New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1881-03-13
ELAHS IN BLSNARCG,S SYSTEM

1t is no 10 niger tho fashion TO praise every
thing that Bismarck does Never has lie been
more audaciOus and energetic than he Is now
and so far as personal influence goes, never
under less restraint and more successful. His
will has been law for nearly twenty years.
But audacity and energy have their limitations.
A statesman may be allowed to have his own
way in war, diplomacy, finance, economic poHcy,
ecclesiastical administration and parliamentary
government, and an easy going world that is
too ready to worship personal success may
take an optimist's view of his career and
hastily Judge that all is as it should be- But
personal triumph may imply national failure.
A quarter or half a century hence the Cham
cellor's shortcomings in the cause Of consti-
tutional government may be as conspicuous
as his services in the cause Of national unity.
The perspective of time may place him in an
unenviable light. When the Congress OF
Vienna broke up in 1915, Mettornichs career
was q splendid success and STEMS wretched
failure. What pitiful figure the Austrian
diplomat makes now, even in his own
Memoirs! AS the treacherous foe of lib
eral ideas and popular rights, tand as
the author of q constitution by which the
creative energies of the Fatherland were par
alyzed for half century, he is recognized as
the evil genius of Germany. Outwitted at
Vienna, unar prcciated at home, misunderstood
in Europe, after the lapse OF years Stein
towers above the iRtriguers and tricksters of
his time as a far-slghted, progressive patriot.
The time has already come when the pTaC-
teal sagacity of EnglIsh-speaking races ca
detect some of the flaws in the ChancellOr's
system of government and administration.
The most conspicuous of these is his aversion
to Parliamentary institutions. When the
Prussian Chambers, shrinking back in horror
from fratricidal conflict, would not vote q
dollar for the war with Austria, he raised the
money upon his own responsibility, and gave
the regiments marching orders. When he
wanted feet, he blundy told the legisl atsrs
that he would build it with or without their
consent. He assigns to a Parliament no higher
functions than those of national talking
machine. lie does not grudge them the
harmless diversions of a debating society, so
long as they are not too inquisitive about the
blue books, but the privileges of actual adj
ministration he reserves for the Kings
Ministers and the EmperOr's Chancellor.
The Reichstag is bit OF mechanism
which he is to manipulate at pleas
ure, governing with the consent Of the
Deputies when it is convenient to do so, and
without it when it is necessary and political
parties are forces to be pitted against one
another according to his needs and caprices.
As he grows older his hostility to Parliament
AIRY Government, as 1t is known in Great
Britain, France, Austria, Hungary, Italy, Bel
GUM and the United States, increases. After
playing fast and loose with one political fac
ton after another, he is now aiming, by means
of articles borrowed from Lassale. to organize
a workingmen's party, upon whose support he
may depend in a National crisis; and at the
same time he is striving to lessen the inhu-
ence of the Reichstag by proposing biennial
budgets and shifting great share of its bust
ness to an economic council under his Immc
date control. AS matters stand, the ascen-
dancy of a simple majority of the popular
assembly counts for less in Germany than in
any other great State in Europe.
The degradation Of Parliamentary institu-
tons involves naturally the loOsest ideas Of