Lexington weekly intelligencer. (Lexington, Mo.) 1871-1887, 1880-07-03

that tLe privilege and opportunity of
20 making it be secured to the people
beyond all question. Less than this
would not satisfy the expectstions of
my constituents, and l would not be-
tray their wishes for any earthly COLI
-idcrations. If. on the other hand,
all reasonable compromises are voted
down, and l am brought to vote up
ON the naked and unqualified admis-
sion of Kansas under the Lecompton
constitution, l distinctly declare that
can not in conscience vote for it."
During the long and exciting con-
irs, over this question, which has
seldom before been equaled i'll bitter
uess. and was really the prelude to
the terrible civil war, Mr.. English
never departed from the position
taken i'll this speech. As party man
he was anxious to heal the divisions
that had sprung up among his polih-
cal friends upon this question, aud to
relieve the administration and the
south from the position they had
taken, which Mr.. English, in his
heart, considered impolitic and dan
gereus.
He was "anti-Lecompton," but not
of those who wished to cripple the
administration, or break up the dem
ocratlc organization.
The senate saw proper to pass q
bill admitting Kansas under the Le-
compton constitution without limit
or condition; but this bill, although
it commanded the favor of the presi-
dent and his cabinet, failed to receive
the sanction of the house of repre-
seutatives. The house, Oh the other
hand, passed bill as substitute for
tnat of the senate, but this the senate
| would not accept, or the executive
| approve. Thus was an issue formed
| between great coordinate branches
| of the government, whose joint aud
harmonious action could alone re-
move the dangerous question aud give
| peace TO the country. af
In this Stage of the proceedings,
when the whole country had about
abandoned the hope of settlement
of Il disagreement between the two
houses, and the angry contest was
likely to be adjourned for further aud
protracted agitation before people
already inflamed with sectional AMI
mosities, MIR. English took the re-
spomsibility of moving to concur in
the proposition of the senate asking
for committee of free conference.
The excitement upon the occasion
had scarcely ever been equaled in the
house OF representative. Upon adopt
ing this motion the vote was tie
| QOS to 1857; but the speaker voted in
The affirmative, and the motion car
ried. The managers on the part of
the senate made several propositions,
none of which, however, were &C.
ceEtable to the members on behalf of
the house. The senate committee
then asked the members from the
house if they had any compromise to
offer, to which Mr.. English replied
that he had none prepared, but he
had plan i'll his mind, based, how
ever, upon the principle OF q submis-
sion OF The question of admission un.
der the Lecompton constitution, and
an amended ordinance to fair vote
of the people of Kansas; and if the
committee thought it worth while, he
would prepare it, and submit it to
them at their next meeting. They
told him to do so. This is the inside
history of the origin of the great
kansas compromise measure, com
monty called the "English sbill,"
which finally passed both branches
of congress, and became the law.
This law was, in effect, to place it
i'll the power OF the people of Kansas
10 come into the Union under the
Lecompton constitution or not. AS
they might themselves determine at
II fair election. 1t was not q submis-
sion as direct az Mr.. English himself
preferred, as hereinafter explained,
bat was the best he could get under
the complications then existing. aud
was a substantial vlndicatien of the
doctrine of popular sovereignty"
advocs ted in his minority report on
the kansas-Nebraska bill in the thlr-
ty-third congress.
AT the opening of the rebellion.
Mr.. English, who was still in con-
gress, still favored pscification, if
possible, and every measure tending
TO that result. On the subject Of
secession he was as firm and bold in
opposing the views of his former
political associates from the south as
he had been i'll opposing the admis-
sion of Kansas as state under the
LecOmton constitution. He denounced
il from the beginning, and made every
effort to induce southern members to
, abandon it. In speech in the house
OF representatives, he plainly told
the south that "the great democratic
party, that has so long and SO justly
boosted Of its nationality, must not
degenerate into mere southern Sec
tonai party, or u party that tolerates
the sentiment of dlsunion if it docs
its days are numbered, and its mis-
sion ended"
Mr.. English was offered the COM
mand of Il regiment by his personal
friend, Gov. Merton, but declined,
and III person took no active part in
the war; but he was firm aud con-
sistent supporter of the Union cause
In 1868 Mr.. English founded the
, First National bank, of Indianapolis,
, and until July, 1877, he was engaged
N various financial enterprises in tn ut
city. AT the time mentioned he re-
tired from active business life. .s
, Mr.. English has fine residence in
Indianapolis fronting UPON beauti-
tul circular park, known as the "Gov-
errors Circle" so-called because
) originally designed as the site for the
5 residence of the governor OF the
state. His wealth is large, and has
been accumulated by the business
tact which has characterized him
, throughout his career. He is UNDER
stood to be worth several million dol
lars. HEG
, lie was married to Miss Emma
r Mardulia Jackson, of Virginia, Oh
the 18th day Of November. 1847, in
The city of Baltimore, Nd, the Rev.
Henry S!iccr, chaplain OF the United
l States senate, performing the cere-
Inony, and no union could have been
more fclicitous and happy than this
was during its long continuance. This
estimable lady died at Indianapolis,
Nov. IA, 1876, universally loved and
respected by all who knew her.
I've children were the issue of this
marriage, son and daughter. The
son is the Hon. w. L. English, mem
, ber of the Indiana state legislature.