Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1881-10-14


cent smaller than last year
The State and the Nation.
The question of ''The State and the Nation"
is considered by Senator Edmunds in very
powerful and clearly-expressed pa
per in the current number of the North Am
erican Review. Taking for his text para
graph from Washington's farewell address,
Mr.. Edmunds combats with Websterian force
the theory advanced by Mr. G. P. Cent? in his
recent book, THE Republic of Republics"
that the American people ''are in form, and
life, and action, an association of republics"
and nothing more or other, aud also disposes
of David Dudley Fields bugbear of centrali-
cation as advanced in the May number of the
North American. In showing how entirely
unfounded is Mr.. Centz's doctrine that this is
republic of republics" Mr.. Edmunds re-
views the processes by which the thirteen in
dependent and associated republics of 1888
became in 1887 nation with lone govern
ment of one people, which, in respect to the
subjects committed to it, was supreme, and
incapable of destruction otherw Use than by
non-user, conquest or revolution" This mat
ter Mr.. Edmunds sums up in these strong
words:
SIN some sense and in some respects, the govern
ment Of the United States is association Of repub-
lies but it is also in respect Of the subjects embraced
in the constitution, in the largest and In the
widest aspect, single government ola single people
So 1t will continue so long the general welfare and
the blessings of liberty and peace to remain with
us and our posterity. The question has been dealt
with through almost century Of congressional and
state debate and legislation and OF judicial discussion
and decision, and OF practical administrative action
and at last it has borne the final test Of war-aways
with one result. Let Il be at rest"
In treating of the dangers of Capitalization,
Senator Edmunds comedies that it will always
exist to certain extent, owing to the struc-
ture Of the government. 1.-The formation of
the original constitution, he says, Twas itself
an act of stupendous Capitalization; but it
was done as the only means of preserving the
| liberties of each and all the states and the
people, and of avoiding the wreck that had
overtaken all previous associated republics
1t consisted of Withdrawing certain powers
from separate and single communities of PEG
pie, and lodging them in one great commune
| ty of the same people" The first eleven
amendments of the constitution, adopted be-
fore 1900 were all restrictive of the powers of
the general government. The 18th, 14th and
18th amendments were change in favor of
the whole people. and in diminution of the
powers of the people of each state. But twas
this a step that endangere the liberties of
the people of the states ?" asks the Senator.
at gaze liberty to millions 1t is true that
this change was resisted by great political
organizations "but," the Senator asks again,
''is there now any political party or any con-
siderable number of citizens who would undo
that great act, or who fear that the safety or
ultimate welfare of any state is endangered
by it ?" eff this question be answered in the
negative" Mr.. Edmunds says, ''then there
have been no undue or dangerous steps toward
Capitalization in the changes of the consttu-
ton itself If otherwise, let those of that
opinion say so in plain terms" 1--WE assume,
them" the Senator continues, THAT in the
general judgment of the whole people, and in
the opinion of the respective states, the con-
stitution as it stands does not In itself disturb
the true equilibrium of the powers, or impair
the security or just rights of any state"
Mr.. Edmunds goes as far as Mr.. Field in
maintaining that the existence and indepen.
dence of every state, as declared and recog-
nized in the constitution, must be preserved,
and that each ought to retain every right and
power not plainly necessary to be left with
the national government for the welfare oil
all, including its own people. 1.-THE states,
he says, 'are the bulwarks of the liberties OF
the whole people, as the government of the
whole people is the founder and willing de
fender of the republican existence of eael
| a. r. -. l. l. .
equality of its citizens" He examines in de
tail the Tendencies toward Capitalization
instaneed by Mr.. Field; but, while admitting
that there are such tendencies, either through
unconstitutional legislation of Congress, usur
patton of duty by the executive, or erroneous
judgments by the Judiciary, he thinks tina
dangers such as these are ''inseparable from
human nature, and will continue SO long a
men manage human affairs" Some of thes
tendencies are instanced and condemned, bu
the main counts in Mr.. Fields indictment ar
not allowed. The power of Congress to es
tablish a national bank or banks, as affirmed
by the supreme court in 1919, is held TO b
perfectly plain-''a question of legislativ
policy merely, not one touching the equilibri
um of governmental powers" So OF the act
relating to telegraph lines, the postal service
regulating the elections for representatives il
} Congress, and enforcing the amendments +
the constitution 1t is especially to be note
} that, in speaking of the wise provisions mad
by the founders of the government for tn
} transmission Of intelligence throughout tn
! country, the senator comedies, by implication
the constitutionality of the postal-telegrap
} system, by expressing the hope that "tbe da
is not far distant when the postal telegrap
} will exist in every city and village of the cour
, try"
, Mr.. Edmunds defends, against Mr.. Field
structures, the reconstruction acts of 1867 an
) the legislation to enforce the constitutions
, amendments In these matters Congress hs
not transcribed its clear powers nor is tn
t ! senator able to see that the theory on whic