Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1878-06-23
THE LABOR PROBLEM.
High Wages Make Dear LivinG-ETect
of strikes, Etc.

Cincinnati Gazette: The c)mmol talk of
the political working man Is that all strikes
for higher pay are of labor against capital,
and that all which is gained by such strike of
any class of workmen Is taken out OF capital
tor the benefit CT labor, and that If all would
combine and strike they could benefit all
workmen at the expense of capital. By this
theory every strike Is a ben, fit to all work
men, and all disturbance of labor by agita
ton Is In their interest. Is this true? Let
us look into the matter. The way to do this
Is not by Jumping generalizatI ms, but by
looking into the working of things in detail,
and showing how each person is affected.
Let US begin with coal mining, which is
large branch of labor, and in which there is
most OF this agitation. Suppose the miners
strike and raise the wages fifty cents ton,
how does this work? Every workman is a
consumer of coal. The great body Of the
coal consumers are laborers. This advance
In the pay of the miners raises the cost of
coal to every laborer's family half dollar
capital? Is it in any sense a
strike of labor against capital? 1t is
simply a strike of one set of laborers against
all other laborers. All the advance they get
is so much added to the difficulty of other
workmen to make ends meet The working
is the same in all branches of production.
These political workingmen Ignore the Cir
cumstance that every laborer is consumer
TO the amount of all that he earns, and that
every advance 10 wages raises the cost of the
article which he consumes. Ii an unequal
advance Is made IN one branch OF labor, al
other laborers have so much added to their
burdens without any CO npensation. If the
advances goes on until it becomes equal all
around, then all come out where they were
before; they have succeeded after great dis
turbances, always attended with loss, In rails
ing their wages, and the cost of their living
in the same degree, and are no better off.
Take, for example, the large branch of labor
In making shoes. This is class that is well
organized and has frequent strikes. When
the shoemakers strike and succeed In getting
an advance of twenty-five cents a paIr does
it come out of capital? Ii Is an advance in
the cost of shoes to ever consumer. Who
compose the mass of consumers of shoes?
The labovers. They have two feet the same
as the capitalist The workman is as likely
as the capitalist to have large family. And
his avocation makes him wear out more shoes
than the person of leisure. Yet workmen are
persuaded that an advance in the cost of their
shoes is a gain of the laborer from the CAPT.
tallst. Take the railroads as another illustra-
ton. Only few years ago there was great
popular organization calling for vast expend-
iture by govern 10 build competing
railroads and canals to reduce prices of
transportation, so as to reduce the price of
food and other necessares to the laborer.
But last summer the idea was raised that a
general strike of railroad workmen to raise
their wages and the sprice of transportation
was for the interest of all workmen, and that
all ought to join them, and to stop all produc-
ton until their demands were granted. But
higher cost of trans portation means a higher
price for every article which the workman
consumes. 1t means higher prices for every
article of subsistence and comfort in all the
branches of food, clothing and shelter for
himself and his family. Is it not an inter
esting picture Of the capacity of man for
representation. when we see all the work.
men OF the country in ferment in the cause
of raising the cost of their own subsistence,
and calling it a gain to labor from capital?