New-York tribune., 1877-05-18
THE ENGLISH LIBERALS,

THEIR DIvIsION-MR. GLADsTONES GREAT STRENGTH
HIS ENEMIFs-THElR POsI1IoN-wnTING FOR
EVENTS MR. BRIGHTs OPPOSITION A SAD
OCCURRENCE
lFRoM THE REGULAR CORRESPONDENT OF THE TRIBUNEl
LONDON, May 5.-SOme of the time that might be
proftaby spent in healing the wounds of the
Liberal party is, rs have said, wasted in discussing
who is responsible for the breach. Who dealt the
blow 1t is certain that Mr.. Gladstone does not
separate himself by choice from his former col
leagues The bitterest of his enemies does not i'm
pute personal ambition to him in this matter HIS
is not the superheaed zeal of rising politician
eager to increase his fame. Mr., Gladstone has had
everything the Liberal party give every
political honor which the confidence of the majority
of his countrymen can bestOw. He deliberately
renounced the leadership of the Liberals while he
was their undlsputed chief-his title unchallenged
in any one particular, his intellectual power still at
its hight and no successor near the throne If he
cared-whlch he certainly did MOTTO resume his
place. he had only to say If he thought the calls
Of public duty imperative, there is nobody who
would presume TO contest his right TO take his old
place once more. Whoever diSliked it would simply
take q back seat
But he has acted as an Independent member I'm
able to persuade his old associates, he has brought
forward such resolutions as the welfare of England
seems to him to demand. Is there, then, such gulf
between his views and theirs that no form of words
could span it Could nothing be agreed ont it is
urged that some compromise ought TO be possible,
because there is, after ALL substantial difference
between them on the main points of the Eastern
question. That is true probably The substantial,
irreconcilabe difference between Mr.. Gladstone and
the Liberal officials is not on the main points Of the
Eastern question. 1t is on the question whether
their opinions should be stated or suppressed.
1t is whether the Liberal party should
be silent or speak out 1t is whether
the policy of inactOn which has prevailed from the
beginning of the session should prevail to the end
whether timidity wearing the mask of discretion
should now control the counsels of a party which
owes its former to intelligent courage Lord
Harrington and his followers may crticsc the terms
of Mr. Gadstone's resolutions as much they like.
They may base their opposition to them on dissent
from this phrase and that inference. But the real
truth is that they were opposed and opposed, to
any resolution whatever. That's the point on which
Mr. Gladstone and they parted company. If they
would have agreed to propose or support any resOu
tion at ALL the difficulty Of arranging the terms of it
would not have been insuFerabe. Their only idea
of duty is to do nothing. And rather than do any
thing they have preferred to see their party divide
divide in a manner which leaves httle hope that it
will ever again act heartily together.
1t is a momentous responsibility they have as
sumed and il is due to them that the grounds of it
should be stated They will be stated publicly
next Monday. but with more reserve than they
stated i'm conversation. Everything that can be
said against the wording of the resolutions will be
freely said. The conclusions drawn from them will
also be plainly stated But underneath all that lies
the real ground Of the resolve taken last Wednesday
in Carlton House Terrace, which Will not be plainly
stated Party motives have naturally governed
party leaders. They have sought TO prevent a rev.
elation of the divisions that notOriOusly existed
among the Liberals. Their idea was to keep solid
front to the cnemy-hOpng the enemy might not
notice the gaps in the rear ranks. Beyond that,
they really believe that the interests Of England at
a great crisis are TO be promoted by waiting to see
what will turn up. Their inspiring genius is Mr..
Micawber They think it wise, to the phrase
used Yesterday by Of their number to " lie by"
II appears probable that the Government will pres
emily make some fatal mistake, and the Opposition
is TO point it out when made, and when it Is ire
trievable
There are however, those among the Opposition
vQbo look mon Mr. GladstOnes proposals as leading
sooner or later TO war, and who oppose them for
that reason. Mr.. Bright is one of that number.
And after all il is doing injustice to Lord Harting
ton and his colleagues to attribute to them deber-
ate adopton of programme of shilly-shally for It's
own sake Mr. Bright's great influence has been
exerted for no such programme as that. lie, at
least. knows what he wants and means to get 1t.
His immense authority, all the weight of his charac-
ter Of that sympathetic quality and personal force
in which lie has no rival has been directed to pro-
serve peace at any price. He is against war for any
purpose, his colleagues arc for neutrality III what
ever circumstances, and he had naturally no great
trouble in bringing them 70 decision which was
nomnally based on their views. and which really
supports his. In the midst of all this chaos, thore s
no more striking fact than the personal ascendency
of Mr. Bright You would say that. III debate Oh
q question which may in a certain event have TO DO
decided by war, the opinion of man known to be
opposed to all wal would not count for much But