Sacramento daily record-union. [volume] (Sacramento [Calif.]) 1875-1891, 1880-07-07
TIE NATION on GARF1ELD's RECORD

from the New York Nation upon General
Garfeld's connection with the Credit Mo
bilier affair. The Nation has analysed the
case with complete impartiality, has shown
precisely how the charge originated, and
what it rests on, and after giving the full
est examination to the whole case reaches
the conclusion that the accused is not
guilty. 1t is scarcely necessary to say
that such testimony from journal which
deservedly possesses so high reputation for
probity and scrupulousness is of very great
weight, but the Nations exhibit is of a
character to convince all who are not hope
lessly prejudiced by partisan policy. The
question of Garfield's implication in the
Credit Mobilier business is unfortunately
not one which can be determined either
way by conclusive evidence. 1t is en-
phatically a question of prescriptions, for
there has never been produced any positive
and unmistakable proof connecting him
with the matter. The charge against him
rests upon the averments of Cakes Ames
regarding acts alleged to have taken place
between four and five years previously,
and for the confirmation of which allega-
lions only vague and inconclusive
memorandum could be exhibited. Cakes
Ames said that he had held ten shares of
Credit Mobilier stock for Garfield, and
that he had paid him 1929 on account of
dividends on that stock. Garfield denied
that he had ever agreed to take any stock,
but stated that he had on one occasion bor-
rowed $500 from Ames. The only corrob-
Grafton of Ames' account consisted in a
memorandum by which Garfield appeared
to be credited with ten shares Of stock, but
which furnished no indication that any
payments had ever been made to him. The
confederation of GarGeld's account consists
in the fact that he never possessedany stock,
and that though according to Ames the
latter held certain stock for Garfield, it
never got into his hands nor were any divi-
dends paid to him. The natural presump-
ton is that if Garfield had regarded him
self as the owner of this stock, he would
have demanded possession of it, and would
certainly have sought the dividends which
were being paid on it. But neither Ames
nor anyone else has ever asserted that he
acted as though the stock was his,
or as though he had any claim for divi-
dends upon it. Ultimately the issue re-
solves itself into one of veracity as between
Ames and Garfield, and here again it is ev-
ident that the preponderance of probabili-
ity is upon the side of the latter. In the
first place the Credit Mobilier investiga-
ton showed that the memory of Cakes
Ames was very treacherous Unexpectedly
referred to this infrmity in the course of
his evidence, and though he at one time af-
fected to be positive that Garfield had
taken the stock, he could not, when sharply
pressed, support the assertion. He in fact
admitted that he may have been mistak-
. en-" in supposing that the payment he
made to Garfield was on account of divi-
dends, and not as a loan, and the more
closely the case is examined the more
probable will it appear that he was mis-
taken in this.
The circumstance that the Poland Com
mittee believed Garfield to have taken
stock is cited by the Democrats as proof
of his implication. But as the Nation
well observes, GO the evidence on which
" they based their conclusions is before
g the world, and it is open to every one
to draw from it quite as correct differences
as were possible to the committee A GU
rious and not creditable feature of this
controversy is the sudden respect assumed
by the Democrats for the integrity of
Cakes Ames. At the time of the Credit
Mobilier inquiry no such theory was enter
tanned regarding him. He was then de-,
nounced as a consummate seoundrel, ard
his mendacity was quite as generally as
sumed as his truthfulness is now. The
character of Cakes Ames was Ger
tainly not model one. He was
shown TO have forsworn himself
repeatedly during the inquiry. The
transactions in which he was involved
were Of more than doubtful morality, and
none could infer from his career that he
was scrupulous or upright. On the other
hand Garfield had lived an open, clear and
honorable life absorbed in public business,
caring but little for money, ambitious only
for political distinction, respected by a
large circle of friends and constituents,
possessing wide reputation for honesty
aud singleness of purpose. When two such
men as Ames and Garfield, therefore, are
placed in position such as that under con-
sideration, it is obvious that their known
characters ought to be taken into account
in weighing their respective versions of the
story. And the result of SO WEIGHING their
respective characters must be to give the
preference to Garield's statement, not
orly as being the more probable of the
two because of his previous reputation, but
as being the more strongly corrobo-
rated by such evidence as can be
obtained. The Nation justly concludes
that the facts are such as, eff he were
mot a Presidential candidate, TO clear him
ain the eyes OF all reasonable men OF
every imputation arising from" the
Credit Mobiher charge. This being so,
however the circumstance of his candida
ture ought not and must not be allowed to
deprive him OF justice. A strong attempt
has been made by the Democrats TO con
Wet him of this charge. but it has failed
and viii fail. for the reason that be is not
guilty. Reasonable men cannot be made
to forego their reason merely because a
Presidential campaign has begun, and they
must be expected to concur in the dispas-
sionate and fair-minded verdict which the
Nation has reached after perfectly I'M
biased and thorough analysis OF the case.
CHARGES AGAINST HANCOCK.
OF course Il is inevitable that every