The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1880-10-07
Tic Candidate of Hatred and Revenge,

1t suits MT. Garheld 10 put on Occa
sionally the grab of wisdom and moder
alton, but at heart he hates the Soutl
has no use for Southerners, and believe
with his whole mind and strength in boil
the infallibilty and the inlpeccabiity
of Stalwart Republicanism. There il
no denying the fact that in his place in
Congress Mr.. Garfield declared that "the
man who attempts to get up political
excitement in this country on the old
sectional issue will find himself without
q party and without support" And it is
equally true that in his speech at Toledo
he asseveratcd that his "hand shall never
grasp any Rebels hand, across any chasm
however small" until that "Rebel," that
citizen of the United States, with every
right and privilege that Mr.. Garfield lays
claim to, should admit that the cause for
which he fought was "the cause of
treachery and wrong" Nay before the
present canvass was sixty days old, Mr..
Garfield, in the words of the New York
Herald, committed himself to that mis-.
chievous sectional appeal which has
since been madeby the organs and speak.
ers of the party, and Shich was put in its
EXTREMIST form the other day in the
speech Of Mr. Conkling." Gen. Grant
is an Angel of peace in comparison
with Mr.. Garfield, and is not double
dealer.
From the very first Mr.. Garfield has
been as bitter and as vindictive as an
Ashantee in his demeanor towards the
South. In discussing the Confs.
cation Act, Mr.. Garfield took the
ground that the Confederates We're in the
same category with the Tories of the
Revolution that their lands and per-
sonal estates ought to be coniscated and
parcelled out among the Federal soldiers.
These were bis words:
"Con6scate their estates, both personal
and real for life and forever. The war
began by proclamation, and it must end
by proclamation. We can hold the insur.
gent States in military subsection for half a
century if need be. Iacant to see IN all those
States the men acho fought and suffered for
the truth tling the field, on aohich they
pitched their tents."
The implacability of the man was
again exhibited in the debate on the
Reconstruction measures, when he said:
"If the gentlemen who report this bill
will put in section, that all who partic.
ipated in the rebellion shall be FOREVER
excluded from the right of elective fran
chise, then l will say the proposition will
bejust, and one we can stand upon as a
matter of principle. Anything is just
which excludes from privilege and power
ALL, those Infamous men who partici-
pated in rebellion"
Subsequently, the same bill being
before the House, Mr.. Garfield asked
that the previous question be voted down,
that he might move the following amend
ment:
"Allpersons who voluntarily adhered to
the late insurrection, giving aid and COM
fort to the so-called Southern Confedera-
cy, are FOREVER excluded from holding
any Office of trust or profit under the Gov
ernment of the United States"
And in debating bill "to provide for
the more effectual government of the
insurrectionary States" he displays ma.
lignity worthy Nero or o Marat. The
war had long been over, and the Confed-
crates had submitted in good faith to
Federal authority. Yet he made these
cold-blooded declarations on the floor of
the House:
"It is clearly the right of the victorious
government to 1NDIcT, TRY, CONVICT
AND HANG EVERY REBEL IN THE SOUTH
for the bloody conspiracy against the
Republic. X I believe, sir, the
time has come when we must lay the
heavy hand of military authority upon
these rebel communities and hold them
in its grasp. = \
~ give my support to this military bill.
IT is SEVERE. 1T WAS WRITTEN WITH
A STEEL PEN MADE OUT OF A BAYoNET,
and bayonets have done us good service
hitherto. ALL ASK IS THAT CONGRESS
SHALL PLACE CIVIL GOVERNMENT BE-
FORE THESE PEOPLE OF THE REBEL
STATES AND A GORDON OF BAYONETs
BEHIND THEM"
On the 18th of February, 1876, nearly
two years after the close cf the war, the
same bill being under discussion, Mr..
Garfield made another exhibition of his
malignity towards the people of the
South. Speaking in "a tone of exultation
and with smile of triumph, like cow
ardly despot with his iron heel upon the
neck of his victim, this advocate of I'm
perialism uttered the following language:
MR.. SPEAKER: This bill starts out
by laying hands on the rebel governments
and taking the very breath Of life out of
them. In the next place it puts the
| he, pof Of tho hrooof nf rohoI N
the South. In the next place
it leaves in the hands of Con-
gress utterly and absolutely the work of
reconstruction. Gentlemen here, when
they have the power of a thunderbolt in
their hands, are afraid of themselves, and
stagger like infants under the weight of a
power they know not how to use. If |
were afraid of myself, I would declaim
against this bill, and I would do it just
rs distinguished gentlemen around me
(meaning his timid Republican associ-
ates) have done, and do declaim against
it. They have spoken vehemently-they
have spoken sepulchrally y-ag againstit, but
they have not done us the favor to quote
line or the proof of single word from
the bill itself that it does any of the hor-
rible things they tell us of. They tell us
it is UNIVERSAL AMNESTY, AND THERE
IS NOT A LINE IN THE BILL THAT WILL
MAINTAIN TIE CHARGE"
Is not this enough to show what man.
ner of man Mr.. Garfield is, and what the
Southern people have to expect, ifhe shall
be elected! There is no pretence that he
will do aught to bring about an era of
good feeling. Into the arms of Conkling,
who hates the South as the devil hates
whatever is pure and good, Mr.. Garfield
has thrown himself. Read what he has
said. Ponder his threats. Consider the
condition in which the South would now
be, if he had succeeded in his designs. Is
there any man in South Carolina, capa-
BILE ofrighteous indignation and conscious
of his loyalty to the Government, who
can see and know these things, and re-
main listless or indifferent? The South