Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1878-04-11
SAFETY OF THE STATE.

SAFETY OF THE STATE.
1t is to be expected; it is bu
natural ; that, having due regard t
its best welfare, a people that has
from a condition of comparatiy
poverty and obscurity, quickly at
tanned wealth and power and still
marches in that direction, will oc
casionally look back upon its rout
and see if indeed it has, in all thu
matters most important and con.
ducive TO its best success and mos
conservative of the primitive integ'
rity of its government, really pro.
gressed; or if, in hasting forward
it has not inadvertently left some
thing very precious behind; and
whether in fact there is not a press
ing need of taking a step backward
to recover that valuable and retrieve
its temporary loss. In this view LET
us glance along the line Of party
movement these States have tray
eled and take heed and act upon
the lessons taught from the contem-
plation Of it.
Beginning with the discussion
before the people of the United
States-antecedent to its adoption
by them-of the constitution devils
ing " more perfect union for the
confederation hal achieved its in
dependence from the encroachment
an equality of rights that Great
Britain, the "mother country"
threatened her American colonies
with, we find, arrayed in opposition
to each other, but more or less
united in a general advocacy Of the
instrument itself, at issue as to the
powers conferred by it on the gov
eminent it established, two mate
rally opposite principles of inter-
probation, two radically distinct
political organic parties. However
designated, then or after, the mo-
mentous matter at issue has ever
been, on what principle of interpre-
tation of the organic law shall leg
iSlation and other governmental
conduct be based? Which shall
prevail, the strict constructionist
view or the widely latitudinarian?
By whatever names at different
times the parties advocating these
distinct and adverse principles may
have been called, they have had con-
tinued existence, though it hapI ems
occasionally that the principles o!
the strict construction party are
rather in abeyancc than active, the
consequence Of which is indilfer-
ence or disgust on the part of their
constituents to the extent Of defn-
ing the party Of political predomi-
nance; the loss of power as of the
peoples favor and earnest support
thereby, sooner or later, becomes
the stimulant to again excite its lost
vitality and to revive its prestige Of
success in the arena of popular
championship.
Each party claims, however, tC
express in its rule Of party actor
the every essence Of intention " o
the organic law they seyerally pro.
claim to truthfully elucidate. EacE
appeals for popular confidence ant
trust as being itself purely loyal tx
the decree of sovereignty from
which both emanate. So long a
the broad lines of distinctive anC
opposing policy, honestly enter
tanned and fairly promulgated, d,
in fact distinguish and separat,
them, these parties act thorough.
enough as mutual checks, as al
most, by equipoise Of watching, t,
assure the safety Of the State
When, on the contrary, through
whatever influences or contingen
cies, those barriers are broken dowr
and danger to the State impends
the people, on seeing it, will rusl
TO the rescue.
In British India recently, Lore
Lytton, the viceroy, in giving hi
assent to a law restraining the in
eendiary licentiousness Of the nativ
yernacular press there, fel tconstrair