Mower County transcript. [volume] (Lansing, Minn.) 1868-1915, 1879-05-01
THE GREAT DEBATE.
Speech of Senator Conkling, of New
York, on the Army Bill.
A Very Strong Argument Against the
Revolutionary Policy of the
Democracy.

- Ao"uu nuAoe1s, UWeIlLy -SeVen STATES !
who adhered to the union during the
recent war paid 1921, 204,2 1858. The
residue came from eleven states, namely:
Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Florida,
Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina,
South Carolina Tennessee, Texas and
Virginia. These eleven states paid $13,-
627 1872. Of this sum more than six and
half millions came from the tobacco
OF Virginia. Deaucting the latter sum
from the former, and the eleven states
paid $4,l25,462. This great sum was
collected under the law. The constitu-
ton requires all bills for the raising Of
revenue to originate in the house of
representatives. They are not recent
laws. They have been approved and
affirmed by succeeding houses and the
last two houses were ruled over by a
Democratic speaker. The bills were re-
ported by 3 Democratic majority. Both
houses are now Democratic, but we hear
OF no purpose to repeal Or suspend the
existing revenue laws. They are TO
remain and continue to operate and take
the tribute of the people II the sum
stated is to be less than it was last year,
it would be only because the tobacco
tax has been reduced. THE vast revenue
Is paid for three uses. It is supplied in
time OF great depression end distress
to pay the debt in which we have
been involved by the rebellion,
to pay pensions Of widows and orphans
and OF cripples made by the rebellion,
and to maintain the government at an
expense not to he estimated CT life and
treasure. TO exact money and then for
bid the use for which people paid it.
would indeed be perGdious and abomina-
ble. There was only one mode in which
1t could reach such uses, and that il an
appropriation by law. The constitution
SO ordains. The constitution permits no
discretion to a majority or to congress
whether It make needful appropriations
or not. The constitution, however, does
commit to congress discretion to ascer-
tain how much money is needed: but
That done, the command to apron pirate
is positive and absolute. The command
to make the appropriation is plain and
peremptory, and & refusal to do SO is
revolutionary and reasonable. So, too,
when the constitution invests congress
with power to provide money to pay
debts and provide money for the com
mon defense and general welfare, the
plain meaning is that congress shall
do this thing, and refusal to
do this is disobedience to the constitu-
ton, and subversice Of it. If members
Of the judiciary and executive depart
ments tailed to do their duty under the
constitution, they would be liable to
impeachment. II members of the leg
islative branches were likewise a,nepa-
ole to punishment for dereliction Of duty,
it would be a Drawer if not less guilty
act to violate their exalted trust. In
ordinary times truisms like these would
be needless if not out of place in the
senate. They are pertinent low only
because an occasion has arisen unparal-
leled in American history, and, SO far as
he knew, in the British history. If a
precedent could be found it should be in
q country possessing a written constitu.
ton plainly defining the rights of ali
living under it. 1t was not to trans.
! plant, but to leave behind, the traditions
OF astruggle between subjects and rulers
that our fathers fed to these shores. Il
was to render impossible here the cast,
distinctions Of an ill-assorted society
The partisan spirit animating this de
bate, If it was anywhere misunderstood
was mistaken, especially in this body
To hear what was called the debates or
this subject one would think that thu
majority were arraigned simply becaus,
they were acting unconstitutiopaily
in putting egislation on al
appropriation bill. This was mo-
the case. For himself he knew of ne
better reasons than convenience, com
mon sense and the danger OF log-rolline
combination, to forbid putting all ap
preparations in single bill-a bill
embracing such huddle of incongruou
provisions. If no objection to its sepa
rate parts was found, it was difficult t.
see on what ground veto could stand
But the objection to this legislation
would be as strong if it had taken tn
form of independent bills. A resor
to separate bills might even have cloake
a sinister design Of legislation, and i
that view would have been wise polio
for the other side. In the case pending
the face of the bill itself shows that til
legislation is not such as the executiv
can rightly approve. 1t shows the dc
sign to be to coerce the executive int
violating his sense of right in order t
permit the government to live. Thu
far the achievements of the Democrat
majority had been easy, but the trial ws
yet to come. It would be more difficult
The party had got themselves into
predicament, and unless the executiy
led them out they would have to bac
out.
Conkling, IN the course of his speech
!: said the effect of this bill is to proven
the suppression Of any violence by an
armed men acting under national al
thority upon election day. In Ne,
York every thug, shoulder-hittel
carrier of a dirk or bowie-knife, ever
graduate of the rat.pit, bucket shop
and slums, nurseries of what is now-s
days called Democracy, and every ma
from Kings Bridge to the Battery is at
} vised before hand that no enormity {
his will be checked by the law officers {
the government. [sensation.] Anothe
. bill, to be brought forward, provide
that even if elections are turned int
bloody burlesques, national authorit
must keep away, though White Leaguel
may take an active part, armed perhap
| with muskets furnished by the govern
ment. If there ever was a time whe
such law would be safe that time is NJ
now.
The constitution says congress sha
, have power to provide for calling fort
the militia to execute laws of the uniol
Speaking to lawyers, he wished to en-
phasize the word execute" It had
deep legal significance. 1t warrante
the use of arms.
The law proposed to be repealed, b
said, did not contain any authority IL
single soldier or armed men to al
proach the polls. Its provisions wei
directed to the use OF troops only as a
organized peace-preserving body. TIL
power of the president in this matte
rested on the constitution and act {
1895, and until 1876 this had bee
deemed sufficient authority. The que
ton of the extent of national authorit
rested somewhat on the locus, to use
legal term. In a navy yard or Othe