Idaho semi-weekly world. [volume] (Idaho City, Idaho Territory) 1875-1908, 1881-04-29

in The party, especially I'D MS OWL
Stale, though nobody eau tell why llt
should have it. He is simply an office
broker and not statesman III the
broad sense, an arrogant dictator anC
Inst a popular leader. But his power
exists for some reason, and his guar.
relsome dictatorial disposition is thu
only thing for which he is equally dis
tinguished. He may succeed in de-
feating the confirmation of Robertson,
but he certainly cannot do it without
the aid Of Democratic votes, and these
he should not have. Whether he Is
successful or whether the Administers
ton carries lis point, the breach is
probably beyond healing, and the SIT
uation is almost, if not quite, al ul-
comfortable one for Mr.. Garfield, as
was that Of the fraudulent Hayes
THIS seems all wrong. The founders
Of our Republic intended to construct
a government the powers Of whose
different branches should. as much as
possible, balance eacn other. Thus,
TO the President was not given the
absolute power of appointment to the
principal Offices, but the advice and
consent Of the Senate was required,
which in practice means that the Sen
ate may confirm or reject any nomi-
nation. What would have been said
By those sages if they could have fore.
seen that in less tran century from
the adoption Of the Constitution,
claims would be advanced by members
Of Congress aud by local politicians
to control the patronage of particular
States aHd districts? A great deal has
been said about zone man power" but
# one man as ruler be despotic, the
one man as local chief is apt to be
factious. Instead of grave and rever-
end Senators celebrating in solemn
conclave over the Nations welfare, we
may look to see, as once in Rome,
lordly patricians stalking through the
halls of state with crowds Of followers
at their heels. The Senator dispenses
offices to his train, and they in turn
give voice, muscle and money to sup
port him and continue his power and
influence. This is the practica! work
ing of our system as it has degenera-
ted to-day, and the claim of Conkling
to dictate and control is only the ultra
development of it.
The financial policy of Secretary
especially that relating to
The maturing bonds of the Govern
nent, is an absorbing subject in fnan
,ial and political circles at present.
undoubtedly the great majority of all
parties approve the course he has
adopted, and it unqucstionably, so far
Is it goes, accoras with the views OF
! majority Of both houses of Congress
rs expressed through the enactment OF
he Funding bill. But there is grave
egal or constitutional question invoiy
I'd, which snliicas to throw clond
'ver an otherwise satisfactory silua-
ION. 1t is o question whether lie
secretary has power to extend or con.
niue the bonds called in at lower
ate OF interest, or at any other rate
Il Interest. If he has power 20 con-
niue six per cent. bond at three and
ne-halt per cent, he would have equal
over to continue the same bond a,
en- per cent. la other words if it il
his discreet to reduce the rate OF
lterest, 1t is equally in his power to
icrease it. and there are serions doubts
'hether any such exercise of discre- 4
on rests with the Secretary. What :
'ould be the sense Of Congress spend ]
g tire months in discussing the sub !
'ct OF lntereet and relunding it, after c