New-York tribune., 1878-10-05
GANBLTT1S BLNNUkR,

GAMBETTpS BLUNDER.
Gambetta'S speeches at the first hating
places in his triumphal tour IN the South We're
rcassuring. Not until he reached Romans did
the Chief of the Republicans define the policy
of the party which in a few months will con-
tlo both houses of the National Parliament.
He was reyisiting the provinces where was
fought that marvellous campaign eight years
ago, when, with elOqucnce like flaming
sword, he reprOached his cOuntrymen, and drove
them to arms against the enemy at the very mo-
ment when Thiers and Fayre were suing for
an ignomIniOus peace. Here at last he began
to be intoxicated with more bewlldcrng
stmulant than any vintage OF those ylne-clad
hills-success and popularity. AT the outset
he was sober enough. He declared that even
if the President should resign before his term
expired, not a day would elapse between that
resignation and the succession, and no per-
sonal competition would arise. 1t is plain
from this that GambeIta will not be a candl-
date in 1880, but that some safe man like
Grevy will be the MarshaPs successor. ThlerS
was his own Premier, but under the COnstitu-
ton of 1875 the Administration is a tumble
of Presidential and Cabinet government, and
tive of the Parliamentary majority. has
more political influence than the Presi
dent. There will be no personal competition
for the succession, for the simple reason that
GaInbetta would rather be Premier with
power under GrGvy, or even under an Orlean-
ist, than President without pOwer-a cOnstltu-
tional iigurehead. Thus far the orator was
coherent; but then the fumes of political
excitement cOuded his brain, and he was
BETRAYED into an untmely and unwiSe assault
upOn the religion of a large majority OF his
cOuntTymen.
As q man of flaming energy Gambetta re-
sembles the greatest of our War Governors
During those terrible years of our history
Morton labored with superhuman zeal. His
soul seemed to be at white heat, and when
the war was over he was longer than any
other public man in cooling off. To the end
of his life he hated treason, and was the
champion of repressive legislation. In like
manner Gambetta hates the Catholic clergy
the allies of the Empire and the men who
bic ssed the mitrailleurs. He cannot forgive
them; he is ever ready to degrade and
persecute them. Eighteen months ago,
when the Italian Ministry were striving
TO bind the clergy hand and foot by
means of the Mancini blll Gambetta
demanded the introduction of a similar act In
France. At Romans he declares that it Is in
the Church that the spirit of the past takes
refuge and gathers strength. He inveighs
against L" the spirit of the Vatican and OF the
"Syllabus, which is nothing but the abuse of
Ignorance, with the purpose of cnslavlng."
He calls for the abolition of indulgeDces and
privileges, which form half the power OF
these priests, who live on public credulty
:" alone.n He maintains that young men who
are being educated for the priesthood must
serve their time in the army, and
that obligatory service must be made
reality without respect to vocations. Not
only will seminary students be forced to go
into camp and learn to be soldiers, but priests
will have to leave their parish work and train
with the reserves. body of 250,0OO men
employed in or training for the service OF the
Catholic Church Will thus De exposed to the
burdens of military service and to the tempta-
tions of barrack life, not only i'll time of
war but during years of peace and prosperity.
This seems to be the leading feature of the
Republican policy which the leader of the
party has outlined. 1t cannot fail to create
dismay in $4,000 parishes throughout France.
1t is strange that Gambetta should renew
his warfare upon Clericalsm at the very
moment when the man who declared that
Germany would not go to CanOssa is coquet-
ting with those whom he once defed. With SEN
tepces of imprisonment and with repressive
legislation, Bismarck has fought with the
Church which arraigned Luther at the Diet
of Worms and what is the result of his
policy? He has strengthened the German
Catholics not only as religious COM
munion, but as political force III the
State. Where German Imperialism has
failed, French RepublIcanism is not likev 10
succeed. II the influence of the priests mas
run counter to the Republic, 1t can be over
come by discussion and experience more
rrodily than by legislation. The French laws
are already strained i'll the direction OF eccle-
s;astical repression. The attempt 10 impose
military service upon the clergy and to under
mine their influence i'll their parishes will cast
reproach upon Liberal principles and Repn6-
lican government.
If failure like that of the City of Glasgow Bank
.l,. Init rat tiarax mi baN