Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1879-04-02
Troops at the Polls.

| menace 10 the voter. L MS excuse IL OK
ceedingly transparent. Whom do they
"menace ?" There isn't democrat in the
United States who is conscious that he IL
voting legally who would fear to deposit
his ballot in presence of the whole army
There isn't democrat who knows anything
who does not know that he would not bt
disturbed in the honest exercise of his polit
ical rights. To whom then is the "men
ace ?" Clearly to that class of political
bummers who vote fraudulently and know
it; who get up rows and mobs that Repub
lican majorities may be overcome. These
are the ones to whom the United States
army is menace" This whole talk |:
the most absolute nonsense, and the history
of the bill and of its passage has been sc
well and so thoroughly exposed by Genera
Garfield, in his late speech in Congress, that
we cannot refrain from giving the following
extracts:
And yet the programme announced two weeks
ago was, that IL the Senate refused to consent u
the demand Of the House the government should
gramme is now, that although there is not n Sen
| ate to veto It, there Is still third Independent
factor In the legislative power OF the government
| which is to be coerced at the peril OF the de
struction OF the government 1t makes no difter
ence what your issue IL. II 1t were the simplest
and most inoffensive proposition in the world YET
il you demand as matter OF coercion that II shal
be put in every fair minded Republican in Amer
lea would be bound b. resist 1t as much ms though
his own life depended on his resistance. | an
not arguing as to the merits OF your three amend
ments Mt all am speaking OF your methods, and
say that they against the constitution OF oui
country. say that they are revolutionary to tn,
core, and that they tend to the destruction OF the
first element of American liberty which Is Tree
consent OF all the powers that unite TO make the
law. ask anybody TO take my challenge and tc
show me where hitherto this consent has been co
creed as n condition precedent to the support Of
the government. II Is n little surprising to me
that our friends on the other side should have
gone into this great contest on so slender topic
as the one embraced in this particular bill. Vic
tor Hugo said, in his description OF the great
battle OF Waterloo, that two armies were like
two mighty giants, and that sometimes a chip
under the heel OF one might determine the victory
II may be, gentlemen, that there is merely chiI
under your heel, or it may be that you treated il
as a chip on your shoulder. But whether 1t Is
under your heel or on your shoulder II represents
matter OF revolution, and we fight for the chiI
as II it were an ingot of the richest ore.
Do the gentlemen know what they ask when
you now demand to have repealed in this bill? II
was introduced into the Senate of the United
States by prominent democrat from the state OF
Kentucky Mr.. PowelD. 1t was insisted upon in an
able and elaborate speech by him. 1t was re-
ported against by Republican committee in that
body. 1t went through days and weeks of debate
in the Senate, and when it finally came to be
acted upon in that body this il about the way the
vote ran: Every democrat in the Senate voted
for it, and every Senator who voted against it was
Republican. No democrat voted against it, but
every democratic Senator voted for it. Who were
they? Messrs. Hendricks Of Indiana, Mr.. Davis
Of Kentucky, Mr.. johnson OF Maryland, Mr. Nc
Dougal of California, Mr.. Powell OF Kentucky,
Mr. Richardson of Illinois, and Mr. salisbury OF
Delaware. There were fewer Republican Sena-
tors who voted for it than there were who voted
against it. Thirteen Republican Senators voted
against it and only ten for it, The bill then came
over to the House and was put upon its passage
here. And how did the vote stand in this body
Every democrat in the House of Representatives
voted for it-sxty of them. The total number OF
persons who voted for it in the House was about
one hundred and thirteen, and OF that number a
majority were democrats. The distinguished
Speaker of the House, Samuel ]. Randall voted
for it. The distinguished chairman OF the com
mittee of ways and means Fernando Wood
voted for 1t. A distinguished member from ONO,
now Senator from that state-Mr. Pendleton-
voted for it. Every man OF leading name or fame
in the democratic party who was then in the
Congress OF the United States voted for the bill,
ana not one against IL. In tnls House tnere were
but few Republicans who voted against 1t. was
one of the few. Thaddeus Stevens voted against
it, What was the object Of the bill at that time!
1t was this--it was alleged by democrats that in
those days OF war there was interference with
elections In the border states There was nc
charge of any interference in the states where
war did not exist. But lest there might be some
infraction of the freedom of elections large
number OF Republicans in Congress were unwill-
ing to give any appearance whatever of interfer.
m dam of a IL
this law as an expression of their purpose that
the army should not be properly used in and
about any election.
Gentlemen addressing the democratic side OF
the House, we have tried to count the cost. We
did try to count it in 1861 before picked up the
gage OF battle; and although no man could ther
forecast the awful loss in blood and treasure, yet
having started in we stayed there TO victory. We
simply made the appeal to our sovereign, to that
great omnipotent public opinion in America, tc
determine whether the Union should be shot to
death. And now lawfully in our right and in onl
place here, we pick up the gage of battle which
you have thrown down, and will appeal to oul
common sovereign to say whether you shall break
down the principle OF free consent in Legislation
at the price OF starving the government TO death
We are ready to pass these bills for the support OF
the government at any hour when you Will oil Ell
them in the ordinary way, and If you offer thest
other measures "a separate measures, we viii
meet you in the spirit of fair and fraterna debate
But you shall not compel us-you shall not coerct
us-even to save this government until the ques
ton has gone to the sovereign TO determine
whether 1t will consent to break down any of it,
voluntary powers. Aud Oh this ground, gentle
men, we plant ourselves. cloud applause on the
Republican side and in the galleries. We reminC
you, in conclusion, that this great zeal OF yours il
regard to keeping the officers of the government
out OF the states has not been always yours. re
member that only six years before the war you
law authorized marshals Of the United States t,
go through all our households and hunt for fugi
tive slaves 1t did not only that, but 1t empowered
marshals to call for posse comitatus and TO cal
upon all the bystanders TO join in the chase, ant
your democratic Attorney-Genera declared In al
opinion in 1854 that marshal Of the United
| States might call to his aid the whole posse in
| Guiding soldiers and sailors and marines of thu
| United States, to Join in the chase and to hun
| down the fugitive. Now, fellow-members Of thu
| House, II, for the purpose Of making SLAYER,
eternal, you could send your marshals and coul'
summon posses and use the armed forces of thu
United States, by what face or grace can you tel
us that, in order to procure freedom in elections
and peace at the polls, you cannot use the sam
marshal with his armed posses ? But | refrail
| from discussing the merits of the proposition
| have tried in this hurried and unsatisfactory wa,
to give my ground of opposition to this legislation
|