The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1879-06-05

Inc freSlQeQL LulQkS, anu dSIcC
with him, that it will be well for you to
give to the Associated Press his telegram
and mine to you, referring to affairs now
in the South. j. D. CAMERON,
Secretary of War;"
Of the vast open,jawed and cavernous.
bellied nature of this promise l have not
the heart or the time to discourse. l
shall content myself with initiating the
discretion of Mr.. Rodman, who, return
ing home one night full of tax-paid, and
fearing that his speech would betray him
to the many questions of his wife, for q
long while maintained an obstinate 81
lence, until at length, to end the matter,
he solemply remarked, "Mrs. Rodman,
you know l am man of few words, and
now am plumb done talking" That
subject Immediately became res adiudi-
cata. am done talking on this subject
so well calculated to make an American
citizen blush.
The arguments made by the opponents
of these bills, especially those of the
veto messages, strike me with good deal
of amazement. To illustrate their ab-
surdity, let us frame them into the SEM
blsnce of mathematical propositions,
thus:
Proposition First: TAeorem.-The
troops of the United States are two thou
sand miles away on the frontier and could
not be used to control elections if they
were wanted Senator from Maine.
The troops could not be so used if they
were here, as the law forbids it. 'Iprom-
ise not to use them.-The President.
Hence it is revolutionary and danger
GUS to liberty and the purity of elections
to pass this bill forbidding such use of
troops.-Q. E. D.
CoroHary frst.-The necessity for
troops at the polls to secure fair elections
is in proportion to the squares of the dis
tance of their present location, I. e., the
greater the distance the greatee the ne
cessity.
C5roHary second.-The necessity for
the presence of troops at the polls is also
in proportion to the legal inability to use
them if they were present, and IT the
President is determined not to use them
at all to control elections, then the neces-
sity becomes absolute.
C6roRary third.-The revolutionary
and dangerous character of law con-
sists in the fact that it is useless, there
being already in existence laws sufficient
to effect the purpose. e,
iSchokium In the above it is assumed
automatically that the terms "liberty"
and "purity of elections" are synony-
nous with the term Republican party"
prolonged laughter.
Proposition Second Theorem.-The
right of citizens of the United States to
vote shall not be denied or abridged by
the United States or by any State on ac-
count Of race, color or previous condition
of servitude.
Sec. 2. The Congress shall have power
to enforce this article by appropriate leg
islation. The fifteenth amendment
quoted by the President.
The Supreme Court in the. United
States against Cruikshank, and in Myers
us. Happersett, have declared that the
only right guaranteed by this amend
ment is the right that citizens shall not
be Disseminated against on account Of
race, color or previous condition of servi-
tude. Hence national legislation to
provide safeguards for free and honest
elections is necessary, as experience has
shown, not only to secure the right to
vote to the enfranchised race at the
South, but also to prevent fraudulent
voting in the large cities of the North"
The President.
CoroAary frst.-It follows that if John
Smith gets drunk at an election in North
Carolina and punches negro's head, he
Immediately, by Presidential logic, be-
comes the State of North Carolina en-
bodied in the flesh, and he, or it, dis
criminates against the said negro within
the meaning of the constitution, and the
guarantee is called for at once.
CoroAary second.-If it be white man
whose head is punched by the embodied
State-of.J John-Smith- North Carolina it is
a discrimination all the same, provided
the said white man was about to vote or
had voted the Republican ticket, that
being the true meaning and interpreta.
ton of the words "race, color or previous
condition of servitude."
CoroNary third.-It follows necessarily
that if New York repeater vote the
Democratic ticket FIVE times in one day
he becomes likewise the great State of
New York (incldding the Senator), or, e
converso, the great State of New York be-
comes the repeater, and by SO voting he
discriminates 1.-THE Lord knows howl
against the right of somebody (the Lord
knows who) to vote on account of race,
color or previous condition of servitude ;
and the only avenue opened up by which
this guarantee can be enforced is to send
in the army and Johnny Davenport
Laughter. ~ j.,
Sckokium.-The "previous condition
referred to in the foregoing is that of Re.
publicanis,n, and implies also present
condition that is, being Republics .
.Schohium second.-Enforcing the right
to vote by soldiers is not an interference
with elections"
iScholiunl third.--This doctrine of "dis.
elimination" does not apply to the State
of Rhode Island, where white mans
right to vote may be freely abridged on
dCCOuuG VI uio PASoShS ~ "
pecuuiosity. nm,
Proposition third: TAeorem.--"The
practice of tacking to appropriation bill!
measures not pertinent to such bills die
not prevail until more than forty years
after the adoption of the constitution
1t has become a common practice. AL
parties when in power have adopted it
The public welfare will be promoted il
many ways by return to the early prac
tice of the government and the true prin
ciples of legislation. THE President.
Hence the practice of tacking legisla
ton to appropriation bills having beer
practiced by all parties for more thar
fifty years, it should be Immediately
abandoned when disagreeable to the
President or inconvenient to the party
its antiquity not being sufficient to justify
it, thoug gh greater than the period Of it
non-use.
Corollary frst.-It follows, therefore
that the practice of using troops at th'
| polls. which did not prevail for more