New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1877-12-05


ocratic House, in which we have had reason
able opportunities for Judging OF the capacity
of the party for carrying on the Government,
we nav perhaps, he able to form an adequate
idea of what they would do if they had the
President and Senate. Called together In
special session to meet an emergency caused
by their own pariSanship IN the last
Congress, they frttered away the greater
part of the session in inpatient efforts
TO do something to iniure the credit OF the
country, ncglecting at last to pass the Paris
Exposition Bill, and only passing the Appro-
priaton bills after protracted delays and profit
less discussions of the most tires0me character
The one thing that has characterized the ses-
sion, so far as the House is concerned
standing ont prominently in all the pro-
ceedings-has been the anxiety of the
Democratic leaders to repeal the Re
sumption Act and pass the Silver Bill.
For these two objects they have shown
willingness to sacrifice everything besides.
1t mattered not to them whether the army and
navy were paid or not, or whether provision
should he made for respectable exhibition of
our industrial, agricultural, mechanical and
mining products at the Paris Exposition. They
sought chiefly and only to enact two laws, one OF
which was TO postpone indefinitely the pay
mcnt Of debts, and the other to provide for
payment, if that should ever be necessary,
in dctcrl0ratcd coin. The record they have
made for their party relates almost solely to
the financial question. Upon that they must
20 to the country whenever the time comes,
and upon that be judged.
Now, we have no idea that the intelligent
Democrats of New-YOrk have any sympathy
with the wild initiation schemes of the Western
leaders, nor do we suppose that many of
them favor the Silver Bill of Mr.. Bland, which
"scales down" debts instead of rcpudiating
them entirely. The Ncw-Io Democracy.
under the direction of hard money leaders,
have, heretofore, expressed their hostility to
such schemes. But it must be borne in mind
that there is no Democrat Of prominence and
influence in this or any other State who main
tans the right to differ with the majority of
the party upon any question OF principle or
policy, and the majority Of the party unques-
t0nably oppose resumption and favor iniia-
ton. We have always seen the minority yield
in such cases without either contest or bolt,
and we shall see it now again. Mr.. Illden did II
in accepting the st. Louis platform, which he
did not believe in, and all his supporters fell
into line with him. 1t is no more difficult now
than then. Party discipline requires it, and
dat puts an end to discussion. The Dem
ociatic party has nothing left rs a national
issue to fall back on except the money qucs-
ton, and upon that the present Congress has
in the special session just ended, made a dis
tinct and unequiyocal record. If Mr.. Tilden
remains in the party he must fall in under
the leadership of Mr.. Hendricks. Mr.. Abram
Hewitt must follow Mr.. Cox, and Mr.. Herman
take his place after Mr.. Ewing or Mr.. Bland.
The policy OF the Administration has elimi-
mated the Southern question; upon Civil Service
Reform the Democrats will hardly have the
assurance to make an issue; upon tariff
questions it is not possible to make IA
party division; and there remains only
the financial question to divide upon. Even
this Secretary Sherman is confident will be
eflectualy taken ont Of the realm Of debate
in the next twelve months, leaving Democracy
reduced to It, last shift, appeaiingto the country
simply for offices, and for no other reason
than because they want them. They have
shown in the past six weeks what mischief
they would work il they had The power. We
know now what they would have done if they
had had the Senate and The President. We
shall be wise to remember it when they ask
TO be trusted again.