The Valley Virginian. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1865-1895, 1880-01-15
Manhood Suffrage.

MANHOOD Suffrage.
We have presented in our last impress
sion, in running way, by statement of
facts which we think should satisfy rea-
sonable man, that on persons, and persons
alone, the suffrage basis should rest, as a
matter OF right and justice and intelligent
optimism in connection with the security
Of government and the social structure.
There can hardly be any other wise plan
where the government is made for the peo-
pie and by the people. In a depotic gov
eminent the people belong to the govern
meLt, and, as in Russia, one man wields
almost unlimited power, and any advan-
tages of life politically enjoyed by the
common people," is the result of conces-
sions or grants by the Gear. In monarch
les and missionaries the same principle, to
limited extent, prevails. But in Demo-
cratic government the rule is different.
The Government instead of owning the
people belongs to the people. Not to some
people, or one man, for then we would get
back to the Despotic or Aristocratic power,
but to all. The Declaration of Indepen-
dence and the Bill Of Rights OF Virginia
submit the matter fairly. GAN men are
free and equal" without restriction or
riders or money of land, equal as part OF
the government, and as rulers of the gov
eminent, in accordance with the laws, where
the representative constitutional form of
Democratic government exists-with the
conditions of that Constitution. And in
the making of that Constitution, where all
men are free and equal in partieipancy, it
would be an egregious absurdity, except
where the strong arm of or iminal law
withdrawsa citizen from society and its
advantages, to say that only some men
snould have the electoral franchise in the
ratio Of their luck in accommodating or inher-
iting wealth-the wealth not proving, as
in our last issue we have shown, that the
man possessing it isin any way better than
he who has not 81.
All governments must be practically ar
istocratic where any facts extraneous to
the citizen, as man, bestow privileges on
those possessing them.
We remember the ante bellum condition
when the colored man was ir slavery, that
he was excluded from the manhood suf-
frage, as conclusion, and we remember
the violent and excited controversy which
arose out of this, as to the basis of repre-
sentation of sections, and the power Of
each. Now, the colored man is not a
slave, but in the Constitution and amend
1ents to the United States Constitution, a
colored man before the law is equal with
the white, and there can of course be no
direct assault on his equal privilege to
vote.
Those who had this objection should
have made it before the adoption of the
Constitution, and where they did,an the
people affirmed the Constitution, tits their
duty as citizens to sustain it. 1t is urged
by some that the negro is not competent
to exercise the electoral franchise, and the
capitation restriction is relied on to pre-
vent him from casting ballot, when his
poverty is such that he cannot pay, OR
his sagacity not sufficient to steal or hide,
but the white man Is deprived as well by
this law, and there could be no flaw dis
eliminating to the advantage of the white
or black on this question.
A very important question for the con-
sideration Of Legislatures, and the people,
too, is a certain condit ion which was made
by the Congress admitting Virginia to
representation in Congress as State, on
the 2eth of January, 1870. That condition
reads: "First, that the Constitution OF Vir-
ginia sha-, Lever be so amended or changed
as to deprive any citizen or class OF cit
liens of the United States, of the right to
vote, who are entitled to vote By the Con-
stitution herein recognized, except as a
onies by common law" SC.
Now, it may be that this condition did
not, in strict construction, debar the Leg
islature from making prepayment of taxes
necessity for voting, or even if it did,
that there is any power which can pre-
vent an infraction Of the condition by the
State Government. Not so, however, In
reference probably to the moral right to
enforce it. Virginia was accepted with the
condition, and citizen had the right to
vote under the Constitution Of 1859 without
any restriction as to tax payment, In de-
termining what was the meaning Of this
Congressional condition, we must place our
selves back in 1869, with the circumstances
and excitements surrounding us that year.
Manhood suffrage was commended for per-
tinaciously by the Republicans, without
monetary restriction there were those
who would have caused the capitation re-
quirement at that time to be incorporated
into the Constitution, but the people over
whelmingly adopted the other conclusion.
The Congress of the United States was Re
publican at that date, and we must reason
ably presume their sympathies on this ques-
ton were with the Republican idea incor-
porated into the Constitution OF Virginia,
and it is probable that this condition was
made with the intent to hold suffrage UNI
limited as it then was. This view is fur
Their sustained by the exception in such
condition. 1t no exception had been made
It would have been just as much in the
power Of the Legislature, if the idea of the
condition was that any law Of restriction
could be made which applied to all citi-
Gems, to have provided for criminal ostra-
eism, as under the exception when incor-
porated with the condition. But the excep-
ton being made, indicates that the preced-
Ing clause meant to hold Virginia to the
unlimited suffrage as it existed in the Con-
stitution, to all intents and purposes, ex-
cept where the citizen had committed a
crime. II it was necessary to make an ex-
ception as to criminals, in order to curtail
the franchise, it would have been just as
necessary to make an exception as to nom