Perrysburg journal. (Perrysburg, Wood Co., O. [Ohio]) 186?-1965, 1880-02-13
POPULAR GOVERNMENT AND THE
PUBLIC JOURNAL.
tClncinnatl Gazette.

way they ore directly responsible 10 the
people, who are always right. The theory
3 very pretty, but how is this responsibili-
" to be made efIective2 How is malieas-
ince in office to bo laid before the people,
90 that in the cfection they may apply the
Shall each voter supervise every
officer, and constitute himself standing |
inqrisitor OF his official performance
This would keep the electors buster in olli
cial business than their agents the oiiicers2
Shall they assume that Any man whom |
they elect will bo capable and faithful bv |
virtue of such election and, therefore, will |
need no wntching? How shall corruption |
in Office be brought TO Judgement before
the electors? And il it i. not, what is the
talk Of responsibility to the electors but
nonsense?
In varions ways il has been forced upon
the public mind that an election TO Office
does not make the elected imprcgnably
pure and faithful; indeed, that there is
strong tendency to corruption in public at.
fars, particularly in the large cities; that
Councils fall into the hands OF jobbers, the
police become partncr1 with the criminal
classes that city works are made works OF
public plinder; that the sacred cause OF
public education il tramped under the feet
ways OF iilching from the public money
that the Offices Of Treasurer, Auditor,
Clerk of the Court, Sheriff, Bailif, and 50
on, are made foul nests in which persons
devote their chief forts to the infinite ways
Of unfailhfulness to their trusrs, and to the
corruption Of the avenues Of justice that
these plunderers make combined power
to re-elect themselves; that when the peo-
pie have been aroused by extreme exhibi-
lions OF this degradation, and have made
an extraordinary effort at reform in an
election of Council, or peradyenture a
Legislature, they find the same old ring
of corruptonists surrounding it and cheat
| ing the electors out Of their supposed vic
| tory.
| How shall the people contend against
the combined powers Of official corruption?
! That the mass OF the people are honest in
public affairs cannot be questioned. but
vet these affairs fall into the power of the
| dishonest, who use the very power TO keep
themselves in Office The contest is very
unequal, although the people have the
numbers, Tor the mass can not be cOnlinu
ally on the watch while the office holders
and their retainers are always at work
The people are very generous in looking tC
the public journals to fight this oflicia
power OF corruption; it seems to be thei
only effective weapon; and the bublic jour
nails are in most cases equally generous u
doing this work for the public. Most peo
pie think this the duty of a public journal
but do they ever think that if a duty it j
as their epresentatiye-that it is dOlni
their duty?
With the strength made by this combin
alton of all the interests of public plunde
and official malieasance there comes an in
science Of power which undertakes to max
any attack upon public corruption danger
ous to the reformer, whether publ
journal or a legislative or administrative
officer; which abuses the police power b
falsely arresting persons; which resorts
personal violence, relying on immunit
.. through Its influence in the courts, whic
attempts to intimidate by bringing lib,
suits, trusting to its methods OF packin
urieq, and having the facility OF the eas
morals OF Lawyers who take up libel SUI
on speculation or to get even by scratchin
some of their own sores. Thus the issr
: is made whether the combined powers
official corruptionists shall become absolu
and shall make it dangerous for a reform
l er to he elected, and shall suppress Il
freedom and reforming Office Of the pres
And when the degradation of public ~
: ministration has reached the low pitt
D.. adequately treated with noneyed word
i This would not enable the electors to a
!, ply the remedy ut the election. Thin
II have to be called by their names. RIM
of Office holders and their helpers, liyir
on the public plumber, have to be so d
scribed. Their work in corrnpting legisl
tion and administration has to be tol
q To call it by name is to use strong tern
- All this is the working of government
- which all officers are elective for she
terms, and the working of the only mea
u of resisting this corrupt tendency. One
l. made necessaey by the other. A free pre-
lie is absolutely to a government which is
j.. by elections, and is based on the theory
= the direct responsibility OF each officer
] the electors.
le In such political system it seems TO
n- plain TO the common sense that the law
!, libel, as it was administered in countr
H. where no such theory of political respon
g. biity existed where all the officers OF {
lr ministraliOn were appointed by the Grow
n where the idea OF their responsibility TO
80 people had not been invented, and, what
~ more, where the freedom of press a
H. speech had not become recognized a
ht principle, and where the courts constru
rs ell the common law OF libel to prevent
"A and made the truth an aggravalion OF
libel, would be monstrous wrong. judi
ne who think they are hitting themsel'
lr above political conditions when they
I'd down from ancient books this ancient
., OF libel, and that this is adhering to
~ pure science of law, mistake their ele
ne tion; they are not simply ignoring pol
I'd cal facts, but are showing their ignoral
he that the whole system OF law is Il p
u cess of development from conditions
despotsm to conditions oi free COVE
VS. menr, and that all its way is strewn W
d. dead statutes and judicial decisions.
n Alike lifted out OF the range OF the ia
y. of free government and OF common Sc
would it be to lay down the rule that
rs public journal must not comment on
lie. notorious abuses Of Office and of politi
is machinery unless it has evidence VIII
49, would convict under the rules Of court
"' law. A Il such stu Fl as this, aud the not
ee that there is no more right to cuticlse
:. MAJ administration Of public officer Il
TO the econduCt of a private person, Is sim
or a judicial rule to suppress free governmC
ld For freedom OF the press and OF speech,
il. discuss the cunduct and character of p
nj ilN plhCGlNi 10 lhO NCl loNNNAAVil va 4
nj government. Aud this assumption OF r
as dity is not law it is not learning in
tie fundamental principles OF law il is ign
nd rance OF the very origin, foundation, I
re spirit of the law.
Mt A public journal has no personal end
a gain by criticism OF public officers. M
~ 10 greedy TO battle with corruption.
y. would prefer TO let these alone, and I
Ay the easier way of publishing matter to
ed tertain, and to please all sorts of peo
Ella Ii is much more for its interest to get
rst with all these combinations that cont
,s the various branches Of administration
,o- expenditure. But how do the people
of general regard this? II there ia any p
of lie abuse, to whom do men first run for
er tacking it? Is il not to the public jour
en- Let any publisher testify, The calls u
les him show that they regard the journal
M the organ and defender of the people.
ler may not fully con eede their right To