New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1881-03-16
r,,rr1crr ELN1NCI1L PRFCrDENTS.

The zeal of so indefatigable worker as MT.
Gladstone sometimes Outruns his discretion
The session is we'll advanced and two Coercion
bills have finally been passed. but nothing else
has been accomplished. Delay harnesses him
when so much legislation has been planned
He could not resist the temptation to apply the
new rules to the proceedings relating TO money
grants. This was trespasslng on ground Whlcn
has been jealousy guarded under the constitu-
tonal practice of the last quarter century 10
an American, the various stages through winch
Government appropriations have to pass IN INC
Commons appear laborious and needlessly COM
plex. An Englishman dates back the origin OF
Parliamentary Government and constitutional
freedom to period when the representatives OF
the people first got control of the Kings purse.
He looks upon the regulation OF taxation ana
the scrutiny of money grants as the chief func-
ton of the Commons, and is disposed to doubt
whether on the whole financial legislation IA
not conducted with undue haste, and whether
the Crown does not succeed in evadlng the prlV-
ilcges of the Commons. The tendency OF late
veals has been to increase the number OF con-
stitutiOnal checks and to protract the WhOle
business of supply to the exclusion OF fresh leg
islation. BIr-L5ladstOnc, in asking urgency ior
supplv under the new rules, proposed rapid
work and possibly haste where delibeIation and
caution have come to be regarded as absolutely
necessary. The Conservatives have rescued him
from what might have proved an embarrass-
ing position A nation that has rs much Iever-
ence FOR prpcedents MS for morality or for reig-
ion will not be startled by an innovation in
the fundamental policy Of Parliament. At the
~ IL To- r.all In
for inaction and delay. if several weeks are
devoted to the appropriation bills and 10 pro-
grcss is made IN other directions
This timc-slving process, however, OF which
Mr.. Gladstone was anxious to avail himself in
order to clear the ground for the Irish Land
bill, was an innocent procedure in comparison
with the purchase of tho Spcz shares. Public
opinion subsequently sanctioned the bold step
which was suggested to Lord Beaconslield by
London journalist, and the Commons voted tho
supplies readily enough; yet the fundamental
principle of Parliamentary control over the
financial policy OF tie Ministry was openly vio-
lated. Lord BeacOnsGcld, after dining with the
head of a great banking bOuse, purchased the
shares on his own responsibility, and pledged
the credit OF the country 10 an undertaking in
vol wing commercial hazard and political cOnse-
0uOnces Of the gravest nature. This was done
without the knowledge OF tho Commons; and al
though the npprC priatOnS were attcIwaTd
made and the accounts audited in due form
after passing through all the various stages Of
supply, Ways and Means, the Commons, and the
Committee of Public Accounts, il may be seri-
Ouslv questioned whether the Government bad
not momentarily usurped the functions OF Par
lament 1t was not the only instance III Lord
BeaconsGelds administration when the nation
was allowed TO know what was going on only
when it was too late to draw back, and when
the Commons were treated with neglect and
contempt.