Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1878-11-24

late elections, the secretary says:
Il think 1t can be safely said that the peo-
pie, and not the politicians-the mere polti-
cal leaders, | mean-won the victory. 1t
may be claimed that this or that leader was
prominent In bringing about that result.
When a great military battle has been fought
1t always follows that nearly every general
who may have been engaged in 1T arrogates
to himself much of the credit; but the truth
is, the victory belongs to the rank and file,
to the soldiers whose devotion to principle
sustained them IN the contest, and nerved
them to the requisite eEdeavor TO defeat the
enemy"
Interviewer-And for the immediate flu
ture?
air. Evarts-Thlugs should settle down
now in the immediate future and politics
should be ignored. The great bane Of our
elective and political system is to be found
In the never-ending discussion Of campaign
matters, even when no campaign Is pending.
So it happens just now that discussions have
sprung up regarding the next Presidency,
and the advocates or adherents of the several
real or supposed candidates are deluging the
people with their especial theories and argu-
ments. In short, our Presidential campaigns
are spread out by this system or management
over four years-all the time that elapses be-
tween one election and another-instead of
few months. What the country, and what |
believe the people themselves want, is peace
and quiet, freedom from public excitements
of all k nds, that they may settle down to
the serious and more material interests of
lite. There will be time enough and plenty
of It, in 1880, in the few months between
the nominating conventions and the cleo
tions. IN make the Presidential fight.
Interviewer-But, Mr. Secretary, the ne VS.
from the south. conveying information of
atrocities aud wholesale corruption, or worse,
IN the late election, attracts attention very
i. 1.
topics follows.
MIR. Evarts-Very true; and as you say,
very naturally. But the government will take
care of those violations of the law. They
were confined to certain localities, wherein
the prejudlces OF race and influences of past
situations have combined to produce dis
quiet. There should be no more excitement
regarding affairs in the south than in the
north-South Carolina and Louisiana than in
New York anil Massachusetts. The Vindl-
cation of the law rests with the government:
a public excitement, while It is natural. can
not hasten it.
Interviewer-And yet it is impossible to
expect the Republicans of the north to remain
perfectly quiet when their friends in the south
are being deprived of the right of suffrage,
and they are themselves thereby deprived of
their just share of representation in congress
Mr.. Evarts-Ihese depuvations are the
result OF our governmental system. While
we have good government, q grand govern
ment, and one based upon lasting forms of
enduring priuciple-one that has served we'll
10 time Of peace-we must not expect too
much of II in time of trouble. Our govern
ment is stronger to- day than it ever has
been, and the peoples and powers of the
world all agree to that fact. In the end,
when the machinery, which is now being
readjusted after its disarrangement during
the war. gets into smooth running order
these troubles will disappear, or will amount
to nothing more serious than the spasmodic
mob-law demonstration in Massachusetts
when the Anti. Romanists, | think they were
called, sacked the Charlestown convent. |
remember that attack 1t was in my younger
days, and there was much talk about nun
neries and scandals, and all that sort of
thing. The inmates of the convent were
driven out believe no lives were taken
and the building was burned. Then came
the assertion of the law, and the defiance of
it. But, you see, public sentiment, prejudice
or excitement, or whatever it is that guides
popular impulse, rises above the law on such
occasions. as it has lately in South Carolina
lntervIemer-Then there is no redress for
these crimes?
Mr.. Evarts-Oh, yes; the redress comes in
the course OF time, or the dominant senti-
ment in any locality is certain to develop IT.
self on the side of justice in the long run.
II
ties do not punish these murderers they will
escape?
Mr.. Evarts-Not necessarily; although the
tangling interferences OF legal manipulation
sometimes accomplish practical nullifca
ton of the powers and laws of the general
government. In the aggregate vote which
you and and the people of the north and
the south cast, you have as much interest as
any other voter. If you are defrauded, by
corruption or otherwise, III the south of the
full force and effect of your vote, you have
right to complain; and it is under such cir
cumstances only, when the full force and
effect of the aggregate vote on national
issue Is impaired, that the general govern
ment can interfere. The recent elections in
the south were for congressman. They were,
therefore, national in their character, and it
is proposed by the administration that the
full extent OF lt' cOgnlzance Of their conduct
permitted by Existing laws shall be exerted. |
To do this to make this exertiou, the power
of the Judiciary has been nvokc d, and it will
be used with vigcr, without fear or favor.
and due discrimination in serving the ends of
justice.
Interviewer-There is a general feeling of
relief at the recent change in the Presidents |
policy.
Mr.. Eyarts-There you fall iato a popular |
error, and use popular phrase illustrative of |
the methods OF political managers, but net |
dDDilCdDiC administration
the conduct OF its affairs. President Hayes |
has never surrendered, abandoned or |
changed any policy, because he has never |
had any to change The equality or parity of |
the States-all the Ssates-he reinstated when |
he came into Office. The same administrative |
functions were to be performed in all of them |
under the rehabiitated condition of things |
The results Of the war had bee. embodied IN |
the constitutions OF the southern States and |
that of the general government, as well as in |
their laws, and reconstruction was an accom- |
plished fact. The troops had been, or were |
very soon thereafter, Withdrawn from the !
south, and there was no occasion for especial |
or particular methods, differing in one section |
from those employed in another. The consti- |
tulon OF the general government was, and Is |
yet his only guide, and you will admit that |
beng controlled by that document could not |
be properly described as being controlled by |
q party. Nor were his endeavors in the ma |
turs OF an experiment, unless 1T Is an ex- |
pertinent to adhere closely to constitutional |
1t is true that he treated the |
southern leaders rs believing that they were |
in earnest in their professions of determine |
tion to preserve the integrity Of American |
in their respective States; but the |
first election has passed, and he discovers |
that his trust has been Betrayed. That Is to |
say. that these southern leaders have not, |
or have not been able, to keep their pledges. |
tives of the southern people here at the capi-
tai, and the proper persons, officially and
otherwise, with whom he should have con-
suited regarding southern affairs. So you
see even mis- consultations with them were
not IN the nature of an experiment.
Interviewer-But he appointed Democrats
to office on their recommendation.
Mr.. Evarts-Did he? Well, | do wish
some one would take the trouble to make up
a list of his southern Democratic appoint
ments, and then the public would understand
exactly how much truth there Is IN that
charge.
Interviewer-There was Fitzsimmons.
Mr.. Evarts-Yes, there was Fitzsimmons,
az you say. Now, let me tell you, APP
pointed one Democrat from Georgia Hill
iiard) to be minister to Brazil. That was
the end of it-of such appointments. l
Incan--so far as | was concerned, as | IN
tended It should be- And then the Presl-
dent appointed Fitzsimmons to be United
States marshal in Georgia. But Hilliard and
Fitzslmmons are like "Falstatf' men IN