Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1878-05-16
MEMPHIS APPEAL
THURSDAY, /: MAY Is, 1873.
THE OBJECT OF INVESTIGATION.

Many oppose the resolution of Mr.. Potter,
believing that the object in view is to unseat
Hayes and inaugurate Tilden, and that such
an attempt would revolutionize the govern
ment. The whole proceedings show that the
Democrats do not propose to disturb Hayes s
title, fraudulent as it is known to
be. In the Democratic caucus on Tues
day night, Hon. Casey Young, of this
district, desired an unequivocal ex-
preston on this point. The discussion
which Colonel Young's resolution ehcited
indicates that there is no disposition on the
part of the Democrats to depose the usurper
They concede what has been done cannot be
Undone, because it has been done in accord
ance with the forms of law by commission
for which the Democrats voted and recon-
mended to prevent civil war. Then, the
question is daily asked, what good can result
from the Investigations The APPEAL has
already discussed this point, which
is forcibly stated in the fol-
lowing extract from the Baltimore Sun:
"The very fact that Mr.. Hayes cannot, as we
believe, be lawfully disturbed in his Office,
and that it would be unwise to attempt to
disturb him. makes il only more important
that the means by which he was indicted
into the Presidency-the frauds by which the
Office was given him-should be thoroughly
exposed. The disgrace which will follow,
and which will inevitably attach to every
man who had part or lot in these frauds, or
who has consciously or knowingly benefited
by them, will, morally speaking, be worth
all the trouble of investigation, if congress
can spare the time for it. Even if congress
should so far neglect It's duty, which we will
not anticipate, as to adjourn without making
proper provision by legislation or by the sub
mission of a constitutional amendment, if
necessary, for preventing and determining
future controversies and difficulties in regard
to counting the electoral votes of the States,
and ascertaining the result, the mere ex-
posure of the frauds which attended the last
election will have a wholesome effect in deter
ring from any attempt at their repetition.
The powers and duties of the two houses of
congress and of the president of the senate
in regard to the returns ought to be so
clearly distinguished and defined by law as
to leave no room for future controversy
upon these points. How far it is neces-
sary or wise to clothe any officer, or any tri-
bunal, outside of the States themselves,
with power to go behind the returns, and
decide upon grounds and testimony dehors,
or, to use Justice Bradey's now famous word,
'dliuRde the returns, is separate and indie
pendent question in regard to which there is
a great deal to be said both ways. Meantime,
however, as we have said, investigation,
properly conducted, can do no harm. If
there is disposition in both parties, among
Republicans as we'll as Democrats, to order
such an investigation, so much the better.
The investigation will be less partisan in its
character. No doubt much of the testimony
will be that of accomplices and participants
IN the frauds-prompted to their disclosures
by disappointment and chagrin at not obtain
ing preferment from the present administra-
ton. Such Is usually the nature of the testi-
mony in cases of conspiracy. The public
will know how to make due allowance for the
motives of the witnesses, and will weigh
their testimony for what it is intrinsically
worth. There is no desire in the country to
been committed-smothered or suppressed.
The feeling upon that point is not only dis
tinguishable from, but easily reconciable with
the feeling which Encourages any practical
steps TO subvert the order of government and
reverse the settlement which has been made,
whether Iightfully or wronRfully, of the
Presidential question"