but simple truismS. do not mean to say that
in regard to the ate , strike q the S, frright E
opinion gave encouragement to the strikers to
perscycre in Il useless contest that was begun
in an unnecessary manner. But it is undenia-
able that so far rs public opinion acted at all
It acted in the wrong direction. and it acted
without due ,consideration OF the difficulty that
notice, on a demand Tor an Increase Of
other laborers. from being employed ut
the old rate. No one who means to be just
will deny that. considering the great numbers
of men engaged in this strike. aud the natural
excitement incident to such movements. the
main body of them sought to accomplish their
object without violence. But there has been
tone in the praise that was given to them for
their torOearance i'll which there has not been
proper Discrimination between nets when
may be and acts which may not bc permissible.
1t Is most remarkable that neither from pulpit.
nor torn nor press did there come anything
afford to pay the additional rate dcmpnded;
and that they were acting unreAsonaoly and
oprressiyely in withholding II. No one. SO far
rs could learn. took pains to master and set
forth the business elements OF the Ques-
tion 80 rs to, justify the blame that was
thrown upon the railroad managers. Under
such circumstances 1t was. perhaps. quite
natural for persons to extend symIathy
10 obstruct all movements OF merchandise rs a
means of coercing the railroads to pay higner
wages to the men employed TO load and un-
came the money that was contributed to
sustain the strike. it was money given to the
encouragement of the strike. in most instances
upon the assumption that it is allowable TO en-
ploy kind Of moral coercion to an employer,
so long as no acts OF violence are committed
against persons or property. But 1t matters
not whether the obstruction that is interposed
to prevent a railroad from fulfilling the pur-
BY moral means. Behind all direct breaches of
the, peace. there Is a question in such cases
with which society ought to deal: 1t is
VIA %%as s12S S0HaS Odrhs sns' nSs''sHR: g.
outraged in efforts to prevent other
that they choose TO acceptyenorts which are
up, or the cars were destroyed. Unless the
public shall reject all distinction between
physical and moral coercion. when either is
applied to prevent common carrier from full
public shall insist on every mans right TO an
equal chance in the labor market. whether he
is of one nationality or of another whether he
has been long upon our soil or has, only Just
landed upon tive shall have, troubles out Of
which there will be no issue. Tne labor mar
ket must b. kept absolutely free: and i is be-
cause we have thus far kept IL to!erably free
that we have been able To do So much for the
welfare OF the aboring classes a. we have done
M the same time tnat we nave been able 10 do
much for the DEVELOPMENT OF our national
resources and the accumulation or wealth.
But the late occurrences in New York and its
vicinity show that We are in some danger OF
In the next paper which shall send TO you
shall describe what took plnce IN England prior
strikes and trades unions. In giving.th recital
hope shall not be understood as imputing to
any class Of laborers in this country a DISPOSE
tion TO initiate the acts ot which shall give an
account. But there IL much instruction to be
derived from the recent English Legislation on
the subject Of trades unions and, IN order to
understand the principles Of that legislation. ii
is necessary to look at the state OF things ont
Of which it arose. In my fourth paper l shall
suggest II mode! oft trade union that would. IL
seems to me- be useful 10 its members and un-
Objectionable toward employers. II. in the ex-
i9ting state OF things, what | write seems like
:, the voice OF one crying in the wilderness let
il be remembered that no voice that was ever
uttered in any wilderness ever did any harm.
RicHFIELD SPRINGS. Aug. IL. q. I. e.