The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1879-04-30

| W Do Audliy WlIuElu, lQaL aDDrODriatl0QS
| were to be made to hinge upon the approval
or vote OF something else, a resort to separate
| Dhis might have cloaked and secreted for a
time ume the real meaning of the transaction. In
.nat respect 1t would have been wise and artful
TO resort TO separate bills on this occasion; and
| speak think, In the hearing of at least one
| democratic Senator who did not overlook in
advance the suggestions now made But when
it is declared or intended that uuless another
species OF legislation is agreed to, the money of
tne people, palo LOT that purpose, shall not be
| used to maintain this Government and to in
| force the laws, when it is designed that the
| Government shall be thrown into confusion
| and shall stop unless private charity or public
snccor comes to its relief, the threat is reyolu-
tOnary, and its eXucutiOn is reasonable.
In the case before us, the design to make
| appropriations hinge and depend upon the de-
structlon OF certain laws is plain on the face of
the bill before us.-the bill now pending aud
another one on our tables. The same design
was plain on the face of the bills sent us at the
last session. The Very fact that the sections
uncoveriDg the ballot-box to violence and fraud
are not, and never have been separately pre-
sented but are thrust into appropriation bills,
olscloses and proves belief If not knowledge,
that in separate bill the Executive would
not approve them. Moreover both Houses
nave rung with the assertion that the Executive
would not approve in a separate measure the
overthrow of existing safeguards of the ballot-
pox and that shonld he refuse to give his ap-
of those safeguards linked together no appro-
priatons should be made.
The plot and the purpose then is by duress
to compel the Executive to give up bis conVic-
tlons of duty, and his oath, as the price to be
paid political party for allowing the Govern
ment to live! Whether the bills be united or
divided is mere method and form. The SUBJ
stance in either form is the same, and the plot
If persisted in will bury its siders and abettors
in opprobrium, ard will leave buoy on the
Ut time warning noitioal mo m kaap
aloof from treacherous chanue ia which a
political party foundered and went down.
The size OF the army and its pay, have both
been exactly fixed by law--b law enacted by
a Democratic House, and approved by second
Democratic House. 1t has been decided aud
voted that the coast defenses and the Indian
and frontier service, req1Ire a certain number
OF soldiers; and the appropriations needed for
provision apd paw have been ascertained to
farthing. Nothing remains to be done, but to
give formal sanction and warrant for the use
of the money from time to time. This was all
true at the last session. But a Democratic
House, or more justly speaking, the Democra-
tic ajority in the House refused to give it
Sanction, ,retused to allow the peoples money to
reach the use for which the people paid it, un-
less certain loug-staDding laws were repealed
When the Senate voted against the repeal, we
were blantly told that unless the vote was re-
versed, unless the Senate and the Executive
would accept the bills, repeating clauses and
all, the session should die, no appropriations
should be made, and the wheels of the Gov
ernment should stop. The threat was executsd;
the session did die, and every branch of the
Government was left without the power to ex-
ecute Its duties after the 30th- of next June.
We were further told that when the extra
session, thus to be brought about, should con-
vene, the Democrats would rule both Houses,
that the majority would again insist on its
terms and that then unless the Executive sub
mitted to become accomplice in the design to
fling down the barriers that blocks the way to
the bAllot-box against fraud aud force, appro-
priations would be refused. and again the ses.
sion should die leaving the Government para
lyzed The extra s. ssion has convened; the
Democrats have indeed the power in both
Houses, and thus far the war and the caucus
have come up to the manifesto. So far the
exploit has been easy. The time of trial is to
come; the issue has been made, and of its in
DominiOuS failure, there Can be no doubt if the
Executive shall plant itself on constitutional
right and duty, and stand firm. The actors in
this scheme have managed themselves and
their party into predicament, and unless the
President lets them out they will and they
must back out. Laughter, and manifesto
tions of applause in the galleries
The Presiding officer Mr.. Wallace in the
chair). Order.
Mr.. Conkling, Should the Executive inter-
pose the constitutional shield against the politi-
cal enormity of the proposed bills, and then
should the majority carry out the threat to de-
sert their post by adjournment without making
the needed appropriations, hope and trust
they will be called back instantly and called
back as often as need be until they relinquish
monstrous pretension and abandon treason
able position.
The Army bill now pending is not in its DO
litical features the bill rendered US at the last
session few days ago; it is cot the same bill
then insisted on as the ultimatum of the ma
1ority. The bill as it comes to us now, con-
demns its predecessor as crude and objection
able. 1t was found to need alteration 1t did
need alteration badly, and those tho lately To-
sisted on it as it was, insist on it now as it then
was not. A grave proviso has been added to
save the right of the President to aid a State
gasping in the throes or rebellion Or invasion
and calling for help. As the provision stood
when thrust upon us first and last at the recent
President of the United States, the General of
the Army, and others, for attempting to obey
the Constitution of the United States and two
ancient acts of Congress, one of them signed
BY George Washington. Shorn of this absur-
dity, the bill as it now stands, should it become
law, will be the first enactment of its kind
that ever found its way into the statutes of the
Uuited States. A century, with ell its passion
ate discords, with all its expedients for party
advantage, with all its wisdom and its folly,
with all Its patriotism and It's treason, has nev-
er till now produced congressional majority
whIcn deemed such statute fit to ba enacted
Let me state the meaning of the amendments
proposed under gulse of enlarging liberty on
election day-that day of days when order,
peace and security for all, as well as liberty
should reign. The amendments declare in
plain legal effect that, no matter what the exi-
gency may be, no matter what violence or c4r.
mage may run riot and tramOle down right
and life, no matter what mob brut,lity may
become master, if the day be election day any
officer or person, civil. military, or naval from
the President down, who attempts to interfere
to prevent or quell violence by the aid of ma
tioual soldiers, or armed men not troops, shall
be punished, and may be fined S., 900 and i'm
prisoned for five years. This ,s the law we are
required TO set up. Yes, not only TO leave muir
defous rnffianism untouched, but TO invite it
into action By assurances OF safety in advance.
In the city of New Yo'k, all the thugs and
shculder-hitters and repeaters, all the carriers
of slung shots, dirks and bludgeons, all the
fraternity of the bucket-shops, the rat-pi,s, the
hels and the slums, all the graduates of the
nurseries of modern so-called Democracy,
llaughterl; all those who employ and inclte
them, from Kings Bridge to the Battery, are
to be told in advance that on the day when the
million people around them choose their mem
bers of the National Legislature, no matter
what God-daring or man.hurting epormities
they may commit, no matter what they do,
nothing they can do will meet with the slight
est resistance from any national soldier
| armed man clothed with national authority.
| Another bill, already on our tables, strikes
down even police officers, armed or unarmed,
| of the United States. In South Carolina, in
LOUISIANA, III MlsslSslppl, ana IN tn0 OtDer
| States where coloTed citlZens are conu ted to
| swell the representation in Congress and then
robbed of thsir ballots and dismissed from the
| political sum, In all such States, every rife
club, and white league, and murderous bano,
and every tissue ballot box stuffer, night rider,
and breaker is to bs told that they mag turn
national elections into bloody farce, that they
may choke the whole proceeding with force
and fraud and blood, and that the nation shall
not confront them with one armed man. State
troops, whether under the name of rifle clube
or white leagues, or any other, armed with the
muskets of the United States, may constitute
the mob, may incite the mob, but the national
arm is to be tied and pasied. L repeat such an
act of Congress has never yet existed. Ii there
| ever was time when such an act could safely
and fitly stand upon the statute book, that
time is not now, aud is not likely to arrive in
the near future. Until rebellion raised its iron
hand, all parties and all sections had been co.,
tent to leave where the Constitution left it the
power and duty of the President to take care
| that the laws be faithfully executed The Con-
stitution has in this regard three plain COM
mands:
The President "shall take care that the laws
be faithfully executed"
Again, 1.-The President shall be Commander
in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United
States, and of the militia of the several States,
when called into the aactual service of the
United States"