The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1879-04-18

ISL NIA'ENtHti Nlt W ~ ~ ~ w N'ttfiii'AN''i
disposition, as they have already restricted
it. aud they may cxtinguish the right Of in
dividua ownership by n sweeping display
Of the same authority, 10y virtue Of which,
more than thrcc-quartcrs of n century ago,
they put an cnd To the cntaling Of estates.
Such a law, however, would have force only
within the bounds OF the state OF New York,
but not hairs breadth further, aud its cx-
ample, IL followed would entail resort TO
analogous political machinery in its sister
commonwealth, impcllcd by an equivalent
impulse of public opinion. But the different
sections of our country. aud even adjoining
States in the same section, are the reverse
" homogeneous in their social and indus
trial structure. So diverse, indeed, so Op-
posite are they I'm their productive and Geo
nomicnl conditions, present or prospective,
that concerted. unyocal action on n mo-
mcntous question striking at the root Of the
existing order H. more than unlikely 1t is
inconccNullc. Ii we could suppose Massn-
chu-rtt- for instance. to adopt communal
principles, the chances are immense that
other New England States would abide by
the traditional theory Of individual prop
crty, and this iuXtarosition, this facility Of
migration and transfer. would diycst the
absorption OF capital by single common
wealth Of half its tcrrors. and would dc-
privc IL, let Us add OF half its attrac-
lions Those who had anything to lose by
revolution would take means tu furestall the
storm. and those who had anything to gain
might well hesitate 90 advocate change I'm
the organic law which when effected would
find the greater rart of the movable capital
safely conveyed across the border. The soil OF
Massachusetts is not SO rich, and the empty
walls of its factories would not hc so easily
equipped. that it, operatives should see their
profit in II revolution whose prompt and cer-
tain outcome would be the enrichment Of
their ncighbors. In word, the sinlultanc-
Gus Introduction Of Socialism In FORT loosely
federated republics is an impossibiity, and
its partial introduction would be apt 10
mean disaster 90 its authors. The first COM
munty which struck blow at the right Of
individual property would be deserted by
capital and its impoverished plight would
become the most powerful OF arguments
against the Socialist system.
There Is no doubt that universal suffrage
is weapon that might be turned against
indiYdualism and the civilization which has
grown out Of that principle. in highly cen
iralized, homogeneous state. But even
there 1t II by no means certain that a ma
jority of the voters would deliberately con-
cude to use the suffrage to that end. In the
ease of France. which is strangely misun-
derstood by the writer in the North Amcri-
can Rcricr. the precise converse has taken
place within the past century Since the
collapse Of the old monarchy, and the crea-
tion of six 10 eight million peasant propric-
tors, the idea of individual ownership Is far
moro impregnably rooted in the convictions
and affections Of the French people. 1t is
grave mistake to infer. as does this writer.
| that the strength cVnccd by Socialist
theories in the Assembly of 1913 interpreted
a national inclination. On the contrary 1t
was the Socialist propaganda Of LOUIS
| BLANC, and the temporary concessions made
10 IL, that throw the farming population into
a sort Of panic. and insured the reactiunary
majority in the following Assembly which
made the coup ddiat possible. There Is no
reason to suppose that the application Of
the communal view Of property could at
present enlist one-quartcr Of the voting CON
stitucncy In France.
II we look at our country as whole, and
neglect such an exceptional instance as the
State OF California, where the grievance of
land monopolics has attained ominous pro-
portions, we shall find a general rescm-
hlance TO the state Of things in France.
Like the French. we are a nation OF small
proprietors. and there IS no reason 10 doubt
that during the next hundred years those
who have something will continue to out
number and outvote those who have nothing.
And if it is worth while to contemplate at
all contingency so remote rs the triumph
| Of German or State Socialism In North
America, we should seek means Of resist
ance and control in II very different quarter
from that suggested by the writer In the
RcrnW. We should look for them not in an
excessive development Of the powers con
coded TO the Federal Government, not in an
elaborate Capitalization like that Of the Ger
man empire. whose ability to cope with
Socialism has not yet been demonstrated.
We would rather consolidate and fortfy in
diyiduallsm in its native stronghold by n
rigorous definition and enforcement Of those
state rights under which labor and capital
must settle the points at issue, not in one
pitched battle, but in forty dis tinct and
independent fields.