Ottumwa weekly courier. (Ottumwa, Wapello County, Iowa) 1872-1899, 1877-01-24

GlcCtOIS VI VIM Aov VVCOul
and whose votes are contained in the
1t is certificate from
the electors, and none other that
he ia requested to open in the pres
ence of the two houses. He is not
in fact, required to receive the cer-
tificate of any body but the true
electors of state. He is therefore
required in the discharge of the duty
of his Office to determine and present
the true certificate from the electors
of state. He is bound as an officer
of government to take notice of those
who have been declared elected by
the proper authorities of state, and
when the certificate comes into his
hands it is his business at once to in
vestigate and determine for himself
whether it comes from the electors of
q state. He must decide that question
upon his peril.
r. b. Hayes ought to be inaugura-
ted and must be inaugurafed unless
this bill should be passed to count
him out in defiance Of the well known
principles of law. He was not we'll
enough to-day to argue this question
as fully as he would like to. Demo-
cratic Senators would not support
this bill if it did not give them
chance to count Tilden in by going
behind the returns.
At 2:lO Morton said he was not
able to proceed further to-day and
therefore suspended his remerks.
Frelinghuysen, a member of the
special committee, then took the
floor and spoke in favor of the bill.
Mr.. Frelinghuysen, as member of
the committee, said he must say a few
words on this important question.
He maintained that precedent would
be set. He discussed the difficulties
attending the transfer of Presidents,
and the immense patronage connect
ed Herewith, and declared that now,
If ever, Americans should rise above
party feeling and prejudice, and pa
triotically determine to avert peril
from the country. The duties of
Senators seemed now to touch their
highest points. He predicted 4 a
peaceful settlement of this question,
and unparalleled prosperity of the
country. He believed that more re-
publicans than democrats opposed
the bill. He would neither take un-
fair advantage of the democrats nor
sacrifice the republican party. He
referred to the 22d joint rule and
with that Us precedent for the last
ten years there would be sorry
prospect of having Florida, Louisi-
ana or South Carolina counted. The
democrats had acted with great fair
ness in agreeing to the bill. If the
President Of the Senate had power
to count the votes why had the
Houses exercised it for ten years
He denied that the President of the
Senate had that power. Suppose du-
ring the rebellion he had insisted on
counting all the votes coming from
the Southern States, would the House
and Senate be compelled to sit by
and acquiesce? He insisted that
Congress must under the Constitu-
ton count the vote. Concerning in
eligible electors he said the constitu.
tional provision forbids any govern.
ment officer becoming an elector, and
this was the mandate to the State,
which the State must enforce. The
State could doubtless retain by prop.
err judicial measures such official
from acting, but after he had acted
even the State could not set his vote
aside. Congress must accept the
States appointment of electors. II
couldn't investigate or 10 millions
of votes, and couldn't go behind the
returns. The commission would on.
ly have such powers as Congress
The reason of sending committees te
Louisiana was to inform the Presi.
dent of the condition of affairs there
that he might know which govern.
ment to recognize. He believed the
republican party would rule the
country for generations to come. Il
was unnecessary in the Oregon case
to go behind the return. Cronin de.
clared two vacancies in the electora
college. Cartwright and Odell said
there was but one. The only ques.
ton was whether one or two was 8
majority and quorum of three. HI
argued in favor of the constitution
atty of the compromise bill, anG
said failure to pass the bill woulG
cast upon the outgoing President thu
duty of determining to whom he
should transfer the government. The
best man should be placed in power
and the nation would profit by thi.
lesson.
l The bill was then reported to thu
Senate, and the question being on it
third reading, Mr.. Sherman said tn,
i Senate should not press its passag,
to-day and he therefore moved exec
utive business.
i Mr.. Edmunds again represented
the necessity for speedy action on tn
bill and he would call for a vote to-
morrow.
Mr.. Sherman replied, deprecatinq
undue haste in disposing of the bill
which it took SO long to frame. Il
had many novel propositions.
This Edmunds denied, and Sher
man replied by saying it proposed
blending two distinct departments o
the government. The President o
the Senate had power to open ant
count the electoral votes, but unde
this bill the whole great question o
electing President was referred
from the Electoral College to fou
Justices of the Supreme Court, VIII,
named fifth, who was in doubt o
chance. He dislikcd haste in such
7 matter.
4 Mr.. Thurman reminded him tina
the committee presented q written re
port. Mr.. Edmunds had made al
elaborate speech Saturday and MI
Frelinghuysen an able one to-day
and there was but q brief speech O
, the other side. Those who oppose,
the bill should state their grounds
The committee displayed enough hu
|. mility to show it did not deem itsel
, infallible, and they courted criticism
Mr.. Bayard said the time for il
passage was short and though h
wanted full expression he though
, it ought to reach vote tomorrow.
Mr.. Sherman's motion for execntiy
; business was rejected.
Mr.. Sherman said if the Senate un
der lead of Edmunds desired to pu
the bill through without debate let
be done. He wished debate and pos
sibly to offer an amendment.
j Mr.. Edmunds compared him to tn
undecided sailors who quarrele,
about which side of boat to put on
an oar and were swept over the cata
ract of Niagara. The Senate shoul'
not act with popular opinion. Sher
man had not in similar case
heretofore. Why were the amend
ments not ready now?
Il Mr.. Morton said the bill ought t
be discussed. He did not believe
was this bill or war. There had bee
threats of hundred thousand me
, being here February l4th, and at
temps to terrorize Congress into til
|, adoption Of this bill. He did not be
lieve half a dozen republicans on tn
floor would vote for the bill il left t
themselves.
Il Mr.. Edmunds asserted that he ha,
not been bull-dozed, nor thought O
the hundred thousand men. Intimi
dation was Imaginary. However, h
would consent to executive session
but would call the vote Tomorrow
Mr.. Sherman might take the 400
now and proceed tomorrow.
Mr.. Cameron, of Pennsylvania
could not see the necessity CT forcin,
the matter. He thought the bill wa
wrong. and considered IL a democrat