The People's vindicator. [volume] (Natchitoches, La.) 1874-1883, 1881-01-29
nuirr with Abraham Lincoln to END

rInNlNr WIFI hUEaNitu AIHOOAA ="
With Rutherford 4. Hayes. In the first
period Mr.. Elmunds thinks that party
divisions ''arose IRON necessary anu
intelligent differences Of opinion about
the rights and duties OF the several
States which had established American
On the one hand, ana
the new Government created by them
on the other hand In his treatment
OF the second period, the partlsal-
ship OF Mr.. i,munds becomes tlaEralie.
lie assumes the Democratic party 20
have been devoted from 1929 to l6"l 10
She protection Or extension OF save
labor, to free trade "uni@r which, ~
he @gotcsIue'y says, SIT WAS supposed
thai the sIaychoLdiny c0tton-9roWcr
couiic\"hanyr his products for those
oi the Ullrrp@ii labor Of Europe Win /,
out yiYin. %,,y cncrNrA .ncnt to the ,
free ab1' aHl irra schools Of IL" non /
>lnvvAnl,tii,G >tale>;' t, Tie roAtiue-
mvnt OF u ;ural &n,h"rttT within TIC ,
narro"c>t limits, and finally t" secc;-
son and civil war. Ihe icstal!I fourth
Of these obi acts, Senator Edm"nds nall
atmts.-are TO longer held in view D.
the Democratic parry. but the second
and tnirl endure. lie considers tie
Democracy in Con rr2S> 10 be "st!l. III
favor Uf iayinr Customs duties in such 4
way as to produce the greatest revenue
+ from a given commodity. without Hiy
reference to securing the labor o. our
nan I.;I
competition in foreign countries.
Would that there were no doubt a, to
this! The Democratic hostility to Ma
ti0nal authority MIR. Edmunds discovers
in the present Democratic resistance to
Fedora! laws intended TO regulate, in 4
Republican sense, the choice Of mem
beers of Congress By the several States
He steers wide OF the differences be-
tween the white and black races, and
also of the rather important fact that
President Grants Administrations con
stantly sought to use the negro vote IN
the South rs a party instrument. What
would Senator Etmun.s have said II the
: tremendous machinery OF the Federal
Government had been employed in YER
mont and in New En,ian'i year after
! year to array the C.nadiau vote, the
Irish vote and the Catholic vote against
the native Now En- Gland. Protestant Re-
, publican vote? The time may yet come
| when this will be done. And what will
Senator Edmunds say if the power OF
General GarIieid's Administration shall
5 be exercised to aid the manufacturing
industry of the land to organize It's
3 wOrkmcn against tariff reform?
| As 4 matter of fact Senator Edmunds
: admits, by his line of thought, that po-
y li,icaI parties in this country, as in En-
=. gland, rest upon historical and natural
e foundations, and not on any temporary
and artificial foundation. The modern
o CONSERVATIVE aud Liberal parties in En-
}. gland rest on the same foundations i'll
9 English history and in certain antithet'
= zeal forms in which the human mind is
l. cast with the Wing and Tory parties o
\ the past. Just is parties divided on
a State rights in the Presidential election
y Of 1900 in the United States, SO dc
st they divide to-day. What but Con
y stitutional principle underlies the tart
y question, which involves the right O.
Il the Federal Government to subsidiz'
re industry? Has Congress the Constitu
h tional right to legislate solely for tina
Or purpose? Can anything be more alb
T. suru than to speak of State rights as Il
g outcome OF slave labor? Was Josia
a? Quincy slaye-owner? Was the Har:
ut ford Convention a convention Of slave
ny owners? Slave labor was vind'cate
e. in the Southern States because it wa
under the protection of the Constitu
ton. A division Of opinion i4 Englan
respecting the paramount authority
Parliament over the sources OF iegailt
~ found expression in the parties know
lo' as Wing and Tory, and is still PARTIAL
~ ", reproduced in the antagonism Of til
nu Liberals and the Conservatives, and
TN division Of political opinion in tn
's - United States respecting the paramou'
y authority of Congress and the FEEDER
''!s Government over the several Stat
II found expression alike in the Eclectic
Jus OF 1900 and in the election Of 1880. A
ae not nearly all OF our party ditlerenc
e CTS to-day, which are based on principl
ill., referrablc to the question OF Sta
rights? What is the question of leo
.co tender in its legal aspect but a questi'
~, of Constitutional power3
VIZ 1t is easy to speak of Democratic Ii
'u- crafty about "internal improvement
ace as q modern thing. but was not t
az; ~, Democracy always intensely "Nationa
'is' about objects deemed to be really \
ac- tionar'? Did not the Democracy
'miy 1853 81 begin in Congress the surve
NY and inaugurate the work for the ca
.ou struction of the Pacific railways? |
" e it not carry on war thirty years ago
1or enlarge the National domain? Did
l",c not strain the Constitution, against
NV protest of te.rights Massachuset
mas III for the " NATIONAL objects OF acquiri
VIC the Floridas, Louisiana, Texas, Calf
NY MIA and New Mexico? In word.
! ne not our present party differences t,
'ssl' on disagreement as to what is
ce :. tional and what is local?
az 1t would be well if Senator Edmul
t,e would employ few leisure moments
WV making a candid exposition OF the pl
'nc poets of the ballot in this country
loes exhibited in the late election, W
~ what hopes or fears is he inspired
w. he contemplates the power g,
sur cised over the ballots of their We
Ioo men by the individuals or compar
~. or corporations engaged in manufac
' .hc iny business? What has he to So,
w, fno the growing use Of money in Nortl,
,. ln, elections Is the ballot coming to
.1l''' anywhere looked upon by the hol