The Wheeling daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1865-1903, 1876-11-21
The Weak Link in the Chain

1t ia an old saying that no chain Is
stronger than its weakest link. The
Democrats are ready to decide that the
Republicans have no case in the dis
puted States because there ia no credible
evidence that material results were
changed by alleged cases Of violence and
intimidation. This is an easy way to
dispose Of the case-it breaks the chain
The chain consists lin part Of a link made
at Washington, and inserted in its place by
the votes OF the requisite number Of
States, in the shape Of the following con.
stitutional amendment:
"sEcr1ox l. The right OF citizens Of the
United States 10 vote shall not be denied
or abridged by the United States, or by
any State, on account OF race, color or
previous condition ot seryitude.
''SEC. 2. The Congress shall have power
to enforce this article by appropriate
legislation"
This amendment is supplemented by a
law Of Congress (aIready published in
the IsrELLroENcER) providing penalties
against intimidators Of voters.
Tho next link in the chain is the fol.
lowing voluntary plight Of good faith
and good behavior on the part Of the De.
mocracy OF the country to the people OF
the United States last June at St. Louis !:
"For the Democracy OF the whole coun.
try, we do here reatiirm our faith in the
permanence OF the Federal Union, our
devotion to the Constitution Of the Uni.
ted States, vi.h its amendments. universally
accepted as final settlement Of The eontrorer.
sies that engendered civil tuar, and do here
record our steadfast confidence in the per-
petuity Of Republican self'government."
Now the link Ia the chain that would
bind the Democracy to the post Of duty
as National party, in the settlement OF
the present difficulties in the South, is
the one that they say ia missing-viz: evil
dence that despite the constitutional
amendment and the law Of Congress
guaranteeing unobstructed suffrage to
every American citizen, and their accep-
tance OF the same at 81. Louis, they have
not observed either the obligations Of the
law or Of their own pledge to the coun.
try, but have sought political power in
the South, and, through the South, In
the Nation, by violating both the law and
the pledge-that is to say, by the intimi.
dation Of voters.
The point of disagreement is. as to the
nature Of the evidence. The Democracy
as a rule discredit nearly all the accounts
OF violence that are published in Rspub.
lican papers. It 10 prima facie reason
for discrediting anything Of the kind 10
fiud it in u Republican paper-even
though Redfeld should write it in the
Cincinnati Commercial from actual person.
al observation. Evidence like the follow
ing from a Republican candidate for
office in Louisiana would count for Moth
ing with the Democracy-nothing what
ever:
"He stated, after repeated efforts, he
was compelled TO abandon his engage
ments, for the following reasons: {: Just
before reaching the place of speaking, he
would invariably meet the poor, demor-
allied negroes on their way home or
skulking into the bushes. Upon inquiry
what was the matter, they would state
very confidentially that an armed mob Of
rufians had bid them, at the peril OF their
lives, to 60 home and remain there until
after the election He found at three
different places the bandits, to.wit: Bas.
trop, Tradys School House and Island
Place"
When we find the Democracy, as a
rule, discrediting nearly all evidence Of
this kind as to the fact OF intimidation or
violence In the South, wo feel tempted to
fall back on the principle embodied In
Paley's great argument from design An
argument that is familiar, no doubt, to
many Of the readers Of the ISTELIt-
sEsoER. 1t is considered one Of the
strongest arguments ever submitted In
support OF Natural Theology.
Adopting the principle pursued by
Paley, we would infer the truth Of much
that reaches us from the South by the
results that have followed the alleged line
OF political operations. For instance, we
have seen a Republican majority of17,oOC
in one congressional district in the state
Of Mississippi entirely disappear in two
years, a district in which there was a
preponderance of7O,oOo colored people
and Democrat who figured in the Fort
Pillow massacre elected over an intelli.
gent and eloquent cOlored man, who
would naturally have had the sympathy
and support Of his race, against such an
antagonist but for some strong counter
valing influence.
Now we leave 1t to lOgicians to say
where the weight Of probability lies in
this particular case. This Is not the age
OF miracles? II it Is, by what miracle
were these colored voters so suddenly in.
duced either not to go to the polls, or
else to go and vote. .ior. the man who was
accessory to the massacre ottheir race at
Fort Pillow during the war, on the
ground that they were not persons but
things-not prisoners Of war but escaped
chattels.
This Is one case where. Paley's great
rule Of inference would come in with do.
cidsd effect. Another case would be tho
result in the two Feliciana parishes in
Louisiana, where in one thore was a sud.
den gain Sudden Is no word for iD Of
1854 Democratic votes, and in the other
q similarly sudden gain Of 1924 Demo
cratic votes. We need not particulariIe
the gains in ouAChita, Morehouse, &c. ,
.r tur