Centre Democrat. [volume] (Bellefonte, Pa.) 1848-1989, 1879-07-10

Legislature be not in session.
More than that. We have referred
to the decisions of the Supreme court
of the United States approving all these
propositions and declaring that the
voters were voters of the State, and
that the Federal Government has moth
ing to do with them. To these dcci.
sions gentlemen on the other side, with
one or two exceptions, have absolutely
reiralned in the debate from referring.
In addition to that we urged the argu.
ment that the laws we sought to repeal
enabled the supervisors to come. into
the State and interfere with State cleo
tions for the selection OF State officers,
and we also referred TO the fact that in
the State Of New York aud other States
the greatest outrages had been commit
ted by the arrest of citizens without war
rant by officers who had not seen them
commit any ofense against the laws,
and who upon bare suspicion that an
oifense was intended, had arrested them.
We showed from experience how, in
the South, justice had been made n
farce that jurors were drawn in the
interests of partisanship, and that cases
were decided in the interests of parti.
sanship, and that the courts had ALSO.
lutely failed to administer justice to the
people in that great section. We re-
fcrred to the city OF New York, where,
on an election day, more than 5000
American citizens were imprisoned by
the authority OF supervisors of elections,
and afterwards discharged by Judge of
the United States court, who decided
that there was no authority TO arrest.
and that they had been guilty OF no
crime. More than that, we referred in
our argument to the great doctrine OF
civil liberty, and maintained that the
measures we sought to repeal were in.
lmical to freedom, uu-American in
spirit. and in the end would prove sub.
versiye of free government.
No more manly, no more digniicd,
no more logical debate, so far as the
Democratic side of this House is con.
Crrncd was ever conducted on this
tloor but in what way were our argu.
ments treated 10y gentlemen on the 9th.
or side of the house? With the exccp.
ton Of half dozen speeches. the pre-.
tended answers In our arguments might
as well have been made on any other
subject as upon the bill now before the
House for consideration. When we
SAID that these measures were yiolatyc
OF the Constitution OF the United States.
Republican orators replied that on this
side of the House the majority were
Confederate brigadIors. VINO had attrmp.
ted to overthrow the Constitution Of the
United States. When We referred To the
fact of the outragcs committed on
-sF tl,... v.r,1t...f l. .ts
ing the outragcs committed At Andcr
spnvllle and other prisons in the south
during the war, and when we urged
that the power OF the army should be- so
limited aud qualified that it might not
be u4ed TO overthrow the liberties Of the
people, they said your side vas whipped
by that army, aud, therefore, you are
opposed to IT,
Never IN all my knowledge has a dc.
bate been 50 honestly conducted as this
has been urOn our side OF the House
never have Arguments been more un.
fairly met than have our Arguments hy
gentlemen on the other side. There
are honorable exceptions, Of course. IL
would be invjdious to name them. but
! will venture TO mention the names OF
two. and ! refer to the distinguished
gentleman from Connecticut. Mr.. Hsw.
ley. and the gentleman from New Jcr
sey, Mr.. Robson. As the result Of this
debate, bills have been passed and ssnt
to the President of the United States
and have been vetoed. The veto pow
er was designed by the Constitution as
power TO prevent unconstitutional leg
islation, or hasty, or ill.considcred leg
islation, or TO enable the Executive 10
protect itself against enoroachments
from other branches Of the Government.
defy any gentleman to point me to
any argument in the debate upon the
adoption of the Constitution which did
not give in favor Of this provision one
or the other of these reasons and in
the history Of this Government. from
the day of its foundation until now, the
veto power was never before exercised
to prevent the repeal Of law, or to pre-.
vent the enactment Of n general sppro.
priation bill. Certainly, never before
was the veto power exercised to practi
cally take away from one of the two
houses Of Congress power which is
conferred upon it separately by the pro.
visions Of the Constitution itself The
power 10 oFlHlUaAe DlttS OF revenue - "A
power which belongs to us. and ii is a
power which. If the President interferes
with it as he has done by this veto in
this case, he can absolutely take away
from us.
What reasons have been urged for
these extraordinary vetoes Chiefly
that the bills we sought to pass took
away from the Executive authority the
power to enforce the law. Because we
would not let him use the army on cleo
ton day TO keep the peace at the polls,
he said we took away from him the
power to enforce the laws.
Sir, the army is The creature Of Con-
gress. The Constitution declares that
the Congress may raise an army. The
Constitution declares that appropria
tions for the army shall not last longer
than two years. The Constitution de.
clares that Congress may make rules
and regulations for the government OF
the army: rules and regulations. rules