New-York tribune., 1880-01-16
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
IATON's CIVIL SERVICE.


pp. 100 Harper & Brothers
Mr. Dorman Eaton was commissioned by the
President OF the United States in the Summer OF
1877 to investigate and make report TO him con-
rerning the action of the English Government III re-
latiOn TO its Civil Service and the effects OF such
action since 1850 lie accepted the important trust
aevotmg himself wita characteristic assiduty to Its
accomplishment, and the fruits of his researches
and labors for several months presented in this
instructive volume.
In pursuing his inquiries Mr. Eaton has been I'M
pressed with the evidences of political progress and
development which are more or less visible at eV-
erv period OF English history Il cannot hc doubted
that there has been certain evolution from mar
rover 10 broader wisdom from Ignorance TO utcih-
sence from lower to higher rpubiemorallty, from
the lawlessness of official caprice to the stefnness
Of official responsibility. For long period the
three great departments of government, legislative
executive and judicial did not exist Inc KING was
everything Ofcourse there was limitation of
power in favor of Justice or humanity, Hbertv OF
conscience The influence Of the Government
was prostltuted to base purposes. The earnings Of
the people were extorted from their owners VINO
were held down in poverty and Ignorance, IN order
TO I'll the treasures Of the king, and to minister 10
the Injuries Of the mobiles The reigns of the Plan
tagenets and the TudOrs were the pamy days of the
spoils-systcms of Office The spirit of feudal subor
dlnaticn and dependence by which ali the public
Offices and places and nearly ali the land OF the
kingdom were subject to the royal supremacy
everywhere prevailed. From tie time Of tho Nor
man Conquest to the Commonwealth there was no
essential change in the tenure OF Office. Iubhc
places. as n rnle if not wantonly bestowed for the
ratification of pride aud ambition, or sold for
money, were used 10 strengthen the power OF
the Crown the mobiles. the Church, and the IA
yorites of the Court. Not merely Offices and places
but salaries without duties, charters, and grants
and moropolics exemption from taxation, and from
services by land and sea- were publicly sold or eX-
ohqngcd in the same venal spirit. The common
people were virtually unTepresented st the nnSh
period of the spOs-system; their condition was
little above slavery: and power was SO concentrated
in the ruling class that public opinion could have
placed but a slight check on the abuse of official
authority. Tic indifference 10 reform, and the
torpid rate of its movement prior to the accession
of Cromwell are briefly touched upon by the author,
as follows
Pnblic opinion, however. acquired greatcrpowcT; ;
officials were taught q wholesome lesson OF caution
and forbearance; and all the lower grades of So
cctv raised in the same degree that leuoaiSln
and dc>pOtisn lost their strength and their tefors
Bnt however mitigtcd, the spoils system i'seH sur
yivei # was never really much broken in upon
sibie To remove that system without removing much
Of the very framework of the old British constita-
ernment upon which II reposed.
The insuited and plaged mere hants. artisans ana
tenants of those times could see clearly enough that
royal purveyors and revenue collectors. VINO bougnt
their offices for q round sum OF money-that SherIS
and hailifs who We're the tools If not the stewards
of the great lords Of the country pledged 10 make
their own salary and fill their masters treasury
from the profits of their offices-that beadies and
priors who brought home to the family treside the
arbitrary power and exacting demands of the
church-were generally men without any sense OF
honor or justice to which they could appeal BUT
70 bn
power belonging TO those officials. or much TO con-
sider ultimate IN pOlitIcs-they naturally
thought that such rlyll seIVicelaw as nave cI'eu
requiring that only men of " desert should he ap;
pointed and that professO Onal ofiice-seekcTs should
be disqualified. would of its own virtue give ad-
equate relief. They did not inquire what power
there was to enforce such law.
find no evidence that the authors of the reform
statute of Richard H. had any conception of the en-
tire repuCnance of Its principles TO the theory ana
organization of the GOvernment TO which they nad
sworn aleEiauce Much less did they forcsce THAT
such principles could be carried INTO practice only
after centuries of conflict had changed the base OF
power in the State-a struggle for authority ana
monopoly on one side, and liberty and justice on the
other-to he marked by blood and inartyrdom, by
conflicts between Crown and Parliament, and be-
tween Parliament and the peope'-dnrlng all winch
liberty was to increase and education to be eK-
tended until when the people should hnally win
the battle, they would stand. II nomlnaly under
the old monarchy OF orders and privileges Vet III re-
ahty with some thing near the political equality Ol
republic, and with almost every night aud protec-
tiOn winch republican freeman could expect
We ought not to indge very severely the FAILURES Oh
the of the fourteenth century In cur own times
we find many who fail to that the parts OF the
spoils system which we have revived are u thelr
very nature hostile TO the whole spint OF HheTty,
Justice and equality in which our government is
founded They hardly take notice that the systcm
is as destructive to public morality ana economy as
IT is injurious to the great cause OF education ana 10
the sautary activity of political parties. Nor are
the numbers still small among us who do not seem
to comprehend much better than The subjects OF
Richard H., that no such statute can be made tuec-
tive except when reinforced by system OF cX-
cutive regulations providing proper tests OF htness,
upon compliance with winch persons o. neilt may
secure the opportunity Of appointment independent
Of mere official or partisan favoTltlshi.
In the reign of Henry VIII even the Crown itself
was treated rs q mere personal perquisite of the
King which he authorized TO dispose OF by hls
last will aud testament. During the succeeding
reigns, men seemed to have quite lost sight of the
principles of civil liberty and official morality under
theexcitemcnt produced by questions of cccesasti-
cal REFORM The position of Cromwell is tersely de-
ecribed in the following paragraph
Cromwell gave the first blow to the despOtic
spOIls system which was heavy enough 10 break IN
It's framework. He was no mere administrative
refoTmer, but Il mighty lmpe ISpDatl0H or new
spirit in religion and politics. Oi better methods IN
government and of grander conceptions OF The duties
and RESPONSIBILITIES both of rulers and citizens. 1t
WAS principles AMI ideas-a we l-dehned creed III
religion and large views IN politics-and not class
interests traditional favorltlsm, that were 20
bear sway while he lived. There were neither party
platforms parties IN the modern sense but Tex
ceptiug few gathered separately there were two
great hostile bodies IN the statethe ono standing
together for the divine right of kings. for rank,
privilege. and the old spOils sysom generally, and
The other for Cromwell and the principles and spirit
of the great revolution of which he was the leader
Cromwell and his lelOw-0iceTs recognized them
selves as representing at least that portion of the
people who believed as they did ; ana hence they
regarded themselves as responsible to them for
economy and efficiency IN administration. This
placed them much i'll the attitude OF party leaders;
having imposed upon them the obligation Of justify
ing their use of official authority to so many CT the
people as constt tute the ruling majority. ms sort
of Responsibility directly at least to great portion
10 Ilnnnl nLN Otlicd al