The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1876-07-22
TILDEN'S RECORD.

IelollH DIS Sdlnuel Jones lluen. cunning,
shrewd and INSCRIPTIONS, he has success
fully turned to the best personal account,
the opportunities of his life. Educated as
a young man, in what is known in his own
State as the Columbia County School of
Politics, he has been amply rewarded for
the pains he took to acquire skill in the
"ways that are dark and the tricks that
are vain" By all authorities the school of
politics, in which "Slippery Samuel" was
raised, has long been notorious for the
adroitness of its politicians and the shrewd
ness of its "party" men, as we'll as for the
ability and eloquence of its stump orators.
1t enjoys, however, an unsavory reputa-
ton at home, both on account of liberal
use of money in corrupting voters as well as
the corrupt teachings of its leaders. In
the county in which Samuel was "raised,"
nominations for local offices have been made
for years past, chiefly with reference to the
amount of money a candidate would con-
tribute to the corruption fund. The ques-
ton always asked with reference to can
didate, was not as to his character and
qualification for the position sought, but
invariably "What will he put upo"-
Money was the standard of qualification
solely, and the candidate for office was
esteemed or not in proportion to the ratio
of his contribution to the fund to be used
in debauching the right of suffrage. 1t
was there that Tilden learned the trade of
politics in which he has since become SO
proficient. For, however much the politi
cal honesty of the man may be just mat
ter of suspicion, a study of his record and
career will convince the most skeptical of
his high claim to be regarded as one of the
most adroit political manipuators of his
times, of which his nomination itself af-
fords the best evidence. Tilden was born
a politician in a county in the State of
New York, where politics was recognized
as trade. He was an apt scholar and soon
excelled his teachers. Columbia county,
where he was born, was intensely and pecu-
| liarly Democratic. Not Democratic in the
weak or mild sense of the term, but of that
undoubted and genuine kind that, during
| the long days of the rebellion, wept at the
news of Confederate defeat and was joy
full and exceedingly glad when the intelli-
gence of Union reverse reached its Dor
ders. Even to-day it is said men can be
found at Tilden's home, who argue the
divine right of slavery, plead the cause of
secession and admire and defend that i'm
maculate patriot, Jefferson Davis. Thus,
imbibing true Bourbonism and learning
| the trade Of caucus politics, in which money
was the all-important factor, it is not sur
prising that Samuel J. became skillful
| politician at period of life much earlier
than less gifted men, and laid the founda.
ton for the education, which in more ma.
ture years, marked him as the man best
fitted to control and manipulate the New
York Democratic State Committee, and as
the successor of Dean Richmond, carry out
the mandates of Tweed and the Tammany
Ring. In fact, as is usual in the case OF
most successful men, who owe much to the
habits and requirements Of their early
years, Samuel J. never reaped political
success in fls life that was not directly
attributable to, and the logical outcome Of,
the crookedness of the political school
in which he was raised. Thoroughly con,
versant with the means necessary to force
his nomination upon his party in spite OF
the opposition to him in his own State, his
lc1y hoe Hoo,
more strikingly shown than in the shrewd
plans adopted by him to command the
nomination for the Presidency. Intimately
identified with the infamous Tweed in all
forced by the pressure of public opinion
that he, at last, abandoned his friend and
identified himself with the Reformers in
New York, who were looking to the puri
iication of local politics. Shrewd enough
to recognize his opportunity, he espoused
the cause of Reform, became it's blatant
champion, and relying upon the reputation
thus acquired, he elevated himself to the
Gubernatorial chair by virtue of the indif-
ference and apathy of the Republican vot,
ers of the State. In carrying out the role
of Reformer, which his position as the
Chief Executive of State as important as
New York afforded him favorable oppor-
tunity, he addressed to the New York Leg.
islature, in the Spring of 1915, his notori
GUS Canal Message. Upon this he relied
for increased reputation. Yet the closest
scrutiny fails to detect in any act of his in
connection with the prosecution of the
canal frauds, any thing emitting him to
more than the credit of sensational Re.
former. One single man convicted of pecu
lation, and he the party opponent of Mr..
Tilden, is the result of all his boosted Re.
form, while as truly depicted by Mast in
his inimitable cartoon, the ambitious and
sensational political Oliver Twist has loudly
clamored for ignore" State appropriations
to carry out his boosted plans. The objec.
tive point, the Presidency. was never lost
sight of by him. Every act was heralded
and duly reported the country over by his
paid organs and journals. Bates, Lock &
Co., the advertising agents, were called
into requistion. The South was flooded
with complimentary notices of him, writ
| ten in the most fulsome style of newspaper
adulation, and paid for literally by him.
At St. Louis he realized, in his lberality
of expenditure, the consummation of his
schemes. In that convention, the opposi-
ton developed against him would have
proved fatal to any candidate of less wealth
and less shrewdness. But under the poten-
tial influence of his money bags, placed
where they would do the most good, one
by one his most determined opponents were
won to his support by the golden notes of
his wellpaid and well-fed personal follow
ers. 1t is folly to say that Samuel ]. Til
den secured his nomination at St. Louis by
any other means than by the lavish expen-
diture of money and the prolific promises
of the politicians pledged to his support.
The same means employed to nominate
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