The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1879-04-17

the upper part of the State better than
any that can easily be arranged.
THE ARMY APPROPRIATION BILL.
The Army Appropriation Bill, which
lately passed the House of Representa-
tives, is now before the Senate for its con-
sideration, with every probability that it
will pass that body substantially as it went
from the House. This bill is one of the
most important ones that has been before
Congress for years, as the contested pro-
visions of the bill are designed by the
Democrats to secure fair and impartial
juries in the Federal Courts, the right of
citizens to go to the polls and cast their
votes unawed by Federal bayonets and
United States marshals and supervisors; (;
and that these contested provisions will
form important factors in the Presiden-
tial contest of 1880. The bill making
appropriations for the army for the fiscal
year ending the last of June, 1880, con-
tained provisions repeating the sections
of the Revised Statutes of the United
States which authorized the Judges of
the District and Circuit Courts of the
United States to administer to each juror
before sworn the test or ironclad oath /;
the use of the United States army at the
polls on the day of election and the ap-
pointment of Deputy United States Mar
shals and Supervisors to attend at elec-
tions, with the power to arrest. This
bill, when it passes the Senate, as it will
do, will go to the President for his ap-
proval or rejection. Will he veto it?
The Republicans say he will, and cry
out revolution. Should the veto come
Congress cannot pass the bill over it, as
there are not two-thirds of each House
in favor of it, and either Congress or the
President must yield, or the supplies for
the army will be cut off. Where will the
responsibility rest if the country should
be left without an army? 1t is the duty
of Congress to provide for an army equal
to the exigencies of the country, and it is
its right to say how and for what pur-
poses that army shall be used. Congress
provides for the army, and says it shall
not be used by the President to influence
and control elections; but the President
says to Congress unless you permit me to
use the army for the purpose of sur
rounding the polls with bayonets on the
day of election, I will veto the bill, and
the country shall have no army. Con-
gress represents the people and the
States, and for these to yield to the one
man power, in matters of such impor-
tance as the purity of jurors and the
rights of the ballot, would be shame
upon free government. The response
bility then would be with the President,
who, by his veto, would practically say
to Congress unless the army is used by
me to control the ballot and perpetuate
in power the Republican party, there
shall be no army for any other purpose
Let the Republicans make this issue il
they desire; they will find that the people
are not craven enough to surrender to
any party their right to cast their vote
untrammelled by bayonets and a partisan
army of Deputy Marshals and Super
visors.
A few facts connected with the elec-
tions of 1876 and 1878 will show the dan
ger to Republican institutions of the en-
ployment of soldiers, marshals and super
visors at elections. In the election OF
1876 there was an army of more than
eleven thousand Deputy Marshals, all
belonging to and working for one party,
clothed with the authority of the United
States, surrounding the polls and tyran-
nizing over the voters. In the single
city of New York there were twenty-five
hundred Of these Marshals, men gen.
orally Of no character, and selected in
consequence of blind adhesion to party,
and unscrupulous as to the means used
to procure the success of their party. In
the election of 1878 there was appointed
for the State of New York upwards of
twenty-one hundred Deputy Marshals
and for the city more than twelve hundred.
These, under the direction of the Chief
Supervisor, swore out complaints against
more than nine thousand voters, had
issued thereon more than FIVE thousand
warrants of arrest, and actually arrested
under these warrants three hundred men.
The object was to produce intimidation,
and not only to prevent the arrested from
voting but to deter others. 1t is the be-
ginning of the destruction of free elec-
tions, and, if tolerated by free people,
will lead to military domination more
to be dreaded than a despot. Congress
need not fear the issue with the Presi-
dent and the Republican party on the
repeal of the obnoxious statutes, for the
people will stand by the party which
secures to the country a free election.
Mr.. HENDRICKS INTERvIEwED.-The
New York World publishes report of