National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1881-04-01
The Garfteid-Coukltne Interview.


ent: :"
But it is said that the President did not consult
Senator Conkling about the New York nominations,
andthis is invariably the fstand the last
against Robertson. Is it true? Did not the Presl-
dent talk with Mr. Conkling about his general
policy concerning the New York appointments
before he sent in the first names? Did he not in-
form the Senator that he should recognize the
anti-machine element by selecting some of its
conspicuous representatives to office? Did not the
Senator say that in that case he hoped the Presi
dent would send them abroad and not give any of
them places in the State? Did not the
President decline to agree to this plan
of banishing Mr.. Conkling's politi cal oppo-
nents? Was not the name of Judge Robertson
mentioned in connection with the district attor-
neyship, and did not Mr.. Conkling object to his
having that position or any other in the State?
Unless all accounts Of the interview between the
President and the Senator are erroneous, there
was pretty free consultation on the whole SUBJ
iect Of the New York appointments, in which the
President plainly indicated his line of action.
Perhaps he did not speak of Judge Robertson as
possible nominee for collector; but why should
he have done so when thes- mention of his
name in connection with another office called
for an energetic protest? It is reported that
Mr.. Conkling said at the conclusion Of the in
terview that if the President really felt bound to
appoint some of the anti ti-machine men to small
places In the State he would not vote against
them, but would only hold his nose and go into
the cloak room when the roll was called. If this
was his frame of mind, further consultation with
him would have been a useless waste of time.
There was no third person present at
the interview between the President and
Senator CoRkling, to which reference is
above made. We have direct knowledge
that the report embodied IN the ques-
tions and assertions quoted was not
obtained from the Senator. It is much
easier to believe that the correspondent
drew upon his Imagination for his story
than that he obtained it from the Presi-
dent. Besides, We know that the tale is
not true one, and that it contains innu-
endoes which convey absolute falsehoods.
This is conclusive proof that the reporter
did not obtain his information from the
President. Take, for instance, the
ship. How could General Garfield ever
have seriously proposed Judge Robertson
for the district attorneyship on the Goth,
when three days before he had promised
it to General Woodford, who had re-
turned to New York, resting securely
upon the Presidents word? The intima-
ton that in the interview with Senator
Conkling the President plainly in
dicated his line of action is utterly false,
if by that statement it is intended to
carry the impression that Robertson's ap-
pointment for the collectorship was i'll
any manner foreshadowed. On the con-
trary, neither Vice President Arthur, nor
the Postmaster-General, nor either of
the New York Senators ever dreamed
of the appointment of Robertson until
his name was sent to the Senate.
This, too, in face of the fact that the
President had a long interview with Sena-
tor Conkling only two days before it was
sent in. We have no report" to make
of this private interview. We have no
knowledge as to the source from
which "all accounts of the interview be-
tween the President and the Senator"
1t is reported that Mr..
Conllling said at the conclusion of the
&c, &c. This declaration by
the New York Tribune correspondent is a
reflection upon the President, who can
not be supposed by any friend to have re-
peated anything said on such an occasion.
If the President desired publicity for
the interview upon which so much was
to depend, and which we are
able to say was a most friendly one, he
would no doubt find the Senator from
New York most obliging in removing all
of secresy.
As to Mr.. Robertson's fitness for any
place, We have to say, upon knowledge of
him accessible TO all, that he is an enter
prising friend of the New York Central
Railroad Company, and has been as no.
their man as has any lobbyist
in their employ. He rung him
self in on the New York delegation
to Chicago on pretense of being in
favor of General Grant. He boasts
of having debauched Woodin, Ses-
sions, and others, who swore with up
lifted hand that they would, as delegates,
General Grant. He is as con-
temptible trickster as ever was used to
betray cause, and his appointment as
is travestie on decency. fhe
could be confirmed to the collector
ship he would represent about five
thousand people composed of dis
charged, unjust serving men and
Adullamites. He represents the uninfiu-
ential and neglected. He has been
elected State Senator by the moneyed
control of the Democratic opposition to
him, and is altogether as unfragrant a
person as will eyer be thrust upon
the President to be thrust un-
der the noses of decent people.
He is patronized by influences
which have not, and never will have,
in New York. His confirma-
ton will be opposed by both Senators,
and if they are unheeded the only chance
for party success in New York will be in
their ability to show that the outrage was
not participated in by them.
IL IHSy Sul1 souie people 10 put New
York in the list of Democratic States, in
order that Senator Conkling's counsels
may hereafter be in less demand. But
such cannot be the Presidents object.
The New York H,oFtd and the Pos, of this
city clamor loudly for Democratic Senators
to sustain Robertson. If the admiuistra-
ton, after less than four weeks of power,
is so weak that the opposition sees its in
terest in sustaining this nomination, can
it be good one for the Republican party?
The War and the Bloody Shirt.
There are two catchwords of which