Delaware state journal. [volume] (Wilmington, Del.) 1870-1883, 1880-08-05
B.IYARD ON HANCOCK.

W. IL Ahu
Him the stuff of IA Law hiding
Ruler.
Special Dispatch to the New York World.
WILMINGTON, DEL August "A World
called CD Senator Bay ard at
his office in this city to-day to ask his
opinion of General Hapoock's letter to
General Sherman, printed in yesterdays
World The correspondent found the
Senator 80 well pleased with the letter
that despite his chronic objection to the
interview as method of eiciting the
opinions of public men he talked freely
about the matter. Mr.. Bsyard said that
the first thing to be noted in the letter was
the quiet and unconscious force of char
acter displayed in it. Letters" ne said,
written with an object are like all pre-
arranged affairs, open to the suspicion
that some things are deliberately sup
pressed and other things made unduly
emphatic. This letter exhibits Hancock
the patriot and soldier writing out his
unprecedented views upon grave
political crisis. The letter was called
out by repeated letters from his military
superior. He did not originate the corre-
spondence,a as the opening sentences show.
To appreciate its full force md meaning
you must have seen and known as did
what was then going on in Washington
and at the War Department. Troops even
then, under Oameron's inspiration and
with President Grants approval, were
being moved towards Washington. The
army had overthrown already the
Louisiana election, for Wellsand Anderson
and their negro colleagues would not have
1araI n fha ,tnlapp hap
had been backed and protected by the
military arm of the United States Govern
ment. Florida and South Carolina had
suffered the same fate, and the work only
remained to be contaminated at WASH
ington in February by repetition on a
national scale OF the frauds committed in
New Orleans and elsewhere in November.
How do you think the letter will affect
the popular judgement of Hancock's
political abilities?
at will dispose forever of the pretense
that he is a mere soldier. II mandy PANTY
sort of man with no ideas concerning
politics and civil government. He has Hts
distinct views concerning public affairs N
any man know, and he gives expression
| to soioe of them in thus very letter with u
simplicity and directness that make his
presentation rs strong as any that was
made by any man of his views on these
subjects before Congress or the Electoral
Commission during the tendency of the
electoral dispute. Contrast his language
concerning the decision of tho South
Carolina Supreme Court with General
Grants answer to Senator Randolph, who
cited that decision to him and was bluntly
told by Grant that he cared nothing for
the decision of the Court indeed, Gen.
Hsncock's views of public duty form the
most decided contrast to those of Grant.
How can /, soldier, best sustain q
government of hw p always seemed to be
Hancock's inquiry. How can l, soldier,
best assert my m litary power, despite the
restraint of laws?' seemed to be the usual
thought with Grant"
"Whst do you think of his allusion to
the proper mode of settling the count OF
the electoral votes?"
Having given the constitutional ques
tions connected with the election of Presi
dent and Vice President and the contro
of the two houses of Congress over the
election much thought and study, must
freely confess that General Hancock has
emphasized in his letter the true meaning
of the Constitution in such way and will
such force as to give me new and stronger
light upon the subject. He presents witt
great clearness the idea of the separat,
deposits of power in the House OF Repre-
sentatives and in the Senate in the case o.
the inability of the two houses in Join
session to unite in declaration that
majority of the electoral votes have beef
delivered for any candidate. In that cas-,
the duty of choosing a President imms
diately devolyos on the House of Repre-
sentatives, voting by States, while tn,
duty of choosing Vice President devolve
on the Senate. This line OF separat,
action is continued in analogy by the sepa
rate power gwen the Senate alone to cleo
as President its own presiding officer in til,
event of the death of the President ant
Vice President la that election the Hous,
of Representatives has no voice."
"You think, then, that is the best par
of his letter?'
'"No, l will not say that. The colder
,out-noeo la tic letter, In liy juas uIent
are these: THE army should have moth
ing to do with the election or inaugura
tien of President The people cleo
the President The Congress- declare i,
Joint session who he is Our system
does not provide that one President SHOULD
inaugurate another; there might b.
danger in that and it was stuia usly LET
ont IF Tie charter.' Here is the keynot
of the difference between Hancock an,
Grantism. II Grant had held the doc,ri1
of Hancocks letter there never would hav
been an Electoral Commission or an,
need of one. 1t was the threat of Gran
that he would iuaugurata ~ President the
= a,,li dat. thn ha Il ,I.I ,.l.t /.
/ inaugurated, and that be would do it b.
force If necessary, which made it requi
site that an unusual device should b.
adopted to preserve the forms at least o
law in filling the Office and to prevent
storm in which our system of government
= would have been wrecked"
t Mr.. Bayard spoke freely of his recen
visit to General Hancock and said thai
? though he had often met the General be
4 fore, his recent conversation ha
impressed him more strongly than eve
with his knowledge and correct judgmen
of public affairs. "Anybody," he said
II who imagines that Hancock will Deepen
q on some one else for his ideas of civ
administration will have to surrender thu
v opinion on reading this admirable letter
y written out in Missouri where he had ne
II even the aid of a clerk. Furthermore,
. said the Senate, General Hancock has i
= this letter presented the great issue raise
u by the fraud of 1876 to the American DEF
10 pie with the force which really belongs |
If it and dive listed of all that may have tende
il to weaken or obscure it. 1t is Nm issue "
should never lose sight Of For OF
country cannot with safety endure rep
II tition of such grave wrongs as were su
Is cessfully perpetrated in 1877. Our PEI
In pie would either abandon all respect (,
, and interest in their elections or the
- would take up arms to make the
ie respectable"
ie MIR Bayard concluded the interview
D. follows: General Hancock's letter is
the highest sense State paper, thoue
IN not intended to be one. 1t is devo
L. of the formalities which attach to offici
"a communication, but il deals with mo
N difficult problem of constitutional powe
~ with wonderful clearness and force, III
S' man who shall hereafter deny to Hanco
It the need of having ably dealt, and in
III high spirit of patriotic craftsmanship, wi
I /; the most serious and difficult crises In o
r. recent history, will stultify himself III
letter puts an end to the cry of the me
soldier Mr.. Schurz will have to ma
IL his campaign speech over again, f
az Hanoock's letter has destroyed its point
or
The Highest Jump on Record.
~ Bells Life in London.
From Ireland we hear the startling ne
" that P. DAWN, at the Uarrick- on-S,
~ sports on Monday, July 8, succeeded
nj II