, 1876-07-29
THE PRESIDENTS INFLUENCE ON
CORRUPTION IN AMERICA.
(From the Spectator.)

Everybody in this country appears to
believe that a President who was in earnest
could put an end to Corruption, and
almost everybody overlooks the two great
obstacles in the way. The first, which
might'b be overcome, is the position of the
Senators and the second, which is scarce
ly~ remediable, is the position of the politi-
cal heads of Departments. Englishmen
generally understand the great power OF
the Senate in the American Constitution,
as the body which represents the compo-
nent States of the Union, but they do not
sufficiently estimate the greatness OF the
position of the individual Senator. He is
in official circles a very great man indeed,
much greater than a first class Peer is in
English society. Not only is he a mem
Der of a very small body invested with a
legal right of initiating and controlling
legislation, a right which it can exercise
even in the face of the opinion OF the
majority, not only is he the representative
of an organised and most powerful entity
the State, stronger and more Independent
than any capital city in Europe, but he
is, for officials, the actual dispenser of
patronage. The Senators have the legal
right of revising the Presidents nomIna-
tions to office, and in consequence ar6i
by arrangement with the White House, in
many Departments quite absolute as to
appointments, dlsmissals, and promotions.
The Senator for, say, Illinois, if he belongs
to the ruling party, distributes all the
federal patronage in his w State, and
has, through a combination with other
Senators, a predominant voice in promo
ting officers in the great central Depart
ments. All military officers, for instance,
are trained at West Point, and are supposed
to have equal chances but the prospects
of an officer /" protected " by a welI-known
Senator and the prospects of an officer
protected by bis own merits alone, are
very different indeed. The first rises as
the sons of English Ministers used to rise,
within living memory the second climbs
the ladder slowly, and though not often
treated with direct injustice, finds that all
the unpleasant posts, Indian frontiers and
the like, fall somehow to his share. If
there is unpleasant work to be done, he
does it and if there is distinction to be
gained, his rival usually enjoys the coveted
opportunity. Besides this influence in the
Army and Navy, a Senator whose support
is of consequence can often make a pre-.
viously unknown man a Judge or a minis
ter at a pleasant Court, or a Consul-Gene =
raj, or a Collector of Customs, not to
speak of his power in influencing the dis
tribution of contracts, which are sought 10
America, where economy is considered ra-
Their "mean," much more eagerly than in
this country, where a Government is
sometimes supplied at prices which
leave no margin for profit, except in
the quality of the goods. The Senator's
friends have in fact the preferential claim
to every pleasant thing. Armoured in
such privileges as these, a Senator is treated
by officials with an amount of Difference,
not to say servility, which e~Ievates him in
his W eyes and his friends eyes very
much indeed, and induces him to consider
an independent bearing something of an
afront. We have heard an American Off
Ger OF culture and repute, when censured for
his politeness to a Senator whose personal
character he detested, defend himself by
declaring that he could not hear tn omit