The Wheeling daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1865-1903, 1877-01-22

tue uCt hHull Dc Helu 10 impair OF hHeCl
any right now existing under the Consti.
tuition and laws to question by proceed.
ings in the Judicial Courts Of the United
States, the right or title Of n person who
shall claim TO DO President or Vice Presi.
dent Of the United States, II any such
right exists. Commenting, no said the
committee had endeavored to be 30 care.
ful that the right Of no map should
bc injured; that 1t provided that after
all this had been gone through with
and il had been declared that A or
d wa President Of the United States, still
the other candidate might under the Con.
stitution and laws test the question
whether such President was u true OF
false one lli3 right to do 30 would not
be prejuGiced by the passage OF dis bill
!; had been commended by some gentlemen
that the Constitution committed the
right Of deciding who should be Presi-
dent OF the United States to one or more
persons or bodies. II that was true il was
fatal to this bill. lie had no doubt all
the Senators could say that il the Consti-
tuition actually did repose the power Of
deciding who should be President in the
President Of the Senate, that they would
not desire better Judge than'the present
occupant Of the Chair Ferry, but il the
Constitution had not reposed that power
in the President OF the Senate, no matter
how learned and just the occupant Of the
Chair might be II would lie an Invasion oil
the rights Of Constitutional Govern.
ment TO declare that he had such power
The Constitution carefully enumerated
every power Of the Judicial and Execu-
tive authorities OF the Government. II
the trainers Of itdesigned to confer such
power upon the President OF the Senate
how unfortunate 1t was that they did NOT
say 80, whichmight have been done by two
words. II staggered human creduity 10 be-
here that The trainers Of The ConStitution had
thus designed 10 tlrH he President Of The Sen.
ate into Judge on The most critical caH
rhich can befaH he Republic and yet should
not hare said so. II the power TO open q
certificate from State implied the pow
or to decide upon its contents when open
ed then the President OF the Senate had
the power to declare who was Presi-
dent, but he (Edmunds) denied that
the power to do one thing implied
power do another. The Constitution de-
clared that Congress should have the
power to pass any law 10 carry into exc
cution any power vested in any Depart
partment OF the Government. The Con.
stitution left it to the law-making power
10 carry all these great forces into excu-
ton. He then read from the decision OF
the Supreme Court TO show that the bill
was constitutional. The right to decide
who was President did not rest with the
President Of the Senate. Neither did it
rest with Congress exclusively until a lar
should be passed 10 that effect. He denied
emphatically that the President oil the
Senate had always opened and counted
the electoral votes. For just forty years
OF government there never was an in
stance where an electoral certificate was
drawn into question. The bill did not
take from the President or from the
President Of the Senate or from the
House Of Representatives any power
which the Constitution had vested in
them, and therefore was not unconstitu.
tional. In conclusion, he hoped that the
Senators would carefully consider whelh.
er it was wise by stimulating doubts in
their own minds TO send this republic,
like the mountains which the poet has
spoken of,
"Tumbllng in the sea without Shore"
or whether in n fair course of equal law
the dispute should be justly settled.
WHAT TIE PRESIDENT THINKS.
Aspecial dispatch from Washington 10
the New York Tribune says that the
President III the course Of a conversation
with friend said that he had not yet had
time to examine the bill carefully and
critically, but on general principles he
approved Of measure Of the character
alluded TO, and il not Objectionable in de.
tail, or if it did not contain provisions at
variance with the spirit and letter OF
the Constitution, he would accord TO ii
his prompt approval. lie said that from
the beginning he had felt no apprehension
as to the final result, ns he has always
had great faith in tho intelligence and
patriotism Of the American people.
There have been threalenings and incip-
lent evidences Of revolutionary purposes
in some quarters, 10 meet which he had
taken proper measures Of precaution,
and for which he will keep prepared I'M.
til his responsibility is at an end. lie
said that he is much encouraged by the
prospect OF peaceful solution Of the
difficulties, for the two parties in Con.
gress, through Committee, having once
agreed upon common basis Of adjust
ment Of their differences il will not be
difficult to bring about final settlement.
lie remarked that the initial steps are
always the most difficult; what follows is
easy. The country, he said, was now in
n condition to begin u period OF unex-
ampled prosperity, founded on correct
principles OF business and proper stand.
ards OF value, and all that h wanting in
an amicable and satisfactory settlement
Of tho Presidential question.
NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS. SAY.
Generally speaking the tone Of discus
sion among the papers is favorable to
the adoption Of the bill. The New York
limesand Cincinnati GG=ci,c, both extreme
Republican papers, oppose il. On the
other hand, such able and influential
journals as the Boston Advertiser and New
York Pot warmly suppOrtit. The Post
discusses the subject in very judicial
spirit, and among other sensible remarks