The weekly clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1863-1882, 1876-08-23
The Weekly Clarion
WEDNESDAY = AUGUST %, 1876.
CONTINUED FROM FIRST PAGE.)


and among men OF all parties.
The discussions within the Republican
ranks are even more marked than
among their silent adversaries who had
been totally deprived of official position
and control in public affairs. Between
one division of the Republican party,
led and represented by Governor Ames,
and another represented by Senator Al
corn, the breach became deep and wi
dened daily. On either side individuals
OF that party arrayed themselves with
their respective followers, and open and
bitter denunciations, unsparing in their
terms, were showered by each side upon
the other. The split was open, positive,
and would seem to have been irreconcia-
bic. In his examination before the
committee Governor Ames classes Sen
ator Alcorn, Governor Powers, Mckee,
ex-member of Congress, ex-senator
Pease, Morris, the attorney general,
State Senator Musgrove, Wells, NJ. c.,
and Chancellor StorTs, as among the OPP
ponents to him and his administration.
At page % he accuses Morris Of having
used his office for corrupt purposes, Mus
grove of insincerity and dishonesty,
Storrs Of being thoroughly corrupt; at
page % Pease of willful falsehood and of
being without ordinary intelligence. AT
page rs murders are imputed to
Senator Alcorn
On the other hand, George E. Harris,
ex-attorney-general Of the State, in his let
ter to the President of the United States,
dated the Oath of November, 1875, Civ
ing the reason for the Democratic sue
cess in Mississippi, declares that it was
-"Due to the imbecility and base cor
ruption of the State administration and
q few adherents."
(See letter page }
lie charges Ames-
"With cold Indifference and Of con-
tracing his views and narrowing his cir
Gle of friends to few confidential adj
visers, who were close corporation of
mercenary men who knew but little Of
the wants of the people of the State and
cared less-men who have no identity Of
interest orsympathy in common with the
people of the State"
He charges HIM
"With the desire to control the judi
ciary rs well as the executive depart
ment Of the State; of resorting to the
oxpediency of making appointments after
vacation and then holding the appoint
ments over them IN terrorem until the
next session of the Legislature, and if
they did not please him in DEGREES, etc,
he could withhold their names, Gas he
did in one case,) thus making the judi
ciary Of the State subseTvient TO the ex-
ecutive, in violation of the Constitution
and he actually removed Chancellor
brennan, as | believe, because in case
ofhdbeas corpus he refused bail to the
governors friend, Morgan, Sheriff Of
Yazoo county on a charge of the MUIR
der of one Hilliard."
He charged him
"With appointing men to judicial po-
sition who had never had case in court,
and were totally ignorant of the law and
practice, and who dc not know plea in
ar from a demurrer"
Ex-senator Revels, in his deposition
mt page, states.#
/. H. Estell, Republican, states, at
page 1926:
Governor Ames's prostitution of his
Office and bargaining with appointees is
shown by Judge Watson, at page, as
follows:
Senator Alcorn fatty contradicts Gov
ern0r Ame's account of the Friar's
Point riot, in which Mr.. Alcorn was one
Of the chief parties, (see deposition at
page 81, } and expresses his want of con-
tidence in Ames's administration.
See also letter of H. G. Carter, page
=, also speech of G. Wiley Wells, (see
his speech, reported by Senator Revels,
at page in which he quotes Ames'
remarks that "the blood of twenty-five
negroes would be a good thing for the
Republican party.
With such a division Of feeling in re-
gard to men and measures in the Repub
lican party in Mississippi, with universal
discomfort among all classes of the people
in regard to the condition of the State
and its administration, they approached
the canvass of 1875. Governor Ames
was charged by Harris (see same letter
before quoted) with using his power as
executive of the State for the purpose of
securing his election to the United States
Senate, and there seems to be no doubt
that such was the fact. AS he, himself,
has stated, he had united his fortune
with the colored people of the State,
whom he believed to be in a majority"
He was unlearned in law or the spirit of
civil rule. Military methods and rigor
were his only conceptions of government.
He seemed greedy of political power
without pretending its responsibilities.
He did not lessen his DEFICIENCIES by
associating with men more learned III
civil rule than himself but, avoiding
men of intelligence and character in the
State, surrounded himself with obsequious
and inferior associates. The character
istics and tastes of the people among
whom he had gone as a stranger, and yet
to be their ruler, he never studied nor
cared to comprehend, nor to have under
stood the gentle wisdom of Fletcher of
Saltoun That if man were permit
ted to make all the ballads, he need mott
care who should make the laws of peo-
pie" He never gained their respect; but, |
by his self-seeking, his self-promotion to |
power and place and his use of public |
power for his personal ends, he entirely |
lost whatever he might have had of their |
respect Thus, losing public respect, he
lost public confidence, and instead of
seeking by Cancellation and methods of
justice to regain it, he resolved to defy
those who withheld it. The end of all
his methods was simply force-the bayo-
net; that last and most cruel test of
military fidelity, when the American
soldier is called upon to use his arms
against the American citizen. When he
found the political knot was complicated,
he set aside methods of reason and used
the sword to cut it, because he was
devoid of the skill or patience to unite it.
Violence was the necessary end of such
rule as he conceived and sought to put in
practice. The just end of government
Is the happiness of the people to be
and measures to promote pop