The New Orleans daily Democrat. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1877-1880, 1877-06-30
THE N. Y. SUN AND THE DEMO-
CRATIC LEADERS.

The New York Sun takes to task our neigh
Dor, the Times, for its comments upon tn,
late speech of Mr.. Tilden, which it deems un
Just to that eminent reformer. Docs 1t not
however, commit an equal act of injustice
when it shifts the burden of Democratic dis
aster upon tho leaders Of the party in Con
gress2 We think SO. Weakness on the part
of the party leaders there undoubtedly was
but does not that weakness find at once ts
cause and an excuse in the want of political
virtue In the people2
What Is the just responsibility of politi-
cal leader In a democratic government ii
cannot extend beyond giving wise and just
direction to the popular sentiment SO as to
preserve the institutions and foster the inter-
ests Of the people. But no leader can give to
a people courage which they have not, or in
fuse into them spirit which all their instruc-
tion tend to suppress and destroy. He must
necessarily be one of themselves, differing
only in the possession of superior intelligence
and sagacity. If any broad distinction exists
between his sentiments and theirs, he
ceases to be q leader, and only
the possession Of despotic power
can prevent his sinking into q nonentity. If
he fails in an emergency to answer the de-
mands of public sentiment he Is at once SUI
perseded by another, more bold and enter
prising where that sentiment demands such
| action. Where it does not vigor and energy
| on his part, lacking popular support, can
| only be productive of disaster The liberties
| of q people are never lost except by the de-
cay Of those sentiments through which alone
ing superior force applied from without. To
our minds the events Of the last eight months
furnish the most striking illustration of this
truth with which we are acquainted.
At sunset on the seventh of last November
the ballots of the American people had been
cast in favor of Samuel J. Tilden as Pres-
dent for the ensuing term. His opponent adj
mitted the fact and dropped a tear over the
fate of that race which, deriving its position
from the overthrow of the constitution. must
it was inferred. lose it by any step which
might be taken towards its re-establishment.
Not so, however, with the leaders of that
party which, begotten by faithlessness and
nurtured by war and violence. looked with
contempt upon the scrupies which it had
brought the country to regard as obligatory
upon all except itself. They promptly de-
termined to seize by fraud the electoral votes
of the three carpet-bag States and inaugu-
rate by force the President SO chosen. This
design was fully manifested within week
after the election day.
How was it met by the people2 Some of
the organs of popular opinion in the West
gave utterance to a defiance of such lawless
action, but they met no response from the
North or the East, whence came only con
domination of any action which might lead to
strife and appeals to the honor of party
the vital principle of which was falsehood-
to the sense of justice of those who had COM
pletely lost that sentiment in the storm Of
passion before which they had been wildly
drifting for sixteen years. The S,u, itself
until then the bold and vigorous champion
of the right, utterly wilted before the threaten
ing glance of Zachariah Chandler and whined
as any whipped spaniel. Itcould only pray for
mercy and make some weak suggestions
about an election III 1880. in the remedial
effect of which, should it ever take place,
nothing then warranted any confidence. Moth
ing must be done which could possibly en-
gender strife. To retain the South in bondage
might justify the most costly war ever
known; but no party could survive the initia-
ton of a strife which might imperil the value
of bonds for over thousand million of dollars
held in New England and New York upon
issue about a constitution which
had been already overthrown, or for the pro-
lection of that liberty which had become the
mere cant of the demagogues.
That strife, If inaugurated, would be far
graver than that from which the country had |
not yet fully emerged. It would be truly |
civil war-a war in every neighborhood. |
Such a prospect might well give pause to &C
ton in even the bravest heart. generous |
nature, or even true wisdom, might have |
dared it rather than see the fundamental
principles Of the government overthrown, the |
of the people over-awed by a |
of artillery and the executive office |
openly usurped. But no people could be |
brought to such action who were not thor
Dughly imbued with the right of resistance
as practiced by the English people and our
own ancestors of 1776
Now in order to find the semblance |
Of some moral justification for their crusade |
against the South, every organ of popular |
at the North had been employed |
in the denuncation of that doctrine as en-
bodied in the Declaration of Independence
Forcible resistance to the will of the govern
ment, no matter what the provocation, was
as the most heinous of crimes.
Against no act of usurpation by the executive
d. legislature, however fragrant, could there
De any redress except by an appeal to another,
and that the weakest department of the same /
government. A generation had grown up
under this teaching and was necessarily |
by it for any action
which could protect the popular liber-
lies when truly imperiled. Brave hearts
md rebellious spirit are the only genuine
securities for these. 1t would have been i'm
possible for John Adams or Patrick Henry to
nave proposed to make up a record for the
Court of Kings Bench, when the right of the
British Parliament to tax the American people
vas in question. But that was generation