Butler citizen. [volume] (Butler, Pa.) 1877-1922, 1880-10-13
ly apply themselves to the work with


ly apply themselves to the work with
great gusto. This herd consists of some
eight or ten animals, ranging from the
grandmother and old Billy" with the
whissers down to the youngling not
over foot high. When released from
their pens they one and all, great and
small, run bleating for the wheel, and
the only trouble to contend with there
after is the excess of power which they
are apt to give it in the course of their
frolicsome gambols.-Los angles En-.
press.
THE NA TION AND STATE.
While Senator Bayard argues that
the Democratic party is the hope Of
sound hnance-as the Democratic re-
joicing over the supposed election of
Mr.. Plaisted in Maine probably proves
and while Speaker Randall gravely
alleges that the Democratic party is
the hope of economy-as the increased
Congressional appropriations probably
show, in the same manner-ex-Goyer-
nor Seymour warns the country that
the Democratic party is the party Of
constitutional union-as the late rebel
lion probably established Mr.. Sey-
mour's historical and miscellaneous
discourses are always excellent, but
his political speeches seem to us to be
fallacious and strongly partisan, even
with all their composure and candor.
His recent speech at Utica begins by a
quotation from Mr. Schurz's speech at
Indianapolis, which Mr.. Seymour con-
tends must mortify the American peo-
pie and delight their enemies, because
it implies that our government can now
be administered only by an exceptional
man, and has therefore failed Now,
as it appears to US, nothing could be
more illogical than Mr.. Seymour's de-
duction from the extract that he quotes
"a deduction for which his object is to
make the Republican party responsible.
Mr.. Schurz said, and it is undeniable,
that the bucolic age of Americais over.
The rural republic of three millions of
agricultural citizens, largely homoge-
neous, has given place to a vastly ex-
tended nation of fifty millions Of people
of every nationality, with immense and
various and contending interests and
industries. Consequently, says Mr.
Schurz, "the requirements of states
manship demanded in this age are far
different from those which sufficed
century ago."
@ This is clear statement of q very
simple and obvious truth. But Mr..
Seymour insists that it implies despair
and revolution, and that trouble or diff
iculty in public affairs is "due not to
the character or struc! ure of the gov
ernment, but to the manner in which
it is administered. But Mr.. Schurz
does not say or imply that the greater
pressure issue arises from the fact that
constitutionable republic is inade-
quate to the changed national condi-
tions, but simply that for the prosper.
Gus management of complicated public
affairs qualifications are required differ
ent from those which could manage
les. complicated interests. This is all
that Mr.. Schurz says. But Mr.. Sey-
mour Immediately gives battle to the
centralizing and destructive heresies
which he detects lurking in these
words. He attacks the idea of nation
ality as connected with our govern
ment, and is evidently impatient of the
word. He states that the dual nature
of our system, and, as usual with rea-
soners of his political school, he insists
upon the State as against the nation.
1t should be warning to all who are
inclined to depreciate tie United States
as a national republic, and to belittle
our American national life, that Mr..
Seymour is at once forced into the bald
est Calhounism, and defends his posi-
tion by tie unadulterated argument Of
secession. "When questions arise"
says Mr. Seymour, according to the re-
port in the New York Herald, cas- to
the authority of the general govern
ment, they should be decided accord
ing to the letter of the law" Un-
doubtedly. Upon that point there
never was any difference The import
ant question is, who is to decide?
What says Mr.. Seymour "If this
does not solve the problems they should
be turned over to the State authorities,
if they are competent to deal with
them" This is in substance the doc
trine of the old Virginia and Kentucky
resolutions of 1913. When there is @
difference of opinion between the ma
tional and State authorities, the State
the State must decide. Mr..
Calhoun and Mr.. Hayne and the South
Carolina nullifers said that the State
must be the judge of the infraction OF
the compact Jefferson Davis and the
secessonists said no more.
The jealousy of the national govern
ment which is taught by Mr.. Seymour
and the Democratic party found its log
ical and natural result in the rebellion.
The Democratic political school regards
every clear definition of national pow
err, and oil vigorous enforcement of it,
as dangerous and destructive central
ization. 1t teaches practical hostility
to the national government as foreign
ind menacing power. 1t is narrow,
belittling, and perilous doctrine. 1t
implies that somehow the people have
less control OF the national than of the
State government, while the fact Is
that the people create both as their po-
Iitical agencies; that their relation to
both, and their interest in both for
their several purposes, are equally
close and essential that man is not
first citizen of Colorado, and then Of
the United States, but that he is sim
and equally a citizen Of
both; that an American has national
feeling and patriotism as deep and
fervent as those of any man in the