New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1877-12-15
UH1T NENTf

The Presidents great mistake in dealing with
the New-YOrk Custom House, was in not set
ting down to count the cost before he began
to build, and so finding out whether he
had enough to finish his undertaking
All the obstacles to the removal OF
Messrs. Arthur and Cornell could have
been foreseen, if he had exercised a
little of the ordinary sagacity of the politician,
and a slight examination of the laws should
have been enough to satisfy HIM as to
the efficacy of the means mt his disposal
for overcoming the inevitable opposition
lie seems, however under the milu-
ence of some strangely unsophishcated ad-
wiser. to have strOlled deliberately and gayly
into difficulties without taking the trouble TO
calculate how he could get out again; and we
are not certain that the Cabinet understands
even yet how serious the difficulties are.
1t was not unnatural that having deter
mined to adopt a new principle In Custom
House management, he should have thought
it best to make change in the ofll-
ces at Newly Ork But it was absurd
10 lose sight of the important fact that he
could not make such change without the
consent of the Senate. The Tenure of Office
Act is very explicit in declaring that no civil
officer. whose appointment has been confirmed
by the Senate, shall be removed before the ex-
piration of his term, except by and with the ad-
vice and consent of the Senate. This rule may be
bad in principle and injurious IN It's conse-
quences but is the law and II must be respected
The first essential step, therefore, toward the
accomplishment of the scheme of reform, was
TO secure the cooperation OF the Senate ANA
the way, of course, to secure the Senate was
hardly to permit personal attack upon
its most influential members to be made
under the disguise of reform. Presidents, like
other people, have to take men as they find
them, and it is good policy to recognize that
there is more or less human nature even
in Senators. 1t was utterly impossible for Nj.
HAYES to move a step in this matter if the
Senate said, No. But apparently he did not
think Of that; and so when the votes come to
be counted on the test question the Hayes
party is found to number exactly five men.
1t is now reported that the President in
tends to send in other names in place of
those Of Messrs. Roosevelt and Prince. We
hope he will do nothing of the kind. The
Senate has voted not to reject the nOmi-
nation of these gentlemen on the score
of unftness. but to dsapprove the re-
moval of Messrs. Arthur and Cornell, on
the ground that there is not sufficient
cause for dsplacing them. The Senate has
perfect right to take this position, and the
President must submit. The law is clear.
Any further insistance upon the desired change
At this time would be a mere stubborn perver-
sity; more than that,-the Senate would
be justified IN deeming it an afront. The
President must remember that he is compelled
to work with the Senate III putting his reforms
into effect, and he cannot afford to be on bad
terms with it, In any case there must be no
quarrelling among the Republicans at Wash
ngton. The country is in danger; in greater
danger than it has been at any time since
Gettysburg; and President Hayes, with the
Republicans of the Senate and the House
,,ugt povn If