National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1881-04-05
The Senate Deadlock.

The Senate Deadlock.
The struggle in the Senate is to go on
until the minority yields or establishes
its power to rule. 1t is not to be denied
that minority can do a great deal more
than was contemplated by the trainers OF
| the Constitution when they conferred
upon one-ffth of the Senators present the
right to have the ayes and noes recorded
in the journal on any and every question.
| It may not vex the Bourbon conscience to
| construe this high privilege of having
every Senator's position on questions of
public consequence matter of record
into an instrument for permanent sub
version of majority rule. The spirit of
the provision is violated when the mi
nority, by merely dilatory motions, pre-
vent the ayes and noes from being re-
corded on the only question" really be-
fore the Senate, viz: the resolution to
proceed to the election of officers of the
body. The indecorous and strained ex-
ercise of this apparently harmless con-
stitutional power may be carried to such
an extent as to raise the question whether
there can be a proper remedy for reVo-
lutionary abuse of constitutional power.
To be more explicit: Theidea promulgated
by Democratic Senators in the present
debate is that. because they have the
power by endless calls of ayes and noes
to prevent final action on measure, they
may properly exercise that power by pre-
venting vote during the next eight
months. If twenty-five of the Democratic
Senators were to abandon this course the
remaining sixteen, being one-ffth of the
Senate, could defy the other four -ffths dur
ing eightmonths of continuous session. If
for eight months, why not perpetually? If
on the question of choosing officers, why
not On any or on all other questions? Is
it, then, true that there rests in the Con-
stitution a hitherto unused veto power,
which can be invoked whenever sixteen
out of the seyenty-six Senators shall see
fit to exercise it? What remedy would
there be against the revolutionary pur-
poses of sixteen men in the Senate if so
many could be found there bent upon
the subvcrsion of the Government?
The determination said to have been
arrived at by the Republican Senators in
conference yesterday was that there
should be no change On their part. They
would continue to press the resolution for
the election Of officers to the exclusion of
all other business. There can be
no more important business than
the ascprtaining of the rights and
powers of the majority. If dilatory mo-
tions by sixteen Senators can defeat the
will Of the other sixty Indefinitely, then
the weakest spot in our system has Just
been discovered. The majority have de-
cided that it is better to go on now and
see how long the minority will resist them
than to wait until next December, when
legislation might be made the |
object of the new revolutionary method. |
Some thought that the conference !
would decide to consider Executive |
portion Of each day; but |
the alarming attitude Of the minority, and |
their pretension to unlimited power of
obstruction, operated to oyerbear all |
other considerations. Probably the |
President himself will consider the great |
struggle upon which the
Senate has now entered as exceeding in |
any other matter The Dem
3crats have attempted the establishment |
Of a destructive precedent, and to de-
Lermined and unyiclding resistance the |
majority are ilTeyocabiy committed.
In view of this menacing condition of
affairs every thinking man must depre-
cate any serious breach among the |
friends Of the Government in the Senate.
Let the minority first be compelled to
allow the majority to rule in that body.
1t is no question Of who shall have office,
but whether the integrity of this Gov
ernment can be made subject to the ca
prices and hostility of one-ffth of the
Senate. The various offices in the gift of
he Executive are as President Hayes
eft them, excepting some few which
nave since become vacant, and the duties
If which are being discharged in accord
,nce with law.