Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1878-03-05
1t must have the approval of the Gov.
ernOr before it becomes

L am equally sure you will accord to him
the same sense of duty and responsible
ity, inasmuch as he has taken the same
oath and has the same right of decision
as yourselves.
do not mean to enter into any lengthy
argument with regard to the credit of the
State and the binding obligation upon
its people to pay its just debts. I would
insult the gentlemen of the Assembly
by even limiting that there is one among
them who by denying this is so un-
worthy of filling SO high place. have
never heard any of them say, in public
CIR private, that such was his opinion,
and who would not regard blow at the
honor of the Commonwealth as worse
than private injury. L feel quite GER
tain that such man could have no
standing in your midst, but would be
spurned as he would if, having means,
he refused to pay his honest dues. With
this statement, and with it knowing that
/ cannot be misunders TODD, I feel the
freer to
DISCUSS THE BILL.
When l read its clauses, by them
selves, l can come to but one conclusion,
that they are both unjust and unconsti-
tutional. Apart from anything beyond
their simple terms-nO question pre-
sented but the Constitution and the
laws-no one will deny that they are a
violation of both, as interpreted by our
highest courts. / will not take up your
time in going over arguments now SO
trite that not only yourselves, but al
most every man in the State, though
unlettered, knows them by rote. The
effort is here made to deny the tax-pay-
ing power of the coupons. This has
been pronounced unconstitutional and
void. Why then keep it in the field of
controversy Why tempt again the
inevitable [ can see no use in thus ar
raging one department Of the govern
ment against another, arousing contro-
versy and keeping alive feelings that
can end only in bad blood and trouble.
Even the warmest friends of the bill will
not deny that this issue will arise upon
the clauses, and that such is most likely
to be the result.
Some may say, however, they believe
THESE DECISIONS WRONG
and liable to reversal. What of that p
Has the Legislature convened to spend
its precious time and money to make up
points to be mooted by the courts, whilst
in the throes of deepest agony? Why
not regard the opinions of the highest
courts, composed of pure and able men,
as entitled to at least equal consideration
with their own, acting within the
bounds of as strong and sacred obliga-
ton? These opinions have been rem
dered several times by courts of compe-
tent authority. Can we afford to wait
till they are tried again? Why should
the Legislature wish to have its powers
tested in any case which it can settle for
itself?
But am glad to say that few, If any,
desire such delay Or such discussion
They insist that this bill is framed to
meet the requirements ofthese decisions.
I wish [ could agree with them. I fear
their expectations, should the bill be-
come a law, will not be realized. have
never read an instrument more
BRIsTLING WITH LEGAL POINTS.
What saves it? Its friends rely upon
the preamble, in which it is alleged that
the preservation of the State government
obligation to support the system of free
school the second; and the payment of
the present rate of interest on the amount
claimed as the principal of the public
debt the third. The taxes for the first
two must be paid in money, the last may
be paid in coupons.
The State has contracted that all may
be paid in coupons, and, as already said,
the highest courts have ruled that this
contract is binding. The preamble at
tempts to avoid this ruling by alleging
that the first is necessary to uphold the
States existence; the second is made
sacred by the provisions of the funda-
mental law, and by it put as of higher
obligation, and that they both, together
with the interest on the public debt,
must be paid out of the taxes, at the rate
Of City cents on the one hundred dollars
assessed value ofproperty, real and per-
sonal, which is as MUCH as can be i'm
posed without
RUINOUS RESULTS.
shall not stop to inquire whether the
first position be true or not by the sim
pie assertion of the Legislature, and open
to no further inquiry. 1t certainly con-
tains law suit. Nobody will deny in
the abstract that unless the State can
live it cannot do anything that belongs
to life. That is truism.
But tEe second proposition-that the
Legislature is bound to support the free
school system, at the expense of the
States creditors, either by the necessity
of its life or by command of the organic
law-I beg leave most respectfully to
deny.
Education is greet blessing when of
the proper sort and properly gained
There is no one who longs for it more
than /. There Is no one who sees in it
more of everything that goes to form the
free citiZen-the consdmmate flower of
nations growth But State has no
more right to educate its youths than an
individasl his children at the expense of
creditors.
THE faint OF THE SOURCE
will cling to the education and instead
of nuTturing noble men there will grow
up in our midst those who will feel
through life how dark a shadow even
the.r education casts upon the States
history.
Our fathers did not need free schools
to make them what they were. Happy
this generation could it rival them in
those virtues that go to make up the
glory of Commonwealth They would
not have tolerated them on the soil of
Virginia had they to be established by
the denial of their honest debts. The
friends of free schools make woful
blQEder r they think by such means as
this bill proposes 10 build them un or
spread their usefulness. They are strk-
ing them, as we'll as the States fair fame,
most fatal blow.
PUBLIC FREE SCHOOLS
are not a necessity. The world for hun
dreds of years grew in wealth, culture,
and refinement without them. They
are : luyury, adding, when skilfully
conducted, it may be, to the beauty and
power of a State, but to be paid for, like
any other luxury, by the people who
wish their benefits.
cannot, therefore, believe that the
ffaEiers of the organic law meant any,
thing else when they provided for their
creation and support. They did not
mean that we should deny the payment
of our debts, and that with the money
drawn from such source we should edu-
cate the children of the land. Whatever
were theft views OF the benefits OF ell
ucatiep, they did not think they ought
to be bought at such price. They be-
lieved, %s you and believe, that even
the life Of the State, like that fthe indi
vidual saved ~ loss 9f honor, is not
Il Il i