The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1878-05-04


add to its numbers. We all know that she
will be i'll able to bear the expense. As
to ourselves we are free in military point
of view to choose our own time and place.
The seas are ours, and no Russian men-oE-
war are likely to be seen there once war
breaks out. No English dependencies can
be even threatened by any Russian army.
l do not, therefore, understand what reason
there is for exceptional haste in strengthen
ing our land forces in face of war which,
ever. if it come, might be or ought to be
mai y naval one. My noble friend has
cert nly suggested that the Russian army,
if it could once get across the narrow strip
of seq, might march through Syria and
threaten Egypt. Now we have always in
considering that point borne in mind the
fact that we are mistress of the seas, and
thatsye could sufficiently defend Egypt.
4 do not seesI may add, how the remark
able operation of which am speaking is
to be executed. am at loss to under
stand how Russian army could march all
through Syria and reach Egypt before a
British man-of-war could leave Besika Bay
aud arrive at Alexandria. I do not, there
fore, understand this haste in calling out
our reserves. l could understand it if it
were simply the object to strike while the
iron is hot, or if it were for the purpose of
taking advantage of the military feeling
which is now so strong throughout the
country, but which probly may cool down
in the course Of feew weeks. But l give
my noble friend credit for entire sincerity
in taking the measures which the Govern
ment deemed it necessary to adopt
THREE QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED.
There are in this connection three ques-
tiOns which must be answered sooner or
later. Have you settled what are your
means Of fighting, who are to be your al
lies, and what it is you are fighting for ?
Hear, hear The first question is one to
which | do not profess to be able to give
clear answer. The only thing 1 see plain
ly is that we believe England and Russia
now may go on for 4 very long time with
out inficting vital injury on either side.
You may very easily bring Russia to a state
of bankruptcy, and when you do that you
will have brought ruin on the holders of a
considerable number of Russian securities.
There is not, however, believe, on record
a case in which any war was stopped in
that way. Poor though Russia may be,
and no doubt she is poor, she has an enor-
nous territory, and can always find men
aud food. Now, when these two requi-
sites are supplied in unlimited abundance,
and martial spirit animates people, de-
fensive fighting may 60 on for very long
time. You may blockade the Russian
ports, but the losses sustained will not al
ways be on one side. You may keep from
her the corn of other countries, but in
these days of railroads the power of block
AIDES is, except in very special cases, great
ly limited, and with the German ports
open, all you could accomplish by means of
the most rigorous blockade would be to
compel the commerce with Russia to make
considerable circuit. 1t has been said
that war between this country and Rus
sia, no other Power taking part in it, would
be not very unlike one of those duels be-
tween German students, of which we used
to hear, fought with sword blades, of which
only an inch or two at the ends was left
bare. They might cut of nose or do in
jury to an eye, but they were powerless to
inflict any vital wound. All these YOU
cannot help; nor can you do anything SER
iOus by land against an enemy whose
strength was only half developed when the
First Napoleon invaded the country with
100000 men and failed. We, on the
other hand, are absolutely free from attack
by Russia, except in so far as intrigues and
secret negotiations may do something to
weaken our authority in India. Now, l
assume that there is not one of us here who
desires war at any time. Hear, hear.
But l may observe in popularity governed
country like this, where the people are
easily excited, and where they are apt to
complain if their armi-s do not perform
impossibilities-rememberinga as we do the
excitement and agitation at the time of the
Crimean war-the most inconvenient kind
of war to enter into is one which is very
prolonged, very costly, and which is ulti-
mately indecisive.
NO ALLY But AUsTRIA-AND AUSTRIA
NOT SURE.
Now, my lords, come to a question in
dealing with which l feel more at home.
In the event of war against Russia being
undertaken, whom are we likely to have
for allies? Now, that is a matter upon
which we have abundant means of forming
a judgment, and l can tell you with GER
tainty who will not be our allies. In Ger
many, so far as the Government is con-
cerned, the feeling has been from the very
beginning Of these transactions, as it album
dainty proved on the face of documents
which have been laid before Parliament,
one of warm and undisguised sympathy
with Russia. That may not be the feel
ing of the German people, and there is
every reason to suppose that, so far as a
large portion of the German people is con-
eerned, that is not the feeling which exists.
But, be that as it may, neutrality, and
that which would not be called be-
nevolent neutrality, is all think that we
could expect from Germany. From Ger
many pass TO France. What is the line
likely to be taken by the French Govern
ment? That is question which l can
answer without the slightest hesitation. l
can do so, not because of any private or