New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1877-09-06

and minister's for Office If there are any real
workingmen engaged in the secession, IL De-
comes them to be sure that, having been cheated
once, they are not cheated again. If no "polit-
"ical adv cnturers are hanging about the head J.
quarters of the new organization, 1t Is luckler
than most of It's predecessors. Looking back,
we find that the laborers of this city have Tor
years put their trust in the Tammany clique
which is now so vigorously denounced. 1t 10
by their votes that the pilferers of the city
treasury have been able to employ it for their
own benefit. 1t was their allegiance which
made it possible for Tweed and Sweeny ana
Connolly and the rest to grow rich upon
the public plumber All this time these
lab0rcrs, at least great many Oh
them, chung to Tammany Hall, and year
after year, gave their suilrages to VIGOROUSLY
dishonest men. They were deaf to remoh-
STRANGE. They Still believed the Democratic
party to be the party of labor, the friend OF the
workingman, the champion of the producing
classes, and all who were not of that party
were aristocrats and oppressors. At one time,
what was true of New-YOrk was true OF the
whole country. The Democrats. most AFRO
gantly. and without the slightest foundations
for their pretensions, assumed to be the special
friends of the laborcr. The emptiness OF tins
boast has long been patent everywhere else
is it beginning to be apparent IN TINS city,
where the delusion was the deepest7 IL would
seem so; we should be sure Of it, II we could
also be sure that few designing managers
and intuguers are not even now using the
workingman for their own personal purposes
If the movement merely means that TINS man
wants place and that man contract winch
he hopes to get by demolishing John Kelly, we
have not particle of interest In what is mere
faction-fght. The boilers will be back again.
in that case, before long or If they should
happen to elect one or two of their candidates,
we shall stop to see what kind of men the
elected are before we indulge in any rapture
at the circumstance.
After pretty long experience, we are forced
to say that we have never known a strictly
defined Workngmans party to remain long
without being gobbed up by the worst sort of
politicians. The reason is obvious. No party
which is based upon the mere personal inter
ests Of class can ever be strong enough to
compete successfully with every other class;
and for weak parties there can be no resource
except that of coalition. But the coalition of
a weak with strong party is always fatal to
the former. 1t becomes the mere tool Of its
allies, receiving its need of consideration be-
fore the election in good words and fair
promises, and the cold shoulder only after the
votes are all in. Most generally it has intro
duced an element into politics which does not
belong there, and which cannot be promoted
by the prepOnderance of any party. This is
true Of the question of labor. If those who
think that it is not sufficiently considered in
legislation would make themselves felt, they
can do so by speech, by appeal, by argument,
by independent agitation, and even by voting,
i'm however lean a minority, for their own
Notwithstanding care to nominate those who
are honestly with them in opinion; but they
will lamentably fail to do so if they surrender
themselves TO time-servers and place-scekers.
All the political adventures are not in Tam
many Hail. and the best way to put down that
undesirable organization is to vote with the
party which is fairly and squarely opposed to it.