The sun., 1880-12-05

was, OF course, no question in the EATON
bill OF an abdicatlon OF functions on the part
OF the Federal Legislature, and no member
OF either House was to be debarred from
proposing measures diametrically counter
to tho suggestions Of the commission. II
was urged, however. by Mr.. EATON that the
intricate problems connected with the rails
ing OF revenue ought to be taken, 30 far rs
possible out of politics, and that something
like reference to jury OF experts might
prove OF great utility, II practicable
without O waiver OF legislative powers.
This is just what BISMARCK says: but the
council he would establish is very differ
ent thing from our proposed commission.
The new body will consist Of rs members.
As OF whom will be chosen by the Prussian
boards OF commerce and agriculture. The
remaining 80 will be appointed by the Gov
ernment; but the bill stipulatee, with .
refreshing air Of equity and liberality, that
Is Of these official nominees must be taken
from the working classes. What sort OF
workingmen would be selected by the Chan
cellor may be inferred from tho large pow
ers with which he means to endow them.
This council, indeed, well merits the two
fold name OF politico- economical, for 1t Is TO
have exclusive cognizance, In the first In
stance, OF all legislation governing the
trade with foreign countries. 1t is to frame
all future treaties OF commerce, and to fix
the duties leviable upon all imports not
affected by existing compacts. In Its prac-
tical workings. such board would exercise
complete control over the national Indus
tries and traffic, and would really amount
to supplemental Legislature, In whose
formation the people would have no voice
whatever. 1t is true that the Prussian Diet
will for the present have the right Of veto
on any OF its propositions, but this in the
absence OF tho power OF initiating measures,
would prove barren privilege.
This notion Of committing all affirmative
proceedings In economical legislation to an
extra-parliamentary body came from
protectionist source. BISMARCK, however,
knows little and cares nothing, as he has
often said. about protection or free trade.
except SO far as the countenance Of either
system may promise to relieve the financial
necessities of the hour. In his domestic
policy he has but single aim, and that Is
the better consolidation OF the empire; and
he has long been convinced that parliament
tary institutions are awkward and untrust-
worthy instruments to that end. He knows
that the concession OF universal suffrage
and a national legislature were needed to
| elicit the fervent popular support which
secured the aggrandizoment OF the house OF
Hohenzollern. But he thinks the hour OF
sacrifice is past, and he would like to take
back piecomeal what he gave In the
block. This is plain from his twice
insisting on the settlement OF the military
budget for some years in advance, a pro-
ceeding by which the Reichstag gave up
| that power over the purse which the Eng
lish Parliament has always deemed the vital
handspring and most sacred pledge OF its
| authority We need not remind the reader
that the English army would have to dis
band forthwith should the House Of Com
mons refuse or neglect to sanction the an
nual passage OF the so-called Mutiny bill.
| Such state OF things would be intolerable
to BISMARCK, who has, accordingly, twice
compelled, as we have seen. the Reichstag
| to abjure it's most important function. But
this assembly still retained much power OF
annoyance, as was proved by the disposi-
tion made last session OF the surplus
expected from the new fiscal laws; q
surplus which the Chancellor meant
| to quietly turn over to the imperial
treasury. Fortified by that experience in
his conviction that q popular Legislature Is
a marplot and a nuisance, he cast about for
some smooth pretext to cover fresh en-
| croachments on its field OF operations. In
the scheme Of an advisory board propounded
| by the protectionists, he saw the very handle
he desired. In letter written to q con-
spicuous advocate Of protection, he signfied
his approval Of the main principle sug-
gested by which he meant, no doubt, that
the details OF the planning might need q
little elaboration to meet the Chancsllor's
own purposes. Those arrangements have
| now been made, and the Prussian Diet is in
yited to surrender large part of it's powers
bearing ON an important class of subjects, in
| favor, not Of a committee Of its own men,
bers or OF body amenable to the popular
control, but OF a board sure to truckle to the
will of the executive; sort OF commercial
Star Chamber.
When the first step has been taken, it
should not be difficult for such strategist
as BISMARCK to enlarge the powers Of this
anomalous council on one pretence or an
other until he and his deputies find them
selves materially relieved in the matter OF
attendance on the sessions OF the Diet. This
new infringement OF their rights having
been borne with meekness by the Prussian
Legislature, it will then be in order to urge
its application to the imperial Parliament.
Perhaps the Reichstag will consent; and
having thus SUCCESSFULLY surrendered its
power over the army and its power over the
tariff 1t may scarcely deem 1t worth while
to make q stand for anything. BY and by
the people will discover the actual state OF
things, and will begin to question whether
parliamentary institutions as they exist in
Germany are, after all, worth keeping. The
moment they incline to answer that ques-
tion in the negative, 1t may be surmised that
BISMARCK will take them at their word.
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