The Salt Lake herald. [volume] (Salt Lake City [Utah]) 1870-1909, 1880-06-22
TELEGRAPHIC
BOON.
POFkOpOIis the Centre of
Attraction.
Delegations All In.
A queer Letter from Samuel J.
TiIdeu, aud Queer
Interpretations
put upon 1t.
Field Dropped Overheard.
TrOiIing Out Very Dark
Horses.

TrOiIing Out Very DaI
8 Horses.
What Will Il Day Bring Forth
Cincinnati, 2O.-Delpgates not INN
, diately engaged in the business of I
3 convention have visited attractive subur
and swarmed at all hilltop resort
Last night q most delightful TeceptlC
! was given the Ohio delegations by re,
, dents of Clifton. Speeches were mac
by Theodore Cock, q. b. PendletoI
Vim. s. Groesbeck, John McSWeene,
John w. Stevenson and Richard Smitl
To-day the Ohio delegation held tW
meetings, at each of which great enthI
siasm was manifested for Thurman, an
it was resolved TO stand firm. Il Ws
stated that JewetL's candidacy was NJ
to be considered so long as Thurman We
in the field Much bitterness was e.
pressed towards the supporters of Payne
1t was decided that w. D. Hill shCul
make the nominating speech, and tbs
John McSweeney should second tn
nomination.
Tonight the New York deleeatio
held meeting at the Grand Hotel, an
organized by choosing Daniel Manning
chairman, and S. B. Holiday secretary
VIM. Peckham read the following let
ter from Samuel j. Gilden:
NEW YORK, June Is.
To the Delegates from the State Of Nea
York to the Democratic NGtiORd
Contention:
! Your first Assem- bling is an occasion OF
which it is proper COR me to state to you
my relation to the nomination for the
presidency which sou and your associate.
are commissioned TO make in behalf Of
the democratic party of the United
states. Having passed my early years
in an atm OsDhere filled with traditions Of
the war which secured our national in
dependence, aud of the struggles which
made our continental system govern
ment for the people, learned to idolize
the institutions of my country, and was
educated to believe it the duty of the
citizen of the republic to take his fair
allotment of the care and trouble in
pubic affairs. fulfilled that du'y to
the best of ability for years as private
citizen, although during all my life Civ
ing at least as much thought 10 public
affairs as 10 all other objects. 1 never
accepted official service except for brief
period, for a special purpose, and only
when the occasion seemed to require of
me that sacrifice Of private preference
to public interests. My life has been
substantially that of private citizen. 1t
was, presume, the success of the efforts
in which, rs a private citizen, | had
shared 10 overthrow corrupt combina-
ton, then holding dominion in our me-
tropo.is, and to purify the judiciary,
VIII ch had b5come its tool, that induced
the democracy Of the state, in 1879, tc
nominate me governor. This was
done in spite OF the protests o. the
minority that the part | had borne in
| those reforms had created an antagonism
fatal to me as a candidate. felt con-
strained 10 accep: the nom n ,tiOn, as the
| most certain means of putting the power
of the gubernatOrial office on the side Of
reform ard OF removing the impression,
wherever IL prevailed, that the faithful
discharge of ones duty as citizen WAS
fatal TO his usefulness as a public servant.
The breaking up of the cAral ring, better
management of our public works, large
reduction of taxes, and other reforms
accomplished during my administration,
doubtless occasioned my nomination
for the presidency by the democracy
of the Union in the hope that a
similar process would be applied 10 the
| federal government. From the RESPONSE
bilities Of such an undertaking, appalling
as it seemed to me, l did not feel at
! liberty to shrink. In the canvass which
ensued, the democratic party represented
reform in the administration of the
| federal government and the restoration of
our complex political system 10 the pure
! ideas of its founders. Upon these issues
| the people of the United States, by Il
majority of more than quarter Of q
million, chose minority Of the electors
to cast their votes for the democratic
candidates for President and vice presi-
dent. 1t is my right and privilege here
| to say that l was nominated and elected
to the presidency, absolutely free from
any engagement in respect to the eXer-
| else of its powers or disposal Ct Its
patronage. Through the whole period OF
nv relation 10 the presidency did every
| thing in my power to elevate, and Doth-
| ing to lower the moral standard III the
conpetition of parties. by what
| Defarious means the basis for false
/ count was laid in several OF the states L
need not recite. These are now matters
of history, about which, whatever diver
sitv of opinion may have existed IN either
| of the great parties of the country at the
time of their c5nsummstion, has practl
calIy disappeared. l refused to ransom
from returning boards of the southern
| states documentary evidence by the sup
preston of which and by the substl:u'
lion of fraudulent end forged papers, Q
pretex. was made Cor the perpetra ion o.
fa'se count The constitutional duty
of the two houses of Congress TO count
the electoral votes as cast and to give
effect to the will Of the people as ex-
pressed by their sutfrages was never full
filled. An electoral commission, for thu
| existence of which l have no response
bi!itv, was formed, and to 1t the two
houses of Congre. s abdieated their duty
to r-oke a count by law enacting tina
the .ount of the commission should stant
as final, unless overruled by the concur
renl action of the two houses Its tails
count was not Cverruled, owing to tn
completely IF q republican senate witt
the republican majority of the commits
sion. The commission, controlled by 1t
republican msjority of eight to seven o
The electoral com mission. counted GU
the men elected by the people, an
counted in the men not elected by tn
u, ople. The subversion OF the electlo
crested new issue for the decision {
the people of the United States, tran:
cending in importance all the question
, ! of administration. 1t involved tn
vital principle of self-governmel
through election By the people. II
immense growth of the means of CORFU
influence over the ballot box, by whlc
ii Is at the disposal of the party havIr
session of the executive admnlstr
ti1r. had already become a present eV
and great danger, tending to make ele
lions irresponsible to public opinion, har
periRg the power of the people to chani
:. their rulers, and enabling men holdll
the machinery of governmental con IN
and perpetuate their power. 1t was n
opinion IN 1876 that the opposition
tempting TO change the admlnlstratl
needed to include at lesst two-thlrds
= the voters, at the opening of the canva
IN order to retain a majority al the ELI
ton. If, after such OBJ -tacles had De
overcome, and majority Of the peol
y had voted to change the admlnlstratl
r of the government, the men IN on
could still procure - false count, found
: upon frauds, perjuries and forgerl
furnishing a pretext for documents
evidence on which to base that ii
- count, and if such transaction were
only successful, but if, after tue allotm
of lis benefits were inside to its contTlve
abettors. and apologists by the CT
beneficiary Of the transac ION, II W
copdoned by the people, the pr
teal destruction of elections
: the people would have been
complished. The failure 10 install