New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1878-05-17
DEMOCRAcY IND REHOLU7ION.

Revolutionary schemes are not new to De-
mocracy. That party has no presumption III
It's favor, when charged with such crime.
Its conduct was both revolutionary and trea-
sonable during the war. 1t resOrted to and
defended revolutionary violence after the war,
i'll order to gain control in the Southern States.
Its declarations and behavior in the cam
paign of 1868 were essentially revolutionary.
Its conduct in the last campaign was nothing
less than armed revolution against free msti-
tutions and honesty of elections. But the
charge now made by the formal vote of a Re-
publican caucus does not rest upon presump-
ton. 1t is made by men who have daily OPP
portunity to judge OF the purposes of Demo-
cratic members of Congress 1t is abundantly
sustained, moreover, by the terms of the Dem
ocratic resolution, by the carefully chosen
language of Speaker Randall in his decision
that question of high privilege was involved,
by the declarations and behavior of leaders
of that party in the debate, and especially by
consideration of the methods by which it is
possible for q Democratic Congress to act
favoraby upon the Maryland memorial. 1t
will be seen that it is utterly impossible to
disturb the Presidents title, as that memorial
demands, except by acts i'll the last degree
revolutionary, and suberslve of order and
lawful government.
1t Is possible, of course, TO remove Presi-
dent by impeachment. The shameless partJ-
sanshIp now shown by Democrats renders it
by no means improbable that. with or without
evidence, impeachment might be attempted if
that party could hope to gain anything
thereby. The Senate is now Republican, but
after March there may be Senate con-
trolled by Democratic partisans But one fact
disposes of that scheme Impeachment of the
President would only transfer the Executive
power to Vice-President Wheeler, who cannot
be accused of any Oflense, and whose little
finger would be found thicker than the ous
of President Hayes, in respect to party inter-
ests. Therefore it is certain that the Demo
cratic party will not attempt impeachment.
There may be loud talk among blatherskites
there will never be action in that direction
until the Democratic Representatives have all
gone demented.
The only constitutional and law-abiding
method of questioning the title Of the Presi-
dent is by proceedings before the courts.
Possibilities in this direction are known to have
been carefully canvassed. But it was dis
covered that even if all technical difficulties
could be overcome, and the question could be
brought before the courts on its merits, the
decision would be fatal to Democratic hopes.
If not at once, ultimately the question must
then go to the Supreme Court, and it is GER
tain that majority of that body would hold
that the action of the electors, appointed in
the different States in accordance with
forms of law. was final. The Democrats
will not try to take the case into the courts.
They know that the decision there would be
against them.
There remains but one possible method by
which the title of the President can be dis
puted. Congress has the physical power to
declare that the election of 1876 was void for
fraud in returns, and to refuse to recognize
as duly elected either the President or Vice.
President But this would be an utterly revo-
luhonary proceeding, and it would be the
right and duty of the President to treat it az
revolution. The Constitution gives to Con-
gress no power whatever in respect to the
VALIDITY of a Presidential election or the title
of President. after the votes have once been
counted and declared. 1t has indeed been de-
MED that, even in the counting OF the votes,
Congress has any power to 20 behind the re-
turns, and this view Ia sustained by formal
decision, but 1t is not now pertinent The
vatas have been counted as the Constitution