Clarksville weekly chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1873-1890, 1877-01-13
DEMOCRATIC SENATOR'S INTER
VIEWED.


In our last we expressed ourselves
with much regret of what We deemed
an ill.timed letter of Gov. Hampton
addressed to Gov. Hayes.
1t is with largely increased mortifca-
ton that we read of the recent public
utterances Of two of our leading Dem
ocratic Senators. No two statesmen
have in late days so thoroughly gained
the confidence of the Southern people,
and exercised so extensive an inhu-
ence among them, as Senators Bayard,
of Delaware, and Lamar, Of Misslsslp-
pi. These two gentlemen hare been
interviewed by some employe of the
New York Herald, the main question
discussed being the expedieney of the
House refusing to vote the appropri-
ations, in case of certain contingen
cies. In justice to the two gentlemen
concerned we ought to state that the
name of the interviewer is not given,
and we have only his word for the ac-
accuracy with which their words have
been reported.
The question was put in the follow
ing form to Nv Bayard. He was asked
what he thought of supposed pur-
pose of the Democratic majority in
the House of Representatives to stop
the supplies for the incoming admins
tration in case of the Inauguration of
Mr.. Hayes. To have the question
clearly before us, we will take the
latter part of Mr.. Bayards reply first,
because it shows that neither the in
terrogator nor the respondent stated
precisely the contingency under which
any one has proposed the step in ques-
ton. @
We think it best to give Mr.. Bay
yards words as reported
"I believe some one has been cleo
ted, and, if there is any doubt who has
been chosen, the constitution con-
tains clear and ample means for solv-
ing it. If on the 18th of February it
does not appear that an election by the
several colleges of electors has been
accomplished, the provisions for an i'm
mediate election are supplied in clear
terms by the same charter of powers.
When this result is made known the
people will demand and the honorable
men of both sides in Congress will see
TO 1t that the person lawfully entitled
is inaugurated, and no violence will be
tolerated.
1t is here assumed that the question
will be settled on strictly constitution
al principles; but Mr.. Bayard must
know that very grave doubts are en-
tertained of this assumption. He
says that in case of the failure of an
election by the college of electors,
the provisions for an immediate
election are supplied in clear terms by
the same charter of our powers" But,
however clear the terms in which the
method of procedure may be described
in the constitution, Mr.. Bayard is
aware that two very different solutions
of the problem are now discussed; one
that the House should then elect
President, the other that the Presi-
dent Of the Senate should exercise the
executive functions until the election is
determined by the electors. The dis
tinguished Senator would have done
well if he had stated which of these
methods he considers to be so clearly
expressed IN the constitution. His
general political principles and his
associations would lead us to suppose
the former, but he we'll knows that the
latter is claimed as the right course by
the present administration and its or
gans, and that on it some glariugly revo-
lutiOnary schemes have been based,
such as handing over the executive to
Gen. Grant or Mr.. Sherman of Ohio,
in either case backed by the active in
terposition of the army. If his re-
spouse had been grounded on this
supposition it would have been more
to the purpose. No one wants to know
what ought to be done if a President
is inaugurated by clearly cons titution-
al methods; every one is clear that
on that hypothesis complete acquies
ence is the only course.
But the question which is agitating
the country is quite another one !;
What should be done If the ececatiUe
po,oer be disposed Of IN ,oay contrary
to the provisions Of the constitution, and
If that infractjOn of 1t should be main
tanned 6y military torce2 If, in an
swer to this question, Senator Bayard
discountenances the method of resist
ance under discussion as IAN act rev
Olution and almost certainly of war,
we then have the misfortune of being
entirely at variance with him. We
neither deem it revolutionary with Mr..
Bayard, nor any preliminary OF revo-
luton with Mr. Lamar, we deem it on
the contrary as the constitutional
method, and the only one of resisting
revolution when revolution takes the
form of executive usurpation and as
sumption of hyper-constitutional pow
ers.
Mr.. Lamar says that the privilege
has not been exercised in Eng
land since 1774, and he might
have gone further back; but this
is because it has not been called
for; it is essentially, as we have said,
a remedy for lawless despotism on the
part of the executive, and as no such
a thing has been attempted on the
part of the British crown for nearly
two centuries, the power has slept for
that time. But let British prime
minister march troops into London,
Westminster, Birmingham, Manehes-
ter during an election for the purpose
of influencing that election in favor of
his party; let a committee of half a
dozen gentlemen undertake to revise
the election returns of Lancashire. or
Yorkshire in the interest of a minis
IL a