The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1881-05-26

own appointment as delegates and they
did, as we both personally knew, obtain
their seats in the National Convention
upon the faith of their personal state
ments of their earnestness and fidelity.
The obligations thus assumed we're un-
derstood to involve integrity, as the
obligation of one who receives the proxy
of stockholder in a corporation on. the
pledge and promise to vote as his princi-
pal would vote. Whether Mr.. Robertson
was or was not himself bound not only
by honor and implication, but by ex-
pressly giving his word, becomes quite
immateral in view of the claims made
for him. 1t is insisted that he organized
the vote, or, as it has been sometimes
stated, che was the leader of the vote"
That is to say that he invited, persuaded,
induced others whom he knew had given
their word aud obtained their seat by 80
doing to violate their word and betray
not only the Republicans assembled in
the State Convention, but the Republi-
cans of their district as we'll who had
trusted in their honor. Whoever coun-
sells and procures another to do dishon-
est or dishonorable act must share with
that other the guilt and should share
the odium justly attaching to it. We are
Therefore wholly unable, upon whatever
ground we put it, to see justification for
ourselves should we become parties to
using public trusts which belong to the
people to require such service to such
modes.
But the appliances employed to effect
these results set up new standards Of
responsibility, and invade, as we believe,
the truths and principles on which sepa.
rate and coordinate branches of the
government stand. A Senator has his
own responsibility. lie is amenable to
his State and to the body of which he is
member. He is bound by his oath to
"advise and consent" on his conscience
and judgement before God, whatever or
whoever else may constrain him. He is
to be exempt from executive menace or
disfavor on the one hand, or executive
favor on the other. Long standing on
the orders of the House of Commons
has been declaration that member
shall suffer expulsion who even reports
the wishes of the executive head of the
government to influence the votes Of
members. The British Constitution is
not more jealous than ours in this regard.
To give advise, and honest, independent
advice as to an appointment proposed,
is as much the right and duty Of a Sena.
tor asit tis'the right or duty Of the Presi-
dent to opropose the name..g Be his .ad-
vice one way or the other it is no more
an act of disrespect or treason to the
nominating power than the verdict Of
juror or the decision of Judge. The
idea that the Senate is simply to find out
what is wanted and then to do it, we
cannot believe safe or admissible, and
thus far no party has dared or descended
to set such test of party fidelity or alle-
glance. In this instance such promi-
nence has been given to the subject and
such distrust has been expressed of the
correctness Of our positions, that we
think it right and dutiful to submit the
matter to the power to which we are
alone bound and ever ready to bow.
The Legislature is in session. 1t is
Republican in 'majority, and New York
abounds in sons quite as able as we to
bear her message and commission in the
Senate of the United States. With
profound sense of the obligation we
owe, we, with devotion TO the Republi.
can party and its creed of liberty and
right, with renewed attachment to the
great State whose interest and honor are
dear to US, We hold it respectful and
becoming to make room for those who
may correct all errors and interpret
Alright all duties which we have miscon-
ceived. We therefore enclose our
designations, but hold fast our privilege
as citizens and Republicans to stand for
the constitutional right of all, and of all
representatives, whether Of the. States,
the nation or the people.
We have the honor to be, very respect
fully, your obedient sevants,
Roscoe CoNKLING,
THOMAS G. PLATT.
To his Excellency Governor Cornell.