New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1881-02-26
TILE APPnRTLONMENT BILL.

Mr.. Cox's anxiety that the AppOrtionment
bill. of which he is the father, should become
law is not unnatural. Most people have
natural fOndness for their own offspring, ana
Mr.. Cox ia no exception to the rule. lie Is
in the habit-and it is not by any means
q bad habit-Of sticking to his own
bills and losing no opportunity OF
pushing them through. In this he shows
diligence, at least, and if he believes In his
measures-as we are inclined to think he
sometimes does-his persistence is worthy OF
praise. We might cite several instances dur
ing his public service in which his zeal for
measures, not of partisan character, in which
he had q sort of special paternal interest,
had been productive of real good In
the preparation of the bill providing
for taking the census and in procuring
it's passage his industry and persistency were
great help, and he deserves great praise for
his management of the business. So, too, his
services in connection with the Life-Saving
Service were of great public advantage. But
it so happens that whenever he has the mis-
fortune to father a partisan measure he loses
his head and becomes either noisily obstructive
or fatally ridiculous.
United with his zeal for the Apportionment
bill as its father, is the partisan motive to
pusb through a Democratic Congress an APP
portionmcnt that will favor the Democratic
party. In order to do this he takes advantage
Of bis official position to obstruct and delay
other business of an essentially important
character within week of the close
of the session, and undertakes at
great waste of time and temper to
force Congress to adopt his plan. His claim
of course H. that the Democratic majority
have the right--and perhaps he goes so far as
20 assert that 1t is their duty-tO make the
| apportiOnment under the census of 1850. And
! he iustifies his own course by charging all the
obstruction and delay upon Republican men,
bers. who filibuster and leave the House
without n quorum. Now. IN the first place,
the proposition of Mr.. Cox is so partisan
in character that the Republicans are
perfectly justified In pursuing such
N course that DemOcratic Con-
eress shall bear the entire responsibility OF
| IL and IN requiring that the bill, If passed,
| shall be passed by majority equal to quo
rum. 1t is entirely legitimate and proper that
they should refrain from voting in order to
settle absolutely the question of responsibility.
Under any circumstances this would be the
|
affairs it is something more than n right; it
is their duty. The people have signihed a
lack of confidence in the party that undertakes
TO benefit itself by this scheme. That party has
been rcpudiated. If regard is to be had for
! the popular will in this matter, Re-
publican Congress which has just been elected
will be intrusted with the duty of making the
anDOrtionment instead OF a Democratic Con-
gress, in which the people have just given a
vote of lack of confidence. Broadly stated
the Republicans have the right to make the
next apportonment. and this attempt of MIR.
Cox and his fellow Democrats to crowd
an unsatisfactory scheme upon their OPP
moments is nothing more nor less than
n dying grab for partisan advantage by
party going out of power II the Democrats
in this Congress think it of such Importance
that the apportionment be made ut this session.
they have only to recognize the AERIAL facts
in the situation, and. deferring to the popular
verdict which has called the Republicans to
mower. frame bill which will receive their
support. That may not be good party policy.
in their view, but it would be reasonable and
patriotic, and vastly more sensible than the
pig-headedness they have been exhibiting.
They must know that they cannot pass an
Apportionment bill at this stage of the
session without the consent of the Repubi-
cans. Why do they not act accordingly, and
either make it satisfactory to the minority or
drop it altogether