Daily globe., 1879-04-24
federal power must flow. or else it would run
dry. Nothing was to be implied, nothing was

paCrlOulC, Out IL mas all Clc powers OF q gov |
ernment for its own establishment and it's own
perpetuity-but all the powers of a govern
ment to secure to every citizen every right
which that government guarantees to him.
The argument on the other side stripped of
its artificial and technical structure come to
this, that although rights we're exclusively
secured by and duties imposed upon the ma
tlonal government yet the power of enforcing
those rights or of exercising those duties until
that power could be found named among the
express powers in the constitution, did not
exist He conceded that the United States
HAD NO POWER
to send supervisors into State legislatures to
watch over Senators. The constitution had
adopted the legislature as its body, and could
not appoint new officers for it. The legislature
adopted as whole and as a body must act on |
that subject according to its constitution, and
the United States government had no right to |
question the title of it's members or to send |
officers in and make them part of that body. !
But he contended that if, in the discharge of |
its functions, derived from the constitution of |
the United States, State legislature was inter-
fered with by riot or disturbance by State laws |
or State authority, then it was not only the |
right of the United States, but its bOunden |
duty to send its marshals and it's officers there
to preserve the peace and to see that that legis-
lature had the right to exercise the functions
given to it free from interference by any body.
Whatever pOWtr Guc Ou1lcu OGdtcS SOtcIumcuG
found it necessary to imply in the selection OF
United States Senators that
AUTHORITY AND POWER
it had the right to apply, and it it's duty to
assert it. (Applause on the Republican side.)
of the United States to appoint officers of
State legislature, who should take part in the
deliberations of that body, and he expressly
disclaimed and denied the power of the United
States to look into the qualifications of mem
bers of that legislature. Referring to the
proposition laid down some time since by Mr..
McLane, of Maryland, that there was no such
thing recognized by the courts as ''the peace of
the United States,'' Mr.. Robeson said I con-
slider that proposition, in whatever language it
is clothed, which conveys to the minds of the
people of this country the idea that the United
can be made in any country and most destruc-
tive of the perpetuity of the government and
LIBERTIES OF THE PEOPLE.
My friends said he to the Democratic side of
the House, let me, in all honesty and good
faith ask you if that was not the very subject
that was settled by the war? Let me ask you
whether or not the question of whether the
laws of the United States shall be enforced
against whatever resistance comes up, was not
the very question submitted to the arbitrament
of battle, and whether its decision is not writ
ten in letters of living fire upon pages as grand
| and as splendid as any in the history OF the
world? applause on the Republican side.)
DO you not understand that when you take the
position, there is no peace" in the United
States to be maintained, you reopening the
whole question?
Mr.. Davis On. O. asked him if he claimed
that if under the constitutional duty to see
that the laws were enforced the President had
| the right to send troops into the States.
| Mr.. Robeson replied that when there is
1{r,&o ho~ IL lou hry
and authorized by the constitution it is the
duty of the President to see that that law is
| enforced and executed against any obstacle and
despite every resistance, and he believed that
when that time came there would be on q call
of the executive in either section million ris-
ing in arms if need be to maintain the
| SUPREMACY OF THE LAWS
of the United States. Applause. He believed
his friends on the other side, many of whom
entered into a resistance of the laws before,
would be found ranging themselves on the side
of constitutional gov ernment and national au-
thority. Applause. He cited with commen-
dation the course of President Jack
son in shutting down the threat
ened resistance in South Carolina.
and quoted as direct answer to Mr.. Davis the
law passed by Congress that occasion, au-
thorizing the President to issue his proclama-
tion and if not obeyed, to use the whole force
Of the United States to enforce the laws. In
conclusion, he said, addressing himself to the
Democratic side Of the House, my friends,
have already appealed to you on this question
Of resistance of United States law. You are
opinions of your section. Communities are
acted upon in masses, and we all know how
often in this world history reason is dethroned
by feeling, and
| PASSION UsURPs THE PROVINCE OF REASON.
But you are better educated, you are better
informed, you are better instructed, you dea
more with the outside than the people of your
district. Ought you not to be leaders, not
followers of their ideas? Ought they not tc
take instructions from you and ought you not
to so teach and control them that not only in
dividual men, but organized masses shall learr
to look to justice and right and to strive fo
tho right You have among you statesmen
who in other times and other duties have mad
these halls vocal with the advocacy Of. great
rights. You have orators in whose blood tn
warm currents of youth still flow with manli
ness and power men whose lives seem to hav
been touched with the rod of Hermes, who S
voice in the hustings and hall ring
out like silver clarion. You hav
SOLDIERS AS BRAVE
as ever Wallace led, men who have commando
, armies greater than those with which Napoleo
swept the continent of Europe, on fields NOR
deadly than those on which were decided th
: destinies of nations. You have statesmen
, to stand by any of the governments of th
world. Will you not listen to the voice Q
! peace. Will you not understand that you a,
needlessly forcing upon us this proposition, nc
, the question whether or not the laws of th
United States can be enforced but whether {
not the United States has any "peace'' whic
F, it may and can maintain.
MIR. FINLEY,
t in reply to Robeson, contended that membe,
r of Congress were State, and not United State
e officers, and strengthened his position by quo
ing from decision of the supreme cour
wherein it was expressly decided that Senator
were officers of the States, and not of the fet
. . eral government. It had been surprise
some gentlemen that his colleague, Garfield
: had come to the front as the first speaker Q
! this question, but it was no surprise to hin
, because that gentlemen had coined an arg,
- ment for his party on excuse for factious opp
sition to repeal. That argument had bee
}. taken up by the newspapers of the countr,,
n and the lesser lights on the floor of the Hous
What was that argument? Was it that the la
was just and should remain the statu
books? No; for the gentleman, Garfield, ha
said the laws should be repealed. Was it tn
n n the repeal appropriation bill? N
~ because hundreds of riders had been put
- appropriation bills before. But it was th
the Democratic party in putting the repeal
an appropriation bill, was
~ MENAcua THE PRESIDENT,
d and threatening to starve the government
i. death. He quoted from the remarks made |
At Garfield seventeen years ago, to the effect tn
ls ls it was revolutionary for minority, howev
~ large, to deny to the majority the right to p
70 riders on an appropriation bill, and now Il
70 same gentleman declared it revolutionary for
1e majority to place riders on an appropriate
bill. He quoted from remarks made by Hen
a Clay while in Congress, to the effect that
~ ~ was proper for Congress to pass bill al
y. - present it to the President, and if he refus
L X<,-.a