Litchfield enquirer., 1879-02-06
The Great European Republic.

The OTcz1 E0To95z1 hepuOuc.
 Ts@S sx exc~aleu1 news from the great Eu -ap>zz re=zzsssc France has passed success SE@r Ehrvzga &nOshe- important stage in he E-aEEz sgxxzzsx c0npiese and peaceful self Eg-=z-ezG Marshal NcMshon has resigned and has heen Qz5Glv succeeded by NJ Grevy, Ssz1G sensible Republican, elected in accor- szzrs ws.h tbe provisions of the constitution zss 1oE thr09gh xny resort to revolutionary sKxexieusx- Tt iE buf i1st to the old Marshal, saS ss szy thzz sething he has done while in -hs rrezi8euSsxl eEsce has 30 become him as his ms3e Of sszrizg l. Finding himself entirely 0z oF hxrzBouy with the popular feeling in F-zzre. zs ezs6eoceG by the successive cleo s5snx wasscA have made both houses of the As m sasE RegaAEsc&n. the cid soldier has finally rxzz-ed from position that wzs no longer ten- asAe. He goss ouI with all the honors of xE.~ se1ssng in the following brief and digni- seG sesa= Ss Teslgua-iOa=
 Az Ehe Spszlzg os this session of the Cham- A-x sbe MIsSszEv prosecuted you aprogramme wAr4 EAs7se zzordlng satisfaction ts public 1szEHIgz- sss=xreG to the Cabinet such as might Ee uaEa3 z5zbSz7 6z1srTte the security or good ala1s6sliszrzsssa Of ISe cOuniTy. Putting aside xZ ye<sszAl vSS<SN l2d given the programme EKE xgsys-g8x-ssa- for ! mas sacrificing no prin- czRseS ao wA5cA conscience commanded me to -esHxsz F&ish1zl To-day the Ministry, think Eg ss FeSgs~s6 ss the opinion ef the majority SR 1Ae sws Chambers proposes to me, in re Ex-z sS E1EA military commands some gener- 41 zsszSzEes wascA consider contrary to the 5zne-esek sf sse army and consequently to those af Ese csznsTT- I cannot subscribe to them. Azy SEbeE MSzi<sry taken from the majority wsz56 iwrsse zpcn .8e the same conditions. ] canSs3er ErscE. therefore, bound to shorten sA< SEzs5oz of the usz0ds-e which The Nation xl AssE-hzy oOafded to me, and therefore s<93eT Ey Teslga&tioa- In quitting power have SAe csus0eszSo7 of thinking that during the k1vtAEee yezrx devOted to the service of Uv cSzzsry. essAex 7s soldier CT citizen, have zerxz hrez Eas3ed 6y sentiments other than hs@sr and duty and absolute devotion to my cS@zsry- TSgaesG you ts communicate my S<<z<ssa ss the Ch1mbsrz
 Cpaa Cescizl announcement being made ef the Nz-<h4T< resignation, the two Houses went izss ioizt session. and Jules GTevy, President st she Chamber of Deputies. was chosen Pres Ss-7s as the Republic, receiving 536 of the s7a baIE1ss c@ss- The Ministry sent m thelr rs<i<uziio0z to the aez President who desired shesR to retain their positions. at least provis- 5oaaIly- Ganbeita has been elected Presi- dea. os the Deputies in NJ Grevys place and matters run oa ss quietly as if no important political event had happened
 One of the most important and valuable re- suits of the struggle between McMahon and the Republicans will be the con- ssruetiol i; has given to the stitu-con tim ot France. It decides, in ef- feet, that, in France as in England, the exc cutive power of the nation must be adminis- tered in ha -mOny with the views of the maj jor- ity sf the popular branch of the national legis- lature. We consider that. for the government of s nation like that of France, the English form of executive is greatly preferable to the American. In England the real executive power is exercised by Ministry whose duty it is to resign whenever the House of Com mons declares itself dissatisfied with their ad ministratiou of affairs, unless, indeed, they decide to appeal to the people, by dissolution of that House, with view of obtaining a re- versal of it's decision. Under the French con stitution, however. such an appeal cannot be taken except by consent of the Senate. The President of the French Republic would seem to have, therefore, only the powers of an Eng fish sovereign over the executive government He can summon any statesman he chooses to form Ministry. provided that statesman has the confidence of the Chamber of Deputies; i; and this very limited power of selection is all the real power the constitution gives him. As some compensation. French president is giv en 8 very long term of effice-seven years.
 A glance at the very much larger powers of an American President shows how dangerous they might prove in the hands of bold and ambitious man in such country as France An American President is in effect the consti tutional head of what in European parlance would be termed an irresponsible ministry. He is not responsible tO either or both branches of Congress He is commander-in-c chief of the national army and has the appointment of the officers of all departments of the civil service, including that of his subordinates in the miuIs- try The only check on this power is the ne. cessity of approval for certain of the larger appointments, by the Senate Even then the practical power of rejection has been confined to cases of personal unftness When, as has often happened, one political party has con- trOl of the Senate, the other of the executive power. the politics of the president has al- ways controlled in the matter of appointments. No American Senate has yet arrogated the power of rejection merely because they ex- cept to the politics of the nominee. Imagine this enormous executive power in the hands Of McMahen He would have had a minis try opposed in politics to the majority in beth houses in the Assembly. He would have had entire control of an army of near million of men, He would have had the entire administra- tiOn of a government in which are united all the powers which under our American sys tem are divided between the state and national governments. Such an authority lodged in . single man would be deemed dangerous even here. If Gen. Grant were now president, at the head, not only of 20, 900 national troops. hut of militia of half 8 million, more and ap- pointed, not only the offices administering the ~OAS VII HAS A4taOn ohs aiA SilC SLICCIS 0I lV~ cal administration. would not the Democracy have some reason to dread a coup de stat ? In the United States the State government standsintermedlate between the individual and the national government. In France there is no such breakwater between the citizen and the national government; and, to give the ex ecutive still greater chances of usurpatien, be can expect the implicit obedience of an i'm mense standing army
 1t has been the inordinate power of the ex ecutive that has repeatedly destroyed consti tutiona government in France during the present century. Beginning with Napoleon | every one of the subsequent rulers of that country has proved an .usurper The revolu ton of 1880 began with unconstitutional as sumptioas of power on the part of Charles X The reactionary policy of Iouis philline Ter