The Portland daily press., 1879-03-17
sMONDAY MORNING. MARCH IL.

lines are separate and distinct; the space between
theu l. clear and broad ard well defined. there is
no misfakDe it, And now let us see whittier the
logic Oft leads us.
Il rs already announced by the Senator from Ken
tucky (Mr. Beck) that when wonder dial points the
hour of twelve of March the 4h. the political con-
sttution OF this body changes and our power of
sponsibity ceases, and that obstacle will then be
overcome and then concurriug majoriies of the two
houses OF Congr ss will control the executive But,
Mr. President, the executive under constitution
/; something more than the executive. As said by
the Senator from New York, he legtimately, separ-
ately independently wields one-sixth of the whole
legislative power. No bill can become law except
with bis consent unless his objection is overrued by
majorities of two-thirds Of both branches Of Con-
gress, There is The provision. Is its wisdom dis
puted? That was not the doctrine of the fathers of
the Democratic party, for when Andrew JACKSON, in
the face of hostile major.s in Congress- Interpreted
the constitution for himself without choosing to fol-
low The adverse decision of the supreme udcia tri-
bunal welded not nfrequently the thunder bolts of
his Veto the reverberatng noise of applause rolled
and swelled in mighty It'd from every quarter of
the land. And no thoughtful student and eonscien-
tious observer of our political hstory,it to me-
can wish that provision OF the Federal Constitution
te be other than Isl and being there, IL is there for
use, not so as 10 make it cheap and common by daily
use and display, but often and whenever the
sion requires; and hope and pray that the madness
of this hour will yet be aged by the claim of that
constitutional power from the occupant of the exec
utive chair which shall astonsh all but those who
admire and follow the great Jack son. 1t will be a
wholesome tome to this people and cure them of the
qualns and nau ca and sickness of stomach, that
have co@e from beng surfeited anu overloaded with
fhls fetid and unwholesome Diet
asked, Mr.. President, where the logic of this dec
trine would lead us. We are told, first, to an as
sault upon the executive to extort form hin; on
what ground? On the ground that he loves the or
der and and perpetuity of our institutions bet
ter than the men who force him to that alternative
for that is it: "Do this which we demand and which
we know you do not believe 10 he right or you will
see that which you love better than your conscience
ana your honor laid in the DUST ruined beyond re.
the executive part of the legislative power by
those who hold the other shares of it, as if the part
ners in an enterprise of business who had contributed
but portion OF the capia al and were entitled only to
share In the diiecton, should say to their other
partner who by The terms Of their articles was en-
titled to an equal voice with them ALL "Vote with us
or we will make you wish you had!' That seems to
be the theory OF fair and free election in this day.
And, Mr.. President, when the Executive is tired
and wearied and disheartened and overcome by
hopeless resistance and succumbs and falls upon his
knees to the absoutists of Congress and SAYS
"Here am 1. do with me what you will; give me my
salary and keep the Government 10 motion so that
may be abe to Ma nlain order and preserve peace
and viii be your humble servant to do your pleas
ure," will my honorable colleague set before himself
as the great object and ideal of human ambition 10
office as that shorn of its power ber # of its dgpi-
ty. usmped under foot, under hoof, the privilege
only OF peddling patronage and drawing quarterly
salary!
But sir, that is not all. Under the same power for
the redress OF supposed grievances which, according
to this doctrneif it may be SO caed-is lodged ul-
timately in the House of Representatives why can
not the House drag The whole Judiciary at its feet?
Are the gentlemen tired of listening? Are my words
unpleasant to their ears? ["Go oni" $50 on!' Do
thes avert them elves and seek In their own whs-
perngs 10 drown the voice Of reason and of tru h?
Grievances may be accomplished through the instru-
ments OF the judiciary portion OF those which are
made the subjects of complaint tonight is Just the
abuse OF Judicial power. The Oons'lfuti provide,
Representatives the accuse this bJdy the triers
But here Is shorter way; here nearer cut; and
States shall pei emily affirm the copsttutionaiIy
OF law witch the Dem cratic parry clare to be up-
CONSTITUTIONAL aud VOID, what remains bat 10 say
"fhe House of Representatives with its D. -mocratic
maJorl under the terms of The Constitution, hold
IN IN IFS ha9ds your pay and doles out to you YOU
masters be ass tSa os 0oeoisat Is 10 your
crlo; and we snail have asses for judges
The application of the doctrine s jast as legitimate
to the coercion Of the judicial opinion of the Federal
bench as it Is to the of the Senate or the
slavement of the Executive. And yet MIR. Presi
dent, w'at does English history teach us there?
When did English liberty first become real and Sc.
cue? First when the Independence Of the Judge as
aganst me power OF app ,nimeut and removal was
estab ished as part Of the unwrilen but imperisha
PIE constitution OF England. The independence of
be u Juniciary important, sential, fundamental a,
IL withou which there is nothing neither nrivaIe
nor puohc Tight. IA not more sacred, is not more
valuable Is not more essential to the progress of good
cuiive. And therefore, Mr. President in str,nS
earnest EN- haic. and CONTIGUOUS tone, here now
az: ana s1au ever and always lit up and cry out with
my soul reyolts. "A,e"
All this would lead us to be immovabe today with
o9g respect to The character of the legislation
winch we are requiied 10 participate in repeating.