The Morristown gazette. [volume] (Morristown, Tenn.) 1867-1920, 1880-08-25
BAYARD ON HANCOCK.
HancOck's Letter to Sherman a
Model of Simplicity, Direct
ness and Statesmanlike
Force of Character.
THE Unpremeditated Views of
a Patriot and Soldier" Show
in Him the Stuff of a
LaW-Abiding Ruler.

III h1m Gno SGuH Oh q
LaW-Abiding Ruler.
A correspondent of the New York World recentl
called upon Senator Bayard, at his residence il
Wilmington, to ask his opinion OF General Han
cocks letter to Gen Sherman. The correspondent
found the Senator so well pleased with the lette
that despite his chronic objection to the interview
as method Of eliciting the opinions of public mel
he talked freely about the matter. Mr. BayarC
said that the first thing to be noted in the lette
was the quiet and unconscious force of character
displayed in it. 'Letters," he said, written witt
an object are like all prearranged affairs open tc
the suspicion that some things are deliberately
suppressed and other things made unduly emphat
ic. This letter exhibits Hancock the patriot and
soldier writing cut his unpremeditated views upon
a grave political crisis The letter called out
by repeated letters from his military superior, He
did not originate the correspondence, the open
ing sentences show. To appreciate its full force
and meaning you must have seen and known as
did what was then going in Washington and at
the War Department. Troops even then, under
Cameron's inspiration and with President Grants
approval, were being moved towards Washington.
The army had overthrown already the Louisiana
election, for Wells and Anderson and their negro
colleagues would not have dared to pervert the re-
turns unless they had been backed and protected
by the military of the United States Govern
ment. Florida and South Carolina had suffered
the same fate, and the work only remained to be
consummated at Washington in February by a
repetition a national scale of the frauds COM
mitted in New Orleans and elsewhere in Novem-
/ ber."
GLOW do you think the letter will affect the pop
ulsr judgment of Hancocks political abilities ?"
! "It will dispose forever of the pretense that he
is mere soldier, 'namby-pamby sort of man
with no ideas concerning politics and civil govern
ment. He has as distinct views concerning public
/ affairs any know, and he gives express
sion to some Of them in this very letter with sim
/ plicity and directness that make his presentation
/ as strong as any that was made by any man of his
! views on these subjects before Congress or the
Electoral Commission during the pendency of the
electoral dispute. Contrast his language concern
! ing the decision of the South Carolina Supreme
Court with General Grants answer to Senator
Randolph, who cited that decision to him and was
blunty told by Grant that he cared nothing for the
decision of the Court. Indeed, General Hancock's
views of public duty form the most decided con-
trast to those of Grant. 'How can I, soldier,
best sustain government of law {? always seemed
to be Hancock's inquiry. How can I, a soldier,
Of laws? seemed to be the usual thought with
Grant"
''What do you think of his allusion to the proper
mode of settling the count of the electoral votes ?"
''Having given the constitutional questions con-
nected with the election of President and Vice
President and the control of the two houses OF
Congress over the election much thought and study
1 must freely confess that General Hancock has
emphasized in his letter the true meaning Of the
Constitution in such way and with such force as
to give new and stronger light upon the sub
ect. He presents with great clearness the idea Of
the separate deposits Of power in the House of
Representatives and in the Senate in the case Of
the inability of the two houses in joint session to
unite in declaration that a majority of the cleo
toral votes have been delivered for any candidate
In that case the duty of choosing President i'm
mediately devoIves on the House of Representa-
tves voting by States, while the duty of choosing
Vice-President deyolves on the Senate. This line
of separate action is continued in analogy by the
separate power given the Senate alone to elect as
President its own presiding officer in the event Of
the death of the President ana Vice-President- In
that election the House of Representatives has no
voice"
"You think, then that is the best part of his let
ter?"
''No, will not say that. The golden sentences
in the letter. to my judgment, these: THE
army should have nothing to do with the election
or Inauguration Of President > The people elect
the President 'The Congress declares in a joint
session who he is 'Our system does not provide
that one President should inaugurate another;
there might be danger in that, and it sTUDI-
oUsLY LEFT OUT OF THE CHARTER Here is the
keynote of the difference between Hancock and
Grantism. If Grant had held the doctrine Of
Eancock's letter there never would have been an
Electoral Commission or any need for one, 1t was
the threat of Grant that he would inaugurate as
President the candidate who he decided ought to
be inaugurated, and that he would do it by force
If necessary, which made it requisite that an !,
usual device should be adopted to preserve the i
forms at least of law in filing the Office and to
prevent a storm in which our system of govern
ment would have been wrecked
Mr. Bayard spoke freely of his recent visit to
General Hancock and said that, though he had Of
ten met the General before his recent CONVERSE
ton had impressed him more strongly than ever
with his knowledge and correct Judgment of pub
lie affairs. anybody" he said, ''who imagines
that Hancock will depend on some one else for his
ideas of civil administration viii have to surren-
der that opinion on reading this admirable letter.
written out in Missouri where he had not even the
aid Of a clerk. Furthermore, j" said the Senator,
General Hancock has in this letter presented the
great issue raised by the fraud of 1876 to the
American people with the force which really be-
longs to it and divested of all that may have tend
ed to weaken or obscure it. It is an issue we
should never lose sight of. For our country can
not with safety endure repetition of such grave
wrongs as were successfully perpetrated in 1877.
Our people would either abandon all respect for
and interest in their elections they would take
up arms to make them respectable.
Mr.. Bayard concluded the interview as follows
General Hancock's letter is in the highest sense
State paper, though not intended to be one. It is
devoid of the formalities which attach to official
communications but it deals with a most difficult
problem of constitutional powers with wonderful
clearness and force. The man who shall hereafter
deny to Hancock the need of having ably dealt,
and in high spirit Of patriotic statesmanship.
with the most serious and difficult crisis in our
recent history, viii stultfy himself This letter
puts an end to the cry of the mere soldier. GTr.
Schurz will have to make his campaign speech
over again, for HancocA's letter has destroyed its
point "
Condolences.
About the time General Hancock
f,,,o1,t fbA hattie nf Cpttvsbrrp Genor-