The Valley Virginian. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1865-1895, 1878-03-07
Governors Veto Message.


is probably the most reckless and -inconsid-
crate exercise of an arbitrary power ever
ventured upon by an Executive officer. The
uuestions involved had been eXhaustively dis
cussed during the last State campaign, and
the result of the election which followed was |
known to be the recorded will Of the people. |
1t was determined, to the apprehension OF |
every candid man, that the rate CT taxation |
should not exceed so cents on the 500 of
real and personal property. No one had the
audacity to attack the Free Schools, and it |
was recognized that they should receive the
support the Constitution imperatively pro-
vides for them. 1t was further acknowledged
that the expenses OF government, including
the support Of the Public Schools, should
be encompassed by the revenues derived
from the present rate of taxation, and that
the public debt should be adjusted so as to
bring the interest within the capacity of
such revenues, after meeting and discharg-
ing the obligations Of the government other
than the interest. The platform adopted
by the Convention which nominated Gov.
Holiday specifically and emph atlcally de-
clared the positions here mentioned. and
the gubernatorial nominee as specifically
and emphatically accepted the nomination
upon the platform adopted. He entered no
protest to the announced State policy in the
series Of resolutions. Unless there was a
mental reservation, which meant deception,
he fully endorsed it; ard to remove his posi-
ticn from doubt and allay all apprehension,
he authorized the statement, in lieu OF
public discussion of the prominentq questions
in the election, that the Legislature was the
proper tribunal to settle the debt question,
and that no constitutional power vested in
him should be used to thwart the will OF The
people. These were the conditions upon
which he received the votes of the people OF
Virginia, and the conditions which inspired
such confidence in the constituent body as
to frown down all opposition to him. His
acceptance Of the nomination, with the plat
form accompanying 1t, his declarations as to
the power that was to dispose of the ques-
tIon then and now agitating the public mind,
his election and Inauguration, constitute
moral obligation as binding as any parch-
ment scroll, and even more scrupulously to
be observed, because it was matter of hon.
or, and not OF written contract. Not word
fell from his lips during the entire canvass
that could be construed into doubt that he
would abide the action Of the Legislature
upon the public debt question. He knew
the issue before the people. He was &C.
full knowledge of the predominant senti-
ment in the State. Had it been his pur-
pose to define policy of his own in
conflict with that sentiment, and to fortify
It by the exercise of the extraordinary power
of the veto, designed to be used alone in
supreme emergencies, he should, as fair and
just man, have blazoned to the world his con-
victions, and not allowed the suffrages OF the
people to be cast for him under missap-
prehension of his position. By the terms OF
the compact he entered into with the people
when he accepted the nomination, and the
declaration of policy in the platform /; by
his previously authorized opinion as to the
tribunal which should dispose of the debt
question; by his silence, during the discus
sion of the issue, after this authoritative an
nouncement of his purpose /; and by his &C.
ceptance Of the Office of Governor after he
knew the will of the people as reflected in
the Legislature elected, he was morally
bound to abide the action of the Legislature
upon the subject. and interpose no hair
splitting, super fetal bubbles and illogical
arguments to defeat that action,
Had the Governor s reasoning been less
sophistical and his assumption of superior
wisdom ia discovering constitutional bear
ings less aggravating, the conclusion to
which he arrives-that the Free Schools
must be destroyed in order to satisfy the
credtors-would be sufficient to arouse the
indignant protest of the people and visit
him with the supreme condemnation of the
very power that had elevated him to his po-
sition. His weak pretense that the constitu-
tional provision which creates the Free
Schools and commands their support. is of
less dignity than another constitutional pro-
vision which says that the debt must be
paid, lily conceals the deep-seated antago-
nism which he nourishes gainst the Public
Schools. Had his mind been able to grasp
and comprehend tie issues of which he treats
he would have recognized the propriety and
the justice OF RELOCATING that issue to the
courts about which eminent jurists differ,
and leaving unassaulted that which does not
admit of question. He, however, assumes
that the Barbour bill bristles all over with
law points, and forgetting that there is a
department of government specially invest
ed with power to adjudicate such disputes,
he takes upon himself the functions Of that
department and dogmatically construes the
Constitution to accord with his antipathy to
the Public Schools. We doubt whether
there has ever been such assumption OF
power and authority as is contained in the
message of Governor Holiday, in the histo-
.ry of Virginia or any other State. The
which he SO summarily and imperiously dis
poses of, were never before the courts in the
form there presented. The necessity for
provision for the existence of the State was
never discussed by the court in connec-
ton with the tax-paying power OF the
coupons; so far from 1t, eminent law
yers have stated, who accord with the de-
cision of the case of Antoni VS.. Wright, had
the case been presented in the light that the
Barbour bill presents it, the Funding bill
would necessarily have been pronounced
unconstitutional. Yet Governor Holiday is
able to draw 10 distinction here, but reck-
lessly proceeds to illuminate his bull of pro-
test into the face of the representatives OF
the sovereign people of Virginia, and assume
more wisdom than the lawyers, legislators
and people!
., Had he confined his discussion and the
purpose of his message to the terms of the
Barbour bill respecting the interest to be
paid upon the debt and the claw points" he
claims are involved, and left unassailed the
Free Schools, not only in their relation to
the question involved, but the principle of