The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1879-05-02
Executive Dictntion to Congress.

In obedience to the demand of a party
caucus, and to threat Of expulsion from
| the Republican fold in case Of refusal, the
| Fraudulent President has done what no
| lawful President ever attempted TO do, in
vetoing an appropriation bill for the sup
port of the army which contained clause
repeating part Of an obnoxious law, passed
during a state OF civil war, aud permitting
the use OF troops to interfere with elections.
| There is no precedent in our whole history
for such veto, and the pretcxt assigned
| for it is, like HAYES himself, feeble and false
in every respect.
The Constitution vests Congress with the
exclusive power "to make rules for the
government and regulation of the land and
naval forces" Under that authority Con-
grcss directed that the army should not be
employed as a police force at elections. and
repealed 90 much Of the law as permitted the
presence of troops at the polls. This amend
mcnt is strictly proper in n bill providing for
the army, because it is direction how the
army shall, or shall not, be employed, or, in
the language Of the Constitution, rule
for the government and regulation Of the
land forces" To assert that this is general
legislation is to allcge an untruth.
When the Constitution was adopted, the
fathers had before them the parliamentary
system OF England and the experience
under it for more than hundred years. and
they adopted several Of its most important
features. Among others was that which
reserved to the immediate representatives
OF the people the exclusive right to originate
all bills for raising revenue, and thus to
hold and guard the purse strings of the
nation. This great principle was solemnly
declared in England ON July 3, 1875, in these
memorable words:
That all AID and supplies and aids to his Majesty in
Parliament the sole SIN OF the Commons and all
bills Tor the granting o such aids and supplies ought
begin with the Commons and thatit l. the undoubtcd
and sole right ct the Commons 10 direct and limit and
point In such bills the end purpose. conditions consd
erauons limitations and qualifications OF such grant,
which ought be changed altered by the House
| OF Lords"
The people were thus protected against
the Crown and the Lords, and the power Of
the Commons has never been successfully
| disputed from that day to this. The trainers
OF our Constitution did not go so far. but on
money bills they declared that 81 the Senate
may propose or concur with amendments as
on other bills" thus limiting the authority
OF that body within prescribed boundaries,
/ beyond which the agents Of the States
should not pass.
Between July ), 1852, and March 4, 1875,
/ the Republicans, who had complete control
of the Senate and the House OF Representa-
| tives, engrafted no less than three hundred
and eighty-seven acts OF general legislation
on appropriation bills, or nearly thirty
every year for thirteen consecutive years.
Among the most notable examples of this
species Of legislation was one in 1916, when
the appropriation for three millions To- carry
on the var with Mexico was pending. DAVID
| WILMoI moved his celebrated prOviso, that
no part of that money should be used for
the acquisition OF territory where slavery
should exist. The House was Democratic,
with JOIN W. DAVIS OF Indiana as Speaker
| Mr.. DoBBIN Of North Carolina, afterward
Secretary OF the Navy, made point OF order
on the amendment, which was overruled
by the Chairman, and upon an appeal from
his decision the Chair was sustained by n
vote OF nearly three 10 one. The House
asserted the principle that upon money
bill an amendment, though not ostensibly
germane could be attached because il pre-
scribcd a condition for using the money.
According TO the position Of HAYES, the
WlLMoT proviso was revolutionary
In 1856 JOHN SHERMAN, then member OF
the House, moved an appointment to tho
Army Appropriation bill TO the effect that
no part of the military force Of the United
States herein provided for shall be employed
in aid OF the enforcement Of the enactmeuts
Of the alleged Legislative Assembly Of the
Territory Of Kansas, recently assembled at
Shawnee Mission, until Congress shall havo
I,ft Lot OF n sol
Legislative Assembly A Republican mem
Der, Mr. LETTER OF Ohio, was in the chair,
and ruled against tho amendment when the
point Of order was raised, but the House
sustained an appeal against his decision.
This case is precisely parallel with that Of
the bill which HAYES has now vetoed by
SHERMAN's advice.
In 1867 when the Republicans were strv-
ing to break down the power OF the EXecu-
tive, they tackled on an amendment to an
appropriation bill, designed to deprive Pres
ident JOHNSON of his constitutional author
ity as Commander-in-Chef by requiring
him to send his orders TO the army in Il
method dictated by his political and per-
sOnal enemies. HAYES was then an obscure
member OF the House, and he voted for this
amendment, like the rest Of his party.
In 1873 n Republican Congress attached
the salary grab and back-pRy steal to the
Legislative Appropriation bill, by which the
salary OF GRANT, who had been reelected
the previous fall, and who signed the bill,
was doubled, and their own salary was
largely increased with retroactive clause
that put thousands in their pockets
These are all familiar instances, and they
show that when the Fraudulent President
says in his message the enactment Of this
bill into law will establish precedent
which will tend to destroy the independence
of the several branches Of the Government
he writes what is not So.
This veto is nothing but party thing
Congress cannot yield to Executive dicta-
tion without surrondering a principle, and
striking out one OF the safeguards of public
and personal liberty, by giving up the con
troll Of the public purse,
Fairs Enough for Every body.
1t takes a man with a good memory foi