National Republican., 1876-07-10
WHO SHOULD BE PARpoNEp.

the revenue thieves that IL was the saving
clause, the last desperate resort by which
to save themselves and their ill-gotten
plunder. It's policy founded upon the
old adage, that I" it is no worse to die for
an old sheep than a lamb" These men,
having sworn falsely in defrauding the
revenue until perjury had no longer any
terrors for them, could not hesitate for a
moment between few more false oaths
and felon's doom. Caught IN the tolls
themselves, with irrefragible testimony of
their guilt staring them in the face suffi-
cient to insure conviction of an ignominious
crime, what so natural, upon the principle
that misery loves company" as to seek
to drag into completely with them Govern
nent officials and prominent politicians of
the dominant party, under the menace that
all should go down to ignominy or be re-
leased together?
1t now appears that We were correct in
our surmises. The st. Louis conspirators
formed no exception to these diabOlical tao
tics
An application is now pending in the
Department of Justice for the pardon of
VIM. Mckee, publisher of the st. Louis
Globe Democrat, which is accompanied by
evidence fully substantiating the fact that
he vas accused, prosecuted and convicted
chiefly on account of his advocacy of Re-
publican principles and his staunch friend
ship, support of and supposed influence
with President Grant. The points made
by the evidence have been summarized as
follows:
Pardon is asked for because Mckee is wholly
innocent of the offense of which he was accused;
because he was convicted solely on the testi-
mony of perjured conspirators. who admitted
their guilt and expected immunity from punish
ment if by fraud and perjury they could cause
the gultless TO suffer, and thus gratify the malice
of some and the ambition of others; because
the jury who rendered the verdict. for the most
part, were not selected to try the cause, but to
convict the accused; because the jury were un-
lawfully selected, as well as selected from
counties large part of whose population were
prejudiced against Mckee and eager for his
conviction; because political opponents were
selected for at least three fourths of the jury,
by far the greater portion longing for the op-
pOrtunity to find him guilty without regard to
law or evidence; because the jury were in
tluenced in their verdict by the publication ofa
hostile and venomous press, which, in defiance
of common decency and the order of the court,
filled its columns with fraudulent repre-
sentations and false charges, intending and
calculating thereby to prevent fair and i'm
partial trial of the cause; because the papers
thus loaded with calumny and falsehood were
circulated amongst the jury in their retirement,
thus influencing their judgment and causing
the jury to mistake newspaper clamor for pub
lie sentiment
For all the foregoing reasons, which are
fortified by testimony, printed in de-
tail as it was taken by the st. Louis Circuit
Court, in the suit for libel entered by Mr..
Summers, one of the jurors who tried hi N,
against McKee's paper, the Globe-D0mo-
crat, the pardon of Mckee is now solicited
at the hands of the Executive. The real
conspirators, who were not officials. first
proposed 10 turn States evidence" and
convict the officials if they (the unofficial
Members of the conspiracy might thereby
receive immunity. But this arrangement
would only clear one or two. Megrue and
FitZroy thus made their escape. 1t could
not be made to extend TO all; their num-
bers were too great. The rest of them
then concluded to play the part of peni-
tents, confess, and throw themselves upon
the leniercy of the courts and the clemency
of the Executive. And just. see how
adroitly they managed the affair. They
first menacel the Secretary with the de-
straction ct his chief clerk, Avery. They
soon found that it was not the Secretary
who was the inspirer of the crusade, but
the President. They read his famous in
structiops to the Secretary to "Let no
guilty man escape" And then they began
to threaten the Executive with the igno-
minious disgrace of his private secretary
and his brother Orvil. This had no effect.
The order was still the same: Let no
guilty man escare."
And here we may just as well say that
we have the authority of the late Secretary
of the Treasury for stating that the whole
prosecution of these whisky cases in the
courts was directed and controlled by the
Department of Justice, under the super
vision Of the President. The Treasury
lad nothing to DO with them or the pros
ecution of them after tracing them to the
courts and turning them over to the United
States district attorneys. Nothing az
ptarod against Avery and Babcock in
the Treasury investigation. 1t was the
testimony of confessed ftlons TO the district
attorney and before the grand jury which
smiTcEed these men. Perhaps no one has
BEEN more amused than the ex-Secretary
himself at the immense reputa ion as rc-
former which a portion of the press sue
Cecded in building up for him by crediting
him with performances which conld
only legally be executed by another His
former connection with the Department of
Justice made him entirely familiar with
its organization and is relations to the
otter Departments OF the GoYCrnme Il,
ard he never assumed iiat hc had pun
isbod whisky frauds. He was Jealous in
their detection in certain lucllities, 10
doubt, Lut ne never pretended that he was
entnleG To the credit of their vigorous
prosecution IL the clGTis. TE:.t credit
belonged to the Executive and the Deplr'-
merit Of Justice. But this is DEPRESSION
Tie coDspiratoTs. finding these menaces
against the Presidents political and per
sOuai 'amiiy wGuld not effect their Object,
next turned Their attention 20 the press as
+ mcs; powerful known lever upon pub
lie opinion, f"pipg through that medium 10
move tie Executive. Il the person Of
Mckee they thought they had political
norcd. He wes man ofrec"gnized wealth,
proprietor aud director Of the most popu'Ir
ard wiGcl! -;iIcula;cd Administration jour
nal in The Mississippi Valley 1t was
Journal which lad defended the whole r.
publican policy Of free s"il. free Kansas,
emancipation Of :Ac s!1Tcs, the Union of
States and the suppression Of the rebellion.
hCm Tie Fremont campaign of 1855, in
cU-iTcraIiOn with Frank BlIir and Gcatz