The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1877-07-12
Ex.eoy. CHAMBERLAIN ON HAYES.

has recently abandoned his home in this
State and taken up his domicil in New
York, delivered Fourth of July orator
at Woodstock, Connecticut, Of which We
give the substance below. In this speech
it will be seeh that the carpet-bagger II
very severe in his condemnation of tn,
President and the demonstration which
followed his speech shows that the Re
publican party is badly divided, for tht
President of the meeting stated that ht
did not agree with Mr.. Chamberlain, anc
called for three cheers for the President
which were readily given by the crowd
and this was followed by three cheers fol
Mr.. Chamberlain. Some Democratic
papers are criticising Mr.. Chamberlain
for this speech, but we fail to perceive
that it is any concern of ours, for tht
splitting up Of the Republican party is
desirable thing for the Democracy, ane
we should assume the position of looker'
on at the contest, in order to let tht
breach be as complete and extended al
possible. 1t is written that house di
vided against itself must fall, and as the
Republican house is divided, if the
Democracy will only stand together, We
shall reap the benefits flowing from the
inevitable fall of Republicanism. Mr.
Chamberlain is unintentionally doing
good service for the Democracy, for by
weakening Hayes he increases the
chances of the Democratic party. The
following is synopsis of his speech:
He plunged at once into "the great
public question with which 1t has been
my fortune recently to be connected y
disclaimed having "any private griets
to present." and declared that he spoke
"from profound sense of duty" and
"too, because Others do not" To the
question why he attacks President Hayes
Southern policy now when it is irrevoca-
BILE, and attacks upon it will distract the
party, hc answered that "it is the simple
dictate alike of duty and honor to oppose
and attack those who are betraying the
party which has trusted them" Coming
then "to discuss presidential policy
he pronounced such policy "an anom-
ally and ofense," savoring of bad faith
and having "a native and historical odor
of treachery and intrigue" He charac-
terized that policy as consisting in "the
abandonment of Southern Republicans,
and especially the colored race, to the
control and rule of that class at the South
whose traditions, principles and history
are opposed to every step and feature OF
what Republicans call our national pro-
gress since 1867" and Gin the proclama-
ton to the country and the world that
the will of the majority of the voters of a
State, lawfully and regularly expressed,
is no longer the ruling power in our
States, and that the constitutional
guarantee to every State in this Union
Of a Republican form of government and
of protection against domestic violence,
is henceforth Intellectual and worthless" "
Gov. Chamberlain then recalled the
facts of the Louisiana situation when
President Hayes assumed his Office, to
show that he found the Packard State
government complete in its organiza-
ton, unquestionable in its solidity, ex.
cept upon grounds which directly and
equally impeached the validity of his
own title; )" that this regular government
was menaced by domestic violence in
precisely the way required not only to
Justify but to demand the interference of
the President to protect that government
by the military forces Of the United
States. He then reviewed at length and
with force the familiar argument for this
view of the case, drawn from the section
of the constitution which provides that
the United States shall guarantee to
every State republican form of govern
ment and protect it against domestic
violence; the act of 1895 authorizing the
President to call out the militia for this
purpose; and the decision of Chief JUS
tice Taney in the Rhode Island case that
by this act the power of deciding whether
the exigency had arisen upon which the
government of the United States is bound
to interfere, is given to the President.
Having thus shown what the Presi-
dent ought to have done, he reviews his
actual course. Assuming the right to
preserve the peace in Louisiana by the
military forces of the United States pend
ing his negotiations, right the exercise
of which was bold and fragrant usurpa-
ton unless derived from the duty which
he was at the very moment refusing to
perform, he enters upon negotiations
with those who by armed violence and
in military array are menacing the
lawful government of the State. Sir, 1
have seen the hot indignation of out
ragged patriotism poured upon the weak
old man in whose feeble hands the great
rebellion found the powers of this gov
ernment in 1860, because he treated with
the leaders and agents of that rebellion
and could find no warrant in the constl-
tuition for 'coercing a State l could
frame an excuse for James Buchanan.
He was the decaying fruit of half 2 cen
tury of Northern subservience to South
ern dictation, the poor dregs of worn
out politician whose life had been spent
in covering submission to the will of
those whom he was now called to con-
front. But what shall be said of this
President, educated by the events of the
last seventeen years-the long and peril
Gus struggle to save the nation to free
dom and justice-the representative of a
party whose life and inspiration in every
hour of its existence has been political
Justice and freedom for all American citi-
zens-a President who had literally
climbed to his high seat over the dead
bodies of hundreds of loyal men in Lou
isiana, who had met death in forms far
more terrible than any battlefield in
order that the liberty of which they had
tasted might be kept for their children
James Buchanan could say he negotiated
with those who were in arms against the
United States, in order that he might by
peaceful agencies preserve the integrity
of the Union and avert fratricidal war
This President enters upon his negotia'
tions with those who are in arms against
-