The Wheeling daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1865-1903, 1877-08-28

4 Tar..ingman'S ;iewS al ,ic
labor Question.

~ ~ Sf.N tbshtlu y SN'NS Ut sac
imbOr Question.
Elit,rs lnlCIliEcnecr'
In discussing the ~ chlled"labor ques.
ton" we can't see that any distinction
should be made in who doe, it, ltis
question in which both capitalists and
laboring men are equally interested, and
one broad enough and complicated
enough to engage the feriuua attention OF
both. "A laboring man, We venture the
opinion that il il 4 matter not to be set.
tied by incorporating it in politics or
diScus.ing il in legislative halls. All the
"whereascs' and resolutions that work.
ingmen's meeting may pas', and all the
catch vote planks Of political conventions
cannot benefCially effect this ques-
ton. We believe the in terests OF
capital and labor are 80 ident.
ical that discriminating legislation
will work TO the injury OF both.
Laws for the protection Of labor in order
to accomplish their object must be laws
for the protection Of capital. The fail.
ure Of the eight hour law passed by Con-
gress shows that such legislation amounts
to nothing, and when that law was under
discussion it was not claimed that man
should be paid for ten hours work when
he only did eight, butLhe principal argu.
ment in its favor was that two hours add.
cd to the recreation or rest OF the laborer
would have such an iYigorating effect that
it would enable him to accomplish "a
much work in eight hours "a he would,
without it, in ten.
lie. us consider Tor 4 moment the man.
ner in which labor undertakes to remedy
its grievances and protect itself against
the Tyranny" Of capital. Trade Unions
are the most common way. While there
are many commendable things in these
Unions, they are all, ~ general thing,
founded on wrong princi pies. The dom.
iuant idea is that they mist "protect"
themselves against their employers. But,
Instead Of being mere combinations for
protection, they are very apt, when strong
and powerful, to become arbitrary in
their demands. And il i. not generally
the conservative, but the Radical and
aggressive members who rule their action.
Many strike is thus preCIpiiated which
would have been avoided ii the wise
coun4pls Of the few had been followed in.
steady OF the ha-ty conclusions OF the
many. We have heard Of many striker,
and participated in few ourseli, but
have vet to see the first one tina. has been
Oi permanent benefit to the wOrkingman.
Ent arbitrary combinations don't by any
means belong exclusively TO workingmen
they are found among capitalists a.
we'll, and generally more eTacting and
grinding than any trade unions, because
directed against men more dependent
and less capable OF protecting themselves.
Witness the reduction in wages which led
To the great railroad strike. The SIM
uliaHeon-ness OF that reduction by the
great railroad liucl Of the country shows
that it was well understood arrange.
ment. And even the professional men.
Right here in Wheeling, the doctors have
~ systematic union "a ever belonged to
any trade. They have a regular scale Of
prices--so much for visit, so much for
amputating an arm, 80 much for leg
and the N. d. who varies from
the ecale, or has not his card" in
the shape Of 4 diploma from
regular" institution, il "a
much ostracIacd as the unfortunate
"rat" OF the printer, "scab" OF the mould
cr, or "black sheep" Of the mill men.
Well, how Ia this labor btfncss to be
settled? 1t is q tough question, and we
don't feel capable oi answering it. We
see In newspaper complicated array
OF figures going to show how little man
can live on, and consequently how little
he can work for. That editor thinks all
man wantsIs enough to eat The Cdi.
Tor OF another paper thinks, "a old
Senator WIgfall did in ante.bellum
day, that there il something wrong
with . mans head who remains poor
in this free country, and he has n
long article about getting rich by
going out West, or through build
ing associations, or some other such in
strumentality. "A suggestions are com.
mon and advice cheap, we will venture to
say that there should be no conflict he.
tween labor and capital, aud that the
trouble arises from a misCORceptlon Of
the relation they bear 10 each other.
When Mr.. Seward declared that there
"a, an irrepres4ible conflict between
freedom and slavery the very words them
selves carried conviction Of their truth,
Tor they referred to antagonisms which
could not live with each other. But when
man couples capital and labor in the
same assertion, he speaks Of two thinGs
Which cannot live uithoR each
other. Tney are mutually dependent,
and therefore their interests are identi.
cal. When men will get thi, idea firmly
fixed in their minds and act upon it,;
when capitalists will eradicate that prin.
cipIe Of selishness and greed which ap.
pear ingrained in the compositio Of most
men; when workingmcn fail TO think they
must "protect" Themselves from, but rath.
er think they must be protected by their
employer; when in place Of strikes there
are mutual Understandings and mutual
efforts made to bridge over hard times
then will this question be settled, then
will the millennium OF workingmen have
come. ii. G. $.