New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1879-07-09
PRESIDENT MAKING.
A NEW LETTER FROM JOSIAH QUINCY

AND NOW FIRST PUBLISHED.
TO the Edftor OF The Tribune.
SIR: send you a letter received twenty years
ago from the late Mr. Quincy. preface 1t with
few words of explanation. As long ago as 1913
had written a somewhat extended discussion or the
provisions of the Constitution as to the mode Oh
choosing the President of the United States ana
wrote to Mr.. Quincy-then in his eighty-sevehth
year-asking his leave to publish my remarks IN the
shape of public letters addressed to HIM, as pelhg
one of the very few survivors if not the
last, among those statesmen whose youth
was Graded and matured amid the men
and principles and sentiments that presided at the
foundaton-of our Government. HIS letter in reply
contained frank and cordial permission of what |
asked for: and put ont my remarks under the
title of president making aud National COrruption
Three Letters to the Hon. Josiah Quincy" few
weeks afterward received tue etterl now send yon
Why did not print it Immediately upon receiving
it | do not know. Most likely ii was owing to my
great talent for putting OF doing things Then came
Secession and the Civil War, which put the subject
of President making into allegiance until the last
Presidential election forced it into prominence.
Since then have BEEN meO more, intending and IN
tending 10 do what now at length dO-Hve the
letter to the press Its contents and the eInnence
of the writer will, think, make II an interesting
contribution to the history of the working OF our
Constitution. So much by way of preface Mr.
Qnincy's letter is az follows:
PROFESSOR HENRY.
DEAR SIR: The letters you did me the favor to
address to me found me in the hands OF physician
with temporary illness which precludeS me rom
saving all that wish on that pltrOuc eHpru: lo'i
views are noble and just, graphically expressing the
evils and dangers of the present mode OF fFeslueh
making and its deviation from the apparent lnteh-
ton of the trainers of the Constitution but
whether they ever expected and intended TO lnier
by its language that the electoral colleges should
act INDEPENDENTLY and unmilucnced by the VIII OF
the Legislatures which appointed them, unintlnil-
dated by party and irresponsible to any but God ana
their country, may, / think. be reasonably qneS-
! toned. They made the best provision Tor the mode
of eectiuR the chief magistrates the nature OF the
case permitted But they understanding what hands
the construction % the powers vested Dy the COh-
sttutiOn would fall that interests depending upOn
the selection of candidates all-absOrbing; that
ambitious rs well yirtuOus spirits would be on
| the watch for ascendancy, ana the opportunity 10
appoint electors would be seized upon and used 10
| secure the appointment OF men SubseryIent 20 the
prevailing faction 81 the time; and that WhateYcrthe
terms OF the Constitution might intimate the practl-
cal esult would be that the respective electoral col
| leces would be nothing Use than mouthpIeceS OF
the prevailing faction in each State, chosen Tor that
purpose and acting under pledge to tat eject pre-
vOIsy given or acting uuuei the influence of pre-
! dominating aiin!iits. Undoubtedly time. cmlgIa-
ton and facilities of intercourse have, as You mt
| mate. increased the number and power OF corrupt
! influences.
But such have always existed from the first move
ment of the Observation-Disclosures III degree Tar
| less gross and offensive than those we at TINS day
realize. Circumstances III the early periods OF the
! Constitution gave TO the sound over the noXiouS
elements which exist III every political association
q predOminancy they do not naturally enjoy. In
the first Presidential election the overwhelming
popularity of Washington makes that election
anomalous yet even IN II party spirit ana intrigue
were seen, in the ease of Adams, who was run on
the same ticket with INSTRUMENTATION with
and controlling the independence OF the electoral
colleges 10 make assurance dOuby sure that bis vote
I n lnf flt Yrff
second election II was the same. Party spirit and
prejudice combined Tor the same purpose % Iuilu-
cnce the independent action OF the electors. In the
thTd election every influence was aDphcd-pamph-
let's were written addressed To them III effect the
organs of parry and 10 direct them INTO
paths which party spirit required; this too,
10y men second to none in point of efficiency
IN framing the Constitution. In the fourth Presi
dental elec hon. party spirit and intrigue did their
perfect work. Long before emigration aud faC!ll-
ties OF communication had enlarged and strength
sued those Influences, they had power enough not
ONLY TO axe the President but 10 give a direction
To the whole course of the Government for htty
years. and 1t Is YET 10 be proved not 10 be perpetual
Aaron Burr, who was lltt- else than the persOnll-
cation of political intrigue was, politically speak
ing the creator of Thomas Jefferson. Burr raised
him TO the Presidency. In The exercise OF that
cOnsuiumate uuprnclpled intrigue Ol winch BUR-
was master, he CUutTiYed to vest IN his own hand
The power OF the whole electoral college Of New
York. With this under his control lie travelled to
tue south. negotiated with Jefferson and III result,
by the votes OF that electoral college raised hm 10
the Presidency The news papers of the day scented
the result OF MS journey. I'VE understand" they
said tHat a Burr rolling southwark; there is
question rhcye uii stick, bat the general opinion
Is that thrill sioi at hing an expression which
congresses the characterOi such pOlitcalInriguers
III nutshell.
Sncn were the workings Of the Constitution in its
earliest times. PTcsIdent-makiug Will be the alb
sorbing business of all future timc as II has been OF
all past. Inc chance IL presents 10 cupldity ana
ambition Is a temptation absolutely Irresistible -t0O
dazzling and cOrrupting IUT human virtue to bear In
| It's purest state. What hope then, IN the actual
l A Ia lao trurfTa.
| /. there any hope IN the change of the Constitu
! ton Who must effect that changc-the people I
But they are divided IN factions, 10 each OF whom
the Will of the leader Is law, 90 wnOm the hope - OF
! victory Can IL be hoped that they Will support a
elimination of the means of success OF of the num-
! Der and value Of the spoils The Leaders prefer
| things as they are and the multitude have neither
! voice nor Thought but IN coincidence with their
| leaders.
and Pror,deRce. The first Will show the designs OF
| the last and lie shapes tins ends of Nations as
| well as of individuals, rough hew them as
| we will" The Constitution must be permitted
TO act as it is until II clears itself by the acton Of
that public virtue which, although II SAUNDERS, ex-
! is;s IN the body of the people or until the move
ment of the machine becomes 50 Obsructed by Olii-
cal corruption aud seifishnesS that nature cannot
longer endure it, and by spasmodc cxertIOn relieves
! the Constitution of ITS DISTINCTIONS.
Pardon the lntOlerable pIOslng OF an old man upon
| a trte subject, which nothing could have induced
| but the honor conferred by your correspondence
and my respect for your truthiulness and spirit.
| am yours faithfully, JOSIAH QUINCY.
Boston, 9th May, 1859.
SO wrote this venerable old man in his eighty
seventh year. Iu the manuscript OF his letter there
! is scarcely an indication of the great age OF the
writer. The hand that penned il is now but dust !;
vet the words, it to me, will be read with n-
terest by all who honor lncorruptble integrity and
pure devotion 20 the public good certainly the sub
! iect to which they relate has lost nothing of its
! importance. Quite otherwise. The fierce struggle
of rival political parties during the last Presidential
! campaign brings windy to mind what the late
| Chancellor Kent uttered long ago. "The mode of
appointiLc the President" said he, presented one