New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1881-01-23

ery. but he said absolutely nothing that
was new. His arguments have been heard
| hundred times before, and they have been put
| more forcibly though not often with more orna-
mcnt of style. There was no disclosure. unless 1t
may be said to be disclosure that 1t In conse-
quence of the murder of Cavagnari and the col
lapse of the Treaty of Gundamuk that the occupa-
ton of Candahar became in the opinion of the late
Government, a political necessity.
| When Lord Lytton sat down the Duke of Argyll
rose, and if Lord Lytton had spread of dsap-
pOin.ment through the house the Duke destined
to give it a much more agreeable surprise. Every
body knows that the Duke of Argyll is an excellent
speaker. but it is hardly TOO much to say that
he showed last night, for the first time
the full measure Of his power. For
myself l was quite ready to say had never heard
him speak 80 well. friend whose experience of
oratory in the Upper Chamber goes far beyond mine
told me he thought it the finest speech he had ever
heard in the Lords 1t certainly had none of the
perfume OF the boudoir about it which chung to
Lord Lytton's. The Duke might say, as Burke said,
lie had no arts but manly arts. To Lord Lytton he
was perfectly CIVIL and even complimentary with
reference to his speech, as the custom IL when
veteran of debate replies to a novice. But when
the Duke had finished, Lord Lyt-
ton must have regretted that he had not
taken the advice reported to have been given him
by Lord Beaconsfe!d, who. in forbidding him to
enter upon his intended personal statement had
suggested doubt whether it might not be still
bette to I've silent altogether. Lord Lytton spoke
throughout as amateur in affairs. The Duke OF
Argyll from the first sentence to the last, showed
himself not only an orator of high order, but O
statesman whose life has been passed in public
business to whom public business has been, not
the ornament of elegant leisure, nor
the diversion of fop in search of fresh
sensations, but the serious occupation of serious
man OF a man whose intellect is not less powerful
than his conscience firm; whose grasp of affairs is
also firm who knows what government means. who
knows the history of India and the secrets of British
empire in India and who is bent on mai ataining
British rule but incapable of rcsortipg either to
snowy devices OF to subterfuge aud treach-
cry in order to Dlautain 1t. Ills
speech was not in form an attack on
Lord Lytton, but it was demonstration of Lord
Lytton's ncapacity, which it is no stretch OF words
to call crushing. When 1 say demonstration l
mean to imply something moro than an argumen-
you to the speech itself. l don't attempt to sum
marize it. 1t does not and could net 20 over the
whole history of those disastrous years when Lord
Lytton bore sway In so far as 1t dealt with the
questions raised 1t will confirm in reading think,
my account of it. But no reading OF
printed report can convey notion OF the
effect produced by the delivery That Is true or all
great speeches and though it depends partly on
the voice and presence of the orator and the SYM
pathy he kndies IN hearer. it depends on some
Thing beside that. No CREST speech was ever made
by little man or by weak man. There must be
something behind the speech greater than the
speech. There was last night when the Duke of
Argyll spoke there was man and the speech gained
immensely because it followed Immediately upon
speech from man very different. In every tone
of the Dukes voice. in every accent In every sen,
tence and gesture and look you felt the force and
sincerity and strength of the personal character OF
the orator. And in each of these points the
Dukes speech gained by an involuntary but irreslst.
lble comparison with the speech we had just heard
from Lord LyttOn. c. W. 5.