New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1876-11-14
,tR GLADSTONE md THE AMERICAN

UNION.
The December number of Hdrper'S Monthly
contains an interesting letter, now published
for the first time, from Mr.. Gladstone to Gen.
Schenck, Minister Plenipotentary OF the
United States to England, dated Nov. 2S'
1872, when the former was Prime Minister
II was called forth by the volume entitled
"The Case of the United States, to be lald
"before the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva
and was meant to answer the charges made In
that volume of the unfricndly feeling manifested
toward the United States, during the war, by
members of the British Cabinet and Parlia-
mcnt. In an explanatory note Mr.. Gladstone
states that he Is now constantly receiving
assurances of goodwill from this country, Tor
which he is very grateful, and which he there
fore desires 10 recognize by placing before our
peoplc the evidences which he furnished four
years ago 10 our diplomatic representative nj
the Court of st. James, of his own goodwill
toward our nation during the existence OF the
war.
In regard to the causes Of complaint, he
confines himself 10 meeting two speclhc
charges, drawn from his speech at Newcastle
on the 9TH of October, 1862, and his spetch
in Parliament resisting, on the part OF the
British Government, Il motion IN favor OF the
recognition of the South, on the 3Oth OF June,
1863. While he does not deny the opinions
rs TO the result of the struggle, expressed in
those speeches. and rcpublishcs II letter to an
American, written in 1867 wherein he frankly
confcsscs his error of both tact and Judgment
he insists that the tenor Of both addresses was
not unfricndly to the American public, but the
reverse lie tacitly admits the leading points
of the accusation, which are Qn his own
words:
l. THAT the leaders Of the South had made nation
> That the separation Of the southern states was In
my belief certain any event yet future aud CON
tingcnt ,olld be-"
2 That the cessation " the 70 be desired in
a.mu,h As to warrant its continuance, IL must have an
object attaiuabc," well otherwise just and ade-
quatc
T. That In my opinion, and. as believed in tho gen
eral opinion the incorporation Of the Southern states
wa, not an attainlblr object
.. That it was fatal error even for sincere and
phiantIroplc men, TO pursue the emancipation OF the
negro race through the bloodshcd OF the war.
But he frankly says in reference to these
EXPRESSIONS a. neither conceal these errors
nor will | attempt deliberately to cXtenuate
..thcm by n reference to various motives
(which do not appear to have been taken
INTO account. or to those mcXampled cir
cum,tanccs which mislcd me, and, in a greater
d" decree. misled the world" He then sets
about the work of clearing himself, by quota
tous from the same speeches, from the charge
that he was ut any time DESTROYS of the failure
of the Union CAUSE He thus states the points
which he considers established by his complete
uttcraucc on both occasions:
l. Tnat my opinion always was that England had
succa ntcrc, in the quarrel raised by the instruction
~ the Southern states.
. That This interest was that the North and South, far
from being severed. should remain united.
g. That 40 the and ~ various periods Of the war
had spoken OF the American people. and Of the trial
they were called to undergo, In terms OF strong SYM
pathy.
That these declarations not less public or less
authenticated than the two declarations cite In the
American Case as made by me III October lS62, ana
June. 1868. And finally.
3 That on the same days. and In the same speeches
which are quoted to show desire as an EngliShman
that the Union should be broken up delivered I'M
cquyocal expressions my belief that English interests
would DE best served by it5 continuance
We have no space to repeat the quotations
adduccd in support of these five declarations,
and must refer the reader to Mr. GladStOnc's
letter. They will certainly bear the intcrprc-
taton of n cautious and well measured good
will; and perhaps this is as much as we had
any reason to expect during a crisis which
tested the faith and moral endurance of our
best friends abroad. What we may now
acknowledge without reserve is the rare
candor OF an eminent statesman who, confess
ing his serious errors of Judgment, Only asks
that all his expressions be fully and fairly
weighed, and their entire tenor be accepted
rather than that of detached passages. In this
sense the publication of the letter is honorable
to Mr.. Gladstone, and will be accepted by his
thousands OF friends in this country as an
ample expiaton for opinions which at the time
gave them pain and regret.