New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1880-10-10
BRITJsR PRECEDENTS ABROAD.

The English people have a morbid prOpen-
sity for "lectuling" every nation whose eco
nomic policy or parliamentary practice differs
from their own. Instruction is given by Brit
ish moralists in all branches of government,
the courses in political economy and conshtu-
tional history beng "speciallcs." The Amer
lean audience having dwiudled IN size, owing
TO the development of home industries under
protective system. the study OF consttu-
fiona history has been taken up with un-
wonted zeal, professorship being established
for the benefit of French students who have
had for ten years tentative system
OF their own. Ipasmuch as the motto
OF this school of criticism is "What-
ever is British is infalibly right, and unqucs-
" tionably expaGient for all sorts and con-
editions of men, anything like originality
in economic or political science is unsparingy
condemned. Americans have ceased to take
heed of these structures, but Frenchmen are
more sensitive. The latest files of the RepuO-
HQue Francdisc, for example, contain a series
of articles bIistling with cOntemptuOus sar-
casms on the English press for its assumed
mastery of the art of political government.
The criticisms which are so warmly resented
were drawn out by the recent reconstruction of
the French Ministry. The Premier, after pledg
ing himself to execute the DEGREES against the
unauthorized orders and expelling the Jesuits
had negotiated with Rome and offered the
remaining religious congregations easier terms.
Gambetta induced three members of the
Ministry to reaflirm the principles of the
Chamber of Deputies, and the Premier, fore
seeing that he would be defeated Oh the first
division, Immediately resigned. lie had
changed front on the amnesty question at
the bidding of the r publican leader, but his
dociity was not equal to this new emergency.
He was Ousted precisely as his predecessor
had been when he found himself at variance
with Gambetta respecting penary amnesty /;
and in the second instance as in the first, a
subordinate Minister became the next Premier.
These proceedings excited keen displeasure
across the Channel The moralists could
conceive of nothing more irregular or
irrational, unparliamentary or unconstitutional
than this exercise of power without response
bility. Here was the acknowledged leader of
the dominant party, making and unmaking
Ministries, debating public policy, and virtu
ally governing the country, without once ac
ccpting the responsibilities of office. When
NJ. de Freycinet resigned Gambetta should
not have been allowed to shirk the Premier
ship any more than Mr.. Gladstone was SUI
fcred to remain in retirement after overturn-
ing the Beaconsield Government. Admins
tration by proxy, with the President of the
Republic man of pith and the Premier I'M
der Gambetta's thumb, ought TO cease. 1t was
anomalous. Such a system, croaked these Pc
dants, could not be made 10 work. There was
no precedent for it.
No British precedent, although the moral
lists failed to make this distinction. They
ooked at French politics, not with French,
but with English eyes, and the consequence
was they saw men as trees walking" Ii is
| this assumption of infalbility on the part of
British critics-this unwillingncss to admit
| that English ideas and practices are not the
| best, not only for Englishmen, but for French
| men, and the rest of mankind - that
exasperates the Republique Frdncoise and
puts a fine edge on its irony. With good
reason. The French constitutional system is
as much American as English, and more
French than either 1t is tentative-it has