The central Presbyterian. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1856-1908, 1881-11-16

gle OF the masses for natural emancipa-
ton. There can be no mission of tyranny
without the shedding of blood.
The garden itself, as indeed those of
Luxembourg, Champs -Elysees, and Bois
de Boulogne, are all characterized by
sort of regularity unsatisfactory to one
familiar with nature in its pristine forms.
We would object to all the Partisan gar
dens that their effects are false, and that
nature as viewed in them is entirely fac
titious. The long wedge-shaped alleys,
the forced fountains, the well-assorted
flowers enclosed in regular areas, and all
these objects so symmetrically repeated,
only fatigue by their length, and speak
little to the mind and still less to the
heart. The only object seems to be to
amuse the senses, and provoke the people
to walk in the gardens, less for the pur-
pose of communion with nature than for
the purpose of meeting society and the
object of shining. The passionate lover
of nature cannot but regard the Partisan
gardens as contemplate limitations, which,
by their monotonous uniformity, outrage
their model. Art should follow nature
rather than strive to create it. Archi-
lecture and horticulture, as if directed by
one mind and executed by the same hand,
should always concur to produce gen.
eral effect and a delightful harmony of
parts. Round about houses gardens may
be planted with some regularity, but as
they recede they should mingle, by a
skilfully managed progression, with the
sylvan appearance of the country. To
retain regularity and monotony to the
end is puerile simplicity, and becomes
monstrous deformity. Yet everywhere
in France, and especially Paris, the gar
dens present the same appearance, trees
In straight lines, flowers in regular
patches, water pumped laboriously to
spout into the air or form artificial lakes,
or fall down precipices in very symmet-
ric cascades.
To the Chamber of Deputies,
we next direct our steps that we may
see something of the greatest parliament
in French history-of the men who
thwarted the Coup d6tot prepared by
McMahon, and established the Republic
on firm constitutional basis. The
Chamber, however, a building of noble
proportions, is closed, and the session will
not commence until the 2Sth of October.
Meanwhile all France is on the ge1l viive
OF expectation as to whether Gambetta
after coquetting so long with supreme
power, will accept the responsibility of
the premiership. Besides this there is
absolutely no political sensation but the
irresponsible Interpolation of M. Louis
Blanc and small following of irrecon-
cilables, who heap abuse and pile ques-
tlons upon the government relative to
the Tunisian difficulty. We should think
that such men as M. Louis Blanc would,
at this stage of the development of
France, fail to find any followers. 1t
proves simply that in, France, as else
where, the race of political madmen is
not yet extinct. Louis Blanc it was who
in the revolution of 1848, went into power
with the following manifesto: "That
which Is wanting for the enfranchisement
OF the working classes is the tools of la
Dor; the function of the government is to
furnish them. If you would have us de-
fine the State according to our concep-
tion, we reply-the State is the banker
OF the poor. The results of that revo-
luton proved that
National Employment is not the Func-
ton OF Government.
Bismarck, with iron will and backed by
the Prussian monarch, is testing to-day
the same theory by the monopoly of great
industrial interests. The solution of the
problem is rapidly advancing, and we
doubt not that the world will be con-
vinced that M. Louis Blanc, and Bismarck
as well, are fallacious reasoners, and that
in the division of labor no government
can ever become a universal employer
advantageously to the people, nor eff
GENTLY and directly become great trad
ing, manufacturing, and agriculturing
companies. But we believe that in de-
spite of some mutterings of the lowest
classes, the mass of the French people
will no longer follow an illusionist like
Blanc or the violent radical Clemenceau.
The republic is no longer an inverted
pyramid in political architecture. The
safety valve of the government, in a pop
ulation so inAammable-is the power to
think. French thought has passed
through its state of transition. The peo-
pie have forever left the ideal, and are
carrying the whole cargo of revolution
airy experience over to the PRACTICAL
The people are no longer left a mob.
Every man has stake in the state, a
power in its affairs legislative interest
IN its security. Political fanatics may