The weekly democratic statesman. [volume] (Austin, Tex.) 1871-1883, 1878-09-12
JOHN HANCOCK's UNIONIs1I AND
PERSONAL CONDUCT.

John Hancock in 1901 thought
secessionism most impolitic and OPP
posed it. He thought the conduct of
Southern leaders, as did Throckmor-
ton, Houston and myriads of others,
unwise. Hancock had the nerve to
+ act upon his convictions. He was only
more fearless and persistent than the
best of those original Union men who
became practical secessionists. When
the war ended Hancock's opposition to
our leaders ended. He became at once
the staunchest friend of the South and
hazarded everything in protecting in
dividuals and communities against out
rageous robberies, wrongs and exac-
tons perpetrated by petty satraps of
high and low degree, from Governor
down, down, down to Freedmen's Bu-
reau agents. Hancock did US greater
practical service than anybody, and if
he bitterly opposed secession it was
because he had the nerve to do
what he thought wise and right.
Count the votes for Douglas and for
Bell, and the number of those who
concurred in 1901 with Houston and
Throckmorton, and we have an ap-
Proclamation of the numbers and
strength of those who believed as Han
cock believed, and only failed to act
as Hancock acted. Personal and local
sympathies and attachments led the
many, but Hancock's strong will.
self Ireliance, political, foresight and
strong convictions led him to pursue
the course in which he never faltered.
Differing from him as we did, we
never had reason to question his hon.
esty of patriotic purpose, and there is
no evidence that he was guilty of any
act unbecoming gentleman or honest
devotion to ones convictions of right
and duty. If he had violated these
convictions, if he had declared
secession was blessing Gin dis
gaise, we reckon; if he had fol-
lowed Jefferson Davis into the
last ditch, believing the whole
performance unwise and unholy and
murderous ofmen and States, as it was
in the end, the many would applaud;
but when he pursued the opposite
course at the cost of greater personal
danger, we do not see how the people
can hold him culpable for adhesion to
tho dictates of his own conscience.
But confessing that citizen has no
right to differ from the majority, we
must confess that all the wrongs he did
were atoned, for when the war ended
and when he stood up a barrier even
at the peril OF life and freedom,
against aggressions made by vulgar
representatives of Federal power, who
sought to inaugurate despotism on
- Of a commonwealth, surely
: then made amends for
any fofAssaEobliquities ofaRt
vision and action. We should not
condemn him that he was prophet in |
1901. and il we must, we should |
forget the wrong in the presence of the
wisdom and heroism illustrated in
1865 G, and then through successive
years of public service.
But the people are not wholly crea-
ures OF prejudice. They would have
wise laws enacted and Texas honored
It nome and abroad. They would send
men to Washington who can do most
or the Union and for this great COM
and there is no living citi-
zen of Texas who, because of his great
ability and peculiar personal history,
IAN serve Texas with half the useful
hess and effectiveness that will distin-
guish the history of John Hancock in
he Congress of the United States.