New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1878-09-13

alone sufices to prove the assertion false
Men differ as to the effect of the tariff acts
for which General Butler voted, but he has
always maintained, and the Greenback party
in many States now most empbatieally insists,
that a protective tariff is not sin the
interest of the few at the expense
"of the many,n and the Butler OF to-day
must give the lie to the Butler of yesterday
before he can approve declaration that this
part of Republican legislation has been SO
intended.
The demand that "those who manipulate
"the people and pack the caucuses" shall be
driven from office, required degree OF
impudence which no man except Butler pos
sesses. There is not to be found in all this
country a moro notorious, long-practised or
INSCRIPTIONS manipulation and caucus-packer
than the candidate nominated by the very
convention which makes this demand the hrst
of its series. To offer such a man on such
platform is to make free institutions farce.
As well nominate a baboOn on platform pro-
posing compulsory education.
This convention asks that absolute money
81 and the volume thereof shall be maintained
"a at fixed rate per capita by constitutional
amendment, so that permanent justice may
"be done to all men by having general values
"remain the same" The extraordinary folly
of this proposal was never more thoroughly
exposed than by Butler himself, in his speech
in 1875, In favor of interconvertible cur
rency The volume of currency required
varies in any country not in keeping with
population, but in consequence OF the greater
or less activity of exchanges, and the greater
or less confidence which at all times supplies
a credit currency to meet demands III the
larger commercial transactions. Mistaken as
Butler was three years ago, he had not then
descended to the sheer idiOcy of his present
platform. The demand for the repeal OF the
Resumption Act, though absurd enough at
time when resumption has been practically
accomplished. is less exduisitely nOnsensical.
AS for the demand that United States bonds
shall never be issued except "by direct vote
"of the people," is quite BELTS the man who
voted for Jefferson Davis in the Charleston
Convention, for neither foreign invader nor
domestic rebel need ever fear the power of
the United States, if the Nation must first
get popular vote before it can raise money
to pay an army.
There are some suggestions in the platform
which are not wholly unworthy OF cOnsidera-
ton. But the essential tenets of the Butler
party are set forth in the language already
quoted, and it Is especially noteworthy that
the adrOit politician of Massachusetts, did not
suffer his instruments to openly propose the
taxation of Government bonds, rs other Green
back conventions have done; or the abolition OF
National banks and their circulation, rs all
other Greenback conventions have done; or
the issue of greenbacks to any named amount.
The absence of these demands shows the ex-
IRENE care taken to conceal, as far rs possible,
purposes elsewhere most boldly avowed by the
party. But "absOiute money maintained at
" fixed rate per capita" repeal of the Re
sumption Act, payment" of bonds as fast rs
they mature with absolute money unless SUI
preme Court otherwise decides, and no issue
of United States bonds, even in case OF for
eign invasion, until after an election can be
held and popular assent obtained, are the es-
sential objects of the new movement, which
cannot be concealed even in the most adroit
platform. The question for Massachusetts,
voters is whether these demands are consist
ent with the honor, the prosperity or the
safety of the country.