New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1877-09-21


struction and the saughters by White Leagues
lie behind us. Before us is prosperity for the
United States of America-in attaining that
prosperity again to be indeed united.
THE TALUE OF TWEFUS CONFESSIONS.
Whatever NAV be thought of the accuracy
of Tweed's statements on particular points,
there seems to be no reason To doubt that De
is giving, on the whole, pretty correct ac-
count of the state of public affairs during that
memorable period when he governed the city
of New-York lie is not speaking out OF the
exuberance of a rcmOrseful heart, but he Is
talking for a selfish purpose; and, having a
confirmed habit of lying, he is under strong
temptation TO say Just what his hearers expect
of him. without so strict regard as we might
desire for the actual facts He colOrs some IN
cidents, he arranges or disarranSes others, he
keeps back great many more so chat the comics
sion may be adapted to the eXigencies OF the po-
Htical faction which has power to serve him.
Yet much Of what he says carries conviction
with it. Nobody can heip believing him when
he tells us that he had to buy everything he
wanted that Boards of Aldermen were sold at
wholesale. that he would have cheated Judge
Connolly out of his election, if Connolly had
not happened 10 be fairly beaten by John
Kelly, that il was not the ballots but the
counters that elected people under the ring
regime, the result being arranged to order
"by the gentlemen who had charge OF the
"wardr Very few either Will be inclined to
di spute the faithfuncss Of the portraits which
he draws of certain " Performers" both Re-
publican and Democratic, or will impugn
his account of the peculiar business meth
dds of these thrifty patriots and the secret
connection between them and the Tammany
gang.
All these disclosures have a practical value.
It is true that they are not altogether new.
The principal facts have long been known.
But when they are set forth in this graphic
manner by the chief actor in the events I'M
der consideration, they become dOubly i'm
pressiye; they fix Themselves in the public
mind they cease to be mere piquant scandals,
and assume the significance of political forces.
Tweed, therefore, Is doing the city service
by his narrative. With no intention of bene
fitting anybody but himself, he is, neverthe
less, contributing sOmethng-he, of all men
to the publication of municipal politics, to the
exposure of rogues and humbugs, to the
breaking up of prepOsterous alliances and
compromises between black and white. Every
thing which brings into clearer relief the dis
graceful incidents of the ring rule, the coarse
vlainy of its purposes, the wretched and sor
did character of its Instruments helps to make
a ring renaissance more improbable. And if
Tweed, in putting forth these statements, is
bolstering up the fortunes of one faction of
the party which so long shared his plumber
and winked at his robberies, he is, at the
same time, aiding in the destruction of fac
ton worse than the one he helps, besides
being of use in a general way to the COM
munty' at large.
The question, however, of the political value
of his statements is something quite apart
from their Importance as legal evidence in
municipal lawsuits. He proposed, last Winter,
to tell what he knew, i'll consideration of be-
ing set free. We think there was reason to
complain of the use apparently made of his
manuscript confession during the very long
time of its retention by the Attorney General;
but judging from the results Of the examna-
ton thus far, we shall not be surprised if it
turn out that Mr.. Falrchild's tardy decis-
ION, when he did reach it, was the right
one. To justify his release, Tweed was
bound to offer testimony that would be of
material value to the State in the prosecution
of other persons or in resisting unjust claims
testimony that could not readily be obtained
elsewhere. This, according to the Attorney
General, he failed to do, and nothing has yet
been disclosed to make us question Mr.. Fair
child's judgment. The law officer Of the State
had no right to consider the probable political
effect of the confession, either in Kidding the
Democratic party of Messrs. Hayes and O'Brien,
or Kidding the Republican party of Mr.. Wood
in; he could only take into account its
value as evidence in suits to which the State
was or might become party. Some
of the persons whom the confession i'm
plicated were dead; some were protected by
the statute of limitations; the charges with
respect to others were uncOTObOrated, and the
nature of the case made it almost impossible
that any confederation should be obtained
the 0'Brien claim, as we understand, can be
effectually resisted without the aid of Tweed
Connolly is beyond reach; Hall is beyond
reach, and not worth pursuing; Sweeny, hav-
ing made contrite confession of the sins of his
dead brother, has been Iehabilitated Inger-
soil, Garvey and Woodward have been used