The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1879-06-12
SatelliaenEer.
WHAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN.
France and the southern confeaeracy.

Northern Government, but was lntercict-
ed from holding direct intercourse with
President Davis or any of his Cabinet,
and he spent nearly two days of his time
at my house in Henrico. In point of
fact, as the sequel will disclose, he was
sent here. (by Mr.. Seward) with a view
to make peace. In the course of days
discussion in my library, he asked me
great many questions; among others, the
question:
sCau you whip Mcclellan" who was
then lying with an army of 200, ,0OO men
within six miles of Richmond, confront.
ed by Gen. Lee.
I told him in reply that felt sure we
could and would, and if the Emperor of
the French would open the ports and
keep them open, we would march to
New York, and not ask the loan of
man or dollar. With great animation
he sprang to his feet, and said in
French:
.If such be the temper of your people
YOU are invincible. But why do you
think you will whip Mcclellan ?"
/ answered, because the President
and Gen. Lee tell me they believe we
kill"
Then he added, "But do you know
how many men are bearing upon Rich
mond?" ~.
I replied, 'aThe President thinks there
are 100000. Gen. Lee. thinks not so
many, but more than 10000.
To which he replied, "They are both
mistaken. There are 225,0OO. Gen.
Burnside's force at Port Royal is part
of the force bearing upon Richmond
sent to Port Royal merely in the hope of
inducing Gen. Lee to detach part of
his army to meet it. am just from the
war Office and have all the statistics
here" (holding up paper which, he
drew from his pocket; "but," he added,
''can't this war be stopped? Can't you
come back under the old flag"
said 81 suppose that is impossible,
for Mr.. Seward would not permit US to
do so without the abolition of slavery,
and it would be useless to propose that
to the men from the extreme South"
To that he replied: "You are mis-
taken. IfyoI will only return and ac-
knowledge the flag, Mr.. Seward will per
NIT you to return without any condi-
tiens."
"Whatp said I, "with the institution
of slavery?"
eyes" be said.
then said: "But there is yet one
thing more 10 be considered. To use the
phrase which was so much hacllneyed
with respect to the northeastern bounda-
~ question of indemnity for the past
and security for the FUTURE we can't ask,
I know, indemnify for the past, but We
must have security for the future. We
cannot live hereafter in the state of har-
assment and excitement in which we
have lived for some years past"
Then, drawing his hand across q piece
of paper lying upon the library table,
upon the opposite sides of which we
were sitting, he said:
.'Mr. Seward will allow you to' write
your own guarantees"
Iexpressed my individual readiness to
consent to these terms. had been in
favor of the Southern Convention which
South Carolina proposed through Mr..
Memminger, her commissioner, believing
as did, in which / am now confirmed,
that if all the Southern States met in
convention, as proposed by South Caro-
lima, such guarantees would be asked of
the Northern people as they would-grant,
and which would protect US, and in that
event there would be no secession, and i
certainly did not wish secession if we
could be protected in ghe enjoyment of
our constitutional rights, and that be-
lieve was the general sentiment of the
South. I believe / have given you now
almost, if not exactly, verbatim, these
conversations to which referred in my
conversation with you. I will add that
the day following the conversation with
the French minister, a large company Of
gentlemen dined with him at my house,
and he left there after 10 O'Clock at night
in a rain, in order, as he said, to send a
dispatch to Norfolk to fire up steamer
which could take him or his dispatches,
/ forget which, to New York before the
next Atlantic steamer sailed.
The battle of Coal Harbor aud the
other battles around Richmond occurred
not long afterward, and had no doubt
of our acknowledgment by the French
Government, and was very much sur
prised that it did not come.
Some time afterward the French con-
sui, Mons. Paul, drove up to my house
on Sunday afternoon, and very soon en-
tered into conversation about the ac-
acknowledgement of the Confederate Gov.
ernment by the Emperor of the French,
aud asked me if we could not pass some
bill for the gradual abolition of slavery
in fifty or sixty years. May be it might
do even if it was longer, and said that if
it were done the Emperor would imme-
diately acknowledge us, but that the
French people would not be satisfied
without such q provision for the aboli-
ton of slavery. They did not care how
distant it was, so the fact was secured as
the price of recognition, and the Empe-
ror would be fully justified.
expressed my individual willingness
to acceGe to those terms, and promised to
see the President upon the subject next
morning when I went into Congress, and
if he agreed with me I would immedi-
ately introduce bill for the purpose.
"But," said I, "Monsieur Paul, what
guarantee can you give US that if we take
so important q step the Emperor will &C.
knowledge us %
He replied, "Mr. Lyons; nobody can
guarantee the Emperor; but you may be
sure that the Emperor will. do what I
tell you he will do, which I considered
as but another mode, of saying that he
had been authorized to do what he had
done.
1t is due to Mr.. Davis to say that I
saw him next morning, at his own house,
before Congress met, as soon as went
into town, and told him what had passed
between the French consul and myself.
His answer was: ~ should concur with
you in accepting these terms, but for the
constitutional difficulty. You know that
Congress has no jurisdiction over the
subject of slavery" "True," said, "but
that difficulty may be gotten over, in my
r,stbonk anu ysn1ofinp of the