The anti-monopolist. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1874-1878, 1878-12-05

legal tender. The abolition of
national banks as banks of issue.
The unlimited coinage of silver,
and that United States silver coin of
every denomination, above three
cents, shall be a lawful tender to any
amount.
If experience should demonstrate
its necessity in order to pre-
serve the proper balance Of the
currency, United States treasury
notes should he intro-convertible
with United States bonds, bearing
interest not exceeding three per cent
per annum; interest and principal
payable in lawful money.
If practicable and to interfere as
little as possible with foreign COM
MERGE, it might be we'll for the
United States treasury to furnish
coin to merchants in exchange for
these three per cent intro.convertible
bonds, at their face value, in quantity
sufficient for the purpose of trade and
upon bona fde custom house invoices;
but any attemp. Rya run upon the
treasury to impair the credit of the
government should be punished as
treason, and in the way that Andrew
jackson would have treated traitors;
If this last cannot be practically en-
forced, then let the nations who will not
accept our paper money in exchange
for their goods keep their goods at
home, and to that extent that cur
rency will serve double purposei
| furnishing a safe and convenient
medium Of exchange between our
own citizens and in protecting
American industry.
We oppose the contraction of the
currency, as national suicide.
TO the extent Indicated above we
are greenback-democrat; and we are
neutrality-suspicious. in our de-
testation of class legislation. of state
and national subsidies; of rings and
monopolies; of banks as an element of
political power; of high tariffs; of
extravaganza in governments,
national, state, or municipal; of
mortgaging futurity with bonds
issued in aid of private or semi-private
enterprises; of the thousand and one
schemes to foster the rich and crush
the poor. We are in favor of free
trade, free labor and free men. We
believe the national government is
one of limited powers, and that these
powers are distinctly defined in the
constitution, and we advocate a
strict construction of these powers.
We believe that states have the
right to regulate the tariffs of freights
and passengers by all common car
riers which ask and receive chartered
and special privileges, and that the
right should be exercised in the inter.
est of justice and to prevent oppres-
sion and monopoly.
We believe in fair uniform rate of
interest upon money loaned, to be fix
ed by the national or state legislatures
not to exceed six per cent per annum,
and for the punishment of usury.
We believe in taxing all incomes
that exceed 81 800 per annum, that
those best able RAY be made to bear
/ the burdens of the state. AS our
forefathers by the repeal of the laws
of entail prevented the accumulation
in single hands Of large quantities of
real estate, so we would by graduating
the income tax, upon scale in.
creasing as the income grows larger,
make it undesirable for any citizen to
be millionaire.
We believe in national wealth, but
wish to see it so distributed tina. all
may be comfortable and none insolent.
We believe in paying public officials
a fair compensation for their services,
fixed upon the basis of salaries
paid by business men for like
labor and by the responsibility
Of the position; and that all fees and
emoluments, above each salary shall
be paid into the public treasury.
We believe that $50, 900 year is
more than any president of the Uni
ted States has been worth to the
American people. save alone George
Washington, and as George Washing
ton couldn't return to us if he would
and would not If he could, we are op-
posed to paying any longer such sala-
~ to the president.
We do not believe In doing indi-
rectly that which we are not brave
enough to do directly; therefore we
would, for example, pay the governor
of Minnesota $500, as his salary if
he is worth that sum- and not call it
salary $30Ds and house rem. $500; as
has been done.
We believe that legislation, when