The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1878-10-17

tie, were rudely turned away with the
| grntf answer, "no vacancies" II. in.
| stead of fleeing as c::;miGsl, Wilkes
Booth had sought tie presence of An.
drew johnson as one who had rendered
the latter good servi:e, and Mr.. John.
| son had entertained ,lim at the Execu-
| tive Mansion anu given him an office.
| what would the world have said? What
! would you say?
| Letters have been produced 1ofoTc
tho Potter Committee, written by Re.
publican meraters OF Congress, which
| were written to Republican i:ends and
not intended for publication, which
strikingly exhibit the superior influence
| Of Kellogg. Packard. Wells and Ander-
son at the Executive Mansion. In ether
ways we know now that almost every
person connected with the fraud has
claimed or exercised special influence or
favor at the White House. But the
contrast may be lated in one short sen.
tence. In Mr.. Johnson's case ali the
criminals, real or suspected, were spe.
cially Eiarked for punishment. In Mr..
Hayes case all the criminals, real or
suspected. were specially marked for re-
ward.
/ would be really glad if could find
some excuse, some apology, or some pal
liation for the course Mr. Hayes has
pursued in this matter But after full
consideration, can find none. 1t Is no
palliation 10 say that assassination was
creator crime than fraud. Both were
crimes. If it Is right to reward crime
at all, then the greatest crimes should
receive the highest rewards. You can
not produce innocence, much less merit,
by grading crimes. Ali deserve punish.
nent aud none are entitled to reward.
10 reward fraud is greater crime thf.n
to commit it, for the reward invites
many commissions. If Andrew John
son had rewarded Booth, the whole
world would have pr.nounced him a
greater criminal than Booth. 1t is diff
cult to conceive Of greater crime than
the defeat by fraud of the popular will
in government which rests on the pop
ular will. If there be greater crime,
Il is committed by those who reward the
authors of such fraud, for such reward
invites the perpetual defeat of the pop
ular will, and, therefore, direct sub
version Ct the government, and assumes
the most insiduous form of treason. 1t
is worse than no excuse-it ia itself
crime--to say that Mr.. Hayes was under
obligations to these authors of fraud.
II there had been no assassin Booth,
there would have been no President
johnson. But, was the President, there.
fore under obligation to the assassini If
there had been no frauds in Florida and
Louisiana there would have been no
PRESIDENT Hayes. Is the President,
therefore, under obligation to all who
helped commit the fraud? 1t seems that
all have claimed reward.
i is no apology TO say that dr. Hayes
did not believe these people wero guilty
Of any fraud. It was his duty to pro-
tect the characer Of the nation and the
integrity OF the Administration. lie can
do neither by placing great numbers of
men in office who are charged with
crimes and whom largely more than
half OF the people believe are guilty. In
truth, l do not believe any intelligent
man doubts their guilt. But 1 trust we
have in this country sufficient mum ser
OF men OF unsuspected honesty to fill
the OFFICES, and both the public charac.
ter aud the public interests require that
only such men should be appointed.
BESIDES, II these men were in truth in-
nocent they would uot have asked or &C.
would not have been willing to bring
weakness upon the Administration nor
disrepute upon the civil service. Their
universal and brazen demands for Office
10 the highest proof of their guilt for It
shows they care nothing for Mr.. Hayes
nothing for the honor of the country
nothing for the good repute Of the
civil service. Their every act in press.
ing for Office shows that reward was
their object, and reward they must have.
Every man Of the guilty gang who has
not been satisfied with the office offered
him has confessed the frauds. Every
man who has not confessed the frauds
las hsei; Kept sasisfea w!th Office. Why
should he confess whose confession
happen that those only are not entitled
to belief who confess the fraudsY And
how does it happen that the credit of
none was denied until after confession
was made?
1t Is no paliiation now to say that the
larger number Of these appointments
we're maas By certain members. or by
member, of the Cabinet. If Mr.. john
son had made Wilkes Baoth n member
of his Csbinet, ne could not have com.
planned if Booth had provided places
for his tools and subordinates. Never
theless, II, when the revelations on this
subject were made before the Potter Com
mittee, Mr.. Hayes had promptly order
cd sweeping purgation from the civil
service of these obnoxious characters,
as greatly hoped he would do, he
would have been largely vindicated. In
stead, however, of Diminishing any he ap.
pointed more, and some of the appoint
ments seemed to the special. purpose of
suppressing or affecting testimony be-
fore that committee. If anything were
wanting to increase the wicked hoinous-
ness Of tho frauds upon the ballots in
Florida and Louisiana. it would be
found in the only 3xcuse which the
authors and ebettors of these frauds
have offered for their preparation.
1t must never be forgotten that the great
facts are not denied but admitted, to.wit:
That the ballots we're changed after they
were cast, and the verdict of the people
reversed after it had been rendered and
was known. The excuse for this, as al
ieged, Is that ther1 were intimidations
at the precincts which prevented free
expression of the people,. II this excuse
10 false In fact, thee the crime stands
confessed without excuse. Those of as
who have been familiar with carpet-bag
vilainies, knew from the frat that the
excuse waz false. But. the proof now
revealed abundantly shows that the ex-
cuse is not only false, bu. was actunl-
g n .a,n.lsc "a c.,saa for the eynreaa nurnose
Of cover for the fraud. Thus the ex-
cnse itself becomes @ part of the fraud,
and tho mcst infamous part of it. Not
only was'the excuse itself manufactured.