National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1879-04-05

triumph, ana H0frlSOn was nominated flfSt Dy INC
Nationals aud the nomination had been afterword
ratified by the Democrats One year ago when the
Democrats had run the straight Democratic candt-
date, he had been buried by more than lOOoD ma
Mi. TowNsnESD tIll) Was not Mr.. Harrison
straight Democratic member of the last Congress
Mr. WEAVER. Yes and as soon rs he went nome
he Joined the National party.
Mr. TowSsEIESD ll) Was not Mr. Harrison the
regular nominee of the Democratic party of Chi
MIR WEAVER Amer the National party told them
whom 70 nominate. Laughter.
Mr.. TowSsHEND. Mr.. Harrison being q Green
back-Democrab as you may call him, was accept
able TO both of those parties. Ought that not TO
teach us that when the Democratic and the Green;
bnck parties unite then the Republican party viii
be defeated, and whenever you keep your little
squad of Nationals IN separate organizations you
WI alWW9ys fail secure your ohieotI -. ,Ao.
Nlf. WEAVER, i profess that and more-thnt
Wnen tho Democratic party rides behind us II Is
always successful.
1t Is our recruiting Offices he said that are crowd
eu daily with volunteers, eager to be mustered into
the organization that Is TO free the country. We
have mission. We know no North, no South, no
East, no West Accused be the tongue that raises
sectional strife in the new organization. We donot
go before the people with pledges Of financial re.
form. and then come into this body and unite In
caucus that binds us hand and foot from giving re-
lief to the people: We come here and keep our
pledges. The bloody shirt Is the only garment
that these politicians of both parties wear.
They rcmind me of an Indian whom once met,
wearing q red bnndanna handkerchief round his
neck and plug hat on his head. He was per
itStiy ulfCOnSClOub WnHt u 1lulGulOuS lthlNIb nc
presented. That is what made him funny; and
that is what makes It marvellous to my mind that
gentlemen on both sides do not understand the
pass at this session law for the unrestricted coin
age OF silver, the substitution of greenbacks for
national bank currency, stop the further increase
OF the bonded debt, and provide for the speedy
payment of the debt now outstanding liberate the
s4GJOOO,QOO now lying idle in the Treasury and
he impcndngioss Of tRer homes. very FEW Of the
gentlemen who now occupy seats on this floor VIII
eyer see this Chamber again. Laughter on both
Talk to me Gas the gentleman from Ohio, Mr.
Garfield, did about starving the Government to
death. What is the Government? Who constitute
policy of the Republicans, aided by the hard
money Democrats, is now starving to death the Ia
boring classes and they VIII not snnd i much =,
the gallory.l you do. not want them to drink
the wine Of violence do not feed them on ''the
bread of idleness."
Mr.. DE Ia MATYR, another of the Greenback
Representatives, then took the floor and, with a
tone and manner smacking more of the pulpit than
OF political or Legislative assemblage, addressed
He said I shall detain the committee with but
| few words shall simply condense. and empha-
| size what my friend from Iowa (Mr Weaver has so
fully elaborated. have no aspiration to engage in
this inglorious debate desire rather to enter my
earnest protest against its whole spirit and manner
and purpose Iis only redcemfng feature is The
ability II has exhibited. 1t has obviously been q
desperate effort to revive dead and buried issue.
|
cence. There Is no installing its ultimate design,
which has been to rekindlo the fires of sectional
hate, and thereby turn the attention of suffering
people from most vicious system of financial leg
slation, which has paralyzed their industries, load
ed them with debts, and brought them TO poverty
and want II must have been the inspiration OF
that motive which in the exuberant Imagination
of the most gifted leader of one extreme of this
body, transformed worthless chip into diamond
of purest water and measureleSs value.
If know anything of the drift of public scnu
ment this wnnton display of begerent rhetoric
will utterly fail of its npatriotic purpose, and will
be signally rcbuked by the people of both the
North and the South. The successive appeals to
the passions which sangnnary civil war famed
to utmost fury made for partisan purposes Mt every
election for fourteen years, have exhausted theii
potency, and they will no more respond TO call
Providence is at last bringing Mt least one good o
of the distress inflicted by the money panic through
the Republican administration Of the Government
Desire for financial relief has become the absorbing
aspiration of the whole people, leaving no room OF
fseetonal hate; and the people as well rs every
impulse of true patriotism and the whole spirit Of
sectional strife.
The best interests of the freedom prominently
demand that this of sections cease at once and
forever. Itlfeeds whatever of luminosity is fell
toward them in any section OF the south, and is
and must be utterly important TO shield them from
the effects offs animosity.
IL is my clear conviction land / nm egOtistica
enough TO believe that know something of tn,
present status of popular feeling that these lead
Would ID manifest pm NOR mdess er in SboWn nor s6m
desire to relieve the people than they do in itlerl,
refusing to suffer the friends of the people to ever
present any measure looking TO relief, and giving
themselves wholly to wranglc over the frint
upon Sumter, returning to slavery of Burns, III,
raid of John Brown. and general examinations ant
determinations. don't charge them anything io
the suggestions.
As to the statute in dispute favor the repeal o
| all but one and the modification of that for TIVE
rpasons. First-ln my judgment they are expires
sive ola dangerous tendency toward undue cenrali
cation of power. Our Southern tellow.GitizenS, n
we thought, impered our national life by assump
ton of State Rights, and we fought and defeated
then on that issue, and buried 1t so deep that bu
rev OF them desire. and none of them hope, for il
, resurrection: Now, sir in perfect accord with tn
perversity of human nature, We are swinging to al
opposite extreme MS perilous as the one checked b.
q saglinOry civil war; and these enactments ar
the fruits of that tendency and they serve to &C
, celerate it, and therefore am in favor of settn
them aside In my Judgment our safety lies il
keeping the balance of the power between tn
! states and the General Government as adjusted b.
) the trainers of the Constitution.
II My second reason for desiring the repeal of al
but one of these statutes in controversy ana III
modification of TINT one IS they are serving to ia
the fires of sectional strife which every interest
the nation demands. should be eXtinguished, Tn
5 mittees, with the exception of single clause,
regard as germNne; and that II proposes to lessee
for dispute, And taking no stock In the Grglncil
that this body isprohibitedto act by mere teChn
/ caty / shan vote for the bill with 1t attached
While do this am decidedly opposed to con
meeting any thing extraneOus with appropriation
bills. That mode of legislation may be justiilc
in partisan view, by The fact that the opposit
party has resorted to it, this principle suggestc
, in an old saying that n certain distinguished pei
, sonage must be fought with fire; but / cannot b
) influenced by such considerations.
! believe that any party IN power that will set tn
i example of refusing at present party SAcrihc
i such questionable modes of procedure will ga
= Mr. joss, ihird Grcenbackcr, was next recol
: nzed and made speech condemning the prime
pie orplacing political legislation ON appropriatio
i bills.
Mr.. WRIGHT Il fourth Grcenbacker, took the OF
pOsG view and stated that, in a long course of sci
: vice I'm the House, he had ncvcrhcRrd disputed Tn
! other necessary measures of legislation. He pr,
dcled defeat In 1850 for the party that raised tn
" dead and buried issues Of the war.
. | Mr.. HAwLEY next addressed the committee, III
4 | remarks Will be found on another page.l
i Mr., TUCKER was the next speaker lie could SO
= no reason why the House should hesitate in Il
y ing In the Constitution to prevent it, There va
u nothing In the rules of the House to prevent !
y Who had right to say that the rules of the llOu.
y were not rlght2 a gentleman on the floor (alluC
y ing to Mr.. GaTiicld) had brought the opinion of
stranger into the deliberations of the House, VIII
right had any member TO say that the PesideI
: would object TO the rules Of proceeding in tn
c House? The Parliament Of England had declare
in 1883 that such a statement In regard 10 II
d Majesty would be an invasion of the sacred priv
II leges OF the House Of Commons and yet the Opii
: ions Of the President were injected here for Il
r purpose ofprcVcnting legislation.
y What right had the President 10 object to Il
g mode of proceeding used by Congress! Tn
II method was 10 be prescribed by Congress, aud /
e Congress alone. The President could not veto Il
" bill on account of the method of its passage Tn
y WINS not his business If no vetoed 4 at ali il lnu
II I've ON the merits Of the bill and what We're tho
If merits? They took away from His EXcelency Il
n right TO preside with his troops ut the polls. "a
III plauSe on the Democratic side Gentlemen N
81 that there must he no coercion of the prosidpu