New-York tribune., 1879-03-11
Rrr0LrrLoN IN cONGRESs.

The Constitution of the United States pro-
vides for a caI,cin method Of making laws.
Every bill requires for its enactment the con-
sent OF both branches of Congress and Tex
ccpt in specified caSes) the approval of the
President. 1t Was the intention of the
founders Of our Government that one house
should always act as a check upon the other
and that the President should be further
check upon both. To obyiate the danger OF
the House and Senate, under the influence Of
popular or partisan excitement. concurriDg in
improper legislation, the Executive was
armed with an extensive veto power, not
10 be overcome except by two
thirds majority of each house. the votes to be
taken by yeas and nays, and the names OF the
members voting for and against the bill to be
entered on the journals. These provisions
show that the assent If the President was i'll
tended to be q substantial part of the process
of making the laws; and in point Of fact,
during the first forty years OF the Constitution
there is no instance of n veto being over
ruled. The constitutional rules OF legislation
are, therefore, (D that one house, even if
unanimous, can make no law without the con-
cIrrence OF the other; (2) that simple ma
ioiitv of both houses can make no law without
tie consent Of the President; (3) that the
Presidents objections can only be overcome
bv maiolitics amounting TO twO-thirds OF each
house on a vote taken with especial deliber-
alton.
All these rules the Democratic majority in
Congress has attempted to defy. A faetiOus
majority of the House first endeayOred to
cocrce the Senate 20 Il certain course of action
by refusing to proceed with the necessary
business OF the Government until It's demands
were compiled with. This process did not
differ materially from backmai. 1t was
revolutionary usurpatiOn by one house OF
authority which the Constitution declares shall
he divided between two. If Il had succeeded
we should have had a bare majority of the
House of Representatives. making laws for the
country i'll contempt OF the opposition of
the Senate. The Senate fortunately stood
firm. The revolutiOnists therefore forced
nm extra session. In the new Congress
they have a small majority of both branches
It is unnecessary for them to blackmail the
Senate. and they can devote their attention
10 the second part of their project, which is
10 invade the province of the Executive by
breaking down the safeguard of the veto.
They nave formally made declaration of their
intention to "blOck the wheels OF the Govern
"u.cnin unless the President agrees to a bill
which it is known that he regards as danger
ous to the country. They have not the ma
iorlty of two thirds required by the COnstitu-
ton to overcome a veto. But they declare
that they will overcome q veto nevertheless.
The bill upon which they are resolved is n
bad bill but even il it were "A good one, their
course wOuld be none the less revolutionary
Ii leads straight toward one of the most ter
rible Of all dcspotisms. the despOtsm of Il
dcmagogical Assembly which disregards all
constitutional restrictions aud rules by the
dictates of passion alone. The President and
the Republican minority must resist this plot
10 >ubyc1t the Constitution resist it by every
lawful means in their power and to the bit
ter end. Something more Is at stake than the
fate Of any particular enactment for the pro-
tcct!on of The ballot. The integrity Of the
constitutional system, Che barTers erected by
the founders of the United States against
mob violence disguised Is legislation, are
r,ruaccd by this 0uiMgeou, undertaking Of
the Democracy. Whatever he the result, the
party of the Constitution must stand by the
good cause.