The weekly democratic statesman. [volume] (Austin, Tex.) 1871-1883, 1876-01-06
THE sTATRsMAN,s PHILOSOPHY
APPROVED AND ACCEPTED.


the wealthiest citizens of New York simply
that they might have the truth instead OF
partisanahip always spoken. Not only is
the Nation independent in its financial con-
dition, but in its relations to parties. 1t
tells the truth, only failing when it does
not comprehend the facts, as often happens
when Northern and European papers dis
cuss events Ia the South. But the NatiOn,
having money, and reckless of dangers that
beset many newspapers, does not hesitate
to speak frankly of evils of municipal gov
erDments everywhere. Il quotes and ap
proves the STATESMAN, and finds at least
one newspaper that preceded it in pointing
oIt the only pathway to cure and thorough
reform. The Nation is not the first, though
the ablesr of papers, to accept the STATES
MANS theories, and then it iliustrates its
propositions with infinite force when it
tells of the recent municipal elections in
Boston. IL seems that after two or three
years OF hoBest government under just the
kind of mayor Tat municipal reformers are
constantly signing for, the politicians got
tired of the experiment, and the Republi-
cans, as they have more than once done in
New York, combined with portion of the
Dem ici ats to prevent his reelection, and
to Introduce regime in which the city
funds would be Literally expended in all
ways, but above all in the employment of
labor for the mere purpose of charitable re-
lief, as has been done in Austin, and with
out regard either to the needs of the city or
the capacity Of the taxpayers. Some OF the
manifestoes issued by the coalition were
declarations of communism, of the right of
the poor to live on the rich and industrious,
as pure as ever Issued from communism.
The movement was defeated by small ma
jority of about 2600 in vote of $1,000,
and after. tremendous exertions on the part
of the more intelligent and honest classes.
The appeals made to them by the press to
''uprise' and ''strike for their homes and
affairs" were as solemn and pathetic as were
ever addressed to men about to fight de-
cisive battle in actual warfare, though
not accompani, by the gross Vitu-
feature of municipal contests in New
York; and the excitement in the city
was greater than has been witnessed since
the war. Boston was saved from capture and
tional requirement that the voter shall pro-
duce receipted bill for his poll-tax, and be
able to read and write in order to secure
registry. This shut out II, 900 able-bodied
citizens from the exercise of the franchise,
and in all probability saved ''the property
holders and substantial working men,"
The result is of course gratifying. All
modes of escape from imminent danger are
welcome, and there is no question that the
safety of our great cities from legalized
sack in the form of high wages and profuse
charity, lies and must always lie in the
presence of majority opposed to schemes
and spoliation. No arrangement of munich
pal government which now seems practicable
will deliver any American community from
the necessity of being able to beat the short
hairs (roughs) at the polls in a mere count
of noses. In spite of all that one reads in
newspapers about the evils of municipal
government being due to the insttention of
the rich to their political duties, the editors
and all other intelligent men know in their
hearts that it is not true. Nobody who has
any real acquaintance with these evils ever
merchants and bankers and workingmen
went diligently to primary meetings all
would go we'll. The current talk in news
papers on these subjects is part of the polit-
icaI cant of our day, aud perhaps the most
mischievous and saddest part of it. 1t is
part of the melancholy effort which has been
so often made in various parts of the world
to form governments not with reference
to the actual society to be governed, but to
an ideal society, which neither those who
talk about it nor anybody else has ever seen
or ever will see. The persons who expect
to save cities by driving the rich men to
the primary meetings have their heads
filled with the notion that the modern city
is simply New England town with u large
number of people in it; that the growth Of
population and universal and negro suf-
frage have brought no change in the naturs
of political problems with which com
munity has to deal, and they keep singing
with almost touching pertinacity the ole
psalm in which the merchants and traders
are assured that they are going to be ruined
if they do not ''work" In the caucuses anc
attend the polls.
The late election in Boston shows, how
ever, the direction in which the path o
safety lies. In this case, nearly all the cor
rupt elements in both parties had the grac'
to unite with the men who wanted higf
wages for little work, and to issue manifes
toes proclaiming their aims and desires will
perfect simplicity aud sincerity, so that tn,
matter in controversy was presented to tht
honest aad industrious taxpayers in tn
cearest and most definite shape, withou
disguise or coucealment. With this befoS,
their eyes, the latter were able to unite
though they had not single party Organi
zation ut their back, and to defeat tn
spectators.
Another mode in which the short-halr o
rabble forces are nov being largely increase,
in all the large cities is worthy of the Sc
rious attention of taxpayers, both for il
efficiency and its ingenuity. "The drift @
population into the large cihes" has no,
ios = geod many years been attracting th
notice both of economists and pehticians
II includes, OF course, great many indus
trious and honest people, but ii also in
eludes large number of the shiftiess, tn
tickle, the irresolute, and the characterless
both among those who have regular calling
and those who have none. The result