The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1879-03-26

81 &. y ri ~ - 4 =
this phase of the subject that Mr.. Hendricks
rises to the full proportions of the largest
craftsmanship. The Republicans would
hold the negro in perpetual bondage to par
ty, while the Dsmocrats seek to enlighssn
him upon all questions relating to the re-
sponsibilities of tiz.nship, and then leave
him to exercise his judgment in
the matter. In commenting upon
this branch OF the subject Mr.. Hendricks
says:
Mr.. Blame makes the argument Tor rather
the clain,) that for emancipation, for citizen
ship, for civil rights, and for political privi-
leges, the negro is indebted to the Republican
party. and that, therefore. his allegiance is to
that party; and that, SO long as he is allowed
the freedom of choice, he can and will vote
with no other party. He declares 1t the "reck-
lessness of assumption" s'the very Dravado of
argument to claim that, upon his own
choice, he would vote with the Democrats.
That is the strongest statement ever made
against negro suffrage. The vote is nearly
100000. The claim is that it is not free-is
never to be free, nut belongs to a party; that
because of past obligations, 1t can not change.
In its membership and in its aggregate it can
lot change. 1t can not consider questions of
principle or questions of policy. 1t say not
listen to the demands of patriotism, nor
the appeals of self-interest, as opposed
to the requirements of the party. Its
obligation to party can never be discharged.
Whether IN questions relative to the honor of
the country or the welfare of the people, it can
exercise free and independent judg-
ment. 1t would be a matter of serious con-
Germ, could a party claim vassalage so
numerous and so abject. But that claim is be-
ing repudiated by the coiored vote itself. In
flaa donaa ncfr r,ra inn ole
and at the polls, its Independent action in
many of the States has stamped the claim of
ownership false and arrogant. But Mr..
Blaine asks the question: "Why should the
negro have been disposed to vote with the
Democratic party?" Is that question asked by
one who sincerely believes in the capacity of
the negro to vote intelligently upon questions
affecting the public welfare, and that his
action will be governed by an enlightened
Judgment and n patriotic purpose? Then /
anwer that the same considerations should
govern the negro tina. ought to govern any
other voter. He should vote upon his con-
victions of right and duty. If Democratic
policy is more likely to promote the
public good, then it should be supported by
the white and colored voter alike. He who
tells me how the white man should vote tells
me as well how the colored man should vote.
When once in the box the ballot has no color.
lts only quailty depends upon the ntness or
the candidate 1t may help 10 elect. and upon
the views he may carry into legislation, or the
measures he may adopt in the administrative
service. A full answer to the question would
require statement OF the reasons why any
citizen should give that party his support.
Such reasons might be found in its devotion
to constitutional obligations; in its adherence
to the supremacy of the civil over the mill
tary;" i'm its maintenance of the separation
and mutual independence CT church and
State, 'for the sake alike of civil and religious
freedom" in its hostility to corrupt
tralisIn,'' which threatens the destruction of
the right of local self government; and in Its
devotion to economy in public expenditures.
1t would be difficult to state the case more
clearly. But those who would understand
the full scope OF Mr.. Hendricks arguments
should read the entire article in the North
American upon ''Retribution in Politics."