The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1876-10-28

conversed seemed disposed to accept tn
; situation, as believe, in good faith, am
to direct their energies towards developing
their agricultural and mineral resources
and restoring the wastes made by the war
There are those who profess to believe
aud probably some VIII, honestly do be
lieve, that if the Southern people had tn
power, they would provide for paying To-
the slaves emancipated by The late war
and for the payment Of the war debt II th'
South than which, in my Judgment
nothing can be more unreasonable or I'M
probable Whatever else the Southern
people might be disposed to do, l have nc
fears of their voting any MHa
themselves and Others. whse
EnaAA AraaAlA. .tasfhA s~rR fMna :. 80. q
In a private Conversation with . Mesn'
Der. who is an intelligent business man,
with more than ordinary opportunities for
| knowing the sentiments Of the Southern
people on these questions, made the fore
going statements, to which he replied that
those entertaining these opinions must look
upon a majority Of the Southern people
as fools. For, said he, there never were
more than about four hundred thousand
slave holders in the South, and it was sim
ply ridiculous to suppose that twelve to
fifteen millions Of people would vote such
an enormous burden upon themselves, for
/ the benefit Of these few. In relation to the
payment of the war debt of the South, the
same gentleman said, he did not believe
that one dollar Of it would ever be paid ;
but If it was, it would be by Northern in
| HueLce and Northern votes, after it had
been bought up by Northern and Eastern
capitalists at from one to five cents on the
dollar. Many other members with whom
| conversed entertained similar views.
| can but regard it as the extreme of
folly, to suppose that either of these claims,
or any part Of them, will ever be paid.
They are both etfectually barred by the
Constitution Of the United States, to
Z eAotASC NihSh AOiuAACo NhC SohoNhe VI
the Legislatures Of three-fourths Of the
States, or twenty nine out Of the thirty
eight now in the Union. There are but tf-
| teen States in which there was property in
slaves before the war; and it cannot be
possible that there could be found fourteen
Northern States so completely under the
control Of the gambling capitalist, who
would be the purchasers Of these claims.
as 70 be induced to perpetrate such stu
pendous fraud.
l will, however, say that whatever may
be the disposition of parties North or
South, Respecting the payment of these
claims, will never vote for the recogni-
ton or payment of one farthing of either
or them. Nor wfif-fvUte for the paymens
of any other claim growing out Of the war,
until fully satisfied that it is just and
equitable. Neither will | ever vote for
any law that will deprive or abridge any
citizen, or class Of citizens, Of any prlvi-
lege or right guaranteed to other citizens
W llAG NblloNibublJn VI lAN y itiNNu s'NnSNos
CIVIL SERVICE.
The corruption in legislation and shame
less abuses in the administration of all
departments Of the public service have
bee ..-e 50 notorious, and the demand
for reform SO urgent from the peo-
PIE of all political parties, that even the
authors of these abuses are themselves
vocate their correction. But while this Is
so, there is, nevertheless, wide differ
ence Of opinion as to the extent to which
these reforms should be carried as well as to
the means by which they are TO be effect
ed. One party proposes the adoption OF
the competitive system in the selection Of
another the application Of the one-term
principle TO the Office of president.
But neither of these can effect perma-
nent cure. The evil is too deeply rooted
and widespread to yield to any but the
most radical treatment. EAtirpation, and
not palliation, is what is needed.
We must first discover the cause Of the
evils complained of before we can proceed
intelligently in the application Of the rem
edies
The constitution of the United States
| provides for three separate and distinct de-
partments in the goverrment-the legisla-
tive, the executive, and the judicial. .-
All legislative power is except as modified
BY the veto power Of the president-vest
ed in congress, the executive power in ths
president, and the Judicial power in the
supreme court.
1t is clear that the design of the trainers
of the constitution was to confne the du
ties of congress to making the laws that
Of the executive to seeing that they are
faithfully executed, and those of the ju
dicial to interpreting them. But this hal
net been the practice. Congress has grad
ually encroached upon the prerogstives o.
the other departments, particularly upor
that OF the executive, until tnat Drancn o
the government has arrogated to itself alb
solute control of most, if not all, of th'
appointments. Neither the president moi
heads of departments dare appoint I
crossroads postmaster or any other Office
or agent Of the government, without mrs
obtaining the consent of the senators anC
members Of congress of the same politica
faith as the administration, from the state
or districts from which the appointment
are made. In most cases the appointee
are selected more with reference to thei
skill in manipulating political caucuses
the promotion of the special interests o
the senators and members Of Congress b
!