Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1881-02-14

compact between the states was Of nature
confederation. He draws largely for
the basis of his argument upon the de-
bates in the constitutional convention Of
1889, and forh1es himself with extracts
from Storey on Constitution, Elliott's
debates and Bancrolt's history. He refers
to the memorable debate on tho purchase
of Louisiana, when Josiah Quincy, Of
Massachusetts, asserted in the house of
representatives that that act virtually dis.
solved the union, so that the states we're
freed from their obligations and should
prepare for peaceabe or forciblo separa-
ton.
He gives the history of the adoption Of
the Tenth amendment 10 the constitution
by which it is provided that "powers not
granted 10 the United States by the con-
stitution nor prohibited by it 10 the states
are reserved to the states respectively or
to the people" lie vindicates tho right
ofsecession as perfectly compatible with
the constitution, and claims besides that
the general government has no rightful
power to prevent it. The question, he
maintains, rests with the people, from
whom all power is isderived.
Arriving in the latter part. Of the first
volume, at the period when hostilities
first commenced, the narrative makes rapid
progress. The author refers TO the north
orn protests against coercion, in which
connection the name of Greeley figures
prominently. He maintains that the
south did everything in its power to go
out Of the union peaceably and quietly.
The conservative temper Of the southern
people, he says, was shown in the acts Of
its early congress, and in the adoption of
its constitution it was the desire and the
endeavor Of the confederacy to bind and
unto tho two countries together in friend-
ly ties.
He takes friendlier view of Lincoln
at the beginning of his administration
than of his conferees in the federal gov
ernment He speaks Of Lineoln's inaug-
ural address, and says that Lincoln did
not so far violate the traditions Of his
country as to defend coercion. While ar
guing against the right of the south to Sc
eede, and stating that he would use force
enough to protect United States property
he did not intimate that an invasion Of
southern soil would be undertaken. These
extracts from Mr.. Lincolns inaugural led
the south to hope that separation would
be brought about in peaceful manner.
Among the arguments with which he sup
ports this theory he cites contemporane
GUS debates on this subject in the senate oi
the United States, and quotes Senator
Douglas resolution ordering the with,
drswal of the forces occupying southern
forts. He accuses Seward and othors OF
bad faith in representing that no hostile in.
tention was involved in the succor which
! was sent to the government forts; whcreai
the real design was to enable troops tt
: hold out against the demands of the south
for the restoration Of its property.
J He characterizes the acts of Lincoln
, administration in sending ammunition {,
= Fort Sumpter as an act OF fraud and pre-
, varication, and still justides the right o
: the south to withdraw from the union ant
form a government of its own. He lay
the responsibility for all the bloodshed on
Q the north. He speaks at length of tn
: journey ofthe peace commissioners, VIII
: we're sent by the Confederate governmen
: from Montgomery, then its capital, Il
F., Washington, to negotiate for peaceful
t adjustment of the questions at issue.
lie severely critieises the conduct o
, Secretary Seward and his colleague during
the deliberations, and asserts that the au
, thorities of the south were not met in
Q frank and candid spirit.