New-York tribune., 1878-01-07

with it in the fight against disuniOn. Was
this vrongf VIII history blacken the name
OF Abraham Lincoln because of this single
hearted devotion of all his powers to one great
and worthy end?
President Hayes has work in hand scarcely
less great. War against the Union is followed
by war against the Unions faith and honor.
Is it beneath him, is it disregard of duty In
him, to use his power also to make strong the
cause of right7 More dangerous than Lees
army are the repudiators, and Mr.. Hayes is
bound to fight them 10 the end. Shall he send
half of his batteries out of the fieldY Shall he
say, "The basest foe of public faith is as
"much my friend, in regard to all appoint
"ments or favors, as its staunchest defend
ers"! Can he afford to say, "This or that
"smal office must he reformed. and that
"now, no matter what becomes of a Nations
"hOnor'?
Telegrams say that there is talk in the Cab
met of compromise. About what Can it be
credited ? About the public faith. But has
any thought of compromise about the Offices
been made known? The Cabinet, it is said
unite in plans to compromise the silver busi-
ness. if 10y any means the greatest wrong to
the Nations credit can be aycrted. But Is TINS
not precisely the thing on which the President
ought to be unwavering and incorporating
Has he seen one case Of gain by barter with
foes of public credit Does he not know that
in every case where right gives an inch, wrong
takes an cll9 No barter there is possible.
Weakness, is fatal. Fear Of the Issue is the
next thing to surrender II the ruler cannot
say This, above all, is sacred; every touch
" that stains. veto." is there not a victory
already for the touch that stains the honor OF
the Nation,
But why 10 thought OF compromise else
wicre9 Are Offices mere sacred than public
faith! The President knows that men can
he held true TO Republican pledges as to
finance If they know that their truth viii
mean favor as to appointments. Their motives
are low, do we say Wen. the motives OF
those who saved the Union were not always
unsclGsl. IL il was right to make loyal men
feel that favor waited for fidelity. is it not
right to make those know tEe same who
hesitate between right and wrong rs to pub
lie faith. Shall not the President stand
before all men honoged, IT, by making it
known that loyalty now means Stern fidelity to
public faith, and that the Administration knows
as it, f,cul4 those who stand by the Nations
honor. he strikes down the most deadly foe
That naw threatens The country Nobody
thinks of buyiug votes bv naming bad men
Abraham Lincoln did ne; that, and yet welded
great power for good. Between good men
there is Il choice. The friends Of those who
stand by thc public crcdit-should moi the
President glvc them rrcfcrcncc2
"Bul W. have gid rulcs about reform Of Civil
Service" How often violated already Ii would
bc harsh toIccomt exceptions fresh in the minds
of men. But are 40 exceptions possible for
thr salctr of The Nations honor Is it well
to put aside rules to please a Cabinet officer.
Senator, friend. OF ones self, and not well
to loicg0 rules ID save the public faithl i It
dutv 10 nurse the ambition Of one man, and
the pride or piquc Of another, but not duiy
10 Shape Tie fayor' of the President 10 make
strong and united all those who defend The
Nations filth? Civil Service Reform must
come slowly. if at all; no other advance Is
possible. The errors 4 to-day can be rishtcd
Tomorrow. Bat the Euth of the Nation must
either stand bright ana un,taincd, or bear ior-
ever the foul mark OF bad faith. 4 day does
the work for good or i'll. One vote decides.
VIII thc President throw away necessary votes
. push the more quickly changes which can
wait with no public harm! Not so was the
Union saved. not 50 can IFS honor be- saved.