The Somerset press. [volume] (Somerset, Ohio) 1873-1977, 1880-09-30

man toll, so will every Part of society feel
the yivifying influence of the grand
ach evements of our organization that lie
just in the future; for when labor is pros
porous, every other element of society
feels the impulse cf vigorous life.
The three great political parties have
each selected their candidates, and made
formal declarations of their principles. 1t
is now the high duty of every citizen of
the United States to Judge between them;
and after careful inquiry into the aims
and purposes O: each. to determine the or.
ganization with which duty calls him to
act.
The 'mirable platform adopted bv the
convention meets ny cordial approval. 1t
is comprehensive, reasonable, and progress
sive-containing those principles of eco
nomic reform essential to the preservation
of the liberty and prosperity of the whole
people.
1t being the duty of man to earn his
bread in the sweat of his face, it becomes
the grat duty of civil government to foster
industry. All laws, therefore, which
place premium upon idleness, whether
OF men or money, unjustly discriminate in
favor of capital, or withhold from honest
men the full and just reward of their Ia
Dor, are simply monstrons. Capital should
be the servant of labor rather than its mas
ter.
This great truth can never be realized
until there is an adequate circulating me.
dium Inasmuch as this circulating me-
dunn is for the benefit of all, it's issue and
volume should be sacredly kept under the
control of the general government, with
out the Intervention of banking COZ pora-
tions. All money, whether gold, silver or
paper, should be issued by the supreme
authority of the nation, and be made
full legal tender in payment of all debts,
public and private.
The system which now prevails, gives
into the hands of banking corporations ab
aolute control over the volume of the cur
rency, and through this they have the
power to fix the price of the labor and
property of fifty millions of people. By
provision of law, the method ia clearly de-
fined whereby they may, without limit, in
fate or contract the currency at will. Cog
nate to this and part of the same scheme
stands the system of funding the public
debt. Like national banking, this was
borrowed from the English monarchy. By
this system an enormous non-taxable inter-
test bearing debt is to be perpetuated. The
bonds support the banks and the banks
foster the public debt. If you pay of the
bonds the banks must cease to exist.
Hence, if the national banks are to contin-
ue, we must have perpetuated bonded
debt. Both patriotism and sound states
manship loudly call for the abolition of
banks of issue, and the substitution of le
gal tender treasury notes for their circula.
ton. Pay the bonds according to con-
tract, and as rapidly as possible.
Seven hundred millions of the public
debt become redeemable at the option of
the govercment during this and the ensu-
ing year. Two funding bills are now pen.
ding before congress-one introduced by
the Democratic, and the other by the Re-
publican leader of the house, whereby it is
proposed to deprive the people of twenty
and thirty years of lawful right to pay
said bonds. This is crime against the la
borer and the tax payer and should cause
wide spread alarm among all classes.
The annual surplus revenues, and the
idle coin now in the treasury, and that
which must continue to accumulate, if the
silver law approved Feb. 18 1873, shall be
dollar of the seven hundred millions, both
principal and interest, within the next 81 K
years. There is not the slightest excuse
for funding these bonds, except to perpet.
uate the debt as the basis of an iniquitous
banking monopoly. 1t must be apparent
to all that the great moneyed Institutions
and other corporations, now have con,rol
of nearly every department of the govern
ment, and are fast swallowing up the prof
its of labor and reducing the people to a
condition of vassalage and Dependence
Those monopolies, of whatever class
headed by the associated banks, are inter.
locked in purpose and always act in clio
J sest sympathy.
There are three great industrial classes
in America: First the producers; second
those who manufacture our raw material,
and prepare them for use; third, the dia
tributors of these products. Each should
be protected in the Legitimate fruits and
profits of their labor, bnt should not bs
permitted to extort from and .nslave the
other
The great problem of our civilization
is, how to bring the producer and consu.
mer together This can only be done by
providing an adequate circulating mediu
and by rigid regulation OF inter state com.
merce and transportation. This was wisely
forseen by the trainers of the constitution
ana accordingly by the Sth section of arti-
Gle first, congress is clothed with power
"To regulate commerce with foreign ma
tions and among the states" This power
imposes corresponding duty upon con
gress to see that 1t is enforced.
The two great agents of commerce are
money and transportation. 1t is undenia
BILE that both ofthese great agents are un
der the absolute control of the monOpolies
By controlling the volume of the money
tie banks fix the price of all labor ant
a. Ia h,ya h fs<~,
render competitor impossible, and contro
absolutely the price Of transportation.
This places the people between the up
per and neither millstones, and grinds then
to poverty and ruin. 1t results in tn
wholesale robbery of both producer ant
consumer. Who is able to controvert hi
stupendous fact? Farmers, plantere, ant
laboring men of the United States, l be
eech you to open yonr eyes at once to thi
alarming condition of things.
am especially thankful that the plat
form of the party which placed me in nom
ination is open, bold and unmistakable oil
these great questions.
The Republican and Democratic plat
forms are either silent with regard t.
these vital issues, or they have pronounce'
in favor of the monopolies and against tn
people. With fifty millions of peop.
looking them in the face and pleading 70
relief, they utter not one word of promis
or hope. Their leaders and platform ma
kers are in the tolls of the syndicate, gi
gantic bank corporations and railroad mo
nopolies, and have neither the disposition
: nor the courage to strike one generou
blow for industrial emancipation.
An area of our public domain, large
than the territory occupied BY the grea
German empire, has been wantonly dona
ted to wealthy corporations; while bill