Wood County reporter. [volume] (Grand Rapids [i.e. Wisconsin Rapids], Wis.) 1857-1923, 1879-10-23
THE SOLID SOUTH.
Great Speech Of Secretary Sherman
at His Old Home in
Mansfield.
Some Stalwart Statements Strongly
Stated.

disappointment of to-day, that, by some
misunderstanding as to the hour of your
meeting, felt it my duty, in obedience
to the request of the state committee, 20
attend the great mass meeting at Massil-
lon this afternoon, and now come before
you, wearied and hoarse, TO speak of the
political questions of the day
When l was in Ohio in August last,
the chief question il the pending politi-
cal canvass was, whether the resumption
of specie payments, so long and steadily
struggled fer and happily accomplished
by the republican party, should be main
tained, or whether it should give way to
certain wild and cratic notions in favor
Of irredeemable paper money. Upon this
issue Gen. Ewing was nominated by the
democratic party, in the hope that he
would gain support frem a third party
committed to imitation. Since then il
would appear that the dem ocratic leaders
seek to change the issue. The same old
questions about the rights of the states to
nUllify the laws of the United States
the same old policy to belittle and de.
grade our national government into a
mere cenfederacy of states-are now
thrust forward into prominence. 1t is
Ewing to his fate, and 10 discover the af-
filiation of the democratic party with a
portion of the greenbackers whom they
sought by General Ewing's nomination
to coax into an alliance with the demo-
cratic party. Senator Pendleton now says
that he will do nothing 10 disturb specie
resumption. Senator Thurman says that
those who charge the democracy with
undoing what has been done on the
financial question, to plunge the country
into career of initiation, do them the
greatest injustice. He says they have
no purpose to embark on career Of wild
and senseless speculation.
| wish now to call your attention to the
southern question, and its indefinite treat
ment by democratic speakers. / have
sought in vain, in several published
speeches in this campaign, for distinct
statement of their position, but do not
find any. Senator Thurman deals in
glitteripg generalities, and scarcely at
tempts to define what he meant by state
rights. General Ewing, in his Lancas-
ter speech, refers to them under two
heaas-that Of "free elections and that
Of estate rights" Let me read the first
of these:
'The question of free elections has as.
sumed prominence never before given
it, although the statutes out of which it
arises have been long in force, and the
democracy have heretofore repeatedly at
tempted to repeal them"
Now, it is true that the question of free
and fair elections "bas assumed prom
inence never before given t." and this
Importance has grown out of the efforts
of the democratic party to defeat free and
fair elections by the grossest fraud and
violence. The case in New York, where
at the presidential election in 1863, more
than 25 600 fraudulent votes were cast for
Horatio Seymour as president of the
United States-sufficient to change the
vote of that state-is now a matter of ad-
nlitted history. Innumera BILE cases in
the south, of the grossest frauds, accom-
panied by murder and all sorts of VIC
lenee, are shown in great volumes Of tes-
timony taken before the congressional
committees. Congress has never attemp pit
ed to interfere with fraud and violence
committed at state elections. If states al
low the right Of citizens to vote at heir
elections to be overthrown, it is the bus.
iness of the state authorities to redress
such I'M uries. But congress did pass
laws to secure fair elections of senators
and members Of congress. This was
done in pursuance of the plain provision
Of the constitution authorizing congress
at any time, my law, to make or altar the
regulations of a state to provide for the
times, places and manner y of holding
elections for senators and representatives
Under this clause of the constitution the
law was passed under which all the
memb bers Of the present senate were elect
ed, and has remained unchanged. The
laws providing for the election Of mem
bers ofthe house have been, as General
Ewing says, on the statute-book mum.
Der of years Their validity has never
been disputed ia the courts, though they
have been enforced in many states, north
and south All parties have appealed to
them, and the result, in every case, has
been to secure free and fair election.
There may be defects in these laws. The
rates allowed supervisors and deputy
marshals may be, and | think are, too
high, butt no attempt was made to amend
the law
TIE DEMOCRATIC PARTY
did try to repeal these laws, but failed By
the admirable vetoes of President Hayes,
who, while objecting to their repeal, ex.
pressed his Willingness TO approve any
suitable amendments that might be pro-
posed. We do net complain OF the at
tempt to repeal the law, altogether the
plain purpose was to place the control OF
the election Of members of congress in
the hands Of the democratic roughs of
New York and rifle clubs Of the south.
But, falling to repeal these laws, the dem
ocratic party tried to nullify them. This
is the same ofense as the attempted null
lifcation of the revenue laws by South
Carolina in 1888. 1t is founded upon the
same faulty construction Of the constitu-
ton by which secession was justified. II
is worse than either state notification or
state secession, because 1t IS an attempt
by members of congress, sworn officers
of the government, in an unconstitution.
al way, to nullify laws they are sworn to
obey. They refuse to appropriate money
to execute the laws. In this way they
could destroy any department Of the gov
ernment, and entirely revolutiohiZe it.
They have already, in refusing to appro
prite money to pay the marshals of the
United States, crippled the courts IN the
collection of internal revenue; and al
ready there has been a dangerous in.
crease OF otfenses against these laws
Desperate and lawless men, conscious
that the department is crippled in the ap
preparation for the enforcement Of the
laws, are now openly defying our reve
nue. laws, and do not see any remedy
unless Congress supplies at once the de-
fciency.
General Jackson put down notification
once, and the nation rose in its might to
put down secession, which was only null