The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1880-08-04
nArAnD ON HANCOCK.
Hancock's Letter 80 sherman y Mode
Ut simplicity. Dircctness. anu
SsatesmAnltke Force OF
Character.
.rns uxregNEpTATED VIEWS or PATRIOT
AND SOLDIER" SHOW IN HIN THE STUFF
OF LAw-ABIDiNG RULER.
rs,,eeial dispaieh 10 lhe world.I

sherman. . ,
The correspondent found the Senator $
well pleased with the letter that despite hi
chronlc objection TO the interview as me
thod OF elicitiug the opinions OF puDu'
men he talked freely about the matter. Mr.
Bsyard said that The first thing TO be notet
in the letter was the quiet and uncoasciou'
force OF character displayed IN II. LET
ters," he said. "written with an object are
like all prcarranged affairs open TO the sus
picion that some things are deliberately
suppressed and other things made undul>
emphatic. This letter exhibits Hancock, tht
patriot and soldier, writing out his unpre
medi,ated views upon grave poIitica
crisis. The letter was called out by re-
peated letters from his military superior
He did not originate the correspondence
as fbe opening sentences snow 10 ap'
precatc its full force and meaning you mus'
have seen and known as / did what was
then going on in Washington and at the
War Department. Troops even then, under
Cameron's inspiration and with president
Grants approval, were being moved to-
wards Washington. The army had over
thrown already the Louisiana election, for
Wells and Anderson and their NEGRO COZ
leagues would not have dared to- peryert the
returns unless they had been backed ana
protected by the military arm OF the Uni'eo
States Government. Florida and South
Carolina had suffered the same fate, and the
work only remained 10 be consummated at
Washington In February by repetition on
q national scale OF the frauds committed IN
New Orleans and elsewhere in November"
"How DO you think the letter VIII affect
the popular judgment Of Hancock's pollti-
cal ablli,ieSi"
at will dispose forever OF the pretence
that he is q mere soldier, 'namey-pamby
sort of a man with no ideas concerning pol
titles and civil government. lie has as dis
tinct views concerning public affairs as any
man | know, and be gives expression TO
some of them in this very letter With SIM
plicity aad drcctness that make his pre-
sentation as strong as any that was made
by any man Of his views on these
subjects before Congress or the Elec-
toral Commission during the tendency
of the electoral dispute. Contrast his Ian
guagc concerning the decision OF the South
Carolina Supreme Court with General
Grants answer TO Senator Randolph, who
cited that decision TO him, and was bluntly
told by Graut that he cared nothing for the
decision of the court. Indeed, General
Hancock's views Of public duty form the
most decided contrast to those OF Grant.
How can !, a soldier, best sustain gov
eminent OF law 2 always seemed to be Han
cocks inquiry. How can |, a soldier, best
assert my military power, despite the re-
straint of laws?' seemed to be the usual
thought with Grant"
"What do YOU think of his alluson to the
proper mode OF settling the count OF the
electoral yotcs?"
"Havpg given the constitutional ques-
tons connected with the election OF Presi-
dent and Nice-President and the control OF
the two houses of Congress over the election
much thought and study, | must freely con-
Tess that General Hancock has emphasized
in bis letter the true meaning OF the Cons'i-
tuition in such q way and with such force as
10 Give me new and stronger light upon the
subject. He presents with great clearness
the idea of the separate deposits OF power
in the House OF Representatives and in the
Senate in the case Of the inability OF the
Two houses IN joint session to unite in de-
cIaraton that a majority OF the electoral
votes have been delivered for any candidate.
I'm that case the duty OF choosing a Presi-
lent Immediately devolves on the House OF
Repres entatives, voting by States, while the
iuiy of choosing a Vice-President devolves
,n the Senate. This line of separate action
$ continued in analogy by the separate
power given The Senate alone 10 elect as
President its own presiding officer in the
went of the death Of the President and
Tee President. 10 that election the House
II Representatives has no voice."
You think. then, that is the best part OF
lis letter."
"No, | will not say that. The golden
sentences in the letter, in my judgment, are
hese: The army should have nothing to
10 with the election or inauguration Of
The people elect the Presi-
ient.' THE Congress declares in Il joint
ession who lie is.' 'Our system does not
provide that one President should inaugr-
ate another: there might he danger in
hat, and il was Studi0uSly left out Of the
,aorter.' Here is The keynote OF the differ
nee between Hancock and Grantism. IL
Grant had held the doctrine Of Hancock let
er there never would have been an Electo-
al Commission or any need for one. 1t was
he threat of Grant that he would inaugu-
'ate as President the candidate who he
decided ought to be inaugurated, and that
be would do 1t by force, il necessary,
" hich made it requisite that an unusual de-
vice should be adopted to preserve the
forms at least OF law in filing the office.
and TO prevent storm in which our system
Of government would have been wrecked"
Mr. Bayard spoke freely OF his recent
visit TO General Hancock, and said that
though he had often met the General before,
his recent conversation had impressed him
more strongly than ever with his knowledge
md correct judgment OF public affairs.
"Any body" he said, "who imagines that
Hancock will depend on some one else for
bis ideas of civil administration will have
10 surrender that opinion on reading this
admirable letter, written out in Mis-
souri,, where he had not even the aid
Of clerk. Furthermore" said the
Senator, General Hancock has in
this letter presented the great issue raised
by the fraud OF 1876 to the American peo-
pie with the force which really belongs TO
II, and Invested Of all that may have tended
TO weaken or obscure it. 1t is an issue we
should never lose sight OF; for our country
cannot with safety endure repetition of
such grave wrongs as were successfully
perpetraled iu 1877. Our people would
either abandon all respect for and interest
In their elections, or theylwouId take up
arms to make them respectable"
Mr.. Bayard concluded the interview as
follows: "General Hancock's letter is in
he highest sense State paper. though not
Intended to be QUE. II is devoid OF the for
nalities which attach to official communica-
ions, but it deals with most difficult pro-
olem OF constitutional powers with wonder
ul cearness and force. The man who shall
hereafter deny to Hancock the need OF
having ably dealt, and in high spirit OF pa
.riotic craftsmanship, with the most serious
md difficult crisis in our recent history,
Will stultify himself. This letter puts an
md 10 the cry OF the 'mere soldier Mr..