Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1878-05-28
iIEMPMIS APPEAL
TUESDAY, MAY 90, 1878.
RADICAL sTULrIFICATION.

From Maine to Texas the Republican news
papers are weeping crocodile tears over what
they call the Democratic blunder" In the
passage of the Potter resolutions. This hyp-
ocritical wall Is thoroughly understood by the
country. A general never means or laments
at the blunders of an enemy. 1t is usual for
political adversary TO chuckle over the mis-
takes of the opposition. There is deep grief
and walling IN the Republican party at the
invests CATION which Is to be made by the
Dem ocrats, but it is caused by the knowledge
of the fact that new and disgraceful revela-
tons are to be made. The whine about the
Democratic blunder' is the shrek of terror.
The Radicals are estopped from condemning
this investigation or opposing the impeach-
ment of the President in view Of the fact that
they tried to disgrace and remove Presi-
dent Johnson. There was no wailiDg
about blunders, anarchy and revo-
luton when Andrew johnson was ar
raigned, not for stealing the Presidency, but
Ior the crime of reminding the crazy fanatics
that there was such thing as constitution.
IN this outcry against the proposed lnvesti-
cation the Republicans are silenced, over
whelmed with confusion, by the fact that the
Republican house of Republican congress,
in 1869, established precedent for the very
inquiry directed by the Potter resolution by
the appointment of a committee to investi-
gate the election of Presidential electors in
New York in 1868, which Radical committee
made investigation, and in their report ap-
proved congressional inquiry as ''a duty of
L..
Torrance of which may lead ito the fate of
I" France or the anarchy so fatal to Mexico.
Congress may not only regulate
and provide for this, but may devise a
90 mode of ascertaining what the actual result
:" of an election has been" Compelled to
thus acknowledge by their own acts the le
gitimacy of the investigation, the Republi-
professed to be, but is to raise and
open the question of Hayes's title
to the Presidential office. And
this, Notwithstanding the disclaim-
err of Mr.. Potter and nearly all who are
in a position to speak authoritatively. But
suppose it be admitted that Hayes's title is
held in question; who first and most for
mally placed it in that position? Was it
not the full delegated Republican conven-
ton of New York assembled in Rochester in
September last, and marshalled by the Re
publican sUnited States senator from that
State, Hon. Roscoe Conkling? President
Hayes's title was then in question-in ques-
ton in the New York Republican State con-
vention. The committee on platform had re-
fused to affirm it in their report, and that re-
fusal was the turning and vital point of the
convention s whole proceeding. Upon it the
great struggle of the convention took place.
Mr.. George William Curtis, editor of Harp
er'S Weekly, and recognized leader of the
friends of Hayes, offered as a substitute for
the second resolution of the platform re-
ported, a resolution opening with these
words: ''The LAWFUL TITLE Of Ruther-
ford B. Hayes to the Presidency is as clear
and perfect as that Of George Washington.
The heated discussion that followed between
Mr.. Curtis and Senator Conkling is not for
gotten. Upon IT'S close vote of the conven-
ton by yea and nay was taken upon Mr..
Curtis's proposition to affirm ''the lawful title
of Rutherford B. Hayes to the Presidency"
and it was Overwhelmingly in the negative,
as follows: Nays; 295; yeas, 1873; majority
against, 1SG. In view of such formal ques-
tioning of Hayes's title by the Republi-
can convention of the State of New York,
Republicans and Republican journals are
estopped from censuring any who may choose
to call that title In question now.