The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1877-03-28

We have no doubt that the South Carolina
question is in the way to speedy settle
ment. President Hayes seems to have great
faith in what the anti-Maine law teetotallers
call moral suasion, which is no doubt
great deal better than compulsion in cases
where it can be made effective. Mr.. Cham
berlain is already in Washington, and
Governor Hampton is expected to-mor-
row. We anticipate as the result of
the conferences that Hampton will give
satisfactory assurances of his ability
to maintain order and his disposition to
protect the blacks, and that Chamberlain
will make voluntary REIMBURSEMENT Of
his claims, in compliance with the wishes
of the President and rs q magnanimous
sacrifice of private ambition to the public
veal. Even on the score of political pro-
motion he has a great deal more to gain and
to hope by compliance than by opposition.
He must be sensible that our politics have
passed into new era that nothing can ar
rest the transition which took ali the South
ern States but two from the republicans
during the administration of General Grant,
|
make greater mistake than failure to
understand his epoch and an attempt to
ride dead horse. We are entirely conf
dent that he will listen to reason and make
no further trouble after his return to South
Carolina.
We are sorry that the prospect is not yet
as hopeful in respect to Louisiana. We
have never liked the idea of n commission,
but since it is decided on we will not put q
straw in the way of its success. If the
President intends to be governed by
the advice of the commission when
it returns he is making a hazardous
experiment. If it should advise the
recognition of Packard he will be in an I'M
pleasant dilemma. If he recognizes Packard
and engages to sustain him it will not be
possible to withdraw the federal troops.
No intelligent man believes that the Pack
ard government could stand day without
their support If the President begins by
recognizing him now he is certain to have
this trouble on his hands during the whole
four years of Packards term and his own.
He surely cannot want this perpetual
thorn in his side. He must know, too,
that if he supports Packard the
democratic House will again defeat
the Army Appropriation bill, and
that he will be left without the means OF
keeping his engagement with Packard, if
he makes one. Why should he court GER
tain defeat and humiliation by undertaking
to accomplish impossibilities? We incline
to think that the real purpose Of the CON-
mission has not been avowed. Its more prob
able object is to bring moral pressure to
bear on Packard and induce him to follow
the example expected to be set by Cham.
berlain and retire. He can do this with q
better grace and a smaller sacrifice OF
pride if so advised by respect.
could now, when it would be difficult tc
release himself from his committals to his
supporters. If he consents to retire we are
willing that he should be bowed out with oil
sorts of federal politeness and every mark o.
distinguished consideration. 1t should not
be difficult to convince him that his
recognition by the President would
be an empty, short-lived triumph
since it would infallibly lead to an
other defeat of the army appropriation
and utterly cripple the authority on which
he seeks to lean. The state of the Army
Appropriation bill is a pretty good guaran
tee that Packard will yet listen to reason
and make the best of an utterly hopeless
case The President cannot long help hin
if the Army bill does not pass, and pas
it certainly will not if Packard is recog
nizcd.