Democratic Northwest. [volume] (Napoleon, Ohio) 1869-1894, 1881-04-21
WASHINGTON LETTER.
From our regular Correspondent
WASHINGTON. April IL. lSt


all sides now. The democrats are more
firm than ever in their determination not
to permit the corrupt bargain with Ma
hone to be completed. Senator Pendle
ton said yesterday in his reply to Senator
Dawes: "You forget what the Senate is.
You forget the character of the work III
which you invited our cooperation.
tell you now. | tell yon here, you will
not have that cooperation for that pur
pose at any time" Senator Vest, in one
of the best speeches of the session thus
referred to the temper of the Democratic
side of the chamber: Rather than see
the real Democracy of Virginia stricken
down after this fashion we will stay
here, God willing until the ice again
gorges the Potomac and the SHOWS of
December wreath these hills in their
winding sheet" This fairly illustrates
the feeling among Democratic Senators,
and there is no possible danger of any
back-down from the position taken. 1t
is not meare contest for the offices of
the Senate, but for the protection of the
honor of the Senate against disgraceful
trade and to deprive the renegade repu
diator from Virginia of the fruit of
his traffic. To defeat the election of
Riddleburger at this time will be worth
thousands of votes to the regular Demo
cratic debt payers ticket in the Virginia
State election this fall
On the Republican side there is equal
determination manifested and neither
now expects the other to relent Among
Senators the belief now is that each side
will keep enough members here to
watch the other, and that the formality
of session will go on right through the
summer. There was talk of inducing
the President to change his decision and
call an extra session of both houses to
compel break, but this idea has been
abandoned. In onoe ther way President
Garfield could terminate the struggle,
viz: by proroguing the Senate. as he has
power under the Constitution to do.
This would relieve the civil service of
some embarrassment, as the President
could then commission all his late ap-
pointees and they could legally enter
upon their duties without confirmation,
until the regular session in December.
Between three and four hundred appoint
ments have been sent to the Senate, Of
which only the Cabinet officers and
about twenty others have been acted up
on. Not only are the appointees made
miserable by this delay but in many
cases there is serious disturbance of pub
lie business The District of Columbia,
for instance, has no marshal and the
criminal court is completely blocked
Fred Douglass the marshal whose term
hasexpired, cannot act and his success
sor can not qualify until confirmed
The new Commissioner of Indian affairs,
Mr. Price, can not qualify, though his
services are urgently required by the De-
partment, and it was finally determined
to commission him as chief clerk. that
officer being empowered to act as Com
missioner in any temporary vacancy 1t
is not unlikely that the President may
put an end to all this folly on the part of
his partisans by ordering the Senator'S
to retire to their homes.
The embarrassment to President Gar
field growing out of his New York ap-
pointments is undoubtedly very great.
1t is evrn questioned whether his admin
lstration can even recover from it;
yet think he has the Endorsement and
sympathy of a very large majority of the
people. Senator Conkling unquestion-
ably has great power in the party, es-
pecially in his own State, though no.
body can tell why he should have it.
He is simply an office-broker and not
a statesman in the broad sense, an AFRO
CANT dictator and not popular leader.
But his power exists for some reason,
and his quarrelsome dictatorial disposition
is the only thing for which he is equally
distinguished. He may succeed In de-
feating the confirmation of Robertson,
but he certainly cannot do it without the
aid of Democratic votes, and these he
should not have. Whether he is sue
cessful or whether the Administration
carries its point, the breach is probably
beyond healing, and the situation is al
most, if not quite, as uncomfortable for
Mr.. Garfield as was that of the fraudu-
lent Hayes. This seems all wrong. The
founders of our Republic intended to
construct government the powers of
whose different branches should, as much
as possible, balance each other. Thus to
the Presidsnt was not given the absolute
power of appointment to the principal
offices but the advice and consent of the
Senate was required, which in practice
means that the Senate may confirm or
reject any nomination. What would
have been said by those sages if they
could have forseen that in less than a
century from the adoption of the Con-
stitutlon, claims would be advanced by
members of Congress and by local polite.
ians to control the patronage of particular
States and districts? A great deal has
been Said about zone man power" but if
one man as ruler may be despotic, the
one man as local chief is apt to be
factious. Instead of grave and reverend
Senators deliberatlng in solemn conclave
over the Nations welfare, we may
look to see, as once in Rome, lordly pat
ricians stalking through the halls of state
with crowds of followers at their heels.
The Senator dispenses offices to his train,
and they IN turn, give voice, muscle and
money to support him and continue mis-
power and influence. This is the practi-
cal working of our system as it has de-
generated to-day, and the claim of ConlS-
ling to dictate and control is only the
ultra development of it.
The financial policy of Secretary Win
dom, especially that relating to the ma
turing bonds of the Government, is an
absorbing subject in financial and politi-
cal circles at present. Undoubtedly the
great majority of all parties approve the
course he has adopted, and it uuques-
tionably, so far as 1t goes, accofds with
the views of majority of both houses
of Congress, as expressed through the
enactment of the Funding bill. But
there is grave legal or constitutional
question involved, which suffices to
throw cloud over an otherwise salts