New-York tribune., 1879-05-24
,te BBTGETS 81RBARIsu.v

If there be one Englshman who Is entitled
TO II respectful hearing whenever he mas any
thing 10 say to Americans, that man Is sturdy
John Bright He was our friend when even
Mr.. Gladstone turned against us, and, although
his logic may be strained and his economic
theories all awry he is still our friend. Not
long ago i'm q letter to Mr.. Cyrus w. Fleld
he denounced Protection as the virtual con-
fiscatlon of labor and a species of economical
slavery and now he reiterates his views IN
n vigorous letter to Mr. "A. 1horndike
Rice. Admitting frankly that Americans hav
done wonders in reducing their National deOt.
he renews his protest against the "barnarlsSl
of a high tariff, which he condemns as our
zone great humiliation" and contemporary
disuisses the " simpletons" i'll his own coun-
try "who are looking for relief to an exploded
doctrine and practice" These structures
upon our economic policy are made by one OF
the staunchest friends of American instit'l-
tions and must be received in the same spirit
of sincere regard.
Mr. Bright may be right when he reasons
that there is no chance OF return
in England to the doctrine Of Protection.
So long as the food OF one-thro,
or. possibly, one-half of the population
of the British Islands is imported, together
with the raw material of their manufactures,
they cannot resort to Protection without re-
enactng the Corn Laws against which there
is so deep-seated prejudice. AT the same time,
it is manifest that in the agricultural sections
there is an uudercUrrent of dissatisfaction with
the results of Free Trade. The conviction is gain
ing ground that reciprocal trade should have
been barganed for when the customs duties
were repealcd. The Colonies are falling into
line behind the United States, and Con-
tinental nations are closing their markets
against English manufactures. lt may be un-
safe to assume that these tendencies OF for
eign legislation, coupled with the collapse OF
trade have wrought n change IN public
thought. 1t is certain, however, that II Eng
lishmen are still convinced that Free Trade
is the true commercial policy, they are begin
ming to apprehend that they cannot find pros
perity under it so long as the principal ma
tions of the world are leagued against them.
Mr.. pright, of course, has 10 fears on this
score nor will he concede what Lord Bea-
consfeld has frankly acknowledged, that
prosperity may be attained under protective
tariff. Ii English theorists could have had
their way the United States would have re-
manned an agricultural country. England
would have taken our breadstuffs and cotton
and gwen Us manufactured articles i'll return
and by virtue of the example of two powerful
nations, what they regard as a rational di-
vision of human labor wOuld have been ex-
tended to the whole world. Il was beautiful
theory. and one which British manufacturers and
traders would have turned to endless profit. But
Americans were unwilling to condemn them
selves to civilization that would have been
| essentially one-sided. They determined to
have manufacturing "a well "a agricultural
industries, and TO give to the National lie
that degree of cOmDleyity which is essential
to progress. They have not only produced
the great staples Of food and manufacture
which Great Britain demands, but they have also
developed their varied resources and amassed
reserve OF capital for industrial enterprise.
This iswhat Mr.. Bright calls "barbarsm."