Keowee courier. [volume] (Pickens Court House, S.C.) 1849-current, 1879-06-12

simply because we plant ourselves, rot only
whore the fathers of tho Republic stood, but
whore tho groat lights of tho Republican
party havo declarod tho only true conatitu-
tionNl position can bo found. Now, sir, /
vcnturo to assert that underlying the whole
argInent on tho other side are two assumps
tions: First, that tho war has so developed
the independent existence Of tho Federal
Government as distinguished from, the States
as> to give it creator power, larger influonco.
and more direct interest in Congressional
elections than it possessed before; second,
that the Administration, as tho representative
of that party which elected it and in control
Of tho Federal machinery, is bound to use
that power and innacnco in tho protection of
these interests. In other words, that the priv.
ilcges and prcrogativos Of tho States arc to
bo oblitorated, not by force, but by tho subtlcr
though not loss destructive influences of two
groat national parties using tho powers of
the Federal Govornmont rs weapons Of party
warfare.
Now, do mt propose to mike any consti.
tutional argument on this subject 1t is sufli
cient for mo to say that hold tho form and
character Of our Government to havo been
unaltcred by the late war, aud TINT tho
mutual rotations Of tho General Government t
and tho several States of tho Union remain
formed. hold that tho recent constitutional
amendments hayo wrought no change in these
relations and In thoso views. lam sustained
by tho language of tho Supreme Court of tho
United States in the cusc Of The Collector ps.
Day reported i'll eleventh volume Wallace.
In this case, Justice Nelson, in delivering
tho opinion Of tho Court, used the following
language;
nIt l,nfI, vseko Al l..
rial limits, nro separate and distinct soycr-
cigntics, acting scparcly and independently
Of each other within thoir respective sphcres.H
In tho same decree tho ensuing words arc
used:
"Such being the separate and independent
condition Of tho States in our complex system,
rs recognized by tho Constitution, and the
existence of which is so Indispensable that
without them the General Government itself
would disappear from tho fumiy Of nations,
&C."
l maintain, therefore, that the Constitution
has not been changed in its essential features
ny tho late amendments, and that it is there
torc now what it was before the war, so that
when tho country demanded the preservation
Of the Union by q restoration Of the Statos it
meant such Union and such States rs tho
Constitution recognized. Can any advocate
of strong government, which is but another
instant that tho founders Of our Republic
contemplated or would have countcnanccd
the exercise Of such powers by the Federal
Government as arc claimed for it by tho
legislation we aro seeking to repeal? Does
any Senator here believe that this is a.safc,
wholesome condition Of public affairs?
Putting aside MI extreme theories of State
rights. does not every Senator recognize tho
fact that ono Of the elements Of our political
TnfS h,,I ~, ,
State interests have acted and reacted within
the States upon national politics, SO that
until just before tho war We never havo bad
great national parties which divided the
country between them simply on Federal
issues. Local influences had always to be
considered, But if in tho future we nro to
have only grcat. national parties in behalf of
of ono or the other If which the Administra-
ton is to interfere directly, We arc on the
high road to Il consolidation even moro dan'
gcrous because moro violent and variable
than recognized change in the Government
My objection. therefore, to this legislatUn
which the war called fortl, is not its Immediate
danger. 1t is not the actual Army which
fear or its direct influence. But I do most
strennously object to any legislation which
affords any excuse or justification to the Gov
crnmcnt that it has the right or interest in
any way or i'll any degree to interfere With
tho perfect freedom of elections. Tho rorgh
ness or even riot Of m election is no greater
than any other violation Of the peace, and no
State in this Union ia without ample means
OF suppression. And il tho State authorities
arc unable or unwilling to do their duty YOU
tions to come, an Army strong enough to
take their place. 1t is better so; better that
in one or two great cities, nay, in one or two
great States, there would be temporary tur-
bulcncc, confusion. than that in tho whole
country there should DO military dcspotism.
Congress has tho right to decide who shall
take his seat as representative and who shall
not, Congress can punish with DISTINGUISHES
mcnt any community which would force into
these Halls an improperly elected member;
ana That Is saier, surcr, II more constitu-
tional safeguard than tho exercise of any
doubtful or unlawful power by tie Federal
Government.
But, Mr.. President, unjust as have been the
assumptions against the South to which I
have alluded, there arc others not less grave.
There has run through this whole discussion
the strong and steady current of insinuaton
that tho South is not truo to the Union; that
its object in pressing tho repeal Of those
measures which VIC deem dangerous TO our
liberties is to give us irccr field for conspi-
racY and hotter opportunity to suppress bG
force and fraud the real voice of the Southern
pcoplc We arc tauntinSly told that proof of
these charges is found in the presence on this
iloor OF twenty-five members who served in
the Confederate army, and tho South ia
roproachcd, nay, denounced, for sending such
men to represent her hero. Sir, the answer
to this charge is simple.
Nearly every man in Tho South who could
bear arms was in her armies, and shc can
scarcely BIO rcproached with justice for trust
ing and honoring in peace tho men who
riskcd their fortunes and their lives for her in
war. And when tho fact is cited that while