The New Orleans daily Democrat. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1877-1880, 1879-02-09
THE LOTTERY WAR.
HOW THE FIGHT BETWEEN THE PEO-
PLE AND THAT CONCERN
Is REGARDED.

inc POSITION Of the De mOcrat Sustained
Dy the Public sentiment of the COun-
try, as Expressed by tho Great Jour-
nais-Tho National Bearing Of the
Fight.
Especial Correspondence OF tho Democrat
WASHINGTON, ID. G., Feb A, 1879.
The war between the DEMOCRAT and the
Louisiana Lottery Company, Just ended by
| the legal destruction Of the latter, which.
! suppose, is full accomplishment OF the In
| tentl0ns OF the DEMOCRAT, has been matter
OF intense interest to me, from beginning to
| end. do not speak of that personal PARTISAN
| ship in the fight which my connection with
! the DEMOCRAT and nay relations with It's
| managers may have inspired. What / mean
| when speak OF having taken an intense in
| terest the struggle touches the broader and,
| IL you please, more philosophic aspects OF the
| case. In one sense OF the words the war Of
| the DEMOCRAT upon
THE LOTTERY AND IT'S BELONGINGS
| was struggle between my personal friends
| and patrons on the one hand and O corpora
tion whose members severally and collective
| ly were nothing to mo and for whose fate
would not have turned a copper In any event.
Such conjunction of circumstances natur-
all. In the other and broader aspect that
/ have spoken ef, and upon which prnpnsa To
| base these few remarks the conflict was be-
| tween two great social and political forces
the power and influence Of honest, independ-
| ent journalism on the one side and the craft
and cunning Of ill-gotten wealth and unscru-
pulous ambition on the other, for the leader
ship, not to say control, of the ruling party
organization In great State
The moral questions that arise from con-
sideratiOn of the character of the Lottery as
| an institution did not enter into my view of
the case. ] trouble myself very little about
questions of what is called in New England
high morality" have never developed that
philanthropic interest Ia my neighbor's busi-
ness which prompts the average New Eng
land patriot to address himself to the task of
reforming all creation except himself. NY
own moral instincts run upon the low, british
level Of q simple disposition to work hard for
an honest living, pay my debts when due or
when can no longer get them renewed, never
be found with dollar In my possession that
/ did not honestly earn-or borrow-and.
above all, to let my neighbor enjoy a mon
opoly OF his own affairs in consideration Of
privilege / am conscious that,
IN THIS DAY END AGE,
such scale OF morality as / have Just de-
scribed will be generally regarded as debased
and rude, IL not actually bordering on bar
barism. But / can't help that
Holding such views, then, Il was q matter
OF small consequence TO me what the coach.
men, chambermaids, fieldhands and boot
bIasks OF the country did with their spare
change. Ii they wanted to spend 1t on the
endowment of Howard's Lottery or any other
mans lottery, 1t was none of my business
from my standpoint and therefore, go far as
Its actual dealings with the public were con-
cerned, / took no thought either for the fall
or rise Of the Louisiana Lottery. SO much
for the concern per Sc, for the want of q better
term.
But, as the Lottery grew and as its profitg
swelled In the pockets Of Howard, Pinchback,
Morris and their partners, the singular IA
tuity of the benefciares of easy or lilac
quired affluence, to thrust themselves in the
presence and fiaunt their tawdry splendor in
the face Of the public, asserted itself. Thig
tendency OF people who obtain wealth by
crooked means to try to turn that wealth into
political power has long been a curious study
with me.
The rule is almost infallible; wherever yon
find
SUCCESSFUL GAMBLER OR AN ADRoIT
SWINDLER.
there you find the making of great Aueri-
can politician Of the wire-pulling, CAUCUS
packing variety; rarely, indeed, seeking
office or honor himself but always delight
ing in the consciousness of welding the un-
seen engine-power of the ward primary and
the convention, by which statesmen are man.
ufactured. 1t is current supposition that
this tendency iS peculiarly an American
idiosyncrasy. Indeed, / have seen this idea
advanced In some OF the newspaper COM
ments hereabouts on this same subject-the
recent repeal OF the Lottery charter. The
supDosltion, however, is untrue. Even in ba-
ronial Eng land, where, OF all places in the
world 1t might be supposed that the settled
conditions OF society, the prestige OF caste
and the strict demarkation OF elements In
the bo,ly polite, would inseparably bar out
adventurism OF every sort from public sta
ton and political influence, John Gully sat in
Parliament for many years Tor the important
borough of Pontefact Gully was simply
fine physical ruffian who began life as prize
fighter In a small way for ti-pun' note side.
From that he graduated into the ownership
of tap-room at Newmarket; thence TO the
dignity of bookseller, and finally to
THE EMINENcE OF A sTUD-owNER
and flash sportn an. In the meantime. partly
natural bull-head luck and partly
through the favor OF that queer combination
of "the first gentleman in Europe" and the
biggest rowdy in his kingdom, George IV.
(,1Ily accumulated a handsome fortune whinb
be invested in small estate-or more strictly
speaking, an extensive stud-farm In York
shire.
There Is, by the way, an old story told in
'ome seldom read English memoirs. concern
ng the secret of the erratic ulonarcb's IiEjne
or Gully, 1t seems that, on one OF his nus
nerous iarks IN cog, George, in company with
couple OF young bloods belonging to the
metropolitan nobility got into an ugly row at
non OF that time, and was In imminent dam
yer OF getting his royal head knocked off after
ne approved English fashion But lust as
ne dlfhcuity eliminated in fisticuffs, Gully
nter1ered, mashed the noses OF the two osa
hree sturdy butcher boys IRON Smithfield
Vho were engaged on the other side, and then.