The Valley Virginian. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1865-1895, 1879-04-10
GEN. eARF1ELD's GREAT SPEECH.

GEN. GARFIELD'S GREAT SPEECH.
HE DENOUNCES THE REVOLUTIONARY
PLANS OF THE DEMoCRATs-A GOOD
POINT AGAINST THEIR PARTIZAN DE
sIGNs-THE BoURBoNs WARNED OF THE
| DANGER OF THEIR ACTION.
The following is synopsis of the telling
speech made by Gen. Garfield in the House
Of Representatives on the Doth against the
amendment to the Army Appropriation bill
prohibiting the use of troops at the polls on
election days:
Mr.. Garfield began his speech by refe rring
to the gravity and solemnity Of the crisis
that had now been brought upon the coun-
try, and declared that the House had to-day
resolved to enter upon a revolution against
the Constitution and the Government, and
that the consequence of that resolve, if per-
sisted in, meant nothing short of subversion
of the Government. He sketched the point
at issue between the two houses at the close
of the last Congress. and read from report
of one of the Senate conferees,' to the effect
that the Democratic conferees on the part
of the House were determined, unless the
action of the House was concnrred in, to re-
fuse making appropriations to carry on the
Government, and he also quoted from the
speech of Senator Beck, (another OF the con-
ferees,) to the effect that the Democrats
claimed the right which the House of Com
mons in England had established after two
centuries Of conquest, to say that they would
not grant the money of the people unless
there was redress Of grievances. These
propositions, continued Mr.. Garfield, in va
rious forms, more or les, vehem emily, were
repeated in the last House, and with that
situation of affairs, the session came near Its
close. The Republican majority in the Sen.
ate, and the Republican minority in the
House expressed the deepest possible solicit
tude to avoid the catastrophe here threat
ened. They expressed their strongest de-
sire to avoid the danger to the country and
to its business of an extra session of Con-
gress, and they expressed their willingness
to let go what they considered the least i'm
OF coercion at all, but as matter of fair
adjustment and compromised they could
be met in the spirit of adjustment on the
other side. Unfortunately, no spirit OF adj
justment appeared on the other side to meet
| their advances. And now the new Congress
is assembled, and after ten days of delibera-
ton, the House of Representatives has re-
solved substantially to re-affirm the propo-
sitions of its predecessor-and on these
| propositions we are met to-day.
The question may be asked why we make
any special resistance to propositions which
agrear many gentlemen have declared are
to be considered Of no Importance. SO far
as this side is concerned, I desire to say
this. We recognize you, gentlemen Of the
other side, az skillful parliamentarians and
skillful strategists. You have chosen wise
ly and adroitly your line of assault. You
have put forward, perhaps, the least obiec-
tionable of your measures, bnt we meet that
as one part of your programme. We reply
to it as an order Of battle, and we are as
much compelled by the logic of the situa-
ton, to meet you on the skirmish line as we
would be if you were attacking the intrench-
| ments themselves. And, therefore, on the
Threshold, we desire to plant our case on
the general grounds on which we choose to
defend it. MIR. Garfield then referred to what
he had said on the last day of the last Con-
gress, as to the division Of the Government
into three parasitic nation, the Senate,
and the people; and he said foreigner
could point dozen ways in which the Gov
eminent could be killed. and that not by
| violence. OF course, all Governments might
be overturned by the sword. But there we're
some ways by which this Government might
be utterly annihilated without the firing of
gun. The people might say that they
would not elect representatives. That, of
course, was a violent supposition, but there
was no possible remedy for such condi-
ton of things, and without House of Rep
resentatives there could be no support OF a
Government, and consequently there could
be no Government. So the States might
say through their Legislatures that they
would not elect Senators. The very Austen
ton from electing Senators would absolute
ly destroy the Government, and there would
be no process Of compulsion. Or, suppos-
ing that the two houses were assembled in
their usual order, and that bare majority OF
one in either house should firmly bind itself
together and say that it would vote to ad-
journ at the moment of meeting each day,
and would do that for two years in success
sion. In that case what would happen, and
what would be the measure of redress? The
Government would die. There could not
be found in the whole range OF legislative
or judicial authority any remedy whatever.
The Executive had no power to destroy the
Government. Let the Executive travel but
one inch beyond the line Of law and there
was the power OF impeachment. But II the
electors among the people who elected rep
resentatives, or if the electors In the State
Legislatures who created Senators, or II the
Senators and Representatives themselves alb.
stain from the performance of their duty,
there was no remedy. At first view it might
seem remarkable, he said, that body Of
wise men like those who framed the Consti-
tuition should have left the whole side OF the
fabric of Government open to such deadly
assaults, bat, on another view they were
wise. What was their relianee? 1t was on
! the sovereignty Of the nation-on the
crowned and anointed sovereign to whom all
American citizens owed their allegiance
That sovereign was the body OF the people