New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1876-02-10
q" NO TRTST UERE."

The world has OutgrOwn the saying "Pfln-
"ciples not men," 1t has learned that the
most INSCRIPTIONS men are the most ready to
profess principles which they suppose to be
popular that much larger class, who are
not constituencies, but merely weak as dish
water, are ready to change their principles or
entirely abandon them i'll practice. when per
sOnal advantage presses strongly; and that no
real reform can be accomplished except by the
choice of men whose known opinions and tried
character give proof that they will not only
profess and promise but do something
good. Hence party platforms are regarded
with Contempt. The day of the cum
ming phrase maker, the skilled resolution
drawer, is over. The country does not care
pinch of snuff for the professions of parties
it judges them ly their acts, and by the char
acter of the men selected ior stations OF trust.
This does not make the work of reform more
difficult, though it is infinitely harder To choose
men wisely than to choose between sound and
unsound principles. The wide gulf between
promise and performance romans. Reform
wastes less time in getting men who will
promise the right thing, but will never do it;
whatever victories it wins are real victories: II
il makes less apparent progress, the gains that
it does make are more likely to be substantial
and lasting.
AS consequence, political contests turn
more upon questions OF personal record ana
character. There is less discussion of abstract
theories perhaps too little; less attention paid
TO the details of proposed measures. Politics
become more sharply personal. The question
for genuine refOrmers is not whether Mr..
an
to correct principles; not whether the Demo
cratic party processes to care for the national
honor or 10 desire reputation. 1t is whether
the character, constituent elements, and pre-
vaing tendencies of the party are such that
it can he trusted TO maintain the public honor
whether the conduct, associations, and personal
character Of the man are such that, If in
vested with power, he can he trusted to use
it for the. public good and not for
personal or partisan advantage. By
SINGLE campaign in single state
the Democratic party lost more than 1t had
gained by years of unlimited promise and
vocifcrous protostatiOn, because the campaign
in Ohio proved that a vast number OF the
voters of that party were at heart either rcpu-
diationists or communists. and that its best
leaders were too cowaidly, too servile III their
devotion to party or too anxious Tor success
at any price, to combat the dangerous ten
denotes Of their partisans. The Democratic
party may profess and promise to the end OF
the chapter, but nothing less than perform
ance, and that of very positive and unequlv-
ocal kind, at this session of Congress, Will re-
store to the party the confidence which it has
thus thrown away.
So Mr.. T. Inc, by single appeal to tie
bascst elements and the most pernicious ten
denotes of his party, has thrown away much Of
the confidence which many liberal men had
given him. Ii was his golden opportunity To
make himself the leader of the very best Re-
publican element He deliberately chose to do
ex city the contrary, and it will not be easy for
him to recover the position he has lost. by
promises and professions he never can; by
stout hearted and manly work i'll Congress,
during the rest of the session, perhaps he
might Mr.. Morton, again, will not be judged
by what he may profess, for men will remember
that even while Mcdonald and Joyce were rob
bling the Government, professedly IN order
to provide campaign fund for the election of
Grant, Mr.. Morton declared our civil service
The best that the world bad ever seen. They
will remember that he was rampant lnlla-
Zionist in 1874, and though he fought for
Hayes and hard money in 1873, insisted that
the question should be ignored as much as
possible and that the party should try to Win
by getting mp great scare on the school qucs-
ton. These things reveal the utterly unscru
pulous dcmagogue, and Mr.. Morton will be
trusted only by those who want a civil ser
vice prostituted to the uses of partisanship,
and care less for the public honor than for party
success.
The independent voters, who are in earnest
in their demands for reform, care nothing for
the professions of parties. They dstrust the
Democratic party because its elements and
tendencies are dangerous. They put no conf
dence in Republican demagogucs, and will
trust no man who insists upon leading the
worst instead of the best end of his party.
If the Republican party wants their votes, it
must name candidate who can be fully
trusted. Otherwise they are quite capable of
voting for man of their own, leaving each
party to get along as best it can without them.