Clarksville weekly chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1873-1890, 1876-07-01
THE DEAD LOCK.

The intense eargerness with which
the conventions of the two greatparties
are watched, and their action antici-
pated, has withdrawn the public atten-
ton in a great degree from struggle
now going on between the two houses
of congress which is equally moment
Gus. if not more so, and which gives
its main importance to the Presiden
tial struggle itself; for the question a..
issue between the two houses is one
which will enter more prominently |
than any other into the controversies
arising out of the coming presidential
election.
Broadly the question is, shall the
House of Representatives exercise or
not that control over the National Ex-
penditure which by the Constitution
it is its imperative duty as well as its
indefeasible privilege to exercise.
1t is in fact the old controversy
which ragged between Charles I and
his parliament, between George III,
and his colOnies-the question at issue
being shall the people tax themselves,
for their own benefit or shall they be
taxed by official personages for the
benefit of ruling powers.
Practically the question is this, how
it stands technically we will now try to
make clear to our readers.
1t is well known that in the present
Congress, for the first time within 10
years, there is Democratic majority in
the House Representatives, while, in
the Senate, though the Republican ma
jority is much reduced from what it
was at the accession to power of Gen
eral Grant, yet there is quite an efficient
working majority for the Republican
party.
1t is easy to see how this would be
likely to happen when great changes
in sentiment come over the nation; for
members of the house hold their seats
for only two years while Senators hold
theirs for six, or to put it another way
every second year the whole of the
Representatives yacate their seats but
only one-third of the Senators do the
same. 1t is conceivable, therefore, how
the great wave of public indignation
which two years ago burst upon the
corruptioDs of the Government as ad-
ministered by the Republican party,
regolutionised entirely the balance of
parties in the House but only partial
ly that in the Senate. OF course the
result is a Democratic House and
Republican Senate.
Since then the House of Represen-
tatives is held in check by Radical pre-
ponderance in the Senate and entire
Radical aseendency in the Executive
(the President and Cabinet being all
Radicals) it would appear at first
sight that the House would have but
little power to carry out the reforms,
forenacting ofwhich they were elected
to ofice-but in one department of
Public business the Constitution gives
them especial strength, and that is the
financial department. The following
clause in the Constitution is the char
ter of their power:
Art ]. Sec. z. All bills for raising
revenue shall originate in the House
of Representatives; but the Senate
may propose OF concur with amend
ments as on other bills"
1t is of vast Importance that the
true force of this clause in the Consti-
tuition should be understood, for upon
it depends the power of the people to
control the expenditure of the govern
ment, we will not apologize therefore
for studying it rather deliberately. The
discussions and debates in the assem-
bly, which adopted the constitution
show clearly that it was the intention
of its authors to invest the House of
Representatives in virtue of this
clause, with the same powers in regard
to the National Revenues as were pos
sessed at the time and still are pos
sessed by the British House of Com
mons.
Now the English have no written
Constitution, all that we call Constu-
tional provisions depend with them
upon time honored precedents gradu-
ally established during the struggle by
which they passed from a State of
despotism to one of constitutional
liberty; but in the work of De Llome
on the English constitution we have a
most trustworthy account of the work
ing of it at the very time when the
Fathers ofour nation adopted for us the
provisions of Its representative system
especially as bearing upon financial
affairs for De Llome was making his
observations in England exactly at the
time when our Benjamin Franklin was
there in the early days of the Revolu-
ton and Frequently conferred with him
on the topics which both were study
ing so closely. In his fourth chapter
on the legislative power after enumer-
ating the mutual checks and balances
of King, Lords and Commons on one
another he adds:
Here however an important Obser.
walton must be made. All bills fol-
granting money must have their begin
ming in the House of Commons the
Lords cannot take this subject into
consideration but in consequence of a
bill presented to them by the latter
aud the Commons have at all times
been SO anxiously tenacious of this
privilege that they have never suffered
the Lords even to make any change In
the money bills which they have sent
to them. aud the Lords are expected
simply and solely either to accept OF
reject them
De Llome is especially alive to the
Importance of combining this money
granting power to one legislative as
sembly.
As Frenehmau studying the diff
ferences between English institutions
and those Of his own country he would
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