The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1876-05-18

ton On the face of ii the name chronlcleu
u fact, and apparently two hundred mil
lions of subjects might fairly ella III ioripai
recognition Yet we are bound to concede
n subtle influence to names in tinging the
relations of monarch and people, aud
reference TO some historical analoGles may
explain the tardy protest OF EnGlsh
Liberals against the assumption of the i'm
perial appellation.
There Is no doubt that the associations
OF the impei inl name are repugnant TO the
| spirit OF a constitutional monarchy. The
word "imperator," being of military
origin, was shrewdly masked with civic
titles by the first CAESAR; but 1t gradually
displaced them, because it described moro
truthfully the source and nature of Ills
absolute authority. On the other hand,
the German appellative OF King seems
TO have implied some reciprocity OF obli-
! cations, and scholars have detected In Its
primitive significance the germ Of parlia-
mentary Glvernment. Thus the Champs
de Ma OF the Carlovingians aud the States
/ General Of medieval France have been
pronounced The logical outcome of those
rude assemblies where Teutonic warriors
proclaimed their sovereign by lifting him
upon their shields.
BE that as II may, we note the curious
coincidence that where liberal institutions
have nourshed we find the name of king;
and where they have failed TO strike firm
root, we commonly find the ruler styled an
emperor. We need not point out that the
so-called plebiscte Of the French Empire
| la .linmnnf IL
safed by the HAPsWJRGs is mere ex-
pertinent, that the German Reichstag Is
the humble servant of Prince BISMARCK,
or that the House of RoaASoFF has never
brookcd the existence OF n responsible
ministry. IL is true that Spain, although
a kingdom, has been slow to welcome lib
eral ideas, out the events of the last decade
indicate that the Cortes will outlast tue
dynasty.
The London Times and other organs OF
English opinion are apprehensive that the
greater title will absorb the less and that
the sympathies OF the House of BRUNs-
WICK will be directed toward its Indian
Empire. IL Is certain that those who
court the favor OF the reigning family will
be careful to bestow the more stately APP
| EtlliliOils hS - bO'cf WI HN'"iiNh'
of precedence aud etiquette, and in this
way the pride OF the sovereign may be-
come identified with that portion of the
British dominions which confers the i'm
pei nal title. In this category English
men are likely TO remem Der that the petty
Kingdom OF Portugal lost caste with the
House OF BOURBON BRAGANZA after that
family had gained some personal acquain-
lance with its vast Brazilian possessions.
We are constantly told that the power
of the crown has shrunk in England TO a
legal fiction, yet those who recall the
reigns OF GEORGE III. and WILLIAM ~
are not likely TO despise the pressure
which a monarch of stubborn Will might
exercise upon the policy Of the nation
Should the Interests of England aud OF
India one day conflict, or should the main.
tenance of British ascendency in Asia cal
for an excessive sacrifice OF blood and
treasure, il might happen that the inilu-
ence OF the sovereign would turn the seal,
in favor of n course preiud cal to the Eng
lish people. Here again the lessons of his
tory are omnous. Tue prUtraeted struggle
of the HoHENsrAUFESs TO give substan'
tial value to their imperial dignity III Italy
probably postponed the development OF
Germany by at least two centuries. The
preposterous claim to the throne OF France
emuplmed IN the Official style If the Eng
lish crown from the coronation OF HENRY
VI at Paris down TO the peace OF
Amiens, prompted more than one costly
expedition after the last chance OF suoccs.
had vanished. Neither will it be ques
toned that the title of Car, assumed 10y
the rulers of Russia, l. re ponsiblc in laTg,
measure for those dreams of conques
which point to the imperial city, once thu
seat OF the Eastern CAssARs.
The truth IL that the House of BRuNs
WICK occupies m amb guous position an'
is clothed with dual functions. At home
it has apparently lost by desuetude tn
substantial prerogatives of royalty, au'
has been relegated in the person Of Il fe
male sovereign to the formal REGISTRATION
aud nominal execution of the popular will
But in that immense dominion whicl
stretches from the Ilmalayas to the sea
the new Empress is the most absolute O
autocrats. True, the measures OF Iudia
policy are debated In Westminster Hal
and the ViccIoy, like the Ministry whc
4 appoints him, is responsible to Parliament
? The natives of Illndostau, however, kuo'
nothing of constitutional machinery. S
, far as they are moved at al by graltud,
or cont rolled by fear, the object of thei
= reverence is the monarch, aud their all,
/ glance is a personal sentiment. In the in
probable event of a contest between tn
= Crown and Parliament, like that whic
= provoked the Great Rebellion, there ca
be no question where the Indian Prince
, and people would range themselves.
3 There is another light in which this ma
ter may be regarded. Revolutions seldoi
II 20 backward, ana II Is contrary 10 eXp'
e Hence that legal hcuons should last fo
l. ever. England is said To be republic
; fact, and although the party which woul
# make it u republic in name has hthert
A formed an inoonsiderabe minority, thel
y are those who believe that trivial inc
l. dent, such rs the aooessio on OF an unpopuli
> monarch, or the violent assertion of do
70 mnnt prorogative, might transform II int
" rtsolute majority. Nevertheless, "A ceTtai