New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1876-07-04
A HUNDRED YEARS.


At noon to-day the Nation of the United
States of America will complete its first cen
fury of independent existence. Founded in
the hope rather than in the general faith OF
its peImanence, attended by doubts which
within the last fifteen years grew into prophe-
ces of its downfall, and assailcd by evils
which had no precedent, and hence no remedy,
in tho past history of Civilization, it has at
last established its own laws of being If its
weakness has been discovered, it's strength has
also been grandly manifefted: the dangers IL
has overcome make clear the character of those
which still exist or may be developed i'll the
future The system founded on the qualities
of its people now rests upon broad basis OF
experience. Principles then untried are already
clothed with the sanctity of age and fortified
by tradition, habit, aud association To-day
we NAV look forward with confidence, even as
we look backward with gratitude
'f on such an anniversary, a review OF what
has been accomplished is naturally suggested,
we cannot escape the gravcr emotion which
bids Us remember duties still unperformcd and
aims not yet realized i'll our national life.
hundred years are but small section OF the
history of an empire which cmbOdieS the char
acter and activity of powerful race. hun
bred years barely suffice TO determine the in
trinsic quality of a political system, to knit to-
gether balance, and harmonic its material
frame, and test its capacity for prolonged life.
Yet the century which now closes has been in
all respects so remarkable period in the his
tory of the entire globe and the national ex-
pcrences through which we have passed have
been so exceptional in their nature, thst there
I II Il. H. l,uht
measure our degree of maturity.
For n oont,,,y, "fto~ r"~iinn of u'V Con-
tirent had been discovered and claimed, it was
suffered to lie unused. 1t became England's,
almost in despite of England-ncgected until
France, Holland, Sweden and Spain laid their
hands upon it ; used then as convenience
for malcOntents and criminals; secured mainly
by the blood which, if allegiance be measured
by help and protection, owed little from the
start; and, finally, gradually prepared for in
dependence by policy which could not have
been more successful if it had had only that
end in view. Surely no nation ever sprang
from similar beginnings.
The form of our Republic may be said TO
have existed already in the ideas and aspira-
tons Of the time. 1t possessed an inspiring
example in the history of the noble Dutch
Republic; but its more immediate prototype
may be found in the legislative system of the
renowned COrscan, Pascal Paoli, who from
| 1855 to 176S, when lie was forced to succumb
to the power of France, made his native
| island the wonder and the admiration of Eu-
rope Its germs existed in the intellectual
freedom inculcated by Voltaire and in the re-
| turn to natural laws taught by Rousseau.
Equality of individual rights, separation of
| Church and State, the government of the ma
iority, were living principles which then walked
the earth, seeking to become incarnate for the
sake of mankind.
These facts cast no disparagement upon the
work of the Founders Of our Nation If there
had been a single Colony, their task would
have been comparatively easy Faith in adj
| vanced political principles, and courage to
apply them, they possessed in common with
a large class of thinkers in Europe; but they
were compelled to reconcile the varied forms,
habits, and interests of thirteen Colonies in a
Federation of States, securing local indie
pendence for each and the strength OF
united Nation for all. They undertook tho
great task with many misgivings, and some of
the wisest among them looked upon it as an
expedient which might simply serve to con
sOdate the national strength and spirit and
preserve the necessary order and Conference,
until the great work might be taken up anew
and perfected
They builded however, far better than any one
of them knew. The Constitution, containing
the prOvisisn for its own amendment, has
existed TO this day with slightor changes than
that of any other civilized nation; for even
the clause relating to Slavery was adopted IN
view of possible emancipation. Through the
varying growth and importance of the separate
States, the representation of the population in
the Government has become unequal: through
the acquisition of new territory and an I'M
migration phenomenal in its extent, some
features of our system have been made 10 bear
strain never provided for in the beginning
yet the simple political structure has borne the
sharpest tests, and requires no changes beyond
the scope Of its own provisions.
The Nation has encountered three prominent
dangers during its first hundred years. The
first Of these-the conflict between the interests
of Slavery and Free Labor-was anticipated,
dreaded postponed by compromise, ignored by
willfuily closed eyes, and provoked by the very
means taken to delay it, until the storm broke
upon us. Let each side take its share OF the
guilt, without comparing the bulk thereof:
let us both, at this hight and new departure Of