The farmer and mechanic. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1877-1885, 1881-07-28
REVIEW OF iii FIELD.
Aspect Of the Opposing Lines a
Week before the Battle

seeing lldI on tIt I'll
election will be held. For the sane
II would be idle to indulge IN specuta-
lions a. TO the result But considering
the fa~rreaching consequences Wnlch are
almost certain TO flow from the decision,
be il pro or con. We deem 1t not map
prppriate 70 briefly sketch the aspect OF
the field to dayas the opposing forces ar
raw themselves for the conflict. Ii needs
but a glance TO note one extraordinary
feature : TO wit, the decentralization OF
parties, and the dilution, If not a total
obliteration, OF party and race pre-
iudices. Six mouths ago, the idea
would have been hooted at that proml-
nept Democrats would be seen introdu-
cling negro orators, while large audiences
Of hite Democrats a~pplauded voclter-
ously, and Democratic papers pulled
freely the sophmoric illusions OF the
gifted man and brother Six months
ago the idea would have been derlded
that such men as John \. Staples, es-
Sneaker Price, ex-Congressman ohober,
Col. VIM. Johnston, and many others,
would be found speaking from tie same
platform. and eulogi.ing the views OF
Rotating Dick Badger, "Puke jim
Boyd. Red Eyed Bill" ''Blow-l our
Horn Bill, and the rest. of them! Six
months ago nobody would have ventured
to predict that Democratic papers would
>l.eak of ''the Hon. Jas. +. O'Hara,
and the Hon. Jas. II. Harris" simply
because those darkeys are campaigning
in favor of the glorious Right to
make and to sell land drink whiskey :!
SIX months ago who could have sup
posed that such dy ed in the-wool seal
iawags as w. ". Holden, Dan Russell,
Edwin I. Reade, ID. A. jenkins, and
the like. would stand up boldly in OPP
position to their party, IN a tight III
volving no spoils, no offices, no special
personal advantage!
But these are features which most OF
our readers must have noticed hence
they will need no elaboration.
suffice to say that both parties will suf-
fer severely from the d~islntegrating eff
feet of an internal discussion, in an ''off
year, which must make.l 1t difficult to
Immediately re-summon every man to
his tent, and bring him under the old
discipline and a~ntagonlsm.
The only marked gamer by the con
fict is the darkey who Is learning year
by veal his own Importance as the
balance Of power" The Nasty artist
OF Harper's Weekly gives a picture of
the Future Of the Freedman" 1t
represents a Southern ''Bourt on" and
a Southern Progressive, or Mahonite,
on each side Of a big fat negro who
sil.,,. n,,J ah,,aEInc onI IIIoo''
his legs, while each Southerner begs
aud pulls him to come and vote !"
The picture, of course, is as yet false;
it is simply the nasty sheer of the black
hearted fellow who, like his employers,
the IIarpers, owes his fame and fortune
to cowardly calumnies perpetrated
week after week for eighteen years upon
an helpless and unotfendlng people.
The shamelessness of the intimation
conveyed by the pictures is apparent
when it is remembered that we're it true
that the negro was being used as a foot
ball between the factions it would simp-
~ condemn the Radical abolitionists
who forced unqualified suffrage upon
Us in utter disregard of our pleas that
it would ruin the negro, and demoralize
the whites.
Be that as it may, there is enough of
suggestiveness in the attitude of the
two parties on the Prohibition question
to make us wonder how soon we shall
see respectable white men pulling and
hauling Sambo for his vote.
THE HOSTILE ARRAY
Let us now observe the opposing
lines. 1t is not easy to identify the
great bulk of the voters for they stand
aloot as yet, and are plainly in doubt
which side to join. There are, howev-
err, certain signs which show that a
large proportion of the Democratic vote
will gravitate to prohibition. OF the
total Democratic vote cast, we may set
Town two-thirds az supporters of the
Dry ticket. We emphasize the
word cast because we doubt if more
than half of the average Democratic
vote will be polled.
The bulk of the vote will 90 for pro-
hibition, perhaps as much on party
grounds as for any other reason. The
prohibitionists have had the influence
of the Governor, the Judges, and the
majority Of Democratic newspapers
joined to the canvassing services of
prominent Democrats. Moreover the
Bill was passed by the Democrats, and
as a consequence the local representa-
tive Of the party in a majority of coun-
ties came home a defender of it. Hence
the party machinery was, for the most
part, under the influence of the prohi-
bitionists, and thus it came about that
meetings were held in many counties,
and committees appointed, and an or
ganization effected by men who perhaps
cared very little for the intrinsic merits
of the question.
In the Republican ranks, just the re-
verse was the case. The Anti-Prohi-
b~itlonists captured the State Commit
tee, issued addresses to the party, CON.
trolled three out of five Republican pa
pers, wire worked the 'Liquor-Dealers
Convention into a Grand Anti Prohi
bltion Mass Convention" differed and
engineered by Republicans, and con
verified most of the Republican county
District committees into Anti Prohi
bltlon committees, with one or two
Democrats on them to disguise their
cha 'acter. The Republicans, of course,
took care to have a majority in all these
organizations, both local and general.
Thus it came about that the Repub.
llcan party as a party is to-day arrayed
against the Bill. In many instances,
the leaders have changed ground, after
having for a time favored Prohibition.
We observe this species of surprising
summersault in the case of several Re
publican papers.
But while the masses of the Republi-
can party are drawn up in opposition to