The Portland daily press., 1878-01-18
The Cabinet in Congress.

The movement to give Cabinet officers seats
on the floor of the House appears to be a
strange one. Its advocates are actively work.
ing for the project. the President will recon-
mend it in special message, and many Con-
gressmen are said to be committed to Its sup
port. 1t is certainly constitutional, and ap-
parently expedient. One good effect of it
would be that it would make necessary the
calling of the party leaders, The strongest men
of the country, into the Cabinet; for Cabinet
officers would become in effect the defenders
in Congress of an Administration and Its pol
icies. A President would no longer select
the heads of Departments from his personal
following, but would call to his aid the great
party chiefs, the workers in committee and
the leaders in debate.
The proposition is not new one. In 1884
Mr.. Pendlston, just before the expiration o
his Congressional term, introduced into the
House bill providing that the heads Of De-
partments might occupy seats on the floor of
the House, 1t was referred to a select COM
mittee of which Mr.. Pendleton was chair
man, and Messrs. Thaddeus Stevens, Justin
Morrill,, Blaine, Karson and Mallory were
members. A favorable report was made,
but was not acted upon. The bill provided
that the Cabinet officers should attend the
sessions of the House Immediately on the
openi ng Of the sittings on Mondays and
Thursd ays of each week to give information
in reply to questions which might be pro-
70 %hn - Al.
House. 1t was also provided that the clerk
of the House should keep notice-book in
which any member could enter over his
name any resolution Of inquiry or any ques-
ton he proposed to ask Of the head of De-
partment, the matter to be called up on the
Monday or Thursday of the succeeding week.
The Secretary was required to give the infor-
nation requested, or to state to the House
why it could not be made public. The COM
mittee based their favorable report on these
propositions. First, that it is the duty of
Congress to avail itself of the best possible
means Of information in relation to the meas
ures of legislation on which it may be called
to act; and second, that the influence of the
Executive Department upon the Legislative,
whatev er it may be, should be open, declared
and au thorized, rather than secret, concealed
and unauthorized. The following are some
of the arguments which the committee ad-
vanced:
These officers have no authorized communi-
cation with the committees or the House.
Their suggestions, even in writing, are not re-
corded. No trace of their exertions is left be-
hind. They work, they accomplish, and yet
after few weeks, or even few days, il would
be difficult to show, although members were
fully conscious of It, that they had produced
any effect as to particular measures or even
what their opinions were In relation to these
measures. Their secret, silent omnipresent
influence is felt, yet they are without RESPONSE
bility. 1t is not necessarily corrupt because il
is secret and silent. but it may be, and when.
ever opportunity for corruption exists there
will be- there ought to BE- suspicion and dis
There is now no regular recognized official
channel OF communication between Congress
and the Executive Department., except the
message of the President, save only In the
case of the Secretary of the Treasury. The
provision of the Constitution Is that the Presi.
dent shall from time to time give to Congress
information of the state Of the Union and rec.
ommend to their consideration such measures
as he shall deem necessary and expsdient. The
annual reports Of the different Secretaries are
i uOb TouulIou 10 Db mau6 Dy ANY law. Il6Y are
made because the President requires them.
They are addressed to him for his information,
and he may communicate to Congress the
whole report or an abstract or may withhold
it altogether as he may think proper; and yet
SO essential to proper legislation is an accurate
knowledge of transactions in each department
that, by force of custom which has become
4 stronger even than law, the President sends
with his message the reports In full of all the
TbA hod &c Ia l.
viding machinery by which to carry out into
actual administration few general, sometimes
very simple, provisions of law. This imachin-
! cry is complex and can be perfected by expe
riance only. 1t is not necessary to aver that
i the persons charged with the management OF
| the vast interests involved in the navy, or war
or Treasury departments understand the gener.
al principles of government or theories of DO
litical science better than intelligent members
of the House. Their dnties lead them to feel
| may be applied. They give attention to these
l means. They have experience of them. They
have the the benefit of the observation of clerks
l of many years standing. Surely it is easy to
1 believe that they understand this subject more
1 thoroughly than others, and might safely adj
| wise as to the legislation needed.
Sometimes, though not so often great uues
tiops OF policy, involving vital interests, de.
l pending on fundamental principles, are de.
1 clded BY Congress. They are of moment to
| the country. Their decision depends, or should
| depend, on the temporary, perhaps rapidly
| changing condition of affairs. The subjects
are difficult at all times. The influence Of
temporary causes is important but not obvi.
Gus. Surely an easy, ready, sat.
1stactory method of communicating these facts
and exhibiting these conditions and their in.
huences is essential to intelligent legislation.
Error, abuse and corruption will to some ex-
tent prevail in the Interpretation and applica
t!on OF the laws by the departments. False
charges, sometimes innocently, sometimes
maliciously, are made, impeaching the