Smyrna times., 1879-07-16

line.
THE PRINCE IMPERIAL.-All that was LETT
by the Zulus of the Prince Imperial has
been laid away in the little church of st.
Mary at Chiselhurst. In the full report of
the funeral which we give in another col
umn and in the dispatches sent from be-
yond the sea, we note two very strikinga and
important facts-that it produced great
lamentations in England and that in
France it was made the occasion OF great
rejoicing. These facts are indeed signlti-
cant; but are they not very natural ?
Doubtless Louis was most excellent prince.
We know that he was kind, good, gentle
and affectionate We know too that he
was pious, as the prayer written by him
and recently found among his effects would
indicate. But notwithstanding his virtues,
he was the greatest enemy France had.
True, he lived and the Republic fourished,
andshe might have continued to flourish,
though he had lived to good old age; but
with her history before US, in full view of the
numerous changes which she has under
gone, it is not at all improbable that, but
for the fatal asseiage, his own and his ad-
herent's hopes would have been realized,
and the exile returned to be crowned an
emperor. But with Louis dead, the cry is
not "alas, France but "alas, the Bona
partes." Their strong staff is broken, and
1, ,I ,xyh0 " lOOLS q
leader, is an avowed republican. Evidently
their cause is in danger. Meantime the
land of their birth breaks into acclama-
tions. Do we charge ingratitude? The in
quiry is suggestive and leads to another,
what right had the young Prince to rule
France? not the right of a cdnqueror for,
though brave enough, he had subdued
nothing. But if not not a conqueror him
self he was related to one; he was the son
of his father, who, was emperor by virtue
of the great Napoleon's will.
That that instrument has the magical
power of transmitting throne as an in
heritance, the French people, now some
time engage in the attempt to found and
propetuate the institutions of liberty, very
properly deny. Napoleon the first may
have done much for France. He may have
been all that his most ardent admirers
claim. In the language of Hugo, he may
have been complete. But while uniting in
the apotheosis, let US not be illogical. Lei
us deny his omnipotence though we admit
his power, and accordingly let us enter oul
solemn protest against the conclusion tha
France was his to dispose of, the throne o
France his to bequeath.
But protest as we will, the fact remains
that the young Prince had his adherents
They were numerous and were organized
besides, they were faithful, bold, vigilan
and energetic. To overthrow the Republic
and restore the Empire, to invest Loui
with the sceptre and to comprise his Court
this was their cause, to this has been de
voted life, fortune and sacred honor. 1t
true, perhaps, that, as yet, little danger ha
been apprehended by the established gov
ernment from that quarter; but not TO fee
some alarm was impossible. We repeat
therefore, that the spectacle Of a joyou
France is but natural.
Equally natural is it to behold Englan
in tears. Louis had come to her shores, a
exile in distress. Soon afterwards he los
his father; thus the sympathy felt for hir
from the outset was deepened. lie wa
educated in her schools. He was her guest
yes, more-he fought for her, was killed
strange country, by an ignoble hanC
The fact that he fought not as the patriC
fights, but to advance himself, is owe
looked. Victoria hears of the calamit
and hastens to Camden Place. The gre.
people of the realm follow, they mour
with the bereaved Empress, and the thre
estates, commons, lords and queen, unite
their lamentations over a martyred prime
That these counter demonstrations wi
have any effect upon the political attitud
Of the two countries, we do not imagine f
moment. English royalty may view wit
alarm the progress Of a republic beyond Il
sea, but the English nation seldom &C
from impulse. 1t thinks first.