The Valley Virginian. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1865-1895, 1881-05-12
From tn 9 Rockingham Register.1
The Elective Franchise and the 81

From Tn Q buckingham Register.
The Elective Franchise and the 81
Vote
sThe respon sibflty Of the rulers TO the ruled hrouQh
Tie right IF suffrage is The indispensable and lyiDa-
rg principle in the tonndatiom Of a constitutional
Government JOHN G. CALHOUN.
On this question there is difference of opinion
not limited by Funder or Adjuster lines. Some
regard 1t as proper that every before he votes
should pay ST. basing their opinion on the assump-
ton that the man who does not in cash contribute
to the support of the government that amount Of
tax Is not sufficiently interested in State affairs to
exercise the right of selecting officers for the gov
eminent
AS an original question before the adoption Of the
Constitution of 1862 we favored tax voting resric
ton as preferable to the limited suffrage clause in
corporated into the proposed constitution, dfsfran
ch1s1ng class OF our white people and letting all
others vote on the manhood condition clause.
This was refused, and when the constitution was
presented to the people, allowing vote to be taken
between the odious DISTINGUISHING clause referred
to and the free ballot alternative this last was
selected by an overwhelming majority of the white
people and a considerable number of negroes who
could vote under either clause.
Virginia with this clause became reconstructed,
as the term goes, and was rehabilitated with the
rights Of State by Congress- which, whether Illegal
y legally, provided in the act that this suffrage
clause should, in no way be modified, except for
crime.
AS great many voted for this free ballot who
were not included In the odious clause a cOmpro-
mise Of the vexed question, we had thought that
been Illegal It was but fair that there should be
change In the accepted clause.
We are inclined to the opinion, inasmuch as
the voting power has ceased to be based land or
property that the 81 prepayment restriction Is IN
wise and unpolitic.
We do not believe that to be able pay 81 proves
a man more competent to vote than another who is
able to pay SO cents or cent
We do not believe that a man with the income OF
thousands. and who wastes his income and time
In idleness and dissipation Is better fitted to vote
than the man who is not worth 81 and applies his
time in labor in the Held, In the countngf room, the
Office or workshops.
The chief elements of States power the la
Dor Of the country, that which produces its wheat
and crops Of every kind developing It's mineral
resources, fashions its crude materials provided by
nature into and greater values of utility. The
farmer, the mechanic, the miner, the railroad EN-
ployee and all who do anything to advance the
progress of State and conduce to the comforts
happiness and pleasures of the people. 1t consists
too In the men who constitute part OF the military
and police power Of the government and society,"
who may be conscrtpted for battle in defense OF the
homes and lives of the citizens, and who are liable
to be called on to preserve the peace of neighbor
hoods in the arrest of rioters, murderers, thieves,
and burglars the behess Of the officers of the law
Surely to POSSESS the vigor, the muscle and endur
ance to perform these duties Is conductive to
a nations welfare than to be able to buy a ballot
with 81, to borrow dollar to buy ballot. Sure
ly such men are more beneficial props to a govern
ment than the Ioungers and oilers who tstoil not
neither do they spin, but who scatter their money
In frivolous excitements, damaging to the health
and reputation and destructive of the wealth itself
which these laborers create.
1t proves neither the want of Intelligence or patr1
ot1sm Of man that his poverty is lower than 81.
MI. though VI tuo otdloS,
we believe was this poor, nor does 1t prove that
man has either though his income is thousands his
capitaton is always paid In advance and his excess
In bank shares or State securities afford him pleas
and frivol1ties to be measured only by his
capacity Of constitution to indulge them. We are
clear on one thing, that when man Is Industrious
and has family gets down to 81 scale In poverty
and Is working man, that he who gives the 81 to
his family wants is a better man than he who sui
fertng them to want for bread or clothes expends
his 81 to speculate Off the asprants for Office In
drinks or other fayors.
B,,+a tho hif,I, 80 low
ground Of poverty combined with labor, the last Is
most promotive to the glory and the freedom of
CRATE today with their dollar votes to Siberia and
their places would be supplied by an influx Of the
same material and adventure, but If the laborers,
who represent the dollar poverty, or the ninety
nine cent poverty, rather should leave the State,
the States prosperity wood at once fall 1t was this
glimpse Of political economy, probably, which Sug
gested the poetic thought:
'sPrinces and mobiles may perish and may fade;
breath can make them, as breath has made;
But a bold peasantry It's country's pride,
When once destroyed. can never be supplied"
Every blade of grass fields, every golden
harvest, every ear OF corn which grows, every
piece Of mechanic work, the focks which whiten !
our hillsides, and the cattle which fatten on our
meadows, with the batte-felds where soldiers with |
their dying grasps muttered words Of love for their
families and their country, attest the value and the
patriotism of men-men without cent, equally at
least with men whose checks would break a bank.
The old limitations suffrage can hardly ge-
back The impulses and forces of the age whetht
er correct or not, are excessively democratic. We
therefore take LQ6 D6SC we call S6J
to conservative power. man labor1ng at the pillow,
In the shop, or in the office, or deep down in the
mine, or on the roads, adding wealth to his State
though no dollar collar clasps his neck, Is equal at
the polls and before the law with those who never
soed their white hands with toll less arduous than
a coupon bond.
Burns s'Cotters Saturday Night" of love, and |
bible teaching and innocent mrth, turns out just |
as wise and honest people as the costly Jewels and
sumptous banquets which flash from the joyous
votaries of fashion and cater to their appetites in
palaces whose doorsteps the beggar Is not allow
ed to stop and rest and die.
1t to the frugal mountain homes that Wash
tngton looked for the salvation of the colonies In
the extreme distress of revolution, and 1t from
the patrician sympathy of the rich tory with the
tyranny Of the English king and the English
alude to this in no tnvtdtous comparison, but only
to show that merit Is not found exclusively in pre-
ferred classes politically, on the scale of feeting,
riches.
We have another view to present the talk
about that white men should rule Virginia. This
may be correct under other auspices but it is I'M
necessary to discuss further than say that the
black man, under the law, has voice in determin-
ing the rule. They are recognized under the law
as voters and they are appealed to by white men to
act with them on public measures, and 50 certainly
ia their influence assured that legslatiye diploma
cy In the Legislature of Virginia baptized of
Its most important financial bills with the of
Ross Hamilton, a negro legislator. White men
should rule wisely and justly, but not to the in
of any rights which they have conceded
to the colored race Both should act together for
good neither for evil and he who advocates a
measure that Is conducive to social and Individual
advancement though he is as black of
spades, SnOulu receive 6nCOuraS6moQI anu support
In opposition to him who advocates measure of
injustice, oppression and evil though he Is as fair
az wh1tened sepulcher.
Finally after thus writing, desire to say, In view
Of assertions made of injustice to the coored man.
practced at the POLLS that in the Valley of Virginia
the keeneSt scrutiny will fail TO sustain such a |
CHARGE and to say that the negro here has conced-
ed to him the fulles fairest rights that polit
cally conceded to the white man. Stnffed ballot
boxes violent Interference with voters prlvi-
leges have no place here.
The reader will remember In rejecting on what
hat 70 NJ ,itatt 10,
and the collection of 1t by the laws appliances but
oppose Its connection with voting power. The
Constitution of 1852 made such condition of vot
Ing as pre- paymento of taxes; citizenship residence
and exemption from crime gave the votes to white
men. The Constitution of 1869 gave to black and
white. The Constitution of 1880 was based on
freehold and leasehold conditions. AS to whether
this was the best-for many Of the wfsest statesmen
advocated lit is unnecessary for me to discuss,
now that 1t appears forever lost but In the debates
as far back 1929 and 1880 there able repre-
sentatiVes who spoke for universal suffrage based
on residence and military duty the evidence of
attachment to the Stately President Monroe.
Turing these Debates said 81 am advocate of the
extension of suffrage and on that subject
am ready to go as far as the most liber
Il can desire This sufrrage,of course, refers
10 political facts, not the taxing of mems property
In corporations by those who have no property.
There are many incidents in the slave life of the
negro which should and always will attract Virgin
ans In his favor. In health and in Sickness in
prosperity and in adversely, in childhood and man
hood and old age, he has always been the nurse,
he labor the capital, the careful, tender watcher
I'LL death closed the career of the Virginia planter,
Is he was Oftent1meS the guardian and protector of
MS family and property In the very which gave
aim freedom.
Here we conclude, except to repeat that the peo-
pie should approve no entangling alliances with !
my national party which would bargain away
heir sentiments or state local interests to the
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT of any national political organiza
ion for the sake of promoting State politics. Good
men can differ on REIMBURSEMENT and the State exist
IN suffrage and the State prosper but it cannot
hrive and hardly exist In its proud integrity when
made the bauble of political traffic to gid the pa
,eant OF Federal partizan domination. Persuade,
you can by reason, men of all hues in national |
politics to the support of such measures viii
dvance State interest, which under the con-
rol of the government of Virginia solely, but let
outsiders keep hands Off.
To the Re-adjusters and Funders alike we appeal
or thus much Of independence and patriotism.
GREAT LAND SUIT DEcDEp --ou No0Hay
asst, in Judge Rives CoUfs at Harrison burg, a
ong pfad'ng aud important suit, aud nvolY
ng the tjsle Ia d large body OF land was de-
ided.