National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1876-03-10

licans, but have been led along by easy
contrivances until they find themselves
yelling for Gratz Brown and working for
Gould. They do notknow how it happened,
but here they are. The President is
villain, the Cabinet are robbers, the Senate
are horse thieves, and the Republican party
is a tribe of cut. Threats. Everything is
ding to the demnition bow-wows as fast
as it can, and no one to save you but the
New York Tribune. This is the result of
belief in the insinuating logic uttered by
that paper. But occasionally. to use a
phrase, it 'tslops over" and for the nonce
loses sight of the role it is acting and comes
out in IFS true colors, just as the confidence
man does when some surprise occasions
him to be indIscreet. In a moment, in the
twinkling of an eye, his victim sees the
game and is on his guard. Cannon has
lost its charm for him. He does not want
any more of it. The cheat is exposed, and
the "beat," or the Tribune, can go their
way, and thank their stars to get off
An occasion of disclosure of the true SEN
timents Of this impudent pretender, the
Tribune, has arisen out of the Belknap e.
pose. In its Incorporate glee at thispublic
calamity-for no man can candidly call it
anything more or less-it gives way to such
shouts of triumph that people see the deceit
it has practiced all along at once. It's mask
is of. The sneer of the villain is plain.
The public wonders that it could have
been deceived so long. Nast's pic
lures, so familiar to all, take on a new
meaning, for they disclose, what the public
has been slow to learn, that beneath the
mask of pretended virtue there Turks as
mean political scalawag as ever scratched
pen on paper.
The issue of the paper on Wednesday
last illustrates the point attention is called
to. Its columns on this day are loaded
down with the vilest abuse that can be ut
tered, and without shadow Of evidence
to sustain its insinuations. 1t draws the
conclusion, in every line, that because Bel
KNAPP is guilty of peculation, hence every
man of any station in the party, from the
President down, is guilty of shameless
crime, and is held up to public execration.
As fair an argument would infer that as
Tweed lived in New York, hence the editor
of the Tribune is thief and a BLACKBOARD,
and the people of New York are no better
than he is. Can any candid man say il is
not as fair? But the editor goes on,
and the following are some of his
conclusions-l mere sample quoted a.
random: Every Republican leader must
show that he is not thief the people
no more trust Grant than they would
trust Belknap;' at does not need the
e fall of the other Secretary, aohich is &C.
"pected, 10 finish the work." Democracy
"may be dangerous, but it is not filthy
with brides and steaiings," etc. ETC., ETC.
The editor goes on TO state as literal truth
every scandal that has been banded abroad
for a sinister motive, and every suspicion
that has been raised against the Republican
party and Administration, ne matter what
the source or how unworthy of credence or
unsupported by direct charges they may
be, and claims them all as gospel truth.
Now, to all this kind of knavery there is
but one reply. The public see through
this trick without difficulty. There is pub
lie virtue enough and sentiment strong
enough to defend men and parties from the
villainy of false insinuations. Society rec
ognizes that the same system will ruin any
private character and crush civilization to
death. The man who attempts this pro-
cess is spotted as an outlaw, and goes
dow. He cannot live under it. He is pub
lie vandal; and, though he may for few
years exist at his trade, under the guise of
confidence, or what may be ultimately,
the history of men and nations has shown,
his star will go down in darkness, and his
grave will be marked as infamous. To such
destiny the New York Tribune is hasten
inc