Staunton vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1860-1896, 1879-06-13

DAN Is WILLING ~ 0AADO~>>> ~~>~ANNi.
PATTON,
&C.. &C.. &C.
Letter 5y the Hon. james Lyons, Of Rich
maond. to Col. Magrud1er, Of Battsmore.]
will relate conversation had at my
house, Laburnum, near Richmond, with
Count Mercier, the French Minister, in
the month of May or early part of June,
1862. He, it will be recollected, visited
Richmond by permission of the Northern
Governs nj, but was interdlcted from
holding direct intercourse with President
Davis or any of his Cabinet, and he spent
nearly two days of his time at my house in
Henrico In point of fact, as the sequel
will disclose, he was sent here (by Mr.. Sc
ward) with view to make peace. In the
course of days discussion III my library.
he asked me great many questions;
among others. the question:
"Can YOU whip McC ellaI?'' who was
then lying with AL army OF two hundred
thu usand men within six miles Of Rich
mond, confronted 10y Gen. Lee
told him III reply That l felt sure we
could and would, and if the Emperor Of
the French would open the lOrts and Keep
them Opel,, We would march 10 New OK,
and not ask the loa:, Of IA man OF dollar.
With great animation he Sprang to his
feet, and said in French:
sslf such be the temper Ut your people
you are invincible. But why doyou think
you will whip McCiellan?'
answered, because the President and
Gen. Lee tell me they believe we will.
Then he added but do you know how
many men are bearing upon Richmond?'
Il L replied ''the President thinks there
are 100000. Gen. L. 9 thinks not so many,
but more than 100000
To which he replied, "they are both
| mistaken. There are 225 900. Gen. Burn
sides force at Fort Royal is a part of the
! force bearing upon Richmond-sent to
Fort Royal merely in the hope of inducing
Gen. Lee to detach part of his army to
meet it. I am just from the War Office,
and have all the statistics here' (holding
up paper which he drew from his pOck-
| ETY.; but he added, Cant this war be
stopped? Can't you come back under the
old f1agl"
said: 81 suppose that is impossible,
for Mr.. Seward would not permit us to do
SO without the abolition of slavery, and it
would be useless to propose that to the
men from the extreme South"
| To that he replied: s'You are mistaken.
If you will only return and acknowledge
the flag, Mr.. Seward will permit you to re-
turn without any conditions.
What !" said l, with the institution
| of slavery?"
"Yes,' he said.
then said: "But there is yet one thing
more to be considered. To use the phrase
which was SO much hackneyed with re-
spect to the northeastern boundary ques-
ton of indemnity for the past and secur-
| ity for the future we can't ask, l know,
indemnity for the past, but we must have
security for the future. We can not live
hereafter in the state of harassment and
excitement in which we have lived for
some years past"
Then drawing his hand across piece of
paper lying upon the library table, upon
the opposite sides Of which we were sitting,
he said:
"Mr. Seward will allow you to write
your own guarantees"
expressed nay individual readiness to
cOns ent to those terms, l had been in ia
vor Of the Southern Convention, which
south Carolina proposed Through Mr..
Memminger, her Commissioner, believing
as l did, in which am now confirmed,
that if all the Southern States met in con-
vention, as proposed by South Carolina,
such guarantees would be asked of the
Northern people as they would grant, and
which would protect US, and in that event
| there would be no secession, and l GER
tainly did not wish secession if we could
be protected in the enjoyment Of our con-
StitutiOnal rights, and that / believe was
the general sentiment of the South. | be-
lieve have given you now almost, it not
exactly, verbatim, these conversations to
which referred in my conversation with
you. l will add that the day following the
conversation with the French Minister. a
large company of gentlemen dined with
him at my house, and he left there after 10
O'Clock at night i'll rain, in order, as he
said. to send dispatch to Norfolk to fire
up steamer which could take him or his
dispatches, I forget which, to New York
before the next Atlantic steamer sailed.
The battle of Coal Harbor and the other
battles around Richmond occurred not
long afterward, and had no doubt Of our
acknowledgement by the French govern
ment, and was very much surprised that it
did not come.
Some time afterward the French Consul,
| Mons. Paul, drove up to my house on Sun
| day afternoon, and very soon entered into
conversation about the acknowledgment
OF the Confederate Government by the
Emperor Of the French. and asked me if
we could not pass some bill for the gradual
! abolition of slavery in fifty or sixty years.
Maybe it might do if it was longer, and
said if that were done the Emperor would
Immediately acknowledge us, but that the
French people would not be satisfied with
| out such a provision for the abolition of
slavery. They did not care how distant
| it was, so the fact was secured as the price
| OF recognition, and the Emperor would be
fully justified.
depressed my individual willingness to
accede to those terms, and promised to
see the President upon the su beet next
| morning when went into Congress, and
| if he agree with me would Immediately
introduce bill for the purpose.
ssI'ut," said I, ssMonsieur Paul, what
guarantee can you give us that, if we take
so important step, the Emperor will ac-
knowledge us 7"
He replied: "Mr. Lyons, nobody can
guarantee the Emperor, but you may be
sure that the Emperor will do what / tell
you he will do" which considered as but
another mode of saying that he had been
authorized to do what he had done.
1t is due to Mr.. Davis to say that I saw
him next morning, at his own house, be-
fore Congress met. as soon as [ went into
to town. and told him what had passed be-
tween the French Consul and myself. His
answer was: 81 should concur with you
in accepting these terms but for the con-
StiCutlOnal OlmculCy. GU KNOW CnaC Con-
gress has no jurisdiction over the subject
of slavery" "True." said, "but that
difficulty may be gotten over, in my opin-
ion, without any violation OF the consti-
tuition. Let the bill for the gradual alb
clifton of slavery also provide that it shall
not take effect until the States have, by
acts of their respective Legislatures, duly
passed, approved and ratified. which you
know will be just as good as if passed be-
forehand, authorizing Congress to do the
thing. will not be gull y of the presump-
ton Of offering such bill upon my simple
responsibility. but if ! may say that you
Tomorrow" He then asked me why the
French Government could not deal with
the States in the matter, SO as to avoid all
constitutional nueStiQna told him had