New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1882-11-02
MR. GLADSTONE AND TIE CLOSURE.

| H..
| Mr. Gladstone's tactics since the resumption
of the Parliamentary session have been
adroit. The Irish members were prepared to
make great demonstration in the case OF Mr.
| GRAY. the member of the House who was re-
Gently imprisoned for publishing libel on
Dublin jury. The Premier anticipated their
| protestatiOns and inhammatory speeches 10y
giving their leader and three of his associates
places in II special committee of Investigation
| of which he himself is the chairman. The OPP
| positOn were anxious TO extract from him
premature declaration of the Governments
| intentions in Egypt. He has bafed them by
combining the discussion to a formal vote OF
thanks to the army. The timOrous Wings,
| who dislike the Closure in any form, whether
| by IA bare or IL twO-thIrds majority, were hop
| ing to find him in a cOnciliatOry mood, and
they too, have been disappointed He as
| firmly adhered to the majority rule and has
not evinced any disposition to make >conces-
sions At the same time he is making 10
threat of resignation, nor is he resOrting to ex-
ceptional methods of coercng and whipping in
his supporters. He closes an unanswerabe
argument in favor of the new rules with
frank declaration that the Government will
not resign, if their plan be rejected, as they
recognize the nalienable right of the House to
decide how its business is to be transacted.
Yet while the Premier leaves tie Wings at
liberty to vote against the Closure rule with
out mourning the risk Of Ministerial crisis,
he knows that he can safely count upon a ma
iority He is conscious of his own power. He
knows that he is stronger with the constituent
cies than he was when the general elections
Al dr. ;,,t
"a absolute His enemies, not having anything
else to say, charge him with subjecting not
only the Commons but the country to his
despotlc will, and lament that the House of
Lords can have no veto upon the Closure.
That his influence is overmastering cannot be
denied, but it is not the caprcious despotism of
personal popularity alone. 1t is the public
recognition of Mr.. Gladstones preemincnt
qualities as statesman of original power and
moral weight that makes his will the strongest
force in English politics.
The attitude of the Irish me mbers in the
critical division on the Closure will he eagerly
scanned. Evidence has not been wanting of
disposition on theiI pant to support the majority
in preference to the wO-thirds rule and while
the rumor that the Government had promised
to introduce several Irish measures at the next
session has been promptly denied, athe Parnell-
ties are apparently anxious to drive some sort
of bargain. If they can get further install
ments of agrarian and political reform, they
will be in a better position to appeal to the
island for a united delegation when the next
election is held. Mr.. Gladstone would un-
doubtedly be glad TO have their cooperation in
passing the new rules whereby obstruction is
to be rendered harmless if not impracticable,
and he would also welcome any disposition on
their part to allow the island to settle down
in to tranquility and peace. Whether the Irish
members are "bacRing for another leap" as
Mr. Healy says, or merely adopting wait
ing policy" by which they will reserve their
strength for the general election, when the
two main parties may be more evenly divided,
the agitation has suddenly collapsed. Mr..
Dillon has retired from the League councils,
Mr. Egan no longer carries the bag, and Mr.
D@itt is laboriOusly keeping step with Mr.
PaTnelrs mincng gait. The period of az
gressive agitation, OF systematic terrorism ard
wantOn crime is at an end. There is a lull i'm
the social revolution. When Mr.. Parnell even
ventures to evict his own tenants for non-pay-
ment of rent, the Irish Parliamentary party
may be locking ont for an opening in practical
legislation on give-and-take principles. That
opening may be found in the divisions on the
Closure.