The daily gazette., 1881-03-09
THE PRESIDENT AND rnEsoUTH

| address, President Garfield recognizes
the existence OF no practical Southern
question, and has no policy to be applied
specially 10 one section Of the Country
His statement Of The result s of past con-
tiic.s is such as no rational and liberal
minded man Of any Tarty OF section car
take exception TO, Ii is merely, a p ain
statement Of the results Of recent hist DRY
which are To be accepted as the star I
point Of further progress, and he appeals
TO the whole people to leave beh nd them
''Lhe battle helds Of dead issues, move
forward, and Ia the strength OF liberty
aud the restored Union win the grandest
victories Of peace In referring 70 the
difficulties winch, in the South, have
arisen out of the enfranchiseu ent OF
those who were formerly Ia slavery, lie
strives to give national breadth to the
application or remedies. lie makes no
admission that enfranchisem itself is
hing that needs to be defeuded, but
reminds those who resisted 1t that the
genius of our institutions allowed no
middle ground for the negro race bstwesn
slavery and equal citizenship. The prin-
ciple obvi ,usly has = wider applica ion
than to the negro race. IL i. true Of the. Q
who we're brought out Of slavery; 1t 10
true of other denlZens Of the cDustry,
whatever their race or origin. 1t is a
declaration of the necessity of universal
suffrage as protection Of the subjects OF
government.
The precise character of the diff
Guilty which Affects the South more Sc.
riously than any other part of he coun-
try is clearly and candidly stated by
the President, but il is stated rather as
national than purely sectional diff
Guilty. There are significan: admis
sions recognized on both sides. l is
''alleged that in many communities
negro citizens are practically denied
the freedom of the ballot" and this
allegation is treited as in som, mea-
sure admitted to be true. Its truth
has, in fact, long been too palpable to
admit of homes, denial. But is it con-
tended, by way OF extenua ion, ihaU
sir many places honesl local govern.
ment is impossible if the III ass of un.
educated negroes are allowed TO vote"
This, too, is in some measure admit
ted 10 be trne, and the experience of
uHivsrAal suffrage in communities hav-
ing a large proportion of illterato
voters forbids it's denial. "Bad local
government is certainly a great evil
which ought to be prevented but to
violate the freedom and sanctiy of the
suffrage is more than an evll-it is a
crime, which, if persisted in, will de-
stroy the Government itself" Here,
then, we are brought sharply up to the
great dilen ma that effects the South.
Free and inviolate exercise Of the suf-
frag0 is light that should be project
ed. But it produces bad local COVE u
ment IN some places. Bad local gov
ernmrnt IL an evil, AID should be pre-.
vented. 1t can be prevented only by
eslrictlon OF, or interference with, the
suffrage, which is great wrong that
threatens the subversion Of all govern
ment' SO We are brought round in
the visions circle without reaching any
immediate solution of the difficulty.
The great question is reconcllidtI II
of free suffrage and good government.
The means suggested by the Pre- ldent
OF meeting the danger threatened by
illiteracy of votes, not only in t q Sou h,
but elsewhere, is tie "saving influence
Of universal educatiOn.h So far as Hitter
ate voters are the pr, duet OF slavery an
the acknowledgements Of freedmen, the
fac Is 10 be recognized that "the respon
sibility Tor the existence II slavery did
not rest upon the South alone" and that
"the nation Itself is responsible for the
extension Of the suffrage Hence it is
argued, logically enough, that the nation
within the limits Of its coAstital ional
power, the States, and call the volunteer
forces Of the people" must lite In APP.
plying the sole remedy for the great
evil. All this is well aid may be made
IT ctIVe In meeting the danger spoken
Of IL II is sufficiently remote. The "sav-
ing Influence u universal education" is
unhappiy a remedy that cannot be
suddenly applied for the curing OF pre-
sent evil. IL may bring us throngl the
danger into ultimate safety, but what In
the meantime Ia to be done ADO Il "bad
local government" and the violation Of
he rights Of the oitiz Us OF TO day?
The president promises that SO far as
his authority can lawfully extend The
negroes shall enjoy the fail and equal
protection OF the Constitution and Tire
laws. 1t is easily said; but how is that
authority going TO opera'e for the fulfil
ment of the promise among 6,O00 900 OF
negroes unevculy distributed among
twice as many whites in third of the
States of the Union? IL is profoun
truth that 'unsettlcd questions have no
pity Tor the rep sc OF nations" AMI be
yond doubt this question OF the suffrage
will never allow reposs OF safety to the
States or TO the nation 'tuntil each, with.
Ia its own Jurisdiction, makes aud keeps
The ballot Tree and puie by the strong
sanctions of tho law" But just what is |
the nation, with whose authority alone
the President has 10 do, going 10 do 10
secure that end? These ale qurs ions
which tue President does not undertake
to ans Ser, and they suggest a d fiicullv
10 which his remedy of universal educa-
ton does not apply. lie evidet y is not
yet ready TO define his policy fol- dealing
with This difficulty. Much as We deplore
the evils If violated suffrage and bad lc-
cal government, il may be that We sl3ail
allow them to disturb the repose OF
States and of the nation until by the
slow processes of universal educa ion
and other reeoncilng influences they are
mitigated to the degree OF endurance, il
no. wholly eliminated. Bat, in tho |
meantime, a vigorous and impartial adj |
ministration of the laws, and the ut.
most care to free the National Govern |
ment from all implicit on in defective
local government, will at least hasten
the solution of the problem.