The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1880-07-24
BACK OF THE "SUPERB" SOLDIER

AI Time when Incfc are so many I'M
portant issues before the country it is
safe to say that no man, however, emil
can be made Il successful candidate for
the Presidency upon his personal rcputa-
ton alone. There are number of men
who by their patriotic and timely service
have won the regard and the respect of
the country, but the people will not show
their regard by dropping all vital issues
to make them present Of the Chief Mag
istracy. As people we are not inclined
to sacrifice ourselves to our heroes. For
the most part We are a thinking and cold
blooded people and consequently are in
no danger of becoming the victims of
that sort Of insanity which in other coun-
tries has created Napoeons.
The Democratic leaders who thought
that they could run a campaign and win
Il victory upon the personal popularity of
General Hancock will find that they have
miSiudgcd the American people when
they imagined that the name of that SOL
der would so deprive the voters of then
senses that they would rally to his sup
port regardless of party associations and
the consequences of his success. Demo-
cratic leaders have for years been so I'M
fortunate as not to comprehend the gen.
eral character of the American people
They seemingly act upon the presump-
ton that the mass of voters in this coun-
try are little better than an impulsvc
and unthinking rabblc that prefers Il
dcmagoge to a statesman and is captured
by name that has been more or less
illuStrious This has always been their
mistake, and they have committed the
same blunder this year.
The mass of thinking men-and they
are to decide the pending contest-have
ceased to be interested in General Han
cocks personal candidacy. They are
now inquired about his qualifications,
and especially who and what principles
he represents. They know that there
are two parties, and that he is the repre-
sentative Of one of them and as that rep
resentativc he will carry out its policy.
The leaders Of that party will be his adj
viSers. That section which gives him
the most available support will of neces-
sity have the largest influence in his adj
ministration. If the party policy is based
upon the ideas of Il decided sectional fol
| lowing. that section. if it is a majority of
the dominant party. will embody its pccu-
liar theories in the legislation of the coun-
try and i'll the execution Of the laws
| They know that when General Hancock
accepts the Democratic nomination. he
accepts the theories and pledges himself
to carry out the policy Of the Democratic
leaders. If they sanction political out
rage, Gen. Hancock sanctions it. If they
occupy seats III Congress because cleo
tons have become mockery upon popu-
lar government and because majoriticS
have been suppressed by fraud and VIC
lcnce. as the candidate of these men,
| General Hancock must acuuicSce in the
practical overthrow Of government by
the people. If the Democratic leaders
deny to the Federal Government the
right to supervise Federal elections. Gen.
Hancock, as their leader, must agree
with them. When every Democratic
Congressman has voted against a propo-
siti"n to make ii an ntlense against the
United States, punishable by impriSon-
ment, for men to appear at voting places
armed for the purpose of intimidating
voters, it is fair to assume that General
Hancock, had he been in Congress, would
have voted with his party associates.
These are things which the thinking
men of the country are turning over in
their minds to-day. They are looking
beyond the " superb " candidate and are
inquiring in what respect General Han
cock would make less Democratic Presi
dent than would Mr.. Tilden or Senator
Bayard OF Mr.. Hendricks.