The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1876-12-30
FROM MICHIGAN.


10 the Elitor Of the woEENsNAN's ADVOCATE.
Our great and glorious" republic seems
10 be ON the verge of dissolution The
bayonet is supplanting the ballot. A gov
eminent Of consent is to be superseded by
government Of force. Thoughtful o.
servers have long predicted that the de-
struction Of tue republic was only a ques-
ton Of time. Orr class divisions into a
money power and labor power, the last
at the mercy Of the first, ensured dissolu-
ton sooner or later. 1t is the old story Of
aristocracy subduing the commonality.
But American aristOcracy Of itself could
never have destroyed the republic by open
force, for the people generally are repub-
lican in principle, and would have beaten
down any open attack on their liberties
But modern aristocracy is more cunning
than its ancient predecessor. II con
quors us through party division, attacks
liberty and the republic in the name Of a
party. Through specious pretenoes it en-
lists ore half Of the people in its support.
1t makes its cause appear to be their cause.
The support Of party becomes a religious
duty. Our party is right, and that right
must be maintained at any cost That Is
the argument.
The election Of Tilder or Hayes will not
shorten honrs or raise wages a dollar
Neither can either inaugurate good times.
But our American aristorcacy have no Oh
lection to civ commotion and bloodshed
for the purpose Of instituting that strong
government" they have always yearned
for. And this strong government, like all
others Of its class, means the political sub
lection Of the people.
Looking at the republic for the century
past, what has il really done for labor
Has It been in any respect a wages class
government, OF a farmers government
Nothing Of the kind. II has helped u
generate inequalities from the beginning
through its financial legislation and special
privileges 1t has been a failure all the
way through, 50 far as labor is concerned.
In the condition of labor, our republic
presents no pre-eminence over the British
monarchy. Why than should We cut each
others throat to put IN Office this man Or
that If the conflict were one between
liberty and despotism, then all ought to
be risk for liberty. But the present strug-
gle is one between neighbors, represented
by party. Our parties are the wooden
horse that let our enemies into our strong
hold.
Must labor then surrender everything
without a struggle, because OF inextrcable
complications: Nothing Of the tind Ao@--
is the very time TO break up the old political
parties, because it l. daily demonstrated that
they are not only useless bus dangerous. This
Is the hour therefore Tor labor 70 assert its
rights. Let dgsp,tism fortify itself with
bayoaets, and issue its proclamation against
treason and traitor Its devices cannot
reach peaceful organization of labor ior the
reorganization OF productive industries The
question Of work and wages lies outside Of
treason. 1t n0t dispute between rebel
and government, but one between the man
!
Is, not shall We have a republican or demo-
cratic administration, but what shall be the
future relations between capital and labor
Shall labor be seFf or free Shall labor he
self-employing and self-sup porting, or shall
it continue in bondage to capital, Our pan ties
and their platforms sink into insigni6csnce
before this grand issue.
Let US commence the war, like the ant.
slavery war, through petitions, demanding
the same pceuniary aid from the federal gov
eminent to set cooperative labor ~ work, a.
was accorded to railroads, &c, to enable them
to commence operations. There are prece-
dents for federal aid everywhere Every
trades union AID labor organization should
throw 10 petitions for this purpose, that the
outside world may know just where labor
stands, and what it proposes to DO
j. n BRAY.