The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1879-08-21

The Late Fight in Congress and the Pres
emit Sitnation-The Financial Question
Within the Democratic Ranks-The Real
Issue OF the Coming Campaign 70 be n
Choice between Constitutional Repub-
lic and . Consolidated Empire.
Correspondence Nears and Courier.
EpGEFIELD, s. c., Aug. 6, 1879.
According to instructions I have inter-
viewed Senator NJ. @. Butler, and have
succeeded in obtaining his views on some
of the more important subjects now be-
fore the country. called on him at his
residence, and after the usual exchange
of courtesies stated the purport of my
visit, and, with q little preliminary
skirmishing, the interview proceeded IS
follows:
ssAfter the smoke of battle has cleared
away, what is your opinion of the result
of the political conflict at the extra ses-
sion of Congress?"
cit is about what I supposed it would
be when the controversy opened. The
Radicals sounded their gongs, raised q
great hue and cry, and frightened the
timid throughout the country; but, as it
progressed, the Democrats gained on
their aoversaries and ended in a substan-
tial victory. The Radicals have, for
some years, concealed their real princi-
rles under attacks upon the South, and
this great debate has compelled them to
throw off the mask and show their disre-
gard fer the Constitutional limitations
which attach to our Republic, distin-
guising it from any other that has ever
existed, and boldly avow their purposes
to make the Government what they
choose to call Strong government,
which in reality means nothing less than
q consolidated Empire-built upon the
destruction of the States. Of course the
leaders deny having any such purpose,
but it is the inevitable logic of their po-
sition. They cannot escape it, and the
Democrats ought, not to allow them To
escape it."
"Do you think that that will be the
issue in the next Presidential campaignf"
'Unquestionably it ought to be, for If
the Radical party succeed In establishing
the doctrines announced in debate, rs
the settled policy of the General Govern
ment, an entire change of our system of
government viii follow. A constitution
al government of limited powers, opera
ting upon the individual citizen through
the States, except as to those powers
specifically granted in, the Constitution,
or such as are necessary to carry out spe-
cifc grants, will be converted into con-
solidated centralism-if I may use the
term-responsible only to the leaders of
the dominant faction, who WELD the su-
preme power for the aggrandizenent of
their party and for the distribution of the
spoils of Office; and this change will fol-
low much more speedily than you sup
pose. The exercise of national author
ity, in their view, means the destruction
of State authority, except as far as the
State governments may be convenient in
strumentalities for enforcing the national
will. The form of government is much
more efectually changed by this means
than by dissolution of the Union, or
separation Of the States, for in the latter
case Republican institutions may be pre-
served, but in the former they will be
entirely and hopelessly destroyed"
"Do You think that MIR. Hayes symps-
thizes with the extreme doctrines of his
party leaders, and is it your opinion that
the rank and file of the Republican party
concur in them?"
81 will reverse the order of your ques-
tion. ] do not believe the rank and file
OF the Republican party in the North do
concur in such doctrines or principles as
a general thing. The rank and file Of
the Republican party in the South have
no opinions of their own, and consequent
ly can scarcely be held responsible. 1
believe that great many of the more
conservative Republicans of the North
are really devoted to correct principles of
constitutional government, but their
leaders are able, aggressive, and, in many
instances, unscrupulous men, who love
power for the sake of power and the
emoluments and Importance that it gives
them, and not for the good that they may
do to their fellow-man, and, under the
cry of party necessity and party suprem-
acy, many of these men will be borne
along and committed to policy of gov
ernment which in their hearts they do
nosapprove. The battle-ground will be
at the North, and everything depends
upon the pluck and energy of the North
ern Democracy. If they do not permit
the Radicals to raise false issues and
fiighten the people by false alarms, they
can win. But they will have to press
home the real danger to liberty with un-
tiring pertinacity and tact. The pendu-
lum has been swung back in the South
as it was when Mr.. Jefferson went into
power in 1901 and upon similar issues.
As to MIR. Hayes, I have no doubt he is
in full accord and sympathy with the ex.
treme men of his party on these ques.
tions. If you will read his veto messages
to the late appropriation bills of Con-
gress, you will discover that he pushed
the right of Federal interference with
the affairs of the States further than any
man has ever ventured in this country.
No President, not even Grant, with all
his reckless disregard of civil instru-
mentalities in the administration of gov
ernment, and reliance upon force and
the strong hand of central power, has
ever dared to claim for the executive arm
of.the government the power which Mr.,
Hayes insists upon. Read his veto mes
sages carefully, and see if I exaggerate
their scope and meaning"
"Well, General, the impression got
abroad in the country, in the earlier
stages of the debate, that the Republi-
cans outgeneralled the Democrats and
put them at disadvantage. How do
you account for that?"
at is due to several causes. As I have
said, the Radicals sounded their gongs
and made the most noise at first, and
frightened the timid minded of both par
ties. They talked about revolution and
rebellion and secession and slavery
and treason and Confederate brigadiers'
and almost everything else, except the
real issues under discussion. But the
country got accustomed to this, and as
soon as it was discovered that the revo-
luton did not begin, and that the Con