Wheeling register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1878-1935, 1879-04-04


cover the case. The Constitution pro-
vides that the House OF Representatives
shall be composed OF members chosen
every two years by the people OF tine
several States, and that the eiect
tors in each State snaii
have qualifications requisite for
electors OF the most numerous branch
of the legislature, as given by the State:
The qualifications within the limits OF
the fifteenth amendment to the Constr
tution) are made by the States. The
United States does not confer the right
OF suffrage on these individuals, but the
United States adapts to its suffrage, by
description, the class that has already
the right of suffrage given to it by the
States. 1t makes them its voters for
the election of its officers, and 1t
is bound to guarantee to them a
free and fair election. Applause on
the Republican side. 1t is technically
and verbally true that the United States
does not confer the right OF suffrage
on those men who vote for the most nu-
merous branch of the State Legislature,
that the right of suffrage and qualitca-
tions necessary to it are prescribed by
the States. But the United States does
not say that every man who belongs to
that class, every man who has that
qualification shall be an elector for the
members of the House OF Representa-
tives. That is the right which it guar
antees. What is the guarantee OF the
United States worth il it is not clothed
with the power to carry it out.
Mr.. Blackburn said he was but poor
! student Of his country's history who
was not able to satisfy himself that from
the foundation of the Constitution down
to present time it had ever been held,
and that by the highest authorities in
| the land, that it was i'll the power OF the
! House to control the employment OF the
| army by Withholding the supplies. In
| the very nature OF things the proposed
| repeal could not be revolutionary. Neg
| ative legislation was never revolu-
/ tionary. The Constitution did not give
the right to the President to send armed
! forces into any State, even to suppress
domestic violence BY no means, it re-
| quired the President TO protect any
: State from invasion, but only conferred
upon him the right to send soldiers to
that State to suppress domestic violence
when the Legislature Of that State or
| Governor should make requisi
ton upon them. He was
not permitted to anticipate domestic
violence, neither he nor the Legislature,
nor the Governor. The domestic vio-
! lpnce must have been in existence, and
| that fact must have been certified to
him by the Legislature. More than
| One-thiri of all permanent legislation
| affecting that arm of the Government,
had been put upon the statute books as
riders upon an army appropriation
| bill. 1t lectures were to be read to
| the Democrats, let them come from
| some quarter and some member not
| convicted OH the record. Did the gen
tcman from Chic Garfield remember
| the record he had made in 1868 on an
amendment offered by Mr.. Wilson, Of
Iowa, To an appropriation bill proposing
to revolutionize the judicial system Oi
the country, proposing To rob CO.
ordinate branch Of the Government;
proposing To strip the Supreme Court OF
the prerogatives and powers that the
Federal Constitution had clothed II
with? Revolution? What was there
that the party the gentleman so abl ly lei
had not done in that catalogue OF crimes?
In his speech on Saturday, the gentle
man from Ohio had challenged all
corners TO show single instance in the
history OF the country where the con-
sent of the Executive had ever been
coerced. lie Blackburn accepted the
gage of battle which the gentleman had
thrown down; he would read from the
record and show him an instance. On
the 2d of March, 1867, Andrew johnson
had signed an army appropriation bill
under protest. Was there no coercion
then? Why, the record was full OF in
stances. lie found that in
the Thirty ninth Congress
that had occurred which
would never fade from the minds Of
the American people. He referred to
the effort which was made, which came
so nigh resulting in the successful i'm
peachment of the Chief Executive of the
country. There were two principal
counts in this indictment on which 1t
was proposed TO impeaCh the Executive.
One was the exercise OF veto power, and
the other his interference, not in elcc-
tons, but to prevent the interference OF
army power III elections. The counts
had been voted upon more that once,
and the gentleman from Ohio was on re-
cord every time as voting in their favor,
and he had been supported in his ac-
ton, and had standing by him, voting
side by side wite him to impeach the
President for the exercise Of the veto
power, one comparatively obscure, and
who, hut for a combination of accidents,
would have renamed to this day and
until his dying day in that obsCurity for
which nature and his creator designed
! him. Side bv side with the gentleman
/ from Ohio had stood and voted Mr.
! HAYES. of the same State Applause on
| the Democratic side and in the galleries
| and now by what sort Of authority had
/ the gentleman from Ohio come to threat
! en- the House with probable and posi-
4 ble action OF the executive? What pro-
/ vision af the federal constitution under
I took 10 clothe the body of either the Pre-
/ silent | i'm scli OF one of his Priyy Coun-
| Gil, even including his Premier, the Sec
/ retary Of State, 10 sit, as he had done, on
/ the floor of the House, last SStur.
/ tay, and by his presence and approval
/ seem To intimidatc overawe and brow
/ beat every American Congress. Deris-
! i've laughter on the Republican side
Referring to Mr.. Garfield's statement
regarding Mr.. Powell, Mr. Blackburn
/ said: Did not the gentlemen from Ohio
know that an amendment To Senator
Powcll'S bill had been incorporated in il
on motion of Senator POmeroy, and that
every Democrat had voted against IL,
Senator Powell among the number? 1t
was not candid-it was not fair, for the
gentleman from Ohio to place deal
statesman in such false position. Let
one take the darkened pages Of his coun-
try's history for the last seventeen long
wears and read il carefully, and then tell
me whether it lies in the mouth Of
this leader oi once great but
now waning party TO real
lectures 10 anybody, either on
the sore Of revolutionary legislation
or extraneous introduction Of legisla-
ton on the appropriation bills. Better
far in the face of the record they have
made to listen patiently TO the con-