The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1880-02-07

the States, rather than the people, con-
stitute the national government.
The electoral colleges no longer serve a
usual purpose. Their members have no
free choice. as the constitution intended
they should have. but are the mere in-
struments to express the will of the con-
stitucncies electing them, and often serve
to balk the purpose of majority of the
whole people of the country. An arts
tocracy of electors like that which chose
the old German emperors has no place in
our Republican system, and the choice
of a President by thirty-eight separate
bodies of electors, not man of whom
has any real freedom of choice, is
grotesque absurdity. The people are as
competent to vote for their Presidents as
for their State governors, and the will
demand the privilege before long.
We may expect, too, that system of
legislation for the control of railways will
be adopted at no distant day, which will
afford protection to the capital invested
in railway stocks and bonds, and to the
lives of passengers, and will guarantee
shippers against eXtortionatc rates and
sudden and arbitrary changes of tariffs.
Ample warrant for such legislation can
be found in the clause OF the constitution
which empowers Congress to regulate
commerce between the States.
a national marriage and divorce law is
already demanded by public opinion
The conflicting laws of the States relat-
ing to this subject often work cruel
wrong to individuals. and tend to weaken
respect for the foundation institution of
modern society. When an honest couple
are sent to the penitentiary in Virginia
because of a marriage that was perfectly
legal under the statutes of the District
of Columbia, where it was contracted,
and a citizen of Indiana goes to Jail for
bigamy because that State refuses to rec
ognize the validity of a divorce obtained
by him i'll another State the absurdity
of the present system is glaringly ap-
parent.
a national quarantine system is al
ready in a fair way of being established.
Our national currency system has with
stood the assaults of demagosues for
more than decade, and has now passed
all serious danger of destruction. The
right Of the national government to i'm
prove rivers and harbors, and construct
canals and railways, was long denied,
but is now recognized by all political
parties. We may expect a more liberal
and intelligent exercise of this power in
the future. Among other results which
the centralizing tendency will probably
produce, we may. think, forsee the fol-
lowing: an increase in the strength Of
the army and navy; the lengthening of
the Presidential term to six OF seven
years; the granting of larger powers to
! the federal courts; to enable them to pro-
tect the rights Of citizenship; the estab
lishment of a postal telegraph system;
| the introduction of the metric system of
weights and measures; the anne xation of
Canada; the conquest of Mexico, follow
ed by protectorate; government aid for
an inter-oceanic canal, and for railroad
from the Rio Grande to the Isthmus of
Darien: an intelligent and vigorous pol
icy for extending our foreign commerce,
building up our commercial marine, and
| opening markets for our manufactures.
Authority will be found for many of
these measures in the constitution as it
now is. That instrument admits of very
expansive interpretations In framing it
our fathers wisely made it elastic enough
| to be stretched to meet the needs of the
powerful nation which they foresaw
would grow out of the thirteen feeble
colonies. When its capacity for liberal
application is exhausted it will he amend
ed, and finally it will, in all probability,
be subjected to thorough revision at
the hands of national convention.
Will not this crowdinS Of the State
governments into narrower fields of ac-
ton, and this enlargement of the powers
of the national government. weaken and
in the end destroy republican institu-
tons? Not necessarily. The demand
for stronger central governments car
ries with it no disposition to surrender
individual rights. The citizen believes
that the central power is more eilectual
agency to protect his rights and work
out beneficial results to him than the
State can possibly be. He does not relin-
quish the principle that government
should be for the sake of the governed.
Never was republicanism stronger i'll the
world than to-day. 1t would be folly to
suppose that while Europe is weakening
the authority of its sovereigns, or getting
rid of them altogether. America is going
to set up Cesar. The cry of imperial
ism will no doubt be raised again and
again by the party out of power in its
denunciation of the measures of its sue
cessful rival: but unless the whole course
of human thought should be sharply al
tered there will be no real danger of an
invasion of popular rights by the central
authority. Respect for Office and dignity
is not increasing. Indeed. it would be
well if there were more of it. There
was far more aristocracy of birth i'll this
country hundred years ago than now.
AS for our new aristocracy of wealth, it
inspires no personal respect, and seldom
succeeds in obtaining important public
trusts The great majority Of the vot-
ing population will always be composed
of men of small means or no means, and
the national governments will be their
servant. and not the tool of great capt.
talists and corporations. Universal suf-
frage may work much mischief before
universal education leavenS it with judg-
ment. but it will not enslave itself No
tyrant will be raised upon its shoulders.
The strong government towards which
we are steadily tending, we may feel as
sured will be "a government of the
people. by the people, and for the people.
SHORT LETTER TO THE COMING
GIRL.
F.iO,n the Lancaster (Pd.) Ne,r Era.