Iron County register. [volume] (Ironton, Iron County, Mo.) 1867-1965, 1880-10-07

! tuition. You wonder what he seeks, which is
rebuked by the title of United states she
''Union," the General Government" What
leads him to dwell upon the words
'.Nation" or 'Nationalism," which are weak
field looks at his interest and position. We can
! give his IDEAS almost in his own words when
he communes with himself He. saws: - am
TO be "A senator from Ohio for six years. Ham
ilton was right when he said that senators
should hold for life. am glad that his opin-
tuition, but said everything depended upon the
way 1t was construed. This heavy volume on
my table. called the Civil List, shows the
| names of more than seventy thousand men
| paid from the Treasury. This does not in
clude the soldiers or sailors. 8 am glad to
The Senate, of which am member, gives
| most OF these men their places directly or in
| directly. They depend upon confirmation by
us OF the Presidents nominations. In view
of this fact, he usually sends in the names of
| those we want. If he does not, we throw them
out: While large numbers of those in the
| as a rule they hold under those we confirm,
make the Civil List up to hundred and fifty
thousand, we shall be able to hold our places
for life. The things most in the way are the
much about them. John Quincy Adams once
wrote some poetry in which he put in the
mouth of Mr. Jefferson these lines:
| "'f we can not change the things
/ swear we'll change their name, SIR
1.-THE troublesome terms in the Constitu.
| ton are the United States the Union
| They tell of states and other rights than those
| controlled by Congress. l do not like the
Governments and States; there some
! terms such as Nation and National, which
| those who made the Constitution would not
vote. They are vague and do not show what
| is meant by their USE 1 want them for the
very reason that led the Convention to strike
| them out. If we get our people to use them
they will fall into the habit of looking to other
Governments than our own for usageS and
| laws. We have got this practice under way.
| In 1866 all our party in the House of Repre-
| sent at1veS voted for a solemn resolution that
ours was a Sovereign Nation. We all wore
| much about our Government as If to show the
prerogatives of the President we had with
vidual. The world is full of nations. There
| are many hundreds of them, OF all kinds, from
pire. Their habits and usages range from
those of the King of Dahomey, who kills
few men each day for his health's sake, to
quiet life of good woman. There is nothing
that Nations do not do in the way
of lawmaking. and no one can
NatiOnalism has different meanings to differ
emit men. In due time, if we are firmly seated
mean by it; our definition will be that we
| want more jurisdiction for Government; this
| means more cost for more men to do more
duties. The additions thus made to officials
will give to Senators more power, patronage
and wealth. 1 will use these words, Nation
and National, as often as l can. / will strew
them through all my speeches and letters.
They are now the shibboleths of our party,
and of all who have schemes before Congress.
| They sound well, and many think they lift us
| up to higher rank as people TO be put in
| the list of tribes and of barbarOus or uncivi-
| lied Nations. But we must take care that the
| people do not get alarmed at the idea of more
| cost and more taxes. We have the most to
| their great States there are more than half OF
| the people of the Nation. But they have only
eighteen Senators out of twenty-six: 1t was
unfortunate that we told them In debate that
these States paid three quarters of the taxes
levied by Governments. We must keep these
facts from their minds. We must stir up the
old hate of the South and make them feel that
while Nationalism will help them, it will hurt
those in the Southern SectiOn.'
These plain words give you the theories of
Mr. Garfield and his friends about this cleo
ton, and their plans for the future. What
they say and do shows you what they aim at.
Will it not be wise on the part of the great Re-
publican party to learn and think who will be
the victOrS and VIII will be the victims if they
have their ownw in this election? Ii they
do not do this, they may fall into the trap set
for the people, and that we all shall feel that
Turn from Mr. Garfield's letter of acceptance
to that of Gen. Hancock. He bows to the de-
crees of the Constitution. He accepts its
teachings, he is imbued with its faith; its
terms to him are sacred; his earnestncsS
shines out in every line, and when he swears
to support the Constitution in its letter and
spirit we know he means to do so. Those who
formed it not only chose fitting words to tell
its meaning, but patriotism, like religion, has
its symbols. No nag which floats in the wind
of heaven tells so much as ours of the history
and character of the Government it repre-
sentS. Its stripes recall the names of the
states which fought the battle which gave us
liberty, and which crowned their glorious
work by forming our Union The states are
numbered by the stars which glitter upon its
blue field. He who would strike one starfrom
its place who would blend or blur these
symbols, so that they would tell only of OBJ
scure Nationalism, has latent treason in his
heart.
standard bearer. To whom can we intrust it
with more safety than to one who has had its
deep and grand significance burnt into his
very being by the fires of battle fields?
There is not a color upon its folds, there is
not a stripe upon its emblazonry, there is not
a star upon its azure ground, that has not
been made sacred to him. The appeal which
drew him and his fellow soldiers from their
homes to the battle field was to rally around
the Stars and stripes and to uphold the
Union. They will never make our nag an
meaning thing; they will see to it that it re-
mains a true emblem of the spirit of our Con-
stitution. BY the peoples vote Gen. Hancock
will bear this standard on to victory in this
bloody fields of battle. He has learned from
it the grand purposes of the Constitution by
by the inspirations of the battle field by the
sad and solemn aspects OF the blood stained
earth and the dying groans of men when the
struggle was ended. He has learned the great
lesson of craftsmanship, not amid scenes of
party strife, not in an atmosphere furnished
by personal ambition or schemes of plumber,
but where Washington and Jackson learned
the lesson of duty to their country and of
obedience to its laws and Constitution.
that are inconsistent when we place
a soldier at the head of the Government
The prOpriety of doing this depends upon
the character of the man and the nature of
the service upon which he has been engaged.
The General who has fought only for victory
Il conquest or has been engaged only to
promote schemes of ambition, or crafty feel
ings of hate, has been taught upon the battle
field only lessons of force and insolence But
those who have dared the perils of war to free
their country of oppression, to gain for it an
indeDendent Government, to resist hostile in
vasions or to uphold it against resistance to
its rizhtful authority, have their minds filed
with objects instructive, ennobling and pa
triOtic.
With intellects quickened by all the dangers
and excitements of the strife, they see more
clearly than other men the value of obedience
to laws. and the duty of sacrificing all things
for their cOuntry'S good. 1t was i'll this school
that Washington learned the grand duty OF
laying down his sword and retiring to private
life when the world thought he would claim "A
crown as his reward This act, constantly
referl ed to in other lands as well as our own, |
gave him his Immortality.
1t was in the same school, under like infiu-
ences, that in the hour of victory Jackson |
curbed and restrained his fiery spirit, and |
submitted to injustice and indignity, because |
it was imposed upon him bv Il legal tribunal. |