, 1880-10-27

we're, in fact, schools of sedition that they
taught hostility to the Republic, and that
in & country where the State control all
education, it was made to appear power
less or inconsistent. M. de Freycinet's
compromise met this arguement complete.
~. TIL unauthorized corporations were
informed that if they would openly and
expressly Withdraw all political opposition
general law substituted applicable to all
association without distinction. The
Pope who is always seeking to avoid the
combat a outyance between Church and
State, which 10 now threatened all over
Europe, and who recognises fully that the
Church is not pledged to any form OF
government, a~ssented to this Compromise, and
1t seemed for the moment as if the Republic
and tho Church had discovered a mOduS
virendi' The religious orders were not to be
prohibited from teaching, if only they would
respect the State. The Radicals, however, do
not d. sire a mOdus Uivendi, but the decrease
of their clerical adversary, and want to make
the secular power visibly as we'll as really
master of the religious organisations. They
cried "Treason p and M. Gambetta, whether
he does or does not go their length, endorsed
their cry, and demanded that actual persscu-
bluD-tne OloSluR Oi ut ullatuOIlscu eSIHUllSu"
ments by force, under statutes as obsolete 90
that which In England would, if revived, en-
danger Stonyhurst-shCuld be commenced at
once. 1t Is to be commenced, and the Gov
ernment of France is to be hurried forward into
the same morass in which the Government Of
Germany has entangled itself, with this agra
walton, that the Government of France 10
based as that of Germany IL not, on the prin-
oiple of liberty. The State is TO strike down
the Orders, after they have submitted on the
only point which concerns the State. If this
is a true account OF the facts-ani In the main
it must be true-M. Gambetta has overturned
q Government, rather than consent to abstain
from open war with the Catholic Church and
that on any explanation of his conduct, must be
folly, or worse. If, as many believe, be 10
simply yielding to the Enrag6s, and cares lit
tie himself about the Orders or their conduct
he is giving the rein to his followers in the one
direction in which they are certain to go too
far and to become fanatics whom he himself
like Robespierre under the same circumstances
will be powerless TO control; aud to set up the
worst of all possible kinds Of tyranny. q tyr
amy directed against conscience as we'll as
conduct. Or, as is possible, he secretly holds
CIerlcallsm In q haired which overmasters hls
judgment, as it does that of 30 many other
AO"NH AoulO1tc3 uo 10 tuIulhB "BoAhos ~ -
public, to which he is devoted, the only other
living corporate force 10 France. The one
necessity for the Republic is that 1t should let
the Church alone, should sbew that Its "
supremacy is consistent with every form OF
religious liberty, including the liberty OF those
who, if In power, would grant none,-and
this necessity he refuses to acknowledge:
Rather than be perfectly tolerant, he Will
turn out Government after Government, and
use up statesmen until he must either himself
accept power ptematurely, or allow the State
to fall into the hands of men like III. Gle
menceau, who, as he himself feels, will cause
by their violence a furious reaction, That Ia
DOT craftsmanship; 1t is mere fanaticism, NOS
a bit better or wiser because the fanatics are
prepared to perseoute believers instead OF
infdels, Diocletian may not have been worse
than To~rquemada, but, how was he better
His only separate argument was that If he did
not put down Christianity, Christianity would
zap tae political organisation Of which he sp.
proved and that is NJ. Gsmbetta's argument
too.