Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1881-08-12

The IDEA tnht mora ana religious principles !
have, or should have. some bearing upon
politics is not altogether modern one but
it is undoubtedly true that never and nowhere
in the history Of the world has this idea been
SO generally recognized and the consequences
Of its recognition 80 fully developed in prRc-
tice as IL our own beloved republic and in
this year Of grace 1851 Never before nor
elsewhere have rulers exercised the duties and
rights Of sovereignty under SO much moral
restraint never were Legislators so studious
TO square their work TO the rule Of right and
the interests Of the people and never were
the people so largely Influenced il their po-
liticAl action by considerations Of right and
duty and those great moral principles which
are continually presenting themselves before
the public mind.
All this will not be denied by the intelligent
observer and yet, perhaps never more frs-
quently was the cry raised in regard to po-
ltical knavery, fraud, chicanery, corruption,
outrage. rottenness and impending ruin. Such
cries as these-Rnd facts 10 back them OF, al
least, give them coloT-form the chief stock IL
trade Of many q newspaper and politician; and
manyR patriotic heart is made sad, and at times
even fearful, in contemplating the instances
Of fraud and corruption TO which almost
every important election gives rise, or il wit
Messing the fall Of some party idol who per
mitted & selfish ambition 10 work the ruin
which his enemies could not But still we
see that the world moves on, and that the
country is yet safe. The circumstance which
at the moment sounded so startling and
which seemed so terrible and disastrous,
creates but q momentary ripple upon the cur
rent Of passing events and we come al
length to realize that the world is large and
that il lies not IL the power of any isolated
individual or event Of ordinary magnitude to
destroy the general equilibrium Of society OF
overthrow institutions which have become
rooted and grounded il the national life.
Even the assassination Of president is fol-
lowed by no popular uprising no act Of re-
taliation. no disturbance Of business or po-
| liticAl nature.
To one who Rrdently and thoroughly be-
ieves in the theory Of popular government,
and the wisdom of the fathers who sought 10
establish it Oh our soil, il is nj times discour-
aging and disheErtening TO sse how very far
we fall short, even now, of having attained 10
| that ideal government, that government ''of
| the people, for the people, by the people, -
! which they aimed 10 inRugurate and which
| we desire 10 see realized. We cannot blind
our eyes 10 the fact that even now and here
! in peaceable, lRw-Rbiding, enlightened New
England. the people themselves have very
/ little TO do with the selection of the officers
/ who rule over them. We cannot overlook the
fact that barter and management and trickery
I have quite as much 10 do with the choice of
our public officers as ballots that these wor-
thies are quite as often seh-Gppointed as
| chosen by their so-callsd constituents. But
deplore these things as We may, are they any
worse to-day than they have heretofore been ;
Do they argue the downfall Of our institutions
and the fGlsity of the principle Of popular
government: BY no means. They are but
incidents attending the development Of the
theory which we have undertaken 10 put into
practice. They merely illustrate the fact that
our system OF laws and usages is as yet i'm
perfect, and that absolute purity and perfeo-
ton il politics are 70 be expected only in the
millennium.
To hear the excited and random talk often
INDUCED in by Rlarmists in this country, one
would be led TO infer that political intrigue
and corruption were unknown IN the oldei
and more despoticRlly ruled countries OF
Europe. But how are elections held IL Eng
landi James Parton, il q recent article il tht
North American Review, declares that IL q
country which has had a Parliament for eight
centuries, not one eminent member of the
body was ever selected from the mass OF the
people and placed in Parliament by con
stituency. Forty years ago, the Duke 0.
Newcastle's son took fancy 10 young mar
recently his fellow student al Oxford ant
the Duke, being in want of a member safe II
vote on the Tory side, put that younger sol
of a Liverpool merchant into Parliament
against the viii of his constituents, and owe
the head of a distinguished lawyer of mucl
parliamentary experience. This outrage, a
we should style it, gave the llustrious Glad
stone to the British Empire. Not long after
the good natured Marquis of IAnsdowne read
with very warm approval, an article in tn
Edinburgh Review, written by another mer
chants son, T. B. MaoRulay. To strengthen
the Wing side of the House, the Marquis, b,
q monstrous abuse of power, gave this yOunl
man q seat also. About the same period
Lord Durham, at Lady Blessingtons hous
in London, was struck with the fluent, incis
i've talk Of young Disraeh. 1t ended with hi
lordships lifting the young man, by mail
strength, into Parliament Palmerston bough
his first seat outright forfve thousand pounds
The great men of the last century owed thei
seats 20 similar influences Edmund Burk
was the private secretary of great lord, an
was placed in Parliament by the exertion O
that lords will Instances of this kind Nigh
! be multiplied, showing that much of III