The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1878-01-21

grafton, WHICH mas luteiy oeeH puoiSucu,
present with clearness and logical force one
side of question in which the people of
| California take fanatical interest, but to
which citizens of other States are compare
lively Indifferent. Mr.. Morton's opinions
will not foreclose further discussion, since
there is great deal to be said on this sub
ject which that eminent statesman left un-
said. His reasoning is simply logical de-
duction from the broad general principle
that all men are equal by nature, and that
it is against the genius of our government,
which accepts this principle, to make
any distinction founded on color, race,
religion or nationalityrosIf the principle
is absolutely without exceptions the argu-
ment of Mr.. Morton does not admit Of any
answer; but if there are tenable and admit
ted exceptions the question must be decided
on other grounds than the equal rights OF
every member of the human race. 1t can
not be denied that there are such excep-
tons, and in view of them the question,
whichever way it may be decided, must be
determined on large considerations of ex-
pediency and public policy, and not by an
argument drawn from invariable human
rights.
We are not yet prepared to take either
side Of the practical question, but we main
tain that Mr.. Morton took too narrow a
view of the basis on which the decision
should ultimately rest. It is unwise for our
government to tolerate polygamy, and no
argument on that subject derived from the
great principle of religious freedom can
override the important question Of public
morals. In spite Of the dictum that all
races are equal we refuse to regard
Indians born on our soil as citizens, and we
abridge their personal liberty by shutting
them up on reservations Our laws exclude
Chinese and other Asiatics from the privi-
lege Of naturalization which we freely accord
to all immigrants from Europe; but accord
ing to the principle maintained by Mr..
Morton this is an unjust discrimination.
We recognize contracts for labor made in
other foreign countries to be executed
here, but we annul them if made in
China and Japan and confiscate the
ship that brings the laborers. The
law against the trade in coolies is ex-
pressly restricted to ''the subjects of China.
Japan or Of any other Oriental country"
The propriety of these determinations is
not to be judged by any such criterion as
the universal rights of human nature, bat
solely with reference to wise and sound
public expediency. In discussing this SUBJ
ject we may, therefore, lay Mr.. Morton's main
argument out of view as irrelevant, because
the premises which he assumes as universal
are subject to large, we'll known and ad-
mitted exceptions. We are not bound to the
immigrant Chinese by race and color logic
which we repudiate in relation to our native
Indians, nor by religious argument, of
which we refuse to give our Mormons the
benefit. The action of our government in
relation to the Chinese must be guided by
the facts which 60 to show the desirability
or undesirability of this kind of addition TO
our population.
The ordinary popular outcry against the
Chinese immigrants is iliberal and stupid,
being exactly on par with the stupid out
cry Of mechanics against the practice of
their trades in the State prisons. As the
mechanics protest against the competition
of prison labor, so other laborers complain
of injury by the low wages for which the
Chinese consent to work. In both cases the
opposition is sheer folly. A prisoner work.
ing at the trade to which he was bred pro-
duces no more than he would do at the
same trade out of prison, although his free
competition would not be complained Of
When prisoners are not permitted to do
profitable work for which they have been
trained the loss falls on the COM
munity, and has to be made up in taxes,
of which the protesting mechanics bear
their part. Their clamor when it is
effective, merely adds to their burdens as
taxpayers. 1t is an equally mistaken view
which causes laborers to persecute the
Chinese. Cheap labor implies cheap pro-
duction, the benefit of which is shared by
all purchasers of commodities. But there
is no likelihood that this prejudice will be
eradicated, and there remains the question
whether its tendency to disturb the public
tranquility by adding TO the discomfort of
the laboring classes should be permitted to
have any influence on the action of the
government.
From the point of view of the employers
of labor it might be supposed that there
could be no difference Of opinion as to adj
hitting the Chinese; but in point of fact
large portion Of the employing class in
California object as strenuously rs the
native laborers. In agriculture, mining and
the construction of railroads the cheapness
Of Chinese labor is an admitted benefit !;
but elsewhere it is thought to be overruled
by more important conscientious. People
do not want cheap house servants at the
risk of having the morals of their children
corrupted, and it is general com plant in
California that the Chinese are not only
addicted to nameless beastly vices, but that