Morning appeal. [volume] (Carson City, Nev.) 1877-1906, 1877-12-05
THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.

1t is a sort of traditional duty of all news
papers to deal with great solemnity with
Presidents Messages. Mr.. Hayes, of Ohio,
having been got into the Presidency, after
many strange struggles, now presents to the
Congress his first message. 1t is very long
and very replete with dreary sort of respec-
liability; and it is produced at great expense
of telegraph and typograph charges, by the
bigger newspapers The Enterprise of yes
terday reproduces it in full and from a read
ing of its edition of the same we are enabled
to acquaint ourselves with its full text and
make the following brief comments: The
President, by his opening remarks, and in all
that he says seems to be possessed of the idea
that he owes an apology to the people of the
United States for being and doing what he is
and what he has undertaken. The very exor-
dunn is plea He evidently feels himself in
the confessional. The most encouraging
symptom thus made evident is that Hayes has
a sort of feeble, but none -the-less admonish-
ing conscience. 1t is evident that his goody
goodishness does not sit well on his stomach.
The villain is dyspeptic and uneasy in his
mind. The second apology is that by which
he excuses himself for having withdrawn the
arm of Federal authority from the insursent
States. Here he begs the question in NAL
adroit way; and he attempts, in shamefaced
fashion, to exhibit the requisite amount of
effrontery to congratulate the country on the
''results' of what he has done In the face
of the facts that the Republican vote of Rich
mond and Petersburg, (aggregated is less
than 10, and that the blacks of South Caro-
lima having abandoned voting altogether,
while all their friends in office are made sub
ject to the inimical action of rebel grand juries
he has the harsh and unpleasant hardlhood
to promise to protect the Freedmen from per
secution. If this were not such cruel mock
cry, it would be amusing. These questions,
however, are merely touched upon matters
which, while they could not well be avoided,
were to be slurred over by platitudes, assump-
tons and ghttering generalities. The Presi-
dent strikes his true gait when he makes his
devoirs to the money-lenders in an argument
in advance of his veto of the silver bill. He
has set his face toward Massachusetts and the
usurers, and turned his back upon the masses.
It is with the rich and not the poor that his
sympathies are. We cannot reproduce what
he says, We have not the space. But he
damns the scheme of silver reconciliation
with faint praise. What influence of his ad |
ministration has been withheld from the reb |
els has been bestowed, with superserviceable |
zeal upon the bondholders and bankers of
Yankeedom and Jewry. His treatise upon
the Civil Service is simply declaration of
war against the Senate and an assumption of
the whole power of making appointments and
of the sole exercise of judgment concerning
them as the prerogative of the Executive. In
other words, he assumes to set the Presidency
in his own day and generation, above all in
fuence and apart from all cooperation of the
Senate in the matter of selecting the eighty
office holders of the United States.
Having smothered the party in the South and
paralysed it in the North, he proceeds to CEN
tralize upon the Presidency all the power and
personal allegiance of the Civil Service. Be
You'd what we have alluded to the Message is
mere departmental drudgery and Executive
rubbish There is not a fresh idea in it. it
IS neither graceful of diction nor eloquent of j
rhetoric. 1t is commonplace, uncompromis-
ng and disloyal to his party. t
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