New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1880-05-25

elect its delegates Is not only as clear as Cne
right of each delegate to represent his constltu-
ents 1t is clearer, because of the special con-
siderations which grow out Of the constitution
of the Convention, which are inherent in its
nature, which are inseparable from it, and
which, if taken from it, leave the Convention
hulk, without form OF comelincss.
Our National Convention is unique in its
structure 1t is composite in character Its or
ganization is that Of the two houses of Con-
gress, not that of either of them. The Senate
appears in its delegates-at-large The House
appears in its district delegates, who are, in
deed, the bulk of the body. This duality of
organization is clearly set forth in the call for
the Convention
National Convention Of the Republican party will
meet at Chicago, on Wednesday, the I'd day OF June
next at 10 o'clock nOon for the nomination OF candl
dates to be supported for President and YcePresident
at the next election Republicans and all who Will CO.
operate with them In supporting the nominees OF the
party are invited to two delegates from each
Congressional District four largo from each State,
two from each Territory and two from the District OF
Columbia, to represent them in the Convention
]. D. CAMERON, Chairman
THOMAS B. KEodH. Secretary.
It will be observed that tho call describes
the Convention as the delegates represent
ing "each Congressional District" and the
delegates representing each State With those
from the Territories and District of Columbia.
Whence, then, comes the authority for the
claim that the whole power over the election OF
delegates is in a State COnventiOnP Certainly
the call of the National Committee furnishes
not the shadow of claim for it, On the other
hand, it will be noted that the call does not
even name a State Convention or means OF
electing any delegates, either district or at
large. Furthermore, it is well known that III
at least three of the States no State Conven-
tons whatever have been held, and that in
them the delegates large were chosen by
State Committee, or other central authority,
and the district delegates by the direct action
of the people, Yet who p1etends that any of
these delegates, lacking the seal of State Con-
ventiOn, are ineligible to represent the RepuD-
licans of those States7 So that, both by the
terms of the call for the National Convention,
and by the practice of the people under that
call in sundry States, this claim for supreme
power in a State Convention is specifically an
nulled and denied. Besides where State Con-
ventions we've held, the practice varied. In
Massachusetts,, the Convention contented itself
with eecting the eGates-at-laIge 1t as
serted no authority over the district delegates,
but RENTED the choice of them to the people
in thei1 districts. In other States, the cOnven-
tons named the district delegates on the nOm-
nation of the representatives fIOm the districts.
And in q few, the conventions named them
OveI the protests of the representatives tIOm
the districts. But in no one of these last cases
was there the element of aggravatiOn which
has given so bad prominence to the Illinois
Convention.
In that State the Convention assumed powers
hitherto exercised by no like body 1t assumed
to eject district delegates for ten districts, in
which the representatives from those districts
had previously chosen delegates. 1t did this in
spite of the fact that the representatives who so
acted were uncontested and unChallengcd IcpIe-
sentatives and in the arrogant assertion that
all power over this question was in the body OF
the whole Convention, and not in the district
units Of which it was composed. The OveIIidden
and outraged districts have given notice of an
appeal to the National Convention for justice;
and the country will soon see whether that
body has the virtue to preserve It's organization
from pollution, and the strength to guard itself
from an assault which plainly means its death.
out right. BY its structure, by the law of its
organization, by the necessary limitations of
its power, and by the right Of the districts to
preserve their integrity, the jurisdiction Of the
State Convention is limited, as to choice of
delegates, to the unit which it representative,
the delegates-at-largc As to the bulk of the
body-the district delegates-the authority of
choice IT, and must be from the necessity of the
case, from analogy, and from tho force of the
representative idea, in the district itself. If
not so, and the Illinois precedent be confirmed,
the National Convention becomes by that act
consolidated body, from which at once dsap-
pears representation of the varied Interests,
feelings and preferences of the party. In such
q body the moving spirits in the delegations of
n few of the large States, combining with each
other, will become the actual masters of the
Convention, and The dictatOrs of party policies
and nominations. If the Illinois precedent be
confirmed our conventions cease to be truly
representative of tho people in their various
Congressional communities. And they become
q collection of State delegations, out of whose
intrigues and bargains can only come such re-
suits as will be agreeable to the personal ambi-
tons of the mastcr-spirits Of these conspirlcies
against the rights of the Republican voters to
the control of their own representative ma
chinery.
Against so mOnstrOus q perversion of
the proper powers of National Convention,
and against such a degradation of the true
theory of this body, there should be q general
protest The National Nominating Convention,
in its origin, WAS the protest Of the people
against the selfshness of the Congressional
caucus, which, in its nomination Of candidates,
for the popular preference the Car of
the caucus or the choice of the cabal for the per-
petuatiOn of personal and fractional and dynas-
tic rule. The peril now is that the Convention, as
it is sought to be made, is to become the protector