Litchfield enquirer., 1878-09-05

CT way could nave been QeFlSeQ to remand the black race to slavery under laws of peonage, than to have initiated the war of races just then and there, at the close of political cam- paign which had convulsed the nation and ended with disputed succession.
 No, there was no hope for the negro and in mercy to us all Governor Chamberlain held still though it was in his power to plunge the continent into civil war. Laws of nature had been disregarded in giving the franchise to majorities who were unfit for it, with no checks conservative of the ascendaney of intel igence and of property; and at the very first real trial of the principles, the retribution came. He was the true statesman who bowed in silence to the inevitable.
 It is said inreply that this assumes that right depends on might? answer, some rights do depend on might. The right or revolution does. Besides, the objection begs the question. Suffrage, abstractly considered, is nobody's ''right." No ''Bin of Rights ever read that ''all men are entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and the elective fran chise. Suffrage is primarily responsibility, and fearful one. The 'right'' to it is an af- tergrOwth, depending on many things, of which one is the power to defend it. It is no kindness, but fearful wrong rather, to lay 1t upon a crowd of beings who must fling it away in panic, at the first call to protect it by re- sort to arms.
 Here, then, lies the parallel between the Suffrage of the negro, and the proposed gift of it to women. Unlike in every other point vital to the argument, the two are alike in this, except that the disadvantage of Woman is f0urfold that of the negro-thatt the distribution of physical power renders the gift neither a right nor blessing. That which was unnat- ural, because untimely, to the negro, must be forever unnatural to Woman. She could new CT defend it if contested by man. She could never enforce laws enacted by majorities of female voters, in opposition to men. A war of races would be tragedy. A war of sexes would be farce.
 Moreover, legislative hostility of the sexes is no bugbear. It is not at all improbable. Take but single case. Suppose a declara- tion of war, by majority of female legisla- tors, sustained by majority of female voters. War is declared, supplies are voted, taxation is declared, and conscription ordered by the major voice of Woman. Her natural aversion to bloodshed goes for nothing in the hypoth- esis. History shows that war and its pegean- try are popular with the female sex Its weakness in that direction IS quite equal to mans Once in fight, Woman is a more unreasonable animal than man. No other mobs equal those of women in ferocity. Wit ness the Faubourg St. Antoine.
 Our late civil war was largely the work of women. Intelligent Southerners say that the
 
 rebellion, was the furor of it's women. have been told by one well-informed of the facts, that even South Carolina probably and Geor- gia certainly, would never have Seceeded, but | for the mordant sarcasm of their refined and cultured ladies, which made it impossible for | chivalrous young men to resist the current. Few little incidents of the war so impressed upon our soldiers the intensity of Southern attachment to the ''lost cause" as that of the yln in Nf hor triumphant foes, sang ''Dixie," with unbroken voice and flashing eye, while the home of her childhood was burning to the ground under their torches.
 So, too, since the conflict of arms has ceased. we are told that the conflict of opinion and of feeling is kept up most bitterly by Southern women. No other class of Southern society is so difficult of reconstruction, as it's intelli- gent and highborn ladies. Planters, mer- chants lawyers, physicians, journalists of the South, accept the situation with equanimity, and her soldiers with generosity, when their wives and daughters will not permit so much as the hem of their garments to touch in the street those of their Northern sisters. When Gen. eral Butler was in command at New Orleans, it was the high-bred ladies of the city who spat in the faces of officers of the Federal Army. Could one Southern man have been found who would have done that ?
 
 prosecution of war and it's collateral measures then, is not impossible. Let that hostility express itself in legislation, and who is to eX- ecute its will ? Who shall carry on the war? Who is to enforce the legislative will of wo- man in anything, if man opposes it? The pop ular parody on ''Woman's Wiil' may do for the ballroom. It is not argument. It is a wretched libel upon Woman, which has neith- CT wit nor wisdom.
 TO Obor vr,ifl ha sriff of suffrage would be just where any other half of society would be if destitute of resources to defend the gift. A majority of women, like the majority of negroes, must foregO the gift whenever the frenzy or the trickery of politi- cal passions deprives them of it. In both cases, the gift of it is legislation against nature, though for very different reasons. Such leg islation must be expected to work disaster in hundred ways which no human wisdom can foresee. Fight with gravitatien, and you are sure to be worSted in catastrophes which gravitation never would have developed, if it had not been resisted Dam up the Missis- sppi, and contest it's passage to the Gulf, and you must reckon upon floods and inundations away back to the gOrges of the Rocky Noun tains. So long as water runs down hill, SD long will Nature have her way in the affairs of States as we'll, in defiance of enactment of law and voices of majorities. .-Prot. Justin Phelps. D. D., in COnqreqGttOnGList.
 SPURGEoN's CONGREGATIONs.- entering the church there was probably not more than l two hundred persons in advance oi us, and these were all seated in the aisles and on bench es along the walls, being, like ourselves, stran- gers and not holders of seats. We took sim liar seats, and were told that at five minutes of Il we could take any seats in the pews that were at that time vacant. At quarter of II | fho yh0lI hono fO HOctYi in md Nayle the hands of the clock pointed to minutes of | il there was general move all over the church | for more desirable seats in the pews. It being | Bank holiday, many of the pewholders were in the country, and the strangers had better chance than usual We secured excellent seats, and the front doors being simultaneous opened, the seats that we and others had vacated were soon filled. At II o'clock, when Mir Sturgeon came upon the rostrum, the whole church was packed to overflowing, and l the doors were locked. The aisle seats were all filled, and two immense galleries one l above the other which surround the long and l broad church both before and behind the ros- I trum, were not only packed, but along the walls hundreds were standing, and even the stairway to the rostrum massed with people. In times long past Mir. Sturgeon was spoken of as sensational preacher, but for twenty l five or thirty years he has never failed, morn 1 ing and evening, to attract such gatherings as this, and he has built mp the largest and most powerful church organization in London. In l the morning, in announcing that he would preach again at o'clock this evening, he re- quested the congregation and pewhOlders to 1 '1stop away" and let others who were desirous l to be present occupy their places; that his sermon was not desired. What other minister in the world, with six thousand seats at his disposal, could have haZarded such an an- nouncement as this The weather was also threatening rain, which has been coming down at intervals since we returned, but he will have packed church this evening nOtwith- standing, ,-[ Letter to Baltimore American. 'Pm a resting !" said tramp the other day to person who interrogated him. ''This is my vacation. The goods which I manufac- ture are now out of season." And he took off the rim of his hat, through which his hair protruded like prince-of- Wales plume. In the inside was pasted piece of paper bearing