The weekly clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1863-1882, 1876-06-28


allowed III order to quality the colore
man for the intelligent exercise of tn
suffrage. That proposition was charged
say, In that discussion between tn
Senator from Indiana and the Senate
from Kentucky, in 1871, as the report
viii show. Such a proposition, how
ever, never came from any SUulherl
State. On the contrary. there was n
disposition Oh the part of any Southern
State, 50 far as | am aware, to deny tn
legitimate results of the war and the be
stowal OF citizenship and the right of til,
ballot on the colore1 race 1t is tru,
that many Of US doubted, and the mos
sagacious men Of the Republican part,
doubted, whether they v ere prepared L
emerge at once from a condition o
slavery without Intelligence to condi
ton OF freedom and the exercise intclIi
gently Of The ballot But such was the
viii OF the nation, and more, such wa,
the viii Of all OF the Southern States
Mississippi adopted it by her own ordi
nance
They have, then, given the colored
man the ballot ever since the war closed
during the last ten years and | predict
ed iii Mississippi last fall that the frs
proposition which would be made 10 the
country to take the ballot from him or
to limit is exercise woLld spring not
from the Southern States, but would
spring from the Republican purity who
had already given the power Of the
! ballot to 500, 900 citizens, and thus IN
| creased to that extent the ratio of repre-
| sentatIon in this Hall and the power of
jg tt,r., Il, 4 I
| lege.
had scarcely taken my seat upon
| this floor when u message from the Pres
ident came to this body and the Senate
recommending among other measures
that all persons who could not read and
write in 1890 should be deprived of the
ballot, coupled, it is true, with sickly
prOvlso that it should not apply TO anyone
whose iiliteracy does not now disqualify
HIM. But, sir, that was q verifcation Of the
prediction had made, that so far from
any Southern State proposing to restrict,
limit, OF take away the ballot from the
colored race, the proposition came i'll the
shape Of Il recommendation from the
President of the United States himself,
for NJ man can conceal from himself that
that was the class of people III reference
TO whom the recommendation was de-
signed and intended to apply. What |
have ust said is sustained by a debate
which occurred in this House during the
last session Of Congress, when | Was not
here, when the force bill was introduced
and members in this Hall and in the
Senate were appealed to by every senti-
ment Of party pride, and every incentive
-, II ~
sustain that measure ten years after the
war had closed. The organ of the Ad-
ministration, the organ of the President,
the organ of the Republican party then
and now in this city, asserted that the
passage Of that measure, which WAS de-
signed to restore military power IN the
South and military commissions to try
questions of civil right, was necessary,
not in the interest of peace and order,
but in the interest of the Republican
party. That sentiment resulted in
words which will read in moment,
in a speech made on the 9th Of Febru-
airy, not by Democrat, but by Re
publican then and now. But when that
measure was before Congress, feeling
that there were certain great principles
of American freedom, American lib
erty, and human freedom, and human
rights the world over, that were dearer
than party ties, and which constitutions
and governments were simply designed
to be the opponents and protectors of,
gentlcman who then held his place ON
this floor, as distinguished in his advo-
cacy Of the Republican party as any
man, used these remarkable words in re-
lation to it, and allude to Mr.. Hawley,
of Connecticut. When that bill (the
force bib was under consideration he de-
scribed his own partisan position, and
said:
Il have been Radical abolitionist from
my earliest days. l began ON reaching
nv majority as member of the free
soil party. | fought in 1t with all my
might until the Republican party was
formed and joined that party. l went
into the service of the Union the first
day Of the war, apd I staid in it until |
was houorably discharged atteF the close.
| have worked with the Republican party
for its most radical measures, the thir-
teenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amend
ments included. So my record on that
subject is tolerably olear and radical
''ButI am coming to n time nov Yhen
must seriously consider whether l shall
90 ON with some of my Radical associ-
ates. | am compelled in a measure to
part company with them, but | dislike
to do it. A very few minutes will suffice
to tell why I must take another path
this once. | cannot agree to put any
further or greater powers into the haqds
of anv President Of the United States.
| thiEk the existing laws upon the stat
ute book are strong enough for the pres
ervation of all the rights guaranteed by
the Federal Government, full and strong
enough for the fulfllment and discharge
of ali the obligations resting upon that
Government"
This is the evidence offered by Re
publican, aud in addition to that, on
that very morning the organ of the Ad-
ministration and of the republican
party SAID in reference to this force bill,
which drove Mr. Haw!ey from the ranks
of his own party, radical as he Nas,
that
THE passage of the bill, (alluding to
the force bil) is required to preserve to
the Republican party the electoral Fote
of the Southern States.
Remember that if the Democrats
carry all the Southern States, as they
will If the White League usurpation IN
some of them is not suppressed, it will re,
ou;re only fifty Democratic electoral
Votes from the Northern States to elect a
Democratic President. This is liberal
estimate.
The evidence, then, is that that meas
ure was inaugurated and designed not
for the interests of the country, not be,
cause it was required TO restore peace and
order but it was done in order that the