The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1881-05-26

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ness and merits of their services and
recommended their continuance. They
were not presented by us. We have not
attempted to dictate nor have we asked
the nomination of one person to any
ofico in the State. Indeed with the sole
exception of the written request set forth
above We have never expressed an .opin.
ion to the President in any case unless
questioned in regard to it.
Some days ago the President abruptly
withdrew in one and the same act the
names of General Woodford and MIR.
Tenuy the two Marshals. This unprece.
dented proceedings, whether permissible
by law or not, was gravely significant.
The President had nominated these Off
cers after they had been weighed in the
balance. Their official records were
before him and had been fully scruti-
nized and approved. It must be pre-
sumed that he thought the nominations
| fit to be made and that it was his duty
to make them. There is no allegation
that he discovered unftness in them
afterwards 1t could hardly be that he
had discovered unftness in all of them
alike. What then was the meaning and
purpose of this peremptory step? 1t
was Immediately stated, as if by au'
thority and seems to be admitted, that
the purpose was to coerce Senator'S to
vote as they would not vote if left free
| from executive interference with the de-
signs of Senator'S touching matters COM
mitted by the Constitution to the Senate
exclusively. 1t had been suggested in
addition that by recalling those nomina-
tions and holding them in his own hands
the President might, in the event Of the
failure of another nomination, use them
to compensate that failure. If it can be
supposed that all these public trusts are
to be or would many event be made per-
| sonal perquisies, to be handled and dis.
posed not only to punish Independence OF
Senatorial votes Or action, but to lIqul..
date personal obligations ofany individual
however high in station, the conditions
are equally vicious and degrading, and
their acceptance would compel represen-
tative of States to fling down their oath
and report for duty at the footstool of
executive power. Following this
strict and sweeping executive act
came ominous avowals thai dissent
or failure to consent would be held
an act of offense, exposing all Senators
from whatever State to executive dis.
pleasure. Thus we find ourselves con:
fronted by the equestion whether we shall
surrender to the plain right and sworn
duty of Senators by consenting to what
we believe to be vicious and hurtful, or
be assigned the position of disloyalty to
an administration which we helped to
bring in, and the success of which we
earnestly wished for. Every reason and
motive which can enter into the case we
know. No theory adopted by any party
requires such submission as is now
exacted. Although party service may
be fairly considered in making selections
of public Offices, it can hardly be main
tained that the Senate is bound to
remove without cause incumbents merely
to make places for those whom any indi.
yidual, even the President or member
of his Cabinet, wishes TO repay for being
recreant to others or serviceable to him.
Only about two years ago the Senate
advised that General Merritt be appointed
Collector at New York. tits understood
that among the Senators who SO avised
was Mr.. Window, now Secretary of the
Treasury and head of the department
whose subordinate General Merritt is.
Another Senator known to have given
this advice was Mr.. Kirkwood, now Sec;
retary Of the Interior. 1t is said that
like the Postmaster General, from our
own State, these Cabinet officers were not
taken into consultation touching the
removal of General Merritt, but their
sworn and official actions as Senators is
none the less instructive. That the
Secretary of the Treasury of the late
administration, up to its expiration, less
than the ten weeks ago, approved Gene
raj Merritt as an officer, is we'll known:
It is nowhere suggested that citizens had
petitioned for his removal, or that any
official delinquency on his part is the
reason of it. In place Of an experienced
officer in the midst of his term, fixed
by law, it is proposed to put a
man who has no training for the position,
and who cannot be said to have any
special fitness for its official duties.
In the inaugural of, President Garfield,
delivered on March 4, stand these words !:
''The civil service can never be placed
on g satisfactory basis until it ia regula-
ted by the law for the good of the service
itself, for the protection of those who are
interested with the appointing power
against waste of time and obstruction to
public business, caused by inordinate
pressure for place, and of incumbents
against intrigue and wrong. shall, at
the proper time, ask Congress to fix the
term of minor Offices of the several ex-
ecutive departments, and prescribe the
grounds upon which incumbents shall be
appointed" How good the distinction
which makes major Offices a prey to
intrigue and wrong aud shields minor
officials from like, havoc, and whether
the collectorship of the country should
belong to the exposed or to the protected
class need not be decided her. Assum.
ing General Merritt to be an officer of
average fitness and honesty it might be
reasonably argued that all Senators
should with alacrity advise his displsce-
ment by a man Of obvious superiority.
Probably it tmight be said that all should
advise the selection in General Merritt's
Place of man who without superior
fitness had rendered his country or even
his party conspicuous and exalted SER
vice. The case in hand does not belong
to either of those two classes. the voca.
tion of Mr.. Robertson and his legisla-
tive and professional experiences and
surroundings do not denote superiority
in the qualities, the knowledge, the busl-
ness habits aud the familiarity with the
.a.anua ln,rn and crctan of the llnited