The Eaton Democrat. (Eaton, Ohio) 1875-1903, 1880-10-14

ability TO send what we make and raise to the
markets of the world at cheap rates is of more
Importance to the North than to the South.
The products of the latter are of a kind that do
not suffer from the competition of other coun-
cries. Europe must have the cotton of the
South. Increased cost of transportation does
not prevent their sale it adds to cost to the
consumer. The farmers and manufacturers of
the North have to compete with those who
make or raise the same products in the mar
kets which we seek to gain. A small difference
IN the cost of carrying will prevent our grain
and provisions from going abroad.
We find that many fair-minded men receive
the terms nation and national with favor be-
cause they have vague ideas that they will give
more strength to the General Government and
security to our Union We all seek to make
our Government strong. We all pray that our
Union may stand forever. But it is q fatal
error to suppose that the strength of Gov
ernment grows out of the amount and not the
beneficence of its power. There is truth in the
maxim that the government is best which gov
erns least. That which gives the largest meas
ure of freedom, rights of conscience, of persons
and of property. That government is the
most enduring which lifts up its citizens into
sense of the right and duties of their positions,
which trains them to watch and guard the pub
lie welfare, which makes them bold, free and
entefprising, and imbues them with the proud
feeling that government belongs to them and
not they to government. Let us turn our eyes
from this system which thus gives strength
and duration to the despotisms of the world
where all Jurisdictions are in the hands of mon
archs, upheld by all the powers of the state,
its treasures and its armies.
The thrones which topple in civilized Europe
are those which are overloaded by Jurisdiction
The monarch who holds unlimited sway over
the greatest empire, who commands vast ar
mics, who claims control over the lives, liber-
ties and conscience of men is the one who dares
not walk the streets of his capital He trembles
for his life in the recesses Of his palace. This
dread of assassination or revolution does not
grow out of personal defects of character, but
from the principles OF government which con-
stantly bring him in collision with the con-
science, the aspirations and the interests of his
subjects. In marked contrast with this we find
another great empire that is governed by
woman, whose appearance in the streets of her
capital is hailed with acclamations of loyalty
and affection. But her jurisdiction is divided
with Parliament, and shielded from prejudice
and passion by distribution of powers. 1t is
not true that any power given to a government
which brings it in conflict with any class of the
citizen or any section of its domain gives it
strength. 1t was on account of this truth that
our enemies in Europe predicted at the outset
that our Union could not stand because it had
to deal with territories 80 broad and interests
SO varied. 1t has been the marvellous wisdom
which distributed jurisdiction between different
local departments that has carried 1t safely and
triumphantly through the first century OF its ex-
istence. Our great political duty is to keep 1t
strong by saving it from the exercise OF Jur1s-
dlction which shall excite hostility toward it.
Its strength must ever lie in the affections OF
our people, Its duration will depend upon the
fact that its actions will be benecent to all and
hurtful to none.
beg our Republi ,an friends to look at the
attitude of Mr.. Garfield with regard to the con-
stitution and see if it is one that shows loyalty
to its provisions. 1t is the bond of our Union.
1t is the charter of our rights and liberties. He
has on many occasions sworn to uphold it. On
the 4th of March next he will, as a Senator
from Ohio, take solemn oath to support its
provisions. The Senate was organized to as
sert and defend the letter and its spirit. Does
the conduct of Mr.. Garfield accord with these
| oaths? He avoids the use of the titles it gives
the Government. These were selected to show
its character and object He uses in a marked
way words the trainers of the constitution
jected and shuns those they selected. What
could be thought of a clergyman who should
substitute for the grand, clear tones of the
Bible vague and unmeaning words which OBJ
scure the law of Christian life? Yet in this way
MIR. Garfield treats the law which makes the life
of our Union. In view of his efforts to change the
constitution by substituting construction for Its
| language you doubt if, in his oath of Office,
he swears for or at the constitution. You won-
der what he seeks, which is rebuked by the title
| Of the Omitted States," the "Union," the
General Government" What leads him to
| alism," which are weak, obscure and trivial !?
| Let us see how Mr. Garfield looks at his interest
and position. We can give his ideas almost in
! his own words when he communes With himself
He says: 81 am to be Senator from Ohio for
| six years. Hamilton was right when he said
] that Senators should hold for life. am glad
| that his opinions grow in favor. He did not
| like our constitution, but said everything de-
| pended upon the way it was construed. This
| heavy volume On my table called the civil list
! fbo 0f fn1or fboT, Hr,oar maid
| from the treasury. This does not include the
! soldiers or sailors. Il am glad to see we are
| gravitating towards more power The Senate,
! ofwhich lam member, gives most Of these men
their places directly or indirectly. They depend
upon confirmation by us of the Presidents Is
nominations. In view of this fact he usually
sends in the names of those we want. Ii he
| does not, we throw them out. While large
numbers of those in the civil list are not acted
| upon by our body, yet as rule they hold under
those we confirm, SO they all look to us for sup
! port. If we can make the civil list up to $780,
600 we shall be able to hold our places for
| life."
These plain words give you the theories of
Mr.. Garfield and his friends about this election
and their plans for the future. What they
say and do shows you what they aim at. Will
it not be wise on the part Of the great Republi-
can party to learn and think who will be the
| victors and who will be the victims if they have
their own way in this election? If they do not
do this they may fall into the trap set for the
people, ard then we all shall feel that national.
! ism is a curse.
Turn from Mr.. Garfeld's letter of acceptance
| to that of Gen. Hancock. He bows to the de.
crees of the constitution. He accepts its teach.
ings, he is imbued with its faith its terms to
him are sacred his earnestness shines out IL
every line, and when he swears to support the
constitution in its letter and spirit we know he
means to do so. Those who formed it not onl,
oh fftDrr (1C n
but patriotism, like religion has its symbols
No flag which floats in the wind of heaven tell
so much as ours of the history and character o
the Government it represents: Its stripes re
call the States which fought the battle which
gave us liberty, and which crowned our glorious
work by forming our Union. The States art
numbered by the stars which glitter upon itl
blue field. He who would strike one star from
its place, or who would blend or blur these sym
bols SO that they would tell only of Obscure ma
tionalisn1, has latent treason in his heart.
We are asked why we took a soldier for oul
standard-bearer? To whom can we intrust i
with more safety than to one who has had it
deep and grand significance burnt into his yer,
. being by the fires of battle fields?
There is not color upon its folds, there i
not stripe upon its emblazonry, there is not
star upon its azure ground that has not beel
made sacred by him. The appeal which drev
him and his fellow-soldiers from their homes [,
the battle field was to playground the stars ant
stripes and to uphold the Union. They Wi
never make our flag an unmeaning thing the
will see to it that it remains a true emblem o
the spirit OF our constitution. By the people
vote Gen. Hancock will bear this standard on t
victory in this contest as he has heretofor
done on the bloody fields of battle. He ha
! learned from it the grand purposes of the con
! stitution by teachings amid all the solemn les
sons of war, by the inspirations of the battl
field, by the sad and solemn aspects of the blood
stained earth and the diving groans of men whe
the struggle has ended. He has learned th
great lessons of craftsmanship, not amid scene
of party strife, not in an atmosphere tarnishe
by personal ambition or schemes of plundel
but where Washington and Jackson learned th
lesson of duty to their country and of obedienc
to its laws and constitution. 1t is now charge
by our opponents that We are inconsistent whe
we place soldier at the head of the Govern