Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1879-04-03
CONGRESSIONAL.
The Question of the Purity Of the Ballet.
Box and Peace at the Polls Continues
to Stimulate Debate in the House
"A Vote Not Yet Reached.
The Great Democratic Victory i'm Chicago
Urged as the Expression Of the PeO-
pie on the Issue before Congress
"A Short Day in the Senate.

fix the time for closing the debate on the
army appropriation bill. Suggestions we're
made to have night ses ion, to restrict
speeches to fifteen u,.oules each, and to close
the desate tomorrow.
ObleerAN1 was made to all the propositions.
Mr.. Conger said that number of gentlemen
on both sldes had given notice of their de-
sire to speak; also. that many had prepared
speeches and would not like to be restricted
to fifteen minutes, and also that but few
members would be present at night sessions.
On both sides it was declared there was
no desire 70 shut off debate, and the speaker
gave it as his experience that unlimited was
the shortest debate.
taken at two o'clock Saturday was voted
down.
Finally, on motion of Mr.. Dunnell Mum. |,
all general debate was ordered closed at three
o'clock Friday, leaving FIVE minutes debate
still open. The house then went into COM
mIttes of the whole.
The debate was opened by Mr.. Williams
Wis. |, who stated that two things were alb
solutely indispensable-the purity of the
ballot-box and peace at the polls. If it re-
quired all the power of the State and gene
raj government that power should be exer
cised, whether it be put forth under national
or State jurisdiction. He had heard much
talk about "bayonet government" but he
knew of no government that did not rest ul-
timately on the bayonet. Whoever talked
about government without that final, ulti-
mate resort in case of resistance to the civil
law, talked about utopia. He knew of no
bayonet rule in this country except that
| which had put down one of the most wicked
and cruel rebelllons that had ever dlsgraced
the earth, or which had denied his southern
friends the delectable pastime of
shooting negroes. Ever since 1874
| the Republican party had been tripping
| over a chip, because then, for the first
time, that party had begun to acquiesce In
| the nom performance of the laws of the coun-
| try. He contended that there was no place
| where the President had not right TO send
| troops-whether to the polls or to church of
Christ. He admitted that it was not pleas
ant sight to see voters mass at the polls with
| in lines of bayonets, but neither was it
pleasant to see voters assailed by roughs
| with bowie knives and revolvers. He differed
| from the gentleman from Ohio Garfield in
| his opinion that the attempt to forbid the
presence oil troops at the polls was fight on
| the skirmish line. He lWllliamsl regarded
| it as the center of the whole question, be-
| cause upon it depended the whole question of
| Federal authority and national perpetuity.
l The statute which 1t was proposed to repeal
| had been passed in 1866, at a time when the
| crisis was passed and when 1t was but ques-
| ton of time when the brave boys of the north
| should come marching home again-home, it
| is true, to land filed with mourning and
L viii OIOk6H ANU Dt6eu1nR ncdIlS, Out 10 d
| land devoted to liberty and dedicated to law.
That law remained on the statute-book, and
there, under God, so far as the Republic
party was concerned, it should remain&or-
ever.
Mr.. Townshend I'LL. spoke on the Demo-
cratic side. He did not know by what au-
thority Mr.. Garfield spoke when he intimated
that these bills would not receive the sane
ton of the President, but if his prophesies
were to be verified there was no man so blind
or prejudiced>as not to know that their fail
ure was due to the President. If the gov
eminent was to be starved the responsibility
for that was not to be laid at the door of the
Democratic party. In answer to the charge
that it is revolutionary for the Democratic
majority in congress to place the amendments
| on the appropriations bills IN regard to the
election laws, M. Townshend cited the his
tory of such legislation in congress as enacted
Ivby the Republican party, and said that II
it was revolutionary, then that party was
responsible for the precedent. Legislation Of
a similar character was imposed on the army
| appropriation bill In 1857 by Republican
house, which eventuated in an extra session
The Republican congress OF 1857 inserted
legislation in the army bill stripping Presi
dent Johnson of his power as commander
in-chief of the army, and in 1872, under the
leadership of Mr.. Garfield in the house
one of the provisions in regard to super
| vlsors of elections was inserted In the sundry
civil appropriation bill. Mr.. Garfield
in 1872, denounced the Democratic minority
, for opposing the will of the Republican ma
jority in securing such legislation, ther
! denouncing their act as revolutionary as h'
now denounces their course as revolutionary
? in enacting such legislation against the
minority. The first expression of the peopl
upon the issue before congress was given IL
, Chicago yesterday by the election of a Demo
! cratic mayor and other officers for the frs
!. | Ia ITnWnahandI
] garded the issue solely as one of free cleo
} lions and impartial juries,
: Mr. Calkins took the position that IN every
} case where the State refused or failed, o.
) neglected to fully protect the citizen, it wa
| the right of that citizen to call on the gov
2 eminent for protection, He did not know
/ | what the President would do in regard Il
> the bill. Nobody knew, for if there was auy
? thing the President was celebrated for, it wa
{ | for keeping his own counsel. No man coulC
: find out what he was going to do. But thi
y he did know, if the bills were vetoed, tn
g country would find out In short time tina
/ if contraction had taken place before, i
: would be multiplied by reason of the stop
page of supplies, because money would con
{ | tinue TO flow into the treasury and non
| could be paid out.
e Mr.. Herbert said he was not surprised tina
f the gentlemen on the other side attempte'
g to make this sectional issue. They ran ava
|
: that the Democratic party would follow lik
y mad bulls. But they would not do it, AM
: held to the plain question, SHALL the Unite'
: States troops be used at the polls?" He re
q minded his Republican friends that much a
f they might regret it, the war was over an
e secession was dead.
s Mr.. Phister spoke IN favor of the propose
/, repeal. The Democrats were willing to nee
e their opponents on that issue. Tho contes
e on one side would be for fair and free cleo
Y tons; on the other, for elections controlle
e by the bayonet
d Mr.. Buckner spoke in the same vein, an
denied that it was revolutionary for the Dem
e ocrats to repeal laws by the same method i
d | which they had been enacted. The charg
IF made by the gentleman from Ohio [Gar6eld
IF that the Democracy was about to re-enac
ir the scenes of 1861, he characterized as polit
N cal claptrap. He deprecated the attemI
r which the gentleman from Ohio had made
p coerce the President into veto.
10 Mr.. White Pa denied that his side {
l. the house was IN favor of force at the poll
h 1t on y desired that the citizen should be prc
tected IN his right to cast his ballot. Il
quoted Abraham Lincoln az stating thel
.. was a necessity occasionally OF United State
troops beng present at the polls. The gent,
man who had spoken yesterday had seen
I'd to charge the Republican party With usurp;
n tion aEd aespotissa. lie denied the parli
IN mentary propriety of the gentleman indul.
ig ing in such recrimination. He pointed vii
ne pride to the glorious achievements OF the r
iy publican party In the past, and concluded /
40 saying that he felt hi>3,sa,f POUND TO resist,
lg ever constitutional way, the proposed legi
The committee taeH ross and the house a
journed,
SENATE.
n various bills were introduced; amol
las them was one by Senator Harris, proVidiI
Tor for treaty with Mexico
OF Senator Hears resolution condemuing
I'll unconstitutional and revolution AIRY the Dem
an cratic programme of legislation, was laid