The Leavenworth weekly times. [volume] (Leavenworth, Kan.) 1870-1880, 1879-04-17

, strongest possible power may be exerted fo
! the protection of citizens of the United
: States at the ballot-box. be they white o.
black, at the North or at the South.
Gentlemen claim here that IN the Sta,s
OF New York it would be entirely possibl,
: without supervisors 10 have a fair election
I and that the laws OF the State are sufficient
; for the protection Of Individual citizens in
their right to vote. 1t may be true. The
, gentleman on this side OF the House Mr.,
. Fryel called your attention to the fact that,
, In his opinion, the laws of that State are
not sufficient to protect the ballot box in
New York City, aud have never been found
so az q matter OF fact He also related an
incident Of the war to show YOU what their
power was at that time for protecting the
citizens Of that State at the ballot box.
He told you how colored men were hunted
through the streets of New York by a mob
and hung at the lamp posts. Let me finish
the sketch, and tell you how this mob, fred
with rage and excitement, burned an or
phan asylum in the city of New York, and
scattered the little waits, houseiess and
homeless. on the cold charity of the streets
Of the city; and later still, when they had
collected before one Of the great business
palaces of that city, a trim and tidy and an
sristocra'ic figure from the portico address,
ed that seething, boiling mass of brutal hu-
mainly "a my friends" Who was it
HoratIo Seymour, the Democratic governor
Of the State Of New York.
| II there war not a sufficient power or
Willingness on the part of the executive Of
the State to suppress draft riot, have We
any warrant that he could or would sup
press ballot box suiiiag riot st the polls,
should one occur?
How was it later, when the drsf. had to
be taken for the purpose of supplying the
quota of the State. 4 rosd hsd to be cut
| through this same mob IN or!er that the
| officers might Ir psecute III II work and the
| armies of the United STATS b. filed. Ii
hese things were true in New York City
| itself in such calse and under such ,iTcun-
stances, is it not fairly possible thar, If sll
| the laws for the protection "f he ballot box
were cut from the United States ststutel,
oil the frauds that have Giss raced the ns
| ton, and that gave thirty. forty. or fifty
thousand illegal votes il rsr city, may BE-
re enacted sny day a. they were under tie
regime Of Tweed?
You claim furths- III repeal of the test
oath for the grand ana pitt jIries in the
Southern States Let II BE- rep, ,'ci ii il i
wise TO do 20. 1t Was put there liza sou Of
the South should deal fairly with northern
men and the negro who ia ci arged with
crime. l. it an uuhesrd of thing? | have
Just read % you /, more mOnstrOus statute. |
| have caused TO be read clause from |
an old statute of Kansas, placed there by = |
Democratic Legislature in he fall flush ri |
Democratic pride and prosperity, which |
provides that any man ;onscientiously op- |
posed to the institution of slavery shall not |
serve on jury for the trial of any crime !
under the statute concerning slavery.
man was not allowed to vote unless he |
swore to support the fugitive slave law and |
kindred enactments.
Here the hammer fell.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is |
s-,sakirg in The time OF the gentleman from |
Wisconsin, Mr. Williams and the portion |
allotted TO him has expired.
Mr. HCCOOK | hope the genileman'- |
time will he extended. The ,ine vas ex-I
ended on the other side.
The CHAIRMAN. By unanimous cor
sent the gentleman can speak in his owI |
tine.
Mr.. SPARKS. How long does the gen
ueman desire TO SPEAK?
Mr. HASKELL. BI; very short time /;
Tot logger than five or ten minutes.
The CHAIRMAN. Then, if there lie no
ol lection, the gentleman will be allowed |
five minutes.
No objection vs made.
Mr. HASKELL. The question before
ia at this time il, not what was generally |
talked Of in this House during the Forty
Ill. h Congress, the repeal Of the statute lev
eied against an army officer who should |
misuse his power al the polls, but it Is far
noTe than The repeal of the ststute placed |
on the statute book in 1865. speak 70
ny-clf only when | say that ! would be |,
wiling to repeal that law if the question
came IN proper way. Ii would leave the
oper alton Of all other laws, it leaves the OPP
Grafton OF the Federal election laws entirely |
free.
But you have not brought before this
House the simple repeal OF that obnoxious
section. You come in here with a provis-
ION thai the old section shall he re-enscied,
save and except the words "or keep thu
peso. at he polls" When you cut those
words out of tie old section and re-enlct it /
again, Won are spreading upon the statute
books what is virtually new law. You /
are enacling law that civil officers OF this /
Government under no circumstances shall |
appesr at the polls armed fer the enforce
meni OF the law.
Now, | would care very little for the |
wiping out of the old statute; but when |
sou come TO re enact, al you propose IN |
MS bill before Va, tn 1t old atute with the |
words left out to which | have referred, |
vou might as well repeal Al onCe the entire |
Federal election lave. With that old |
-tatu,e 40 re-enscted all the other laws are |
imperative and void.
You wOuGer why We make a stard here |
to day and in the begi,ning OF this Con- /
gress upon this bill. Why. sir, il this bill |
passes then the sections which you propose |
TO repeal by provisions in the legislative !
appropriation bili may remain on your !
statuie hooks or he taken of; they will ef- !
feet nothing. With this law az you pre- |
sent il here, the Federal election laws are a |
nulIity, are void and worthless. That, |
presume, is the reason that the Republican |
party OF this House has taken the ground |
at the beginning Of this struggle that not |
one step by their consent shall be taken to- !
wsrd stripping the statute book Of these |
Federal election lava, which W. believe are |
absolutely essential TO the protection and |
the purity of the ballot box. Upon that |
Issue, then, We are entirely willing TO go to
the country. Upon that issue We join forces
with you. If, under the Constitution and
wiuily. you shall pass that provision
here, if lawfully il shall be passed in the
Senate Of the United States, and ii the
President Of the United Ststes ees ct TO APP
prove il, it will become the law of the land
sgsinst which we shall have uttered only 4
protest.
But We DO insist and We shall insist that
that power which has always been allowed
10 the executive to approve or disspproye
bill Of Congress Just a. he sees FIT, shall
continue to b. left with him; that he shall
have the privilege of approving or die sp
proving any bill inst az il meets his judg
ment or not.
Gentlemen upon the other side have said
that the Republican party to-day takes the
position wro-gfully that the President has
the same right TO exercise his power CT up
prevail or disappToval a. this Congress. Sir,
it ia right that Cannot be taken from him
1t is a. much his privilege to approve q
bill as it is to dissPprove it, and SIS much
his privilege 10 disapprovs it as to approve
it.
What would be said by our Democratic
| friends il the President should take the po-
,ition occupied BIZ the Democratic side of
the House? Suppose you were to send
| bill to the White House that the President
ia entirely willing to spprove. Suppose
| a!zo that there wa4 pending before Won
smother bill which in his Judgment ought
not to pass and suppose that he intimsted
| that IL Won did pass that other bill which