Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1877-01-19

Louisiana Tor Hayes.
Notwithstanding the middle which has
been raised about the electoral vote Of
Louisiana, the fact is every day becoming
clearer that the only legitimate manner Of
procedure is to take the vote as it stands.
To go behind the State certificate and to in
quire whether the law be proper, or which
certificate ought TO have the lawful sane
ton, would be to make Congress judi
cial tribunal and returning board for State
elections and 10 complete absolute central
ization.
There is no right vested by the Consti-
tuition in the States more clearly defined
than that of the various States TO ''appoint"
Presidential electors. 1t is the State that
appoints IL Is the voice OF the State that is
expressed by the elector. 1t Is The States
and not The people who elect the President
The State provides for the casting of its
own vote, in its own way, subject to scarce
ly any Limitation of its authority over the
proceeding by the General Government.
The Federal Government in the matter OF
the Presidential election simply confers
upon the State the privilege of selecting a
certain number of electors. Ii leaves with
the State the responsibility of seeing that
its vote is an honest one. If there is one
thing plainly set forth in the Constitution,
1t is that of the manner of electing Presi-
dents. Even when the election is thrown
into the House, the power of the State over
the matter is recognized by the provisions
which give each State a single vote.
The position assumed by the Democrats
upon this question presents a novel specta-
Gle. For three-qusrters of a century the
Democratic party has been the party of
State rights. The famous resolutions OF
1898 have been their bulwark of defence,
and the arsenal which contained their most
effective weapons. In years not long gone
by, Democratic platform which did not
contain some portion of that famous doc
trlne Of 1898, or base its declarations upon
it as text or exposition Of the Constitu-
ton, was an object Of suspicion and an evil
dence that novices were entrusted with the
important function of declaring the party
faith. Daring the past fifty years the DEM
ocratic party has shifled its ground on
nearly every question except its belief in
the sovereignty of the States. For years IL
WAS thO GA pOhCut vi SidNciy huu luo ODDO-
nent of emancipation; now 1t has the cour-
age to say that slavery was mistake and a
misfortune and emancipation a very great
blessing; it has denounced impartial suf-
frage and mildly applauded it; it has ridi-
culed The Jeffersonian declaration that all
men are entitled to equal rights, and later
given 1t quasi approval II has been both
the party of hard and soft money. Indeed
it has been nearly all things to all men for
the sake of winning votes. But in all its
mutations and revolutions of policy it has
never laltered in its advocacy of the ultra
doctrines of State Rights, and never lost
sight of the resolutions of 1898 until the
present question came up. Now the en-
tire party turns a somersault and practi-
cally repudiates the whole theory. Indeed,
the party leaders have struck blow at the
very existence oil the States in a vital sense.
And for what purposef To force Mr.. Til
49, ;--.- 49, p---.I~--.,-i -Lai- and sa;,a
upon the Federal patronage Thus for
four years rule the Democratic leaders are
willing to repudiate the acts, declarations
and party traditions OF three quarters Of
century.
The strength Of the Republican claim to
the electoral vote of Louisiana is well stat
ed by George William Curtis in Harper's
Weekly, whose language we can do no bet
Ter than TO quote:
Let il be made clear TO g country that
the election in Louisiana was not fair and
free that Tor years there had been constant
intimidation and terror toward Republic
cans; that in districts where there had
hoo Al Nh
jorities of two or three thousand, there
were not hundred Republican votes cast /;
that in every parish where there were not
proved murders and terrOrs OF the Repub-
licans, there were increased Republican
majorities and that in this situation Re-
publican board threw out under the man
date Of law enough polls to give the Repub-
licans majority, and that their return,
complete and regular under the law of the
State, came to Congress. Although there
might be serious doubt of the wisdom or
constitutionalty of the State law, could
Congress 90 more wisely than abide by the
lawful return2 Gould there be anything
more hostile to the spirit of the constitution
than the rejection Of the lawfully certified
electoral vote of State? And would not
any kind of irregular, unlawful, or violent
action be both fatal and absurd? The on
ly ground on which Congress could plausi-
bly, assume to reject Stale vote under the
violence on one side and alleged fraud on
the other, would be under the constitution
al obligation of Congress to guarantee a
Republican form Of government TO every
State, and the decision that the government
OF The State was not Republican in form.
But that position would have consequent |
ces which would reach very much farther |
han TO the electoral vote. As we said at |
The beginning OF the controversy we saw |
now, that the only reasonable and PATRIOTS |
and saie solution lies in adherence to the |
forms of law. III the transactions in Louis |
lana which we have more than once men |
toned shall cause conviction that the re- |
suit has been fraudulently and wrongfully, |
although lawfully decided, the party whiSh |
must bear the responsibility will nav the |
penalty, while any course not plainly with |
in the acknowledged forms OF law, under
whatever pretense, would necessarily end |
in anarchy"
American Manufactures In Europe.