New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1876-09-14
UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE.

L SA~Sses~~eS
the status of citizenship. It was indif
pensable to arm them with the ballot, an
it was eminently wise to prepare them
once for the responsible duties which the
had inherited. To suppose a people f
to be represented and yet not permitted t.
cast vote in the choice Of their repre-
sentatives would be unreasonable. T,
bestow upon those who distrusted the ca
pacity of the emancipated to vote, an ex
elusive power to legislate over them
might have been to surrender the contro
of the emancipated to those from who's
control they had just been liberated.
Carolina correspondent Of the Nation at
tributes "the Southern trouble" to-
! Dense ignorance Of constituency, and it,
constant concomitant in a republic, denss
corruption and demagogueism are at thu
| head of the State. This was brought abou,
by universal suffrage, and the ballot in the
hands of the negro seemed absolutely ne
cessary in reconstruction to prevent hin
from serfdOm. a. witness the "black la vs.
OF this State of 1865
We do not know that partisan roliti.
clans ever read anything except their own
or copgenial illusions, but we have been
struck by the fact that this objection to
an ignorant constituency has been en-
ployed from the day when the 'divine
right" of king dawned upon the world.
1t has been said in France that the rabble
were unfit to have a voice in their own
government. This rabble was compelled
to cut off the head Of king and no.
bility, to confiscate the property and pre-
scribe the limits of an established and
paid clergy, and even now the capacity of
the people to vote upon questions of prop
erty or public right is denied by power
full party Of Imperialists in that country.
In England we find exactly the same OBJ
jections to extending the right of suffrage
to all white men that is here urged against
bestowing it upon the colored race. In
England the law of labor contracts
is just that which was enacted in Louis
lana under Democratic legislation. A
failure to contract, to labor, makes the
white laborer, if without other apparent
means of support, a vagabond, the failure
to comply with the contract is q mis-
demeanor, and in either case the white
laborer is subjected to be hired out or i'm
prisoned. We have even seen in Louis
lana an association composed, it is true,
in good part Of members born and in
doctrinated in aristocratic Europe
denied the right of the white citizens to
vote taxation upon the property Of
others if he held no property of his
own. To exclude this vote from the
question of tax for the construc-
ion of a railroad, the association
employed attorneys of great ability, and
hese attorneys attempted to demonstrate
@ the satisfaction of the public linn
tation upon suffrage, for which profound |
opinions they do not hold themselves
as citizens. The limitation |
If suffrage was, it may be true, but plea |
II evasion of tax, but it is the same old |
oval and ecclesiastical argument against
Universal and unlimited suffrage. Such
'rejudices against free suffrage are per-
APPS natural in state Of society in which
here is or has been privileged order of
obility, but in the United States, where
billions Of people ignorant of the very
lnguage of the country and illiterate to
1e shameful extent shown by the census,
is difficult to say why there should be
UGH sudden distrust of allowing men
} say whether they should be sent to war
T pay taxes.
The argument Of justice is as strong as
lat of interest in awarding suffrage to-.
he emancipated. In right of these peo-
lie the Southern States enjoy political
over of between thirty-tive and forty
ectoral and congressional votes. The
force of these people is repre-
nted in chief part by the specie crops
cotton, sugar, tobacco and rice. They
nder mechanical and mental services es-
ntial to the economy and comfort of the
'ople. They are trusted with the pro-
lets of the field and the contents Of the
ore, with the care of children and of the
X. These people pay back the greater
TT of these wages in the products of
anufacture or for the service of those
tn whom and for whom they labor. Is
then, unreasonable, that they should
ssess the power of self-protection
ainst any undue exercise of the powers
government If this reasoning be cor
It, was it not better these people should
We been at once intrusted with the 4
ritage of free suffrage? Should the de- a
cry OF the estate have been postponed q
til the guardian who enjoyed its control o
ould express the opinion that his ward q
S prepared to make a proper use of it? |
ch is not the rule in the courts of JUS II
g. Il
The wisdop Of educating these wards 81
freemen is analogous to that of pre- "
ring the heir for his Inheritance: but q
frage should have been granted at once, h
not withheld through timidity of cl
st. The emancipated may have been d,
'eived in their inexperience. They p'
y have chosen bad advisers or fidu- sy
ries. Have they not suffered for their CT
ors? Does not indirect taxation rest C
IN them? Have they not been scourged pl
shot for the infdelity of their agents? OF
they not now threatened with the as th