The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1879-06-26

of mine to which he refers was false
hood II caught his words Alright, have only to
any man the capacity to violate decency to violate
the rules OF the Senate. or to commit any of the
improprieties Of ife--I have only to say
that II the Senator, the member from
Mississippi, did impute. intended to impute, to
me a falsehood nothing except the fact that this
is the Senate would prevent my denouncing him
as blackguard and coward. Applause and
Kisses. Let me be more specific, Mr.. President.
Should the member from Mississippi, except in the
presence of the Senate, charge me- by intima-
ton or otherwise, with falsehood would de-
nounce him as blackguard rs a coward
and a liar. The rules and proprietes Of the
Senate are the only restraint upon me. I do not
think need say anything else Mr. President
(Applause and hisses.j The Chair demanded quiet
in the CALLERS. Mr.. Lanar-'sI have only to say
that the Senator from New York understood me
correctly. did mean to say Just precisely the
words and all that they imported. / beg pardon
of the Senate for unparliamentary language. It
was very harsh; it was severe; it was such as no
good man would deserve and no brave man would
wear" lRene~ed demonstrations of approval
made nna in b the effort
political assessments, but the Republicans renewed
their filibustering, leaving the House without
quorum. The Legislative Appropriation bill was
passed in both houses.
The Senate remained in continuous session,
II so in the forenoon of the 18TH when an adjourn
ment was ordered, to allow the new legislative
day to begin at IL. When the Senate was again
called to ORDER discussion arose on the question
of dispensing with the reading of the journal,
which, owing to the all night session, the clerks
had not been able = fully prepare. Sew
the Republican Senators declining to vote.
Finally Mr.. Carpenter suggested an agreement for
adjournment. saying that If opportunity was given
his side to discuss the bill before the Senate, he
had no doubt vote could be reached by O'Clock
the following day. Mr.. Withers, on the Demo-
cratic side, favored the proposal, and, on
motion of Mr.. Thurman, the Senate ad-
journed at O'Clock p. m.-In the House,
Mr.. McMahon submitted the conference report
upon the Judicial Expenses bill. Section prohib-
it's the making of any contract or the mourning Of
any liability under the provisions of the Revised
Statutes authorizing the appointments or payment
of general or special Deputy Marshas for services
in connection with elections on election day. After
some discussion, the report was adopted--yeas
102; nays, 70. :
The Senate, on the Goth, continued the con-
sideration of the Army bill. The measure was de-
bated by Messrs. Carpenter, ingalls,, Kirkwood,
Logan, Conkling, Eaton, Bayard and Thurman
The bill then passed-2O to II, Mr.. Burnside the
only Republican voting with the majority-and at
2 O'Clock in the morning the Senate adjourned.
In the House, the minority of the Judicial
Committee presented their views upon the sub.
lects discussed in the Presidents veto message.
Referring to the majority report, presented some
days before, the minority say:
THE repeated efforts in said report to make it
appear that the right authority to interfere with
State elections, or with the freedom and lawful
conduct of any election. is claimed asserted in
quarter is hardly deserving of serious notice.
The minority in Congress have made no such
claim The right of Federal supervision contend
ed for applies Congressional elections only. This
is entirely ignored in the report of the majority.
Their report proceeds upon the false assumption
that the President advocates the of Fed
eral authority to supervise State elec-
tons. No such claim is made in the
message under consideration in any
other message or utterance of the President; nei-
Their does the message advocate or jus ify military
interference with the freedom of any elections.
On the contrary, the President uses the following
language: sr-
"'Holding. as do the opir ion that any military
interference at the polls is contrary to the spirit of
our institutions, and would tend to destroy the
freedom Of elections aud sincerely desiring to
concur with Congress in all its measures it is
with very great ret that Lam forced to the con-
clusion that the bill before me is not only
essary to prevent such interference, but j. is a
dangerous depar from long-settled and i'm
pOrtant constitutional principles.
1.-THE true rule as to the employment of military
force at elections is not doubtful. No intimidation
or coercion should be allowed to control or infiu
citizens in the exercise of their right to VOTE
whether it be in the shape of combinations of evil
disposed persons, or of armed bodies of militia
the State. or of the military force of the United
States. Elections shall be free from all forcible
interference, and far practicable from all ap-
prehensions of such interference No soldiers.
either of the Union or of the State militia should
be present at the polls to take the place or to
form the duties of the ordinary civil police force.
There has been and will be no violation of this
rule under orders from nae during this admins
tr&iOn.'"
The report saysit conceded that during the civil
war; some Generals-among others, Gen. Mcclellan
issued orders interfering with elections where
dlsloyalty existed and that these and similar
Gers undoubtedly exercised influences in securing
the enactment Of the law of 1865. which prohibits
the use of the army navy at the time and place
of any general special election in any State ex-
cept it be necessary to repel the armed enemies of
the United States to keep peace at the polls and
also prohibits any military naval officer from
prescribing the qualifications of voters or in any
manner interfering with the exercise of the free
right OF suffrage IN any State This law, with ap-
propriate penalties for its violation was approved
by President Lincoln. and since its enactment we
do not believe there has been any well-groundeG
cause of complaint of military interference with
elections" The report of Congressional commit.
tee in regard to the operation of the law in New
York city is alluded to- in which twas declared that
"This happy result Ia free, fair, aud honest cleo
tion] was the consequence of the cooperation be-
tWecu Tue duN1SeTS CITY ana States
uificers." 9
In conclusion the min yrity say 1t is to remain
law of the land. All efforts for it's repeal have
been for the present abandoned. It is the consti-
tutionel duty of the Pre-ident to see that it is
faithfully executed. Many of its provisions are
applicable to and only to be enforced on the day
al election is held. Why should the authority
to use all lawful and constitutional means
to execute it be suspended or Grip
pied that day TO whatever ex-
tint this may be done, the law will be
rendered nullity SO far it is law for such
days only. Why should the day of election be ex-
cepted from the operation of this or any other
statute? Surely, the need may be as great on that
day on any other. proposal to impose
like restrictions at every place where court is
to be held on the Fourth Of July, or Eighth
of January any other holiday or anniversary
that is to be celebrated or observed would be met
with the jeers or contempt of all good men,
The laws should be enforced and executed on all
days and at all times and places. To abdicate the
authority Of the Government of the United States
to execue it's laws the day of election would be
fatal mistake, and constitute precedent of the
most dangerous character"
On the 21st the Senate adopted the conference
report on the Judicial Expenses bill-31 to II. At
ter long discussion upon the proposition to
strike out the item in the Postal Deficiency bill in
creasinp the nav of letter carriers it was voted