Fayette County herald. [volume] (Washington [Washington Court House], Fayette County, O. [Ohio]) 1860-1???, 1878-06-06
The Question Resore the Country.

The Question Before the Country.
Harpers Weekly.
Two things have been made perfectly
evident since the passage of the Potter
resolution. One is that the action of the
House is the beginning of an attack upon
the title of the President, and the other
that the attack becomes necessarily the
immediate and paramount question. This
is inevitable, for the movement is one of
revolution. 1t can settle nothing, but it
can unsettle every thing. It is fatal to ev-
cry industrial interest, and to the tran
guilty and prosperity of the country, and
offers nothing whatever but prolonged
excitement and agitation and possible
civil commotion. Mr.. Potter said that he
meant no attack upon the Presidential
title, but resolution to that effect was
voted down in the Democratic caucus, and
the whole proceeding is challenge to the
country. The Democratic House has
raised an issue that for the time super
sedes every other. The question of at
tempting the removal of the President is
made the issue of the Congressional cleo
would be raised in England by a dissolu-
ton of Parliament. The Democratic
House having almost unanimously COM
mitted itself to beginning a proceeding
which is ridiculous if not revolutionary,
it is evident that Democratic success in
the elections would be interpreted as a
popular ratification of the movement, and
the consequence is evident. 1t is not the
slightest importance what personal inter
est may be paramount in the matter, and
it is amusing to see the morbid eagerness
with which Mr.. Tilden's hand is supposed
to be revealed by the course of events.
Undoubtedly the movement has his ap-
prOEal, if it is not the result of his insti-
CATION. But it transcends all personal
considerations. I involves the peaceful
acquiescence Ofthe country in constitu-
tional settlement OF disputed Presiden-
tial election, and it is therefore question
not for orpassionate partisan appeal, but for
patriotic union.
The facts can not be too constantly re-
cited and remembered. The dispute that
followed the election of 1876 was IRENE
diable except by common understand
ing between the two parties. This seemed
to be hopeless, so infiamed was party fury,
until, to the joy and relief of the country,
the settlement of the question was left to
the Electoral Commission. That body did
not assume to settle the right and wrong
of the election, but deciding upon general
principles what acting with all the pow
ers of Congress, it had a right to do, it
awarded the Presidency to Mr.. Hayes.
Congress accepted its decision, and Mr..
Hayes, with the assent of Congress, was
constitutionally inaugurated. He is thus
as much the constitutional President as
any of his predecessors, and he can be
removed only in the way that the Con-
stitution authorizes. No proceeding of a
subsequent Congress, except in the form
of Impeachment, could constitutionally in
validate his title. But an investigation
aiming to show frauds that vitiated the
election could have no other effect, if sue
cessful, than to throw doubt upon the til
tie. If that were the sole object sought,
the result would be a public excitement
and disturbance for no purpose whatever.
If that were not the object, the only other
possible intention would be Congressional
refusual to recognize President whose
title was declared by it to be invalid, and
that would be naked revolution. This
is the ultimate significance of the action
taken by the House, and nothing is plain
er than that it involves the possibility of
immense mischief. The universal feeling
of good citizens everywhere is that the
question of the election of 1876 was hap
PLY settled by a common agreement, and
that Congress should now take care that
such dispute shall not again arise. In
stead of doing this plain duty, the House
proposes to reopen that dispute, and does
nothing whatever to preventits recurrence
hereafter.
1t is evident, we say, that the results
may be exceedingly grave. The power of
party spirit is shown in the virtual unan-
unity of the Democratic majority, and in
the refusual to allay public apprehension
by the passage of a resolution declaring
that the title should not be questioned.
Yet even if such resolution were pass
ed, the spirit which unites the party in
authorizing the investigation would push
it to the next logical step. The appeal of
the situation, therefore, is to the patriot
ic good sense of the country. 1t is for
that to determine whether the question of
Presidential election once constitutional
| ly settled shall be re-opened except in the
courts of law, and whether the Presiden-
tial title is to be assailable by any party
majority in Congress that may choose to
attack it. 1t is simply silly to insist that
the only object of the present movement
is to ascertain whether frauds were COM
mitted. There is certainly no need of
proving that frauds were committed, if
the only purpose be legislation to dispose
of the consequences of fraud hereafter. 1t
is evident enough that fraud is possible,
and that there is no present method of ad-
iusting the consequent disputes that may
arise. TO provide this method is the duty
of Congress, and not to endeavor to prove
frauds which, if they are proved, car
now be made Operative 'upon the title o.
the President by action of Congress only
by revolution. This is an issue which ha!
been raised by party action, but which
must be met by patriotic union. Tht
: Presidential dispute of 1876 having beer
solemnly settled by the common consen
of both parties in Congress, and by tn
ratification of Congress lawfully given
can not now be re-opened by Congress un
der any pretense, without the most dang
= erous disturbance of the government an
4 of the public mind, which is fatal to tn
confidence upon which a return to indus
trial activity and general prosperity de
: pends. Should the Democrats carry tn
\ autumn elections upon this programm
= of revolution, Congress at it's next sessio
f would hold that the country had SAM