The Princeton union. [volume] (Princeton, Minn.) 1876-1976, 1879-05-07

bill for the army, and the present extra session
OF the Forty-sixth Congress became necessary
to furnish the means to carry on the govern
ment. The ground upon which the action of tho
House OF Representatives is defended has been
distinctly stated by many of its advo-
Gates. week before the close
of the last session of Congress the doctrine in
question was stated by one of its ablest de-
tenders as follows: 1T is our duty to repeal
this law. 1t is not worth while to attempt
repeal except upon an appropriation bill. The
Republican Senate would not agree to nor the
Republican President sign the bill for such
repeal. Whatever objection to legislation upon
appropriation bills may be made in ordinary
cases, does not apply where free elections and
The liberty OF citizens are concerned. We have
the power t. vote money, let us annex condi-
tions to it. and insist upon redress of the
grievances" f55g} .E Es.U.a ~ r. -'
BY another distinguished member of the
House 1T was said the right of the representa-
tives of the people to
/ J. WITHHOLD SUPPLIES r -
is as old as English liberty. History records
numerous instances where the commons, feel
ing that the people We're oppressed by laws that
the lords would not consent to repeal by ordi-
nary means of legislation, obtained redress at
last by refusing appropriations unless accom-
panied by the relief measures. That question,
OF the gravest magnitude, and new in this
country, was raised by this course of proceed
ing. 1t was fully recognized also by it's de-
tenders in the Senate. 1t was said by distin-
guished Senator, perhaps Ri 4
~ NO GRAvER QUESTION 3
IN the form we are brought to consider it was
ever considered by the American Congress in
time OF peace, for it involves not only the
merits and dement's of the laws which the
House bill proposes to repeal, but involves the
rights. the privileges, the powers and the du-
ties of the two branches of Congress and of
| the President of the United. States. 1t is
| question whose Importance can scarcely be
| estima' ed. 1t is question that never yet has
| been brought so sharply before the American
| Congress aud the American people as it may
| be now. 1t is a question which sooner or later
must be decided. and the decision must deter
mine what are the powers of the House of Rep
| resentatives ;.zr,t, 49,, ~, s....,+T
| .'-' UNDER THE CONSTITUTION. - -''@
Mr.. President, 1 should approach this question,
were l in the best possible condition to speak
and to argue to it, with very grave diffidenee
| and certainty, with the utmost anxiety for
none can think over it as long and carefully as
I have thought of it, without seeing wel are
| beginning, perhaps, struggle that may last
longer IN this country, as a similar struggle in
| what we are accustomed to call the motherland.
| The struggle lasted for two centuries before it
| was ultimately decided. It is not likely to
last 80 long here, but it may, last until every
| man in this chamber is in his grave. It's q
| question whether Or not the House of Repre-
! sentatives has the right to say we will grant
supplies only upon condition that
| ~~- ~~- GRIEVANCES ARE REDREssED.
We are representatives of the tax payers of the
republic. We the House of representatives.,
alone have the right to originate money bills.
| We, the House of Representatives, have alone
| the right to originate bills which grant the
money Of the people. The Senate represents
the States. We represent the tax payers of the
republic. We, therefore. by the very terms of
1 khn1 IL. 49,,
originating bills which grant the money of the
people. We claim the right which the house of
commons in England established after two CEN
turtles of contest, to say we will not grant the
money of the people unless there is a redress of
| grievances
pursuance of the call for an extra session
which was made necessary by the failure
8; of the Forty-ffth Congress to make needful
| appropriations for support of the government,
the question was presented whether the attempt
made in the last Congress to engraft by con-
| strnction ( +. r-r
NEW PRINCIPLE UPON THE CONSTITUTION
should be persisted in or not. This Congress
has ample opportunity and time to pass the
appropriation bills, and also to enact any polit-
ical measures which may be determined upon
by separate bills by the usual and ordinary
methods of proceedings. But the majority OF
both houses have deemed it wise to adhere te
the principle asserted and maintained by the
last Congress by a majority of the House OF
Representatives. That principle is that the
House of Representatives has the sole right t
originate bills for raising revenue, and there
fore has the right to withhold appropriation
upon which the
EXISTENCE OF THE GOVERNMENT MAY DEPEND,
unless the Senate and President shall give thei
assent Co any legislation which the House ma,
see fit to attach to appropriation bills. To es
tablish the principle is to make q radical, dan
gerous and unconstitutional change in tn
character of our institutions. The various de
partments OF the government and the army
and the navy are established by the constitu
ton or bylaws passed in pursuance thereto
Their duties are clearly defined and their sup
money required for this purpose has been col
lected from the leople, and is now in the treas
ury ready to be paid out soon as the appro
priation bills are passed. Whether the appro
pri..tions are made or not, that collection o
!; taxes will g. on, and the public money will &C
1e se in intention the treasury ybe r.m.r
| of the constitution that any single branch o
, the government should have the power to die
tate the conditions upon which this treasur
should be applied to the purposes for which j
was collected. Any such intention, if it ha,
been entertained, could have been plainly ex
pressed in the constitution. That th
majority of the Senate now concurs in the CLAIM
, of the House adds to the gravity of the situa
tion but it does not altar the question at issue
The new doctrine, if maintained, will result i
the consideration of 80 s5''s' 5..~S u
s UNCHECKED AND DESPOTIC POWER ="
: in the House of Representatives. IA bar
+, majority of the House will become the govern
: ment The executive will no longer be wha
| the trainers of the constitution intended, u
equal and independent branch Of the govern
f ment. It is clearly the constitutional duty q
the President to exercise his discretiont an
Judgment upon all bills presented to him with
+. out constraint or duress from any other brenc
I of the government. To say that majority i
4 either or both houses of Congress may insis
9 upon approval of a bill under the penalty 4
stopping all of the operations of the govern
: mcnt for want OF necessary supplies is TO Il
y DENY TO THE EXECUTIVE 1,rser\ E
' that duty of legislative power which is plainl
conferred by the seventh article Of the const
tuition. It strikes from the constitution I'll
n qualified negativcof the President. 1t is Bal
this should be done because il is the peculia
= function of the House of Representatives I
: represent the will of the people, but no sing
!. branch or department. of the government h,
J exclusive authority to speak for the America
9 people. The most authentic and solemn e.
), preston of their will is contained in the CO,
y stitution OF the United States. By that CO,
! stitution they have ordained and established
,, government whose powers are distribute