Sacramento daily record-union. [volume] (Sacramento [Calif.]) 1875-1891, 1881-08-22
THE QUESTION OF THE PRESIDENTS
DISABILITY.

1
| try is nevertheless a long way from serious
embarrassment, not to speak of anarchy.
Even if an interregnum should occur by
which the Presidential Office was virtually
vacated, the effect upon the country would,
as the case stands, be imperceptible. The
various departments of the national govern
ment would 90 on as smoothly as before. The
laws inforce would all be administered with
out interruption. Nor would the removal Of
the cabinet as well as the President make
any important change in the administration
of the government. For it must be realized
that the actual operation of the laws, and
the administration of department. work, is
intrusted to men who occupy their posts
practically in perpetuity; whose experience
and knowledge have long since made their
services indispensable, and who are far more
competent to control and direct the depart
ments than are the official heads OF those
departments.
The truth is that the apprehension which
our contemporaries are at present display
ing is far more sentimental than practical.
The President is only in theory the head OF
the Government. His presence is seldom
necessary to the routine work Of public
business. And it must also be remembered
that owing TO the original constitution OF
this government, the removal of the ma
tional executive could not under any cir
cumstance produce general disturbance
of the governmental machinery. For our
government is essentially local in its char
acter, and the principle Of localization has
SO permeated it from the beginning that
almost every part of it is for all practical
purposes independent aud self.sustaining.
Each State constitutes q separate govern
ment, and each county, and each munich
pality, and no disability either CT any State
or national official can consequently stop
the machinery, or interrupt the continuous
and steady operation of the laws. OF
course occasions could arise in which the
absence of national executive might be
seriously embarrassing, but if such an occa.
sion arose it cannot be doubted for mo-
ment that the Congress would find means
for bridging over the difficulty, and that
all the hypothetical objections and
distractions which are now being aired so
freely would vanish under the pressure Of
necessity.
Whatever the written Constitution does
or does not provide for, it is certain that it
can never operate as an obstacle to the
protection of the Nation. The maxim
.Salas Popuii s9pre,na est lee must
in all such contingencies be acted upon.
Wire drawn theories, subtle doctrines,
fambiguous interpretations, all must yield
to the paramount necessity of securing the
continuance of government, order, and
law !; and no sane man can doubt that this
rule would be followed without hesitation,
if the occasion should arise. Bat while in
theory the notion of what is commonly
called an interreguum may appear very
alarming, there is really nothing in the
actual conditions to justify any apprehen-
sion. We believe that the purpose of the
makers of the Constitution was to provide
for the enduing of the Vice President
with the executive functions in the event
OF any prolonged or serious disability on
the part of the President, and that this
regency was intended to last as long as,
but no longer than, the disability OF the
President continued That certainly is
the view which is best supported by an ex-
animation Of the debates on the Constitu-
ton, and it is therefore in all probability
the view which would be acted upon
should any action of the kind become
necessary. No doubt it is difficult to de-
ternine theoretically what constitutes
executive disability, nor is it at all clear
what tribunal is TO be the judge OF the
fact. But in practice these difficulties
would probably disappear, for if the Presi-
dent realized that he was for the time
incapable of performing duties which
demanded immediate performance, the pre-
sumption is that he would himself be the
first to announce his disability, nor is
there any likelihood that in such circum-
stances his conclusion would be disputed
Were it necessary it would no doubt be
possible to secure the affirmation of the
Supreme Court, of the Cabinet, or of Con.
gress, to such an act of temporary abdica-
ton, and in the event Of the Presidents
subsequent recovery he would resume his
official functions as quietly and easily as
he had surrendered them. In short there
is no ground whatever for alarm or un-
easiness about the matter. In the first
place there need be no difficulty about
such an ablication if it becomes unayoida-
BILE; and in the second place if no such alb.
dication is resorted to, and nevertheless
the President remains virtually disabled,
the country win sustain no injury. The
death of President Garfield would be ma
tional misfortune and national loss, but
It would not stop the machinery Of the
Government, nor would that machinery
lose single beat in consequence of it. His
present disability is in ike measure sense
OF regret and apprehension to the public,
but his helplessness is purely in.
dividual, and does not extend
to the Government over which he presides
when in health. In well regulated de.
mocracy the death or removal of a beloved
chief executive may and must occasion
general grief and lamentation, but the ties
which exist between him and the people
are those Of affection and sympathy, and
not in any sense material bonds. The great
and majestic governmental system Of the
United States is Independent of human
lives. ItprOceeds, without pause or hurry,
no matter what the vicissitudes of party or
the fate of individuals may be, giving con-
tinually to all its citizens the same stead
fast assurance of nrotection snnnork and