New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1880-01-28
A RETREAT FROM CABUL.

Inc announcement tllat the Drltlsn UOV-
eminent is planning retreat from Cabh
may be premature. but a change of policy as
radical as this would be is by no means improb
able If the troops remain in the Capital the
conquest OF the hills must be completed during
the year, and when all the strongholds from Jel-
alabad and Candahar to Herat ale garrisoned
the country must be permanently governed.
But Lord Beaconsfeld's associates have
repeatedly disclaimed any intention of
aDnexing Afghanistan, and with an cleo
tOral canvass staring them in the face
they will naturally be inclined to
shirk the responsibility Of committing
the country in advance to a policy as
hazardous abrOid as it would be unpopular at
home. If another puppet King be set up the
Capital must be heavily garrisoned with Brit
ish troops, and instructions melted by his
rivals must be suppressed among the turbu-
lent tribes. Indeed. the Government might as
well annex the country outright as to attempt
to govern and administer it by proxy,
for whoever acknowledges the supremacy
of the invaders will DO knocked down and
brushed aside Like man of pith whenever
the troops are withdrawn. They can neither
go on to Herat nor remain in Cabul without
virtually assuming the administration and in
creasing the army of occupation TO at least
$4,000 men. The only alternative is re-
treat and inasmuch rs the murderers and
rebels who attacked the Embassy have been
punished, Gud the prestige of the British
arms has been restored, the troops can face
about and retire with honor to the natural
frontier of India.
The moral obliquity OF such movement is
obvious Having invaded the Afghan hills in
moment of giddiness on the hmsiest of
pretexts, and having driven one Sovereign
into exile and death and made prisoner of
his successor, they would leave the country in
a state of anarchy, and look on from the In
dian border while the candidates for the sue
cession and the factions which support them
cut one another's throats and set the Govern
ment to rights. But neither at the outset nor
at any subsequent stage has any heed been
paid to the moral aspects of this Ubiquitous
campaign. The Ameer's dominions were
invaded not for any offence which either he
or his subjects had committed. but because
Russia was supposed to be menacing India
with campaign in the remote future. I'M
justiiable in the beginning, the war is nothing
now f not barbarous. Before the recent out
break, when General Roberts was COM
PEELED to fight for his life, Russian
methods In Poland had been closely imi-
tated. Under the first proclamation men
were put to death for fighting against the in
vaders and for carrying dangerous weapons in
CGbul and now that q second revolt has been
suppressed, hangings have been resumed at
the rate of ten a day. These gallows-birds are
not British subjects, but prisoners of war.
When Give with his thousand English
men and two thousand SepOys wrought ven
gcance at Plassey for the horrors of the Black
Hole, he did not hang prisoners of war nor
burn the villages of tho enemy. When Hastings
was arraigned for the crimes of arbitrary rule in
India. the half million extorted from the Raiah
of Benarcs and the million wrung by starya-
ton and torture from the Princesses of Oude
excited the impassioDed Indignation of his ne
cuscrs in the Commons; but although he had
condemned restless intriguer to death for
forgery lie had not hanged prisoners of war.
The British arms in Afghanistan are stained
with crimes which were unknown in those
earlier times when great soldier and
national deiverer like Give was pilloried be-
fore the public like a sheep-steaier for adopt
ing the commercial expedents of English |
traders. The wrong has been done and can
not be expiated. The sooner the British leave
their Poland to itself the better for ciy;iza-
ton.