New-York tribune., 1877-11-12

legislative bribe, is an illustration, slight IN
importance as the circumstance may seem, OF
the easy morality, on public ques-
tions, Of the average Southern man nowadays
in official life. There is a tradition still
in existence of a Southern honor winch would
not abandon a friend or a party, or sacrifice
any cause, however insignificant, for a personal
advantage. Whether the war killed off these
types of chivalTy or not, there is no saying
but Congress does not seem to he over-burdeneu
with them just now. 1t is i'll politics very
much as in legislation. The same class oi
Democrats who cared nothing what became oil
their Presidential candidate in the last can
vass abandon the army now as soon as they
get the regiments they want in the place they
want them; and the same class of men are
ready with subsidy schemes that are to fertlllze
the South with Northern taxes It's to be feared
that their adhesion to President Hayes was
not altogether unselfsh, and that the average
Southern statesman of the present day. as OF
the past, is anxious for the South first, for the
country afterward.
Now the South Carolina courts have laid a
grimy hand on the other house of Congress-
of bribery, will, no doubt, soon be doing his
State more practical service than, we venture
to assert, he has rendered it in some years
past. There is a singular suggestion III the
Washington dispatches that Mr.. Smalls may go
on drawing his salary as member OF congress
at the same time that he draws ms ratlons as
n South Carolina convict, because, being a car
pct-bagger. he comes of a race of men VINO
seldom die and never resign, and be-
causo tvo-tbirds of the House might not
be willing to vote for his expulsion.
1t is difficult to believe that one-third OF the
House would refuse so to vote, even on the
plea, if they were anxious for one, that the
crime of which Mr.. Smals is convicted was
not committed during his term as member
of the House. In the well-llnOwn case OF
William Blount, the Senate expelled mem
Der for an offence which was not in violation
of any statute, which he did not commit as
Senator, nor at the Capital, nor during the ses-
sion of Congress; and the rule III the House OF
Commons, as stated by Story, shows that that
body exercises even a larger discretion III
cases of expulsion than has been fixed by
precedent in Congress. 1t IS undoubtedly
worth something to get Mr.. Smalls out OF
Congress, but five thousand year Is too large
a price to pay foI the lack OF his company.
President MacMahon's statement that he
prefers to have the Ministry remain in Office
until he can judge how tar the Senate will
sustain him, shows some regard for Daria-
mentary authority, and may help to settle
promptly the pending conflict. The Senate,
upon which so much depends in this crisis,
was composed when first constituted of 800
members, of whom 70 were elected for
life by the Chamber Of Deputies, and
225 were chosen by electoral colleges
in the departments. OF the life Senators forty
nine were Republicans, the remaining twenty
six being Royalists of various types. In the
full Senate the Conservatives have a majority
of about twenty, which may be increased
shortly. when the Senate itself elects five life
members to fill vacancies. Judged by the
Chamber Of Deputies, where the Republicans
have a majority Of about 40, the Senate
is clearly not in harmony with the
country. But as scventy-fvc new Sena-
tors are to be chosen shortly, in the de-
nartments. those seeking reelection at least are
amenable to public opinion as now expressed.
The influence of the Orleans Princes, which
is thrown in favor of compromise and
Cancellation, also helps to increase the
number of members who respect the
National will. But the most potent agency
may be the sense Of responsibility with which
the Senate is now invested. Being a new in
stituhon, the Senate cannot afford to defy the
people from whom it derives existence.