The New Orleans daily Democrat. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1877-1880, 1879-02-06
THE CONVENTION AND IT'S WORK.

comprehensiveness, In fact, that we scarce
venture to even outline 1t. The instrument
which now serves us as the basis OF our social
and political organism cannot be accepted,
even as q foundation wherein to build, and it
would be impossible to erect upon 1t super
structure. that would be In accord with the
popular tanners and customs or the political
convictions Of our people. The whole work
Of the convention must be de noyo, and will
involve radical changes In every department
Of the government.
Indeed, 1t Ii hard to say which OF the three
coordinate departments, the executive legis-
lative or judicial, is In the greater need OF
thorough reform. The power and patronage
Of the executive must be greatly curtailed In
order to destroy the present disproportionate
influence the Governor Is able to exercise In
political affairs. At the time the constitution
OF 1868 was adopted, 1t was OF the utmost i'm
portance to the success Of the designs 1t was
intended to carry out to place as much power
and as extensive patronage as possible In
the hands of this official. That constitution
meant the absolute subversion OF all our in
situations, of our social as well as political
organization, and 1t was necessary to recon-
cile or win over to the new order OF things,
by manifestations Of irresponsible power
or by the seductions OF Office and gain,
men Of influence In all portions Of the State.
The results OF thisshrewd and sinister purpose
Is seen In the shame and corruption Of num-
Der Of the,ablest and most worthy of our young
men, and that It's evil effects have not been
greater La only due to the unexampled devo-
ton OF our people to the traditions OF their
fathers and their abiding faith In the suprem-
acy OF their race.
This same executive patronage has been the
most seductive danger of our past, and 1t Is
now altogether greater than Is compatible
with the safety and freedom of the people.
The Governor OF Louisiana has, under the
present constitution, In his hands more capa-
city for evil and corruption OF the people,
than any magnate In the world, occupying
the executive chair OF q constitutional gov
eminent. He appoints more men to office,
can reward more friends and punish
more enemies in proportion to the size Of the
community over which he presides than any
Governor In the United States. The only
check upon the irresponsible use Of this power
Ia that which arises from our subordinate
position as one Of q federation of States, and
the integrity and patriotism of the man who
may happen to occupy the executive chair.
We're Louisiana an absolutely free and indie
pendent State, the power Of the Executive
under the constitution Of 1868 would long ago
have proved fatal to popular liberty and re-
publican government. In this department
there is certainly great need Of reform, yet
the need Is no greater here than In the legis-
lative and judiciary branches.
In America, particularly, politics and law are
progressive sciences, and every year we are
brought face to face with new problems and ad-
vaneed theories, which necessity as well as
duty commands us to solve. There Is In all writ
ten constitutions an inherent quality OF rigid
ity and inflexibility which necessitates such
fundamental changes as we are on the eve of
In this State. For this reason we should have
our most learned men. our most advanced
and original thinkers In the approaching con-
vention men who are thoroughly conversant
with the needs, the sentiments and character
istics Of our peculiar society, and who are at
the same time, informed as to all the modern
advaneements in legal and political ethics.
Such men are not so common that we can
afford to exercise no circumspection In the
selection Of delegates to the convention.
For example, In several States that have
recently framed new constitutions. novel and
extraordinary limitations upon the legisla-
tive power, especially In the treatment Of the
public finances and the disposal of franchises,
have been adopted. How far this principle
should be extended Is a grave and delicate
question which only the soundest and most
learned men are at all capable of handling.
Not to apply the principle at all would only
serve to perpetuate the obnoxious and cor
rupting moncpolies which now flaunt In our
faces the defiance of vested rights, charter
privileges and contract immunities. To carry
1t to an extreme might have tendency to
weaken the legislative power until deprived
of all capacity for self-defense, it would no
longer be able to maintain Its dignity and in
fluence as one OF the coordinate estates OF
government. We should, therefore, have men
who are cognisant of the checks that have
been imposed In other States, and who have
noted their good and bad results. Certainly
there Is no department Of our government
that is more urgently in need OF remodeling
than that which has to deal with the assess
ment Of property and the collection and dis
bursement OF taxes. In this respect the ma
chinery of government Is sadly, miserably
defective and oppressive, and we are not pre-
pared to say that even the principle Of taxa
ton is not as greatly at fault as the methods
by which 1t Is imposed and collected. Here
then, Is scope for the very best and most en-
lightened financiers and public economists
such as those who originated and perfected
our splendid banking system before the war
If we turn from this department to the
judiciary we find the need Of reform and i'm
provement no less imperative. Our court
system Is cumbrous and unwieldly and alto
gether incapable of affording the quick ad
l &c nd nnllaatinro xrh nh N.Y.