The New Orleans daily Democrat. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1877-1880, 1879-05-27
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undertake the job of informing himself upon
the sequence Of events. But every fellow will
read the casual report of each days proceed.
ngs IN the newspaper he is IN the habit Of
But no6ody viii stop to think what
all these things lnean Nobody will
take the trouble to reflect that this
open advocacy Of military elections, which
fills more than half of the four volumes Of
history we have made In the last forty days,
really means that the Republic of the Revolu-
tion has ceased to exist; that the constitution
of 1889 and the constitution of 1879 are two
Jocuments1 and above all, that the American
people Of to-day are as unlike the American
people OF ninety years ago rs the Romans
who rotted under Domitian were unlike the
Romans who conquered under Scipio.
Representatiyes represent. i y idle for
that Conking, Edmunds Blaine, Chandler.
| Garfield Robeson and their satellites In
| House aud Senate are the past due exponents
! of an absolute era Of civil war. They are In
| TACT the spOkesmen Of a new civilization
at least Oh our soil l-and the sooner this fact
| ls faced by the Democratic leaders the better
| IT will be for oil parties concerned The civil
| izatien for which these speak and whose pro-
| graInme Of destiny they are threading is
| based upon the tenet that
THE sHREwD AND WEALTHY MINORITY
should dominate the less favored majority, by
central dogma of this type Of civilization be-
| ing that the true governing power is money
am that manhood Is simply an instrument.
True. this principle is nowhere avOwed In
terms by the Republican leaders In the pages
Of the debates under consideration. 1t Is
propounded with Infinite circumlocution, elab-
GRATED with wonderful circumspeetion, and
advocated with amazing adroitness all
through their speeches. and yet there is not q
Inc or paragraph IN any one of them which
could he singled out ~ q distinct. straight
forward avowal of their purpose
" ~ customary with Democratic writer's to
say OF Blaine. Conkltng and their kind that
they are simply self-seekers, avaiIng them
selves Of any and every foible of public hui
man nature and playing upon every weak
chord ~ the heart Of the body polite TO keep
their individual selves firmly fixed III the
meridian OF power-the assumption being
that they would advocate anything else as
strenuously as they are now advocating
THE USE OF THE STANDING ARMY
az an electioneering agent. provided they
eouiu be satisfied that success lay In that d.
rettion; and that ultimately the people--that
ls TO say, the Great American People-wilI
rise ~ the majesty Of their sovereignty and
sweep out Of existence this pittful Gamarilla
or selfish demaRogues. | wish t,is ass,inp-
ton wera true. / wish elat there was ade-
qnate grounds for such a hypothesis of slow
but sure virtue on the part of the masses; for
IN that case there would be some hope In the
future. But there Is no such ground for rose
colored anticipation. The fact that such a
speech us Blaine made III the Senate on Mon
day is bound to find ten readers and claequers
to every one reader and admirer for the
speeches delivered by Pnckney Whyte and
Jonas yesterday, means that the bulk of the
intelligence Of the country has turned its
back on the good old constitutional republic
and Is ready for
THE NEW DEAL or EMPIRE.
1t means that the verdict of the ruling
forces Il "a q 4
the perpetuation of the institutes of the
fathers, pure and simple. Nothing less
Ana ,et these very people who read and
applaud the speech of Blaine, and who long
for the advent Of that revolution In our sys-
TEN which 1t foreshadows. would not tolerate
an open avowal of the sentiments which
work IN its differences and hide between its
lines. Every man who wnks at the studied
standing army to carry elections is advocated
would instantly and loudly resent an open
declaration to that effect. And yet they all
understand what IL means.
MASSACHUSETTS WANTS A STRONG GOVERN
MENT,
and yet no man could stand up In Faneuil
Hall and say 80 III 40 many words The logic
of this fact is that the people, though willing
TO submit to the ensiavement of their persons
to enhance the security Of their possessions,
are unwilling to be called slaves. They are
ready TO welcome imperial facts, but desire to
lenses. All over the North the teaching of
the press and the pulpit is steadily In the di-
rectlon OF 'strong government" which I
means the weakening or suppression Of the /
individual, the transformation Of the citizen
into the subject. And yet you never hear
these tendencies expressed la plain English
The reason is not far to seek. Those classes
Of society that are aiming at the accomplish
ment OF these ends are too shrawd and too
wary not to know that any open avowal OF
their designs at this time would bring down
upon their heads the terrible vengeance
}f an aroused and alarmed proletariat.
They know that if they were to declare
n terms addressed to the popular sense what
hey teach in tropes and metaphors framed
o exacerbate the popular prejudlces, or tickle
he popular fancy, as may be, the masses be-
leath them would take the alarm, and an
OF society would ensue. It is easy
'nough to keep up the delusion. No matter
low, eloquently Democrats may point out the
endencies and purposes of the Radical man
gers, the Radical masses will take no heed
Nothing can move them short OF an open
!vowal by the Radical managers themselves.
and that will never be made. Hence say
ne history we have made during the last
orty days will not be read In its true signifi-
ance ..,I until the next generation. And then 1t
VIII De TOO late A. G. B.