The Valley Virginian. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1865-1895, 1878-03-21
For the Valley Virginian.I
Some Old Notions and Some New.

May the VALLEY VIRGINIAN hold on to
the noble stand it has occupied on the State
debt and labor question, say we. Nobody
is surprised at the action of Governor Holli-
day in vetoing the Barbour bill. The out
givings in his inaugural address indicated
clearly enough his purpose to carry out the
secret designs of the funders, cloaked under
the Convention veil so cunningly adjusted.
He furnishes in his brief career, so far, an
example of the astounding declension in
true craftsmanship Of the public men of our
day, who, for some unaccountable reason or
other, are the most trusted and the most
honored. His vision distorted by the glare
and outside attractions of city and country,
like Governor Walker before him, he must
be almost entirely ignorant of the actual
condition of the State. 1t is well known
that State bonds did exercise potent intlu-
ences over our State legislation from the
very close OF the war. The Interests Of the
bondholders were the first to receive atten-
ton from our law makers, when the State
coming out of the war, stricken and bleed
ing at every pore, was unable to help her.
self. We now have our attention turned
back to the financial troubles of 1887, and
then, skipping over the entire period of the
war to the panic of '73, as though the war had
nothing to do with bringing these troubles
upon the country, an intimation being
thrown out that the people themselves are
responsible for these troubles, and that when
they come right all will be right again. Let
US have little patience! The bondholders
must be as ignorant as the writer of this
article Gt is to be hoped they are not as ig-
norant about everything else) as to the real
animus OF the funders il turning them over
to West Virginia for the one-third CT the
debt, just in the way they did. The State
places herself between the creditors and
West Virginia. She constitutes herself the
trustee of her own bonds, and says to the
creditors. in one breath, wait awhile, we
will settle with West Virginia and when she
pays anything you shall have it, and in the
next breath she says to them, a settlement
with West Virginia is out of the question,
and you must not look to me, for trustee
is never accountable for more than comes
into his hands! A meaner and more sneak
ing act of reputation never was conceived
or heard of. Governor Holiday treats the
whole question as a mere matter OF business
and sharp practice, which view Of it ought
absolutely to silence the clamnr about State
honor, but he will find it is not the thing he
would have it. 1t is not the view the people
have taken of it. The Barbour bill was
ibristlipg with law points, he says, and
then he proceeds to decide them. "The law
is a schoolmaster and is to decide whether
the people are to be virtuous or vicious -
Inaugural address, This almost blasphe-
nous deliverance would make such legisla-
ton as the Funding bill as effective as the
moral law itself. with all its tremendous
sanctions. This new peripatetic, political
philosophy must be attended to before it is
fastened upon the people system to be pro-
pagated at the point Of the bayonet. Was
this language designed as menace to the
legislative body then deliberating? If it
was addressed to the sober, virtuous people
of the State, it was "brutum fulmen' '-non-
sense. If it was not, it ought to have been
Illuminated in the form of proclamation
denouncing sfilbusters, freebooters, read
iusters and Indicators universally. The
Governor writes not in the sober style of the
Judge who decides law points. He gallops
along, and, like any huntsman, clears bars,
hedges and bitches at single leap. He
makes fling at the readjusters when he
talks about demagogues. What is dema-
Rogue? He is man who sets himself up to
be leader of the people. He tries to per-
suade them that they know nothing. and
that they are not capable of understanding
anything that he is the wise man, and that
if they only 90 with him they will go right.
The more uniformed he can keep the peo-
pie, the better are his chances of leadership.
Has anything been wanting in the policy,
the acts and doings Of the caucus managers
to complete the definition? But the read
justers were the people themselves, moved
by Simultaneous without leaders or organi-
cation, impelled by a sort of instinct to an Ell
fort for selfpreservation. And why? Certain
~ because they had discovered that they had
been led by a set Of the most INSCRIPTIONS
demagogues. Why? Because the doctors
differed and there were none to decide
The people were really left to decide fol-
themselves such questions as the following
Is the dogma of infalliblity, how well nigh
throttled in Rome, to have an assurance.
when completely throttled, despite all
schisms, of resuscitation, and metemsy-
Ghosts in Virginia ? Is the whole doctrine
OF State rights to be abandoned because Sc
cession has failed? Can the State inaugu-
rate and carry out municipal and State re-
forms only by tolerance of the general gov
eminent? Can the legislature make cou-
pons legal tender, in the hands of one tc
whom the State is not indebted for all he
owes the State? Is not coupon thus made
alegal tender for all that is due the State
from any and everybody bill Of credit? Il
not bill of credit, what is bill of credit
Can the courts mutilate law and destroy
its intended effect, and then make the law
in its emasculated form irrepealable? Is
not that legislative act? Can the courts re-
verse their own decisions? Is not that g legis-
islative act? Can the courts do anything more
than say what the law is, and not what it
shall be? Is net that legislative act-to
say what the law shall be I? Has not the leg
dslature of Virginia time and again declared
what The law shall be, even in controven-
tion Of the common law? Are not all pri-
waite contracts at common law void
able for cause. and are not some
private contracts absolutely void, ab
SaStSo, have a tainted origin? Is
the poor old State worse off in respect to
her contracts than a private citizen in re-
spect to his? These, and such questions as
these, the people have had to consider and
decide for themselves. The Constitution OF
the United States prohibits Congress from
doing many things, but not frona passing
any law impairing the obligation of con
tracts; and why? Because all contracts
OF the general government are public, as
.coHtrad distinguished from private contracts.
CONTRACTS to which the State is a party
would be on the same footing as contracts