The new Northwest. [volume] (Portland, Or.) 1871-1887, 1878-05-10


luTTEE on PRIVILEGES AND ELECTIONS OF
the UNITED STATES SENATE, ,JANUARY II AND
-, 1873
The numerous demands by the people
for national protection in many rights,
not specified in the constitution, prove
that the people have Outgrown the com
pact that satisfied the fathers, and the
more it is eXpounded aud understood
the more clearly its mechanical features
can be traced 10 its English origin.
And it is not at all surprising that, with
no cl@rt or compass for republic, our
fathers, with all their educational preju-
dices in favor Of the mother country,
with her literature and systems Of juris-
prudence, should have also adopted her
ideas of government, and in drawing up
their national compact engrafted the
new republic on the old constitutional
monarchy, a union where incompati-
bility has involved their sons in contin-
ued discussion as to the true meaning
of the instrument. A recent writer
says:
"The constitution of the United States
is the result of a four-fold compromise.
Firstly, Of unity with individual in
terests; Of national sovereignty with
the so-called sovereignty of States.
secondly, Of the republic with mon
archy.
Thirdly, OF freedom with slavery.
"Fourthly, Of democracy with aris-
tocracy."
1t is founded, therefore, on the four
fold combination of principles perfectly
Incompatible and eternally excluding
each other; founded for the purpose OF
equally preserving these principles in
spite Of their ineompatibility, and Of
carrying out their practical results-in
other words, for the purpose of making
an impossible thing possible. And a
century Of discussion has not yet made
the constitution understood. Ii has no
settled Interpretation. Being a series
of compromises, it can be expOunded in
favor OF many directly opposite prin
ciples.
Take, for example, the question Of
slavery. Even the abolitionists could
not agree as TO its meaning. One class
insisted that slavery was unconstitu-
uonal; that the spirit and letter Of that
instrument was in direct antagonism to
the idea Of property in man. Another
insisted that il was plainly recognized
In the "three-fifths" representation, in
article ], section ., and IN the provision
IN article +, section ,, for the return Of
persons" held 10 service in one State
escaping to another.
The fathers, fresh from a seven-years'
struggle for liberty, having electrified
the lovers of freedom the world over
with their declaration of rights, "that
all meu are created equal" could not
use the word "slavem in their eonstitu-
ton, and thus manifest their ineonsist-
ency In practice aud principle. No for
elgner could understand the significance
OF persons and ''ail other personsr in
the articles referred to, and vet these
innocent words, in a Pickwickian sense
gave the Shareholder all the protection
he needed to hold property in man.
And not until the passage of the Tbir-
teenth, Fourteenth, aud Fifteenth
Amendments did we get the national
confession that until that time the con-
stitution was a prO-slavery document
But, however, the opposing principles
Of slavery aud freedom are united in the
constitution, our late civil war opened
the eyes Of the nation to the fact that
freedom and slavery could not exist to-
gether.
a distinguished American statesman
remarked that the war of the rebellion
was waged "tO expound the constitu-
ton" II is pertinent question now,
shall all other contradictory principles
De retained in the constitution until
they, too, are expOunded by civil war
On what theory Is il less dangerous to
aelIaud twenty million women Of their
lnalenable rights than four million
slaves Is not the same principle in
vowed IN both cases? Weask Congress
10 pass a Sixteenth Amendment, not
oily Ior woman's protection, but for the
safety OF the nation. Oar people are
Hlleu with unrest to-day because there
Is no lar understanding of the basis of
lnulNidual rights, nor the legitimate
power Of the national government
Ihe Republican party took the -ror,,a
curing the war that Congress huI tha
right 10 establish national cnrr.,,.,
In every state; that il had the righr =,
emancipate aud enfranchise the sIave.-
70 change the political status in one.
BALI the states OF the Union; to pass n
civil rights bill, securing to the freed
man a place in the schools, colleges
trades, professions, in hotels, and All
public cOnveyances for travel. And
they maintained their right 10 do all
this as the best measures for peace
though compelled by war.
And now, when Congress is asked to
extend the same protection 10 the wom-
en- Of the nation, we are told they have
not the power, and we are remauded to
the State. They say the emancipation
of the slave was g war measure. a mill
taTy necessity; that this enfranchise-