The Stark County Democrat. [volume] (Canton, Ohio) 1833-1912, 1878-06-06
PnIitttaI.
mr.. POTTER'S COMMITTEE,
HIS LETTEB TO A NORTHERN
FRIEND ABOUT THE FRAUDS
INVESTIGATION,



press his views as to the investigation
into the Presidential election frauds that
he decided to make public a private let
ter which he wrote in reply to one from
a clergyman in New York, and which
covers very fully the inquiries addressed
to him, not only from that but other
quarters. Mr.. Potter shows very conclu'
sively that the cry Of revolution" which
the republicans have set up over this in
vestigation is simply the cry of wolf
when there is no wolf, and is repeti.
ton of the bloody.shirt business. The
letter is as follows:
WASHINGTON MAY 27, 1878.
MY DEAR SIR: l have your letter Of
the 25th, l agree with you in wishing
Congress would adjourn. | am one Of
those who think the world is governed
too much. l should be glad to see the
power of Congress over matters OF pri-
vate and special legislation entirely cut
of. And since much of the public egis-
lation proposed disturbs business and un'
settles industry, l have thought it might
be we'll if Congress, unless convened by
the President, met but every other year,
as is the case with the legislatures in
some of the States. | accordingly pro-
posed an amendment to the Constitution
providing for biennial sessions of Con-
gress, but it has not been received with
any favor. Other sections Of the Coun-
try do not feel as we do about this, and
want currency or subsidy or other legis'
lation.
You ask me why Mr.. Stephens was
"howled" down? The "howliug was Ey
the newspapers. To interrupt the pend
ing order of business by a motion or
statement requires unanimous consent,
and every member has the absolute
right to object to the interruption. This
objection is expressed by the words II
object or demand for "the regular or
der" Sometimes one person will pre-
vent the interruption, sometimes the de-
sire to prevent it is general, and then the
cry of Irregular order" will be from many
persons. 1t 30 happened that there was
very general unwilirgness to hear Mr..
Stephens. He had suggested that we
should receive and adopt the Hale
amendment. 1t was reported that he
has given the Republicans list of twen-
ty-tWo names who would follow him in
any motion Of his to prevent investiga'
ton. About this he was grossly mis-
taken, and this made our side especially
unwilling to hear him. Bat you will OBJ.
serve that when | rose to make a propo-
sition to Mr.. Hale, and the Republican
outCry prevented my being heard, itw
announced by the press that "Mr, Pot
ter's inquiry was interrupted" while Mr.,
Stephens was head lined as "the vener.
able statesman howled down by Potter's
mob" You ask me why we would not
let the Hale amendment be attached to
our resolution Because it was not ger
name. An inquiry into frauds accom-
plished and which changed the electoral
vote is proper to prevent thelrrepetltlon,
but an inquiry into mere attempts at
fraud which resulted in nothing is not.
First, because we understood it contain.
ed reCitals to which we could not assent,
and which would have forced us 10 vote
against our own resolution. Second, be-
cause we offered Mr.. Hale every oppor-
tunity to have his amendment adopted
as a separate resolution. That it was not
so offered shows it was really not desir-
ed. Third, because its incorporation in
to the resolution might have had the eff
feet of preventing any report upon the
resolution. AS it is, the committee will
have probably but one opportunity to re-
port in this Congress, and this amend
ment could, if added to the resolutions
be made to prevent the report at that
time, and thus to deprive us of an oppor.
tunity to report at all. Just as we got
ready to report we should be liable to be
stopped to take further testimony in
some of the added States brought for
ward for the very purpose of preventing
a report.
But you suggest that to raise a ques
ton about the last Presidential election
will bring on disturbance or revolution.
Not at all. About that possess your
self in peace" There is not the slightest
chance of revolution or disturbance
When the whole country was at fever
heat on the subject of the election a way
was found to establish tribunal to pass
upon the election, and every one SUBJ
mitted to that determination. The Pres
ident's title rests upon that. II now it
should appear that there was fraud which
palpably affected the electoral vote and
which the commission did not notice,
and if legal remedy exists for correct
ing the error, you cannot believe that
such q proceeding under the law could
lead to disturbance. If there be no such
legal remedy existing and Congress
should hereafter, by the approval of the
President or bytwo-thirds of both houses
without that approval, provide one, why
should the legal determination thereaf-
ter had, any more produce disturbance
than the decision of the Eleclora Com
mission did2 1t is exactly because this
is not Mexico, and because the people
prefer determining questions by legal
methods and if the legal methods have
not been provided to invent legal meth.
Ods of determing them and submit to the
determination thus arrived at, that this
country cannot be MexiCahized. About
the enumeration of electoral votes there
could be no question. Eight and eight
could only be counted as sixteen. Nei-
ther could there be question that the
conceded vote of every State should be
counted. To refuse that would be reVo-
lutionary. But when there were two
bonahde returns from a State each
claimed to be its vote, it was a necessity
to decide between these returns before
either return could be counted. This de-
termination could only be made by the
Vice President who opened the returns,
or by the Congress in whose presence
they we're opened. 1 thought it clear
from the nature of our Government from
the precedents and from the opinions so
many statesmen had expressed, that this
grave power upon which the last elec-
ton did, and upon which any election
might depend, could only be vested in
Congress. If this power rested in Con.
gress alone, then the action of Congress
was necessary before a choice could be
made between conflicting returns, and
80, whenever the two houses of Congress