Lexington weekly intelligencer., 1879-10-25
NAr1oNAL1sM AND SECESSION,

The republican party has become tn
champion Of nationalism rs against tn
doctrine OF state rights. There is nj
concealment in the effort to concentrate
all power at Washington in the hands o
the federal government. This is well
as it makes the contest an open one 81
far. But the definition which republi
can papers give to state rights is not th'
true one, and this is wrong. To hea
their orators. or read their papers. ont
would suppose that state rights mean
the sovereignty OF the states over th'
general government in all things. Ihi
is not now and never was the doctrine
1t is not necessary to go behind the con
stitutlon. to consider the manner Of i'll
adoption, to prove this The constitution
provides that all powers not granted by
it to the general government are reserv
ed to the states and the people thereof
This provision in itself. always quoted
by advocates of home rule, proves that
certain powers are possessed by the fed
eral government. These rights. these
duties. these obligations. are as sacred
and as much to be upheld as are the
rights of the states. While this is true.
the rights reserved to the states-the
rights of local self government-the
right to regulate the franchise within
constitutional limits; the right to levy
and collect direct taxes; the right to en-
force order and dispense justice-are
privileges as high and as much to be
respected as are the rights granted to
the central government. These powers
and privileges are clearly defined. and
where conflicts OF jurisdiction arise.
there need be no sort of trouble, as the
constitution provides an arbiter in the
supreme court.
State sovereignty, then. means that
the state is sovereign in her sphere. as
tho general government is sovereign in
its sphere. What northern state would
be willing to acknowledge otherwise
were a federal congress. controlled by
southern brigadlers, to take the notion
to appoint her governor, her judges and
her sheriffs? 1t is true that at one time
in the history of the country there were
advocates OF the state rights doctrine
who believed that that dogma included
the right of the peaceable secession of
state. This, with the liberation of the
negro, were the two questions settled by
the war. None other was; none other
could be. That these questions we're
settled admits of no doubt. Who dis
putes it? No one. Is there q single
accredited leader of southern public SEN
timent who has breathed a word to un-
settle these ''fruits OF the WARP" Not
one. Still we find northern republican
papers educating the masses into
Willingness to centralize the powers OF
government, because they say that the
doctrine of state rights means secession,
There is q right of secession which
was not settled by the war. A right of
secession which cannot be settled. Ell
ther, by the courts. 1t Is the right of
revolution. No man can stand up and
truthfully say that there is danger of
revolution from the south. No; the
south is, to-day, more loyal to the union
than the east. The great railroad kings
desire to wipe out state lines in the leg
islation which applies TO them; the bond
holders desire to csntralize the govern
ment to perpetuate the national debt
and the manufacturing lords, who have
been drawing millions of tribute from
the agricultural classes, are ready for
revolution before free trade.
Here are the words of the recent re-
publican convention in Philadelphia:
"The republicans of Philadelphia. IN re-
newing their VOWS OF fidelity to their
party, have pleasure in recalling the
grandeur of Its record in the dark days
of civil war and the splendid success
which has attended its efforts to place on
an enduring foundation the business in
terests of the people. and they especially
rejoice in the tangible and conclusive
proof of the wisdom of its measures
which is afforded by the reviving IN
dustries of the country. Resolved, That
these great results, which at once graf
lily the friends of tho union and astonish
its foes, are largely due to the dene-
Jfcent influence of the protective sys-
tenn. We earnestly protest against all
legislation calculated to disturb the our
rents of trade. Resolved, That the bus
iness of the nation may well view with
alarm the dominating influence now ex-
ercised in the councils OF the democratic
party by confederate brigadiers, who,
chiefly by force and fraud, are filling
seats in congress. and we warn these
men against threatened measures which
are in the interest OF foreign labor, ,andare
in hostility to the interests OF American
labor. The men who saved the union from
the armed attacks of open rebellion
viH not tolerate bloUs aimed at its
prosperity by those who thus seek to
punish the faithful de Tenders of the
nation"
What do these resolutions mean? In
the first place, they are based on false
hood. 1t was not the "beneficent in
fuence of the protective system" which
brought prosperity back to the country.
This prosperity came IN spite of the
protective system, and 1t was and is
based, as every school-boy knows who
has access to newspaper. on agricul-
tural products-on the fruits OF toll at the
hands of the class that is annually rob-
bed OF four or five hundred million dol
lars to put them in the pockets OF the
mendicant millionaires, protected man.
ufacturers.
What do these resolutions mean !?
They either intend to say that free
trade congress shall make no change in
the tariff at the peril of revolution, or
they mean nothing. Congress has a
right to change this tariff iniquity. The
south. and west and northwest are in
terested in seeing that it is done; and
the northwest will not always be blinded