Lancaster daily intelligencer. [volume] (Lancaster, Pa.) 1864-1928, 1881-05-17

AVE- ~ l. IL AS01s
Woodford and Mr.. Tenney, and of the two
marshals. This unprecedented proceed
ing, whether permissible by law or not,
was gravely significant. The presidenthad
nominated these officers after they had
been weighed in the balance. Their
official records were before him, and
had been fully scrutinized and approved.
1t must be presumed that he thought the
nominations fit to be made and that it was
his duty to make them. There is no alle-
cation that he discovered unfitness in
them afterwards. It could hardly be that
he discovered unfitcess in all of them
alike. What, then, was the meaning and
the purpose of this peremptory step? 1t
was Immediately stated, as if by au-
thority, and seems to be admitted, that
the purpose was to coerce the Senate or
senators to vote as they would not vote if
left free from executive interference. The
design was to control the action Of
senators touching matters committed by
the constitution to the Senate and
to the Senate exclusively. 1t has been sug-
gested in addition that by recalling these
nominations and holding them in his own
hands, the president might, in the event Of
them to compensate that failure. If it
are to be, or would in any event he, made
personal perquisites, to be handled and
disposed of not only to punish indepen-
dence of senatorial votes and action, but
to liquidate the personal obligations of
any individual, however high in station,
the conditions are utterly vicious and de-
grading, and their acceptance would COM
pei the representatives of states to
fling down their oath and representa-
tive duty at the footstOOl Of executive
power. Following this sweeping
and startling executive act come
OminOus avOwals that dissent or failure
to "advise and consent" would be held an
act of offence, exposing all senators, from
whatever state, to executive displeasure.
Thus we find ourselves confronted by the
question whether we shall surrender the
plain right and the sworn duty of senators,
by cOnsenting to what we believe to be
vicious and hurtful, or be assigned the pO
sitiOn of dislOyalty to the administration
which we helped to bring in, and the sue
cess of which we earnestly wish, for every
reason and motive which can enter into the
case. We know no theory avOwed by any
party which requires such submission as is
now exacted. Although party service may
be fairly considered in making selections
of public officers, it can hardly be main-
tanned that the Senate is bound to remove,
without cause, incumbents merely to make
places for those whom any individual,
even the president or member of his
cabinet, wishes to repay for being recreaut
to others or serviceable to him.
Only about two years ago the Senate adj
vised that Gen. Merritt be appointed col
lector Of New York. 1t is understood that
among the senators who so advised was
Mr.. Window, now secretary of the treas
ury, and head of the department whose
subordinate General Merritt is. Another
senator known to have given this advice
was Mr.. Kirkwood, now secretary of the
interior. It is said that, like the post
master general from our own state, these
cabinet officers were not taken into con-
sultatiOn touching the removal of Gen.
Merritt, but their sworn and official action
as senators is not the less instructive.
That the secretary of tho treasury and the
late administration up to its expira-
tion, less than ten weeks ago, approved
Gen. Merritt as an officer is we'll known,
and it is nowhere suggested that any citi-
zep had petitioned for his removal or
that any official delinquency on his part is
the reason Of it. In the place Of an ex-
pcrienced officer, in the midst of his term
fixed by law, it is proposed to put man
who had no training for the position and
who cannot be said to have any special
augural of President Garfield, delivered on
the 4th of March, stand these words
"The civil service can never be placed ON
satisfactory basis until it is regulated by
law-for the good Of the service itself,
for the protection of those who are in
trusted with the appointing power, agaii st
the waste of time and obstruction to the
public business caused by the inOrdinate
pressure for place and for the protection of
incumbents against intrigue and wrong.
l shall, at the proper time, ask Congress
to fix the tenure of the minor Offices of
the several executive departments and
prescribe the grounds upon which rcmOv-
ais shall be made during the terms for
which incumbents have been appointed"
How good the distinction is which would
make major offices prey to ''intrigue
and wrong, and 'shield'' minor Offices
from like havoc. And whether the
collectorships Of the country should belong
to the exposed or to che protected class
need not be decided here. Assuming Gen.
Merritt to be an officer of average fitness
and honesty, it might be reasonably AZ
gued that all senators should with alacrity
advise his displacement by man of Obvi-
GUS superiority. Possibly it might be said
that all should advise tho selection in Gen.
Merritt's place of man, who, without
superior fivness, had rendered his country,
or even his party conspicuous and exalted
service. The case in hand does not belong
to either of these two classes. The vOca-
tion CT MIR. Robertson and his legislative
and professional experiences and sur
rOundiEgs do not denote superiority
in the qualities, knowledge, business
habits and familiarity with the rev.
enue laws and system of the United
states, which might make him more CON-
petent than General Merritt to collect the
vast revenues and administer the vast
business pertaining to the port of New
York. Certainly he cannot in this respect
be held an exception to the rules of right
and consistency on which the legislation
and laws have placed the public service.
We know of no personal or political ser
vice rendered by MIR. Robertson so tran
scendent that the cOllectOrship of New
York should be taken in the midst of the
term and given to him as recompense.
Mr.. Robertson is reported by the New
York Tribune to have declared that his
was "reward," a "reward''
for action as delegate to the late cOnven-
tiOn. If MIR. Robertson, in his action,
was Influenced by a sense of duty if
he voted and acted, his honest convictions,
it is difficult to sec what claim he has for |
any reward, not to speak of such great re-
ward. The action of which an estimate is |