Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1881-05-20
AND P1ArT RESIGN



AND DEFENDING TIER ACTION AND ATTACK
ING THE CONDUCT OF THE ADMINISTRATION.
Roscoe Conkling and Thomas O. Plat
caused a sensation on Monday by sending in
their designations as senators from New York.
On the assembling Of the senate the Vice
President handed the clerk the following let
ter with instructions to read IL;
WASHINGTON, d. O., May 16, 1881.
Sir viii you please announce TO the
senate that my resignation as senator of the
United States from the state Of New York has
been Forwarded to the governor Of the state
OF New York. l have the honor TO be with
great respect, your obedient servant,
RoscoE CoNKLNa.
Following this came Mr. Platt's letter.
SENATE CHAMBER May 10, 1881.
Sir IL have forwarded TO the governor of
the state of New York my resignation as SEN
ator of the United States for the state of New
York Will you please announce the fact to
the senate. With great respect, your obedi-
ent servant, Il. @. PLATT.
A hum of astonishment followed the read
ing OF the commu nications, and Mr.. Hill Of
Georgia suggested (sotto voce) that this
would be good time TO elect officers OF the
senate.
The action of the senators was a complete
surprise to everybody and of course caused a
good deal of comment. Everybody said that
Mr.. Conkling resigned as soon as he found
the confirmation Of Judge Robertson's nom-
nation to be inevitable, and Mr.. Plat re-
signed-because Mr.. Conklng told him to do
so. The general tone of comment among Re-
publicans-and largely among Democratic
senators also-was that Mr.. Conkling had
shown lamentable weakness in resigning at
this time, after he had used every effort in
his power to defeat the administration.
When the announcement was made to Pres
ident Garfield that Senators Conkling and
Plat had resigned, he was seized with aston
ishment and exclaimed, II don't believe il"
After hearing the verification Of the news,
the President sent a messenger to the state
department and requested the presence of
Mr.. Blaine at the White House. Mr.. Blaine
went at once, and the cabinet ministers were
called for consultation.
COnLIing and PIatt's Letter.
The designations were conveyed to Gov.
Cornell in long letter setting forth the his
tory of Conkling's quarrel with the President.
The letter teens throughout with the spirit
of bitter hostility to the President which has
matter. 1t opens with criticism of the man.
ner in which Mr.. Robertsons nomination was
made. Neither of the New York senators
were consulted in the matter and, moreover,
| they had been given TO understand that no
| removals in the New York Offices were soon
to be made. The removal of Merritt and the
nomination of Robertson we're made Sin or
der to give the great Office Of collector Of the
port of New York to William II. Robertson
/ L. II Z. I A
have aided in making the nomination of
Gen. Garfield possible" Even after the
nomination was made, it was supposed tho
President, when he observed how objectiona-
BILE it was TO the senators from New York,
would reconsider it, and, consequently, with
draw it. But such was not the case. In the
face of the determined opposition Of those
most interested he persisted in his course,
and left the senate the alternative Of support
ing the nomination or adhering strictly to the
courtesy of the senate and thereby oppose
the nomination. The letter lays great stress
upon the alleged fact that throughout the en-
tire controversy the two New York senators
have RETAINED from comments upon the Pres
| idents conduct, distasteful to them az it was,
| and that, beyond letter of remonstrance
presented to the President March 2Sth, last,
| signed by Gen. James, Senators Conkling
and Plat, and Vice President Arthur, they
have, until now, said or done nothing what
soever. Tho letter denies that the New York
senator's promoted the late deadlock in the
| senate in any manner. The Presidents with
drawal Of all the New York nominations ex-
| cept Mr.. Robertson's is referred to as de-
signed to control the action of senators touch
ing matters committed by the constitution to
the senate, and to the senate exclusively.
ut has been suggested in addition that by
recalling these nominations and holding them
in his own hands the President might, in the
event of the failure of another nomination,
use them TO compensate that failure"
Briefly referring to the courtesy OF the
senate" the letter further states that two
years ago, when Gen. Merritt was nominated
for the New York collectorship, the members
| of President Garfeld's cabinet who were
then senators were found among the most
staunch supporters of the nomination, and it
| is hardly probable that they are now in favor
of removing Mr.. Merritt from office, partcu-
larry as no charges have been brought against
him. A paragraph is quoted from President
Garfield's inaugural to show that his action
has been inconsistent with the professions
then made. An attack on Mr. Robertson
| follows in which the senators say: eve know
of no personal or political service rendered
by Mr. Robertson 80 transcendent that the
collectorship of New York should be taken in
the midst of term and given to him as a rec
| ompense. Mr. Robertson is reported by the
New York Tribune to have declared that his
nomination was reward, a reward for ac-
ton as a delegate to the national convention.
II Mr.. Robertson in his action was influenced
by sense Of duty, il he voted and acted his
honest convictions, it is difficult to see what
claim he has for any reward, not to speak of
such great reward"
1t is evident that one of the sorest spots in
this difficulty, so far as Conkling ia concern
| ed, lies in the fact that Mr.. Robertson re-
fused to support Grant at Chicago. The lat
| ter says that in his failure to support Gen.
| Grant Mr.. Robertson violated solemn trust
reposed in him by the Republicans of New
York, and that in leading or organizing bolt
he was guilty of procuring Others to do q dis
honest and dishonorable act, in the odium of
which he must share. The closing paragraph
of the letter, in which the question Of sena-
torial responsibilities is plausibly discussed,
| we copy in full:
But the appliances employed to effect results set up
new standards Of responsibility, and invade, as we
believe, the truths and principles which the sepa-
rate and coordinate branches of the government
stand. A senator has his own responsibility He is
amenAble to his state and to the body of which he Is
member. He is bound by his oath to advise and
consent on his conscience and Judgement before
God Whatever whoever else may constrAin him,
he Is to be exempt from Executive menace disfavoT
| on the one hand, and Executive inducement the
other Long standing the orders Of the House Of
| Commons has been declaration that member shall
suffer expulsion who reports the wishes Of the
executive head Of the government to influence the
| votes of members The British constitution is not
more Jealous than ours In this regard To give ad-
vice. and honest and independent advice, to APP
pointment proposed is much the right and duty OF
senator as is the right and duty OF the president
to propose the name. Be his advice one way or the
other II s act Of dlsrespect treason to
the nominating power than the verdict Of Juror
the decision Of judge. The idea that the senate Is
simply to md out what is wanted and then do 1t,
cannot believe safe or admissible, and thus far
party has dared descended to set up such test Of
party fidelity or allegiance. In this instance such
prominence has been given to the subject and such
dstust has been expressed Of the correctness Of
positions that think 1t right and dutiful to submit
the matter to the power to which alone we bound
and ready to bow. The legislature is in session
II is Republican In majority, and New York abounds
In sons quite as able as veto bear her message aud
| commission in the senate OF the United States.
With profound sense Of the obligation we owe !;
with devotion to the Republican party and its creed OF
INN iIalara-L.