The Valley Virginian. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1865-1895, 1879-06-19
Gov. Hampton's Speech.

South Carolina. Both Of them have essayed
to define their understanding Of the polit-
ical situation, and asserted that the :sCon-
stitution has not been changed in its essen
tial features by the late amendments" and
THAT it is now what it was before the
war;
1t is not improbable that the Constitution
has not been changed in its essential fea-
lures, but its Interpretation has been more
definitely determined. The very fact that
by the edict OF national authority emancipa-
ton was effected, and the right of the States
to perpetuate slavery forever denied, and
that determination ratified by the States
themselves, is the strongest practical, tan
gible evidence that ali Interpretation has
been furnished for our institutions, differing
essentially and radically from that which
was accepted by the South, and reflected in
the Fugitive Slave Law and the existence
of slavery. II the result of the armed con-
tiict between the sections, means anything
at all, it is that the United States const-
tute national power, supreme in its
functions and sovereign in its authority
With that recognized, it is q mere solecism
to speak OF the sovereignty of the States,
and not to recognize it is to repudiate the
action Of the States, through their Legisla-
lures, in ratifying the amendments to the
Constitution. 1t is the essence Of bad faith
for Southern States to contend for the in
depreciation given our system of govern
ment prior to 1861, by Southern statesmen.
1t was the two Observation-Disclosures
and Calhoun's-which joined issue, and APP
pealed to the sword for arbitrament Ma
tional authority triumphed over State Rights
as formulatedinthea act of secession and when
the States resumedtheir relations to the GOV
eminent it was in obedience and in surbor-
dination to national prescription and
mandate. The national idea and the inter
probation OF the Constitution corresponding
with it, prevailed over secession and the in
depreciation corresponding with it, The
amendments to the Constitution riveted this
Interpretation, and forever settled the char
acter of our government, unless changed
| by the forces of revolution. Such speeches
and sentiments as have found utterance by
some of the Southern Senators, are insid-
lous and dangerous, and fragrantly conflict
with their professions Of loyalty to the
Constitution as it is. If they mean to abide
the results of the war, let them desst from
their attempts to resurrect the doctrine of
State Rights as understood by the South be-
fore the war, and accept and recognize ma
tional supremacy sovereign authority
Of the nation, which interdicts any other
kind of sovereignty, and pronounces obso-
lete State Sovereignty.
We do not question the motives of Gen.
Hampton in the views he. has given utter
ance to, but we do question his understand
ing OF the situation and the import of the
Constitution. If he is honest, he is well
calculated to inculcate false notions of
duty, and his honesty we do not doubt, and
hence he is dangerous, and the fallacy Of
his assumptions should be criticized and ex-
posed upon the very theatre where he has
given utterance to them. and this we hope
will be done.
''For the past you cannot expect us to
apologize to do so would be to sacrifice our
own self-respect and to forfeit the respect
OF all honorable men, says Gen. Hamp-
ton. This is refinement of sentiment
which does not comport with a perfect I'M
derstanding of the facts. 1t has never been
considered sacrifice of self-respect" for
honorable men to apologize for that which
was wrong, and all impartial thinkers must |
conclude that the attempt to destroy the |
Union, was not only great wrong, but a |
great crime. The sentence employed by |
Gen. Hampton is but high sounding term |
for declaring that secession was right, and |
the triumph of the cause of the nation was |
wrong. Not only can it not be construed |
as sacrifice of self-respect'' to admit the |
blunder into which the South was precipi- |
tated in 1861, but it is no reflection upon |
her honor, nor the honesty of the impelling
motive, to confess to the blunder in the
light of succeeding history. Nor could it
be considered sacrifice of self-respect'
to 'apologise' for nourishing and defending
the huge moral evil of chattel slavery in the
face of the protest of the civilized world.
and denying the elevating influences of
moral and intellectual training to class Of
beings whom the Great Creatorhas endowed
with mind and soul. Chattel slavery was
an enormous crime,a blighting curse, whose
direfnl effects may follow us through indef-
mite time, and for whose perpetuation for
so many years, apology might well be in
voked without detracting from the honor or
the conscience of the people, who were not
primarily responsible for it.
We merely allude to these prominent
thoughts in Gen. Hampton's speech to show
how the force Of education may pervert
the judgment, and how deep may be i'm
pressed the influences Of early surround
ings and teachings, with no purpose to i'm
pugn the motives OF mistrust the purposes
OF the distinguished Senator. Indeed the
closing sentences OF his speech give ample
evidence of his earnest desire to cultivate
national feeling and determination. ''Pa-
triots now of all parties" says he, lean join
heart and hand in the effort to perpetuate
on this continent, constitutional liberty as
established by our fathers. In this noble
CARDS. We wish to promote the best inter-
ests of the whole country; we wish to re-
store harmony and goodwill; we hope to
see permanent peace and widespread pros
perity among all classes of our people we
desire to see the painful memories of the
late unhappy war buried in our own hearts,
not rising to the lips in bitter words which
canonly promote sectional luminosity, land we
propose, in spite ofmisapprehension, misrep- 8
resentation and denunciation, to stand firmly
by the Constitution inits integrity, to main
tain the Union in perpetuity, trusting, hop s
ing, praying that to our children, if not to us,
it may be given to see the States of this
mighty Republic bound together, not alone
by the ties Of material interest, but by I
the cords of true fraternity, ruled by q
great, happy, free people, crowned with t
all the blessings and with all the glories +
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