Staunton vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1860-1896, 1881-02-11

STAT UNION, VA.
FRIDAY MORNING. FEB. IL. 1881.
THE STRETCH OF CENTRALIZA-
TION OYER OUR HISTORY.
Oflate years Capitalization of government
has been so inseparably connected with
the Republican party that to speak of one
is to name the other, for in the short exis-
tence of that political organization it has
advocated it as perslstently as the Democ-
racy in its century of life has opposed it.
Its identity in these latter days has been so
complete with Republicanism that We are
apt to overlook the fact that it is princi-
pie long preexistent to it. In the earliest
days of the Republic it was as much feared
as new. This nation has had two .consti-
buttons, the first being called ARTICLES of
Confederation. the parties to which were
New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode
Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jer-
sy, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina
and Georgia. One need not read these
Articles very closely to see that the jeal-
GUS States had no idea of giving any pow
er to the central government which should
in the future harass the givers. They pro-
vided that in congress votes should be
taken by States, not by members, and an
important measure required the assent ofall
the States-they were sensitive even of the
tyranny of a majority. Each state paid its
own congressman; in case of war the legis-
lature of each State appointed all the Off
GERS of its quota of troops below the rank
of colonel; ''Committee of States" con-
sisting of one delegate from each State,
managed the general affairs of the United
States over which presided president or
chairman whose term could be only one
year, and foreign and domestic commerce
was regulated entirely by the States. The
fathers ordained in this constitution that
ssthe Union shall be perpetual'' but they
took very good care to give the general
government little more than the power to
declare war and defend the soil when at
war. That government had not even the
power of levying and collecting internal
taxes and duties on imports and an effort
to invest it with such authority was de-
feated by the negative vote of New York.
In short, Congress, which was in point Of
fact the only central government, was TO-
tally void OF power oyer the States.
Such was the the plan of the fathers
in 1777 and it was not until eleven years
after, that the present constitution of the
country was adopted. It was the result Of
q compromise the cause for which was
what was known as the Virginia plan
brought forward by Randolph of Virginia
providing for the direct representation OF
the people in Congress in proportion to
population instead of by States. This was
only agreed to by the smaller States on the
concession that in the Senate the represen-
tation should be by States. 1t was in this
constitution that the Federal govern
ment got it's grip on the States by the
creation of a system Of United States
courts. Now it could put its hand on the
individual citizen. This constitution met
great opposition and only secured the votes
of thirty-nine out OF the ffty-fye dele
gates and when it came to the people of
the States for ratification by their legisla-
lures, New York only "a titled it by a ma
jority of two, Virginia by eight. Massa-
chusetts by nineteen, while North Carroll
ma and Rhode Island rejected it and wait
ed a year before they would ratifyit. From
the adoption of that constitution to the
present the struggle with the nation hal
been between Capitalization and decentral
ization. Parties under various names
have taken sides in it. There have beer
arrayed during the succeeding years, FED
eralist,' 's.National Republican, ""Whig,
and Republican for Capitalization and
CAN'T Federalist. - Republican" Demo
cratic-Republicans) and Democrats" fol
wide distribution Of the powers OF gov
eminent. It is for this that the Democra'
cy, under whatever name it fought, has al
WAYS been the advocate Of strict construc-
ton of the constitution.
The civil war twenty years ago gave to
the Capitalization thought, great impetus
among those states that remained in, just
asthe errors and outrages of the reconstruc-
ton that followed, made the states, who
went out and were the sufferers by it. all
the stronger opponents of it. In the ''loyal''
states, failure to promptly and firmly put
their opponents at disadvantage before
actual hostilitias opened was attributed to
a weak central government, while the ex-
ira constitutional acts of the Federal gov
eminent during reconstruction taught the
s'disloyal'' states how irresponsible and
oppressive strong government may be-
come in times of political passion. Indeed
one may almost assert that at the close of
the strife one party was almost ready to
consign all the American principles OF the
past to oblivion, and enter upon a career
in which single iron hand should control
the destinies of the country. General.
now President elect Garfield we'll express.
ed the madness which ruled the hour at
that time when in Congress, Jan. 18th
1866, only a few months after the civil
struggle had closed, he said 81 believe
Mr.. Speaker, that the fame of Jefferson is
waning and the fame of Hamilton is wax
ing in the estimation of the American PEG
pie, and that we are gravitating toward g
stronger government. I am glad we are. >
And yet SO much easier is it to praise thar
to face this dangerous resort that ffteer
years afterwards we find him arrayed ir
the national convention of his party
against the incarnation Of the idea Of thai
s'stronger government in the person Of
a. nm