Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1879-01-08
Their answer will 10, lot the laws rul,

Their answer will be, let the laws rule
give us rest from political turmoil, II
is conceded that practical results can
not come from 1t unless we can over
throw the constitutional amendment
and the decisions Of the Supreme Court
and this ought to be sufficient to end
the strife.
II is not correct that thirty.fve Of
the Representatives allotted 70 ths
Southern States were given them since
the war by reason Of the negro popula
ton. Under the constitution as origi
nally framed three-fifths thereof wer,
represented, and this representation o.
the then slave population was attacked
with vigor in the heated contest that
preceded the war. After the war, and
when reconstruction came, the policy
Of the Republican party was reversed
and manhood suffrage" became thu
shibboleth ofpnrty with them. Undei
this doctrine the Republican Congress
OF 1872 added not thirty.fve but TWEEN
W members TO the representation Of
the Southern States in the House o.
Representatives. The right, the pow
er, and the expediency to do this and
to fix unalterably the equality of the
black voter of the South and the North
with the white voter everywhere was
the leading feature of the reconstruc-
tion policyofthe Senatorfrom Maine and
those with whom he acted. The fatal
error into which they fell was in failing
to qualify the right to the enfranchised
slave by fastening upon it an educa
tional test. This would not serve Their
political ends, and reconstruction as
they constructed 1t has proved then
own political destruction. The abso-
lutte equality in fitness tor selfgovern'
ment of the uneducated white man
everywhere was the basis Of the plan
1t was unsound and false, and has re.
turned toplague its authors. The Sen.
ator from Name impales himself by his
arguments. Negro suffrage as poll.
tical policy is failure in the South
and he helped to create it. His argu
ment Of the vicious methods of thoss
who acted with him in placing politi
cal power In the hands ofan unfit agent
The work has been done by you, and
its results do not please you. What ia
your remedy2 To overthrow the
amendments nulify the decision Of the
courts, and agitate until you sncceed
Ours is to obey the amendments in
their letter, TO sustain the decision oi
the Supreme Court, and to protect by
law, encourage by fair treatment, edu'
cate and elevate the black man until
his capacity is fully tested. Yours il
to take from him representation, dis
franchise and degrade him. Such, al
least, is the logical result of your efforts
and your arguments. The issue is moi
whether the white voter OF the North
shall be the equal OF the white voter Of
the South in shaping the policy OF the
country. They have always been and
are now the equals and peers of each
other, The legitimate and lawful in
fuence that each can WELD is as much
his right as Is bis life. Whether North
or South, the brave, intelligent, and
upright man is justly powerful, and he
who seeks to lessen bis power or weak
en- his influence stabs bis country.
1t is not correct in point Of fact that
the white voter of the South wields O
greater influence than the white voter
of the North. The Senator from Maine
gathers together whole masses Of pop.
ulation in the North and argues from
population and not from voters. Iquote
his words:
Take the States Of South Carolina, Mississippi
and Louisians. They send seventeen Repressn.
tativss to Congress. Their Aggregate population
| 10 composed Of ten hundred and thirty-hvs thous-
and whites and twelve hundred and twenty -four
| thousand colored the colored being nearly two
hundred thousand In excess Of the whites. 0
the seventeen Representatives,, then, Ia evident
that nine were spportionsd to these States By
reason Of their colored population, and only eight
BY reason Of their whits population and yctin the
choice Of the entire seventeen Representatives the
| colored voters had no more voice or power thar
their remote kindred on the shares Of Senegambia
i or on the Gold Coast. The Ten hundred and
thirty ave thousand white people had the sole and
absolute choice Of the entire seventeen kePr''sn
Sar,s Iowa sna oo wi.sop,ip % with MI SEVENTEEN Rem en-
ressutstIves. Thoy have a white population q
two million two hundred sad forty seven shOus. .
y mS,s shs srss soshsru @
havs named. In Iowa and wisconsis, therefore
I takes one hundred and ,his'y..wO thousand ., !,
cons,., p0pSi S"s IN south Carolina MI,ssiep, sni
Louisians every sixty thousand white people ssud
. representative.
The first fallacy in this proposition
is the bold assumption that the colored
voters had no voice or power in the re
cent elections Who gives any one
authority 70 say this? Is it true that
the Republican party possesses an in
defeaslble estate In every colored votei
in those StatesY Have they no liber
ty OF thought or right OF independent
action Are their votes not to be
counted unless they vote the kepubli
can ticketi Such q statement as thii
Is utterly unwarranted by facts, for We
all know that in very many instances
the colored voter IS Independents IN 40
ton: Upon the Presidential vote q
1910 IN tnose otAtcs tne seventeen
Democratic members elected bad = total
of 272 80b votes and their opponeptf
la t...I q ofo cIo go. rTL -;
nau = eVNi ~ = wv soses ny ~
nor1ty WAS just ~ much represented "a
they are In any Congressional district
in thc North. Thcy' voted and they
:" WV $500 ...s'sa ~ rs.;.,',.s. ~
trast IA put. Iowa and Wisconsin bad
IN 1874 vot;po noonlation of b4( t08
~ .1'o onc PoPu'-''v- ~ o-v,.YY
vi these, zyo,oso, representing hpou'
twelve hundred thousand people, were
RanuhI;cs 81 and 249 bO3 representino
Sps .hlp'. - ,.,;,,,ra ,ar,Is ,va~s na,na
about ono miiiion people, were Demo'