The Manitowoc pilot. [volume] (Manitowoc, Wis.) 1859-1932, 1879-05-01

delivered by Conkling last Thursday is a
mere nonentity compared with his great
constitutional argument on the right of
the vice president to canvass the votes of
the electoral college, and is entirely I'M
worthy the reputation of the man who
delivered it. 1t Is n tissue of spe-
cious arguments, which fall to pieces
when closely examined. The speech is
vastly inferior to that of Robson who
spoke on the same side. When the
speech is considered solely on its merits,
Invested of the accessories of splendid
audience, the embellishments of a thor
ough master of the arts of delivery and
of its splendid setting of wordy elo-
quence, and there is very little left to
admire.
He is very unfortunate in his use of
figures. Conklng, one is left to infer
from his speech, thinks representation
should be based on wealth; else why
should he have taken the pains to ascer-
tain the proportions of the revenues
paid by the different sections and talk of
the southern states, controlling revenues
of which, according to his showing, they
contribute comparatively small amount?
And how transparent fallacy to which
he resorts to prove that the southern
states pay in round numbers but $14,-
000,0 of national taxes amounting in
the aggregate to 1926, 100000. We are
told by the reporters that these figures
startled Hill, he never having heard
them before. They well may startle
anyone by their absurdity. Conkling
places the revenue derived from duties
on imported articles at $3.50, 900, 900, and
from taxes on, home production at S103,
100000. Of these amounts he says the
northern states pay S221, 204, 26S. Had
he gone a little farther and shown the
amount paid by the respective states he
would have shown that of that amount
the sea board states paid fully nine
tenths; 4. c. paid in the manner in
which Conkling says the northern states
paid the sum put to their credit. But
every one knows that it is the consumer
that pays national taxes, and thus the
tax is distributed over the entire union
wherever commodities taxed by the
government are used Judged by the
rule Conkling used, the cities of New
York, Boston, Philadelphia and Balti-
more pay the major part of the national
taxes. But it is we'll known that the
revenues they contribute are not proper
toned to the amount of foreign goods
landed on their wharves, but on the
amount they consume.
The state of Virginia contributes more
revenue to the government from its pro-
auctions than any other state. But it
is highly probable that the state of New
York pays greater proportion of that
revenue than Virginia does, though it
goes to the q, S. treasury directly from
the latter state. According to Conkling's
rule, the money made by the postal de-
partment does not come from the trans.
mission of mail matter, but from the in
stitution which manufactures the stamps.
Conkling says that the constitution in
gress has attempted to do it's duty. bnt
me executive abusing the power given
MN by the constitution has made "tbis
thlng nugatory. When the constitution
made 1t obligatory on congress to make
appropriations, did it mean to exemnt
the president from the obligation it i'm.
poses! If the president feels disposed
can he not arrogate to himself the entire
power OF making appropriations if. as
oohkllng says, appropriations shat be
MAGE? Suppose the president insists in
Vetolng every appropria ton bill, Twill Mr..
Conkllng still insist that congress shoU
perform an impossibility If the con.
stltutlon IS mandatory in the sense in
which Cohkling interprets it, not onIv |
the appropriations but the revenues can
be controlled solely by the president
when he chooses to exercise the surname
power vested In him. As congress a,,,st
50 frame the bills as to suit him. Too
much vanity hath made the lordlv Roscoe
mad.