The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1879-08-20
STATE RIGHTS.

1t Is emlnently proper Just now, when the
State rights question is being forced upon
the attention of the country, to consider
not only the opinions of the founders of the
Republic, but the judgment of those who
lived at later date, and whose views, by
the verdict of the people, are emit
tied to consideration. General William
Henry Harrison occupied, some
years since, very prominent
position before the country. He was re-
garded not only great soldier, but as a
statesman of such distinguished attain
ments as qualified him to occupy the Office
of president of the United State, and to that
high office he was elected. The views enter
tanned by President Harrison upon ques-
ton of so much importance as State rights
will be read at this time with some interest
by thousands of citizens who were his
admirers and supporters during his life time.
The following letter was addressed to John
B. Dillon, Esq, and though written to
elucidate State rights upon some phase of
the slavery question, is so pointed with re-
gard to Estate sovereignty" that it supplies
avery important chapter in current discus
siops:
O. NORTH BEND, 18th Dec, 1888.
To John B. Dillon, Esq:
DEAR SIR received your letter of the 5th
inst, the day before yesterday. I have come
| to the determination from necessity to decline
! giving any opinions upon political subjects
Tor publication. Had not adopted this rule
would have to abandon my business (neces-
sary to the support of my very large family
and devote myself entirely to political writ
ing. But as you tell me that you are about
publishing pamphlet on the subject of slavery
will, as friend, give you my opinion upon
one constitutional principle in relation to
which either you or very greatly err.
No one, 1 think, can well understand the
character of our peculiar Government without
having It impressed upon his mind that our
Union is a Union of Sovereign Independent
States, and that in every particular where
power is not expressly surrendered by that
instrument to the general Government it Is
| retained by the States, and that in relation to
matters so retained they completely
sovereign and independent of the general
Government and of each other as are France
and Great Britain.
You seem to suppose that an article
in the constitution not having been
inserted in 1t (sic), the general
Government would have the complete
power over the slavery question in the States.
| This apprehend to be mistaken the consti.
| tuition guarantees no article permitting or
forbidding slavery in the States. The slaye-
holding States (of which there were at that
time nine out of 49, did not wish such an
article inserted. They retained the complete
control over the subject of slavery within
their own boundaries by not s,urendering IL.
All that they asked to have inserted in the
constitution in relation to the subject was that
when their slaves fed from them and sought
refuge in other States. that they should be
delivered up their application. When,
therefore, you say that ian early and amicable
adjustment of the question is desirable" 1t can
not refer to the slavery M the States, but may
with propriety refer to the District OF Column
bia, within which the power of legislation il
expressly given to Congress. But no Law
which that body can pass can In any way
, affect the right which the people OF the slave
| holding States claim over their slaves, any
more than Congress can pass a law to change
the qualifications of electors in the States, o.
define the period when minors are to be free6
; from the control of their parents. II
l do either would change the whole characte
of the Government, and realize the dreat
of large portion of the ablest statesmen
in our country at the period of the adoption
of the constitution, that 1t would end first In
consolidation, and then In despotism, which
latter could only be averted by preserving tn
lnutptnucuCo Vi luc othteS VI the Beuefd
/, Government In matters which they had re
$ served for their own exclusive actien. Tn
. citizens of the free States have the right q
g fndiriduats to give their opinions to thel
. brethren In the slave States upon the subjee
of slavery, as they can upon the subject
u internal improvements, the extension OF tn
Is right of voting, etc.. but they have no potos
If whatever to control upon any of these SUI
il jecis. Give them your opinions, then, upo
: the former subject, but can tell you tina
: however able your appeal to them may be O
I" the abstract question, II you assume the rig
. of control over the subject, either for Ii
l. United States Except as to the District OF q
: lumbia), the free State authorities, or yourse
II individually, it may do harm, but will CO.
tainly do no good.
1 repeat that I write to you merely as
70 friend, and not by any means for publication
/ and write IN haste, amidst preparations 4
1t q journey to Columbus, where l have bee