The weekly Floridian. [volume] (Tallahassee, Fla.) 1867-19??, 1881-12-20

non-slave or free States; 81 HAVING o9igi-
nally become connected ID precisely tie
same manner with the inzxikuki0n &c do
nestle slavery. Within = period 81 one
or two centuries this insfifns10n, n
question Of property, and Of police, and Of
social status Al regulated By lax, had
become 20 blended, 30 interiaced with the
whole frame work Of our social and polit-
ical fabrIc-40 inextricably one with the
body polite, as to present . problem of
the most delicate and difficult character.
The statesman and the phflanthropist
alike realized the magnitude and tremen-
dous responsibility Of dealing with this
great social. moral and political question,
as it actually existed in the Southern
American States If there were land
there were) inherent evils In the system,
there were also incidental and practical
benefits and there were questions Of
property rights, and of constitutional
guarantees, and of usages, customs and
social relations in short, the very bases
and conditions of our civil and social
state.
Now, it should be borne in mind that
it was with this state of things the gener-
alton of Sou thern men in 1914, (the pc
Rod of Church division) had to deal q
state of things into which they had been
born In the providence of God, and for
which they could no more be held to any
moral account than for the growth of
oaks and pines in their native forests.
Within half century of this period,
1874, senti Inent strongly opposed to do
nestle slavery had become more or less
prevalent among the more enlightened
nations of Europe; and the same senti-
ment had found popular expression also
in the n-slAve-holding States of our Re.
public The anti-slavery sentiment in
Great Britain had asserted itself in the
British Parliament, and all the slaves in
British colonies were declared free, &C
companied with provision for q moder-
ate compensation to the owners. In our
country the discussions were ceaseless
in the press, and on the floors of Con-
gress. they were political !; in the highest
Judicial, and only Legislative Body, rep
resentative Of the American Methodist
Church, these discussions were conducted
on the higher grounds of morality and re-
ligion.
This state of things could not endure
In the Republic, it was not conducive to
public repOee and confidence, and the sta
biIity of government; In the Church, it
was inconsistent with Christian frater-
nifty and, what was of still more conse-
quence, 1t was calculated to bring suspic-
ion on the N ethodist Church in the South,
and thus hinder and obstruct the ministry
of the NJ. E. Church in the South in their
one great work of saving souls. The view
taken by our ministers in the slave-holding
States was this: Here is domestic instr
tuition, purely civil, protected and regu-
lated by law, derived to this, from long
past generations, over which we neither
have, nor can have, the least control, and
if there be anght of sin in it, let us carry
the Gospel to master and slave alike, and
rendering unto Caesar the things which
are Caesars, and unto God the things
which are @ ODDS, wait for the benign prin-
ciples of the Gospel to extirpate this, as
all other moral evils that afflict human
society.
If the mil istry of the NJ E. Church in
the South h d adopted different course
they must have encountered the violent
prejudices Of the people, and perhaps IN
friendly Legislation by the States, IS
effrctually cutting of all prospect of fur
Their usefulness, as your ministers would
do, if the British Wesleyan Conference
were to join the Irish Land League and
make war on property rights
It may be remarked in passing, that
this division Of sentiment, political, moral,
social, ratio nal, and philosophical, on the
subject of domestic African slavery, be-
tween the Northern and Southern sec
lions of our Federal Union, was not IN
any sense peculiar to the Methodist
Church. The Presbyterian, Baptist and
other Christian denominations, North
and South all ethical and philosophical
essayists; all creeds in religion all
classes of men held firmly by their con-
victions, on one side, assailing, on the
other side, defending, our institutions and
civiIization, rs comparing fsvorably for
all purposes of social weIl-being and hap
piness with any other in Christendom.
An incide emit At the General Conference
of 1874 precipitsted crisis on this sub
ject for the Methodist Church, and the
Issue would not down at the bidding of
any. One of our Bishops hsd married
lady who held some slaves in her own
Tight-inh%rited from her father-and
this was deemed by the anti-slayery dele
gates to have 50 connected him with the
Institution of slavery rs to render him un-
acceptable IS general uperintendent-
North and South alike-and to make it
proper for him to desist from the exercise
of his episcopal function while that en-
barrassmeIt continued. A resolution to
this effect brought up the whole question
fog discussion, protracted, searching, en-
haustive, which resulted in CONFIRMING
each side Inchangeably in the views pre-
viously b ED! The resolution was
adopted by 3 majority, almost strictly
sectional, and the minority solemnly pro-
tested. ThereupOa two facts Of great
practical Importance became most evil
dent:
l. That the two great sections Of Meth
odism conlh not longer cooperate haEmo-
niously under one Jurisdiction
2. That The mission Of Meahodism in
the South was 1t m end withouf . sepa-
rate ecciesiastical organization.
Then, amid grief and tears, . com
mittee was raised 70 adjust the terms Of
peacefnl snd equitable division Of the
Me1hodiss Episcopal Church into two
branches; and the Northern ChuFch 70
tained The old design asion, and the Sopth-
ern Church, ADOPTED the sauna desiGna-
tion. with the addition o. the descriptive
ssosd South.
Crest aId good nnsn wsrs d shat Con !