Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1880-07-14
Full Text of His Speech at War.
rem, Ohio in 1874,
He Meets Ali the Charges Against
His Personal Character.
A Complete Refutation of
the Demo SANDERS,
A Solid Statement Of Facts Which
Cannot be Disproved.

of the famous speech Of Gen. j. A. GAR
FIELD, delivered at Warren, o., Sept. 19
1874, in which he July met and answered
all the charges that have ever been mad
against him, and considered all the criti
cisms that were at the time offered by hi
enemies upon his official career. Thi
speech was considered conclusive b,
both friends and opponents, and those
who had honestly criticized the Genera
were glad to say 80. One point in tn,
speech-the first one-is Of especial i'm
portance just at this time-viz: Genera
GARFIELD's strong position that the civi
authority is above and should always tax,
precedence of the military in time O
peace. The other principal points in ths
speech are explanations of the Credit
Mobilier, vote on the increase of salaries
and connection with the DeGolyer pave.
ment.
] THE SPEECH.
FELLOW CITIzENs-I have thought Tor
! a number of years that we should reach a
| point where our political discussions
would not relate mainly to the past
where, in the language of some polii.
clans of the day, we should "let bygones
be bygones," and the politics of our time
would look mainly to the future. But the
presence of great events, such as have
transpired within the past lew days in
one of our States, leads me to tear We
must again discuss some of the questions
connected with the late war. To night
| Lob 10 hot 0fh
questions of public policy. Thus far in
my public speeches there has been but
| little personal discussion. | have tried 10
make my public lite as impersonal as
possible; but the course taken by some
citizens of this district justifes me,
think, in departing from the ordinary
rule, and | shall discuss tonight mainly
| questions OF somewhat personal char.
acter.
In the first place, | recognize it as a
| peculiarly important element in our
American politics that the full blaze OF
public discussion, investigation, and In.
| Quiry concerning all men who serve the
public is safeguard to our institutions
l do not complain if sometimes the fierce
light. of the public press burns rather
than enlightens. That perhaps is one OF
the necessary incidents to full discus
sion of individuals AID communities.
endorse aud rejoice in the pr1r cip,e
of the utmost individual liberty oil
| judgment about all men, whatsoever
their station and career. That right
of private judgment is absolute in
| every American citizen. | find no
fault with any man for exercising it upon
me in the fullest possible manner. only
demand thst it shall be exercised upon
me In justice and for the sake of truth.
| Whenever it is exercised for any other
purpose and in any other spirit, perhaps
it is all the worse for the man who 80
exercises it; but have in that case Alright
to respond. l have come here to night to
reply to a class of criticisms that have
been made upon me during the last two
years. When I have fully stated what [
have to say to you on any Of those points,
/ invite any man, friend or enemy, to put
any question he chooses concerning thst
point. [ am, OF course, addressing my.
self to all who are in che audience; but
there is one class of men whom do net
care to address, mean those who aR
glad to find me wrong, and who would
be unwilling and grieved to know that
am not wrong. That class of men | co
not address with any hope of changing
any sentiment they may hold concerning
me. But there Is class into whose heats
and whose minds, for the last eighteen
months, at least, series of repeated acct
sations have been poured, until they have
come to think there must be some truth
in the charges. [ have great sympathy
for that class of men; they have been
made to doubt where they formerly trua
ed. and hearing but one side, came to he.
lieve there was no other. To that class I
address myself with the utmost desire 10
have them know what am and what nv
public lite has been, and to give them
whatever information | may possess On
any point touching that career.
THE INDIANA coNsPIRAToRs.
AS 1 came up stairs tonight, a nde
was put into my hand which has led ne
to make as the first point what did not
:, intend to notice until at a larer stage OF
my remarks. In the year 1866 [ argued a
case in the Supreme Court OF the Unied
States, and the fact that [ did 80 give
ofense to great many good Republicans
of the Nineteenth district. I refer to the
case of the Indiana conspirators. Bovles
and MilligaD, in 1864, were arrested for
conspiring to prevent the enlistment Of
troops into our army, and for giving aid
and comfort to the enemies of the Union
by forming a secret organization to resis
, the government. Those men were arrested
at their homes in Indiana, tried by mil
itary court, and sentenced to death, BIZ
President Lincoln committed their sen
: tence to Imprisonment for life. A wri
of habess corpus was issued, and an ap
peal made to the District Court of tht
United States in Indiana, to determine
whether the military tribunal had RICH
to try them. The court was divided il
!. opinion, and the case came to the Su
preme Court of the United States in 1866
Just about that time there had been il
Congress very considerable discussion
/ concerning the arbitrary conduct of som,
3 of our officers in carrying into civil com
munities the military jurisdiction an(
rule further than they were warranted b,
/. the Constitution, and had taken stron(
grounds in Congress against the ekercis
OF military power in States not in Rebel
f lion, it being generally known that haG
resisted what some of the more extreme
| 81 orr oxun nortu thouOht tina y, ;lt<or