The Stark County Democrat. [volume] (Canton, Ohio) 1833-1912, 1877-03-15

THE PRESIDENTIAL COUNT.
Speech Of Henry WattersOn on
the Oregon Decision
Delivered in the House, March lst'

,nant 10 obstruct the progress of the Presi-
dontial count. If the deed is to be done,
ond sure all of us know it is to be done'
",twere better when tits done, 'twere
done quickly" No man has worked
harder or longer than / have TO prevent
n No man is more hurt by itthan am;
but as matters stand, it is inevitable. Inc
nower does not exist to place the man
whom the people elected in the Presi'
Dental Office. The power does not exist
TO nut an estoppel upon the inauguration
oftbe man whom the people did not elect
The array, led by the General'ln-Ohlel' ls
here ready to escort him to the door OF
tbe White House the Chief Magistrate
stands at the door ready to receive MN;
the Chief Justice, attended by majority
of the Supreme Court, is within ready 10
administer TO him the oath of office ac-
cordipp to the forms of law. THERE'S not
90 much as single unarmed Kentuckian
TO resist. The House is able neither 10
resist nor obstruct. 1t can only refuse to
nroceed with the count. What then?
Whv. the Senate aided by the minority
on this floor, will finish the Job, declare
the result and carry out the original pro-
pramme of conspiracy with which the
Renublican leaders began their post cleo
tion campaign. You say this is lawless'
You say it is usurpation. Well, suppose
it is, what do they care? Are they worse
off for the Electoral Commission than
thew were before2 Are they not better
off for our impotent and blind furyY Let
us see. I hold that futile resistance is al
WAYS to be avoided, particularly when
the act of resistance has no objective
point. The time for successful action on
our part was three months ago. We
knew the desperate character of our enc
nv then as we'll as we know it now. Nay
his plans and schemes were all before US.
Organization, preparation, was pressed
upon us. Did we raise hand why,
the very suggestion was hooted. AT
length there came moment when, un-
able to set squadron in the field we were
offered an alternative very Hobson's
choice indeed-the electoral bill or
hack down, I fought this bill for hours
in the committee of advisement. fought
it until | was no longer able to answer
the arguments and facts brought to bear
on the question by Senator Bayard and
Senator Thurman, and even more nota-
bly by my friend from Virginia (Mr. Hun
ton), Democrat, whose manhood no less
than his ability has won the respect and
regard of this House. Then failing to
establish my view, did what | always
do and always shall do under similar cir
cumstances- being unable to further meet
and contest the case in friendly debate
with my colleagues, accepted their view
and ioined them in the measure propos-
ed. But I was by no means lured into a
feeling of security. l perfectly under
stood that the bill was a choice of evils.
Tn the remarks which I had the honor
to submit to this House, said, II accept
this measure with the full consciousness
that it may bitterly disappoint me and
those who think and feel with me; if it
does. shall still have performed most
unpleasing duty in that manner which
was best calculated to preserve the public
peace at time when the people were not
nrepared for war" The result has vim
dicated my disCernment most sadly.
deplore it, but see no means of escaping
f. MANY members of this House whose
Judgment has obtained the public conf
dence are of the same opinion. Those
who affect to think differently propose
nothing definite. They have no objec-
tive point, except chaos or case in law,
God help us we have enough of "law"-
such claw" as the Supreme Court has to
give us. We have also had enough an
archy. There was never but one chance
to seat Mr.. Tilden in the Office to which
he was elected by the people. That was
for him, and for those Immediately about
him, to announce his election as soon as
he was elected, to proclaim the conspiracy
that was already organized to defeat his
Inauguration, to bring the people to some
concert of action among themselves, and
to give proof to the country and the world
that they meant what they said, and
were not to be brow-beaten or thwarted. |
Nothing of the kind was done, though it
was proposed. Congress met in fog of
uncertainty. We had deal of talk and
much beating about the bush, and finally
our great cause, the peoples cause, de-
generated into nisii prius case before
a packed jury. The result is before us,
and as | said before, we cannot escape it.
Our sole power now is to make the best
we can of very hard bargain, to close
ranks, to preserve our morale, to accept
the contingency provided for by our own
act, to appeal from the Electoral Com
mission to the ballot-box, to pick our fints
and try it again, or to sulk, "put finger i
the eye" divide and go to pieces. Which
is the better course? For my part have
no mind for leaping from the frying-pan
into the fire. urged resolute policy
when there was the occasion to give it
efficacy. The time has passed when bold
movements could avail U.S. To-day we
have little impulse but our anger left,
and no supports at all. If we are wise,
we shall take into account all the circum-
stances that surround us, we shall resume
possession of ourselves, we shall give our
enemy the full rope and line of his wrong
doing Does any man think there is no
penalty fixed to political excess ? If he
does he is mistaken. In public, as in
private life, the infraction Of Gods laws
and the peoples interests meets its due
condemnation and punishment soon or
late. The Republican party is the great
sinner, and has withstood its destiny
long time | do admit. But the last four
years have witnessed the taking off of
many of its guiltiest leaders. Year by
year they will continue to come to grief.
In its order the party itself will fall,
crushing those that remain with it in its
complete and final wreck. Itake this "on
faith" and my faith is strong and pure,
faith in free institutions, faith in the peo.
pie and faith in the future. l have no
faith in the violent method nronosed nv