The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1880-06-12
TIMELY TOPICS.
THE POLITICAL ATTITUDE OF THE
SOUTH.

the surrender at AppomattoX; it is twelve
years since the country affirmed the va
lidity and justice of the settlements of the
war by the election of General Grant by
an overwhelming majority in 1868. And
| yet the issue OF the present campaign is
practically one that connects itself d-
rectly with the war. 1t is whether the
people who rebellcd against the United
States Government shall obtain full pos
session of that government, and thus cs-
cape the political consequences of their
rebellion. | am aware that this state
ment will have an cXtravagant sound to
conflicts of the past from which they
think we ought to have advanced by this
time to higher levels of craftsmanship:
but the facts warrant it. The South con-
tinucs to be separate political entity,
and is not mere geographical term, like
the East or the West. The highest idea
of patriotism entertained by Southern
politicians is loyalty to their section.
When they speak of the interests or
wishes of ''our people," they always
mean the people of the South. They
conceive of the nation as a sort of dual
affair, like the monarchy of Austria Hun
gary, and look at a national election as a
contest to settle whether the North or
the South shall rule. Holding such views,
it is natural that their policy should be
to keep their own section riveted together
by the bolts of old war memories, States
rights theories, and local pride and preiu-
dice, while seeking at the same time to
divide the North. This idea has been
the key to Southern politics ever since
reconstruction. The weaker section can
hope to triumph only by its own solidity
and by the division of the stronger
Therefore it is that as we get further
away from the reconstruction period the
South grows more and more solid from
year to year. It's leaders have blown the
bellows of sectional feeling and ham,
mered on the hot iron until at last they
have got it welded into a compact mass
In 1868, the Republicans elected ma
.ority of the members of Congress from
the Southern States: i'll 1870, the Demo-
Gratis gained heavily upon them: i'll 1872,
their numbers We're further reduced; in
1874, the Democrats predominated i'll the
ratio of nearly three to one; i'll 1876, the
Republican representation was again cut
down: and in 1878, when the present
Congress was chosen, but three Republi-
cans were returned from the States that
went into the rebellion, and but four from
all the old slave-holding States. With
the exception Of two GrccnbackerS, one
independent Democrat, and two so-called
greenback Democrats all the rest of the
Southern members belong to the regular
Democratic party. The Republicans have
two members of the Senate, Mr. Kellogg,
of Louisiana, and Mr.. Bruce, of Missis-
sippi; but Mr.. Bruce will be replaced by
Il Democrat when his term expires next
year, and Mr.. Kellogg will probably be
voted out before the end of this session.
There is no prospect that the new House.
to be chosen this year, and to begin its
official life in 1881, will contain a single
Southern Republican, and the only chance
for Republican vote in the Senate from
beyond Mason's and Dixon's line lies in
the possibility that the Democrats will
refrain from laying violent hands upon
Mr.. kellogg's seat. All opposition to the
party which represents the ideas of the
rebellion has thus been steadily and sure
ly extinguished i'll the South, until the
States which seeded, and the border
States which wanted to sec, de, but did
not dare, are prepared to give solid vote
next November for the Democratic nomi-
nee for President.
In 4 country having 4 strong central
lied government, the unity of group Of
States or provinces in hostility to the
laws and constitution of the country, or
even to the settled policy of administra-
ton, would be regarded as dangerous
thing. 1t is doubly dangerous in coul-
try like ours, possessing a federative form
of government, and bcsct with many I'M
determined questions as to the extent and
location Of power. The attitude of the
South is therefore one which demands
serious thought. 1t is not accidental: it
is not transitory: it is not destitute of
motive. Its causes lie deeply imbedded
| in Southern sentiment, prejudice, and
ambition. To trace them out and en-
deavor to eradicate them is work worthy
of the highest order of craftsmanship.
From Southern men themselves it is not
easy to get plausible reason for their
persistent adherence to 4 single party.
They often say, 1--WE are solid in our see
ton because you are trying to rule us by
means of solid North" This is not
true. Nobody wants Il solid North in
the sense that the South is solid No
body proposes to make it unpatriotic and
immoral for Il man to belong to an oppo-
sition party. The North never was solid.
Even in the midst of the war, the party
sympathizing with the South elected
| large number of members of Congress in
the Northern States. IF you will break
up, we will is Il common Southern say
ing. But we are broken up in fact, we
have never been united. In 1874 we went
to pieces to such an extent that the Demo
Gratis carried oar old strongholds of Mas
sachusettS, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. Did
the South divide when those Republican
States sent troop of Democratic men,
bcrs up to Congress? Not at all: ON the
contrary, the Southern leaders went to
work with fresh zeal to exterminate what
little was left OF the Republican party in
their section. Take away your soldiers
and give us home rule" they told us in
1876, land we will give all parties Il fair
show President Grant had been tax
ing away tie salIiiers during his second
term, and President Hayes finished the
work. What happened then: 1T the
next congressional election the Repuhli-
cans were permitted to elect ono repre-
sentative in Virginia, one in North Caro-
lima. and one i'll the mountains of East
Tennessee, and that was all In districts
like the Georgetown, Charleston, and
Beaufort districts of South Carolina, the
Mississippi coast districts of Louisiana,