Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1879-06-12

Speech, Etc.
WASHINGTON, June 11.-At meeting of
the house judiciary committee to-day Chair
man Knott submitted his report on the mes
sage of the President vetoing the bill to pre-
vent military interference with elections.
After the reading of the documents some
discussion arose, during which the Repub
hcan members gave assurance that they
would object to the presentation of the re-
port to the house for the purpose of having
it printed and recommtted, the idea of de-
string this procedure being to afford the min
orty an opportunity to prepare statement
embracing their views on the veto in ques-
ton.
Mr.. Proctor Knott's report on the Presi-
dents veto message begins with an allusion
to danger t. be apprehended from the pres
ence of armed troops at the ballot box, and
says even the author of the message under
consideration, himself, admits that any mill
tary interference whatever at the polls is con-
trary to the spirit OF our institutions and
would tend to destroy the freedom of cleo
lions.
THE KELLoGG-sPoFFORD CASE.
VIM L. Randall was before the committee
on privileges and elections this morning. he
is KeHogg's witness, Spofford having no
more witnesses IN readiness. Randall put
his hand on the bible when sworn, but he
declined to kiss the book. He testified that in
1877 he was clerk in the Packard legislature;
he was present when Kellogg was voted for
IN the JOINT convention; seventeen senators
and sixty-fYe representatives were present.
among those voting were Samuel Thomas
and Jules SevelngsI he recorded the votes,
and, on re-examining, found no errors. In
reply to question of Kellogg, witness said
that, after voting for senator for the long
term. the convention adjourned for one hour,
when James Lewis was elected for the short
term; the latter was now naval officer at
New Orleans. Replying to Merrick, Randall
said he did make minutes at the time; all
the members voted for Kellogg; he had
visited witnesses IN this case since their ar
rivalJ had talked with personal friends; he
had shown his notes to Shellabarger, Sypher
and John Molaire, but to nobody else.
The committee then adjourned.
IN THE SENATE
Consideration was resumed of Senator
NJ 'Donald's bill to authorize troops in certain
cases, and to repeal certain election laws.
Senator Hill began his speech on the bill
by saying he intended to reply to some per-
sonal illusions, but not to retahate, nor to
make personal attack on any senator. He
said his vote in the Georgia convention was
against secession, but the secession resolu-
ton was adopted by the convention, and
after that 1t was only question of whether
the people of that State should uphold the
solemn action of the convention. He there
fore signed the ordinance of secession after
its passage, as did all his colleagues, though
one -third of the members voted with hin,
against it.
Senator Hill read from the Record ex-
tracts from Senator Blaine's late speech, in
which the latter assumed that Senator Hill,
rather than be In minority In the Georgia
secession convention, had consented to the
death OF the old man, by voting with the
majority to secede. Senator Hill said that
Senator Blame had misrepresented the facts
contained 10 the very book he had quoted
from In that speech, containing the proceed
ings of the Georgia convention. 1t that SEN
ator intended, by the manner in which he
represented those facts, to show that in that
convention, on test question as to whether
Georgia should or should not secede, he voted
for secession or intended to approve it, he
stated that which the document he professed
to have In his hand taught him was not true.
As Senator Blaine had chosen to intraduce
the subject, he thought it proper to give the
facts IN the premises, In the form of a histor-
cal statement. While there was a great
diversity Of opinion throughout the south On
the main question, as to whether secession
should take place or not, it was universally
conceded that if State should determine to
secede, when that declared will should be
ascertained it was the duty of all her
citizens to support her acts, and two
reasons were given for that. First,
that to oppose the will of a State after
that will had been officially ascertained and
declared, could only result in civil war among
the States, which was determined at all
hazards to be avoided. Second, because it
was believed that if the northern people saw
there was unanimity In the southern States it
would have the happy moral effect of avert
= L - = -
widely charged that the movement for Sc
cession was merely factions. There were
many southern men who sedulously opposed
secession, and who believed that If war could
only be avoided for few months, the sec.
tional differences could be adjusted and war
averted. If the senator from Maine had seen
fit to say that my vote on secession was in
consistent with my expressed principles, l
should have cared nothing for the statement
of his opinion; but for some purpose of his
own he chose to suppose facts which did not
exist, and upon this double misrepresenta-
ton of facts he displayed his will and smart
ness, and all when he knew l was seven
hundred miles away. l make the simple
statement and leave the senator to the judg-
ment of honest men and honorable debaters,
without comment.
Senator Hill then spoke of the clamor raised
by his assertion that the Democrats were
largely instrumental in saving the Union
He denied that what he had SAID could be
construed as meaning that the Republicans
did not also help in such preservation, but
he added, strike from the rolls of the Union
troops the names of Democrats, would any
man say that the war against secession
would have succeeded? This was what he
had meant before. Continuing, he SAID that
there had been persistent effort on the part
of the Republican press, and In other ways,
to hold him up to execration as brutal and
cruel man. He had been charged years ago
with Producing retaliatory war measures In
| the Confederate senate. So far from this be-
| ing true, he showed from the records that he
| was unalterably opposed to any war meas
| ures not IN the line of right and according
| to the law of nations. When there seemed
danger that such measures might, in the ex-
clteuent OF the time be adopted, he, while
| opposing all legislation on the subject, draft
/ ed and held IN reserve In case of need, an
| act declaring the persons or parties raiding,
marauding and committing outrages under
pretense OF being Federal troops to be Grim
lnals. Real soldiers were not touched
by this. provision, but it was framed
IN view of the widespread
| apprehension of a servlle Instruction follow
ing the emancipation proclamation. No
| Legislation, however, was had; not even this
moderate measure drafted by himself. SEN
ator Hill, after further indicating himself
] from similar charges, and denouncing as I'M
1alr all the attacks upon him, said he had
| understood that his political opponents had
sent agents through the south to hunt up his
record. He had never made it practice to
preserve his speeches or letters, but he was
sure that no word of his would ever be found
Justliying charge that at any time, before,
during or after the war, he had ever spoken
In the slightest degree disrespectfully of the
Union OF the States under the constitution.
He had spoken burning words against the
Republican party, against the war, against
reconstruction; but for the Union of the
States. partly national, partly federal-af