Litchfield enquirer., 1878-01-10
A Century of Civil Service.


 l 1t may be we'll to ok into this matter his torically, for hundred years will give u about everything gfromwhich to be reformed, an which true reformation should embrace Il our brief career we have had all the rules fo l the e-right administration of the civil service and again as complete violation of those rules
 and system which for fifty years found non 1 superior in the world. was followed by anothe l fifty when it was essentially the reverse w
 have had our heroic age when everything sub
 served the interests and glory of the nation then oar age of selfishness and greed when tn doctrine obtained that victorious party is en titled to all the offices and rewards, and whel
 like rapacious army, which has the promise o
 beauty and booty, the prospect of the spoil was the main incentive. In this matter, il Iact we have completely changed ground wltl the English. \ century ago civil service il England was disgrace to English politics. but just asthey were getting out of their misery W, were getting into ours, and we are looking tG
 them; for light in these days who were ourselve
 light in those. It may not be amiss, then
 totake glance at these lights and shadows o
 osE1ciyih service fhat we may seeSfrofn. wha
 heaghts we have fallen. and from what depths
 to be restored
 When Washington was called to the presi
 dency in 1789 there were noregularly organized
 parties, and there was no room for patronage
 ina partisan sense, and nothing could exceed
 tle justice of the rules by which he was guid-
 ed Called to the executive chair even against
 his wishes, he said he would go to it under no
 pre- e-engagement of any kind or nature what
 eyer but would hold himself absolutely at lib. erty to act while in office with sole reference tojustice and the public good Somuch depend edonwisdom and dimpartiality in this matter that, in case of injudicious or unpopular measures with regard to appointments, the government itself would be in the utmost danger of being utterly subyerted. My political conduct" /" he said in making nominations must be exceed ingly. circumspect." Again: Il do not intend to be swayed in the disposal of places by mo- tiyes arising from the ties of friendship and blood "ss
 a All this time it is not to be supposed there was nobody to present his ''claims."' Even be- fore his first inauguration, Washington was greatly annoyed by applications for appoint ments and invariably represented to such per- sons the delicacy of his situation, and the inn propriety of bringing such matters before him. He apprehended what afterward proved true: that there would be hundred competitors for every office of any importance; but for long time he would give no decisive answer to the applications of any candidates whatever, and would only nominate such persons as in his judgment were best qualified to discharge the duties of the departments to which they were appointed. As between an intimate friend and a determined opponent, he gave a lucrative office, which both had applied for to the latter. with the following explanation: My friend 1 receive with cordial welcome. He is welcome to my house, and welcome to my heart; but with all his good qualities he is not a man of business His opponent with all his politics 30 hostile to me $ man of business My pri- vate feeling have nothing to do in the matter. am not George Washington but President of the United States. As George Washington l would dothis man any kindnessin ny power. As President of the United States, 1 can do noth- ing' 'It would have been nothing to him." says Mr. Webster; 'tthat his partisans or his fayorites outnumbered, or outvoted, or out or outclamored those of other lead CTS. He had no favorites-he rejected all par .isanship." ''Noman, 1 believe,' writes John Adams in 1769, "Has influence with Washing on. He seeks Judgment from all quarters, .rd judges more independently than any man ever knew" And although he said after uer5tk itbeat Washington appointed multitude they were capa6e & fh nddeesgfs. ng, and because as president ofthe whole peo- ole, he felt that the offices, so far as consistent, could be shared by all without regard to their opinions. Here, then, was an inaugu: ation ot ,ur civil service::which was worthy of the coun- ry and of itsillustrious father, and which must ever be contemplated as the ideal of wisdom md purity. Washington did nothing to coun- enance or even to suggest any kind of favor tism, and he sums up by saving: "To man who has no ends to serve nor friends to pro- vide for, nomination to office is the most irk- ,ome part of the executive trust"
 Meanwhile, with men ofsuch opposing views 4s Adams and Jefferson in his cabinet, Wash ngton found it no easy matter to carry through 1is ideal of a national party, and his refusal of ,f & third term removed the last restraint from party passion Party lines were closely drawn, and the result was was the choice of MT. Adams oy the Eederalsts as Washington successor. While Adams retained Washington's cabinet md had little occasion to intefere with hisnomi nations, except in the case of Democrats andJa- bins. he must bear the responsibility of setting he first bad example of appointing relations to office. This was naturally to be expected of a man who was formerly recommending his to General Washington, while Mrs. Adams, then absent from her husband, was asking a commission for her husbands brother. We find him saying at one time: ''l would vote with every member of this Congress never to accept an office during life, or pro
 
 er or his friend;" and yet he writes, again hay ing accepted the presidency; 'Isee no reason of excluding Colonel Smith from all service, while his comrades are all ambassadors or gen. erals, merely because he married my daughter Consequently, though Colonel Smith had been accused of improper speculation in the army, he was appointed Surveyor and Inspector in the port of New York Besides this MT. Ad- ans is responsible for other similar appoint ments which would have been impossible un- der Washington, and which were quite inex- cnsable in the face of Washington's example, At least, he might have weighed more care fully his own words: Tt is impossible for me 10 appoint my relations to office without draw ing forth torrent of obloquy." On the other hand. let it not be supposed that people in those days were especially modest about asking for favors. Mir. Adams declared that no law, no constitution that human wit or wisdom could devise, could prevent senators and rep resentatives from soliciting offices and fsvors for their friends.
 Mir Jefferson laid it down as law for him. self never to appoint relation to office, say ing not without some feeling, probably, that Mir. Adams degraded himself infinitely in this respect, as General Washington had done him self the greatest honor, and that with two such examples to proceed by he should be doubly inexcusable to err. Asto appointments in oth- CT respects, MT. Jefarsoa did more, perhaps than could be expected in these days, but not exactly all that could be expected in those. With his accession to office there was now a chance for the .'victors," and he experienced all manner of personal abuse, inflicted, with the idea, as he believed, of provoking him to make a general sweep of the Federalists from office. His rule, however was, that depriva- tions of office must be as few as possible, made gradually. and based on some malversation or inherent disqualification. Everybody will call
 to mind his well-known words to be asked ot a candidate or official, ''Is he honest? Is he capable2 Is he faithful to the constitution
 He declared that he had never removed man
 because he was Federalist, never wished his
 opponents to give vote but according to theil
 wishes, and had only requested that they
 should be quiet and they should be safe. This
 we say, in view of the triumph of his party,
 and its former disappointment at having beer
 but narrowly beaten. was perhaps all tha
 could be expected. On the other hand, it wa'
 not exactly all that could be desired, for we
 find Mr. Jefferson asking the question, Wa
 it to be imagined that this monopoly of office
 was still to be continued in the hands of the mi
 nority? Does it violate their equal rights to as cert So.nc riohta i'm the maturity alS0S Ia i m