Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1879-11-19
from First Prae.l


interpreting the fable, says:
, '.ADd now the disaffected, uniting their force,
at length break out into open rebellion which,
scented by the horrid and multiplied deformity
of Typhon. with his hundred heads, denOting
the divided powers; ms naming az, mouths, de-
denotipg siegeS AID destruction; his iron hands,
slaughter aud cruelty: his eagles talon, rapine
and plumber his plumed body, perpetual rumorS,
contradictory accounts, &C.. and able for time
10 strip from the majesty OF the state the slneWS
AS patJiotisn is then both delight, and trea-
son and rebellion condemned as equally sinful
and shameful by every system OF religion and
every system OF law by the reason and Instincts
of mankind, whence are civil wars, and whence
especially came ours?
Oftener In governments where the sovereignty
is hereditary In the line of family descent,
disputed SUGGESTIONS divide the allegiance of the
people, and are settled by the arbitrament OF
arms In deSpotiSn, oppressed and burdened
populations revolt against tyrannieS, too severe
and painful for long endurance; and revolution
becomes the last resort and remedy for men who
love liberty better than life.
But the rebellion of the Confederate states in
1861 was Of different class. 1t was not war
OF faction, supporting rival claimants to an
official succession, both acknowledging the
legitimacy of the institutions of governments;
For was it an attempted revolution in behalf of
right against power. Ii was on the contrary, a
determined and desperate struggle, not merely
to overthrow government, but to destroy the
nationality represented by 1t.
Inc conspiracy WHICH IOullu III IL us CullDlld-
ton was an old one. and at first unconscious of
its true nature and direction. Its germ appeared
in the opposition developed to the original adop
ton of national Institutions as formulated in the
federal constitution. 1t appeared soon after in
the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 9S i'm
puted to jefferson, but which were hardly con-
sistent with that theory of national sovereignty
upon which he must have relied for conviction
of treason against Aaron Burr; it was revived
in the doctrine OF notification, as defended by
Calhoun and h school, leading logically to
SECESSION AND CIVIL WAR
1t was founded on a complete and funda-
mental miScOnceptiOn of the character of the
p0Lt i institution OF the country, and OF the
relation of the governments of the states to that
OF the | n1ted states, and failure to realize the
truth that behind and below both these instru-
mentalities of political action there was con-
Stituency that was their originating and SUP
porting cause the unity OF which made one ma
ton OF all the people. The false doctrine which
embodied these misconceptions was styled the
doctrine or state rightS-but erroneOuSly-for
there had been no denial that the state had in
destructible rights. The only controversy had
been to define what they were, and who were
the judges OF their limits. The real meaning
and mischief of the false dogma was state SUI
premacy; for it taught that to the states, and
not to the United States, was committed the
right TO decide the boundary of their respective
Jurisdictions. Each in respect to the powers
delegated or reserved was, of course, independ-
ent of the other, and in that sense sovereign;
out, 1naSmuch as the Constitution and laws of
the United States made in pursuance thereof,
and all treaties made under their authority 1t
Is declared shall be the supreme law of the land,
and the judges in every state shall be bound
thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws
of any state to the contrary notwithStand-
ing; and, inasmuch as it is further declared
that the judicial power of the United States
shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising
under the constitution. the laws of the United
states and the treaties made under their author
1ty, 1t is apparent that by the very frame of the
fundamental and organic structure of the ma
uOnal authority, the supreme sovereignty, in
all its relations to individuals, to domestic
states and foreign nations belong to that cOnStit-
uency which is rightly designated as the people
OF the United States, and is exercised by that
government which represents and effectuatcs
their collective and national will 1t is this su-
premacy OF jurisdiction and authority that con-
stitutes our nationality and is essential to it. In
this view the unit Of power and dignity is the
nation; the states are significant merely as its
parts and fractions. The national government
Is the center and circumference that inclOSeS
and unites within its complete circle the entire
aggregate OF our political Institutions and inter-
crates them Into one harmonious, cooperating
whole.
Abroad, it establishes our place as one in the
worlds family of independent. equal and sover-
e1gn nations. AT home, within the sphere of its
prescribed powers, and determining their limits
and applications without responsibility to any
superior, 1t acts upon the individual people
whose allegiance 1t commands, with the irreSiSti-
BILE energy and limitleSS resources of the sI-
preme and sovereign will OF an indivisible peo-
pie IL Is the result and eXpOnent-the conse-
quence rather than the cauSe-of those common
features and characteristics which belong to
as one people living In one land, which, In til
aggregate, constitute national character, tn
development OF which, in social and pOlitica
action, represents In history
OUR NATIONAL LIFE AND SPIRIT.
1t is the ideal of all patriotic aspiration the in
81 iratton and object of our public hopes; tn
Shield OF our security; the guardian of our
persons and rights; the defender OF our
interests; our present help in every time
OF earthly need. The sway of its law is the
bond OF our peace and the pledge of our
Pre- sperity; the supremacy OF it's authority the
condition and cause of order. harmony and CO.
operation among all the possible conflicts and
1ealousieS OF subordinate political agencies; its
hag-"the banner of beauty and gloryn-the
symbol of our power and pride, the emblem of
our unity, the imperial standard OF our loyal and
reverent devotion.
1t is not Inconsistent with this spirit to value
and cherish the local attachments which con-
meet us with the states OF our nativity and
abode, but only in an inferior and subordinate
degree. Our first duty and our chief love are
are due TO the Nation, which alone constitutes
our country. For the principal value of our Cit
henSh1p OF the state is that it confers upon us
the dignity and privilege of out nationality
In contempt Of this view of our Constitutional
organization as nation, the opposing theory
was taught OF the supremacy OF the states the
Subordination OF the union. According to this
doctrine the only sources and supports OF politi-
cal authority known in our system We're the
states, While the federal government, under its
constitution, was merely mode OF their
agency. or course. upon such a construction OF
our political relations, the only patriotism OF
which, as citizens We were capable, consisted In
allegiance to the state of dOmicl: for loyalty
is the expression OF fealty to person, either ma
tural or political; 1t can not be eXacted or Yield
ed TO an tnanimate parchment or cOmpact-so
that the obligations of The federal constitution
cease TO bind individuals who were released
from the duty OF obedience by the sovereign all-
thoTty OF their states; and the states themselves
could not be made responsible, for they had no
political SuperiorS- Hence ii was thought at the
time by some public men that there was no
constitutional warrant TO attempt the coercion
OF the states, and writers, in that interest dom
mate the rebellion against the National Govern
ment as u war between states
And founding upon this false Interpretation
or the constitutional facts OF our history the
national life was aSSailed in
ORGANIZED AND BLOODY WAR.
III Is not 10 be supposed, however, that the in
Spring purpose and main motive OF the rebel
lion was TO establish the abstract theory of the
supremacy OF the states. That theory was used
as the legal excuse and Justification of the as
serted right to ren0unce the authority OF the
federal constitution; but the right was not eXer-
ciSed merely TO assert its existence. There were
interior objects and purposes which enlisted the
SympatheS and united the efforts not merely OF
states, but OF section, and that without regard
to state lines and even in diSobedience OF state
authority. Such was notably the case of some
distinguished public men and thousands OF
Others In states which never, by any act OF
secession, sanctioned or Justified their course
who broke their allegiance OF both state and ma
ton TO swell the ranks OF the rebellion to ad-
here TO the confederate government, or to give
II aid and comfort.