Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1880-12-13
Labor and Capital.


I For several years, American politics have
been oppressed with burden before I'M
known to our civilization. Europe has
at times experienced its banefnl eff
fects The wears of business depres-
sion which followed the panic of 1873, slim
ulated and brought into unavoidable notice
an element which American citizens had pre-
viously believed to be foreign to our shores.
This element first showed its dcmoniacal WIS.,
age in the State of Ohio, and later appeared
and nurtured by the democracy with great
care. At every point where it could be used
as weapon against the republican party,
with results beneficial TO democrats, the
right hand Of fellowship was extended. Else
where this element has been invariably recOg.
nized as representing the principles of Com
munism. and the delu1ed men who fill its
ranks have been termed Communists, hut
here in America, the people are more lenient
in the application of terms, and as one of the
leading features incorporated into the public
statement of ideas, made by this conglomera-
ton of peculiarties. is a demand for the
abolition of the National system of exchange,
and the substitution of fiat greenback as
circulating medium, they have graciously
assented to the calling of this organization,
''The observation-disclosures Party. While
the controlling power of this organization is
vested in the Communicate branch, still there
are great body of intelligent farmers who,
were enticed by the promise of better times,
higher wages, more remunerative prices for
their produce, and relief from financial en-
barrassments, into a transient participation
in the folies incident to an iden-
tifcation with the principles of this
no issue. The results of the last four years
of republican rule in the Executive Depart
ments has demonstrated to them the falacy
of their course, and they are coming back
again, to the acceptance of those truths which
Lincoln and Seward recognized as '.pillars of
our liberties" But with the other wing of
the greenback-labor party. we, in common
with every lover of his country, have an is
sue. With this party this organization of men
who profess good, and do evil; who, while
calling themselves friends of the laboring
man, would, by the humiliation of capital
take the very bread from the mouths of his
children; with this cancerous abomnation,
which aims at the very life of the Nation,
we have something at ISSUE This
element entered largely into the polit-
ical contest just ended. 1t gravitated to
great extent into quarter always congenial
to such putrid masses, the democratic camp.
But did it 60 down with the democratic army?
Is it dead? Can the honest American citizen
congratulate himself upon the exit of this
hoodlum auxiliary of democracy? No. the
communistic element of this country still sur
wives. and their plotings and schemes must
be met and thwarted, in the future as they
have been in the past. Ours is great coun-
try, there is room for all the nations of the
civilized world to concentrate within its from
tiers. Still. we are but in our infancy. Mil
lions vet unborn, will live and die in coun-
try of whose magnitude we do not.
can not comprehend. With the remark
able growth of the past fifty years as
precedent we can in measure an
ticipate the breadth of our country's future.
As our resources are developed, as we in
crease in wealth and population, so also will
the demand for labor rapidly demolish the
mythical fabric reared by the bowling COM
munist. The greenback labor party was
brought into existence through the plea Of as
sistance to the workingman. But let us ask.
what has the laboring man received by reason
of his connection with it, that he did not al
| ready possess? Has the demand for labor
increased? Have his wages advanced? Is his
family better clothed? Has his bank account
accumulated? no. He has alienated the
respect of his employer. lie has forfeited
the benefits of his former industry. But the
country has. in the meantime, advanced: and
he suddenly finds himself by reason of the
benifcent measures of wise administrat ion,
receiving better pay. He finds employers
seeking him.-before he had to hunt for en-
ploymcnt. He sees bis family better clothed,
better fed. In short, he begins to realize the
folly of longer allying himself with an ele-
ment which is fraught with so much calculat-
cd TO unuCrmlne tHe sOclal auu PORTUGAL
safeguards to our freedom. Capital is de-
pendent upon labor to carry into execution
the operations Of our daily commercial ex-
changes. Capital is dependent upon labor for
the production of the countless necessi-
ties Of humanity. And labor is dependent
upon capital. for the remuneration by which |
the families of the working men are provided
with the comforts and pleasures of our civ |
ilizstiou. Capital cannot exist without labor, |
and labor cannot exist without capital, they |
are one and inseperable. A laborer in the
United States is P,imus inter pares, he can
if his education and ability are of sufficient
ly high order, as easily obtain access to the
halls Of Congress, or the salons Of elegance,
as man who can count his wealth by scores
of millions. All men are free and equal in
in their rights, but in ability-how many can
claim equality with Vanderbilt, Evarts,
Beecher, or Blaine? Here is the secret.
Ability supplemented with education and ex-