The Stark County Democrat. [volume] (Canton, Ohio) 1833-1912, 1879-07-10

mt6rtbtb OF ifphfuhaupuip, Gnu t'sN'
courts had absolutely failed to adniinis'
ter Justice to the people in that grAat sec
tion. We referred to the city Of New
York. where, on an election day, more
than 5000 american citizena were im
prisoned by'th authority Of Supervisors
of elections, and Of erward discharged
Wy Judge of the Uaited States Court,
who decided there was no authority to
arreet, and that they had been guilty OF
no crime. More than that, we referred
in our argument to the great doctrine of
civil liberty, and maintained that the
measures we sought to repeal were inim.
ical to freedom, unamerican in spirit and
in the end would prove subversive OF free
government.
No more manly, no more digniied, no
more logical debate. 80 lar as the Demo-
cratic side of this House is concerned,
was ever conducted on this floor but in
what way we're our arguments treated by
gentlemen on the other side OF this
House? With the exception OF hall
dozen speeches, the pretended answers
to our arguments might as We'll have
been made on any other subjects as upon
the bill now before this House for con-
sideration. When we said that these
measures were violative of the Constitu,
ton of the United States, Republican or
ators replied that on this side OF the
House the majority were Confederate
brieadiers, who had attempted to over
throw the Constitution of the United
States. When we referred to the fact OF
outrages com mitted on American ci izens
replied by citing the outrages committed
at Andersonville and other prisons dur
ing the war, and when We urged that
the power Of the army 6honld be so lin
tied and qualified that it might not be
used to overthrow the liberties OF the
people, they said your side was whipped
by that army, and therefore, you are op
posed to it.
Never in all my knowledge has de
bate been 50 honestly conducted as this
has been upon our side of the House,
never have arguments been more upfalr-
ly met than have our arguments by gem
tlemen on the other side. There are
honorable exceptions, of course. 1t
would be invidious to name them, but
will venture to mention the names of
two, and refer to The distinguished gen
tleman from Connecticut, Mr.. Hawley,
and the gentleman from New Jerse'
Mr.. ROheson. As the result of this de
bate, bills have been passed and sent to
the President of the United States and
have been vetoed. The veto power was
designed by the Constitution as a power
to prevent uncous Institutional legislation, or
nasty, ill-Considered legislation, or to EN-
able the Executive TO protect itself
against entertainments from other
branches of the Government. defy
any gentleman to point me to any argu
ment in the deba'e upon the adoption Of
the Constitution which did not give in
favor # this provision one or the Other
of these reasons; and in the history OF
this Government, from the day of its
foundation until now, the veto power
was never before exercised to prevent
the repeal of law, or to prevent the en-
actment If general appropriation bill
Certainly, never before was the veto
mower exercised to practically take away
from one of the two houses of Congress
a power which is conferred upon it sep |
aratey by the provisions of the Constitu.
ton itself The power to originate bills
ofrevenue is power which belongs to
us, and it is a power which, if the Presi-
dent interferes with as he has done by
this veto in this case, he can absolutely
take away from us.
What reasons have been urged for
these extraordinary vetoes? Chiefly |
that the bills we sought to pass took |
away from the Executive authority the |
power to enforce the law. Because we
would not let him use the army on elec.
ton day to keep the peace at the polls,
be said we took away from him the pow
er to enforce the laws.
Sir, the army is the creature of Con.
gress. The Constitution declares that
the Congress may raise an army. The
Constitution declares that appropriations
for the army shall not last longer than
two years. The Constitution declares
that Congress may make rules and regu
lations for the government of the army;
rules and regulations, "rules" coming
first; regulations" afterward. Therefore
the army is absolutely the creature of
Congress. Whether it shall be used to
execute the laws or not is for Congress
10 say and not for the President. Ap
plause on the Democratic side He
must take the army as we give il to him
for the purpose which we declare it
shall be used for, we being the power to
create it,
Strange to say, the President and his
advisers, and the gentlemen on the side
If the House, seem to have lost sight of
he Constitutional provision which gave
he President the power to execute the
avs. The language of that instrument
8 that the President of the United
states may call upon the militia of the
everal States to execute the laws. There
8 the power given to him for the execu
ion of the laws; not the army, unless
congress says 80, but the militia of the {
tates, because the Constitution so pro.
ids.
Never for an instant did our bills in.
erfere with the power of the President ;
yer the militia Of the States, but only
yer, this army, this creature of ours.
he President has the militia of the
tates from one end of the United States
, the other, to aid him in executing the
lws on election day or at any other
me, at the polls or anywhere else,
What is the result now after the We.
,es Some gentlemen have said that
le Democratic party has backed down, '
as surrendered. Sir, when we entered :
pom this fight we did not expect to gain
le victory in day. When power has
n twenty years been entrencbing be. /
ind all possible legislation, we cannot I
islodge it in a moment. We entered
pom this contest knowing that many a ;
attle must be fought, many a victory be !
aimed, before the ultimate triumph j
,ud be achieved. Ii
In the 45th Congress we said to the
resident your army-our ar ny, l mean 8
our army shall not be used as posse 6
nitatus. In the As h Congress we have {
, A -. q ~v,o, ~, ~ n NOT ha t,oaI "a n Y,ast o