The Somerset press. [volume] (Somerset, Ohio) 1873-1977, 1881-07-28

at ten O'Clock the next morning, we found 3
little gentleman standing in the aisle with
package under his arm marked Executive
communication, - and it was the Presidents
veto of the Funding bill.
In 1877, when the laboring men found the
wolf at the door, and found the wages were
not sufficient to clothe the members of their
families, they struck for higher wages. Then
the cry went through the land, labor is en-
dangering capital, and the President or
dered the troops to respond to orders of the
Governors of the States, and public senti-
ment said it was right to maintain order and
protect property, and SO 1t was. Now the
question is reversed. Capital is striking
against labor. Did the President rebuke the
capitalists for unsettling values? No; he
hauled down the flag and rebuked Congress
for passing a law in the interest of the peO-
pie. 1t makes difference who strikes in
this country, whether it is the laboring men
or the capitalists. Now as to the new Presi-
dent. l saw him inaugurated. / sat with
in twenty feet of him. Saw him place his
hand on the Evangels. I heard Chief-Jus-
tice Waite administer the oath to him. He
nodded assent, and saw him kiss the book
and step forth in the presence Of 10000 peo-
pie to deliver his inaugural. Now you had
right to expect some comfort from Mr..
Garfield. He had just been elected by the
popular will. He was being inaugurated in
splendor. A banking institution had re-
Gently sought to dictate to Congress what it
should do, and you had the right to expect
the President would rebuke them for their
insolence. But the ex-President hauled
down the flag, and the new President raised
the white flag, for in his inaugural he said
the public debt must be refunded without
interfering with the circulation of the banks.
You must not touch the sacred crocodile.
The Bankers Convention, at Saratoga,
said that there were grave doubts as to the
Constitutional power of Congress to issue
legal-tender paper money in times of peace"
MIR: Garfield says, in his inaugural, address:
IL m
circulation must not depend on their COM
pulsory features, but on their prompt con-
vertiblity into coin."
The law makes and unmakes Presidents
in this country. The law made Mr.. Garfield
President. MIR. Garfield saws Greenbacks
are not money. Brave comrades, they told
you that it was money, and they denounced
your humble speaker a demagOgue be-
cause he wished to place you on an equal
footing with the bond-holder. "But," says
us see what the law says about it: "These
notes shall be lawful money" But" says
Mr.. Garfield, they are not money" But,
Mr.. Garfield says the law, made you
President and the law, and we will see who
| is on top at the end of the struggle. At tine
very threshold of his Administration he as
saults the Greenback without giving you no.
tice in his campaign. There was nothing in
| the Republican platform about it.
| There are five kings who reign in this
| country. They get at the gateway of COM
| merce and take toll upon every bushel OF
| wheat and pound of freight that pass the
| way. These kings are the banks, the rail-
roads, the Alaska Fur Company, the Stand
ard Oil monopoly and Telegraph monopoly.
! They swim in the commercial deep and
threaten to sink the ship of state. What
| did Mr.. Garfield say about the control of
| to every household IN all the land and ev-
| cry poor laboring man. What did he say?
| He was as silent as the grave. And why?
For the simple reason that James A. Gar
| field was made President by the money
power. He could not have been elected
| without them. No President can rise above
the men who make him President. Andrew
| johnson tried it; Rutherford b. Hayes tried
| it, and they both went down. He is pow
| erless to resist the influence Of Wall street.
He is powerless and silent. He offers no issue
| with them, but he rebukes the people, and re-
| Dukes their Legislature because they dared to
violate the wishes and behests of this bank
| ing monopoly. My friends, you say, 81 agree
! with you that all these things are wrong,
and these banks should be abolished, but I
| cannot trust the National party. What are
| you in favor of?'' i want to tell you we are
in favor of trinity in finance, con,isl ing of
gold, silver and paper. But we want the
Government to issue gold, silver and paper,
and we want all of these TO be legal tend. r.
| "Well, butt, you say, 'that will make he
Treasury of the United States great bank
| OF lSSue.' Let me analyZe your objection
| for a moment. Who issues the gold and
silver? The Treasury. Who issues the
banks notes? The Treasury. Why, then
| the Treasury issues all now! The Treasury
| issues the National-Bank notes, and gives
| them away to the banks to loan to you.
Don't you see that that objection is not
| worth the mention! There's nothing in it.
| Richard Ill, in looking into the mirror,
said: "There is nothing to justify my
| existence on the globe, save the plain devil
and assembling loOk.'' And there is MOTH
ing to justify the objection to the Green
back, save the plain devil and assembling
| looks. / defy you TO mention an objection.
Well then you say am afraid you are 60
ing back to the wildcat system which
brought on the panics of 1887 and 1857. The
Republican is the only party that has given
modern evidence of a desire to 60 back to
the State banking system, and that was in
Maine, recently, when the Legislature
passed bill establishing State banks, but as
God would have it, fortunately they had a
| Greenback Governor, and he vetoed it. The
Greenbackers are opposed to National and
State banks. What is your other objection
How are you going to limit the amount of
money loaned? We believe that the people
are capable of self-government. That they
will elect to Congress men representing each
district and all the labor interests, who will
confer together and determine in their judg-
ment the proper amount. Their conclusion
will be very nearly right, and it is bettet
method than the present, which is controlled
by the will of the bankers and limi ed by
|