New-York tribune., 1879-01-16
RLSNIRCK md GAMRLTTf.

BISMARCK AND GANBETTf.
The overmastcring influence of European
statesmen is the most striking anomaly
of contemporancous history. During the
last half-ccntury the common cause OF
Democracy has steadily advanced until
even in deSpotic Russia there Is large measure
of popular government in the communal as
scmblics In Great Britain and on the Continent
the rights of citizenship have been conferred
upon millions through the extension Of sui-
fragc. 4 great body of reform legislation has
been added to the statute books IN various
capitals. Never before were there 80 many
palliamcnts. courts and elections. Never was
public opinion organized more thoroughly Or
directed more powerfully than ii is to-day
through the development OF journalism.
Yet the power of individual statesmen was
never more absolute than in this year
Of grace andprOGrcss. In every great European
state the complex machinery Of political gov
ernment is controlled by single hand. During
the last year the dcstineS Of two hundred NIL
lions we're shaped by halt dozen statesmen III
.he RailZiwil Palace; in AustiO- hungary, where
the two States were pulling in opposite al
rcctions. Andras-y continued to let the
EnperOr have his own way, and ordered
the milita.y occupation of Bosnia for
dvnastic reasons and in view Of the
suspension of Parliamentary restraints and
the mOmrntOuS nature OF the ques-
tions which Lord Beaconsiield has de-
cidod ofi-hand and in tlle dark, we
venture to say that there has been rs
much of personal government III England
as in Russia. The curtain has risen
upon new year, and already there
are two commanding figures on the
Europcan stage-Bismarck and Gambetta.
Each is a champion Of universal suffrage, one
from necessity and the other by choice and
faitl and yet 50 supreme ~ their influence
that each may be said to hold the future OF
g,cat State in thc hollow OF his hand.
Not until this generation and another have
passed away can Bismafck's services to Ger
many hc Justly appreciated. But II - not
too socn 10 measure his shortcomings in
the cause of German democracy. Unlike
Cayour. he has had 10 sympathy
with popular institutions. Universal suf-
fracc. as he took pains TO explain III
the course of the recent debate on the
Socialist Force Bill, he accepted with Ic-
luctance as a Frankfort tradition. Ii never
"cutcrrd into my miud.n hc exclaimed. " to
"baye any wish 10 grant universal suffrage
He put up with it because it was the most
convenient and, indeed, the only available
basis for the union of the German States. He
never really believed iii it, and his practice
has been on a level with his faith. His
idea of Parliamentary Government Is that
of setting one political party against an
other, now this one and then that
one. and of managing them somehow, with a
majority generally, and without one, If need
be. At the last general election he
did not hesitate To bring the pressure
Of the Government to bear upon the voting
constituencies, and as soon as his Force
RlI became ii law the dangerous powers
which had been conferred by the Pallia-
,ncnt were strained III every quarter.
And now ne is setAin@ to carry this policy oi
reprcsslon into the very halls Of the Rcclistag.
Not only the dsatlcctcd aud insubOrdnate
classes of society, but even the Legislators
Themselves are to be subjected to the pressure
Of Impelialism. Freedom of debate a. we'll
- freedom of assembly and freedom of clcc-
ton /, 10 be tampcrcd with by the lron-handed
Chancellor who accepted universal sui
frage "only as Frankfort tradition" Ap-
parcntly, be does not realize that, 10 use his
own proycrb, he is pouring both wafer and
child out of the bath.
How different is the attitude of the French
champion of universal suffrage! Gam
bcttas hour of triumph and tempta-
tjon has come. The last stronghold Of
the Conservatives has been carried, and
he is hailed without dissent az the Re
publican leader. A few years ago he was an
obscure lawyer pleading in police court,
and now he can be Premier or President.
if he likes. II is only nine years since
he was snubbcd at Bordeaux for elamoring
for the prosecution of the wal. and deprived
of his dictatorship; and now he can revise the
Constitution, remodel the Republic and dictate
the policy of Il triumphant party. What use will
this man of forty make OF the supreme power
which he Wicldss VIII he Overturn the pres
ent Cabinet? Will he grasp at the succession in
1850 Or will he lave The sagacIty and courage
to step aside and enter upon the path of re-
nuncation He has promised to stand and
wait. lie knows that Frcnchmen are not yet
thoroughly acclimated to Republican institu-