The Lake Charles echo. [volume] (Lake Charles, Parish of Calcasieu, La.) 1876-1898, 1879-06-28

consent to those terms. i had been Il
favor of the southern convention whicl
South Carolina proposed through Mr.
Memminger, her commissioner, believin!
as I did, in which i am now confirmed
that if all the southern states met il
convention, as proposed by South Caro-
lima, such guarantees would be asked o
the northern people as they would grant
and which would protect us, and in thai
event there would be no secession, and
certainly did not wish secession if we
could be protected in the enjoyment OF
our constitutional rights, and that, I be-
lieve, was the general sentiment OF the
south. ] believe ] have given you now
almost, if not exactly, verbatim these
conversations to which / referred in my
conversation with you. will add that
the day following the conversation with
the French minister, large company OF
gentlemen dined with him at my house,
and he left there after ten o'clock ut
night in rain, in order, as he said, to
send dispatch to Norfolk to fire up a
steamer which could take him or his dis
patches, / forget which, to New York
before the next Atlantic steamer sailed.
The battle of Coal Harbor and the
other BATTLES around Richmond occurred
not long atterward, and ] had no doubt
of our acknowledgment by the French
government, and was very much SUE
prised that 1t did not come.
Some time afterward the French con-
sui, Mons. Paul, drove up to my house
on Sunday afternoon, and very soon en-
tered into conversation about the &C
acknowledgements of the confederate gov
eminent by the emperor of the French,
and asked me if we could not pass some
bill for the gradual abolition Of slavery
in fifty or sixty years. May be it might
do even if it were longer, and said that
if that were done the emperor would
Immediately acknowledge us, but that
the French people would not be satisfied
without the provision for the abolition
OF slavery. They did not care how dis
tant it was, so the fact was secured as
the price of recognition, and the emperor
would be fully justified.
] expressed my individual willingness
to accede to these terms, and promised
to see the president upon the subject
next morning when ] went into con-
gress, and if he agreed with me ] would
Immediately introduce bill for the
purpose.
"But," said /, =" Monsieur Paul, what
guarantee can you give us that, if we
take SO important 8 step, the emperor
will acknowledge us?"
He replied: "Mr. Lyons, nobody can
guarantee the emperor, but you may be
sure that the emperor will do what ] tell
you he will do" which i considered as
but another mode of saying that ne had
been authorized to do what he had done.
1t is due to Mr.. Davis TO say that ]
saw him next morning, at his own house,
before congress met, as coon as / went
into town and told him what had passed
between the French consul and myself.
His answer was: 81 should concur with
you in accepting these terms but for the
constitutional difficulty. You know
that congress has no jurisdiction over the
subject of slavery" "True," said i,
''but that difficulty may be gotten over,
in my opinion, without any violation of
the constitution. Let the bill for the
gradual abolition of slavery also provide
that it shall not take effect until the
states have, by acts of their respective
duly passed, approved and
ratified it, which you know will be just
rs good as if passed beforehand, author
izing congress TO do the thing. will not
be guilty of the presumption of Offering
such bill upon my simple response
bility, but If i may say that you concur
with me j will introduce the bill tosmor-
row." Hethen asked me why the French
government could not deal with the states
IN the matter, 80 as to avoid all consti-
sutional questions. j told him i had
put that very question to the French
consul, and his answer was: "France
ioes not know the states, but she knows
'he confederate government and Presi-
lent Davis"
Mr.. Davis then said: s'Well, must
consult the cabinet, and If thew agrse