The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1877-12-20
what VIII Engia nd Dot

verSlty OF sympathy VIII viz "ASAo "
which in this country is happily described
rs sspure cussedness" that is to say, with
a resolution to yield to delusive impulses
and look at things in n way for which 1t Is
impossible to give any valid reason. IL IS
a characteristic of the British people that
they watch nearly all contemporary dramas
in that way. rs we have ourselves painfully
experienced. They watched our war in the
same spirit. They had clamored for gen.
eration against American civilization as
stained in the deepest degree by the dread.
full offence of slavery, and when the con-
fiict came in which slavery was destined to
perish all their sympathies gushed in its IA
vor. and they were hysterical in admiration
of victories that seemed likely 70 give it
m indefinite lease Of life. ''Thcy hated
slavery but they wanted cotton" and
while cotton was in no danger they in
dulged the expression Of their sentiment
against slavery but when that institution
was in danger they smothered their sentl-
ment and thought only of their material
wants. They contemplated the drama IN
Bulgaria in the same style On one side
was civilization and Christianity, and it the
English nation has vanity stronger than
all others it is its disposition to patronize
these two excellent things. On the other
side was heathenism, barbarism, sayagery;
an absolute denial Of all the notions and
theories in virtue OF which the world OF to-
day is different from the world OF seven CEN
turtles ago denial, in short, OF all the
progress, enlightenment, law and order OF
which England is the great champion In
the world at large. Was England. therefore,
on the side of civilization and Christianity?
Not at all. Did she not indulge her nobler
sympathies in the conflict? She thought
she could not afford it. She hoped for the
success OF the barbarian, because she is u
merchant in the India trade and Russia
keeps shop over the way.
Consequently when Osman Pachas army
was surrendered England was injured in
her sympathies: not in the sympathies in
spired by her ideal relation to the world,
but in the sympathies that are rooted i'll her
comm ercial relations. Over that crushing
victory of the Muscovite she was exceed
ingly moved, for the Turk is an accessory in
her Eastern operations, and what hurts him
a little hurts her great deal, because her
capacity to be hurt is far greater than his.
From the nature Of the case, therefore, it
was almost to be taken for granted that this
event would agitate England greatly; yet
it was scarcely to be supposed that it would
SO far ''fright the isle from its propriety' as
to induce an exhibition of alarm and uncer-
tainty such as is given in the determination
to assemble Parliament almost Immediately.
This is step. that would not be taken by
Ministry possessed of clear conceptions as
to the proper course to pursue, not divided
as to those conceptions, and confident that
it had the confidence of the country and
would be supported in the course it might
deem wise; and the determination to
that those issues must be settled in
the national council which it has been
found impossible to settle in the Cabinet
council. Many reasons are alleged for this
policy of hurry and panic, but the one that
attributes it to the desire OF the Premier to
play against dissentient voices in the Cab
met which he cannot control parliament
tary majority that he believes he can control
by oratorical epigrams, seems conceived in
intimate acquaintance with his motives.
Not confident or bold enough to make an
issue with colleagues who do not support
his views. he hopes to whip them in by
that clamor in the House and in the country
which he believes he can readily raise. He
hopes with the roar of the mob to drown
the judicious objections to his Eastern
policy entertained by men who really un-
derstand the East
All that is known of the will and intelli-
gence of the present sovereign of Great
Britain justifes the opinion that she is not
altogether cipher in the State, and it is pos
sble that her wish has had it's share finfu-
ence in the course taken. Deeply conscious
Of moral responsibility in the case, and
aware that part Of the Cabinet believed
war necessary for the defence of English
interests while another maintained that no
interest was in peril which it was worth awar
to defend, the Queen would naturally de-
sire to refer to the Council of the nation an
issue on which her immediate advisers
differed so widely. If war is to be made let
the nation make it; but If it is not
to be made and any evil is to come
in, consequence, let the nation have
the responsibility Of determining to
risk that possible evil. This might
we'll be the view OF a cautious and logical
sovereign who sees that their own divisions
have deprived the advice of her Ministry of
any value. Indeed, if the report that an
English note to the German Cabinet had
been answered in contemptuous and almost
impairment terms be true, this evidence Of
the opinion entertained abroad of the
British Ministry would be sufficient to
inspire the Queen with great repugnance to
wait IN hour longer than is necessary to put
the national welfare in charge of the repre-