New-York tribune., 1877-11-12

Cabinet have been almost imbecilc. Elgh'
months ago Nh Hayes could have revolution
lied the Custom House by n mere interchange OF
two or three civil private notes, and he Woulu
not have made single enemy by the
change But he allowed two or three oi MS
mwise friends to go shouting, and liSt-shak-
ing. and prancing up and down until they
had made n riot, got the whole party inlo Il
tcmpcr. and lost an election. ard then he pro-
cceded TO try to turn ont certain oihcers
whose places he might originally have had LOT
the asking. If Senator Conkling, under these
circumstances. makes the defence OF his
friend Cornell and Governor Morgans frenu
Arthur, an issue of national politics, II VIII DC
unwise for him, and dangerous for the country
but if must be confessed that some OF the Pres
ident's friends have almost forced him INTO H.
We have had frequent occasion to disagree
with Mr.. Conkling, and to censure his conduct
with deserved severity. But no fair-minded
observer can fail to see that in this case ne
has a tactical advantage over the Admins
tration. The law-and whether it be good
law or a bad law is not now the questlon-the
law is clear that Arthur and Cornell cannot be
removed until the end of their term without
the consent of the Senate. 1t is equally clear
that the intention of the law is to prevent the
Executive from using the patronage to build
up a policy OF his own in opposition to the legis-
lative branch of the Government. BOthth law
and the fundamental principles of the Presl-
dents reform reqGire that no officer shall DE
removed except for cause. No cause has been
assigned for the removal of the Collector ard
Naval Officer. No complaint has been made by
the President. or anyone authorized to speak
for him, as to their honesty or efficiency. The
whole Administration, in fact, is estopped from
such charges AGAINST Collector Arthur by having
intrusted to him the execution of the reforms
recommended by the Custom House Commits
sion, by the praise it has given for his Jealous
and hearty cooperation, and by It's voluntary
offer of an important foreign appointment.
In its dealings with Mr.. Cornell, 1t Is reported
to have committed itself almost rs hopelesSly'
The worst, therefore, that the Administration
can say of these gentlemen, is that they are
not IN sympathy with a policy not yet lnau-
guratcd, under which they have not been al
lowed a trial. This is not enough. Ii Is
only a presumption. When the President
saws to the Senate E" wish these men
"sent away, because | have new plan to try,
"and guess they will not like to help me
"with it," the Senate can very plauSibiy
answer "No, Mr. President Civil Service Re-
" form requires you to try them first; You must
mot discharge them on the strength OF
"guess." 1t will lie 10 casy task trying to
make winning fight with the Senate or such
a uoint as this, if the Senate is disposed to be
obstinate. We by no means say that MesSrs.
Arthur and Cornell are the men we would
have recommended for the places, or
that we approve their methods. We have
again and again said the opposite. But
the Administration cannot. We profoundly
regret to know that it has bunGerngly en-
tangled itself in network of committals and
approvals and so, with unquestioned good IN
tcntions, it must, nevertheless, enter into any
contest with the Senate over these cases at a
great disadvantage.
There is danger, therefore, of deadlock be-
tween the President and the Republican Sen
ate, unless one of the two speedily give way,
and the interesting question of the day Is,
which shall it be7 1t seems to be an Occa-
sion when either party can best vlndlcate its
patriotism by the exercise Of discretion and
magnanimity and when the most solid vic
tory is to be gained by a frank concession.