The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1877-03-25

| the two functions Of government. When thu
Secretary of the Treasury wants u tax he con
suits upon it with the Chairman Of the Financial
Committee of the House. But such chain o
| ''muunicat ons Is liahl' to Interruptions and
! II IL not adupt'd To % complicated budget much
lees to the grave fiscal problems suggest d
! nv the cNigcnss ot war. Moreover. under
! the operation Of this makoshir responsibility
seems TO oviporatc altogether. II % financial
measure prov, ahortive or destructive. who is
| to hc bamcd2 Possibly the Secretary could not
control the Chairman. the Chairman could not
| control the committee. the committee could not
control the House. There is nobody to ccnsur,
save the Legislature. a vast mis- 'eancous body
dill"ult TO punish. and tho very persons to in
| nirt the punishment" OF course the fiscal part
Of administration il not the only one which it
u civilized age requires the constant SUPPORT
and accompaniment Of legislation. This an
English Cabinet can compel by athreat of resig-
nation or OF dissolution. but in a Presidential
Stat the Legislature cannot bc dissolved 10y the
executive Government. and it would not heed
the latter's resignation for it has not TO find Il
Successor. Accordingly. when "A vital difference
Of opinion arises. the Legislature and the execu-
tive must light. and so very likely they continue
to contend. as they did throughout Mr. john
sons Administration. to the conclusion Of their
respective terms.
Nj. Baerho goos so far MS to affirm. what at
first sight seems sclf-contradctory. that under
"a Pr -idcnthh System both the legislative and
executive powers are weakened by their dsiunc-
ton. Tho Presidents position is more stable
than Premicrs. but hc has less authority In
England a strong government can obtain the
concurrence of the Legislature in acts which
facilitate its administration being ITSELF 50 to
say, the Legislature. But President may bee
hunp'r"d by Congress ;and IL IL in the nature
of things that he should be hampcrcd. unless
cocrclvo public opinion should happen 10 b.,
enlisted ON his side. How the legislative cle-
mont of our polity is cnfocbled is plain enough (:
Tut one consideration may bee noted. No doubt
the founders Of our Government tried by their
own aims. were wise in excluding Cabinet
officers from Congress; but the prescription
has had a misrhicvous bearing on the
character ofthc Legislature. Unless member
Of delibcrative body be sure Of something
more than speech. unless he Is melted by the
hope Of action AMI chastcnrd by the chance Of
responsibility. II first rate man is less likely to
care much for the place or 10 do much If he
takes II. 70 belong TO debating society al
herring TO an executive. or. as Mr. johnson
used Ia say. hanging on the verge Of Govern
mont. is not an object to stir noble ambition,
and IS a position TO encourage idlencss. 1t il
the essence in short of n Presidential system Ia
split political life into two halves-an executive
half and "A Legislative half-and hv thus mutt
lating il To make neither 50 well worth a mans
having. worth his making it q continuous ca
reer. worthy t. absorb as Cabinet Government
ahsorh- his W hole soul.
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Ensli.Amen road the debate. in Parliament
Nodpubt it follows that in that country great
engine Of popular instruction and political con-
trovrr-y is the legislative assembly. Tho Cubi-
not system in7ur debates worth reading. for it
makes them the means ly which statesmen adj
v'rti-e themselves for future and confirm them
selves in present Office. The deciding cata-tro-
ihi's. our nuhort'll~ lis, OF ministerial govern
m"nt- ar" critical divisions preceded 10y hne
discussions. The nation is forced to hear two
-ri'-' and it li.s'- 90 hear. for although hui
man nature do-p's's lon- arsum nts which
come H. nothing, abstract acquisitions which
Leave visible Things where they were. all mon