, 1879-03-30


that it considered the subject from the stand
point OF individual interest, A1ld not from that
of the State interest. 1t was as clearly the right
o1 the Stale to exclude from suffrage all whose
participation would preclude a successful Gov.
crnment as it Was the right Of every citizen to
participate in the. blessings Of government.
Sentiment had no place here, when to yield to it
would be to ignore the teachings Of experience.
10 say that the Individual could have certain
right IN the Government, when to concede that
cable, Was to assert paradox. Still less had
sentiment place when the question OF the gov
ernment OF cities was under copslderation. The
prevailing sentiment In American cities, SO far
as 1t found expression in municipal action, was
liable to be
4 SENTIMENT OF RIVALRY,
and to impcl the people to . course which It
was expected would advance their own city at
the expense Of some other whose prosperity
they envied or feared. This sentiment was
likely to take the form Of large expenditures
upon elegant buildings and costly parks or
works OF public improvement which It was
though. were likely to ndd largely to the bust
ness or attracttveuess OF the place, and, consc-
quentfy, to its growth. This tendency to
rivalry Was one Of the chief dangers Of the
country, especially when the facility 1or
contracting public debts was so great, and the
inducements so captivating. Under pretensc
OF providing for its future, q city mortgagcd its
future to construct works Of doubtful value,
and men voted to construct them who either
had no taxable means, or, If they had any, TOOK
care to avoid taxation by having the city issue
bonds when It should have issued tax~rolls. We
had for considerable time stood face to lace
With the solemn fact that cities, unless held IN
close rem by the State, were in perpetual dan
ger OF contracting excessive debts. What might
be the'most effectual remedy for this, experience
restraint that could be fully erectual, unless it
be found in constitutional provision strictly
combining the power to contract city debts within
safe limits. When such a limit was imposed, oil
contracts which exceeded 1t must be void 1t
was notorious, however, that such provisions cx-
listed, ulld ret the municipalities subject to
them contracted debts which exceeded them,
and that, when they did, strong public senti~
ment, prevailing especially in financial circles,
and generally strong enough to control munici-
pal action, demanded their payment The sen
timent sprang from
THR GREAT HORROR OF REPUTATION
of State debts, and had, therefore, its com
mendable side. But between State repudfa-
ton and municipal defense against contracts
ultra wires there was all the difference that
there was between public dishonesty. on the one
hand and protection against municipal robbery
On the other.
For some of the evils in municipal govern
ment mere legislation could at present afford
no remedy, but there might be paliatives which
it was the duty Of the State to apply. In ad-
dftion to restrictions upon the power to contraes
debts, there ought to be equally careful and
effectuM restraints upon the
POWER TO GRANT FRANCHISES,
and especially to grant exclusive franchises.
The very cry against monopolfes was IN evil, for
it tended to create feeling OF unrest and OF an
tagopism to capital among tile poorer classes OF
the people, and OF doubt and dtstrust smong the
money classes; and this tended to unsettle the
foundations OF society and to prepare the way
for great riots and destruction Of property ia
times Of distress. And city charters ought to be
so framed as to prevent, IS far as possible, the
haoty action Of the city legislature in
entering upon public works, contracting debts,
and leyying taxes, under the pressure OF excite
ment aId passion. One Of the most etfectual
restraints would be division Of the legislative
department into Two houses One might be re-
stricted In authority to action upon financial
measures and measures relating to city proper
ty and franchises,-a small body, and ought to
be elected by the city at large. The best men
could only be obtained by that method OF
cl1uice There ought also to be greater con-
centration Of executive power IN the hands
of the Mayor, with view to immediate and
found to exist For this reason the State must
abstain from, improper intermedd1ing in city
affairs through State Commissions; unless e1-
ercised By way Of restraint to prevent anuse Of
local authority, it was always mischieyous, and
was generally invited by fraudulent pretenses
NAA@"
BUT THE MOST EFFEcTUL REMEDY
mist be found in an awakened and ever active
and Yigilapt determination On the part OF the
neople to protect their rights under the Gov
ern1neut, whatever might be its form or Its laws
This was peculiarly difficult in the case Of cities,
but was nevertheless imperative successful
planters and farmers naturally took to politics.
Successful merchants and businessmen IN the
cities naturally avoided politics. The propor-
ton OF voters in the large cities Of the
country who paid taxes On property
was rs to the whole number only as one to s1,
and when we added to the onc-sixth such others
as were members OF their families, and others
who. for similar reasons, were Interested in the
economical government Of the city, the fact re-
mniued that the majority OF all were not likely
ernrnent managed with prudence, economy, and
integrity. Under such circumstances, unless
those who were chiefly concerned came to
the front, bad goyernrnenr, resulting at
length in municipal bankruptcy and dissolution,
Was inevitable. All good goyern'nent must
who administered it. To-day the control OF the he
chief cities Of the country was very largely left
to those who had least Of these qualities.
1uR BUSINESS MEN OF LARGE CITIES
devoted themselves to prosperous manage
ment of their private business, and lett pub1c
mntters to professional politicians, most of
whom engaged in politics Tor mere personal re-
wards, These were the men who were running
our cities They built up our immense debts,
made public robbery easy, and found their
advantage in heavy taxes: "hen tne
merchants, manufacturers, bankers, and thrifty
mechanics OF New York or Chicago LETT govern.
ment to such men in order that they might
make money in their private business, they were
to a large extent accumulating that others
might waste. Some time they would learn oy
hitter experience that. in order to securely &C.
cumulate wealth, the proper management o.
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