Sacramento daily record-union. [volume] (Sacramento [Calif.]) 1875-1891, 1881-12-30
TARIFP REVISION.

sion to which the work of tariff revision
is to be intrusted. The Protectionists APP
pear to have agreed among themselves
that it would not be polite TO oppose all
modification of the tariff, and therefore
we hear from time to time that "even the
most pronounced tariff men are now in
"favor of revision" or words to that eff
feet. As the leopard does not change his
spots, however, and as tariff men do not
change their opinions often, it is a fair
presumption that this show of willingness
to have the tariff modified is not alto
gether sincere. Indeed, it is far, from
improbable that the Protectionists think
it easier to prevent any useful changes
in their favorite system by assuming a
readiness to agree to such changes, than
by fighting all fiscal reform tooth and nail.
And it is further apparent that IN the
formation of the Revision Commission
there may be considerable opportunities
for the development of an obstructive
policy. Thus we find men like
Bedford of Colorado, advocating a
Commission composed entirely of members
of Congress. This may be regarded as the
Protectionist plan. Outside of Congress
are the " doctrinaries )" the men who have
simply studied the tariff and mastered it
and the principles upon which it is framed.
These stupid fellows cannot be supposed
to know as much about the matter as the
Lawmakers who have never in all their
lives opened work on political economy,
and who have had no practical experience
in commercial transactions. 1t should be
apparent that the people best fitted to
revise the tariff are those politicians who
know nothing about it, but who do know,
or think they know, what the more infu-
entail of their constituents think about it.
These politicians Mr.. Belford AMI his
school regard as the ittest to revise the
tariff. At least they would not be embar-
raised by any awkward economic princi-
pies, or by any attempt to adjust the
burdens of taxation more equally. They
would begin by trying to find out which
elements possessed the most voting strength,
and having ascertained that they would
endeavor SO to grade the tariff as to con-
ciliate the most influential classes.
The first question they would ask would
naturally be as to the political conse-
quences of tariff modification, and their
last question would still be political. The
tariff as it stands, with its three thousand
articles on which duties are collected, is a
conspicuous example of this kind of legis-
lation. 1t is not symmetrical and intelli.
gently formed system. 1t is mass of in.
congruous and mutually destructive
arrangements which has been brought into
existence by the inharmonious efforts of a
great number of Congressman, all of whom
were trying to satisfy their own constitu-
ents, and none of whom cared jot for the
interests of any other part of the country.
In order to secure the passage of any tariff
bill the Trainer of it has to make all sorts
of bargains with his colleagues, and for
every vote he must admit fresh changes in
| his bill Brown, Jones and Robinson are
members of Congress. Each of them has
constituents who want something protected.
So they go to Smith. who has tariff BILL
and tell him they will support the measure
ii he will incorporate the suggestions they
have to make. Of course Smith agrees,
for otherwise his bill would be beaten, and
SO it appears at last, full of the most un-
scientific and mischievous provisions, and
pulling down with one hand what it sets
up with the other. It is in fact reci-
procity measure, and so long as it enables
Brown, Jones and Robinson to satisfy their
constituents, and SO improve their chances
for another term, they care nothing at all
what effect it has upon the country at large.
The kind of Revision Commission now
being advocated by the Protectionists
would give the country just this sort of
legislation. By excluding all outsiders
from the Commission the dominance
| VI tno BOIibASdl dcpCOe HOulu pC oCOuICu,
and all difficulties arising out of insistance
upon scientific and equitable methods
would be averted. The Congressman COM
posing the Commission would be enabled
to make their arrangements quietly, and
to the best advantage, and the Protection
lists could so employ their political influence
as to render genuine reform impracticable.
In fact they would have their own way in
such Commission, and its work would
bring no relief from the burdens of
taxation to the people. Even Commits
sion on which the majority consisted of
Congressman would probably be failure,
for the tendencies of this majority would
almost certainly be political in the mar
rover sense of the term, and the outsiders
would find themselves embarrassed if not
fatally handicapped. We have no expec-
tation that Congress will appoint Tariff
| Commission SO constituted as to secure
perfectly candid and thorough investi
CATION of the subject. In fact that would
not DC possible unuer exlStlng clrcum-
stances, because it would involve the
appointment on the Commission of none
but outsiders. We must therefore expect
that there will be more congressman than
any other kind OF members, and we can
only hope that an attempt will at least be
made to give both parties something like
an equal representation.
No doubt tariff revision is difficult
when it is to be undertaken from the
standpoint of friendliness to Protection.
From that standpoint it must be hard to
perceive the folly and iniquity Of three
fourths of the duties now levied at the
Custom House. And there must be dis
position also to just cut down the tariff in
an arbitrary way here and there, so as TO
reduce the revenues derived from it, with
out regard to the special consequences of
such reduction. Of course it is only such
men as Messrs. Moore and Wells who can
go through the whole tariff and put their
fingers on the weakest and worst places.
I