The Donaldsonville chief. [volume] (Donaldsonville, La.) 1871-current, 1877-09-01
THE sOUTHs INTEREST IN THE
GREAT LABOR STRIKE.
BY EMERSON BENTLE

Taking the press for guide, one
might be led to suppose that the
South had no interest in the great
Northern labor strike, save one. of
exultation at the failure of the advo-
Gates of law and order to head it off
in its incipiency. With a singular
carelessness or flippaney the question
is discussed as If it involved simply
the goring of neighbours OK, and not
influence to be felt ultimately in
every section of the country. The
delusion will have a short life. The
South has very deep interest in the
widespread revolt of labor against
capital /; and it is because her combi-
nations of capital are being welded
grievously against her laboring classes,
and are thereby creating bonds of
sympathy stronger than race preju-
dices or State militia in the direction
of society.
1t is worthy of remembrance that it
was on Virginia soil that old John
Brown opened the war against slav-
cry and State militia did not keep
the influences of the deed from
marching on with astonishing rap
idity. The ill-paid railroad men of
Martinsburg, West Virginia, were the
first to begin the revolt against exact
ing railroad corporations which sub
sequently became general iu the land.
The State militia fraternized with the
mob and failed in the purpose for
which they were summoned to arms.
In both instances the cry of "mad.
men," " fanatics" and more troops"
for the protection of capitalists was
raised, but after the deeds came a
host of moral reflections. The John
Brown "mob" somehow came off vic
tors in the light of subsequent events,
and it is quite popular for State
Rights Democracy to pledge allie
glance to the thirteenth, fourteenth
and fifteenth amendments to the
national constitution.
The disagreeable scenes of the Ia
Dor strike have ended, but the ques-
ton of the proper relations between
labor and capital is made paramount.
Before the revolt there was no hope
of redress, because corporations hav-
ing no souls exercised great weight
i'll the making of laws, and gave
slight heed to workingmen' s petitions,
Now, the moral fioodgates of public
opinion are thrown open, and the
discovery is made that there are two
sides to be viewed, and mutual arbi-
tration, possibly supervisory laws,
will be adequate for substantial re-
dress of grievances. And the strikers,
putting aside their mob proclivities.
are moving steadily to the ballot-box
for workingmen's candidates, and
compelling the politicians to recOg-
nize their citizen power.
If Pennsylvania miners, with sala-
ries of $13 per month, fail to provide
for families of five with comfort, the
same thing can not be expected OF
Mississippi negroes with So or SO.
There is similarity in the grounds
of complaint. In the one case it j,
the mine owners in combination
against the miners !; in the other the
planters against the field hands. The
mine owners meet and fix the rates
for the miners the planters meet il
associations to determine the wages
of field hands. The capitalists in both
cases avoid councils in which the
laborer will have voice or repre-.
sentatiOn-and taxation without rep
resentation is tyranny. The miner
was taxed by capital below living
basis aud he revolted physically ana
politically. He will demand of the
Legislators dependent upon his ballot
q fair adjustment. The negro ol
Mississippi was ruled out of legisla
tive representation by the white lin,
policy; be is ruled out of an adjust
ment of wages he is 10 longer fre'
agent, but subject to the caprice o
capitalists. The enforced cheap labo
of negroes makes the South an unde
sirable locality for poor white labor
ers, who can not comfortably cOmpet
with it in the ordinary vacations. l
also rivals the agricultural labor o
the West aud the manufacturing Ia