Alpena weekly argus. [volume] (Alpena, Mich.) 1871-1893, 1879-05-07
ALPENA WEEKLY ARGUS.
Wednesday, Nay 7, 1879.
The Veto.
From the Detroit Evening Now.


the platitudes which none but the
President himself could frame; a,
another appears the sueering i'm
pudence of John Sherman; al
another the casuistry of Evarts
1t is, nevertheless, an able docu-
ment and an ingenious one in its
alterations of strength and weak
ness. 1t is, of course, a partisan
document. That was to be ex-
pected. The time is long past
when q President of the United
States, in the third year Of his term
of Office, could be expected to con-
slider any higher interest than that
Of his own party in next presidential
election. 1t makes no sort of differ
ence who is in or who is out. The
highest standard of duty with the
ms is TO remain in, and with the
outs to get in. No theorist should,
therefore, be disappointed in find
ing this executive message to be a
mere continuation of controversy
so long held in Congress from the
Republican point of view. We
can, even after recovering from the
first shock, regard as matter of
course that part of it in which the
President, not satisfied with citing
and controvering the speeches Of
Democratic senators and represta-
tives, ingeniously pettifogs, and at
tacks the motives which he ascribes
to the other side. What does really
surprise us is that the President
or those who helped him write his
message, does all this with much
greater cleverness than any one
else. Conkling's greatest effort
of his life" was school boys per-
Torrance in logic beside the mes
sage and even Garfield, who can
defend either side of any question
with equal eloquence and with
equally convincing reason, came
a long way behind Mr.. Hayes in
what the Democrats will call sophis-
try, and the Republicans reasons.
He was also long way behind the
President in the position he took
for whereas Garfield and the mod
crate Republicans in the House on
ly attacked the repeal on account
of its attachment to the appropri-
ton bill, and offered to vote for it
If put as separate measure, the
President goes the whole party
hog, so to speak, and attacks with
tooth and nail any attempt at re-
peal in any form. He does not
mince matters. He is determined
to retain, and he says so in the
plainest possible manner, the privi-
lege-of which the English sover-
eign has been deprived by legisla-
ton these seventy years-of look
ing after "the peace at the polls"
and OF using the regular army to
do it with.
He begins by citing all the laws
which the Democrats have passed
to prevent the interference of
soldiers, and all the laws which
were on the statute books
before the Democrats came back
to Congress, closing with the
law passed by the last Congress
forbidding the use of the
regular army as posse comitatus.
Then, pointing to these enactments,
he asked If they are not sufficient
to prevent military interference.
After thus showing that under laws
existing the executive has
no power to use soldiers near the
polls, be then takes a new tack,
and, citing the fifteenth amendment,
proceeds to demonstrate that the
power to use soldiers at the polls is
absolutely necessary for the en-
Of that amendment. Ar
gal: "Whereas the law forbid me
TO use soldiers, and render me help
less, this particular law which en- {
ables me to use soldiers is good {
thing, and shall stick to it," +,
He plants himself squarely on
extreme Republican ground that
The elections of congressman are
matters over which the federal
has exclusive control, ,
and that il is in the power of the !
federal executive to look after the 7
and mode OF those elections, !
Ind to "preserve the peace" there I
II, and defends this ground with :
much ingenuity.