Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1881-11-30
Protection, Free Trade, and
"FaIr Trade"

Protection, Free Trade, and
"FaIr Trade"
Mr.. Thomas r. Downs, prominent Lon
don provision broker, has written a letter
to X. A. Willard in regard to the apprehen-
sions felt in this country that England would
lay duties upon American food products for
the protection of British landowners and
farmers. Mr. Downs says that the idea of
England again returning to protective
policy, and abandoning "free trade" is
considered as not for moment to be enter
tanned. Speaking of the effect of free
trade" on the commercial prosperity of
England, he says: " We owe the greater part
of the enormous expansion of our foreign
trade to our having adopted free trade ;;
and for the monopoly of the carrying trade
of the world, we are indebted to the protec-
tion laws of the United States and other
countries-our ships carrying the whole
world before them, and this trade is secure
to us so long as the United States of Amer
lea and other countries adhere TO protec-
tion." Mr.. Downs goes on at length to
show that while the imports Of merchandise
into England greatly exceed the exports,
and have long done so, yet the importation
of money, accruing from the freight re-
ceipts of her ships and the interest on Brit
ish capital loaned abroad, makes up a large
balance in their favor.
But the truth is that England, except as
regards raw material for manufactures and
food products for the use of her operatives,
is by no means free trade country. She
is for free trade just so far as it is for her
own interest to be so. But she still raises
s100,0OO,000 annually from customs duties
which are discriminative in favor of Eng
lish goods,-that is, they are protective
duties. England is protective wherever pro-
lection pays, and free trader where free
trade pays. The tenant farmers of England,
and the aristocracy who own the land, went
strongly against free trade in food products !;
but the manufacturing and commercial
classes were too strong for them. As it
turned out, English agriculture for many
years seemed able to thrive, even in free
competition with other countries. This
they were able to do mainly because of the
introduction of high farming But high
farming is spreading to other countries, and
this, with the immense area of rich new
lands in America now being sown to grain
which is handled so cheaply by machinery,
all coupled with long succession of bad
harvests in Eugland-has started demand
there, which is very loud, for what is called
fair trade" This is simply another name
for a return to protective duties on farm
products. But as this would be followed
by higher prices for food, and that would be
fatal to England's manufacturing and COM
mercial supremacy, there is little likelihood
of its being granted. Either one interest or
the other must be sacrificed and agricul-
ture, as the weakest, must grin and bear
foreign competition as best it can. The re-
suit, eventually, will be the overthrow of
the landed aristocracy as a great power in
the nation. Land rents will come down
enormously, and with the decline of their
wealth the landed gentry of Britain will
sink to level in Importance and influence
commensurate with this decline in wealth.
In the United States financial questions
of all sorts are coming to the front. Not
only are the questions relating TO paper
money aud gold and silver coinage under
strenuous debate, but an effort for revi-
sion of our tariff of duties on imports be-
gins to loom up. We have been running
for now twenty years under the high rates
of duties laid to raise a war revenue, and
under these, although manufactures have
greatly increased, our external commerce
has been all but utterly extinguished, and
shows no signs of revival. The manufac-
turing interest is very much alarmed at the
prospect of change in the tariff, and those
interested are holding meetings all over
the country to protest against any such leg
islation. The leaders of these movements
do not stop at defensive action, but are
aggressively attacking the internal revenue
duties. II they can have these abolished
or greatly reduced, the necessity for revenue
they think, will compel the continuance Of
the present high duties on imported manu-
factures. In this crusade they are Joined
by the bankers, who do not want the ma
tional debt paid, because they are getting
enormously rich by banking upon invest
ments in the bonds by which the debt is
represented. The manufacturers also ex
pect strong aid from the liquor interest and
the tobacco interest both Of which are long
ing to be released from the severe taxation
imposed upon their merchandise.
What the interest of the farmers in the
coming contest may be is not much consid
cred, because the farmers, as such, have nc
representation, and consequently no power
in the administration of national affairs
The manufacturers, the bankers, the whis
key and tobacco trades, viii all have con
gressmen directly representing them upon
the capitoline benches, and strong lobby
using arguments OF all kinds, but chiefly
such as will most strongly address them
selves to the personal interests Of those
whom they seek to influence.
The farmers, we say, though they consti-
tute the bulk of the nation, and the main
stay of its prosperity, will have no influence
in the decision of this, or in fact any Other
great question of legislation. They have
not, like their English brethren, great aris
tocracy of landowners, with Legislative
house of its own, behind them. They can
not even make a struggle in their own be
half But they still have the privilege Of
thinking.
This privilege of thinking is at present
all the farming interest has got. They have
not even theopportunityo of utterance through
the press. With very few EXCEPTIONS
hardly one amongst the country press-all
the newspapers in this country are for a high
tariff. They are published in the villages,
aud in the villages the manufacturing in