The weekly herald. [volume] (Cleveland, Tenn.) 1876-1888, 1879-05-22
ANOTHER VETO.
The President Refuses 10 be
BulidOZed by Congress.
Another Democratic Fiat Pal.
upe.

AibAAhAAE so . Wv AAh NlAAAAFN SECS
any military interference, whatever at
the polls, is contrary to the spirit OF
our institutions and would tend 10 de-
stroy the freelom of elections, and sin
cercly desiring TO concur with Con-
gress in all of its measures, IL is with
great regret that | am forced to the
conclusion that the bill before me is
not only unnecessary TO prevent such
interference, but is a dangerous depart
ure from long settled and important
constitutional principles. The true
rule as to the employment of Il military
force at the election is not doubtful.
No intimidation or coersion should be
allowed I o control or influence citizens
In the exercise of their right TO vote,
whether it appears in the shape of
combination of evil disposed persons,
or of armed bodies of the MALTA of Il
State or of the military force Of the
United States. The elections shall be
free from all forcible interference, and
as far rs practical from all a%pprehen-
sion of such interference. No soldiers,
either Of the Union or of the State ma
litia should be present at the polls 10
take the place or to perform the duties
of the ordinary civil police force.
There has been, and will be no viola
ton Of this rule under order from me
during this administration, but there
should be no denial of the right of the
National Government to employ its
military force on any day and az any
place in ease such employment is nee
cssary to enforce the Constitution and
laws Of the United States.
Quoting the bill the President says:
at will be obscrbed that the. bill
exempts from the general prohibition
against the employment Of military
force at the polls two specified cases.
The exceptions recognize and con-
ccde the ~soundncss Of the principle
;hat military force may properly and
constitutionally be used at the place of
elections, when such use is necessary
to enforce the Constitution and the
laws. But the excepted cases leave the
prohibition so extensive and far reach
ing that its adoption will seriously i'm
pair the efficiency Of the Executive de-
pertinent of the Government"
Tho President then proceeds to quote
the acts of Congress authorizing the
use of military power to execute the
laws, the provisions of which were APP
proved by Washington and Jefferson,
and still later, by Lincoln, and refer
ring thereto, the President says: al
the most critical periods OF our history,
my predecessors in the Executive office
have relied on this great principle. 1t
was on this principle that President
Washington suppressed the whisky re-
bellion in Pennsylvania in lT9. In
1906, on the same principle, President
jefferson broke up the Burr conspira-
cy by issuing orders for the employ
ment of such force, either of the regu-
lars or of the MALTA, and by such pro-
ceedings Of the civil authorities AS
might enable them to suppress effectu-
ally the further progress Of the enter
prise" And it was under the same
authority that President Jackson
| crushed the notification is South Caro-
lima, and that Lincoln issued his cal
| for troops to save the Union in 1861,
On numerous other occasions of less
Significance, under probably every adj
ministration, and certainly under the
present, this power has been usefully
eXerted to enforce the laws without
any objection by any party In the
country and almost without attracting
public attention. Tho great elemental
ny constitutional principles which was
the foundation of the original statue OF
1892, which has been its essence in the
various forms it has assumed since its
first adoption, is that the Government
of the United States possesses, under
the Constitution, in II full measure,
power of Ceif protection by its own
agencies, altogether independent of
State authority, and if need be against
hostility of State Governments. 1t
should remain embodied in our statutes
unimpaired as it has been from the
very origin Of the Government. 1t
should be regarded as hardly less valu-
able or less sacred than a provision of
the Constitution itself. There are ma
ny other important statutes containing
provisions that are liable to be suspen-
ded or annulled at times and places of
holding elections If the bill before me
should become a law. / do not UNDER
take to furnish Il list of them. Many
of them, perhaps most Of them, have
been set forth in the debates on this
measure The relate to %extradition, to
crime against the election laws, to
quarantine regulations, to neutrali-
ty, to Indian reservations, to civil
rights of citizens, and to their subjects.
In regard to them all, it may be safely
said that the meaning and effect of this
bill is to take from the General Goylrn-
ment AL important part Of its power to
enforce the laws. Another grave OBJ
lection to the bill is its discrimination
in favor of the State and against Ma
tlonal authority. The presence or m