Clarksville weekly chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1873-1890, 1878-03-09

opening message enters into argu-
ment with Congress and the Secre-
tary of the Treasury directs the
whole. financial policy of the nation
to the purpose ofresisting and throw
ing obloquy upon the policy of Con-
gress. He offers four per cent. bonds
for sale with one hand, and with
the other bears the market against
their sale, and all in order that he
may be able to come into the lobby
and say, "Here is the result Of your
expansion policy; the Government
bonds won't sell" That he and his
syndicate did act with that purpose
became plain when the syndicate
was dispensed with and the four per
cent. bonds were eagerly purchased.
Now we repeat our assertion that
nostatesman in Europe dare attempt
such a procedure in the face Of leg
islative majority against him. Look
at Bismarck in Germany, the near
est an AbsOlutist of all modern Eu-
ropean statesmen. Bismarck is
earnestly soliciting the support of
the Liberal opposition in the Impe-
rial Diet and obtaining it by means
of large concessions that he may
carry out his policy in reference to
the Eastern question. Look at An
Grassy in Austria making conces-
sions right and left, now in one di-
rection to the Hungarian Legisla-
ture, now in another to that at
| Vienna, that he may be allowed to
have any policy at all. Look at
Mcmahon in France last autumn.
He did attempt for four months to
keep Cabinet in power opposed in
policy to a large majority in the
Chamber of Deputies, and for those
four months France was in immi-
nent danger of violent revolution
and civil war, and finally the terri
BILE crisis was ended by the old sol
dier retreating on his tracks and
accepting cabinet opposed to every
opinion he held, but in harmony
with the majority of the Chamber
of Deputies. Why need we point to
England? Who that has ever cast
a glance at English politics could
| conceive of such thing as Chan
celIOr of the Exchequer persisting in
a financial policy, the avOwed pur-
pose of which was that of thwarting
the policy which was maintained by
an overwhelming majority in both
houses of Legislature. An English
Minister who attempted such a
transaction would be ANONYMOUSLY
remanded to private life for the rest
of his existence, as the mildest pun
ishment of his presumption but in
America John Sherman has carried
out such purpose and successfully
| for awhile, and John Sherman is
still Secretary of the Treasury. Is
it not worth while enquiring why
such a course is possible in America,
though impossible in Europe, even
if it were only as an interesting
question in political philosophy-if
it were not as it is, a great practical
| evil in our legislative transactions
The main difference seems to be
that the English sOvereigns are
hereditary, while our Presidents are
elected, and, what is more to the
point, elected by O party, so that
whatever they may do they have
at least a party to back them, even
if it is a minority; but it is not often
a minority. 1t has been so twice
since our war, in the case of John
| son by the Vice President becoming
| President, and in that of Hayes
through the elected President being
set aside by fraud in favor of one
not elected. In ordinary cases the
Congressional and Presidential cleo
| tons are so far actuated by the
same influences that the majority
in Congress is of the same party af-
| finities as the President. In a ma
jOrity, however, or in a minority,
our Presidents have of late acted
strictly as members of a party, and
Gen. Grants expression, SHE party
lChich / represent" was only so far
a blunder as it was an indiscreet
avOwal of what all knew to be true.
This is the evil to be cured if posi- |
BILE. The President must, if posi- |
BILE, be made like the King in Eng |
land, the Emperor in Germany, the /
President in France, a person out
side of party, politically irrespOn-
sible, equally capable of acting with
one party or another, and his Cabinet |
responsible to Congress in the Euro
pean sense, which practically |
amounts to this, that Cabinets must |
resign if their policy is condemned |
in the Legislative Chambers.
We are not cOntending for abol-
ishing any influence which the
Cabinet may have hitherto exercised
on legislature; on the contrary, we
would rather have it exercise more
and exercise it more directly than
it does now; we would like to see
them hold seats in the legislative
halls and originate and defend i'm
portant measures and answer ques-
tiOnS as to the executive business of
the nation. But then it would be
seen still more clearly how necessary
it is for the Cabinet to be in accord
with the majorities in those cham
bers-an accord to be secured, not
as has lately been urged in the New
York papers, by the President try
ing to cajole or bully or bride men,
bers of Congress out of their cOnvic-
tions and their duties in carrying
out the views of their constituents,
but by the resignation of a Cabinet
whose views did not not accord with
those which majority in Congress
oo,,ll VNho,, ChnVrl1 I