The New Orleans daily Democrat. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1877-1880, 1878-07-01
NEW ORLEANS, JULY 4, 1878.
PARTY GOVERNMENT,

Bsruy0le, on the one hand, and the DEMooRA
GEa the other, relative to the work of the Lat
session Of Congress and the responsibility
Che Democratic party for the defeat O
wostponement Of a number Of measures {
Importance to the South, takes the true cor
aeTyative position. The Mems is not like th
DEMOCRAT, a Democratic paper, yet neithe
Hs n as the Times Of this city often seems t.
Hse, the covert ally Of the Republican party
Hence very naturally, though it does no
Eully agree with us, it says of our response h
aile attacks Of our two local contemporaries
zppm the Democratic House: "The rebuk
GH the DEMOCRAT contains, we Judge, an Gle
nsnt Of truth" and then, referring to thu
tendency Of these and other so-called con
ssgfvalive journals to seek alliances at this
aiue outside Of the Democratic party, il
says:
In the present instance it would be SUI
creme folly tor Southern conservatism, be
ess8se dissatisfied with the tenor OF its ex
EleTience OF a Democratic House of Represen
tgstiyes, to look for fullnes of justice and OF
sAanfort in the restoration to complete ascend
ency once more Of the Republican. party.
The South has once been enveloped In the
8nlds OF that anaconda.
The NelCs takes the position Of an honest
and conscientious conservative journal Nc
aDere than the Times and PiCayWne is it salts.
isHd with the work of the late Congress. We
Hresume no representative Southern journal
~. But it is unable to see how the situation
Cgm be bettered by restoring to unbridled
pOwer party whose whole policy for more
a1an ten years has been to crush, humble and
Eiunder the South.
From it's conservative standpoint the Ners
docs not seem to possess any very clear idea
Ell the course the Southern people should
pursue, though 1t Is very emphatically of the
opinion that no encouragement should be
given to the revival of Grantism or to the
gnrpetuation Of the power Of the unscrupu-
sAons politicians and conspirators who crowned
and sceptered the Great Fraud of the Century.
The NetCs thus occupies position which we
zaed not denounce, because, until the Demo
cratic party is finally and fully triumphant,
That journal is bound TO follow and fight with
sas. Our Galveston contemporary thus pre-
rents the position of the real Conservatives of
abe South:
nc Is quite conceivable that Southern Jour
nails of strong conservative cast may cOndi-
zion their adhesion to tho Democratic party
gsn the actual advantage to Southern interests
sn be realized under Democratic policy.
Where this Is the case, it would be strictly
logical to break with the party whenever it's
policy should take form or direction ini-
anical to those interests, provided their pros
poets could be improved by new and differ
snt political adhesion.
We find no salient point in this to attack.
The great error in the position of the Con-
iseryatives is their political skeptcism They
10 not believe in parties, and they are con-
sfantly assailing the machinery through
which parties work, and imagine they are at
backing an evil in the State while they are
actually doing all in their power to destroy
She cohesive principle which can alone give
parties the power to carry out regular and
systematic policies Of legislation. Referring
~ the disorganization into which the Wing
party in England had fallen in the last days
ri George Ii, Lecky In his England in the
KYIIIth Century says:
Party government, in the true sense of the !
word, had for many years been extinct; X /
and the great divisions of politicians |
bad almost wholly ceased to represent d. |
vision OF principles, or even of tendencies. |
Two or three times in English history some |
hing analogous to this has occurred, and it |
always brings with 1t grave political dangers. |
such O state of affairs is peculiarly unfaVOra- |
bic to real earnestness in public life. Faction |
replaces party, personal pretensiOns acquire |
IA inordinate weight, and there is much rea-
son to fear lest the tone Of public honor |
should be lowered and lest the public spirit of
The nation should decline"
This Is the condition to which Conserva-
ism, which in our politics really means in
Sependence of all parties, would reduce this |
Ulntry. The Conservatives assume that
iheTe is no moral or political prin-
iple worth struggling for or maintain |
ng, and that all political combinations |
ihould be made on the basis of an apprO- |
pFiation or an apportionment of material
legislation. And yet the history of system
tic, consistent and consequently effectual
egislation is the history of party legislation
This fact is abundantly shown in the political
dstory of England. The great measures Of
egislation there were carried out when one |
aarty or the other held the supremacy; while |
Ssgiods of party dsorganization or Of disputed !
supremacy have been periods of party an
ETchy, weak government and unsatisfactory
eglslation Such has also been the case in
DDS country, and such will always be the case
y VIII" VI GUY OehOA representative SoVSAu-
aegt.
The principles of the Democratic party are
adically different from those of the Repub-
lean party. How, then, can it be reasonably
expected that Democratic House and a Re
ablican Senate and Executive would CO.
9erate in carrying out any great general
olicy or system OF legislation. The Demo
ztic policy of free trade and the Republican
ginciple of protective tariff could not be
seonciled. The Democratic principle of con-
tation, and local selt-government; the SUBJ
alination of the military to the civil power,