The Colfax chronicle. [volume] (Colfax, Grant Parish, La.) 1877-1981, 1880-10-23


rebukcd by the title of United states, the
s.Union," the General Government what
leads him 70 dwell upon tue VOLTS L
obscure and trivial? Let us see how Mr. Gar
field looks at his interest and position we can
give his ideas almost in his own words when
he comrnunes with himself He says; y am
to be Senator from Ohio for six years. Ham
ilton was right when he said that senators
should hold for life. am glad that ms opli-
ions grow in favor. He did not like our consul
tuition but said everything dependedu upon the
way IL was construed. This heavy volume on
my table, called the Civil List, shows tue
names of more than seventy thousand men
paid from the Treasury. This does not m
cude the soldiers or sailors. am glad 10
see we are gravitating toward more power.
The Senate of which am member, gives
most of these men their places directly or IN
directly. They depend upon confirmation by
us OF the Presidents nominations. In view
of this fact, he usually sends in the names OF
those we want If he does not, we throw them
out. While large numbers of those in the
Civil List are not acted upon by our body YET
as a rule they hold under those we connrn,
SO they all look to us for support. III we can
make the Civil List up to hundred ana nifty
thousand, we shall be able TO hold our places
for life. The things most In the way are the
words of the Constitution i have thought
much about them. John Quincy Adams once
wrote some poetry in which he put In the
mouth of Mr.. jefferson these lines:
"If we can not change the things
Iswear wen change their name, SIR.
"The troublesome terms in the Constitu,,
They tell of states and other rights than those
controlled by Congress. do not like the
words General Government, as 1t cells oil otner
Governments and States; there are some
terms such as Nation and National, which
those VINO made the Constitution would not
have in it. They were kept out by unanimous
vote. They are vague and do not show what
is meant by their use. I want them for the
very reason that led the Convention to strike
them out. II we get our people TO use them
they will fall into the habit of looking to other
Governments than
laws. We have got this practice under way
In 1866 all our party in the House OF Repre-.
sent ttives voted for a solemn resolution that
ours was Sovereign Nation. We all wore
grave faces when we did this. 1t taught us as
much about our Government as II to show the
prerogatives of the President we had with
equal solemnity declared that he was an indi-
vidual. The world Is full of nations. There
are many hundreds of them, of all kinds, from
the sandwich Islands up to the Russian En-.
those of the King OF Dahomey, who Kills
few men each day for his hcalth's sake, to
those Of the Queen OF England, who leads the
quiet life of a good woman. There is nothing
that Nations do not do in the way
of 1aw-making. and no one can
define their character as class. The Word
Nationaiism has different meanings to differ
ent men. In due time, IL we are firmly seated
in power, we can tell the public what We
mean by it; our definition will be that we
want more jurisdiction for Government; this
means more cost for more men to do more
duties. The additions thus made to officials
will give to Senators more power, patronage
and wealth. 1 will use these words, Nation
and National, as often as can. 1 win strew
them through all my speeches and letters.
They are now the shibboleths OF our party,
and of all who have schemes before CONGRESS.
They sound well, and many think they lift MS
up to a higher rank as a people TO be put in
the list of tribes and of barbarous or uncivil-
lied Nations. But we must take care that the
people do not get alarmed at the idea of more
cost and more taxes. We have the most 70
fear from those of the North, for in nine of
bot half nj
the people of the Nation. But they have only
eighteen Senators out of twenty six. 1t was
unfortunate that we told them in debate that
levied by Government. We must keep these
facts from their minds. We must stir up the
old hate of the South and make them feel that
while Nationalism viii help them, 1t will hurt
those in tue Southern section"
These plain words give you the theories OF
Mr. Garfield and his friends about this cleo
ton, and their plans for the future. What
they say and do shows you what they aim Mt.
Will 1t not be wise ON the part of the great Re-
publican party to learn and think who will be
the victUrs and who will be the victims II they
have their own way in this election? II they
do not do this, they may fall into the trap set
for the people, and that we all shall feel that
Turn from Mr. Garfield's letter of acceptance
to that of Gen. Hancock. He bows to the de-
crees of the Constitution. He accepts its
teachings, he is imbued with its faith; its
terms t. him are sacred; his earnestness
shines out in every line, and when he swears
to support the Constitution in its letter and
spirit we know he means to do so. Those who
formed it not only chose fitting words to tell
its meaning, but patriotism, like religion has
its symbols. No nag which floats in the wind
OF heaven tells so much as ours of the history
and character of the Government it repre-
sents. Its stripes recall the names of the
States which fought the battle which gave us
liberty, and which crowned their glorious
work by forming our Union. The States are
numbered by the stars which glitter upon its
blue field. He who would strike one star from
symbols, SO that they would tell only of OBJ
scure Nationaiism, has latent treason in his
heart.
We are asked why we took a soldier for our
standard bearer. To whom can we intrust It
with more safety than to one who has had its
deep and grand significance burnt into his
very being by the fires of battle fields?
There is not color upon its folds, there Is
not stripe upon its emblazonry, there is not
a star upon its azure ground, that has not
been made sacred to him. The appeal which
drew him and his fellow soldiers from their
homes to the battle field was to rally around
the Stars and Stripes and to uphold the
Union They will never make our flag an un-
meaning thing; they win see to il that it re-
mains a true emblem of the spirit of our Con-
stftution. By the peoples vote Gen. Hancock
rs he has 10 don IN t ths
bloody fields of battle. He has learned from
1t the grand PURPOSES of the Constitution by
by the inspirations of the battlefield, by the
sad and solemn aspects of the blood stained
earth and the dying groans of men when the
struggle was ended. He has learned the great
lesson of craftsmanship, not amid scenes of
party strife, not in an atmosphere furnished
by personal ambition or schemes of plumber
but where Washington and Jackson learned
the lesson of duty to their country and Of
obedience to its laws and Constitution.
1t is now charged by our opponents
that we are inconsistent when we place
soldier at the head of the Government
The propriety of doing this depends upon
the character OF the man and the nature of
the service upon which he has been engaged.
The General who has fought only for victory
or conquest, or has been engaged only to
promote schemes of ambition, or crafty feel
ings of hate, has been taught upon the battle
field only lessons of force and insolence. But
those who have dared the perils of war to free
their country of oppression, to gain for it an
independents Government, to resist hostile in
vasions, or to uphold it against resistance to
its rightful authority, have their minds filed
with objects Instructive, ennobling and pa
triOtic.