The weekly clarion., 1879-10-01
VOLUME XIII.

govern the people Of Ohio in regard to the
domestic concerns would be made. not b
their own chosen representatives in thei
own midst, but by a Congress in which th
state of Rhode Island has as much weigh
in the Senate as the State of Ohio; by
Congress in which the six New Erglan
states would have six times much pOwe
IN the Senate, IN framing law relating t
the domestic affairs Of our State as Obi
herself would have Let no one, my Friends
imagine that such a state of things ca
never come 10 pass. | myself do not believ
that it will come to pass but the reason c
nay belief IS my faith in the power of tn
principles Of Democracy TO prevent il
| Were it not for Democratic opposition,
might come 70 pass. The forms Of Stat
Governments might remain. Your Legis
latures might sit from year TO year passin
laws and leyyiIfg taxes, but their Legislation
would be met and controlled at almos
every step by the legislation Of the Con
gress Of the United States.
The forms Of the Roman Republic con
tinued 70 exist for centuries after every par
/ ticle Of Roman liberty had been DESTROYED
And so the forms Of our State Govern
meHts might continue 10 exist after every
/ substantial exercise Of local self govern
ment had been oyerthrown. Now, mark it
my friends, the doctrine Of State rights o.
! in other words. local selfgovernment, fo
I which the Democracy contend, Is wholly
different from the doctrines of notification
or secession. The Democracy of the Nortl
never believed in the right Of nullificat ion
! or of secession. And until the breaking out
Of the civil war / believe il may be truly af
/ firmed that a large majority of the people ol
! the Southern States were also opposed tc
( those doctrines. 1t is true that when the
war broke out almost every Southern man
/ took sides with his section. That was the
natural consequence OF such a strife, which
overwhelmed for the time almost every die.
tate Of sober reason. But, whatever NAV
have been the opinions of the Southern peo-
pie before the war, no candid man can deny,
that the Southern people have abandoned
the doctrines of notification and secession
now and forever. They have accepted the
result Of the war as determining that no
State has a right TO nullify the valid laws
of Congress and no State has right to Sc
cede from the Union. 1t is therefore the
boldest hypocrisy or the most deplorable IL
nOrance to pretend that there Is any danger
Of the revival of the doctrine of secession
One great cause that endangered the Union
-slavery-has ceased to exist. To re-estab-
lIsh it is a manifest possibility. No man,
North or South, ImagIne5 that 1t could be
re-established. The southern people would
be among the first and the most earnest to
oppose such a measure. Their political pow
er is largely increased 10y the emancipation
of the negro, and they are fast coming to
the conclusion that their material prosperi-
ty is likewise improved by the emancipation
Is is not, therefore, fear of secession or of
the re-establishment of slavery that prompts
the Radical leaders to degrade and debase
the States The cause lies far deeper than
that 1t grows out of the long and never
ending effort of consolidated capital, seeking
special privileges by means of legis-
lation; privileges that the mass of the peo-
do not enjoy. The holder of Government
bonds desires a strong National Government
in the belief that such Government would
give greater security and value to his bonds
The mammoth railroad corporation, run
ming through many States, feels restive under
what it considers the annOyances of State
legislation. 1t would greatly prefer to
State charters or State licenses National
charter rendering it Independent of the
States. The National Bank interest with
its two thousand and odd banks, destined, if
the system continue, to be trlpled or quad
rupled in number in no long period of time,
looks with complacency on the legislation of
Congress that has destroyed the banking
institutions of the States and given to the
National system a monopoly of the issue and
profits of bank paper money. The high tar
iff protectionists and the seekers of subsidies
tied power to crafty their wishes and foster
their schemes. In a word, almost or quite
every form of concentrated wealth, except
real estate, desires by construction or other
wise to add new powers to the al
ready tremendous powers possessed by the
National Government. Do not understand
me as saying that every man of wealth de-
sires the annihiliation of the State Govern
ments or their practical overthrow, there are
,t1Il,
enough to see that the rights of the States is
essential to-the maintenance of freedom and
prosperity and is one of the greatest safe
guards that can be conceived of the Union
itself But on the other hand | fear that
there are thousands of men in this country
who would prefer even a limited monarchy
to the form of Government under which we
live. They do not believe in the rule of the
people; they do not believe in universal suf-
frage; they do not believe in the rights of
the States but they do believe in strong
centralized Government, backed by a stand
ing army and presided over or ruled by
Chief Magistrate chosen for long term or
even for life. They are too sagacious to ex-
pect their hopes to be speedily realized.
They know that a Government like ours can
not be subverted in day, but they also know
that, even if its form be left untouched, Its
essential principles may be day by day
weakened or destroyed until in the end 1t
shall be in substance and in practice the
Government they desire.
Hence they favor and applaud every usur,
patton of Congress and the President, and
regard with satisfaction everything that
tends to weaken or destroy the reserved
rights of the States.
THE ARMY AT THE POLLS.
Nv friends, have said that the purpose
of the Radical leaders to overthrow local
selfgovernment is shown, among other
things, by numerous acts of Congress. To
sneak of these acts in detail would require
not one speech, but many. | can not, there
fore, undertake that task tonight. But
there are some laws to which | must ask
vour attention, not only because of their
deem reaching effects, but also because they
are prominently brought under considera-
tion at the last two sessions of Congress, and
are among the most prominent issues now
before the people. And first let me say
few words about the law enacted in Februa-
nv, 1875, authorizing the use of the army of
the United States to keep the peace at the
polls. When that law enacted, the
Hoyernment of the United States had been
in existence for more than three-q uarters of
a century. We had passed through two
wars with foreign countries, and through
a civil war of four years duration, and al
most uneq ualeo IN mag Hl.uuel III tne ahHaIs
of mankind, and yet, during all this period,
nearly seventy-six years, neither in peace
nor in war had it been deemed proper, or
even admissible, by our lawmakers, to use
the standing army of the United States to
interfere in any manner in the elections of
the people. But when, in 1865, the Radi-
cal leaders resolved to overthrow civil gov
ernment in the South, and to divide that
norton of the Republic into military de
partments, to be ruled by FIVE Generals of
the army, and to permit no elections, unless
sanctioned by those Generals and supervis-
ed by them, then this law authorizing the
use of the army at the polls was hrst enac-
ted How it was executed is now matter of
history. It's professed object was to pre-
serve the peace; its practical operation was
to disturb the peace. 1t is said to be in the
interest offree and fair elections; it was
,sad as an instrument of terror to destroy