Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1880-10-14

form is that the democracy intends so
far to reduce duties as to enable for
eigneTs to fill our markees with their
goods, and undersell American manufac-
turers. Such policy carried into prac-
tice would have the same results as did
the democratic tariff legislation of 1916.
it would close hundreds of manufac-
turing establishments, depOpulate many
prosperous towns and villages in the
New England and Middle States, and
throw thousands of mechanics and Ope-
ratives out of employment.
The existing tariff law is undoubtedly
faulty in many respects; it needs a
thorough, intelligent revision. or such
changes from year to year as will adapt
it to the new condition of trade and in
dustry but radical change based on
the entire abandonment of the protective
principle would be disastrous in its eff
fects on the busines interests of the en-
tire North. 1t would involve a loss of
millions of invested capital and read
justment of labor which could be efft ct
ed only at the cost of an immense
amount of suffering. Even the most
enthusiastic free-trade doctrinaire would
hesitate to infiict all this immediate loss
and misery upon the country for the
sake of the theoretical probability of fu-
ture benefits. He would at least consent
To make only few changes first, and
to study their effects before rushing on
to the full accomplishment of his ideas.
But the democratic party bluntly dis
poses of the whole question in five words,
and declares its purpose to strike down
the entire complex system of protective
duties at one blow.
We might dismiss the democratic tar
iff plank as mere political clap-trap, not
likely to be carried out in legislation,
were it not for the great power of the
South in the democratic party. That
party survived the war only because of
its expectation that the rebel States
would come to its support as soon as
they got back into the Union. and it now
exists as a national organization only
by the powerful alliance of that section.
Withdraw from it the electoral votes and
the congressional delegations of the old
slave States, and the party would not
survive two years in the North. Inas-
81, ho f,r icho
racy with its vitality, it is only natural
that Southern ideas should control its
policy. The South has always been hos
tile to the protective system. Its manu-
factures are inconsiderable, and the bulk
of its agricultural staples seeks foreign
markets. 4 free eXchhnge of these sta
pies for the cheap goods of EHrope is
regarded as advantages to Southern
interests. A tariff which enables North
ern shops and factories to control the
Southern markets has been strenuous
ly opposed ever since South CarOlina's |
attempt at notification in 1882. The |
Southern members shape the action of |
Congress by means of the democratic |
caucus, in which they largely preponder-
ate over the Northern democrats. Why |
should they hesitate now to do what was
done in 1916? The protective system
is peculiarly a republican institution.
Inherited in its main features from the |
old whig party, it has been extended and
strengthened during the twenty years
that the republican party has been in
power. For political as as well as mate
rial reasons the South would gladly de-
ctrov If Octohar tIaDtio