The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1878-05-15
The Third Party.

Utica ~. W Daily Observer
There is always third party in the United
States. Among the majority of the people
it has usually been held that the most I'M
Portant question in politics related to the
distribution OF powers If the permanent
platform Of democracy were to be written in
a single sentence, we should seek it in the
tenth amendment to the federal constitu-
ton: "The powers not delegated to the
United States by the constitution, nor pro-
hibited to it by the states, are reserved to
the states respectively or to the people"
The pposition-calling Itself variously fed
erallsm, whiggery, or republicanism-ha
always been based on the conflicting idea
that the powers not guaranteed to the states
were inherent to the federal governments
Within these parties stood many who fire.
quently ignored the distractions of their
political creeds and fought their fights on
current questions. But at any time an
analysis of the questions would show that
the lines were drawn between the central
lists and the opponents of Capitalization.
Outside the two parties stood an element
usually small, but occasionally large, which
paid small heed to the principles underlying
the fabric OF our institutions. but which
sought to use the government to further
some fieeting purpose. This was and is the
third party.
Fifty years ago the third party was anti
mason. In the cool distance from which we
are able to view it, itappearsa droll question
on which to create political division The
mysterious disappearance of William Nor.
gan, who was charged with betraylng the
secrets of the masonic fraternity, gave rise
to suspicion that he had been murdered. and
that his dead body had been sunk In the
Niagara river. 1t was a startling story-a
loud sensation in a day when sensations
were rare-and it is easy to understand that
II created much excitement. But it was an
unnatural and anomalous thing that this ex.
element should take political turn; and il
could not have done so but for the fact that
one of the political parties was in the condi-
ton OF the man who had got to catch the
woodchuck-it was 'out of meat" John
Quincy Adams was president. He had re-
ceived fewer votes than Andraw Jackson
but with no election by the people) be had
carried the house of representatives by
coalition with the friends of Henry CLAY.
whom he called TO his cabinet The mere
suspicion of a bargain was resented more
bitterly then than the demonstration of
fraud appears to be in these last days, and it
was foreseen by those who were wise that
Jackson's strength would be irresistible in
1928, unless something were done to divert
the public mind. But Jackson was mason.
Thurlow Weed, who was then a young man,
but past grand master in political shrewd-
ness, saw In the Morgan episode his oppor-
tunity. Bates Cook, of Lewiston-who sub.
sequently became comptroller on the
strength of his anti masonic record-and
other residents of the place where the
alleged outrage occurred, were sincere
fanatics on the subject of Morgan's disap-
pearance. Weed was not fanatic, but he
could simulate the part to perfection. I'm
der his careful management the excitement
generated in Niagara county spread rapidly
through the western part of the state sweep
ing away old political landmarks and enlist
ing the sympaty OF thousands and tens of
thousands. 1t finally became a national is
sue, and in 1882 the anti -masons named
ticket with William Writ as their candidate
for president 1t is quite possible that if the
election had taken place in 1880, they might
have carried several states. AS ii was. the
movement developed William H. Seward
and enabled him to assert his leadership
when anti-masonry and other political di-
versions were consolidated into whiggery
About the time that the anti-masons were
making a great commotion in the western
counties, the wcrkingmen's movement gain
ed a strong foothold in the city of New York.
In 1882 it sent several of its candidates 10 the
assembly, grasped fair share of the local
offices. and made its influence felt far and
wide. 1t is worth remembering that the
workingmen Of that day were strenuous ad-
vocates of honest money and specie pay
ments.
In 1S44-if the Hibernianism is excusable
two other third parties came into the field
the liberty" men and the native Ameri-
cans, who called themselves at the time the
American mechanics" They were both
weak in numbers, and they gained no con-
siderable recognition outside of this state.
but so closely were the lines divided that
either of these minor organizations could
have turned the election in favor of Polk or
Clay. If the liberty party, which wasted its
votes on Blrney had voted for CLAW Clay
would have been president If the American
mechanics in New York city had opposed
Polk, Polk would have been defeated. 1t
required a finer knowledge of politics than
most of the modern practitioners of the art
possess to control the discordant elements in
that nicely balanced year. But 1t was safely
and wisely done. Polk was elected, and the
American mechanics shortly after fell to
pieces-victims of feuds and internal dissen-
sions
In 1S4S the protracted discussions of the
democrats eliminated in the nomination o.
Van Buren, and Adams on the free soil
ticket. That episode belongs to the history
of democracy rather than to a sketch of the
third party, and it need not be recounted in
this connection. After the overwhelming
triumph of Pierce in 1852 it was evident
that whiggery was dead. IF you destroy
the whig party where shall | go?' asked
Daniel Webster, rising to the proudest height
of his sublime egotsm in Fanueil hall. But
in spite of his solemn warning, whiggery
was destroyed and Webster was gone-to
better world let us hope. But though whig-
gerry was dead, and the ambitious hopes of
Clay and Webster were quenched forever,
the wings survived. Some of them who had
been drifting for years toward democracy
found home in our party But the bulk
of them could never be brought into har
mony with their traditional enemies.
1t was golden opportunity for the
third party to assert its strength,
and it was improved for all that
it was worth. The know nothings
were the first in the field. They absorbed.
for the time being, the greater part of the
whig strength, and made heavy inroads on
the democracy, particularly in the south.
They threatened to gain entire control of
the government, and they did, at one time
or another, carry three quarters of all the
states in the Union. But the craze subsidized
almost as suddenly as it had grown; and, in
1886, Maryland was the only state which
gave its electoral vote to the native Amer
lean candidates. Meanwhile under the