Weekly Chillicothe crisis. (Chillicothe, Livingston Co., Mo.) 1878-19??, 1881-06-09

of these mOnopolies groupof minor
monopolics are springing up in every
part of the land. They relate to the
food we eat, the clothing we wear, the
fuel with which we are warmed, and
the lamp which lights the mother to
the cradle of her sick child. Through
the money extorted from labor, they
are reaching out and grasping millions
of acres of the best wheat and grazing
lands in the far west, with view of
controlling the cattle trade and wheat
market. What is to hinder them from
extending their triumphs until they
will control every branch of business
in the country? When we appeal to
the press to expose these encrOach-
ments, here again we are told that the
leading newspapers are theirs also, and
that they control the very avenues and
channels of public thought. One of the
monarchs of the rail controls several
of the leading democratic and republi-
can organs of the country. He boldly
proclaimed under oath before the Hep
burn committee that he was in the
habit of eXpending large sums of
money to influence nominations and
elections that he could no more tell or
enumerate the instances of such cX-
penditures than he could call tomind the
numerous freight trains that passed
over his roads; that he was Il demo-
crat in democratic districts, repub-
lican in republican districts and doubt
full in doubtful districts; but ut all
times and at all places he was an Erie
man. Nor is he alone in the corrupt
use of money. The practice is com
mon throughout the country, but |
cannot stop further than TO enumcatc,
although | have all the facts at hand.
The acknowledgements party proposes
torcmedy all these great wrongs. 1t
is at once aggressive and conservative,
and, while it would protect the rights
of labor and the business classes, ii
does not propose to do violence to the
rights of those who have their money
invested in corporate enterprises, We
are willing to live and let live. We
will neither buy nor sell justice, nor
will we deny Justice to any We say
that the government must issue the
money, no matter whether it be made
of metal or paper, and that its volume
shall he controlled by the people
through their responsible agents and
not by the banks, and, when issued,
that it shall he money! legal tender.
We want further toput stop to the
funding system, and pay off the na-
tional debt. In doing this we do not
wish to tamper with or iniurc the pub.
lie credit in the least. We wish to
keep perfect faith with everybody, and
we are determined also that the power
which the banks now have to iniulc
and destroy private credit shall he talk
en- from them.
In conclusion, Gen. Weaver gave a
vivid description of the passage of the
funding bill through the late congress,
of the evils which the fifth section of
that bill was designated to remedy, and
of the "bank rebellion which followed,
He also administered scathingrcbukc
to cx-Prcsident Hayes for his veto, and
gayca searching and caustiC review of
President Garlield's inaugural address.
Instead of rebuking the banks for their
insolence for attempting to dictate TO
congress, Hayes and Garfield had re-
buked the people and their congress,
and had cllampiOnCd the cause of the