The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1879-02-11


sistent with the theory OF parianfentarY'
regime. 1t was claimed from the outset by
the Liberal party that n responsible minis-
try was the natural. indeed the fDdlspensa-
bic, complement Of n National Assembly.
But the Chancellor has steadily, al
most contemptuously. refused to heed
their arguments, which have mover,
we may point out, been seconded by
the pressure to be expected from those who
controlled the public purse. Indeed, the
Liberals cOnnved at the mutiatlon Of their
financial influence and threw aside thor
surest weapon when, in the hour of national
triumph, they consented TO tho law fixing
the rate OF army expenditure for n term of
ycars-a measure which no crisis of danger
and defeat had ever oXtoItcd from an Eng
lish House Of Commons. Nor have they
evinccd at any time a rcsOlutc purpose to
secure advantages for individual freedom
and tho cause Of accountable government,
in exchange for the constant cncroach-
mcnts OF the ccntralizing spirit. They
have sanctioned the reconstruction of
the judiciary, u step doubtless laudablc
on some accounts, but obviously profitable
to the central power; and they have OPP
7
resistance TO the acquisition by the state Of
the great highways Of trade. They have
allowed, too the expression of public opin-
ion TO be stincl by laws against the press;
the free exercise of the Catholic religion to
be trammcllcd by the so-callcd FALK laws;
and lately they have approved the denial OF
rights, without which the suffrage is n
mocl,cry. to the adhercnts Of party which
at the last election controlled wcighty
share Of the popular vote. And all this
has been done by national Lcgis-
lature in which the so-callcd Liberals
hg'c had more tnan once since 1871 clear
majority. and where they have maintained
at all times a prcponderance. On their
shoulders, aud nowhere else will be the fail
ure OF parliamentary government i'm the
German empire, II to their past shortcom-
ings shall be joined the fatal error Of annul-
ling or abridging the freedom OF debate.
They cannot shelter themselves behind the
rude and cynical demonstrations of BIS
MARCK, who makes no secret Of his aims
and does but act after his kind. II is not he,
but they, who have accepted the peoples
mandate and who will bring upon them
selves disaster and dishonor 10y betrayal
OF their trust
When we review the series OF pcrilous and
wcll-nigh irrctricvablc plumbers into which
German Liberals have been betrayed by n
headlong zeal for national consolidation. we
must recognize that unit may be too dearly
purchased at the price Of liberty. The truth
is that the argument Of which We hear so
much from the Liberal leaders turns in
vicious circle. This unity, which formerly
we were told was requisite to cure German
weakness, turns out to bc itself so weak that
nothing can cement IL except a strong, that
Is TO say, a despotic government. Looking
back TO the great schism which in 1866
sundered the Liberal party. we can see
that WICKLOW and the earnest friends Of
progress We're right in RELOCATING the scheme
OF German unity among secondary aims
in raising the cry of liberty first and now
and union afterward. Nor is it doubtful to
some OF those who remember the drift OF
public opinion after Sadowa. that the South
German States might have been won by the
pacific agencies OF propaganda to enter the
North German Confederation; in other
words, that BlsMARCK's Wanted baptism of
fire was. after all, supcriluOus. But how
ever this may be, events have abundantly
Justified Prof TRETTSCHKE's assertion made
some years ago, that the great Liberal party
had ceased TO exist in Germany. On the
one side, he sald are few honest rcpub-
Leans grouped in the dwindling ranks OF
the Party of Progress men who have at
least had the courage Of their opinions. who
have consistently withstood the press laws,
the army bill, and the schemes OF centraliza-
ton, a. well rs those prosecuting ordinances
] which lny.11.I
impeach the fundamental principle Of cleo
! toral freedom. In quite another category
he would place the Nationalist. still CON
siderable in point of numbers, and who I'M
der the guidance OF YON BRNSIGsEN and
BAMDERGER have managed TO hold together
by a succession of compromises. or rather
bargains with the Chancellor. in which
the latter has constantly got the better of
them. What ground have we 10 suppose
that they who have ratified infringemcnts
OF the freedom OF the press, Of the rights Of
speech, Of meeting and OF residence, will
make Il united and dauntlcss stand for the
| liberty of debate in Parliament? We know.
Of course. that Herr LAsKER will be found
n vehement champion OF parliamentary
| privilege; but, Judging from their action on
| the Socialist BILL how many of his colleagues
| in the Nationalist ranks can we expect 10
vote with him? For this new measure also.
be it remembered, while it strikes Mt the
core OF independent legislation, only pur-
| ports 10 aim at half dozen delegates OF the
| discredted party.
II l. true that rumors of the projected in
noNation in the Imperial Parliament have
! provoked signs Of bitter discomfort in the
Landtag, or lower House of the Prussian
| Legislature. Distinct expressions of dsap-
| prevail have come from other influential
centres of public opinion. Accordingly, we
| find the Chancellor, besides assurances cal
| culated to lull local alarm, has again had
recourse toa familiar eXpcdicnt. The Fed
eral Council Is informed that the new bill is
| introduced at the express desire Of the En-
| pcror WILLIAM. The latter cannot brook,
it seems, the outrageous language Of the
! Socialist representatives. We have ample
reason TO know from experience that the
kaisors name is good TO coniurc with. It
! only remains to be seen whether the wish