Mineral Point tribune. (Mineral Point, Wis.) 1869-1938, 1880-09-09
Garfield on National Strength-Hls
Repiy to Macaulay's Prediction.

Mr.. Chairman, | sm profound,
might say a devout, believer In the Ameri-
can idea, that the consent OF the governed
is the only true source of national author-
ty, aud is the safest sud tirmest founua
ton on which 10 build a government,
This is the fundamental axiom of our
political faith To question il is moral
treason. To deny 1t is political atheism
But we must not forget that a majority,
perhaps large majority, Of the thinkers
and writers OF Europe declare that our
axiom Is no axiom, but is a deluslon, a
fatal mistake.
In view of this fact | wish 20 turn for a
moment to wider and more serious con-
siderstion of question closely connected
with the topic | am discussing ques
ton which has painfully forced itself upon
my mind during the last twelve months
| refer to letter written by the late Lord
Mscaulsy, which probably contains the
most powerful Indictment against the
Democratic principle. | Will not read the
e ter in iull, but Will state in brief its sub.
stance.
When the lie of Thomas Jefferson was
written by S. S Randall, distinguished
cIt'z-n OF New York, a copy was seat 10
the British historian. Mscaulay answer.
ed, thanking the au hor tor the volumes
but remarked That he had no admiration
for Jefferson. The American expressed
his surprise, aud desired 10 know the
reasons Thereupon Macaulay, on the
3lst OF May, 1857, just twenty-one years
ago, wrote this letter, III which he gave
his reasons tor not believing that Thomas
Jefferson was benefactor OF his country
or OF mankind. His reasons were these:
AT a. ~, \ a a :.
possible TO establish institutions that will
be permanent based on the votes of peo-
pie counted by the head. That proceeds
upon the supposition that the rich and
the poor, the wise aud the Ignorant, the
vlrtuous and the vicious are all counted
as equal, snd endowed with equal po-
Utica power. That" said he, lis the
fatal vice of the institutions that Jetfer.
son founded. Now, your country will
prosper 80 long As you have great spaces
of unoccupled land, q great West for
your surplus population; but the time
Will come in your history when New
England Will he as thlc&ly populated as
Old England when there will be
no more fertile, unoccupied lands
tor your expanding population.
Then will come the strain aud
test of your institutions. There
will be periods of scarcity and distress.
Thousands OF laborers Will be out OF
work, and men will begin to say there Ia
no justice IA allowing one man to have
million while another has not meal no
justice IN letting oae man ride in his car
rage and dine sumptuOusly while another
hears his children cry Tor bread. And
when that hour comes your Government
will be brought to its final and fatal test
Then a disconnected, hopeless, starving
majority will elect the Governors VI your
States, the members OF your Legislatures,
aud your President; and then, | fear, II
not IN this century, certainly IN the next,
your country Will be as fearfully ravaged
ss was the Roman Empire by the Huns
and Vandals OF the fifth century,-only
with this difference: your Huns and Van
dals Will have been engendered by your
own institutions. Your Constitution he
says, sis al sail and no anchor. There Is
nothing 10 stay you. | wish you might
nave better fate, but my wishes and my
reasons are at war And therefore, believ.
ing your fate is certain, | cannot congrat-
ulate you upon Thomas Jefferson and the
doctrines he taught"
Such, in substance, is the indictment
and prophecy which America must an
swer. With my whole soul, repel the
indictment. Every instinct and convic-
ton OF my life denOunces the prophecy as
false. But Whist thoughtful man in all
our land who had read that letter did not
remember ii last summer, when ten mil
lions of Americans trem bled In the bal.
ance OF uncertainty for days, not know
ing whether the torch and blood would
mark the pathway OF anarchy across our
continent, or order and peace would rule
What man, say, reflected upon The events
of that terrible period without remem Der.
ing the prophecy of Macsulsy, and ask
ing himself whether the grounds OF his
faith in the stability OF his country were
established on sure foundations
| say again, | reject the doctrine of
Macsulsy. l endeavored five years ago,
IS best | might, to answer it. Perhaps II
was rash attempt; but based my an.
swer on two grounds: The first was, that
Macaulay took no account OF the tremen.
dous power OF our educational forces.
He did not know, he could not know, the
almost omnipotent power OF universal
education to enlighten and ennobe our
people, and fl them tor the liberties ana
duties OF American citizenship Ia this
rests our hope; and, while the light Of
our schools shines updimmed and un
clouded upon sll our children, We may
safely count upon centuries of liberty and
safety.
My second ground was this: That no
doubt he did know, and 1t is hardly DOS
sible tor any one reared under monarch
icsl institutions TO understand that here in
America there are no fixed and permanent
classes. la all srlstocrscIes society is
organized on the principle Of permanent