The Jackson standard. [volume] (Jackson C.H., Ohio) 1847-1888, 1877-05-10

slaves. That part which subjected tbAp
TO trial and death, was left. Slavery was
much more sacred in the eyes Of Presi-
dent Lincoln, than was human life.
We copy the following from Greeley's
American Conflict, Vol ., pages 249, $50,
25l:
A letter addressed to the President some
weeks after this, aug. 10, lS62l entitled The
Prayer of Twenty Millions and exhorting Mr..
country free, but To- cute the laws Of the land
which opeIated to free large classes Of the
slaves of Rebels-cOnciudes a. follows:
'On the Iace OF this wide earth, Mr.. President,
there II not one disinterested, determined, In
tellgent champion of the Union cause who
does not feel thai all att, mpts To put down the
Rebellion, and at the same time uphold its In
the Rebellion, n G. used cut tomorrow. would
be rene wed within wear IL Slavery were left
in full vigOT-that army officers, who remain TO
This daN devoted TO SLAVERY. can at brst be but
halfway loyal TO the Union-and that every
hour OF deierence 10 slavery 1s an hour OF added
the testimony Ot your Embassadors In Europe.
II Is freely at your service. not mine. Ask
them TO tell you candidly whether the srefn-
ingly subserviency of your policy 10 the slave
holding, Slavery -uphOlding interest. is not the
perplexity, the despair, Of statesmen OF all par
sweri
/ close as 1 began, with the statement that
what an immense majority Of the loyal mill
ions OF your cOuntrymen require OF you Is a
frank. DECLARED. unQuullngd. ungTuuglug exc
cution Of The laws OF the land, more especially
OF the Confiscation Act. That act gives free
lines, or whom those lines may nj any time ln-
cose-we ask you TO render IL due obedience by
publicly requiring all your subordinatss to rec
Ognize and obey II. The rebels are everywhere
using the late anti-negro riots In the NOrth-as
they have long used your officers treatment OF
the negroes in the South-to convince the slaves
that they have nothing TO hope from a Union
succeNS-that we mean in that case To sell them
into bitter bondage to defray the cost OF the
I yVu let us n q
great mass of thtir ignorant and credulOus
bondmen, and the Union will never be res
tOred-neveT. We cannot conquer ten millions
of people united in solid phaianx against a.,
powerfully aided by Northern symPathizers
guides spies cooks. teamSters, diggers, and
| choppers, nom the Blacks OF the South-wheth-
eT we allow them TO fight for us or motor we
shall be baffied and Trpelled. As one OF the
millions who would gladly have avoided this
| struggle at any sacrifice but that OF principle
and honor, but who now ferl that the triumph
of tire Union Is Indispensable not only TO the
existence of our country, but to the well-bei"g
| OF mankind, 1 entreat you TO render hearty
and unequiVocaI Ooe'ltnGe 70 me ne law OF tiie
| land. Yours, HORACE GREELEY
| The President-veTy unex pectedl ly-Teplied to
| this appeal by Telegraph: In order, doubtless,
| TO place before the public matter deemed by
him important, and which had probably been
prepared issue before the receip of the letter
/ 10 which he thus o5liquely responded:
| EXECUTIVE MANSION, WAsHINGToN,
/ sHon. Horace Greeley:
/ Dear SIR; have just read yours Of the 10Th
| instant, addressed to myself through the New
/ York Tribune.
! IN there he i'm il any statements or assump-
lions Of fact which / may know to be erro-
neou-, do not now and here controyert them.
| III there lie any inferences which may be-
| lieve to be falsely drawn, do not now and
| here argue against them.
II there be peTceptible in it an impatient and
| dictatorial tone, 4 waive IL I'm Difference TO an
old friend whose heart have always supposed
| TO be right
| say. / have not meant TO leave any one in
doubt. would save the Union. l would save
| IL in the shortest way under the Constitution.
| Tine sooner the national authority can be- res
tOred. the nearer the Union will be the Union
II there be those who would not save the
| Union unless they could at the same time save
Slavery, do not agree with them.
IL there be those who would not save the
Union unless they could at the same time de-
stIOy Slavery, do not agree with them.
not eiiher 10 Saue or dest OB SldueTy.
III could save the Union without freeing any
| slave, would do it-if co aid do IL by freeing
some and leaving others alone, would also do
| What 4 do about Slavery aud the COlOred
Race, do because b-lieve IL helps To save thi.
Union /; ana what 4 fOrbear, iOrOear because
do not believe il would help to save the Union
| shall do less whenever l believe what am
! dong hurts the cause; and shall do more
whenever Lelievo doing more will help the
| Ishall try to correct errors when shown to be
errors and shall adopt new views as fast as
my views Of official duly and I intend nc nc
F.
that all men everywhere could be free.
Yours. a. LINCOLN
on the 18th of September, 1862, a dep.
utation from the various Protestant de
nominations of Chicago visited Mr.. Lin
coin, and urged him to issue proclama
tion Of emancipation. He answered
I. them, and in the course Of his answer
said:
"would my word free the slaves when ! can.
not even enforce the Constitution in the Rebel
/ States? l. there single court, or magistrate
or individual, that would be Influenced by i
/ would have any greater effect upon the sla ve'
than the late law OF Congress, which approx
ed, and which offers protection and freedom q
the slaves of Rebel masters who come within
our lines? Yet cannot learn that that Law
has caused a single slave TO come over To Us
| And suppose they could be induced by a proc
1 lamation of freedom from me- TO throw them.
| selves upon US, what should we do with them
| How can we feed and care for such a multitude'
Gen. Butler wrote me few days since that ht
was issuing more ratiOns TO the slaves who
/ have rushed TO him than TO all the White troops
under his command"
We cannot see how B. F. Wade, Wen
dell Phillips, and other honest anti sla
very men can feel that they did a very
disgraceful thing when they condemned
the heartless and cruel reply to Greeley,
and were amazed that Mr. Lincoln should
be guilty of the glaring inconsistency ol
declaring in the same sentence that lac
had not learned that the law OF Congress
setting slaves of rebels free, had caused
a single slave to come over to US, and in
the very same sentence declaring that
Gen. Butler had informed him that the
slaves were rushing to the Union army
in such numbers that it was difficult to
iced them.
Ten days after this, on the 22d Of Sep.
tember, 1862, President Lincoln issued
his preliminary proclamation, which was
only a bid-an effort to hire the rebels
within the next hundred days to elect
members to Congress, and promising if
they would do so, slavery should not be
touched.
The true friends of Abraham Lincoln
will avoid any reference to his miserable
policy of compromise and expediency,
and only remember his last noble words,
in his last inaugural address, delivered
March 4, 1865. He appears to have
learned that "the wrath OF God is re-
vealed from Heaven against all ungodli-
ness aud unrighteousness of men, who
hold the truth in unrighteousness." In
that great and grand state paper, Mr..
Lincoln closes with these words:
One-eighth OF the whole population were col
ord slaves, not distributed generally yer tile
UuiOn, but localized IN the Southern part OF 10.
In -se slaves cons tItuttd a peculiar aud power
Iui interest. All knew that this interest was
somehow the cause OF the war. To strengthen,
perpet uate and extend this iuteres {, was the