Clarksville weekly chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1873-1890, 1879-03-08


eral of the speeches in Congress
ELECTED by Senator Edmunds' pro-
posed amendment to the Constitu-
ton regulating the counting of the
electoral votes for President and
Vice President. These are practi-
cally of no moment now, as the
Edmunds resolutions will never be-
come law, but they are worth look
ing into as defining the opinions of
statesmen regarding this intricate
and difficult subject.
Our readers win find it worth the
trouble to study the extract we give
below from the speech of Mr.. Henry
w. Blair, of New Hampshire, on
the Edmunds resolutions, remem-
bering that Mr.. Blair is a Republic
can and, like all Republicans, was
in favor of the electoral bill and
especially in favor of Mr.. Evart's
oliasade principle on the strength of
which Congress refused to go behind
the returns, and so obviated its ex-
press function and duty as a SOW
ereign power to ascertain whether
the votes as reported to Congress
are really the votes of the States
from which they are reported.
Here then is the extract:
States the ultimate decision as to the action
OF the voters living within their respective
borders, which decision is conclusive, so
that no allegation of fraud or mistake, or
violation of right, or of fraud IN fact or law
either in that decision or In any of the
events preceding il, then its doctrines are to
my mind destructive to the national life. If
on the other hand that measure, while
recognizing the admitted duty of the States
to appoint electors, is consistent with the
exercise of the sovereign power OF the nation
through Congress over the whole subject
matter, with q view to ascertain whether
that duty has been performed In such way
that the will of the nation has been ex-
pressed in accordance with the form and
spirit of the Constitution under which we
live, aud it shall be enacted upon that the
ory, then / am heartily for it; and If the
opportunity is given / shall vote for it as 3
wise measure which will give asSur-
ance to the public mind, and may here
dangerous currents to peaceful seas.
But desire that on no account, not even
to preserve the public tranquility, shall the
reInotest eountenance be given by our ac-
ton to doctrine which would leave any
but the national power the right in the last
resort 10 decide upon the validity of all the
proceedings in the transmission OF It's exec
utive functions from one person to another.
Granted that the act is to be accomplished
in a certain way through the States as
national agencies, and even that it is a
State act of a national character, II you
please, yet the nation must exercise the
power to decide whether or not il has been
of the House TO a brief discussion of what
appears TO me to be the true theory upon
which alone any action whatever can be
justified.
Then he goes on, 1--WE are ma
tion," ETC., ETC., and declaims in the
regular manner of his party against
State rights, which he contends
were always a heresy, and were
finally abrogated by the results of
the war.
1t will be remembered that, while
they werecontending for the dlieoade
doctrine, Republican Congressman
talked State rights in a manner to
leave Calhoun himself far behind,
and denounced it as an outrage on
those rights for Congress to investi-
gate anything except the one ques-
ton, were those the returns from
the duly constituted authorities of
the States.
The question arises which out of
the two opinions that held in 1877
or that of the present day is the
principle of the Republican party
and this will irresistibly suggest the
next question Has the Republican
party any principles at all? We
imagine not interest, not principle,
is the ruling motive of that party,
with the clearly understood provi-O
that interest with them means the
interest of the party.