New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1878-08-14


form. He and Mr.. Butler together ought to
be able to tell New-England people great
many things that they don't know.
REPUBLICAN FAITH IN THE NATIONAL
CHARACTER.
This is not an "off year" IN politics, and
therefore the formal Openings" of the can
vass in the various States have been invested
with unusual circumstance and significance.
As the combat deepens, the OratOry at short
range will adapt itself to the vicissitudes OF
the struggle in different localities, so that q
speech here or there may fail of being thor
oughly characteristic or representative. Hence
the carefully prepared utterances of the
men selected to inaugurate the cam
paign with authority and ceremony are worth
close examination for in these utterances,
if anywhere, we are to look for formulation
of the doctrine held by the different parties
here we can discover the principles which
animate and the motives which control them,
and what is Of equal importance, by observ-
ing the argument used and the sentiments
aud passions appealed to, we can learn what
sort of an estimate the leaders on one side or
the other have made of the intelligence and
virtue and patriotism Of the people whom
they address and whose votes they hope to win.
Without noticing the characteristic positions
which have been formally occupied by the
different parties in regard to the capital
issues of honest or treacherous cur
rency and of good faith or Reputation
of its promises by the Nation, we wish to
call attention to the moral tone OF
the speeches of the men selected to
sound the keynote of this important canvass
for their followers. Let any one read care
fully every deliverance of every recognized
leader of Democrats, or Nationals, or Green
hackers, or Labor RefOrmers, and he will not
find a single argument addressed to the pop
ular sense of honor or of justice not one ex-
preston of regard for the fair fame OF ms
country not a solitary appeal to any one OF
the nObler sentiments. The whole body of
this defamation consists of deXtrous pet
tifogging or bold incendiarism. 1t is
an effort to fire the heart of one
class against another; to convince the
unthinking that they are oppressed by bond
holders and capitalists, and to incite the dis
contentcd to acts of violent reprisal as their
first political duty. All the arguments of
these statesmen are addressed TO the selfish
ness of their adhercnts and every appeal
is made TO their base and sOrdid pas
sions, and it is habitually assumed that
the average American voter is controlled
by TO more generous motive than
desire to cheat his creditors If he can do it
safely, or a longing to get even" with some
one for fanced wrong. Passing from the
harangues of Ewing and Voorhees, to the
speeches of Blaine or Harrison or Grow, is like
emigrating into another moral climate. Here is
Mr.. Grow, for example, opening the battle in
n section OF Pennsylvania where there has
been great depression and distress, and where
the people have been studiOusly taught that
more greenbaczs would restore the flush times
of the past, until some of the elect, even, have
been deceived. And yet without any abatement,
apology or compromise Mr.. Grow takes
heroic stand for honesty and honor. He docs
not shuttle or juggle with fine phrases. He
does not refrain from enforcing the unpleasant
truth that the only honest way TO get money
is TO earn il. He tells his people that it is
not an easy thing TO pay debts, but this is the
only honorable way 10 get rid of them. In
cidcntally he shows that in the long run hon
esty is the best policy but he assumes that
Americans are ready TO make sacrifices. if
sacrifices are needed, for righteousness sake.
In short, he still has faith that there
is such thing rs a National conscience, and
To this he appeals as to a court of supreme
jurisdiction.
Upon the whole, we think Mr.. Grow is night.
First, because this is the way to WIN; for 1t
can hardly be possible that open appeals
to the rascality of the American people
will prove more potent than appeals
to their sense of justice. And, secondly,
if this battle cannot be won on moral
grounds it isn't worth fighting at all Ii the
popular regard for honor and good faith is no
longer controlling principle IN this country,
then the very framework of our civilization is
rottenness And if we propose to construct
new one, we may as we'll begin to experiment
with Schwab's plan, or Kearney's, as with any
other mans.
THE LAMBETH REPORTS.