The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1877-02-01
JUDGE JERRY BLACK ON GRANT.
Testimony of Man who Knew Much
of the First President Of the United
States.

StaIcS.
Judge Black and o party of Constitu-
tionalists were engaged in discussion in
the gorgeous dining room of the Riggs
House last night. was surprised at the
apprehensions these men indulged.-
They hold Grant capable of any bull
headed lawlessness, even to the extent OF
immuring the Tilden majority in Con-
gress in the bowels of Fortress Monroe,
as he openly threatens. Judge Blacks
tongue is sharper than vitriol and aqua
fortis. As to hates, or hopes, or fears, or
passions, or predictions, he seems to
have none.
Sitting at the sumptuous table. the
head of it-as "where Douglas sits is the
head of the table"-he recalled the singu-
lar career of the clod who, by the satire
of chance, sits in the seat of Washington
and wields power a million-fold greater.
The very comparison between the men
drew from the Judge one of those COM
pendious apothegms, which have made
his pleas before the Supreme Court treas
ure houses of the most enduring wit.
Some of these gentlemen had rather de-
precated the greatness of Washington,
thought he was commonplace person !;
great only because surrounded by medioc-
rity of lower order, and tried by events
of only ordinary perplexity.
"Not 80" said the Judge with tone
of reproach and the nearest approach to
vivacity that his grave voice ever gives
loose to. eff any power, supernatural or
otherwise, had appeared in the American
Congress, and, laying down 'Plutarch's
Lives said take your choice of all these
heroes, you shall have the one you select
to lead your armies and restore you from
tyranny, they could not have found" !"
said the Judge emphatically, "a character
so rounded, complete, and thoroughly
equipped as Westinghouse" This re-
markable testimony, it must be bore in
mind, comes from man who was quite
boy when Washington died-who, in
deed, knew much Of the first President.
Upon this broad basis Grants character
was discussed, and it was agreed that if
"Plutarch's Lives" couldn't furnish a
parallel for Washington for virtue,
patriotism, wisdom and moderation,
neither could it supply counterpart for
the General who in a hundred battles
never won one, save where his forces
were five to one and his slaughter in the
same proportion; who never knew a
generous emotion; who never dreamed
Of higher position, save for the oppor-
tunities it gave to reward dependents /;
who never yearned for power, save as a
reward; who never dreamed of Office as
a trust whose motives are in every posi-
tion ignoble; whose rewards are selfish,
and whose rescntments are degrading.
Upon such a character as this the peace
of the country, conservative men hold,
should not be permitted to depend. 1t
is true that impeachment could not reach
him in time, but when the people are in
peril, there are those who claim that the
laws, which are made solely for public
safety, should not be suffered to render
them prey to designing scoundrels.
Hence the duty of Congress to initiate
the Cromwell House of Commons. The
writ of the Speaker, under vote Of the
House, could bring the whole business to
a sudden issue. With Grant, Chandler,
Sherman, Don Cameron, and Taft
sequestered in some State prison for a
week or two, the conspiracy would be
without the vigorous inspirations of per-
fectly unscrupulous malefactors, and the
popular forms of government under no
shadow of subversion. Like breeds like.
If Chandler and his kind had never set
the evil example Of open conspiracy,
there would be no occasion of discussion
of this sort. But when the purpose of
the malcontents has been boldly set forth,
there is no reason why the defenders of
popular rights should not prepare to meet
revolutionary schemes by methods equally
as resolute. Chicago Times.