National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1879-04-09

time correct whatever wrong may have
come from the Presidential objection and
change the organic law which gave the OBJ
lection such force, but beyond this even
public opinion cannot go.
The President is Just as absolute in his
constitutional independence as Congress or
the Judiciary are in theirs. Each branch
has its distinctive field of duty, clearly
bounded by constitutional limits, and
within these boundaries each is absolute in
the exercise of all vested rights.
The Judiciary has the power to nullily n
law of Congress, but to threaten such nulli-
fication, in order to coerce Congress into the
enactment of new laws or the repeal of old
ones, would be an abuse quickly followed
by impeachment.
Congress has the control over all appro-
priations. Whether the act would be right
or wrong, it has the power to refuse needed
supplies to the several branches Of the Gov
ernment. To threaten the judiciary or the
Executive with such refusal unless certain
measures were promptly indorsed, would be
an abuse that the people would soon cor
rect The articles of impeachment would
be formulated by an indignant people, and
the offenders would find that the bar of
public opinion would be quicker to act and
more severe in the penalties inflicted than
the bar of the Senate.
The President has the constitutional
right to call the attention of Congress to
certain needed measures. lie may deem
them of vital Importance; but he can do
more than recommend--he can disagree
with any bill proposed but TO threaten, by
words or implication, that unless his recon-
mendatons were adopted he would object
to every bill sent to him, would be an
abuse of his prerogativo which would call
for prompt impeachment
The safety of the nation lies in the con-
scientous discharge of those duties laid
down in the Constitution. The extreme
exercise of any right may lead to the
graycst of wrongs. The very framework
of our republic, while it provides for the
utmost independence of the coordinate
branches of the Government, compels a
mutual dependence, trinity of interests
each distinct in its sphere and yet one in
the common purpose of serving the people
and promoting the welfare of the nation
The more intelligent among the Demo
Gratis in Congress will sooner or later see the
constitutional defect Of the policy of coer-
cion which they have adopted. They have
but TO follow this policy to its logical con-
clusion to see the fatal dangers which at
tend it. If laws are obnoxious they must
remain so until properly repealed. II
ninety-nine out of hundred clamor fol
the repeal and the hundredth man is the
President, his objection against the repea
can only be overcome by the necessary
two-thirds vote. To endeavor TO starvc
him into submission contrary to his juds
ment would be an act, not revolutionary il
itself, but inviting that condition of help
lessness on the part Of the Government, out
of which revolutions are born.
We say to the Democratic majority il
Congress, do the best you can, gentlemen
to secure such laws rs you think best fo
the welfare of the country. Ii you obiec
to laws now on the statute book, do all yol
can to secure their repeal. But remembo
this, whatever you do must be within tn,
limits OF the Constitution. If that sacred
instrument has deprived you of certail
powers which you think would be very
convenient at the present time, the faul
belongs not to you, but to the fathers wh
framed it and to the States which adopted
it, Keep within your own Congressional
boundaries, and if you feel disposed t
; climb the fence which divides you from
your neighbors field remember that tn
people sent you here to attend to your owl
business, not to interfere with that o
others