The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1877-01-10


through the returning board mill, and some Of
il had been corruptly tamDered with, as in the
case OF the parish OF De Soto; but TO how great
an extent no one knows but the guilty parties.
AS farther proof of the dishonesty ofthe re-
turning board and the bad char cter OF this
republican evidence mention the fact that
several OF the candidates for state offices who
were fraudulently counted in at the late cleo
ton havefelt Obliged bytheir sense ofhonor and
seif-Iespect TO decline the Offices TO which they
We're not lawfully entitled. / do not deny
that Mr.. Sberman's huge budget of evidence
tlmidatiOn, violence and political murder,
but 1t is not oQly badly tainted with well
founded suspicion, as l have shown, out
fatally contradic ted by counter testimony.
This IS true Of the evidence generally, but
especially 50 as to what are called the five
democratic Intimidation is concerned the elec-
tons in the majority If not in all these
parishes were as fair and peaceable as those in
our own state on the same day, and the con-
Spicuous and controlling fact respecting the
attempt 10 prove the contrary is the dishOn-
esty aud perjury of the witnesses employed in
the undertaking. make this statement in
the face of the evidence on both sides, and am
confident II viii be verified by the develop
ments of the congressional committees now al
work in the state. One fact, at all events, IS
absolutely certain, and that is that the repuD-
lican evidence, when confronted by that on
the other side, Signally fails TO justify the
lection Of the vote of the parishes, while the
very utmost that any reasonable republican
iict in the evidence. Neither in these parishes
nor in the state at large, either on
the day OF the election during the
period Of registration, does the evil
dence show any such acts OF intimidation
or violence as 10 justify the havoc which was
made OF the vote of the state as shown ON the
lace of the returns; and / have no hesitation
In affirming that Hayes and Wheeler have no
better right TO the electoral vote of Ohio than
have Ttlden and HendI ickS 10 that of Louis
lana. as fairly shown by the legal returns
which the l. aders of the republican party are
now resolved TO set aside by the foul methods
OF perjury ana fraud.
cor- or rrrr- x-ort- f,oD-rr r-cro.y
Gentlemen. have thus dealt with this Lou
isiana question some what fully and thor
oughly because ofits fearful magnitude ana the
grave consequences which wait upon its de-
cision. If am rigkt in the views / have ex-
pressed and the conclusions 1 have reached,
louisiana has cast her vote for Tilden and
hendricks, ana they are fairly and certainly
elected. But In contemp latiou OF Jaw no cleo
ton has la ken place until 1.-The president of
the senate shall, i'll the presence of the senate
ana house OF representatives, open all the GER
tihcatt s. and The votes shall then be counted"
Who is TO count these votes? Upon the an
most fearful struggle for the presi-
deney that has ever stirred the
passions OF the American people.
efforts put forth by powerful political or
CARNATIONS for victory, where defeat meant
political death: and when, az last, the pro-
tracted and angry conflict YVES hushed by the
ballots OF the people, feeiing of relief was
universal throughout the Union. Shall these
ballots oe smirched and diShOnOred by con-
claVe of political scoundrels in Louisiana?
The presiding officer OF the senate we are
told, i TO decide this question. He is 10 be
the grand returning board of the nation, from
whose decision there is no appeal. Mr.. chair
man, he has no more right to count the votes
and declare the result than you have. On
this subject We are fortunately not left TO
grOpe in The dark. According to an unbroken
chain of precedents, beginning with the
election OF washington anu reaching down 10
the present time, the counting of the electoral
vote Is to be done by congress, or under its
authority and direction. Universal acqui-
al "a N - n ma
il our common law. The president of the
senate is auth Orized 10 preserve order, and to
whatever TO canvass or count the vote for
president, nor has any such right ever been
claimed by any presiding officer of that body,
at any time or under any circumstances.
On the contrary, the two houses
of congress have always claimed
mittees and tellers appointed for the purpose.
The End joint rule, which was adopted
in 1860 by republican congress, and
elected, was an express recognition of this
principle, which has the recorded approval of
nearly all the leading men of both political
parties during the past year. But now. after
the meaning OF the constitution has thus been
settled and stereotyped by the uniform usage
of more than 80 years, and conformity
TO this usage Will no longer serve the behests
of the party in power, its leaders suddenly
face upon the record they have made in the
pose TO save their political fortunes by the
revolutionary exploit i have mentioned.
w lille GrantisTn, stretched on Its bed of death,
Is gasping out its prayer for deliverance from
the Judgement TO come, the political mercen-
aries who have served at its altar for the past
eight years now assume the Office of ph ysician,
and are anxious to save the life of their
patient by noStrums of deadly poison 10 the
constitution. Shall we allow this to be done?
Are we to sit quietly by while the republic is
Mexicanized by fhe senatorial junto of
malignants who have so long kept them
selves in the front by making the late war
tiently submit 10 an act of open lawlessness,
and seek our relief in its moral effect upon
the people in sweeping the republican party
~ tolerate this rape of American liberty to-
day, shall we have the manhood in 1850 to con-
front the kindred outrages IL would certainly
provoke? why wait four years Tor remedy,
when hold ii in our own hands now,
through the congress of the United States?
Why talk about an appeal to the ballot for
the redress of our wrongs hereafter, If we al
low 1t to become a cheat and a lie to-day?
Shall the peoples will, constitutionally eX-
pressed. be defeated and defied BY an organ
lied crusade against the very principle Of re-
publican government? These questions can
compels us TO ponder them, in seeking
an honorable way out of the dreadful
dilemma ba1d in s. which the country .n Is
acts Of tyranny, but in resistance, must we ex-
pect our deliVemnce. senator Morton and
his fellow-conspiraiors tell us that the presi-
dent OF the senate will count the electoral vote
and declare the result, and that, IL need be, II
will be enforced by the army and navy. This is
simply a threat of revolution. Are we
ready 10 avow our willingness 10 acquiesce in
il for the sake of peace, and thus invite the
very mischief we deplore by Offering IL i'm
punity? No friend OF Tilden and hendricks
dreams Of physical resistance TO the Inaugural
tirn of Governor Hayes, should he be declared
duly elected by the senate and house of repre-
sentatives. The vital question before the
country is not which of Two men shall be
president, but whether the man who has been
elected shall be deprived of his office by fraud
or force. 1t is because we advocate peace, and
recoii from the thought of civil strife, that we
demand obedience TO the constitution and
American fair play in the settlement of the
momentous issue which now so fearfully di-
vides the country. We plead for peace, and
the calamities of war can only overtake Us
through the madness which shall set the con-
stifution and laws at defiance. IL is for the
sake of peace that we would warn these plot