The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1881-04-07
XLVIIth CONGRESS.
COMMUNICATIVE Session.
WASHINGTON. April q,

Mf. MCPHERSON inquired why the vice TreSi-
dent had not, in compliance with the rules,
called for the presentation of petitions and me-
MORALS.
The Vice President replied that this being
an executive session of the Ser ate, there was
no morning hour.
Mr.. Ferry sustained the chair, declaring
that the rule to which the Senator referred
was applicable only to legislative sessions.
Mr.. Mcpherson then offered as bis right
under the rules the petition offered yesterday
respecting the case of Michael Boyton, and
asked that it be referred to the committee on
foreign relations.
The petition was received, read and referred
as indicated.
A motion made by Mr.. Pendleton to go into
executive session, was rejected by yeas 30,
nays 81,
Sir Bayard took the floor. He believed
that there was justification for the 3S Demo-
cratic Senators In maintaining the attitude be-
fore the country which they had maintained
the past ten days. He wished to try the JUS
tice of their position by the light of law and
reason, 80 that when they were called before
the bar of public opinion they should be will
ing to submit to it the case which they were
making now.
After recounting various matters such as
nominations, etc., in allegiance by reasc II of the
present action of the senate, Mr.. Bayard said
the senator from Pennsy lvania (Cameron) had
stated that this question had in view thu COM
ing fall election in Virginia. That he (Bayard)
asserted to be a dangerous attempt at CEN
tralzaton. 1t would be an attempt on the
part of the senate sitting as part of the exec
utive branch of the government to interfere
with and control the election in Virginia 1t
was an usurpation, 1t was an invasion; it was
in the strongest sense of the word a revolution
airy attempt by unlawful and illegiimate
methods to control the free elections OF The
state in regard to matters solely submitted to
its own cognizance and control. The senator
strongly reiterated the Democratic views al,
ready expressed. He declared that the issue
was reputation. 1t was on the repudiating
side that the Republican party in the senate
proposed to identify itself by choosing Riddle
berger as one of its Of officers 1t was to him,
to his doctrines that the Republicans stood
committed and he believed he was right in
preventing the consummation of this act.
Mr.. Sherman said the senator from Della
ware (Mr. Bayard) and he agreed upon the
principle that the majority must rule. When
the dictates of a minority went beyond reas-
enable delay it became treason. Fifteen sem
ators could prevent the United States Senate
from doing single act and could break up the
government. Under the rules of the senate
this government might be as absolutely de-
stroyed as the southern confedera.es would
have destroyed it if they had succeeded. The
rules were intended to be construed with reas.
on and Judgment. The doctrine of the right
of majority to rule must prevail. Minorities
had certain rights to interpose dilatory mo-
lions in order to delay and weary out the will
of the majority, but when they passed these
rights they entered upon dangerous ground
He informed the other side that the Repubi-
cans of the senate would cover Mr.. Malone
with their shield and protect him with their
strong arm. 1.-THE Democrats attacked him
they attacked the Republicans. If the cleo
tion of Riddleberger would strengthen the
Republican party then the Republican sena-
tors were justified in electing him. There was
not Democratic senator who would not be
governed by a political motive like that. To
call it corrupt or dshohorable was to use a
term that was totally unworthy We, he
said, buy no man. we barter with no man, we
have made promises to no man. There has
been no promise made, no hope or expectation
of reward held out, nothing that is corrupt.
Our motives for entering into the movement
are as patent as the daylight, as the sun and
can be proclaimed from every housetop aud
every stump. We give our hand to the senator
from Virginia because we believe we will thus
advance the public interests and break down
that bitter spirit in the south which had pre-
vailed since the war. We believe that while
extending our help and aid to these men in
expressing their opinion (even ii we do not
agree with that opinion) while aiding them in
defending themselves against the ostracism of
great aud powerful sectional party we are
doing good to our country and we propose to
carry out that policy. In carrying out that
policy we do more good to the South than we
do to ourselves Referring to the debt of Vir.
ginia Mr. Sherman asserted that all the move
ments looking to liquidation had come from
Democratic governments. The cutlery against
Riddleberger as being tainted with repudia-
ton could not come with a good grace from
the Democratic party which had been the au-
thor and promoter of every proposition of
reputation ever made in the United States
Reverting to the right OF the majority to pre-
vail he declared that he appealed to the Sena-
tors on the Democratic side to allow the ma
jority to proceed with the ordinary course of
business. They might denounce the Republi-
cans for their connection with the Senator
from Virginia. The Republicans could take
care of that. They might denounce them for
voting for Riddleberger, they could take care
OF that, but when they said that they would
not let the majority 60 on with public bust
ness except as they should dictate, they put
that majority in a position which they could
not surrender without endangering the gov
eminent. The majority must rule or there
was in the country nothing but a Mexican re-
public.
Mr.. Burnside inquired what would be the
action of the Democrats in case the Vice
President should notify the Senate he was 60
ing to New York for As hours What would
they do.
Several Democrats Let him go''
Mr.. Burnside-Suppose we bring in reso.
luton for election Of a presiding officer?
Mr. Cockrell-We will meet that question
when it comes.
pounded by Mr.. Mcpherson. challenged any
Senator on the other side to say that he would
refuse to support for political office or to have
a political alliance with any body in the
South for the reason that he entertained opin-
ions attributed to Malone and Rddleberger,
Mr.. Bayard rose and Mr. Hoar repeated his
challenge.
Mr. Bayard The Senator wants an answer
and will try to give it to him. II man Il
do not care whether he is Democrat or Re-
publican) advocates the side of reputation,
and reputation is made an ISSUE would
never support him.
Mr.. Hoar-"If reputation is an ISSUE" but
suppose it is not an issue?
Mr.. Bayard-But reputation by the action
Of the Senator's party is made the ISSUE
Mr.. Hoar-I deny it.
Mr.. Bayard-And affirm it,
Mr.. Hoar-The difference between the Sena-
tor and me is that when assassination and
fraud are the issues he will ally himself with
repudiationist who stands for all these things,
and will ally myself with repudiationst
who joins with me to put them down.
Mr.. Bayard-The Senator forgets in the heat
OF debate to give due respect to the motives of
an opponent.
Mr.. Hoar-I do not attribute motives, L deal
with facts.
Mr.. Bayard-Why does the Senator stand
before the country and ally me in any way
with dishonest and unfair political methods?
Why should h edo it?
Mr.. Hoar-Because whenever the party that
performs these things at the South is in
distress the Senator brings the weight of his
own honorable and fair personal character to
its rescue.
Mr. Bayard-I do not think that it is worth
my while to deny that, and 1 have lived too
long if it is necessary for me to deny it. The
methods spoken of by the Senator have found
in me as resisting an opponent and foe as am
capable of being.
NJ