New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1877-01-03

races by an honest acquiescence in the con-
sequences of emancipation and enfranchise-
ment do not think these results are far
distant, but it would be encouraging to note
more rapid progress in each direction In
some parishes of the State, notably, those
which are most prosperous and peaceful
and strongly Republican, kindly relations
exist between whites and blacks. The col.
ored people have become, to large extent,
either the owners of the lands they cult
vate or jointly interested with their white
Il employers in the products of their
/ labor. This of itself establishes q com.
munity of interest and of sentiment
between the two classes. 1t was one of
the recommendations strenuously urged in
the 6rst message l had the honor to ad-
dress to Legislature of Lo uisiana, that
the laborers should be given every opportu-
nifty to acquire capital by fair means, that
they should be guarded from imposition,
and encouraged to invest their earnings in
some permanent form, thus becoming CAPT
talists in interest and, by consequence, cap
italists in sentiment, and above all, that
they should be protected in the exercise of
the ballot, the gu rantee and safeguard of
their rights. 10 this way, it seemed to me,
anita gonism between labor and capital
| would be avoided and harmony would be
establish ed between the races. Wherever
this policy has been carried out, peace
and good government prevail, the parish
debts are light, the parish taxes are small,
and the products of the soil yield bounti-
full return for the capital snd labor in.
vested. In these parishes, also, it is found
that the colored people, justly treated and
protected, willingly accept the political
leadership of those upon whom, in former
years, they were accustomed to rely. At
the last election in this State q number of
| prominent native-born white citizens of
Louisiana, identified in every respect
with the past history of their section,
but who had frankly accepted the
changed condition of affairs brought
about by the war, were. elected to
responsible official positions by colored
voters on Republican or independent tickets.
The haDgings, whippings, maltreatment and
murders resorted to in other portions of the
State to influence political results are dem.
onstrated to be not only crimes against
civilization and humanity, but political
blunders, bringing with them their own cor
rectives through the election laws of the
State, which were called into existence to
prevent or remedy Just such acts. Ten
years or moro of emancipate6 slave laborin
the Southern States have shown that the
cOlored people, as q race, when jusily treated
and protected in their rights, are valuable
members of the community, industrious,
peaceful and dOcile to fault. The only au-
thentic instances in history wherein they
have manifested opposite tendencies have
been where, once freed, the attempt has
been made to remand them to slavery.
In the communications have had the
honor to lay before the General Assembly
heretofore, I have scarcely alluded
to political questions. There has been
much in our political history during
this time TO call for comment, but /
have preferred to oonfne my recon-
mendations chiefly to measures calculated
to advance the material interests of the
State, trusting that time and retur ring
prosperity would soften asperities and har-
mOniOusly adjust the changed relations Of
capital and labor, and the political status of
the two races
Recent events, however, seem to require
that should now refer at some length 70
matters of State and national policy. Grave
national issues depend upon the solution of
political problems closely affecting the
peace and prosperity of Louisiana. 1t has
become question for the nation to decide,
whether the violent and illegal means
which have been systematically put forth
in this and other Southern States to pre-
vent, if possible, fair expression Of the
will of the whole people aE the ballot
box shall be allowed to prevail.
The nation is confronted with the DOS
sibility of a presidential election Ringing on
the votes Of States net long since In rebel
lion against the national authority, within
whose borders the three constitutional
amendments which embody the leading is
sues decided by the war have been virtual
ly set aside by armed violence, intimidation
and murder.
This is really the practical question to be
determined. II is sometimes thinly dis
guised as q struggle against corrupt gov
ernments and for reform, piouB warfare
Of intelligence and virtue against Ignorance
and vice. The results aimed at, however, in
each of the States in question appear al
ways to be the same-the vesting of all
political control in the hands of an aris-
tocratic ohgarehy, irrespective of the will
of the majority of the people, and the prac-
teal qualification of tbs constitutional
measures which accord to the emaneipated
slaves the rights of citizens. To illustrate:
Two years ago, in our nelghboring
State Of Mississippi there was Republican
State administration. 1t had been elected
by . large and unquestiOned majority Of
the peoples IL was not oppressive; taxation
was light; there was no apprecinble public
debt; the State was prosperous. That gov.
eminent has been swept out Of existence.
The freedmen of Mississippi are to-day
represented in Congress Just as thsy were
when slaves before the war, with only
this difference, that their emancipation has
increased the representative strength of
their white masters. The State Of Louis.
lana on q fair vote is as largely Re.
publican 81 was Mississippi. Yet, within
the past eight years, i've organized At.
tempts have been made in the interest Of
the same class 10 overcome the will Of the
majority; four times by violence and