The New York herald., 1879-03-30

ocratc House of Representatives hoid that IL .ney
not permitted to force another bouse ana the
Executive against their will and their consent the
repeal of law that the democrats made IL shall pc
sufficient ground for starving this government. Ihat
IL the proposition are here debating.
Mr.. wooD Idem.l of y. Y.-Bcfore the gentleman
leaves that part of the discussion desire TO ask nm
whether he wishes 10 make the Impression on TINS
House that the bin introduced by Senator Powell or
Kentucky. which resulted finally III the law OF 1860,
was the bill that passed the Senate and tile House
which he stated that the present Speaker of the
House and myself voted in favor Of?
Mr. GARrIELD-I have not ntimated that there
were no amendments, There amendments.
Mr.. WooD-I want to correct the impression. l
deny that, so far / am personally concerned,
voted for the bill. except as substitute for
more perncious and objectionable measure. lAp.
plause on the democratic side
Mr.. GARFIELD--All say is matter of record what
/ say is that the gentleman voted for that law,
and every democrat In the Senate and IN the House
who voted at all voted for it.
Mr. wooD-I want to ask the gentleman whether,
In 1866, at the time of the passing OF this law the
war had really yet subsided-whcther there was not
portion of this country in a condition where it
was impossible to exercise an elective franchise
unless there kind of military interference;
and whe her the expiration of fourteen after
the has subsidized that gentleman Is yet prepared
to continue q measure in o time OF profound
peace In the country
GOING BACK TO 1860.
Mr.. GARrIELD--I have no doubt that the patriotic
gentleman from New York took all those things into
consideration when he voted for that bill. and may
haye been unpatriotic in voting against it; but he
and must stand on our record as made up. Let 1t
be understood that have not at all entered into tho
discussion of the merits of the case. l am dis
cussng u method OF revolution against the consti-
tuition Of the United States. desire to ask
the forbearance of the gentlemen on the
other side for remarks that | dislike to make
for they will bear witness that have in many ways
shown my desire that the wounds of the war shall
be healed and that the grass that God plants over
the spring of friendship and peace between all paris
of this country. But am compelled by the neces-
sty OF the situation to refer fora moment to chap
ter history. The last act of the democratic ad-
ministration in this House. eighteen years ago.
stirring and dramatic, hut it Was heroic aud high
souled. Then the democratic party said. III you
elect your man President of the United States we
will shoot your Union to death, and the people of
this country, not willing to be coerced but
Abraham lincoln If they chose. did elect him
lawfully President, aud then your leaders in
troll Of the majority Of the other wing Of this Capt.
seats, and your Representatives withdrew from
their seats and hung down to us the gage of mortal
battle. We called it rebellion. but we admitted
that it was honorable. that it was courageous
and that it noble to give us the fell gage OF
battle and fight It out in the open field. That
conflict and what followed we all know too well.
and to-day, after eighteen years, the book of your
domination is opened where YOU turned down your
leaves in 1860 and you sgnalizng return to
power by reading the second chapter mot this time
heroic one that declares that ii we do not let you
dash statute out OF the book you will, not shoot
the Union death, in the first chapt but starvo
it to death by refusing the necessary appropriations
Applause the republican side.) You, gentlemen.
have it in your power to kill this movement; you
have it in your power by withholding these two
bills, to smite the centres OF our constitution
the stiffness of death: and you have declared your
purpose to do it if you cannot break down the ele-
ments of free consent that up to this time have al
ways ruled in the government.
sUPERCIIIoUs CARPING.
Mr.. DAVIS, (dem.) of N. C.--Do 1 understand the
gentleman to state that refusal admit the army at
the polls will be the death of this government? That
is the logic of his remark if it means anything. We
say il will be the preservation of the government to
keen the army from destroying liberty at the polls.
Mr.. GARrIELp-I have TOO much respect for the in
fa11 Of fhe IN n North CarOliua
believe that he thinks that that was my argument
He does not say that he thinks On the contrary
l am sure that every clear minded man knows that
that was my argument. My argument was this
that unless some independent branch OF the legsla
tive power against it's will is forced to sign or vote
what it does not consent to- it will the power in
its hands to starve the government to death.
Mr.. DAvIs-How does the gentleman assume that
forcing some branch OF the government to do
what it does not wish to do? How do we know that
or how does the gentleman know it?
Mr.. GARFIELD-My reply to the gentleman is, that
read at the outset of remarks the declaration OF
his party asserting that this is its programme Ia
1856. in Cincinnati in the National Democratic Con-
racy in the United States. affirmed the right or
the veto as one Of. the sacred rights OF our
govcrnment.- and declared that any law which
could nt be passed over veto by two-thirds vote
had no right to become law, and that the only re-
dress was appeal from the veto to the people at
the next election That has been the democratic doc
trine that subject from the remotest day-ccr-
tainly from General Jackson time until now. What
would you have said in 1861 il the democratic ma
which il did. had simply said:-"We will put an
amendment on an appropriation bill declaring the
right of any State to secede from the Union at
pleasure, and forbidding any officer OF the army
or navy OF the United States from interfering
with any State in its purpose to secede?'
Suppose the democratic majority had said then.
put that ON these appropriate bills will
fuse supplies to the government. Perhaps they
could have killed the government then py starvation.
But in the madness of that hour the leaders or the
secession government did not dream that 1t would
be honorable to put their fight on that ground, but
It out But nov, in y way which the widest of Sc
cessonists never dreamed of taking. it is proposed
to make this new assault on the vitals of the nation
A REPUBLICAN CHALLENGE.
Gentlemen addressing the democratic side Of the
Housel have tried to count the cost. We did try
count 1t in 1861 before picked up the gage Of
battle; and although could then forecast the
awful loss in blood and treasure yet having started
in stad there to victory. We simply made the
appeal to sovereign. to that great omnipotent
public opinion in America, to determine whether
the Union should be shot to death. And now law
fully in our right and in our place here. we pick up
the gage OF battle which you have thrown
down, and will appeal to our common
sovereign to say whether You shall break
down the principle OF free consent in
legislation at the price Of starving the to
to death. We ready to pass these bills for the
support of the government ut any hour when you
will offer them in the ordinary way and IL you offer
these other measures separate measures, VIC will
meet you in the spirit Of fair and fratcrDal debate
us-cven to save this government until the question
has gone to the sovereign TO determine
whether it will consent TO break down any
of its voluntary powers. And on that ground
gentlemen. we plant ourselves. loud applause on
the republican side ana in the galler.es.) We remind
you, ia conclusion. that this great zc1 of yours in
regard TO keeping the officers OF the government out
OF the States has not been always yours rcncm-
Der that only six years before the war your law
authorized marshals of the United States to 80
through all our households and hunt for fugitive
slaves. II did not only that but 1T empowered
marshals to call for posse comitatus and to call
upon all the bystanders to join in the chase.
and your democratic Attorney General declar,d d in
an opinion ia 1854 that marshal of the United
States might call to his aid the whole posse nciud-
ing soldiers aud sailors and marines of the United
states 20 join in the chase and to hunt down tho
fugitive. Now. fellow members of the House. IL. for
the purpose OF making slavery eternal, you could
send your marshals and could summon posses and
used the armed forces of the United States, by
what facc or grace can you tell us
that, in order to procure freedom in e.cc
tions and peace ut the polls. you cannot
the same marshal with his armed posse? But
refrain from discussing the merits of the proposition.
have tried In this hurried aud unsatisfactory way.
to give my ground of opposition to this Legislation.
As Mr.. Garncld resumed his seat he was again
loudly appauded on the republican side and in the
galleries.
ANOTHER MAN OPPOSITION.