The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1878-06-13

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would be lost. Not because one House
had any greater rights or powers than
the other, not because either or both
Houses together had the right to reject
arbitrarily or to refuse to reckon any GER
tain electoral vote, but only because in
case of bona fde conflicting returns from
a State, each claiming TO represent its
electoral vote, it was necessity to choose
between the returns before the vote of
the State could be counted. This was
the view at last established. For the
electoral commission to decide the dis
puted votes was created by Congress, and
that was the only authority it possessed.
Now, it seemed to me in 1876 that this
was so clear, and that the leading Re-
publican Senators had 80 generally COM
mitted themselves to this view in previ-
Gus discussions, that we ought to stand
upon that ground to declare that we
would abide the action of Congress,
would accept whomever the Congress
found to be elected, ard that if the two
Houses should fail to agree as to which
of the returns from any State from which
there were 5one fde duplicate returns
should be received, whereby the vote of
the State was lost, and no election by the
electors should thus result, we would
then abide and maintain the choice of
the House of Representatives, the body
authorized by the constitution to elect
the President where there is no election
by the electoral college. Instead of do
ing this we drifted along until at last the
Republicans, hewing all the while to the
line, had got is where we were ready to
accept the electoral commission. Hav-
ing accepted:it, of conrse we were bound
to submit to its results, but we ought at
least to be allowed to show-if such was
the fact-that the returns upon which
the commission passed were procured by
fraud. I admit that the Presidency is
not worth civil war, but have not be-
lieved there was any danger of such a
war. The generation who charged up
the heights of Fredericksburg and de-
Tended the works at Petersburg will not
90 lightly into another civil struggle.
We must get years further on before that
will happen. I remember after the elec-
zion remarking to General Mcdowell
that a great mine ought to be exploded
by a spark, to which he answered, "Yes,
if the train be inaammable, but this time
the powder is wet" He was right.
There never was danger of civil war.
The whole thing was, as think, gigan-
tic game, in which we held the cards and
the Republicans blufed us. Years hence,
when it is remembered that we needed
only one electoral vote and that your side
could not get on without every one of
the remaining seventeen; that we had
100000 popular majority; that our ma
iorities were around the capital, yours in
New England, the Northwest and the
Pacific coast; that the moral sense Of
the country was that our man was elec-
ted and yours not; that you had nothing
on your side but the control of an army
of which 10000 men could not be got
together, the privates mostly in sympathy
with US, and commanded by officers edu.
Gated to understand the supremacy of
the civil over the military authority
officers who, excepting the leaders, Grant,
Sherman aud Sheridan, could, / believe,
never have been generally used to resist
the declaration Of the House of Repre-
sentatives, Il am told this will appear
certainly whenever the secret coTespon-
dence of the Wax Department is re-
vealed,) and that you were laden down
with the care of the national credit, the
first shock to which would have arrayed
against you all the moneyed institutions
in the country; that under such condi.
tions, I say, your leaders contrived and
were able to carry through the capture
of all these votes, will be regarded as one
of the greatest political performances of
history. I admit the success of the Re-
publican leaders. Having lain down
when the law was on, our side and when
we ought to have stood up, it is not for
us now to stand up as long as the law
remains against US. But you will ask
whether if there be no danger to public
order from legal proceedings there may
not be from action by Congress. No;
no more than from the action of the
courts. Congress represents the people
of the country, but does not march be-
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ticipate their will. Should fraud con-
nected with the electoral count appear so
gross and palpable that you and all hon
orable men should unite in denouncing
it, Congress might then take action.
But if so, what Congress might do, being
tie result of the action of men of all
parties of the great body of the people,
not of party, would be effected quietly,
certainly and without violence or distur-
bance. In saying this do not mean
that I expect the investigation to be
followed by either legal or Congressional
action. What, if anything should be
done because of the inquiry must depend
Upon the results of the inquiry. But l
do mean that whatever action, if any,
should follow the investigation, such ac-
ton can neither disturb the order nor
the prosperity of the country. This cry
of wolf when there is no wolf, this effort
to make it appear that there is danger to
peace or order from this investigation, is
Republican pretense, like the "bloody
shirt justification of carpet bag govern
ment; like the "public danger" excuse
advanced Tor the enforcement OF OurelI :
infamous order and the protection of the
returning board by bayonets; like the
CRY set up after the election to prevent
any agitation and to secure submission.
We must have very sorry sort of popu.
lar government if Congress cannot even
inquire into frauds in the choice of the
executive without endangering the peace
and prosperity of the country.
What then, you ask, is the purpose Of
the investigation? I Ianswer, to ascertain
facts, SO that if frauds be established a
repetition of such frauds may be preven:
ted, and if not, to clear up the general
belief throughout the country that there
were such frauds. 1t is true that not
every allegation of wrong is to be in
quired into by Congress, but when large
majority, of the people believe that the
last Presidential election was secured by
organized fraud, surely an inquiry to as
certain the facts ought to be had. The
feeling amongst many Republicans after
the election was that while we had been
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