The morning star and Catholic messenger. [volume] (New Orleans [La.]) 1868-1881, 1877-06-17
MARSgAL IMAGINATION AND THE GAM
BETTISTS.
(London Tablet. May 49,

The dismissal OF the equivocating Minis
try of NJ. Jules Simon has been hailed by
every shade of Conservative and Moderate
opinion in France a. an indispensable meas
ure of public safety, and as imposed upon the
Marshal President by the obligations of the
trust placed in his hands. 1t is now
clearly known that N. Jules Simon was
acting either through CO wardice or inclina
ton in complete conpivance with the Rev
dictionary majority of the present Cham
Der of Deputies, and as it had only become
u question of some weeks or months when
M. Gambetta should assume in public the
direction of affairs he was carrying on in
private, it was necessary to take precaa-
tions without delay. The Marshal is fully
aware that nearly all the members of the
Left made the freest possible use of his
name during the laet general elections, and
that in the majority of cases the country
electors were led to believe that they were
supporting a loyal folower of the Presi-
dent. This was result OF the So ca'led
policy of Cancellation which had founded
the ''Revisable Repub lic.' Whether it
was rash in the extreme on the part OF the
Marshal's advisers to permit this use of his
name is q question which is az least open
to debate. What had been done, however,
was 30 deplorsble that no farther time
could be lost before eldeavoring TO set it
right. 1t may turn out that the conse-
quences of the unnatural alliance, or rath-
er seeming alliance, between the partisans
of order and the Instruments of discord
during go many months have been to leave
a lasting and prej0diclai impression on
the MACS of the voters. At any rate any
continuance of that alliance could not
fail to make matters still worse. 1t is at
least reasonably possible at present that
when the French masses, who are 80
deeply interested in order and public secu-
rity, know plainly that on them it depends
whether or not Marshal MacMahon will be
able to keep order and maintain security,
| they will vote on the side of their own
interests and the peace of France. dis
| solution is certain and necessary. The
French electors will have to decide their
own fate, and in spite of the cslumnies of
Radicalsm, we believe that they will de
eide wisely.
IL is rot a discoursging feature in many
| respects that the old ridiculous char se OF
designs on the peace of Europe is being
again revived by the Gambertists. AT
! least it indicates that the interior situation
| of France ia such that it will require the
pressure of foreign opinion and the dread
of alleged foreign dangers to make the
| French electors swerve from the path of
honor and honesty at the coming appeal to
Universal Suffrage 1t is on this account
| that the " Foreign CorrespOn dents," who
are body little acquainted with, or
solicitous 'or, the triumph of sound princi-
| pies, have been 80 busy in sending around
notices, not besitating even to describe the
non arrival of some foreign journals in
Paris after the feast of Pentecost as evil
| dence of the rigor of "Ultramontaine Press
Censorship" when it was solely caused by
the fact that the foreign papers in question
| had not been published on account of the
Christian festival. There is more in the
matter, however, than GAN bettist in
| trigues. TIE international conspiracy
against Christianity has not been idle, but
neither has the jealous hate of the new
German Empire. The partisans of the
sible for the Misrepresentation which
have been 80 deliberately disseminated
over Europe. Judging by the language of
the Narseillaise, the Republique Franchise,
the Radical, NJ. Rocheforr's paper, and
similar organs, the revolutionary party are
certainly not displeased 10 see the Conser
| vative attempt to stave off social disorders
described as a clerical conspiracy against
European freedom. What ia much more
important, however, is that the best &C
credited Journals of official Germany, and
they are many, are all apparently taking
the cue from them in crying down the new
French Cabinet as equally pledged to
restore the temporal power of the Pope
and to begin the revanche" upon Ger
many.
1t is not irrelevant to recall in the pres
ent crisis the manner in which the deadly
first arose. 1t grew simply out of the
question as to the nature of the French
Government which ought to be supported
by German ambassador in the interests
of Germany. Count Arnim, it is known,
rel oiced at the accession of Marshal Mac
Mahon end the promise of a triumph OF
the Conservative party in France. Prince
Bismarck, on the other hand, maint aimed
that the Republic, and the more r Idical
the Republic the better, was the type OF
French Government which alone suited
the interests of Germany, aud in dispatches
of more than wonted cynicism the Prince
explained that it was the object of Germany
to keep France distracted and divided,
and that for this reason the Republic
should be supported because it meant a
perpetual threat of revolution. The con-
flict between Prince Bismarck and Count
Arnim now belongs to past history, but
the predictions of the German Chancellor
in favor of the Republic in France are as
strong as ever, and his wrath at seeing the
, downfall of the men on whom he relied to
plunge the country into another round OF
| Int &c koir 70 H.