The Portland daily press., 1880-07-07
GARFIELD'S OWN ANSW FIR
FULL TEXT OF HIS SPEECH
AT WARREN, OHIO, IN 1874.
He Meets All the Charges Against
His Personal Character.
A COMPLETE REPUTATION OF THE
DEMOCRATIC ISLANDERS.


A COMPLETE REPUTATION OF THE
DEMOCRATIC ISLANDERS.
Solid Statement of Facts Which Can
not be Disproved.
Following is the greater portion of the ia
nous speech of Gen. j. A. Garfield, deliv-
cred at Warren, Ohio, Sept. 10, 1874, in
which he fully met and answered all the
charges that have ever been made against
him, and considered all the criticisms that
were at that time offered by his enemies
upon his official career This speech was
considered conclusive by both friends and
opponents, and those who had honestly
criticized the General were glad to say so.
One point in the speech-the first one-is of
especial Importance just at this time-viz:
Gen. Garfield's strong position that the civil
authority is above and sheuld always take
precedence of the military in time of peace.
The other principal points in the speech are
explanations of the Credit Mobilier, vote on
the increase of salaries, and connection
with the De Golyer pavement:
Fello,c Citizens:-I have thought. for a
number of years that we should reach a
point where our political discussions would
not relate mainly to the past; where, in the
language of some politicians of the day, we
should ''let bygones be bygones," and the
politics of our time would look mainlv to
the future. But the presence of great
events, such as have transpired within the
past few days in one of our States, leads me
to fear we must again discuss some of the
questions connected with the late war. To-
night should prefer to discuss that and
other questions of public policy. Thus far
in my public speeches there has been but
little personal discussion. l have tried to
make my public life as impersonal as possi-
BILE; but the course taken by some citizens
of this district justifies me, I think. in de-
parting from the ordinary rule, and shall
discuss tonight mainly questions of some
what personal character. =
In the first place l recognize it as pecu-
liarly important element in our American
politics that the full blaze of public discus
sion, investigation and inquiry concerning
all men who serve the public is safeguard
to our institutions. l do not complain if
sometimes the fierce light of the public press
burns rather than enlightens. That perhaps
is one OF the necessary incidents to full
discussion of individuals and communities.
endorse and rejoice in the principle of the
utmost individual liberty of Judgment about
all men, whatsoever their station and ca
reer. That right of private Judgment is alb
solute In every American citizen. I find no
fauit with any man for exercising it upon
me IN the fullest possible manner. I only
do nd hot hall Ioa
in justice and for the sake of truth. When.
ever it is exercised for any other purpose
and in any other spirit, perhaps it is ali the
worse for the man who so exercises it; but
| have i'll that case right to respond. /
have come here tonight to reply to a class of
criticisms that have beeh made upon ms
during the last two years When have
fully stated what | have to say to you on
any of those points, l invite any man, friend
or enemy, to put any question he chooses
concerning that point. l am Of course ad-
dressing myself to all who are in the audi
ence; but there is one class of men whom I
do not care to address, mean those who
are glad to lind me wrong, and who would
be unwilling and grieved to know that am
not wrong. That class of men do not ad-
dress with any hope of changing any senti-
ment they may hold concerning me. But
there is class into whose hearts and whose
minds, for the last eighteen months, at least,
a series OF repeated accusations have been
poured, until they have come to think there
must be some truth in the charges. / have
great sympathy for that class of men: they
have been made to doubt where they for
merly trusted, ard hearing but one side
came to believe there was no other. To
that class l address myself with the utmost
desire to have them know what / am and
hat G. L. fItJ
IneIn Whatever Information / may possess
on any point touching that
THE INDIANA CoNsPIRAToRs.
put into my hand which has led me to make
as the first point what l did not intend to
notice until at later stage of my remarks.
In the year 1866 / argued case in the Su-
preme Court of the United States, and the
fact that did SO gave offense to great
many good Republicans of the Nineteenth
District. l refer to the case of the Indiana
conspirators. Bowles and Milligan, in 1864,
were arrested for conspiring to prevent the
enlistment of troops into our army, and for
giving aid and comfort to the enemies of
the Union by forming a secret organization
to resist the Government. Those men
were arrested at their homes in Indiana,
tried by military court, and sentenced to
death, but President Lincoln committed
their sentence to imprisonment for life. A
writ of habeas corpus was issued and an ap-
peal made to the District Court of the United
States in Indiana. 10 determine whether the
military tribunal had a right to try them.
The Court was divided in opinion, and the
case came to the Supreme Court of the
United States in 1866. just about that
time there had been in Congress very con-
siderable discussion concerning the arbitra-
ry conduct of some of our officers in carry
ing into civil communities the military ju-
rsdiction and rule further than they were
warranted by the Constitution, and I had
taken strong groundin Congress against
the exercise of military power in States not
in rebellion, it being generally known that
had resisted what some of the more extreme
of our own party thought the military au-
thorities might safely do. | was asked if
would be willing to argue the cases OF
Bowles and Miligan before the Supreme
Court. L answered that ''if the case turns
on the justice of those men being punished,
| will not defend them in any way what
ever" for believed they deserved the Sc
verest punishment. But if the case turned
on the question as to who has the power to
try those men, l believe that there was nc
authority under the Constitution or laws OF
the United States to take citizen of Indi-
bunal to his home to try and punish him
So important did regard that principle in
that exciting time to the future of this coun-
try, that with my eyes open to the fact that
| took the very great political risk in defend
ing, not Bowles and Milligan, but the right
of every citizen in civil community where
war is not raging, to be tried by the courts
of his country, and before juries of his OWL
land, and not be dragged away outside Of
his own doors to be tried by a military or
ganizaton brought from a distance-to meet
them and try them. l believe that having
put down the Rebellion, having saved civi
liberty in this country against cruel inva
sion, we ought also to save it from our owr
recklessness.
happen to have with me copy of the
argument I made before the Supreme
Court in the year 1866; and l desire to say
that felt wien made that argument tha
l was doing as worthy thing as had evel
done in my life, and look back upon it to
night with as much sincere pride and salts
faction as upon any act of my public life
IApplause] l ought to add that l hav,
never seen Bowles nor Milligan. knew
that they were poor, and probably could no
pay for their defense. l was never prom
ised and never received any compensation
for it. 1 paid the expense of printing m!
own brief and my argument. | never re
caivad apv atioD for IL. did If in