The Democratic press. [volume] (Ravenna, O. [Ohio]) 1868-1901, 1880-05-06
Washin gtOn, Letter.
tFrom Our Regular Correspondent. |

IFrom Our Regular Correspondence |
WASHINGTON. D. c.. April 30, 1880.
The problem of the Republican cam
didacy for President, or rather the query
who will be nominated at Chicago? eX.
cites much more interest and discussion |
here this year than the same conun-
drum in 1876. Then the question was
narrowed down to the one point, who !
will beat Blaine? for every one felt
that, of the names prominently men,
toned, his was the only one with the
slightest prospect of success before the
Convention, and so confident was Mr.. |
Blaine himself of this, that when ask
ed "Of whom have you the most fear?"
his reply was, 1.-The Great Unknown"
The result showed the soundness of his
Judgment, for Mr.. Hayes had no fol-
lowing, and his nomination at Cincin-
natl was simply due to the combina-
tion of the influences adverse to Mr..
Blaine. We venture to say that not
twelve of the Ohio delegates had, at the
time the fourth ballot was taken, the
slightest idea of being able to secure
for Mr.. Hayes more than the Vice
Presidency. For instance, Mr.. Noyes,
who made the eloquent nominating
speech for Mr.. Hayes, six weeks prior
thereto, while visiting here, expressed
himself to that effect. Now, however,
the dark horse seems eliminated from
the Republican contest, and the eager
noto RI 1xy
the triangular fight involved in the
contest of Grant, Blaine, and Sherman.
The Great Unknown" casts no shad-
row on the prospects ofeither candidate.
The Democrats are also deeply inter-
ested ,as their own course will be shaped
upon that of the Republicans, and they
are enjoying the bitter fight which is
growing into large proportions in the
Republican camp. They claim that
their own discipline will prove suftici
ent to prevent all discordant effects,
no matter whom they nominate at
Cincinnati; hence. looking at the ac-
tions of both political parties, we are
led to speak as above of the intense in
terest manifested here over the action
of the Chicago Convention. Our own
impression is, as a deduction from in
tercourse with all sides here, that Mr..
Blaine will find all his opposing ele-
ments in combination against him, and
that he will fail of nomination just as
Henry Clay repeatedly came short of
election. Could he personally bring to
bear upon the Convention those char.
| acteristics which have made him a
power and leader in Congress, he might
succeed; as matters stand, he will fail.
The two-thirds rule bars the express
sion of confidence as to the successful
Democratic candidate at Cincinnati,
though Mr.. Tilden's name elicits much
pro and con comment just at this time,
though not to the extent of causing
animosity. 1t u unlikely that any
change will, be made in the law regu
lating the electoral count. We have
found a general desire among the Dem
ocrats to let the present statute remain,
without amendment, inasmuch as they
control both Houses, and should there
by be able to provide for all possible
emergencies. The result of the recent
caucus of Senators is in corroboration
of this view, as it agreed upon no 9TH
er basis. 1t would be idle to attempt a
change now, for the House would not
entertain any proposition looking to-
| ward it.
The Kellogg matter promises to pro-
woke extended debate in the Senate, as
it involves some serious questions. One
of these is that of alleged compact un-
der which he was admitted to his seat.
This allegation is both stoutly asserted
and denied, and may prove turning
point in the final vote. The course
which Senator Thurman will pursue is
| watched with much interest, for the
final vote will be determined by the
position he takes for or against Mr..
Kellogg in the discussion. The inevi-
table Indian question has caused a
temporary suspension of the debate.
| AS in antsbellum times the subject Of
slavery Overshadnwed all other ques-
tions, SO now the mention of the Indi-
an is sure to cause speech or cOntro-
versy from more or less of our legisla-
tors, as well as the suspension of other
business for the purpose. But so much
depends on the retention or unseating
of Mr.. Kellogg, that the subject must,
sooner or later, be ventilated and dis
posed of.
It is gratifying to us to note the
change of feeling toward the District
of Columbia on the part of the House.
Now we are honored with a separate
appropriation bill, which was most
courteously treated, instead of having
our needs stuck in one corner of the
regular appropriation by the Ways and
Means Committee, where it becan
the erecipient of as many kicks and cuffs
as Nicholas Nickelby got from the
Squeers family. This new departure
indicates that we are to have, in the
future. an unquestioned recognition of
our rights in connection with the
Government. We do claim that, inf :
much as the Government holds one
half the realty of the District, it should
place itself on the same basis of taxa
tion and expenditure that we occupy.
This is only equitable, aud now that is
assured, we are happy.
The House devoted an evening OF the
week to the Pension Court bill, and
the opening speech upon it by M.
Geddes, of Ohio, was a mastery effort
in its exposition of the necessity for
judicial tribunal to determine the
rights of soldiers and their heirs to
pension, where their claims thereto
have been rejected by the Pension Of
flee. 1t is physically impossible, he
showed, for Congress to attempt giving