The New Orleans daily Democrat. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1877-1880, 1879-03-23

felicity of the books quaint title.
The following extract from Part V of the
work page 446,J fairly exhibits Its etyle and
character:
We are forced. then, to stand upon the law
of our political being aud nature and adm if
that or mhole system ts States. O1e6 nothing
else. that "Ievying war against States
enemies, under her command and a1hering
to her, giving her "aid end comfort, Ii al
ways duty and not treason; and that the
fathers thought that every citizen should and
would, upon call OF his commonwealth, rally
to her Nag as against any other.
And this Is what Hamilton meant by the
following, which was the general sentiment
OF that day "The State governments will, IN
all possible contingencies. afford complete
security against invasiOns of the public lib
erty by national authority. in aconfederacy,
TIE people, with ut exaggeration, may be said
To be entirely masters Of their own fate.
Federallst %; see also the views of Amee
and Parsons. II, ELL Deb. As, 81; see also
Part V, Oh. v
WHY FIGHT FACTs2
We may not like such facts and philosophy
But why wreck ourselves against neces-
sityH DE Stdel Why-to borrow one oil
Carlyle's singular expressions mash our
face to pancake against the adamant OF
things2" States are as separate, solid and
enduring as isand-rockS In the ocean. And
we should cherish and defend them as the
sacred treasures OF all our blessngs-as the
last refuge and citadel OF freedom. Seward,
after the war, spoke truly wisely and well in
saying This absolute existence OF tho States
which constitute the Republic is the most
paApable Of oil the facts which the American
statesman has to deal with. Our Fed
eral Republic exists, and henceforth and for
ever must exist through the combine
tion Of these several free, selg-exIsting, stub
born States. They are living, growing,
majestic trees. whose roots are widely spread
and interlaced within the soil, and whose
shade covers the earth" Speech at Auburn,
October 20, 1865
"Indestructibie States Is the phrase ap-
piled, since the war, to our CONFERENCE.-The
by Chief Justice Chase Estate Of Texas VS..
Whitel and it il the truth. Atoms of water
do not more naturally glomerate into n dis
tinct drop. than men tend TO form society
All gather naturally around n centre of col
lective existence, possess corporate soul !;
and, I'm that FORM become conscious of the in
stiDct. the right and the duty of self-preser-
walton.
AND FREE STATES GRAvITATE, LIKE FREE
MEN,
to some common centre or course, it is
where the ties Of anity. neighhorly good will
sympathy Of common origin, common de-
sign and common expectations; mutual inter-
est and confidence, and q well-f0unded hope
OF Interstate justice in the future; are all
knotted or formulated into q conventional ar
stitution.
WHO SAVED THE STATES
In our four years war among the States,
the parties were compelled to recognize. and
deal with one another, as belltgerpnts; and
necessarily their voluntary ties Of union were
dissolved Some Judges have wished other
wise and so decided; but assertions do not
make facts.
The elements or the States which returned
to the Union might have been melted and
poured into unity by the victors, but Massa-
cLusetts, New York, Pennsylvania. Ohio and
Illinois only desired a mtton Of Sfates. and
they saw chat the eOnstraint OF one by the
rest, In peace, would be to themselves a most
dangerous precedent; and they had Henry
Wilson, John A. Andrew, William H. Seward
Gerrit Smith, Thaddeus Stevens, Salmon F.
Chase, Benjamin Wade and Lyman Trum-
bull.fo say nothing Of others watching to
see that the respective republics, and the
republic OF republics, should receive no detri-
mcnt.
The aforesaid States and statesmen prob
ably influenced the shaping of amendments
XIII, XIV and XIV, SO that, while the results
OF the war should be secured, absolute state
hood should be preserved. They might have
revolutionlzed the States into a nation, but
they preferred the system TO remain united
States"
AND CIVIL RULElA AND LEGAL COERCION YET
STAND.
These amendments were made by the
States, according to article 5 of the compact,
rs all the previous ones had been. The ORR
ynal instrument was left unchanged and up-
no sentence or word OF 1t was re-
1ealed, even by implication; and the civil
Jurisdiction OF the Federal government was
simply extended the means of enforcement
the same. Even the right OF se-
,ession was not prohibited-probably because
t involved q vital principle of freedom; and
because prohibiting 1t would have been pre-
,isey equivalent to ehaining States.
And the aforesaid common weafths and their
Statement, did not, In their measures OF recon-
3tructlon profess To act inside OF the consti-
ion. Thaddeus Stevens said there were only
,wo men in all Congress who argued that
hose measures werO constitutional. "In all
his husiress," said he, 'ace act outside Of The
constitution"
EVASION OF JEFFERSON DAVIS TRIAL.
1t was the facts and principles herein set
orth, and the vital Importance OF them to
.hese stubborn" "indestructihle States,
hat caused Seward, Chase and President
Johnson to evade the trial of Davis, Lee and
,he other Confederate chiefs, while pretend
ing to desire IT.. Reason, silent in war, ionged
TO impead "the government in time OF
peace. Justice would have indicated the
defendants and their lost cause"-ths being
The cause OF institutional liberty-the cause
Df the American c0mmonwealths.