Litchfield enquirer., 1877-05-31
Religion tn Politics. !"

Under thlS head, the Connecticut Catn- olic publishes an editorial over two col. umns in length, averring that Irish Catholics are practically excluded from offices in this country, because of their religion. Itcomplains that Irish nominees are habitually scratched" and defeated by the native American Protestants of theirown party. Every party has hetray- the Irish and Catholic aspirants for of- fee" It therefore calls upon the Irish voters who form solarge proportion of the voting population of the country to cut fooss from existing parties and-emake their power felt by independent political action: zGrI
 Irishmen and Catholics, should feel the importance that is attached to thear strength and influence; they should be impressed with their natural rights and fight for them against all opposition. They should strive for their own individ- ual and collective interests as the goal of their political hopes, and seek to encom- pass their aggrandizement by every 1e- gitimate expedient. The political millen- nium will not dawn for Irishmen or Cath olics. until they sunder completly the ties of party and launch out into the open sea of political independence. Then their, claims for office will be recognized. and their services will be duly appreciated. to secure their adherence, and would in- augurate 8 reformation by nominating them to lucrative and responsible posi- tions.
 The real point of the foregoing is that Irish Catholics do not receive from the Democratic party the proportion of the ''spoils" which they deserve; that they could get more offices and have more in- fuence by taking an independent posi- ton between Republicans and Democrats, or. as the Catholic naiuely states it's prop osition; "The different parties would then strive to secure their adherence, and would SnaugurGte c refoymatiOn by nom- mating them to lucrative and responsible positions"
 Now, with every desire to see Irishmen asserting thelr independence by voting some other than the Democratic ticket, we
 
 maintain that such an arrangement would not only be plainly immoral, but so plain ly immoral as. to be extremely unVise The real reason of the general distrust of Catholics and Irishmen is not becau se they are of, . diffsrent race or religion from most of us, but because they vote, not each on his own individual convic- tions, as American citizens. but in bulk as Catholics and Irishmen. Hence, from the political point of view, Irishmen and Catholics are not real Americans, but @ mass of foreign matter not yet asslmilated with the American body polite. Consid- erably more than half the native American vote is Republican; and, consequently, to the majority of native Americans, the Irish Catholic is the object of special dis trust as the disturbing force that turns the scale in favor of their political oppo- nents What would be the effect if the Catholics and Irish were to hold aloof from both parties, giving their support to neither except in exchange for "lucrative and responsible positions?"
 Such policy could not but aggravate existing evils. Now, Irishmen and Cath olics belong to, and are controlled by one of our great national parties; then, their votes would be controlled by foreign in fuences and perhaps by foreign church, bitterly opposed to everything republi- can and progressive. Could any course be contrived that would more surely keep alrve those animosities of race and re- ligion which every liberal minded man must deprecate
 Our hope and expectation ia that Irish- men and Catholics will remain Demo. crats till each has become sufficiently Americanized to choose his politics for himself. They must not forget the great lesson taught by Southern Reconstruc- tion, that mere numerical force cannot fit race for self-government. Over population and English misgovernment sent them to us, mostly poor, ignorant and unfit for the heavy responsibili- ties of our citizenship. The history of the Tweed Ring and of similar smaller rings in smaller cities Irishmen and Catholics almost to man, proves this, if proof were necessary. They must learn that they deserve office not in proportion to their numbers but in propor. tion to their fitn ess for it. Any banding together of races or religions against thls fundamental law of popular government. can only lead to wreck and ruin such as has befallen the so-called Republican governments of the unhappy South.
 We are no friend of James G. Blaine, but we admit that the way his lively fe- male connexion, "Gail Hamilthon,," goes for the republican press is pretty gorgeous. In five spicy letters she has exposed the malice of the slanderers. and now she pounces upon the blunderers. ''A pro- digious stumbling in the way of re. form" says she, is ''that wild, irrcsponsi. ble, slam.bang treatment of public affairs, which pays no attention to truth, to con- sistency, or to reason; but, without mal- ice as.without sense, ,splashes around con- vulsively in swash of blind oontradic, tion. relying upon corresponding fatuity in readers"
 She especially instances the awful chasm between the South before Hayes, and the South slnce. Hayes, as viewed through the ''organs" of straight Repub. icanism. It is a good theme for satire. and the crowd who are yelling old maid!" in reply, evidently feel the full force of her slipper.
 A characteristic story is going the rounds of the papers about the Sultan. He had toothache, recently. and dentist was called in who proposed to extract it. The Sultan was scared, and one slave af- ter another was brought mp and had teeth drawn to encourage the Commander