The Weekly Kansas chief. [volume] (Troy, Kan.) 1872-1918, 1877-09-27
CORRESPONDENCE.
THE PRESIDENTS POLICY.

THE PREsIDENf's POLICY.
Mr.. EDITOR I'm closing my previous letter. in ap-
proval and justification of the Southern Policy Of
the Ami nstration referred to the Act of Congress
of 25th April 1871, Ch. 81 being the only one upon
which its opponents coud rely in vindcation Of its
Constitutional right to have taken opposite ground
The Southern Policy, so called was to withdraw
the Federal forces from the positions occupied by
them, in which they maintained in executive power,
Packard in Louisiana, and Chamberlain in South
Carolina. The opposite ground, therefore, was to
keep said forces in their positions and thus maintain
in executive power the gentlemen named.
Occupying, us do unavoidably, so much Of your
space in the expression of my convictions, l will
readily be excused from burdening my communiea-
tion by quoting the language of the statute This
may fairly be presumed accessible to all who desire
to read its provisions. feel apprehension of hay
ing my judgment successfully impugned, when say
that by no ingenuity can it be reasonably claimed
that by even the broaest construction it conferred
any power upon the President to so retain the mill
tary forces. have conceded, in my first, the mere
power the result of the actual supremacy of place.
and of course, will he understood to mean here,
rghtful Constitutional power-the only one whose
exercise admits of justification
BY the way, it to to say here, an offset
your invitation for something in approval of the
Presidents course, instead of apology for it,
that have yet nothing in the other direction
that not solely based upon the idea that he had
failed, not in manfully and magnanimOusly support
ing the Constitutional right, but rather an assumed
fealty to mere partisan obligation.
On the contrary of this the true inquiry should lie,
what, as President of the United States ought he,
under the actual circumstances to have DONE as an
honest faithful able ducary of great trust for the
universal good first wisely seek where duty point
ed, and then unhinchingly advance to its perform
ance; or in the and jaundiee circle of par
tisan obligation, ingenously seek excuse for
evasion of an imperative duty, and then, in timid
distrust of his convictions coldy march its
forcementi
If the so much admired sentiment of Henry Clay,
'rd rather be right than be President has not found
its sanction in sckly sentimentalism, ii cannot he
specious pcrversion to say, conversely show gnobe,
being President, to pander in party subserveney, to
a manifest wrongr' Certainly do not risk being
garded abstractionst, when affirm that
party is entitled to public confidence, claim
the adherence of its constituents, when it exacts
of those whom it has clothed with power, perver-
sion of Judgment disregard Of official obligation.
in orler to for it either temporary per
manent advantage
1t is wide departure from the true line of inquiry
even to suggest, has most commonly been done by
the assaants of the President what may or may not
have been the claims upon his sympathy of those
whose immediate interests have suffered by his with
drawal of the military forces. Had Congress intend
ed that in the exercise of the high authority conferred
by the act of 1871 the President should consider the
advantages or disadvantages of any political party,
it would have been easy to have introduced some
word to indicate such intention. 1t is not clear
however that any such intention would have excited
approval with, even, the most ultra of partizans.
The language used is, ''insurrectiOn, domestic
violence, unlawful combinations, conspiracies,r
and those to ''obstruct or hinder the execution
of the laws" &c, and this in such manner as to
deprive any portion or class of the people Of such
State Of any Of the rights, privileges immunities
protection named in the Constitution" &c.
This law Was the necessary sequence of the Con-
stitutional Amendments, then recently adopted. In
the prevailing condition of affairs il Of command
ing necessity that there should be distinct and strn
gent legislation to provide against probable outbreaks
in sections against those recently enfanchised
This necessity gave rise to the act of lsl the dis
turbanccs in Pennsylvania in 1872 had to the first
legislation of 1895. believe fell, inadvertently
into the soecsm Of speaking of this act sufficient
for those emergencies Of which, in fact it had been
the result.
The statute Of 1871, under the circumstances and
for the object of its passage, might well have been
expected to embrace all the emergencies to which
it could fairly be presumed applicable Yet does it
fall far short Of vesting in the President power to
investigate antl determine what authority, of two
claimants under State Law, is the legal one; and
even if, by any forced construction it did So how
much less does Il sanction the unholdno of that an