The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1876-02-18


entitled to more than usual consideration in
reference to the third term. This communi-
cation presents the arguments in favor of the
denomination of President Grant from the
administration point Of view 1t may be ac-
cepted as an expression of the views of those
earnest friends of the President who mean to
stand by him through good report and evil
report, and whose feelings of loyalty for a
man have become an overruling passion.
At the same time this communication is en-
titled to attention as representing the views
of those resolute and well disciplined gen.
tlemen who mean TO force the claims OF
Grant upon the consideration of the party.
1t is the first statement of their position that
may be said 10 have even a semi-official sig
nifcance, and as such we may consider it.
''Justice" represents the President as a
man of deserved renown suffering under an
unjust imputation, the imputation of run
ming for third term and of bending all the
exertions of his administration to secure a
denomination. This imputation. we are
told, comes from INSCRIPTIONS democratic
partisans, who will not remember that the
| President, in his letter to a Pennsylvania
Republican Convention, took pains to say
''clearly and distinctly" that he was not a
candidate; that, so far from ever having de-
sired the Presidency he would have pre-
ferred the command of the army. So far
| from the President intriguing to secure this
nomination mot single act or word" can
| be found to show that he has or ever had
| any such intention. For, as our CORE
spondent would have us know, the Presi-
dent sis the last man" to have any fondness
''for the trappings and paraphernalia' of
high station. He has never ''put on princely
| airs" and his ''head has never been
turned" In his Cabinet selections he
has not taken politicians who would scheme
for him, but men not in the ''r6le of pol
iticians." The first intimation of third
term came from his enemies and was
political expedient to destroy the republican
as an antagonism to the President, has borne
fruit in the minds of his friends, who do not
mean to see him destroyed to satisfy any
democratic cabal. If these friends choose to
present his name there is no reason why
they should not do SO, and the example of
Washington has no force, because, as our
correspondent naYvely puts it, Washington
never said that he would not, even if the
country was in such danger as to need his
services, refuse to run. This conclusion
that there is nothing either in the example of
Washington or even in the celebrated letter
to Harry White, of Pennsylvania, to prevent
the President running for a third term,
opens to our correspondent the question,
sis it practicable to elect the President for a
third term?" Suppose, for instance, that
the republicans should feel that the country
was in danger and that Grant was necessary
to save it, should they not run him2
In answering this question our correspond
ent draws rosy picture of the President
portrait so vivid that it should entitle its
author to place in the Cabinet, always sup
posing that he is not now or has never been
there. He goes on to ask then, suggestively,
whether among the suitors for popular
favor it would not be found that no one could
bend the bow of Ulysses but Ulysses him
SELF" and if his enemies 1--WE are now again
OuI CoIISSPOuucub) III
keeping his name before the country as
candidate for third term how can they ex-
pect his friends to abandon him ?" While
on this subject there is an issue the impor-
tance Of which cannot be ignored-the issue
embraced in the Des Moines speech-that
the only way to keep the Pope out Of the
country is to run Grant for third term.
While our correspondent, in concluding his
letter. thinks that the President would de-
cline nomination, even if it were rendered
him, still she might be called on TO lead
forlorn hope in order to save our country
and our freedom" ellis name" says our
correspondent in final burst, which it
would be pity not to emphasize, would
carry with it the prestige of victory, and
would subordinate all minor issues to that
sentiment fast and fixed in the American
heart-of devotion 10 the Union and deter
mination that it shall be perpetuated."
For the purposes of this argument we will
accept all that our correspondent says in his
rather fervid and ELUSIVE rhetoric about
the personal claims of General Grant upon
the country and his transcendent fitness for
the Presidential Office 1t would be to
darken the controversy to criticise that
branch of his communication. But we lay
down a few propositions as representing
what we deem to be the calmest thought of
the people on the third term. First, that in
any republic where the government is for
the people and by the people no mere man is
necessary to the welfare of the people. Sec
ond, that when any party depends upon the
personal popularity of one man, popularity
largely arising out of unusual and extraor-
binary circumstances for its discipline and
success, it has filed the measure of its use
fulness and should come to an end. Third
that when party or q candidate finds it
necessary to appeal TO the dark and bipoted