The Rock Island Argus. (Rock Island, Ill.) 1877-1885, 1877-12-17

States is the only source Of all govern
mental patronage. In fact he is thus
left to preside over the entire system oil
federal appointments, jobs, and contracts. |
He has an almost unlimited poaoer over
the individuals who administer the sys-
tenn under him, because he makes or I'M
makes them at his pleasure It is against
that construction of the constitution which
would give the president the dangerous
power of appointment and removal with
out limitation or restriction, that the
people should protest, and that laws
should be provided and enforced. Such
power is too great. 1t is in its nature an
imperial power, and if its exercise is per
mitted to continue, the Presidents
authority will in fact become as absolute
as that of the Autocrat of all the Russias.
In the existing contest between the
executive and certain republican senators
over the New York Custom house APP
pointments, it is of no special consequence
to the country whether Messrs. lArthur
and Cornell be removed or retained, ex-
cept 80 far as their removal or retention
depend upon the constitutional principles
which are involved in the ISSUE So far as
the congressional debates show, Senator
Conkling's opposition to the Presidents
power of removal is based far more upon
personal considerations and the fear Of
losing his influence and control over the
party in his state, than upon any par
tIcular zeal for maintaining the right of
of the senate to require satisfactory rea-
sons from the President for his removals
or in protesting against an unlawful exer-
else of executive authority. The action Of
such democratic senators as either
actively or passively lent their
aid to Senator Conkling in
thwarting the President, if reports
are true, instead of resting upon high and
constitutional grounds, was quite as imma
terial, and as unworthy the occasion and
the subject, as that of Senator Conkling
and his republican adherents. 1t is said,
the course of the democratic senators in
assisting or permitting the triumph of
CoDkliue is mainly attributable to feel
ing of disgust or disappointment at the
seating of Kellogg by the votes of the ad-
ministration senator's, when they could, and
ought to have prevented it. The triumph
of Conkling, such as it ISL certainly feeble
and transitory, if it is not designed and in
tended to be a vindication of constitutional
principles instead of the qualification of
personal feelings and the leadership of in-
terestel partizans
As stated at the outset, the question at
issue between the president and the senate
really depends upon the construction Of the
constitution, or not the dismiss
ing power is appurtenant to the appointing
power; or in other words, if the consent
of the senate is necessary to the appoint
ment of an officer, whether the consent of
the same body is not equally necessary to
his dismissal from Office.
If the power of dismissal pertains to the
Executive alone, then he must hold it in
one of two ways-either by an express
grant of the power in the coustitution-or,
as power necessary and proper to ex-
ecute some power which is expressly
granted to him by the constitution. The
constitution makes no mention of such
, graDt,-it is not expressed in that instru
, ment in any part which delegates powers
/ TO thespresident, it certainly gives him nc
direct authority to dismiss. If, therefore
D he possesses it at all, it must be an implied
: and not an expressed power. But by thu
terms of the constitution congress is made
3 the depository of all implied powers, anC
e has the power to make all laws, not Onl!
} to carry into effect the powers expressl!
: delegated to itself, but those delegated Il
I the government or any department or Off
; Ger thereof. The authority thus delegated
to congress seems therefore of necessity t
comprehend full power to pass all law
necessary and proper to carry into effec
D the powers expressly granted to the exec.
e utive department; consequently if an ex'
e press grant of power was claimed for tn
executive, as for instance in the duty o
seeing the laws faithfully executed, or a
I some claim in the still more comprehensive
9 power of vesting all executive powers il
Q the president, yet the fact that the powe
of dismissal is a power appurtenant t
another power places it under the cOntrc
j of congress to be regulated in such name
as 1t may Judge best The principal oh
lection to this view of the question is tina
2 it tends to concentrate all the powers Q
government in congress, and to create
senatorial Oligarchy. Against this DANCE
it may be said the constitution has ampl
provided, in making the president par
+ of the law-making power to the extent G
i requiring his assent to all laws enacted b
Q congress, unless passed by a two third
D vote over his veto. This has never We
! happened, and it is probable never can, i
= regard to any law which involves the right
a Of the executive department; and he woul
D be feeble president indeed, who coul
: not properly defend his prerogatives Will
j armed with such ample conservative an
counteracting power The danger lie
+ altogether in the other direction; in tn
9 corrupting influences of executive patror
8 age and in the debasement of public virtu
n with the rewards of Office bestowed f