The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1878-10-17
~ children, and husbands slain in bat

stead of fleeing as a criminal, Wilkes
Booth had sought the presence Of An.
drew johnson as one who had rendered
the latter good service, and Mr.. john
son had entertained him at the Execu-
tive Mansion and given him an office,
what would the world have said9 What
would you say?
Letters have been produced before
the Potter Committee, written by Re-
publican members of Congress, which
were written to Republican friends and
not intended for publication, which
strikingly exhibit the superior influence
of Kellogg, Packard, Wells and Ander-
SON at the Executive Mansion. In other
ways we know now that almost every
person connected with the fraud has
claimed or exercised special influence or
favor at the White House. But the
contrast may be stated in one short SEN
tence. In Mr.. Johnson's case all the
criminals, real or suspected, were spe-
cially marked for punishment. In Mr..
Hayes case all the criminals, real or
suspected, we're specially marked for re-
ward.
would be really glad if could find
some excuse, some apology, or some pal
liation for the course Mr.. Hayes has
pursued in this matter. But, after full
consideration, I can find none. 1t is no
palliation to say that assassination was
q greater crime than fraud. Both were
crimes. If it is right to reward crime
at ali, then the greatest crimes should
receive the highest rewards. You can
not produce innocence, much less merit,
by grading crimes. All deserve punish
ment and none are entitled to reward.
To reward fraud is greater crime than
to commit it, for the reward invites
many commissions. IF Andrew john
SON had rewarded Booth, the whole
world would have pronounced him
greater criminal than Booth. 1t is diff
cult 10 conceive of greater crime than
the defeat by fraud of the popular will
in q government which rests on the pop
ular will. IF there be a greater crime,
it is committed by those who reward the
authors of such fraud, for such reward
invites the perpetual defeat of the pop
ular will, and, therefore, direct sub
version CT the government, and assumes
the most insiduous form of treason. 1t
is worse than no excuse-it IS itself
crime-to say that Mr.. Hayes was under
obligations to these authors of fraud.
If there had been ne assassin Booth,
there would have been no President
johnson. But, was the President, there.
fore under obligation to the assassin If
there had been 40 frauds in Florida and
Louisiana there would have been no
President Hayes. Is the President,
therefore, under obligation to all who
helped commit the fraud2 It seems that
all have claimed reward.
It's no apology to say that Mr.. Hayes
did not believe these people were guilty
of any fraud. 1t was his duty to pro-
tect the characer of the nation and the
integrity of the Administration. He can
do neither by placing great numbers of
men in Office who are charged with
crimes, and whom largely more than
half of the people believe are guilty. In
truth, I do not believe any intelligent
man doubts their guilt. But trust we
have in this country sufficient number
of men of unsuspected honesty to fill
the Offices, and both the public charac-
ter and the public intere ITS require that
only such men should be appointed.
Besides, if these men were in truth in
nocent they would uot have asked or &C.
cepted Office from Mr.. Hayes, for they
would not have been willing to bring
weakness upon the Administration nor
disrepute upon the civil service. Their
universal and brazen demands for Office
is the highest proof of their guilt for it
shows they care nothing for Mr.. Hayes
nothing for the honor of the country
nothing for the good repute of the
civil service. Their every act in press
ing for Office shows that reward was
their object, and reward they must have.
Every man OF the guilty gang who has
not been satisfied with the Office offered
him has confessed the frauds. Every
man who has not confessed the frauds
has been kept satisfied with office. Why
should he confess whose confession
would defeat his reward? ? How does it
happen that those only are not entitled
to belief who confess the frauds? And
how does it happen that the credit of
none was denied until after confession
was made?
It is no palliation now to say that the
larger number of these appointments
were made 5y certain members, or by a
member, of the Cabinet. If Mr.. John
SON had made Wilkes Booth member
of his Cabinet, he could not have COM
planned if Booth had provided places
for his tools and subordinates. Never
theless, if, when the revelations on this
subject were made before :he Potter Com
mittee, Mr.. Hayes had promptly order.
ed q sweeping purgaticn from the civil
service of these obnoxious characters,
as I greatly hoped he would do, he
would have been largely vindicated. In
stead, however, of dismissing any he ap-
pointed more, and some of the appoint
ments seemed to the special purpose of
suppressing or affecting testimony be-
fore that committee. If anything were
wanting to increase the wicked heinous-
Hess Vi tuo 1tduuo uPou puS pa'ioeo ~
Florida and Louisiana, it would be
found in the only excuse which the
authors and abettors of these frauds
have offered for their preparation.
It must never be forgotten that the great
facts are not denied buS admitted, to-wit ::
That the ballots were changed after they
were cast, and the verdict of the people
reversed after it had baen rendered and
was known. The excuse for this, as al
legged, is that there were intimidations
at the precincts which prevented free
expression of the people. If this excuse
is false in fact, then the crime stands
confessed without excuse. Those of US
who have been familiar with carpet-bag
villainies, knew from the first that the
excuse was false. But the proof now
revealed abundantly shows that the ex-
cuse is not only false, but was actual
ly manufactured for the express purpose
of cover for the fraud. Thus the ex-
cuse itself becomes q part of the fraud,
and the most Infamous part of it. Not
r