Clarksville weekly chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1873-1890, 1879-12-20
snELASD aND TnE souTH.


country, and much feeling Is elected
in the discussion OF the troubles
arising from those relations. There
are some who passionately sympa-
lhize with what they consider the
wrongs Of Ireland, Others who de-
light In magnifying those wrongs,
land the disturbance arising from
them, through hate Of England and
the desire of finding weak spot in
the armor of a possible enemy;
and still Others, though very few,
who sincerely sympathize with 1
England in her abortive efforts to
remedy the evils of which her sister /
island complains and propitiate her
people.
1t is not in the spirit of any one
of these three classes that we now
propose to study the case Of Ireland,
but rather with a purpose of apply
ing to our own political status, our
own relations of North and South,
some of the considerations derivable
from an insight into the Irish ques-
ton as it affects the British Empire.
We shall not concern ourselves
much with the merits of the eOntro-
versy between the English and the
Irish, and only incidentally speak
of the circumstances out of which
they have arisen; it is our own cir
cumstances that we propose mainly
TO examine in the light of English
and Irish experience.
It is about fifty years agosince the
first great concession was made by
the British Parliament to Ireland
since its conquest by England in
the middle ages. This measure was
called Catholic emancipation. Prior
to that, Ireland had been governed
by England very much in the same
way as the Republican party pro-
posed to govern the South after the
war, and did govern it for several
years. Irish counties, cities and
boroUghs were permitted to send
members TO the British Parliament,
provided they elected Protestants,
and the Irish noblemen could sit in
the House of Lords if they too were
Protestant. Catholics were rigidly
excluded from both Houses. A
Catholic could not sit on the bench
or practice at the bar in an English
or Irish court Catholic could hold
no command in the British army
or navy, and, in short, office of in
iuence or emolument was closed
against every man who protested
what is the national religion of
ireland. Nor could a Catholic vote
even for Protestant. Thus while
nOminalIyanIrish representatiOnsat
i'm the British Parliament, 1t did not
really represent the Irish people,
but those whom il was their habit
10 esteem their enemies. Added to
this was what they esteemed their
master grievance, that the clergy OF
TIT IOANIlGtAll SlluANIA WIZ ChO-
tanned in every parish by an impost
ON the land, while their own priests
had to live on pittance voluntarily
contributed by the people in addi-
tiOn.
Now this is a great deal like the
condition in which Republican leg
islation placed theSouth immediate
lyafter the close of the war. They too
left the conquered population the
form of representative govern
ment, but so qualified that it became
one of those bOOns which
Keep the word of promise to mems car,
But break IL 10 their hope.
As the British Government made
the franchise worthless to Irishmen
by excluding Catholics from the
privilege, so the North effected the
same purpose by excluding from it
all who had joined in or sympa-
thized with the secession, which
virtually excluded the whole white
population Of the South: 1t is true
that no ecclesiastical disabilities
were inflicted, at least permanently,
though it is well known that many
Methodist Churches were held by
military force in the interest of the
Methodist Church North against the
claims OF the preachers chosen by
their members, and we ourselves
heard a prominent Republican in
this city express the idea that DIR.
Quintard ought not to be allowed to
he elected Bishop of the Episcopal
Church in this State, because he
was a chaplain in the Confederate
army. But Church and State had
never been closely enough united in
Americi to admit of this part of the
programme being kept up long.
The parallel does not stop, how
ever, at the period of extreme OPP
preston. Catholic emancipation
was brought about, in part at least,
by process analogous to that by
which the South has measurahly
regained her voice in the legislature
of the nation. 1t was not the dis
turbances in Ireland which were
the first cause of emancipation,
though they were so grave that
even the iron Duke of Wellington
recOiled before them. There would
have heen no question of Catholic
emancipation to raise disturbances
about unless the Wing aristocracy
in both Houses of Parliament had
raised the question and debated il
strenuousiy there-UuleSs the Wing
party had canvaSsed it eagerly
throughout England.
And what was it that enlisted the
English Wings in this contest? II
was certainly not a religious move
ment. No political party was ever
so devoted to the principle Of Prot
estant ascendency as the English
Wings had been ever since the rev.
Olution of 1858, which placed Will
liam III. On the throne. II was q