The new Northwest. [volume] (Portland, Or.) 1871-1887, 1879-03-06
A MINORITY REPORT.


the committee on privileges and elections
and after slumbering until June was re-
ported back with recommendation
by majority Of the committee that it
be indefinitely postponed The ohjec-
tions that accompanied the report were
so trite, so pueTile and had been so often
answered by both logic and experience
that it would have been deemed an in
suit to present a number equal
ly weak upon any other matter
that claimed the attention Of the Sen
ate. We gave synopsis Of them at
the time, and most Of our readers have
doubtless a recollection of the points (9)
made. We now have minority report
Of said committee upon the question
which was ordered 10 be printed with
the majority report, a wise measure, and
one that suffragists will greatly appreci-
ate, as the opportunity thus given to
compare the true with the false is uu-
surpassed. The latter report has the
hOnored signatures of Geo. +. Hoar, OF
Massachusetts,, Argus Cameron, Of Wis
consin, and John H. Mitchell, Of Ore
gon, attached, and in all the brilliant
Congressional record of these gentlemen,
their names are affixed to no more just
and logical document. Did our space
permit, we would be glad to print the
two reports side by side, that both
friends aud enemies Of the cause might
see the ground whereon the great ques-
tion stands. We give a brief summary
Of the arguments Of the majority, to-
gether with an answer to the same as
made by the minority, and ask that
enemies of equal rights will pause, read
and pronounce judgment without pre-
judice. The majority Of the committee
state the following as their reasons for
the conclusion to which they come:
First. II the petitioners prayer be
granted, it will make several millions oI
women voters.
Second. These voters will be inexpe.
rienced in public affairs.
Third. They are quite generally de-
pendent on the other sex.
Fourth. They are incapable Of mill
tary duty.
Fifth. They are without the power K
enforce the laws which their numerical
strength may enable them to make.
Sixth. Very few Of them wish to as
sume the irksome and responsible dutie:
which this measure thrusts upon them
Seventh. Such a change should only b'
made slowly and in obedience to a gen
eral public demand.
Eighth. There are but thirty thousand
petitioners.
Ninth. 1t would be unjust to impose
"the heavy burden of governing, which
so many men seek to evade, on thu
great mass Of women who do not wisl
for it, to crafty the few who do"
Tenth. Women now have the sympa
thy of judges and juries "to an exten
which would warrant loud complain
on the part of their adversaries Of tn,
sterner sex"
Eleventh. Such a change should b.
made, if at all, by the States. Three
/ fourths Of the States should not force
on the others. In any State in whicl
"any considerable part Of the womel
wish for the right to vote, it will b
granted without any intervention q
Congress"
The first objection Of the comm ittee
to the large increase Of the number q
the voting population. We believe, o.
the other hand, that 20 double the mum
bers Of the constituent body, and t
compose one-half that body Of womer
would tend to elevate the standard {
the representative, both for ability an
manly character.
The objection Of inexperience in pull
lie affairs applies, of course, alike {
every voter when be first votes If
be valid, it would have prevented an
extension Of the suffrage, and would ex
clude from the franchise a very larg
number OF masculine voters Of all ages
That women are quite generally de
pendent on the other sex is true. So
is true that men are quite generally de
pendent on the other sex. Il is impos
sible so 10 measure this dependence a
10 declare that man il most dependen
on woman or woman on man. II is b.
no means that the dependence Of eithe
on the other affects the right to IN
suffrage.
Capacity for military duty has no con
nection with capacity for suffrage. Th
former is wholly physical. It will scarce
ly be proposed to disfranchise men wb
are unfit to be soldiers by reason Of age o
bodily infirmity. The suggestion tina
the country may be plunged into wal
by a majority Of women who are secur
from military dangers is not founded 1
experience. Men OF the military profes
sion and men of the military age ar
commonly quite as eager for war as non
cOmbatants, and will hereafter be quit
as Indifferent to its risks and hardship
as their mothers and wives.
The argument that women are withou
the power to enforce the laws whicl
their numerical strength may enabl
them to make proceeds upon the suppO
sition that it is probable that all th
women will range themselves upon on,
side in politics, and all the men on th,
other. Such supposition fatty contra
diets the other arguments drawn from
the dependence Of women, and from thei
alleged unwillingness to assume politi