Clarksville weekly chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1873-1890, 1878-07-20
CUSTOM IN GOVERNMENT.


from the Louisville Courier-Journs
was occasioned by some recent ed
torials in this paper pointing out I'll
Inconvenience arising from apsent
of harmonious action between I'll
Executive and Legislative depar
ments of Government in this cour
try. If this be SO, if our editorial
are referred to, we wish now to rt
mind our contemporary that W
never proposed to oremedy the evils
which all admit, by legislative en-
actment enforcing in this countr,
the provisions whereby such coils
ions were prevented in England
On the contrary, we dwelt upon th,
fact that these provisions were no
the product of legislative action il
England itself, and were all tn,
more salutary for being ENFORCED
simply by public opinion growing
out of long-established usage. Oul
reference to the English method was
only made for the purpose of show.
ing that similar evils had been pro-
vided for in that country, while
they are at present without remedy
in this. AS our contemporary has
evidently studied the subject with
interest, we will direct his attention
to the fifth volume of MacauIay's
History of England, where he will
find the British Constitution in it's
transition state, as it worked before
the usages in question were estab-
lished. The controversies between
King Williams Cabinet and the
Parliament of that day on the sub
ject of the standing army presented
exactly the same anomalies as are
now troubling us, through the
thwarting of our recent financial
legislation by an adverse executive
action, only there the Parliament
triumphed, while here, at present,
Congress is defeated. We call for
no legislative remedy, we only point
out the defect, leaving the remedy
to the gradual corrective influence
Of public opinion.
Some of the recent discussion
growing out of corruption in Amer
lean politics questions our form of
Government, or attributes our ills
to certain of our institutions. 1t is
not an uncommon thing now to
hear people say, and it is almost as
common to find it said in print,
that what we need is a nearer as
to the English form of
government. Not that it is pro-
posed that we shall have King
md a royal family, and nobility
md other ornamental features that
n such system as that of the
English have also use, but that we
shall more nearly copy the actual
practical part of the English Gov
ernment. In word, that we shall
nave what is called parliamentary
government" which is a govern
nent by a parliamentary commit
zee.
The people who have these ready !
made remedies for national ills are |
of somewhat visionary
urn of mind, and seem to have |
cad the history of peoples and con-
human nature to little |
advantage. Governments are not
reatiOn, they are a growth. In the |
of our Federal Govern
neRt there was a great deal of |
adoption of ready-made material, |
and probably that is the best part of |
our Constitution. certain it is that |
our most serious troubles have |
sprung from the parts that were |
,reated new. That the result has
lot been disastrous is due, not to |
he merit of the machine, but to the |
act that the gradual operation of |
he machine has been a growth that |
n its notifications has departed |
yery considerably from the exact |
model of the original.
1t has been said that the greater
Dart of our Constitution was made
" Chief Justice Marshall, the earli-
st authoritative eXpounder of that
after its complications
Degan to manifest themselves. That
is not far from the truth,
md it is truth that our COnStitu-
ion is made up of Judicial, Execu-
i've and Legislative precedents that
id greatly to the volume of the
written instrument given to us by
he Federal Constitutional COnven-
ion. All this proves that sweep
ng, sudden changes in the institu-
ions of government cannot be
made, unless, indeed,
hey are accomplished by force of
rms.
Our present practice in the choice
f President is an entire departure
rom the original and amended
lauses of the Constitution prescrib-
ng the mode of electing a Chief Ex-
cutive. Practically that officer is
hOsen by a popular eleCtiOn-the
cry thing the trainers of the Con-
titutiOn endeavOred to guard
gainst. In this respect we have
assed through a gradual revolution
f government. We have been un- /
OnsciOus of it, and it has Occasioned ;
o disturbance, simply because it I
as been gradual, and a growth in
tead of creation. The last three
to the Constitution 1
1ade a violent and sudden change, j
OF only in the system of the writ |
er instrument, but in the modified
ystem we practiced in actual gov ,
rImeDt The first of tbaSn thran ,
OccasiOned little dis
lrbance, because it merely fOrmu-
ited an obvious result of the then
acent conflict of arms. The Four {
zenith amendment was not far from {
logical consequence of that which
receded it. Negroes were not citi-
ems, because negroes were slaves. !
icing freed, the reason for denying
hem the privileges of citizenship I
nat were necessary for their prOtec- l
on passed away. {
But the Fifteenth amendment $
'as not so logical, for there were &
cry many citizens, far better quail $
led than d people just emancipated {
ON slavery, who were denied the I
ght to participate in the choice of g
lblic officers. Laying aside all $
IestiOn of public prejudice of race '
nd color (for it must be remem-
cred that even Mr.. Morton opposed c
}, it may be said that the sweeping c
nd sudden change declared by the t
fifteenth amendment could have ]
zen effected only through the force c
arms. And here it must be re-