The Emporia news. [volume] (Emporia, Kan.) 1859-1881, 1881-05-20

bring in, and the success of which we |
| earnestly wish. We know no theory i
| avowed by any party which requires |
| such submission as is now exacted. -
Although party service may be fairly |
considered in making selections Of pub |
lie officers, il can hardly be maintained |
that the senate is bound to remove with |
| out cause incumbenfs, merely to make |
places for those whom any Individual, |
| even the President or members of his |
| cabinet, wish TO repay for being re- |
creant to others or serviceable to him. |
Only about two years ago the senate adj |
vised that Gen. Merritt be appointed |
| collector at New York. 1t is under |
stood that among the senators who so adj |
vised was MIR. Window, now secretary
| OF the treasury, and head of the depart |
| ment whose subordinate Gen. Merritt is |
Another senator known to have given |
this advice, was Mr.. Kirkwood, now sec |
rotary OF the Interior. II is SAID that |
like the postmaster-g general from our
Own State the cabinet officers were not |
taken into consultation touching the re-
moval of General Merritt, but their |
sworn and official action as senators is |
hone the less instructive. That the late |
secretary of the treasury and the late |
| administration, up to its expiration less
than ten weeks ago, approved General |
Merritt as an officer, is well known; and |
| 1t is not here suggested that any citizen |
| had petitiOned for his removal, or that |
| official delinquency on his part is rea- |
son OF il. In place of an experienced
| officer in the midst OF his term fixed by |
law, it is proposed suddenly to put
man in who has no training for the posi-
ton, and who cannot be said to have any
! special fitness for its official duties. In
| the inaugural of President Garfield, de-
livered on the 4ih of March, stand these
| words:
QUOTING THE RECORD.
"Fhe civil service can never be placed
| ON satisfactory basis until il is regulat-
ed by law. For the good of the service
| itself, for the sake of those who are in
trusted with the appointing power
against the waste of time, and obstruc-
| ton to public business caused by inor-
dinate pressure for place, and for the
protection of incumbents against in
| trigue and wrong, shall Mt the proper
time ask Congress TO fix the tenure of
the minor offices of the several exccu-
tive departments, and prescribe grounds
| upon which removals shall be made
during the terms for which incumbents
have been appointed" How good
distinction is that which would make
major Offices a prey to intrigue and
| wrong, and shield minor officers from like
4
| Of the country should belong to the cX
posed or protected class, need not be de-
clded here. Assuming General Merritt
to be an officer of average fitness and
| honesty, it might be reasonably argued
that all the Senators should, with alarci-
| tY, advise his displacement by a man of
obvious superiority. Possibly it might
be said that all should advise a selection
in General Merritt's place of a man who,
without superior fitness, had rendered
his country or even his party, cOnspicu-
Gus and exalted service The case in
hand does not belong to either of these
classes. The vocation of Mr.. Robertson,
and his legislative and professional cx-
perience and surroundings, do not denote
a superiority of the quality, knowledge,
| BUSINESS HABITS AND FAMILIARITY
! with the Revenue laws and system of
the United States, which might make
him more competent than General Mer-
riIt to collect the vast revenues and ad
minister the vast business pertaining to
the port of New York. Certainly he can
not in this respect be held an exception
to the rules of light and consistency, on
| which the constitution and laws have
placed the public service. We know of
no personal or political services render
cd by Mr.. Robertson, so transcendent
that the Collectorship of New York
should be taken in the midst of a term
and given him as recompense.
| Mr.. Robertson is reported by the New
| York Tribune to declare that his nomi-
nation was reward for his action as
delegate to the National Convention.
| If Mr.. Robertson in his action was in
| f1uenced by sense of duty if he voted,
and voted his honest convictions, it is
| difficult to see what claim he has for any
reward, not TO speak of such great re-
ward. The action of which an estimate
| is thus invited is understood to be this:
! Mr. Robertson and sixty-nine other
men accepted from the State Convention
a certain trust. They sought and ac-
cepted the position of agents or dele |
| gates to the National Convention. The |
State Convention declared that its plain |
| ly stated judgment of policy was TO be |
observed and supported by those it COM |
stoned. To this declaration all selected |
as delegates - -
GAVE IMPLIED CONSENT,
but several of them in addition made |
most specific personal pledges and |
| engagements to exert themselves, in |
good faith throughout, to secure the |
nomination of General Grant. They |
| made this pledge as the means of their |
own appointment as delegates, and they |
did as we both personally know, obtain |
their seats in the national convention |
upon the faith of their personal state |
| ment of their earnestness and fidelity. |
Whether Mr.. Robertson was or was not |
himself bound, not only by honor and
word becomes quite immaterial in view |
of the clam made for him. 1t is in |
sisted that he organized the bolt" or as |
il has been sometimes stated, che was |
the leader of the bolt" This is TO say
that he invited, persuaded, induced |
others, whom he knew had given their |
word and had obtained their seats by do |
ing so, to violate their word, and betray |
not only Republicans assembled in the |
State convention, but Republicans of
their districts as well, who had trusted |
on their honor. Who ever counsels and |
procures another to dishonest or dis
honorable act must share with that |
other the guilt, and should share also
the Odium justly attaching to it. We
arc therefore wholly unable, upon what
ever ground VIC put il, to see justifica-
ton for ourselves. should we become
parties to using the public trusts, which
belong to the people to requite such SER
vice in such modes. But the appliances
employed to effect the results set up
NEW STANDARDS OF RESPONSIBILITY,
and invade, as we believe, the truths and
principles on which the separate and
CO ordinate branches Of the government
stand. A senator has his own RESPONSE
bility. He is amendable to his state and
to the body of which he is a member
He is bound by his oath to advise and
consent on his conscience and judgment
before God, whatever or whoever else
may constrain him. He is to be exempt
from executive menace or disfavor on
the one hand, and executive inducement
on the other. To give advice and hon
est. independent advice as TO the ap-
pOintnent proposed, is as much the
right and duty of the senator as it is the
right or duty of the president to propose,
be his advice one way or the other. It is
no more an act of disrespect or treason
to the nominating power than the YER
dict of a juror or the decision ola Judge.
The idea that the senate is simply to
find out what is wanted and then do it,
we cannot believe safe or admissible,
aud thus far no party has dared
test of party fidelity or allegiance. In
this instance such prominence has been
given to the subject, and such distrust
has been expressed of the correctness of
eur position that we think it right and
dutitul to submit the matter to q power,
to which alone we are bound and ever
ready 10 bow. The legislature is in ses- !
sion. 1t is Republican in majority, and
New York abounds in men quite as
able as we to bear her message and CON-
mission in the Senate of the United ]
States. With a profound sense Of the !
obligation we owe, with devotion TO the
Republican party and its
CREED OF LIBERTY AND RIGHT"
with reverent attachment to the great
state, whose interest and honor are dear