The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1877-02-08

(secession) territory slavery shall cease
to exist practically, as it has already
ceased to exist constitutionally and NOR
ally" The growing sentiment in the
North favorable to abolition added to the
difficulties of the administration, yet the
President was not prepared to act upon
or admit the rightful authority of the
national government to abolish or inter-
fere with all institution that belonged
exclusively to the States, though entreat-
ed and urged thereto by sincere party
friends. On the 9Th of March, 1862, he
sent message to Congress proposing Il
plan of voluntary and compensated
emancipation, in which he suggested
that "the United States ought to CO.
operate with any State which may adopt
gradual abolishment of slavery, giving
to each State pecuniary aid" &c. The
policy of voluntary emancipation, how
ever, was destined to become failure,
as the border States through their rep
resentatives in Congress would not take
the initistive, although in better posi-
ton to test its value than any other sec
ton. Becoming convinced that this plan
would not succeed, President Lincoln
determined to proclaim freedom to all
slaves in the Southern States, if the war
continued to be prosecuted after certain
date. This bold and revolutionary meas
ure could not be justified on any other
ground than as military necessity, but
it was welcomed by vast majority of
people in the free States, even though it
was unexpected and startling in its char
acter. The extreme anti-slavery and
pro-slavery men seized the occasion to
create distrlst and alarm, and the result
of the election in the autumn of 1862
was adverse to the administration: The
President persevered, however, in the
belief that this step was justifable and
necessary, and consummated his purpose
by final proclamation on the lst Of
January, 1868.
On the subject of reconstruction, Pres
ident Lincoln differed widely and abso-
lutely from the revolutionary views and
schemes of Senator Sumner, who was
the recognized leader OF the extremists.
Resolutions introduced by Mr.. Dixon
were Numerically opposed to the prin-
ciples and project of the Massachusetts,
Senator, and it was directly known that
the President coincided with the Con-
necticut Senator in the opinion that all
the acts and ordinances of secession were
mere nullities, and should be so treated
that while such acts might subject andi-
viduab to penalties and forfeiturcs, they
did not in any degree effect the States as
commonwealths, and their relations to
the Federal government; that such acts
were rebcllious, insurrectionary and hos
tile on the part of the persons engaged in
them, but that the States, notwithstand-
ing the acts and conspiracies of individ-
uals, were still members Of the Federal
Union, and that the loyal citizens Of
these States had forfeited none OF their
rights, but were entitled to all the protec-
ton and privileges guaranteed by the
Constitution. The theory and principles
set forth in Senator Dixon's resolutions
were the opinions and convictions of the
President, deliberately formed and con-
sistently maintained while he lived, ac-
cording to Mr.. Welles. In his view there
was no actual secession, no dismembering
of the Union, no change in the constitu-
ton and the government; the relative
position of the States and the Federal
government were unchanged; the Or
ganic, fundamental laws Of neither were
altered by the sectional conspiracy; the
entire people of the two sections were
American citizens; each person was re-
sponsible for his own acts and amenable
to law; and he was also entitled to the
protection of the law, and the rights and
privileges secured by the Constitution.
The confscation and emancipation
schemes concerning which there was so
much excitement and anxiety in Con-
gress were secondary in Importance to
the all-absorbing question as to preserv-
ing the Union.
The TACT that the administration had
lost ground among the people in conse-
quence of its emancipation policy served
ior time to promote unity of feeling
among the members when Congress con-
vened in December, 1862. The shock
occasioned by the measure when first
announced had done its work. The
timid, who had doubted the necessity and
legality of the act, and feared its conse-
quences, recovered their equipoise, and Il
reaction followed which strengthened
the President in public confidence. The
radical extremists, however, especially
the advocates of Congressional suprena-
cy, began in the course of the winter to
re-assert their own peculiar ideas and
their intention of enforcing more ex-
treme policy. Thaddeus Stevens en-
braced an early opportunity to declare
his ultra views, which were radically and
totally antagonistic to those of the Pres-
dent, yet he made no open, hostile de-
monstration toward Mr.. Lincoln person
ally. His crattiness and cunning as 4;
politician and party tactician taught
him better, and his opposition was re-
stricted mainly to contemptuous express
sions in private conversation against the
4