Clarksville weekly chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1873-1890, 1881-04-09

ilIustrious son of that brilliant old
statesman John Bell of Tennessee,
bravely and brilliantly defended
the honor and credit of his State in
the Senate last Friday. The follow
ing is the Americans report of his
closing remarks:
Mi. Bellsresumed his arguments
in favor of the bill. He said he
was an old man, but a young deba-
fer. After the complete and ex-
haustive argument for the validity
of the State debt by the Senator
from Montgomery (Mr. Daniel), and
in view of the fact that he proposed
a bill as a substitute for the 1908
bill, he (Mr. Bell was forced to
characterize it as "a most lame and
impotent conclusion" The so 4-5-6
bill of the Senator could not have
passed the Senate he must have
known that he could not muster
numbers sufficient to pass it Meth
er could it pass the House Domo-
Gratis in the House had made SINH
lar efforts, and had given up all
hope of passing any bin to settle the
State debt except the 100 3 bill.
Hence the result of the substitution
of the gentleman's bill would be to
defeat a settlement by the present
General Assembly. His bill had a
halfway coupon feature which
could not gain the necessary sup
port of either Republicans II DEM
Ocrats. The same objection vas APP
parent with bill I6S, which had a
similar fund set apart. Objection
to the coupon feature was a new
outcropping of feeling. In 1877, if
the 60-6 proposition had been accep-
ted he believed the people would
have overwhelmingly approved it
and so with the 500 proposition.
He was not alone in the opinion
that the provisions of the funding
act of 1873 were just as binding now
as then. or as the 1908 bill would
be if passed. Let them think what
would be the result If the courts
should so decide. There would be
no more palavering about the State
debt then. 1t was the opinion of
lawyers that the State would be liza
BILE. The only way to avoid the
tilsCdlSiICu OUldOh vi lCS0t1t0ACAC0
interest was to pass the 1908 bill.
1t was argued that they should not
pass it, because the rights OF the
people would be mortgaged. 1t
was useles for a sane man to think
of so insane an idea. Yet it had
been gravely and solemnly advanc-
ed. Some had even declared it in
famous. He was willing to give
security to his creditors and take
the infamy oft. Tennessee had no
right now to complain that her
creditors did not trust abstractly in
the pledged honor of the State.
Could there be any higher obliga-
ton than was in the funding act ?
The State exercised her sovereingn-
ty in giving security to her credit
ors.
Mr.. Bell then spoke of the re-
sources of the State of all the adj
vantages of internal and public inn
provements the State had received
in exchange for her bonds, and
cited the long time her bondhoId-
ers had waited Vainly for remuner-
alton. Was the State going to
turn from them again, with scorn
and contempt, forgetting the ills
they had suffered tor the last TWEEN
ty years? The 1908 bill was
equivalent to the 50-6, yet some
were filed with indignation at the
idea.
The Democratic party in the last
canvass had dared defeat and dis
ruption in order to stand clearly
and highly for the honor and credit
of the State. 1t was true a resolu-
ton (that relating to coupOns) had
been sprung in the convention as a
last hope to unite the party in
keeping the faith of the State. The
question of keeping pledges was
solved by the Senator from DeKalb
(Mr. Smallman) when he pointed
to the solemn oath to vote without
favor or prejudice. He invoked re-
gard for that oath when the honor
and credit of the State were at
stake. As for himsilf he had made
no promise or pledges that he
would violate in voting for the 1908
bill. Senators had not run p~articu-
larIy upon platforms they had ex-
pressed their own opinions, and on
these opinions were elected.
IL was Sdld LilS Jill, IL DOoCCOg
would make no settlement that
there would be a readjuster party.
In that connection, he referred to
Malone, of Verginia, who, he said,
had now the realization Of the high
est ambition, short of the Presiden-
cy, which an American citizen
could have. Malone had turned
States evidence, and, while charg-
ing fraud and corruption upon his
own (the Democratic) party, vas
received, fully pardoned, into the
bosom of the Republican party. He
hoped he would never leave their
fold. But in Tennessee, an illustri-
Gus statesman, who had sat in the
United State Senate, had come
home to his people and risked all to
uphold the honor of Tennessee be-
fore her people. For this he was
defeated. What true man but
would rather suffer with Bailey
than triumph with Malone? Zap
plause.
1t was to be expected, if a settle
ment now failed, that there would
still be two parties in the State.
He would regret to see the goodly
Fellowship OI the DGulOCIdlIC party
dissolved. But if it we're to be that
the Republican party in Tennessee
would be the only party to uphold
the States Credit, he prophesied
that there were 10000 Democrats
who would support the Republican
candidates, and ne would be n of
the number.
They had now arrived at a time
when the State had the most favor
able proposition she had ever re-
ceived-the 1908 settlement, rum
ming ninety-nine years. 1t amour
ted to giving the State something
in consideration Of her losses,
which she could accept without
leaving a single smirch upon her
fair escutcheon. They were even
now mourning a debt of $I,620,000 a
year. He feared not to face his
constituency upon his vote. 1t was
said there would be a storm. Let
it c0nle-it would purify the at
mospllere. If the arrows OF calum-
ny COULD reach SO humble an indi-
vidual as himself, he could, at least
say with Daniel Defoe, when put
in a pillory:
V.r,1l A., 49,. \. r1aooJ - F,o-a