Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1878-01-11
y. WBITHORE,
Publisher and Proprietor.
THE MARSHAL'S PLEDGE.

y
cent Crisis in France.
Richard Whiting writes from
Paris to the New York World
Several accounts of the marshal's
submission have been given. They
are all more or less inaccurate or
defective, and that of the London
Times have just been denied on
authority. The reason is because
it gives only half the truth. The
other half is as follows:
For the past fortnight MacMa-
hon personally has been anxious to
submit. This is no new discovery OF
mine. | have said SO over and over
again in letters written before this
final event. | have also said that
he was prevented from submitting
by those about him. l did not then
know the secret of theirpower over
him. | know it now. He was under
promises to the party that elevated
him to power on the fall of M,
Thiers-not verbal promises, writ
ten ones. DeBroglie held his bond
He was to be purely and simply a
party chief. The general purport
of the negotiations preceding the
overthrow of Thiers was set down
in black and white. The marshal
was not to govern for the nation
or even for himself, but for the De
Broglie rights. | do not profess to
know the contents Of this paper;
only know that it existed in the
form of a letter written to the chief
of The band Of Conservative Con-
spirators, and SO artfully framed as
to contain the most explicit assur-
ances under the form of general
guarantees.
The letter ives held in terrOrum
over the marshaPs head. DeBroglie
had only to produce it under given
circumstances to prove that the
marshal had broken his word. He
had only to threaten to produce it
to throw the marshal's wife at least
into an agony Of terror-and it is
she who has all along been the
chief intermediary between her
husband and his despotic advisers.
She was all the more ready to act
in their interest because she sym.
pathized with their views. The
publication of the letter would
have lowered her in the eyes of her
"set," and she would have felt the
degradation. This explains the
marshais frequent illusions to him.
self as purely a party chief-alIu-
sions, | frankly own, of which at
first failed to see the significance.
In the interviews with Grevy and
Audiffret Pasquier, you remember,
he seemed to say that he did not
dare take the course suggested out
Of respect for his engagements"
This was quite unmeaning so long
as only verbal engagements or in-
ferences from public declarations
of policy were understood.
He had not pledged himself to
bring about a restoration Of the
monarchy. He, with all his faults,
was too loyal, and his conscience
keepers, with all theirs, were too
cunning for that. Such a pledge
would have rendered the parties
concerned liable to an impeachment
for treason. lie rather bound him.
self to nothing and let the Others
work. They were to be his occult
chief advisers, and the overthrow
ol the Republic was their sole con-
cern. son the gath OF May, 1873,
the Due de Broglie told me ! had
been chosen as the soldier who was
to rescue the army from the hands
OF the radicals; that / was to do
fend the imperiled interests of the
country, like a sentinel guarding a
post, but that, as to politics, he IN
derstood oil that At that moment,
and ever after, regarded NJ. Bro.
gIie as a second president. l was
Che military president" These are
the marshal's latest words as quoted
by the Times correspondent; and
the accuracy Of the report of them
is not in the least affected by the
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