New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1877-10-08

lie itself. The Radicals certainly would not accept
NJ. THEIRS as prophet expounder, If they had
not found him a necessity. They would complain,
they do complain of the dissolved Chamber for ITS
failure TO do those very things which NJ. Theirs
praises it for not doing There are thousands OF
them who chafe under any leadership which does
not lead straight to reaction. They are
striving to break loose to-day. They don't
want the 1853 returned in mass. They
are going to vote for NJ. BonnetDuverdier in the
Seventeenth ACCOMPLISHMENT of Paris against NJ.
Pascal Duprat because NJ. Duprat did not oppose
the clerical budget. They detest not only NJ. THEIRS
but NJ. Gambetta, and they will not accept the ad-
vice of such an undoubed Radical even as M. Louis
Blanc. With extremists of that sort have no sort
of sympathy They might be right in every partic-
ular point, as they certainly right in many, but
they belong to the class of political lunatcs They
Will have nothing if they cannot have ALL and their
sincerity, energy and utter want of common sense,
are among the most formidable perilS the Republic
has still to confront
The rest of the manifesto is devoted to the cabal
of the 10th May, to the subsequent acts OF inc
Ministers who then seized power to plea Ior
the right OF the Republic to be governed by Repuo-
licans, and to a demonstration of the mpossiblhty
of any other form of government in France than the
Republic spoke of the first part OF this paper as
defence, but IT is a defence of that KIND when
consists in attacking the enemy. From the very De-
ginning, il is vindication, not an apology ana
when We reach the 10th May it becomes an indict-
ment. an indictment with proofs. with the prose-
cuto1's speech the judges Charge nothing wanting
but the verdict of the jury, which is to come on the
18th Octobernext. The whole manifesto fills ten col
umns. butyo seek in vain for something to leave out
that might reduce ii TO more manageable dimensions
fer campaign purposes 1t brstes with facts II has
hardly the air of an argument at all with such con-
summate art are the facts maTshalled, that their
mere narration ia an argument, or rather, demon
stratIOn. The name of MacMahon Is not once men-
toned still less that of any one of his present Min
sters but the shafts aimed at them go none the less
straight to the marx. despair of conveying to any
reader who will not read the whole, any notion OF
its spirit and power. l certainly shall not Try 10
analyze it, or give any summary of tins last hali
All can do Is TO make or two extracts, good III
themselves but so much better III their proper pace
that ii is pity to dislocate them.
Some of NJ. Thiers's admirers have never fully UNI
derstood why he resigned on that memorable 2lth
May 1873 why he might not III the interest OF the
county, have suppressed personal feeling, ana con-
tnucd to hold office. The monarchcal conspiracy
against hun had but object 10 rid themselves 81
a President who was Loyalty devoted 10 the Republic,
and put IN hs place tool Of their own VINO should
give free play their intrgues against It, and pre-
pare the way for its overthrow in 1850. This Is Ne
Tnierss account of ms reslgnatiOn
Tue three monarchci parties, bound together by the
public proposed 20 the Assembly to separate usei from
u,; and 1 less eager 10 separate myse1 ItoD
.i. Asssmb s., gave my rcslg latuni Tor Wlc my
suSc,soI 4n no. c ~, AZ The As.emby itsel lad
constitutional law authorized me 10 do IT, might rave
.i ~ V when o,sssod my confdence aud wncn lad
nj. W N
plsh.d. would not DO that KING. whom the
Hauarcuical principle compeis TO hold on, may avail
Iims.lf of this means OF satisfying public opinion.
In r6at he has alwlys Thought Government
ON mt 10 keep step with the majority OF the National
Rcpesentatv whenever lAeir dgreuent comes 10 an
en has tie ri 10 resign. II is tho country WAS
with ne but not cno emily which nad chosen Aud
mad a motive CHER, even, thau tat OF my personal Dig
my the interest OF the country, ~ most urgent
ami vital iutereSL The question OF ne Monarchy or the
Repubnc is the torment OF France To settle it II Tue
on thing most essential 10 us Iepose, us posles, us
future long was IN power Tie question 1clhs al
opscure one, euplc might say that II was only NY hos
uiiy TO tne monarchy whlcs stoOd III Toe way Oh rs re-
establishment My removal accomplished the evidences
became dazzHng aud the experiment could not ia To DO
decisive ana dc inOnstrtuyc 10 the last degree.
That is something more than vndication If NJ.
Theirs; every line of it Is sarcasm which would
cut Marshal MacMahon TO the quick were he even
tbjcker-slIinned and dulleT-witted than he is. IL
must cut the deeper for fact 10 which NJ. Theirs
makes not the faintest allusOn; the fact that the
Marshal, like General ChaDgsmier, was under such
personal Obligations to 81. Theirs us made his com
plicity in the cabal against him an act OF
shameless ingratitude-tO no stronger word.
Every Constitutional reason which impeled III. Theirs
to resign was an equally cOgent for the resg-
nation of the Marshal when he found the Assembly
against him. and Will be more cOgent still when the
country to which he appeals shall have pronounced
his condemnation. Now see how the Ministers are
delneated by the pen OF master, who Is content TO
describe them by pointing out the line Of conduct
honest men would follow and they do not follow
Every nation has the right to give itself the form Of
government which suits 1t, aud when II has established
this goverum ut, ii has the right to demand that 1t be
loy div served. Nobody IL obliged 10 serve Govern
munl which displeascS him, but II lie dccepsst m0Ie,
If he seeks post under this GOyernmen-he Is bound to
fulfil duties faithfully, with desire To secure It's
cess and not TO upset H. Everyone, certainly mas the
right to aspire 10 public office, no matter wnat be his
parry origin 1t Is ever to be wished that Of
experience former servants OF the State should continue
TO servelt but Away condition of serving loyalty
Pursuing the same theme, NJ Theirs sums up the
crisis in this one question: els the Republic a Gov
ernment to be desired and if it be desirable, ought
il not to be established securely with men who wish
TO make it succeedi That, and that only, is the
issue" Since the 10th May it has been in the
hands of men who are striving to undermine
#. who have denied TO the people of France
the most elementary liberties and rights-the
rights of speech of a free press, of free
circulation Of pamphlets and papers, the right
70 pronounce in the presence of the President Of
the Republic the name of the Republic They
barass and threaten they declare that if the nation
do not accept the opinion of the Marshal its opinion
will be treated as null, and the new Chamber dis
solved like the old they allow their supporters and
organs to proclaim even that whether taxes are
voted or not they shall be collected; violation Of
all the principles of government of whatever form,
Repnblic OF Monarchy; principles which are no
longer denied anywhere, "even at Constantinople"
That is the Republic of the ant-Republlcans and