New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1881-09-29
REPURLIC1NLSM IN ENGLAND.


the uttcrances which their National tragedy
has called forth from the English press. We
refer to Tie Spectators declaration that all
Engshnen are interested in the only Eng
lShman who reigns by election, and sOlcitous
that he do nothing lowering an Office that half
"Qf them feel must one day exist in England"
Our people had been surprised to note the
anxious interest and a1ectionate soictude with
which their heroic Presidents agonizing strug-
/ ge for life was followed from day to day across
| the sea. Their hearts had been touched by the
| Qneens messages to Mrs. Garfield, and by the
prayers offered in cathedral and dissenting
chapel. They have been deeply moved by the
generous tributes froln pulpit and press in every
quarter of Great Britain to the life and character
of their first citizen But these extraordinary
tokens of sympathy had not prepared them for
tins startling explanation of the absorbing in
| terest manifested by the English people in the
Presidents Sufierings and fate. They had not
appreciated the historic significance of the
tragic scenes enacted at Washington and FL
boron. They had not realized that powerful
| impulse had been given to the cause of republic
oaniSm the world over and especially among the
English speaking nationalitirs. They had not
| anticipated an avowal from the foremost organ
OF British Liberalism that one-haf of the pop
dental Office must one day exist in England
1t is ten years since Americans have heard
anything about English republIcanism. 1t was
then that Sir Charles Wentworth Dixie ven
tured to asSail the Queens administration of
the civil list aud to express n convection that
the great body of Englishmch rs they came to
Dc better educated would prefer republic to n
monarchy. 1t was at Newcastle that he affirmed
that there was Il widespread belief that re-
publican form of government in England was
only matter Of education and time At the
same time he warned his excited auditors that
they could not have IL republic without possess
ing republican virtues, and then added If Won
" can show me fair ch ,nce that a republic here
will be free from the political corruption that
"hanGs about monarchy, say for my part
"and believe that the middle classes in general
"wlil say-Lct IL come" This declaration
caused intense excitement throughout England
one OF the meetings ut which he spoke being
attacked by royalst mob aud IA workingman
uelng Killed. The alarming illness of the
Prince of Wales which followed almost imme-
dmtely afterward caused rcvusion of national
feeling, so that the Queen and her family were
overwhelmed with outbursts of loyalty from
their subjects.
The effect produced by the young Radicals
eloquent avowal of his faith in republicamsm
seemed to be only momentary. Az the wears
went by he grew more cautions and rcticcnt
and his Parliamentary associates who had
shared his views seemed to lose their courage
Blind Henry Fawcett, who had followed him
INTO the lobby when he called in question the
Princess LouiSes dowry, qualified hiS rcpubli-
canISin until it was little more than a capricious
sentiment Mr.. Taylor. who acted as teller
with INN on that occasion, and Aubcron Her
bert, who seconded one OF his motions respect
ing the civil list, wasted their energies in
politics oi Il purely speculative type. Joseph
CcWen, who had presided over the Newcastle
meeting, became infatuated with Jiugoism.
Sir Nlfrd Lawson, who had raised his voice
against one or two royal grants, devoted him
sell to the temperance cause Nh Muudrlla.
who voted for the travelling expenses of the
Prince of Wales for the ironical reason that he
did not believe in "a cheap shabby, br1,m
magcm monarchy" interested himself in prac-
teal reforms. Mr.. Chamberlain introduced the
caucus plan rs a means of Liberal rrurpun,za-
ton. MIR. Bradlaugh rapidly squandered his
reputation One by one the ADVOCATES Of demo-
cratic principles lost the courage OF their origi-
nal convictions. The republican movement
seemed to have spent its force.
Yet all this time English Radicalism had been
''''N'"6 t'h'lhh'NS pIbpTfSf. Or NaTlcS
Wentworth Dixie. who ten years ago WAS
hooted at by mobs and ostraczcd by London
society, is now Under. Secretary of Foreign
Affairs, and is recognized rs one of the most
powerful leaders of the Ibcl al party. MIR
Chamberlain is in the Cabinet with sturdy John
Bright. Mr.. Fawcctt is Postmaster General
Mr. Mundcla is Vice President of the Council.
and Mir. Courtney is an Under Secretary. The
Radicals are intrcnched in Office. Mr. Glad
stone has virtually admitted that the real
centre of political power lies below the gang
way Radicaljsm is the new wine that has
been poured into the old bottles IL has
brought with it new force and new vitalizinp
elements. 1t is changing the conditions of
public life. 1t is swaying the minds of the Eng.
llsimcn of to-day in new direction SO mower
fully that the Spectator cannot restrain its
clarvoyant intultlons. Yet we do not know
that the great apostle of English Radicalism.
John Morley, says anything more aggressive
than this III his essay on " Compromise ~: "Our
"convlction Is not that monarchy ought to Ina
"swept away in England, but that monarchy
"produccs certain mischicvous CONSEQUENCES IN
" the public spirit of the community.n
THE "RULE OR RUIN" POLICY
The Republican voters of this State cannot
t.In