The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1876-10-14


nation to yiolate il. We had been well
warned by all the men best entitled to our
confidence particularly and eloquently
warned by Mr.. Clay and Mr.. Webster
that if ever the abolitionists got hold
upon the organized physical force Of the
country they would govern without law,
scof at the authority Of the courts, and
throw down all the defonces Of civil liberty.
But if the South had not seceeded we
might have made successful defense Of
our constitution, though the powers Of the
government were in the hands Of its enc
mics. With the aid of the southern peo-
pie, if they had been true to their duty,
we could have organized an opposition SO
formidable in its moral and political power
that you would scarcely have dared to as
saut US. No wonder that we were "union
savers" for to us the union meant person.
al liberty, free thought, an independent
press, habeas corpus, trial by jury, the
impartial administration Of justice-all
those great legal institutions which our
forefathers had shed SO much of their
blood to build up The South deserted
us at the crisis Of our fate, and left us in
our weakness to the mercy Of the most
unprincipled tyrants that ever betrayed
public trust. Secession was not mere folly
and madness; it was something much worse.
We could not but feel that we were deeply
wronged. There was no remedy for the
dire calamities with which we were threat
ened except in bringing the seeded
States back to their places in the union.
Our convictions Of legal duty, our exas-
perated sense of injury, and a proper care
OF our best interests, all impelled us to join
the new administration in the use of such
force as might be found necessary to exc
cute the laws in every part of the country.
But the abolitionists wanted war for
the destruction Of the union, for the over
throw Of the constitution, for the subver-
sion Of free government, and for the sub
jugation Of the whole country to that
"higher law" which imposes no restraint
upon the rapacity and malice of the ruling
power. To such war the national con-
science was opposed. The soul of every
respectable officer in the army and navy
reyolted at it, and every yirtuous man in
private life felt it to be an unspeakable
outrage. To those who doubted before,
the disaster of Bull Run made it plain that
the war could not be successfully carried
on unless it was put upon principles con-
sistent with the usages of Christendom
and the safety of our own institutions.
Therefore, it was that on the 22d of July,
1861, Congress with almost perfect una
nimity passed resolution through both
houses, declaring in the most explicit
words that the war should be conducted
to preserve the constitution, aud not to
revolutionize it. l give you here the
words Of the resolution itself from the
Congressional Globe, page 223:
ResolUed, That the present deplorable civil
war has been forced upon the country by the
disunionists ofthe Southern States now in arms
against the constitutional government, and in
arms around the capitol; that in this national
emergency Congress, banishing all mere feel
| ing OF passion or resentment, will recollect
only its duty to the whole country; that this
war is not waged on their part in any spirit of
oppression, or for any purpose Of conquest or
subjugation or purpose of overthrowing or
interfering with the rights or established in
stitutions Of those States, but to defend and
maintain the supremacy of the constitution,
and to preserve the union with all the dignity,
equality and rights of the several States un-
impaired; and that as soon as these objects
are accomplished the war ought to cease.
Confding in this assurance, Democrats
from every northern State rushed to the
front by the hundred thousand the border
States Of the South gave in their formal
adhesion to the government; and our great
military leaders drew their swords with
alacrity in support Of the free institutions
to which they had shown their fidelity SO
often before.
With what base perfdy this solemn
pledge was broken | need not tell you; for
this speech shows that you know it well.
You expressly declare that SO far from
sustaining the government you revolu
tionized it. Instead of war for the union,
you claim that it put the States out of the
union, and you had right to keep them
out as long as you pleased, or admit them
to their places on any terms, however de- |
grading, which you choose to dictate. In
stead Of restoring the supremacy Of the |
constitution, all your politicians held. and, |
SO far as know from their public decla-
rations, still hold that the victory of the
federal forces abolished the constitution, |
not only in the South but in the North, |
and therefore they were not bound to OBJ |
serve its limitations, either in their legis-
lative, Judicial or executive measures.
Instead Of bringing back the States with
their rights unimpaired, according to your
promise, you crippled, enslaved, subiugated |
and DISTINGUISHED them. Instead Of using
the war power for the just and lawful pur-
poses to which you were pledged, you con-
yerted it into a black republican job to
put the rights Of all the people perma-
nently under the feet Of an unprincipled
party. has 5
l submit this part of the case to your
consideration. ask you TO say whether
you can find in the whole history Of the
human race another instance Of similar
perfidy on SO large scale. The basoness
of the Massachusetts, authorities in selling
the surrendered Pequods into slavery
after solemn promise to the contrary
was but the "germ Of an idea" on which
you acted in the fullness Of its growth.
Their act was in its nature and character
nearly as bad as it could be, but only eight
score Of helpless people suffered by it; tae
victims Of your treachery are counted by
millions.