The weekly clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1863-1882, 1879-10-08

1t was not enough that the city was under
party control. Resort was had TO the party
advantages under the election laws. Seven
hundred and seventy-three deputy marshals
and 8, 1872 supervisors were appointed at q
cost of 81, 10. The city was peaceful and
| quiet. Why then were four regiments OF
party brigands placed in rule over the peo-
pie when they went to vote? The Repub-
I lican marshal of that district, under oath,
/ said they were not needed to secure free
and fair election. The outrage, under the
( pretense of law, was far greater in New
I York. The vilest characters were appointed
! marShals and supervisors. Thousands or
voters were arrested for no crime and with
out warrants. Fright and terror prevailed,
! and large numbers of voters were thus Kept
| from the polls. Do you desire this to be
| continued? For party advantage do you
ask that our elections, heretofore free, shall
! be placed under such partisan machinery
/ Are the people, in going to vote, to be placed
| under fear of unlawful arrests? Shall
! clubs be held over our heads as we vote !?
/ The free American voter is noble specta-
! Gle. Erect, bold, unterrifed, he exercises
/ the right of freeman and the power of a
sovereign: When he shall be made to crawl
| in the presence of supervisors and overseers,
| the end has come to that liberty of which
We have been so proud.
! | said we demand that the troops be taken
and kept from the polls l would rather
/ die with the ballot in my hand than that
| one of them should strike me with his
sword Let US be at least as free as the
subjects of Queen Victoria. Popular rights
/ have advanced slowly in England, but surely,
and have never been pushed backward. So,
! when it Was settled that the trooper should
! not lord the voter; should not strike him
nor jostle him, nor even stand in the sight
| of him when voting, it was settled forever.
| The legislation that provides for the use
| of the troops at the elections is Il blot upon
our record that must be etfaced. At the
| called session of Congress the Democrats
! labored faithfully to remove every hind
rance and obstruction i'll the way of free
and fair elections They were opposed at
every step. They passed the bills The
| President resorted to the extraordinary
power of the veto to save the party machin-
cry. On which side of the issue do you
stand -? For or against free elections? Do
you not enjoy the sight when the men of
the neighborhood are assembled at the
polls? All there-Od friends and new
friends old men and young men; some to
cast their first and some their last ballot.
They argue and debate; they joke and
laugh. 1t is election day, and that reyiyes
old memories and many story of the early
settlement is told. Some old gentlemen are
telling about their first votes. that were
cast for Jackson. Just then a smooth-faced
| lad offers his vote and it is challenged The
debate and the story stop. All attention is
| given to the question of the vote. The old
men consult. They compare their recol-
| lectiOns-when the parents were married
| and when the child was born. Some are
| very positive, for he went to school with
I their own boys. 1t is soon settled and the
right decided. And so the day goes on until
in the evening the window is shut down
I Il -. IL ] L..
| Upon such elections, and upon such men,
our institutions must rest. At the next
election a shadow is over the scene. The
| deputy marshal and the supervisor are there
! as the paid agents and bulldOzers for the
party. Why are they arresting men and
| dragging them away without warrants? No
crime has been committed, and there is no
disturbance. 1t is to excite fear, and there
| by keep men from voting. The law of force
and violence has taken the place of local
| selfgOvernment. Good cheer and conf
dence among the neighbors is gone. Anxiety,
! distrust, and hatred have taken their
places.
Do you justify the vetoes? The bills
were carefully considered by Congress, and
after great deliberation were passed. They
| involved no question of Constitutional
power on the part of Congress. For nearly
one hundred years the elections had been
free from Federal supervision. It was not
questioned that Congress had the power to
repeal the offensive laws. 1t was question
| of judgment and discretion, and that ques-
| ton Congress decided by the repeal. Such
| legislative discretion belongs to Congress
and not to the President. The veto power
was given not to defeat and destroy, but to
| protect and preserve; to preserve the Con-
stitution from Invasion, and to protect the
| powers of the executive from legislative en-
| croachment. cit is not a sword, but a
shield" The men have taught US this who
| made the Constitution. And it is in ac-
| cordance with usage almost uniform. l
think the people of this country will never
consent that the President may defeat the
popular will as expressed by Congress,
merely because it does not agree with his
| individual wish and preference 1t would
enable him to stand in the way of all re-
forms, and to defeat wholesome regulations
of the public service. 1t is intolerable that
| the will of one man may defeat the will of
| Congress, upon a question of judgment and
discretion. And it becomes indecent, and
an outrage upon public rights, when the
power is exercised to continue party ma
chinery that is used to defeat free and fair
elections.
Coming in as the present executive did,
it would seem that he should wear the robes
of office modestly. He and his countrymen
know that he was not elected. Full
100000 majority of the popular vote was
against him, and decided majority of the
electors duly chosen. In his promotion, by
| agents and agencies the most detestable, the
rights of the people were defed and
trampled under foot. Must that be followed
by the repeated defeat of the will of the
people in the exercise of the veto? On
what side will you stand? appeal to you
to stand for free legislation, and against
such an abuse of a constitutional power; to
stand for free and fair elections, and against
all party supervision for corrupt ends
Ny countrymen, are you prepared for a
material change in our system of govern
ment We are in the habit of of speaking it
as the best government in the world. Our
fathers lived under it and were prosperous
and happy. Under it we have grown to be
a numerous, rich and powerful people. A
| large class of partisans are now dissatisfied
with it, they want stronger government.
suppose that is general tendency. 1t
was so with the Jews when they asked a
king. The proposition to change our insti-
tutions fills me with great anxiety. | do
not want to see the States broken down. l
fear for our liberties when all the powers of
| Government shall be concentrated in a
central authority. We have loved the
States. They have been to US home Gov
ernments. They protect our persons, our
characters, our children, our property, our
homes and our graves. In their courts our
wrongs are redressed and our rights yindi-
Gated. Under their guardian care and sup
port our free schools exist, and our highways
are constructed and maintained. And by
their authority justice shall be administered
freely, and without purchase completely,
and without denial speedily and without
delay"
Whoever advocates the rights of the
States aud the Importance of maintaining
them is charged with holding the doctrine
that the Union is but compact, and that
the States may seoede at their pleasure
That charge is one of the means used to
prepare the public mind for the overthrow
of State authority. Now, I wish to
In the light of the Constitution there is nc
conflict of authority between the States and
the Emitted States. Each is sovereign