The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1877-01-10

years, should II depend on the vote OF the
state. While the guilt of the board in an act
so heaven daring, would be multiplied by the
millions whose voices ii would stlfie, these
millions wouli be utterly without remedy,
even In the congress of the nation, according
TO the leaders of the republican party.
THE RETURNING BOARD.
And who are the men constituting this
tocratic If not omnipOtent institution or the
republican party OF Louisiana, connected in
the worst days of carpet-bag government, and
for the most nefarious purposes? TWO OF them
are white me n and two coiored. Tney are the
same men WHO sat upon the board in 1874, and
after the election in that year took the ma
jority OF votes away from one side and gave II
10 the other by unjust, arbitrary and illegal
action" as admitted by a republican con-
gressional committee of which one William A.
Wheeler was member. They are all mem
RT OF the and dse Of then then
the spoils-hunting system OF the pres
president of the board, who was elected gov
ernOr of Louisiana under the reconstruction
policy Of President Johnson, was summarily
elected from that Office ia 1861 by General
Sheridan, for violating an act or the legisla-
ture respecting the repair of ner levees, and
seeking TO prostitute the funds of the state 10
partisan purposes. General Sheridan branded
him as a political trickster and dishonored
man, ana charged him with ''subterfuge and
political chicanery." He declared that "his
conduct had been as sinuous as The mark left
that he had mot one friend who is an honest
man." After a stay in New Orleans of over
three weeks, and mingling freely with the peo-
pie when not engas ed in watching the action
of the returning board, have no hesitation
in indorsing the statement of General Sheri-
dan as true. Governor Wells is not only a
jOurneyman and expert in rascality, through
long years of training and experience, but he
is a scoundrel aboriginally; and in saying this,1
sentiment of the state. Anderson, the other
white man on the board is not quite so vicious.
The element of humanity is not so fatally left
out of his composition. He is not so
co dbloOdsd. If placed in command OF
pirate ship he might falter in some emergency
which his more intrepid and satanic compan
ion on the board would enjoy as luxury.
But he is not wanting the qualities which
have made the returning board famous, for he
is a thoroughly accomplished knave and
the fit companion and associate in office of
the president of the body. CaSSanave, one of
the colored members of the board. is am under
taker by occupation, and was a slave holder
before the war. He Is man of limited educa-
ton and intelligence, and not at all qualified
by capacity or training for the position he oc-
cupies. He is very strong partisan, but is
regarded as kindly, well-disposed sort OF
man, whose worst misfortune is that the
thoroughly unprincipled men on the board
use him as their tool. This must be regarded
as certain, in the absence of any proof that he
has ever opposed the confessed illegality and
fraud OF his associates. Kenner, The other col
ored man and junior member of the board, is
very small, light muletto, quick and spright-
ly in his movements, but altogether untitled
by talents, education or experience, for so re-
spOnsible position. He is a gambler and grog
seller,a very low fellow. and a few years ago was
kicked out of a saloon in New Orleans for
stealing the money of his employer.
SERIOUSNESS OF THE CRISIS.
Gentlemen, these are the men who are TO
settle the issue OF presidential election for
the people OF the United States, in the centen-
Mai year ofthe republic. Louisiana tribu-
nal, Matched into life by huckstering poll
ticians, shamefully unfit to pass upon the
average questions cOgniZable in the court of a
justice OF the peace, and condemned by the
decent men of all parties for its record of ras-
cality and fraud, is to decide, as fnality, a
question of the graveSt magnitude TO forty
millions of people. Was ii surprising, in such
ocratic committee should ask some of the
chosen friends of Tilden and Hendricks to
visit Louisiana in the interest of peace, and
fair count of the vote of the state? Was il
strange that a thrill of alarm was felt in every
section Of the Union, and that men spoke
with bated breath of the situation? And was
the general anxiety at all asSauged oy the
sending of troops TO New Orleans? Did not
the man who said "Let us have peace" de-
stroy civil government in Louisiana by the
same returning board cheated the people
of the state out of the right to their own chosen
rulers through a fair and valid election, did he
not back up the outrage by the scandalous use
of federal soldiers? Has not the man who said
Let no guilty man escape" systematically
taken sides with usurpation and roguery in
Louisiana? Did he need troops in New
Orleans, if the returning board was resolved TO
act honestly? Or did he mean to use them in
sustaining il in the repetition of its past
offences against justice and decency? The
president, in his military order to General
be disappointed in the result" but that 1.-THE
country can not afford to have the result
tainted by the suspicion of illegal or false
returns" Did he mean this? Or was he firing
at honor and fair play from behind a masked
battery? The crisis was critical. Danger
seemed to be in the air. The hearts of the
hour, and all patriotic and sober men anxious
ly hoped for its peaceable solution.
A CONFERENCE PROPOSED AND REJECTED-THE
REASONS.
What was to be done? Representative men
of both political parties had reached the
theater of trouble, as the avowed missionaries
of peace and fair dealing. The men who
Represented the the, democratic SIDE t OF the
ness of the situation, addressed a brief
letter to Stanley Matthews, John Sher-
who had been deputed by the president, pro-
posing joint conference sin order that such
influence as they possessed might be exerted
in behalf of such a canvass of the votes, as by
its fairness and impartiality should command
the respect and acQuieScence of the American
people all parties" 1 submit to all just and
reasonable men that this was a fair and manly
proposition. / am sure IL was made in good
faith, and that not a man who Joined in IL
would have been willing to see Tilden and
Hendricks counted in by fraud. We simply
asked for a fair count, and the supervision of
the canvass by conference representing both
sides of the disputed question. 1t might not
have accomplished any valuable result, but in
so threatening an aspect of public affairs the
effort was certainly TO be commended, and
could not honorably be declined. What was
the answer to our proposition by the deputies
of the president and leaders of the republican
party? They say in the outset that they "know
of no reason To doubt that perfectly honest
and just declaration of the results of the recent
election in Louisiana by its lawfully consti-
tuted authorities will be made" Gentlemen,
would any of you have believed 1t morally pos
sible for Stanley Matthews, John Sherman,
and their republican co-laborers in Louis
lana to face the American people with a
they were equal to the extraordinary task,
and they are "ail honorable men," / will not
be so ungenerous and impOlite as TO call in
question their veracity. but IL can only be de-
Tended by an impeachment of their intelli-
gence, almost as disgraceful as lying. No rea-
son to doubt that perfectly honest and just
declaration of the vote in Louisiana would be
made by the famous returning board! Then