The Pacific commercial advertiser. [volume] (Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands) 1856-1888, 1877-01-20
THE PACIFIC
SATURDAY.. JANUARY 20.
OFrom the :. =. Chzonicle Dec. Isl
How is 1t TO End?

On the second "Wednesday Of February-Ehich
will fall on the 18th Of that menth-the Electoral
votes cast for the respective Presidential candidates
will be counted. 1t is = fact greatly to be ~deplored,
but nevertheless a fact beyond dispute, that every
step in the proceeding 10 ascertain and announce
the result Of the vote Of the Presidential Electors
who on the 9th Of December assembled according to
Law in their respective States, cast their votes, made
out their certificates, appointed their messengers aud
adjourned sine die, is involved in uncertainty, and
is the subject Of angry debate. The Constitutional
provisions bearing upon the subject are vague ana
wanting in precision. Both Houses are required 10
be present at the count, but the powers and func-
tons assigned them are not clearly set forth. Both
Houses must be present yet they do not meet IN
Joint session, for there can be no joint session with
out joint rules. No provisions looking 10 this end
are TO be found in the Constitution, and such joint
rules as have at times been In force were adopted by
the two Houses, their continuance depending upon
continued mutual consent. AS to the former
Twenty-second Joint Rule, the Senate has decided by
an overwhelming majority, including all the Demo
cratic members Of recognized ability and influence,
that it is no longer in force. In the face OF this
nearly unanimous decision of the Senate, the House
cannot, with any show of decency, adhere to the
position that the rule is still operative and binding.
1t is now certain that the Senate will not agree TO
any re-enactment Of the Twenty-second Rule,
which would give the House the power to throw
out the electoral vote Of any State. 1t is no less
certain that the House will not recognize the right
of the President Of the Senate to pass upon the re-
gularity of electoral votes in counting them. The
question arises. What is to be the final issue OF this
deadlock Are we to have q Democratic President
supported by the House, and a Republican President
backed by the Senate, the latter refusing to confirm
Tilden's appointments, and the former refusing
with equal stubborness to vote supplies to carry on
the Hayes administration
The Democratic plan seems to be to inadgurate
Mr.. Tilden ut all hazards. The New York World
very distinctly foreshadows this line Of tactics, ac-
cording to which the House is to object to counting
the votes of Louisiana, Florida and South Carolina,
or at least one of those States. Then, if the Presi-
dent of the Senate insists upon counting those votes,
aud declares Hayes TO be elected, the House is to
insist that there has been no lawful choice, and will
proceed to elect Tilden by States, each State casting
one vote. This mode of procedure would give Til
den twenty-five States, leaving Hayes sixteen. Fol-
lowing out this programme, the next proposed IS to
inaugurate Tilden at New York, if the situation
should be such as to render it impracticable or
iDjudicious TO attempt it at Washington. We should
then have two persons, each claiming to be President
of the United States. The officers Of the army and
navy would have to choose for themselves whether to
recognize Hayes or Tilden as their COMMANDMENT
Chief. When Congress was convened Tilden would
have the House and Hayes the Senate. The latter
body would not confirm Tilden's appointments, and
the former would not make any appropriations to
carry on the Hayes administration. Such is the
Democratic programme, as more or less distinctly
outlined by the New York World and by Tilden's
Gramercy Park privy council, with Hewitt and Pot
ter at its head.
But it requires no vast amount of sagacity to see
that the scheme is chimerical and will not work.
There is no reason for a moments doubt as to which
of the " two Presidents - the army and navy would
obey. President Hayes, regularly inaugurated at
Washington, would be in possession of the Govern
ment and all the visible and tangible insignia Of
power. The prestige Of possession would cast rldi-
cule upon the pretensions of his rival. All the sym
bols and all the machinery of Government would be
in his hands, and Tilden's " administration with
its headquarters at Gramerey Park or Morrissey's
pool-rooms-would provoke the derision of the peo-
pie. The plot, conceived in the spirit of tragedy,
would speedily assume the complexion of an uproari-
GUS farce.