The Findlay Jeffersonian. [volume] (Findlay, Hancock County, Ohio) 1870-1881, 1878-12-20
THE DEBATE.

HE UEDAIE.
On motion OF Mr. Hamlin, the Sepste proceeded
10 the consideration of the resolution submitted
by Mr.. Blaine, in regard TO the inquiry as to
whether, at the recent election the constitutional
rights OF American citizens were violated.
Mr.. Blaine took the floor and spoke ct some
length in support of the resolution.
ME-. BLAINE.
Mr.. Blaines speech was as follows
Mr.. PREsIDEsT-The pending resolution was
offered BY me with twofold purpose in view:
First-To place on record In definite and au-
tnenue iorm. the frauds and outrages BY which
recent elections were carried by the Democratic
party in the Southern States.
Second-To find If there be any method by
% when repetition OF these crimes against free
ballot may be prevented.
The newspaper is the channel through which
the people of the United States are informed of
current events, and the accounts given in the
press represent the elections in some of the South
ern States TO have been accompanied by violence;
In not few cases reaching the destruction of life
10 have been controlled BY threats that awed and
intimidafed large class of voters; to have been
manipulated by fraud of the most shameless and
shameful description. Indeed in South Csroli-
na there seems 10 have been no election st all in
any proper sense OF the term. There was instead
series of skirmishes over the State in which the
polling places were regarded as forts to be cap
tured by one party and held against the other and
where this could not be done with convenience
frauds in the count and tissue ballot devices were
resored TO in order to eectually destroy the voice
OF the majority. These in brief are the accounts
given In the nom partisan press of the dsVrsceflI
outrages that attended the recent elections. and
far as have seen, these statements are without
serious contradiction. 1t is but just and fair to
all parties, however, that
AN IMPARTIAL INVESTIGATION
of the facts should be made by a committee Of the
Senate, proceeding under the authority of law,
and representing the power of the nation. Hence
my resolution.
But we do not need investigation to establish
certain facts already of official record. We know
that l06 Representatives in Congress were recent
ly chosen in the States formerly slaveholding and
that the Democrats elected l01 possible lO2 and
the Republicans four or possibly five Weknow
that thirty five Of these Representatives were as
signed to the Southern States by reason Of the col
ored population, and that the entire political
power thus founded on the numbers of the color
ed people has been seized and appropriated to the
aggrandizement OF its own strength by the Demo-
cratic party of { South.
The issue thus raised before the country. Mr..
President, is not one of mere sentiment for the
rights OF the negro-though far distant be the day
when the rights Of any American citizen, howev-
er black or however poor, shall form the mere
dust OF the balance In any controversy; is the
issue one that involves the waving of the 'bloody
shirt," TO quote the elegant vernacular of Demo
cratic yituperation; nor still further is the issue
as now presented only a question of the equality
OF the black voter Of the South with the white
voter of the South; the issue. Mr.. President, has
taken Jar wider range, one of portentons magni-
tudei and that is, whether the white voter OF the
North shall be equal 10 the white voter oil the
South in shaping the policy and fixing the des-
tiny OF the country; or whether, to put it still
more boldly, the white man who fought IN the
ranks OF the Union army shall have as weighty
and influential a vote in the government of the
ranks OF the rebel army. The one fought TO up
hold, the other to destroy, the Union of the
States, and to-day he who fought to destroy Is Q
far
NoRE IMPORTANT FAcToR
in the government Of the nation than he who
fought to uphold it,
groups our % Of States Of ihe same representatiVs ps
strength North and South. Take the States of
South Carolina Mississippi and Louisiana. They
sena seventeen 70 C9ngress T ~ Theo I
whites, and ,22i, 900 colored, the colored being
nearly 100000 in excess Of the whites. OF the
nine were apportioned to these States by reason
of their colored population, and only eight by
reason of their white population; and yet In the
choice OF the entire seventeen Representatives the
colored voters had no more voice or power than
their remote kindred on the shores of Sene9ambia
or on the Gold Coast. The ,O35 600 white people
had the sole and absolute choice of the entire
States in the North, Iowa and Wisconsin, with
seventeen Representatives. They have a white
population OF fooe-considerably more than
Southern States have named. In Iowa and Wis
consin therefore, it takes l32 0C0 white population
to send Representative to Congress butin South
Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana every CO. 900
white people send Representative. In other
words o,00G white people in those Southern
States have precisely the same political power
in the government OF the country that lS2 900
white people have in Iowa and Wisconsin.
Take another group of seventeen Representa-
tives from the North and from the South. Geor-
gia and Alabama have white population Of
l,15S, 900 snd a colored population of l,02o,O0O
They send seventeen Representatives to Congress,
Of whom nine were apportioned on account Of
colored population. But the colored voters are
not able to choose single Representative, the
white Democrats choosing the whole seventeen.
The four Northern States, Michigan, Minnesota,
Nebraska and California, have seventeen Repre-
sentatives, based on a white population of 225O-
600, or almost double the white population Of
Georgia and Alabama, SO that in these relative
groups of States we find the white man South ex-
ercises by his vote
DOUBLE THE POLITICAL PowKRs
of the white man North. Let us carry the com
The eleven States that formed the Confederate
government had by the last census q population
Of 9.50o,0OO of which, in Mound numbers, 600
gate population seventy three Representatives in
Congress were apportioned to those States-forty-
two or three OF which were by reason of the
reason Of the celored population, At the resent
election the white Democracy of the South seized
seventy of the seventy-three districts, and thus
secure majority in the next House Of Represen-
States that formed the late Confederate Govern
ment 65, 90 'whites-the very people that rebelled
q heDre-
sentative TO Congress- while in the loyal States it
requires lS2 900 OF the white people that fought
for tie Union to elect a Representative. In levy
ing every tax, therefore, in making every appro-
prfation of money, in liking every line Of public
policy, in decreeing what shall be the fate and
fortune of the republic, the Confederate soldier
South is enabled to cast vote twice as powerful
and twice as influential as the vote of the Union
soldier North
But the white men of the South did not acquire
and donot hold this superior power by reason of
law or iustiee but in Aisrapard ond daS.Daa -
both.
THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT
TO the Constitution was expected to be and wa
designed 70 be preventive and corrective of all
such possible abuses. The reading of the clause
Rafa0ie Heal it, 70 'he case instructive and suggestive
Representatives shall be apportioned among
the several States according TO their respective
numbers. counting the whole number of persons
in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But
when the right TO vote at any election for the
choice Of Electors for President and Vice Prezi-
dent OF The United States. Representatives in
Congress, the Executive and judicial officers of q
State, or the members of the Legislature thereof
is denied to any of the male inhabitants OF such
state being twenty-one years of age and citizens
of the United States or in sny way abridged, ex-
cept for participation in rebellion or other crime
the basis of representation therein shall be reduc
ed In the proportion which the number of s1ch
male citizens shall bear to the whole number of
State
The patent, undeniable intent of this provision
was mat ii any ciasS OF voters were denied or in
any way abridged In their right Of suffraee then
the class 50 denied o- abridged should not he
counted in the basis OF representation; or in other
words. that no State or States should gain larTe
increase OF representation in Congress py reason Of
counting any class Of population not Permitted
to take part In eleeting such RepresentsfiveS
But the construction given to this provision ;s |
that before sny forfeiture OF Representation can
be enforced the denial or abrldgment of sufffsee
must be the result of q law speciicalIy enscfed
by the State. Under this CONSTRUCTION ever
negro voter may have his suffrage abSolutelv
denied fatally abridged BY the violence sefrl:I
or threatened. OF irresponsible mobs or by frauds
and decepuons OF Stste officers from the Governor
down 10 the last election clerk, and then. unlea
some State law can be shown that authorizes The
denial or abridgment, the State escapes al pen
atty or peril of reduced representation fnis
on the letter of the law which dlleth /" but The
spirit of justice cries aloud against the eysxiye
and atrocious conclusion that deals ont oppres-
sion to the innocent and shields the guilty from
the legitimate consequences OF wilful transgres-
sion.
The c1lored citizen is thus most unhsppily rtu.
ated; his right of suf1age Is
But a HOLLOW NocKKRY;
II holds 70 his ear the word of promise but breaks
II always TO his hope, and be ends only in being
made the unwilling instrument Of increasing the
political strength Of that party from which he ne
ceived ever tightening fetters when he was slaye
and confemptuous refusal of civil riRts since he
was made free He resembles indeed those un-
happy captives In the East who deprived Of their
birthnght, are compelled to yield their strength