The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1879-02-17
Congress and the Telegraph.


In the days when there were gross
abuses in telegraphic administration, and
when remedy for those abuses was greatly
needed, the HERALD called often upon Con-
gress to consider the subject OF the prac-
teal responsibility to the law of power
that exercised On enormous influence even
over the daily life and current interests of
the people; but it called in vain. In those
days heavy republican speculations were
dominant, and the men who ran the South
ern States to plumber the Southern people,
and who manoeuvred the Pacific Railroad
jobs, did not care to touch the telegraph
lines. But change has taken place, and
now there is bill before the Senate and
another before the House on this subject,
and the telegraph interest is brought
before Congressional committees. How
much Of this is due to the smart Of
recent political disclosures made by
the publication of dispatches and how
much is due to an honest regard to the in
terests of the public service we shall not
undertake to say but we do not regard as
an evil the attention that Congress is in
clined to give though late to the regula-
ton of power that if it deals justly by the
people, as on the whole we believe it does,
does this not because the people have any
authority under the law to enforce it. but
because the power as now handled is fairly
and honestly disposed. Proper legisla-
tion--legislation such as is proposed in the
two bills before Congress-will do no
harm to the Western Union Company in
the legitimate sphere Of its opera
tions-will. on the contrary, be bene-
the president Of that company is
not we'll advised in presenting himself as
an opponent of that legislation. Ono bill
proposes to give to every railroad company
the right to construct and operate lines for
its own or public use on its railway route,
this in the character of claimant to a great
and oppressive monopoly. It argues that
it can send all these messages cheaper than
the companies If it can it need not fear
their rivalry. Then why oppose the extern
sion to them of privilege which in fact
there are many points laid down for the
regulation Of the telegraph. and they are
generally wise and good ones: An enforced
equality of rates is one Of them ; enforced
secrecy is another penalty for the dis
closure Of dispatches by agents is on adj
mirable rule, and the principle that the
telegraph company shall be restricted to
transmission and shall not be o news
gatherer or buyer or seller is the
best of oil. All these points are in
the interest of the public, and, what it
may astonish Congressman to hear, they
are even more in the interest of the news
paper press. For in what is said in these
various inquiries we find that che Congress-
men are not little animated against the
press in the great cities, and that thoy are
as ignorant of the relations of the news-
paper to the telegraph company, and espe-
chilly of the nature of that chosen aversion
of theirs-the Associated Press-as they
probably are Of court etiquette in the Chi
nese Empire. Even q man 80 commonly
we'll informed as General Butler is troubled
with sad confusion of ideas when he puts
the refusal Of the Associated Press to sell
its news to delinquent customer as an at
tempt on the freedom Of the press, or as
fact that has some conceivable relation with
the administration of telegraph COM
pany.