Montgomery County sentinel. [volume] (Rockville, Md.) 1855-1974, 1880-04-23
L IL + SEN TIN + l.
Friday Morning ....".."April %, 1880.
POWERS OF THE SENATE AND
HOUSE.

specuVe privileges ana powers Inc queS
ton is not one Of recent development. l
broke forth with much violence at stormy
period in the history and protracted an i'm
FASHIONED and able debate on the part of GU
pioneer statesmen.
In 1888, Mr. Clay introduced in the Sen
ate, a bill for the reduction of duties and
tried to demonstrate, mid other things, that
the Senate had the right to frame such bill
Among those who opposed the constitution
atty of originating bills appropriating and
raising revenue in the Senate, was Mr.. Web
ster, who contended that the right to frame
such bill was purely question of privilege
and the decision Of it belonged to the House
The Senate, by the constitution, could not
originate bills for raising revenue. In the
House there was Committee of Ways and
Means organized expressly for such subjects.
There was no such committee in the Senate.
The constitutional provision was taken from
the practice Of the British Parliament, whose
usages were known TO the trainers of the
constitution, with the modification that the
Senate might alter and amend money bills
which were denied the Lords by the House
of Commons.
After debate of wide range, as to the
power of the Senate to originate such bills, in
which Calhoun, Forsyth, Benton, and other
distinguished Senators played conspicuous
part, Mr.. Clay's effort failed of success.
The constitution most clearly provides
that all bills raising revenue shall originate
in the House. The provision, in our opin-
ion is a wise one, and exhibited the foresight
Of those men who framed that instrument.
This power was given TO the House for wise
purposes-for permanent national objects.
The House is the immediate representative
Of the people; and as the sole originator OF
tax-bills, il is the sole dispenser of burthens
on the people and of supplies to the govern
ment
1t will be remembered that during the
winter Of 1872 the Senate again claimed
this power, but in an indirect manner, by
sending back TO the House bill revising
the whole tariff and internal revenue system
as an amendment for simple bill removing
taxes on tea and coffee. This invasion OF
the constitutional rights Of the House, as it
was then termed, brought down perfect
howl of violent invective and indignation in
which Butler, Dawes and Garfield joined,
and resulted in tabling the bill-only four
members voting against the motion.
Again, in the memorable session of 1856
the House for weeks were unable TO organ
ize, and pending the final election of Banks
as speaker, the Senate not only claimed
the right to originate such bills, but went so
the same to the House where they We're very
quietly tabled
This was the last of such an assumption
of privilege until very recently, when the
question of the respective powers seems to
have claimed their consideration This body
has sent to the House two bills making APP
preparations for public buildings The House
by resolution, instructed its Judiciary Com
mittee to inquire if the Senate had not been
guilty of an usurpation of power. The com
mittee referred the matter to Il sub-commit-
tee, consisting of Messrs. Knott, Culberson,
Hammond, Willetts and Robinson. After
Tree discussion, calm and impartial con
sideration, the committee were unanimous
In the opinion that the Senate possessed the
power it had claimed of originating appro-
priation bills Considering how jealous each
branch always is of its own prerogative, and
how suspicious of encroachments upon them
by others-it is more than remarkable that
the committee should be unanimous in the
construction of the Constitution which re-
stricts the power of their own body. 1t is
even more remarkable when We come to re-
member that in the debate Of the Senate
upon this very question in 1856, that Seward,
Sumner and Wilson took the ground that
the spirit of the Constitutional provision APP
piled equally to bills appropriating and rails
ing accommodating just the contrary views
and oelevating the importance ofthe House.
this opinion. have placed themselves in di-
cctoppositioB 10 The views Of Mr. Webster
in his most emphatic declarations upon this
question in~the famous debate of 1893, Ia
which we have referred and IN which he was
sustained by some Of the ablest and purest
men the country has ever produced, and
bV a decided vDia of the senate
Close observation must impress us with
the truth OF tbs assertion that times change
and struggle against it as they may, men,
convictions will change with them
Perhaps il is for the bss.. these change.
may correct vast deal Of error in politics
in religion, in philosophy and in the s,,cia
relations Of life. We have often thought
that If men who really think, who have III,
power Of anaiyzing Of wegbiy causes and
measuring results would dismiss that rgic
espionage over Themselves, would stand les
in awe of the world, less in dread of its &C
cusations Of change and with fearless frank
mesa stand boldly up for the right as they a
the time understand it to be, without refer
ence to consistency of present views anc
opinions Of those with the past, it would b,
better for the world. But at the same tim,
we do not believe, nor have we any faith il
these hasty conclusions which override "a
cred ami yenerated precedeDts and Bampl,
nnde foot Constitutional provisions.
History" says Bolingbrooke, "is philos
ophy teaching by example" and il woul,
be well for us If We would be guided an,
more generally act upon the experience an,
information TO be derived from the annal
of our forefathers. And whilst we or
forced 10 admit that as the times chang
inen change, aud that il may be productiv
ofdesired reformation ~ The social and pc
litical organizations, there ate certain gener;
principles laid down which cannot be peg
lected or violated without producing III
most serious results.
The Republicans OF Frederick county hel
their primaries last saturday A split 0,
Cured in the City district, No. 9, mectinl
Moiteron one side aud Gtienger on the othe