New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1878-09-03
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
EoRTH AMERICAN REVIEW. sept.-Oct.


perodical and az profound aud eloquent dsGuistion
on certain salient points in the comparative pOny OF
Great Britain and the United States Starting from inc
assumption that America s destined to command inc
commercial supremacy which is now welded Dy Eng
land and 10 take the place OF that nation ne the head
servant in the great household Of the world. the e
ploy er Of all employed because her service VIII DC tne
most and sbes Mr. Gladstone proceeds 10 consider he
position IN several important aspects as eontrased WIN
the Institutions Of the mother country Amefca' NC
remarks the eldest born Of English OhsprlhR' Is to
natural base Of the greatest continuous empire ever
established by man. Her development has been uheA-
ampled IN rapidly and force In one century OF Tree
dom her population has risen from two millions 10
fortv-fye The next census will probably eAnlolt
her TO the world as the WeaithleSt OF All
the nations The England and the America
of the present regarded as the two strongest
nations ON the earth But there can hardly De douD'
R between the America and the England Of the iuture
that the dauehter at some no very distant time will be-
come yet stronger than the mother. These material
friumps however Of little consequence, unless tue
men OF the two countries shall be greater than the Things
that they produce and shall learn to regard those S
simply as materials for the attainment OF the highest
purposes OF their being 1t is for each nation to con-
slider how far its institutions have reached state in
which they can contribute their maximum TO the store
Of human happiness and excellence. IN looking at the
points OF resemblance between the two nations We ma
that both wish for selt-gOvenment; both demand free
dom Of thought speech; both require OF their gov
enments the reasons OF their action: not reasons when
win convince the unreasonable, bat which Will satisfy
the average mind They governments, not OF force
only but Of persuasion Both prefer the practical TO tue
abstract They tolerate opinion with only reserve on
behalf of deceucy they desire TO cOuhne coercion to the
province Of action, and TO leave thought, as. such
entirely free. Both set high value ON liberty
for its own sake They deem self-help UNNECESSARILY
superior 10 help any other form, and desire to give
fu seope to the principle of sorelanee in the people
They mistrust the Capitalization Of power; they cher
ih municipal and local liberties as tho nursery grounds
OF Independence and regard publicity as the vital air
OF politics. But there the strongest reasons why
America could not grow into the mere repetition OF Eng
land When the colousts passed from narrow island
20 an almost bOUndess continent they changed their
conditions thought well as Of existence, IN relation
TO the important of all social facts the possession Of
the soil England, inequality is mbedded IN the very
base Of the social structures in America, 1t Is the late
and incidental product Of industry and wealth, as hey
advance Of necessity with unequal steps. Heredity
which is seated as idea in the hearts core OF Eng
shmen found place in the social creed OF the colo
niss They had dropped Of the order Of the ideas
which they carried the water all those elements OF
political Angcism which give TO arlstocTacy in England
apOsOn only second in strength to that OF freedom All
that democratic IN the policy of that country all tha
was Protestant in her religion, they carried with them III
the most pronounced forms to soil sngulary suited for
their growth The American Revolution, in the MAN,
was like the English Revolution, a vindicaton OF IN
herted liberties. 1t a conservative revolution
combining the provisions for the future with recOlec
lions of the past As the British Constitution is the most
subtle organism which has proceeded from the long
CESSATION Of progressive history the American Cons
tuition is the most wonderful work struck off at
given time by brain and purpose Of man. 1t has had
o century OF trial under expansion OF uneXampied
rapdity and range and its degree Of exemption from
formal change proved the sagacity OF the construc
tors and the strength Of the fabric.
In speaking Of certain peculiar features Of the Amer
can Constitution Mr. Gladstone remarks that his notices
a. only be few faint, and superficial and for the pur
pose of introduction TO what he has TO concerning
his own country. He would not attempt 70 scan the
starry heavens with the naked eye The English do not
contemplate the great Republic in the spirit Of mere OPP
timism They see that it has marvellous adaptation for
its peculiar vocation and must be judged, not in the alb
sjrac but under the ioreodaed laws of its existence
One puzzng feature is the disturbance OF the entire
American existence by the Presidential elections, and
the consequent change OF the whole Civil Service on
each accession OF Chief Magistrate This arrangement
would seem to be no.mOre rational than would be
responding usage in England each change Of ministry
The English practice is different possible The re-
movals and appointments such occasions are limited
10 a few persons. But II any Englishman thinks that
American democracy pnble levity and intemper
ance lack OF skill and saacity in politics, or the ao-
sence OF sef-commaud and sef-denial, Mr. Gladstone
probably be commended to his reflection. England
emauepated million negroes by peaceful legislation;
America liberated four five millions by bloody civil
war; but the industry and exports OF the Southern
States are mau aned while those OF the English colo
mics have dwndled the South enjoys all its franchises
while the peace aud order OF Jamaica is preserved by
doing away with its representative institutions.
Mr. Gladstone is struck with wonder at the return Of
the soldiers TO peaceful pursuits the close of the Civil
War million and half Of men, on both sides were
embodied in arms, presenting the greatest military
forces n the world Here supposed to be double
danger II feared that the habits Of the camp could
not be thrown of the close of the war; and would lead
the country toward aggressive policy, or still worse
would find vent in predatory or revolutionary opera
tOns. Secondly. that military caste would grow up
with lie habits of exclusiveneSs and command ana IN
huence the tone OF politics In direction adverse TO Re
publican freedom But both Of these dangers, says Mr.
Gladstone, have proved imaginary The innumersole
Rodiery was at once dissolved Cncnnatus became the
commonplace Of every day The whole enormous mass
Quietly resumed the habits OF social life. The generals
OF yesterday the editors, the merchants, the law
yers OF to-day. The standing army, expanded by the
heat OF civil contest TO gigantic dimensions with the
turning temperature of civil life, became power we'll
nigh invisible from its minuteness amid the powers
which sway the movements Of society exceeding forty
millions.
The financial sequel to the great conflict in the view Of
bir Gladstone, is less extraordinary. The taxation
for Federal purposes IN obedience 10 an eAgeEcy OF lie
and DEATH was made 20 exceed every present and every
past example II pursued and worried all the transac
lions OF life The interest OF the American debt grew TO
be the highest in the world In sxy-three years from
the close OF the great French England had reduced
her national debt by about One-nnth, a little over
RIOOOO0O0O scarcely more than al 100000 year.
But the United States twelve years has reduced her
debt by a15s 100000 at the rate OF $4,000 600 In
every year. In each twelve months America has done
what England did in eight years Thus says Mr.. Glad
stone her self-command, self.denal, and wise fore
thought for the future have been to say the least eight
fold that OF England These are facts which rebound
greatly 70 her honor The most unmtgated democracy
NJ world at