The Portland daily press., 1879-10-25
Visit to Webster.
What Black Dan thought of Henry Clay

| Mr.. Ii. w. RAYMOND contributes to the No
vember Scribner the first of several papers of
extracts from notebooks kept by his father,
| Henry j. Raymond, the journalist. We
| quote the following paragraphs, showing Web
| ster in some of his most characteristic moods:
January, 1S48.-Durng this month 1 made
| nv first visit to Washington. While there,
| Mr.. Webster made an argument before the
| Supreme Court in a case involving the merits
| of the rebellion in Rhode Island in 1S42. / re-
| ported that argument, and on the 3Oth, (Fri-
| day. | called at Mr.. Websters house to read to
| him the report of it which l had prepared.
| The more see of him, the more profoundly
| does he impress me with his greatness-a great
| ness which is intrinsic and truly majestic
| which derives no addition from external cir
| cumstances, and which is quite as impressive
to the valet to one who sees the subject of it
| only ON holiday occasions
Mr. Webster expressed great satisfaction at
my report, and seemed especially anxious to
have the argument clearly set forth. AS
read over to him the successive points, to every
one which seemed peculiarly clear, he would
exclaim Good, That's true. That's it, ETC.,
etc. apparently forgetting that the argument
was his own, and applauding the performance
of some other person. After the report was
finished, expressed my great admiration OF
its iron logic, and remarked that thought it
very timely, and well calculated to correct
notions which are doing great mischief at the
present time. He said he trusted it would be
of service in that respect and regretted the
small attention which public men, legislators,
etc.. usually devote to the discussion of these
fundamental principles of government. /
ventured to express a hope that he would give
the world philosophical history of Washing
tons administration, upon which had been
told he had been engaged, because L thought 1t
would be desirable for his own fame, and
would, moreover, set up landmark for future
ages.
Mr. Webster said he had contemplated such
q work; he had marked out its plan; resolved
to make three volumes of it, divided it into
chapters; written portion and made very
copious collection of materials for the whole
work. He stated quite i'll detail the outline of his
pan-saying that he desired neither to make it
a mere narration like Hume nor mere biog-
raphy like Rapin, but to combine the two and
make the whole as vivid and graphic possi-
BILE. The persons whom Washington grouped
around him in council seemed to command his
special admiration and he expressed great
desire to paint the scenes presented by their
councils with more warmth than belonged Gin
his oDinion) to his temperament.
AT very early period of his life, he said, he
began to think the exposition of the Constitu-
tion his special field, his mission, and the lit
tie that he knew, he added, was in that direcs
ton. He had of necessity studied the life and
character of Washington very closely, and it
was character that would bear studying. We
often hear, especially at the present time, Of
men who, though not wise themselves, have
the tact to choose wise counsellors Many
speak so of Washington. But the distinction
was not just. All history, he said shows that
no weak prince will choose wise counselors;
he does not want to be surrounded by men
superior to himself; hit would feel dwarfed by
their presence Mr.. Tyler had been uni Just
ly dealt with in this respect For time he
was very willing to trust public affairs with
his secretary, scarcely interfering with them
at ALL The whole Ashburton aifair-the little
affair with Lord Ashburton, as Mr.. Webter
styled 1.-THE confided entirely to Mr.. Webster;
and so with the Rhode Island troubles. Mr..
Webster was surprised at this, but he said Mr..
Tyler promised to be much better President
than the public supposed. Until Mr.. Clay's
acrimonious violence drove him into the
ranks of the opposition, Mr.. Tyler conducted
affairs pith dignity and ability. But he had
not been in office month when Mr.. Clay in
sisted upon an answer to the question whether
Mr.. Tyler intended to run for second term?
And he pressed it SO pertinaciously and with
so much violence, that Mr. Tyler said one day
Jecularly, Mr.. Clay, have been so much an
noyed by this that l believe L shall send for
Mr.. Southard president of the Senate) and
resign at once This convinced Mr.. Clay
that Mr.. Tyler would stand again, and from
that time he denounced him and drove him
into the opposition, thus blasting all the fruits
of the Whig victory of 1910. He would have
had the same difficulty with Harrison, had he
lived.
spoke of Mr.. Clay's pressing for renom-
Webster said ]. @. Adams some years ago re-
marked that Mr. Clay would be a candidate so
long as he should receive nomination from a
majority Of the people in the terssreef LeSing-
mere pleasure is being talked of as a candidate,
he said was positive qualification which be-
came necessary to many men, and grew strong
er with their age. After all, said he, what will
Mr.. Clay leave for future ages? his speeches
contain nothing of permanent value-all re-
lating to temporary topics, and never discus
sing fundamental principles. He is not an in
structed statesman,-he knows nothing OF the
matters in that paper we have talked about;
and for what, said he, will he be remembered?
For his brilliant, effective, popular eloquence,
| suggested Yes, said he, but how much has
that availed Patrick Henry? 1t is ephemeral,
traditional, of little value to one. Mr..
Clay, he thought, had always kept the Whig
party subServient to his personal ambition, and
seemed still disposed to do So Mr. Webster
talked in this strain for some time, and with
great freedom and earnestness
He asked if / had heard Acknowledgement
Clifford in reply to his Rhode Island argument.
told him only in part. He said that Mr.. Cliff
ford remarked that Mr.. Webster's premises
were undeniable, and he could not see any
flaw in his logic; but there must be some fall
lacy in it, because it led to conclusions which
he could not admit! This, Mr.. Webster said,
was like Jefferson, who told him once that in
very early life he resolved to have nothing to
say to John Marshall for he would always get
him to admit certain positions (Which he could
not question: and then he would lead him to
conclusions which he lc0lld not believe, and
which he could not avoid; This, he said, was
the characteristic of Jefferson, who had no
reasoning faculty, but who knew exactly how
to touch the popular feeling, and was entirely
uascrupulous in exercising that skill.
Mr.. Webster talked very freely for an hour,
and said he intended to speak in the Senate on
the war question, and desired that should re-
port it. He said he should not speak upon the
| question until the close of the debate. / said
| he seemed not to share the fears which other
| Senators had expressed, that if they could not
| speak soon the subject would be exhausted!
| You know, said Mr. Webster, we farmers have
| fashion of going over field for gleanlngs al
| ter the harvest. Yes, said, and some could
| find more than others could at first. Mr.. Web
| ster said he did not wish to speak if the rumors
| of treaty then current should prove to be
well founded. He had no idea of having it
| thus upset. / asked him if he did not look for
| ward with apprehension to the result of the
war, and the absorption of all Mexico. He said
| he id,-that the future was entirely overcast,
| and it was very difficult to see any way OF
| safety. But, he added, he was not disposed
| to sit down in perfect despair as Calhoun had
| done, and say that he could see no future for
his country. EVEN ii annexation of all Mexico
| should take place, and dissolution of our
| Union should be the result, still, said he, we OF
| the North should be on the safe side. We have
| the wealth. the numbers, the commerce, the
! power are on our side; we are the strongest por-
| ton, and, in the event of dissolution we must
still constitute the great nation of the conti-
nent. We had therefore, less to fear from
this crisis than other portions of the country. l
said that few public men were willing to look
the matter thus boldly in the face. He said he
never alluded to it publicly, but these were the
views he took of it in his private reflections up
| on the subject.
In course of the conversation concerning the
notions prevalent in regard to popular liberty,
l said that the time seemed distant when men
in this country should be governed by cool rea-
son and Judgment instead of prejudice and
passion. He said yes,-that the prospect was
| discouraging, because events were constantly
occurring to turn the tide even when it seemed
to be setting well. Under Mr.. Adams things
went on pretty we'll. Then came Jacksonism
which threw the whole country into boiling
caldron of passion and excitement Then un-
der Mr.. Van Buren, the tone Of public feeling,
especially the spirit that prevailed at Washing
ton, greatly improved, and continued to do so
until Mr.. Clay, by his acrimonious course to-
ward Mr. Tyler, again threw everything into
confusion, and we were in a condition certain
ly unpromising enough.
My interview with Mr.. Webster lasted half