Daily globe. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1878-1884, 1878-02-27

members of the board, and had said that the
| North was deeply impressed with the ingrati-
tude of the South. He (Chalmers,) thought
! the whole country was impressed with the be-
! lief that the returning board could not be
! trusted, and that some of the visiting states
| men were not worthy of trust. The gentleman
! from Ohio Garfield, had protested against the
prosecution of the board for three reasons:
First-Because lives of Confederates had been
spared. Becond-Because of the conciliatory
policy OF the President; and, rdly-Because
of implied promises to the contrary
The gentleman from Ohio thought the small
oftense of forging electoral returns should be
overlooked. The man who took up arms for
the defence of what he thought was constitu-
tlonal law was certainly not any more traitor
than the man who robbed the people of their
election franchise and gave to fraud the fruits
of victory and virtue. There were some punish
ments of honorable men which were worse than
death. The South had been enduring the pains
OF reconstruction, when the hands Of the carpet
Dagger had been in it's pockets, when the heel
of the colored race had been On its neck, and
many Southern men had fell that death would
be preferable to such prosecutions. Impartial
history would tell which side had kept the
faith best.
Referring again to the policy of President
Hayes, he said that gentleman had shown him
self to be an honorable, upright and honest
man, and while he, (Chalmers), did not think
the President deserved any special credit for
doing his constitutional duty except that it
stood in marked contrast to the action of his
predecessor he was unwilling to see any
movement in the South that looked like an
act of ingratitude towards the President and
if he, (Chalmers), were the governor of Lousi-
ana, he should not hesitate to pardon every one
of the members of the returning board as fast
as they were convicted. Conviction might be
necessary, but conviction was one thing and
punishment another. While the South ad-
mitted that the President WAS stretching forth
his hand with the olive branch in it, and while
the South would stand by him as long as he
stood by himself with very few exceptions,
the Republican leaders were loudly denouncing
him and his policy.
aThe gentleman from Ohio (Garfeld) had
stated that the prosecution of Anderson was
but tho beginning of war on the title of the
President. He (Ghalmers) said that that state
ment was but the opening note of war on the
President by the Republican party. That par
ty wanted to compel him to abandon his policy
under pretense that the Democratic party
was about to question his title. The Republi-
can leaders Numbered into his ears that the
case of Anderson and Wells was the case of
Tilden and Hendricks, and when the gentle
man from Ohio had stated that the Presidents
supporters were lessening, hour by hour, in
number, he has intended to intimidate him
and not the Democratic party.
Referring to the alleged Wormley bargain,
he stated he did not know that there had been
bargain, but if there had been he would not
criticize very harshly the men who made it.
In conclusion, he referred to the fact that the
red and white rose had been blended together,
and he hoped the gray and blue would 20 down
to posterity blended together in one common
heritage.
At the close of Chalmers speech, Mr.. Hewitt
of Alabama endeavored to induce the House to
proceed with the bill to pension soldiers of the
Mexican war, but the House preferred to give
blr. Butler opportunity to make his speech on
the financial question. The House therefore
went into committee of the whole on the state
of the Union, Mr.. Eden in the chair, and Mr..
Butler proceeded to make his speech.
Mr.. Butler declared himself for the full re-
storation of silver to the coinage of tho country
and that every debt of the United States now
existing, which could be paid by the silver dol
lar now proposed, was by the very terms of the
law under which the debt was contracted
to be paid by the silver dollar of the same
weight and fneness. In the point of dishon-
esty toward public or private creditors, he asked
whether it was immoral, dishonest or wrong
to provide by law that the debtor shall pay
back all he received with interest in the dis
charge of money debt. The same dollar
which pays poor mans debt should equally
cancel the rich mans demand. Both should
stand before the law alike, and right and JUS
tice be done at the hands of Congress in spite
of executive recommendation, of executive
power, whether in the shape of veto or other
wise.
MIR. Butler denied that sixty million bonds.
or anything like that amount, had been re-
turned from Europe, but he wished for the
financial and business prosperity of the coun-
| try. If it were true, he wished Europe would
send back every bond of ours it holds, and the
lower the price at which they sell here, the
| better. If he could hear that our per cent.
bonds were coming back ut fifty cents on the
dollar, to be exchanged for our merchandise,
our gold. or our silver he should look upon it
as tho brightest and happiest financial fact the
yer and wheat sent abroad to pay
| our debts, and bring the balance OF
trade in our favor. He saw neither wisdom
nor craftsmanship in locking our silver up in
vaults. He reprobated the withdrawal of pape,
| fractional currency, and the substitution for il
of subsidiary silver coin, saying that the people
| were to be taxed the enormous sum represented
| by five per cent. compound interest on fifty
millions for thirty years, and that if the sec
| rotary of the treasury, who framed that meas
ure, had ever sat down and made a calculation
| and then foolishly cast that enormous burden
on the people, he ought to be hanged to thu
! nearest lamp post for malice towards all man
kind. If he had not done SO, he ought to b.
hanged at all events for going into an office h,
couldn't fill. Mr.. Butler concluded as follows
We want the greenback for our currency, ane
mean to have it. but do not desire that green
back currency should be made to serve the
country as it has done, vilifed, insulted, depre
ciated by the act of the government itself, be-
ing refused not only to perceived for all debt
due the government, not even paid for all de
mands due from the government. The Amer
lean system of finance which will obtain il
! the near future, and hope at once, and which
I DESIRE is:
First-A dollar that shall have at all time
a certain fixed and stable value below which i
| cannot go.
Second demand the dollar shall be issuet
by the government alone on the exercise of it.
highprerogative and constitutional power ant
that that power shall not be delegated to an,
Charles II. ought to have delegated his prerog
alive of stamping gold coin for the benefit o
| his paramOurs as a monopoly.
Third want that dollar stamped on som
convenient and cheap material, of the least pos
sible intrinsic value, SO that neither the wea
nor its destruction will bring loss to the gov
eminent issuing it.
FOURTH also desire the dollar to be mad
of such materials for the purpose that it sha]
never be exported or be desirable to carry on
of the country. In then framing of an Amer
can system of finance, I do not propose to adap
pecially the Chinese, who are nearly one quartz
Of the world.
Fifth desire that the dollar SO issued sha
never be redeemed. I see no more reason wh
: unit of measure of value should be redeeme
or redeemable. than that the yard stick wit
which measure my clothes the quart mea
ure with which measure my milk, shall |
redeemable
Sixth-For convenience only propose tt
!, dollar so issued shall be quite equal or a lit
better than the present value of the averas
, gold dollar of the world, and not to be change
: in value, or grows higher, not to be obliged
conform itself in value in any regard to Il