Montgomery County sentinel. [volume] (Rockville, Md.) 1855-1974, 1879-11-07
Power Of Monopolists.

1t must by this time be plain to every OBJ
serving citizen that the managers of the Re-
publican organization are preparing to make
the contest of 1880 the most desperate politi-
cal battle ever fought in this country. On
every hand their preparations may be seen :,
and from every quarter their resources are be-
ing gathered. Their recent success in Ohio
was no accident 1t will not do for Demo-
Gratis to console themselves with the theory
that the result there was merely a protest
against the extreme character of the finan-
cial views represented by General Ewing
1t was much more than that it was, so far
as that State is concerned, trial of stength
between the Democratic party, as the conser-
vator of our institutions us a whole, and the
Radical party, as The agent of those vast and
various social and political forces in our
midst which aspire to the erection of what is
termed ga stronger Government" On the
Democratic side no means were employed to
influence the result, beyond the natural and
Legitimate appliances of popular self-govern-
ment; that is to say, public speaking and
circulation OF documents. On the Republ
can side every means was employed which the
possession of vast wealth by the managers of
the party, and the existence or compatibility
on the part of numbers of voters, more or
less, made possible. In fine, the question in
Ohio was between the institution of popular
selt-government and the institution of Plu toe
racy, and the answer was in favor of the
money-kings. II is not worth while to in
quire whether this majority was three thous-
and or thirty thousand, in total vote of
over six hundred thousand. 1t was ma
jority securing the control of every branch Of
the State government to the Radical party, to
last at least through the crucial canvass OF
next year so that, whatever may be the con-
tingencies in store, we must count the power
Of the State of Ohio political or military, as
the case may be, as committed to the fortu mes
of the Moneyed 0ligarchy-the inchoate no.
bility of bankers and apitalists-whose aim
is to alter our regime.
Well after all, il is simply trial of strength,
and the final decision cannot be much longer
delayed. When the Thurman bill became a
law certain railway magnates, whose inter-
ests were impaired by it, determined to have
their reckoning with the author of the bill
when he should again be a candidate for the
renewed confidence of his constituents. Now,
il you will take the trouble TO consult the re-
turns you will find that The Democratic de-
feat in Ohio, as to the legislature, was rela-
lively much more severe than upon the State
ticket General Ewng's financial opinions
had excited merely the fears of the money
kings OF the country in general they antag-
onized him, in consequence rs a class. But
in Thurmans case the antagonsm was a spe-
cifc hatred because Of his acts. The result
speaks for itself The moral of Senator Thur
mans defeat is that no statesman can afford
to champion the interests of the body polite
as a whole when those interests happen to an
tagouize the wishes Of any great corporation,
because while the gratitude of the body poll
tic as a whole for such services is passive or
negative, the resentment Of the injured cor
poration is active and positive; while the
body polite as whole makes no particular
effort TO reward its deserving public servant,
the corporation makes every effort to revenge
itself upon him. Therefore should say that
the defeat of Senator Thurman in Ohio proves
simply that Jay Gould is the more powerful
man OF the two in any canvass for the Suf-
frages of the people of OHIO.
| do not say these things in any spirit o
antagonism TO Mr.. Gould. He has his own
aims and his own interests he would be q
sorry judge OF the morality OF the time il
which he lives if he did not take advantage o.
| circumstances to conserve The one and pro-
mote the other. ltrppears that by reason
| the vices OF voters, Mr.. Gould can summer,
terminate the career of any statesman who
antagonizes his interests in legislation, Sc
much the hetter for Mr.. Gold The populac,
/ 10 ~ NubN WIN hsANc w lbol the DlilS III lul
end, and Mr.. Gould would be u fool not tt
take advantage Of the situation. That is tC
say, if he shonld refrain from taking his re
yenge he would get no credit Tor patriotism
or love of fairness while by revenging him
self as he has done be wins immense eclat il
10 the estimation OF people who have grown
incapable OF approaching any higher motive
| have produced these peculiar reflections
because they seem TO me to typfy accurately
the tendency OF things. Facts are what W,
have to lace ut all times, aud one Of the fact
that we must face at this time is that Senator
] Thurman, as the champion Of the interests O
the people at large, some time ago provoked
the hostility of Jay Gould as IA representative o
the money power; Mr.. Gould retalaied in BIZ
turn, aud finally that the very people whose
interests Mr.. Thurman sought TO conserv,
aided Mr. Gould 10 securing his downfall
After such stricking example OF the fulfill,
of warning against the power of money wha
further illustration is needed?
The lines are beidg drawn for the contest o
1880. On the one side appears the Demo
cratic party standing upon the general ground
OF desire TO conserve our institutions as the,
are or perhaps II would be better to say
what the events Of the last eighteen wear,
have left our institutions On the other side
appears the Radical organization, standing
OF the general ground OF desire for a "strong.
er govermenr'-that is to say, form or fact
or both, of governing regime more nearly ap.
proximsting TO those In vogue under various
auspices in Europe. he issue is therefore, II
fact, very simple aud quite direct. Or rather
ii would be so, but for the circumstance thai
the Radical leaders, through wariness or by
way of strategy, and the Democratic leaders
through iipidity or an ill-judged and fatu-
GUS optimism, are alike seeking TO disguise OF
to complicate il; the one by setting up tails,
issues aud the other by nursing fallacies.
| This is iruely strange spectacle: One SET
OF managers afraid to avow their true designs
for fear of Revision Of popular sentiment
a fear, BY the way, for which there does not
seem to be any adequate ground and the
other side hesitating to charge these designs
upon its antagonist for some sentimental rea.
son yet more absurd This state of things
cannot last long. II is ia train under which one
side or the other must soon give away and
the giving way Of one must speedily be au-
swered BY a corresponding movement on the
other. IL is not impossible that the next
canvass may witness the calling Of things by
their proper names