Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1879-08-29

tFrom Secretary Sohurzs Cincinnati Speech
The democrats know but too well that they
have done many things TO alarm the conser-
vative sentiment of the country. They forced
an extra session of Congress without necessi-
ty and threw the people into needless agita-
ton. In that extra session they presented IN
exhibition Of tyrannical caucus rule subver-
sive of all freedom of individual action and
opinion in the work Of Legislation. The in
temperate threats and manifestos accompany
ing their attempt to coerce the executive be-
trayed n lack of Just sense of the RESPONSE
bilities Of government, which might become
dangerous unless as firmly resisted ~ 1t was.
Their avowed design to organize the Southern
States rs a compact partisan force has given
n new stimulus to sectional feeling, and the
fierce intolerance of opposing political opin-
ion in some Of those States, and the violent
aud cruel means, too notorious now to be de-
MED, by which that compactness Of partisan
interest aud action are sought to be accom-
plished, have awaked various apprehensions
as to what party in which such impulses and
influences are SO potent would do with the
national power, il in such a way IL should nc
quire its possession
am not disposed to exaggerate the dan
gers of the situation. / do not believe that
on the democratic side n new rebellion is con-
templated in the sense Of n breaking up Of
this Union by force. The South has had
enough Of that and wants no more. What
they really desire, in my opinion, is not to
destroy the government, but TO get possession
Of it and use it for their ends inside Of the
Union. II the democratic party should sue
coed in obtaining full control Of the national
government, it would, far from weakening it,
be likely under Southern influence, TO in
dulge III an exercise Of power the like Of
which we have not seen in times Of peace,
not merely for the preservation Of its ascen-
dancy, but especially in the use Of the nation
al treasure for all sorts of local purposes. To
what extent this will go it is at present diff
cult to foresee We have now and then n
premOnitory symptom.
There is at present much discussion about
state rights. True state rights i'll the consti-
tutional sense, that is the power Of the peo-
pie Of State to govern their local affairs sub
iect to the limitations defined in the national
constitution, are not only admissible, but nee
essary, in a republic like ours. OF that right
of local solf-government in this sense. the
States of Massachusetts and Ohio are no less
Jealous than the States Of South Carolina and
Georgia. II such local subdivisions of the
republic, within which the right of local self
government is exercised, did not exist, they
would have to be invented. ] think, howey-
er that the worship paid to the individual
rious historical sanctity above that of the
Union is not only mschievous, but very
much out Of date. When it is said that the
original thirteen States were separate indie
pendent entities ont of which the Union
grew 1t must not be forgotten that there are
now twenty-four States which were made and
nursed into being by lhe Union. Moreover
circumstances have changed. The interests
common to the people of all the States have
grown immensely in variety and magnitude,
and the citizens Of California and Oregon,
owing to the railroad and telegraph, feels
himself to-day nearer to the seat and the in
fuence Of the national power than the citizen
of Pennsylvania or North Carolina did at the
beginning Of this century.
by the same change of circumstance the
interests Of the people OF the different States
have become more and more interlaced the
doings Of the people Of each State have be-
come of more consequence to the people of
the other States, and thus the national gov
eminent has grown in importance TO all.
While the change of condition cannot fail to
strengthen the national idea, constitutional
state rights, that is, the right Of the people OF
a State to govern their home affairs, subject
TO constitutional limitations, do not conflict
with it, But when in the name Of state rights
the attempt is made to trench upon the con-
stitutionRl powers of the national government
or to nullify laws which are under the con-
stitution the supreme law of the land, or TO
deny, abridge and trample upon individual
rights Of citizens, guaranteed by the consti-
tuition, then state rights become the mere
cloak of state wrongs, which it is our duty TO
resist. When those state wrongs are such
that they can be reached and redressed by
constitutional exercise of national power, then
power must, and at present will be, dutifully
pyprcigpl When these NrrOnug are bavOnI
the reach of the constitutional power of gov
eminent, then public opinion must he invok-
ed to mark these wrongs with the stamp Of in
dignRtion. That is the business of every
good citizen. And how can you make such
a condemnation effective: By putting votes
into the ballot box calculated to inform that
party which countenances or means to profit
by such wrongs that you do not mean TO per
nit it TO enjoy such profit.