Ashtabula weekly telegraph. (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1880-1886, 1880-10-15

% tell you that you cannot conceive Of what
gered over the desert OF bankruptcy from
1919 20 1872. We are TOO near now 20 know
nov grand we are; Tho poor mechanics said
the once millionaire said mo, We will settle
talr, We VIII agree 70 pay whether we ever pay
~ m il nOti hliu We VIII never sou inc hmerican
name with the Infamous word reputation"
Are you not glad that our flag IS covered all
over with financial honos?
Now there IL one other thing and nothing
can by any possibility, in this country, be more
Important. The great difference to-day be-
| tween the Democratic and Republican party
simple confederation. irhe Democratic party
believes I'm what we call State sovereignty.
and the Republican party proclaims this cDun-
Try 70 be Nation, one and indivisible. There
| Is the difference. The South believes this Il n
mere cOnfederacy, and they are honest; they
70 hght for II now; they are willing
20 commit frauds for Il; they are Will
ing to use the shotgun 10 uphold Il; they
are willing 70 use tissue ballOtstO substantate
! Il; and they believe H.. Now thequostlOn with
US Is whether we will put party I'm power,
knowing. as we DO know, that the principal
part Of that party absolutely believes In the
| doctrine of State sovereignty. They believe
IN the sacredness of n State line. In 1850. II a
man wished the army Of the United States 70
pursue fugitive slave, then the army could
cross state line. Whenever II has been nee
| e5sary to deprive some human being Of a
right, then we had a right TO cross State lines;
but whenever we wished to strike the shack
/ les OF slavery from a human being we had no
| right to cross a State line. In other words.
When you want to do mean thing you Cun
step over the line, but II your object Is a good
one you shall not do II. This doctrine OF State
sovereignty is the meanest doctrine that was
ever lodged I'm the American mind. II Is pO-
| litical poison, and II this country is ever de-
| stroyed that doctrine will have done as much
! toward il as any other one thing. | believe
| tells me that when / am away from home the
| Government Will protect me; but when / am
| home when l am sitting around the family
/ fireside of the Nation, then the Government
. cannot protect me; that / must leave II /
want protection. Vow denounce that doc
other country, and the American Nation
comes TO me and SAYS: 1--WE want you" /
say =" won't GO" They draft me, put some
names in wheel, and man turns IL, and an
/ other man pulls out paper, and my name Is
| on II. and he says Come So / 20 and /
/ fight for the flag. When the war is over I go
| back to my state. Now let US admit that the
] war had been unpopular, aud that when got
/ TO the state the people of that state wished
/ 10 trample upon my rights, ana ! cried out
/ you made me defend you" What ought the
/ Government to doY ] only owe that Govern
ment allegiance that owes me my protection.
Protection is the other side of the bargain;
/ that Is what IL must be. And If a Government
/ ought To protect even the man that it drafts
what ought It to do tor the volunteer? Ma
t uon that viii not protect such protector is
! disgrace to mankind, and its flag a dirty rag
that contaminates the air in which It waves.
! believe in Government with an arm long
! enough to reach the collar of any rascal be-
/ meath its tag. i want 1t with an arm long
/ enough and sword sharp enough TO strike
down tyranny wherever Il mayrase its snaky
| head 1 want a Nation that can hear the
| fatntest cries of its humblest citizen. l want
/ a Nation that will protect q freedman stand
| ing in the sun by his little cabin, just as quick
as II would protect Vanderbilt in palace of
marble and gold. believe in Government
! that can cross state line on an errand of meT-
/ cy. believe in a Government that can cross
aState line when 1t wishes to do Justice. l do
not believe that the sword turns TO air at State
/ line. l want a Government that will protect me.
| Ihat is the country fl which believe: that ia
! the Nation that commands my respect, that
protects all. This doctrine of State-sOvereign-
| ~ has to be done away with; we have got 10
| stamp il out. Let me tell you its history: The
] hrst time 1t ever appeared was when they
wished to keep the slave trade alive until 1908.
| The first resort TO this doctrine was for the
/ protection Of piracy and murder, and the next
! time they appealed to II was TO keep the inter
! slave trade alive, so that man in Virginia
| could sell the very woman that nursed him TO
! the rice-ield5 OF the South. The next time
they appealed to the doctrine was in favor Of
/ the Fugitive Slave law, so that every white
! man in the North was to become hound to
/ bay upon the track of the fugitive slave.
women and give them back TO the bloOdhOunds
| of the South. Under that infamy men and
| women were held and were kidnapped under
! the shadow of the dome of the National Capi-
power il would be so now. The South said:
| " BE friends With us; all we want is to steal
] lduOEs Dt lIleuus WIN US all we want OF You Is
to have you catch our slaves; be friends with
u.s. all we want of you is to be in partnership
in the business of slavery, and we are 10 take
| all the money and you are to have the disgrace
and dlshonor for your share" The dividend
didn't suit me.
The next time they appealed to the doctrine
OF state rights was that they might extend the
area of human slavery; it was that they might
| desecrate the fair fields of Kansas The next
time they appealed to this infamous doctrine
| was In secession and treason; so now, when
hear any man advocate this doctrine, know
that he is not friend of my country, he is not
a friend Of humanity, of liberty, or of
There is another reason why am opposed
to the Democratic party. We have not only
the country TO trust. They say "Are we never
to be friends with the SouthT Yes. when the
South admits that they were wrong. When
they get up to that point they will know that
| whoever is conquered by right Is after all the
| victor; they will know that every man that
was whipped by freedom remains conquerOr
| upon the field; every man tramped down by
! right rises ike a god; and when they get
! great enough to understand this philosophy
| they will be glad that they didn't succeed;
they Will know that defeat was their only pos
sible road to success. We, having saved them
from the crime of slavery, have made it possi-
ble for them to 20 abreast with us with
the great march of human progress and the
time will come when the South will rejoice
that we succeeded, because the right was vic
| tOriOus.
Now we not only have to choose between
sections, and between parties, but also be-
tween men. The Democratic party has nom
mated General Hancock for President, and
Mr.. English Tor Nce-President. For several
| years last past the Democratic party has been
doing all IN its power or pretending TO do all
in its power, to destroy the army and the Ma
tionul Banks, and I'm order to show that IL Is
| sincere II nominates for President a Major
| General in that very army, and also nominates
for the second place on the ticket a Presi-
dent Of Il National Bank. Now you know they
! are honest, have not one word to say against
! General Hancock No doubt he was a good,
brave, splendid soldier but If he was right
| at Gettysburg he Is wrong now; II he be-
lieved in State-rights then he had no right
| TO trample that right between the hOofs of
| his horse. The South, when at Gettysburg,
! believed in State-Sovercignty. Lee believed
! i'm 1t. jackson fought for IT, and Hampton
| swears that the cause of Democracy to-day
| is the same cause that Lee and Jackson
| fought for. Who has changed since the battle
| of Gettysburg, Hancock or the South? The
men who shot at him then wish to vote for him
now. They have not changed Who has?
| Hancock is a soldier, know, but a few of his
ideas with regard 70 ogoYernment-all know
i get from Order No. 40: from his letter of
acceptance, which is in general terms an ap-
| proVal OF the constitution, and from two or
three letters and telegrans that he has written
| and sent since his nomination. They say that
/ by Order No. 40 General Hancock showed that
| he was in favor Of eXalting the civil power
above the military. That order said no such
| thing; that order tells the General that he
Is5 not ors 3tefeTe Unless for the of
! was TO decide whether there was order or dis
order. From his decision there was no ap-
! peal, and Order No. 40 puts the civil power be
meath the feet of the military authorities and
| everybody knows 1t that has sense to read.
General Hancock, too, the other day, had the
kindness to certify that II his party did wrong
| be would not. He tells the American people
| In substance; "Of course you cannot trust
| the Democracy, but you can rely on me. If
| my party passes a law to pay the Southern
| claims, | now give you my honor that l will
defeat the party that eXalts me 70 power" In
other words, he agrees to veto the bill in ad-
vance; he agrees, even before he is elected
President. He sWears how he will use a GER