New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1880-04-15
pOWER WITHOUT RESPONSIBILITY.

Gladstone attempted to define his relations to
the new Government. Lord Grey had emerged
from political retirement long enough to COM
mend the BeacOnsfeld Administration as
choice of evils. He had condemned the Gov
eminent rs very bad indeed, but had been I'M
nerved by the suspicion that Liberal Admins
traton coming in under the present circum-
stances would be still worse. For this reason
Mr.. Gladstone was very likely not to be the
head or even q member of the Government, and
yet he would practically govern that Govern
ment. This was the charge which MIR. Glad
stone repealed at the close Of his canvass. He
agreed with Lord Grey that nothing could be
worse than system under which certain public
men could be held up to the country as respon-
sible Ministers, while behind them might be
standing an independent member of Parliament
who could use those Ministers as his puppets
and govern the country through them. But
anomalous as such dictatorship from the AooT
would be, he maintained that nothing could be
more improbable; for even if he were himself
inclined to dictate the policy of the Ministry,
the recognizedA leaders of the Liberal party
Lord Granville and Lord Harrington, were too
manly. too upright and too independent to
shirk the responsibilities of Office.
Mr.. Gladstone's tributes to his colleagues we're
certainly deserved. Lord Granville Is one of
the strongest men in English public life-a
statesman who has been repeatedly in office
during the last forty years, and who has many
of those sterling qualities which made Lord
John Russell one of the most efficient Prime
Ministers of the century. Lord Harrington has
been in public life twenty-five years, and al
oh bo hos do no mos If ia
tunities, has come to be regarded with re-
spect. Neither of these statesmen can become
Premier by sufferance. II either of them con-
sents to form Ministry, it will be with the dis
tinct understanding that his ascendancy in the
councils Of the Government and OF the party is
absolute. The Premier advises the Sovereign
to appoint or dismiss Ministers, renders per-
sOnal account of the proceedings of Cabinet
councils, and as Mr.. Gladstone has defined the
relation in q recent essay, stands between
his colleagues and the Sovereign and is bound
ito be loyal to BOTH" just as "the Cabinet
stands between the Sovereign end the Para-
@ment and is bound TO be loyal To both" A
Premier who should represent the Parliament
and the Crown, and at the same time act as a
political dummy of the strongest man in the
sparty,n might be found in the council cham
Der of the present Ministry. whose serviity to
Lord Beaconsfeld is notorious. But self-re-
specting statesmen will decline to take Office I'M
der such humiliating conditions.
The experiment of exercising supreme pOliti-
cal power without mourning the responsibilities
Of Office has been tried in France under the
WALTON Constitution, with Indifferent success.
NJ. dc Freycinet is a much stronger Premier
than either NJ. WaddingtOn or VI. Dufnure, yet
like them ne recognizes the Overmastering in
huence Of NJ. Gambetta. The present Ministry
is made mp of the personal friends and fol-
lowers of the great leader, who directs the
policy Of the Administration without being re-
sponsible for it to the Legislative chambers.
The result is that each new Ministry is n make
shift, and the transition period between the re-
dictionary conservatism of MacMahOn and the
progressive republicansm Of the future is in
definitely prolonged. This personal ascendancy
of leader who Is not connected with the Ad-
ministratiOD, while it does not work well in
France, is excusable, inasmuch as the COnstitu-
tOn itself Is tentative and the relations between
the President and the Ministry are undeter-
mined. In England it would not be tolerated
The confidential relations of the Premier to the
Crown and the official responsibility of tho
Ministry to the Parliament preclude anything
like irresponsible leadership.