Savannah morning news. [volume] (Savannah) 1868-1887, 1882-05-08
ST. Louis Republican.


That the Irish problem, under the new
situation of affairs, presents more difficult
ties to the British Government than ever be-
| fore, is evident to those who give the sub
| ject careful and intelligent examination.
| The abandonment of coercion carries with
it an assurance that this policy can never be
| resumed by the party now In power, unless
there is imminent danger of open insurrec-
| t1on. Consequently no alternative is left
except to try conciliation and concession,
which, 1t is announced, viii be tried as soon
as the required legislation is obtained.
What legal shape conciliation and
| concession will assume is as yet un-
known: probably the government itself
does not know. One thing, however, is
certain: that reforms deeper and broader
| than the land act involves must be the
starting point That act has irritated the
landlords and not satisfied the tenants. We
believe that its provisions, II promptly and
| faithfully executed, would accomplish great
| good; but with the two classes most in
terested hopelessly prejudiced against 1t,
and hindering instead of helping such ex-
| ecution, nothing of importance can be
| accomplished, So the step which Mr..
Gladstone now proposes to take, though
IN the same direction, must go considerably
| further in order to reach and win the ten
ants, without whose aid failure is inevita-
| bic. As the landlords complain that the
land act goes too far, and is the opening
wedge for confscsiion, their hostility to
more radical measures is guaranteed in sd-
vance. Nor will they stand alone. At least
four-t1fths of the English and Scotch land
lords will make common cause with them,
and under such combined pressure It Is
somewhat doubtful whether the necessary
majority in Parliament can be secured in
the House of Lords the contest is certain to
be exceedingly close, with the chances
against the government. Now If the Land
League, and those whom it represents, in
sist upon driving Gladstone further than he
can safely go, and refuse to sanction any
measure which does not fully come up to
their standard, his defeat in Parliament Is q
foreordained fact. Not only will he need
the votes of the Irish members, but he win
lose large proportion of the Liberal votes,
unless It is reasonably sure that the new
legislation will put an end to Irish agitation
and set In motion influences which tend to
peace and prosperity.
Much, II not everything, therefore, de-
pends upon the attitude and action of Mr..
Parnell and his colleagues. They may be
said to hold In their hands not only the fate
Of the present ministry, but the fate OF Ire
land. II for any or no reason they oppose
the forthcoming programme, we do not see
how the ministry can possibly sustain itself;
and II it falls what prospect is there for the
IOulCoo VI IAibu SIlGfduCbct III our
opinion, none whatever. We do not
believe the Tory leaders have the
slightest intention-in event of their
accession to power-of being more
liberal than the Liberals In dealing with
Ireland. We believe they stand, practical
", just where the party has stood for the
last hundred years; and that all their pro-
fessions and promises to the contrary are
simply political tricks to catch the Irish
vote and thereby weaken their opponents.
Tory traditions and principles have not been
entirely reversed in the short time since
Beaconsfield's death, and we know what
they were then and what policy they IA
vored. If Mr.. Parneu and his colleagues
trust and assist the Tories, they will be
grossly deceived, and deserve what they are
sure to get. We can readily understand
that these gentlemen do not come out of
prison in the most amiable mood toward
the government which placed them there.
and their position under the present circum~
stances is an exceedingly embarrassing one.
severer test of their patriotism can
scarcely be imagined, and 1t is to be hoped
they will so regard It and act accordingly.
They have nothing to gain by the breaking
down of the ministry except the gratifca-
ton of personal animosity, and they and
their country have much to gain by accept
ing the new policy In the spirit in which it
is offered aud aiding its adoption and en-
forcement. 1t may not, probably will not.
go as far as they and their constituents
wish; but it is likely to go further in the
right direction than any Irish policy has
gone before, and that should be sufficient.
il not altogether satisfactory.
After all, the greatest difficulty with which
Mr.. Gladstone has to contend is the ineradi-
cable desire for Irish Independence. Behind
and below the clanlOr for home rule, separ-
ate parliament and tenant proprietorship
lies that desire-intense, fervent and unccn-
querable. No American who holds, with
Jefferson, that ''all governments derive
their just powers from the consent of the
governed" can fail to sYmpathiza with it,
or refrain from wishing its speedy full
hllment. But every thoughtful and
impartial person must see that in
dependence is out of the question
now. England will never Weld it as long.
as she is strong enough to offer effective re-
sistance, and what her strength is at present
it is needless 10 say. The time may come
is coming-when the bonds which unite
the two antagOnistic nationalities will be
broken, and Ireland arise her own mistress
forever. Dut that EImg-rOr which every
true son and daughter of Erin constautlv
praYs-has not yet arrived, and until it does
the best that can be done is to tighten the
yoke. To make the yoke heavier because
1t cannot at once be removed is suicidal
folly, and it is this folly the friends OF Ire
land at home and abroad will surely commit
II, without the strongest possible provoca-.
ton, they oppose the final efforts of Mr..
Gladstone for the solution of the Irish prob
lem.