The weekly clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1863-1882, 1876-02-23

1
the spokesman and standard-bearers OF
the Democratic Conservative party,
their presses and orators, have borne false
witness against Gov. Ames.
1t did not require long and tedious
labors by Investigating Committees, nor
clouds of witnesses under oath to prove
what all intelligent men and what all fair
minded men are compelled to admit
that Ames has ruthlessly trampled down
the Constitution in its vital and essential
parts These facts were known as well to
the voters of Mississippi before the cleo
ton, as they will be known when the testi-
mony, on which the able Committee of
parchment, shall have been spread before
the eyes of the world, as it should be,
whether Ames is permitted to remain in
office, licensed to persist in his law-defy-
| ing course or not. Ames has not hid
his misdeeds under bushel he has
| been courageous enough to perpetrate
eyes of all men, and especially before
the people of Mississippi, for whom he
has evinced no other spirit but intense
hatred and supreme contempt. This
feeling has been evinced during his whole
career in Mississippi-by all his public
acts, whether as heartless tyrant hunt
ing her people down with Federal
soldiery as military commander whether
as Senator in Congress, by grace of his
own certificate of election, uttering libels
against the State and voting for the
most extreme measures for their perse-
cution-or whether as Governor Gin
citing" Gin the language of the State Elk
ecutive Committed disturbance so that
there might be an imaginary insurrec-
ton aUltich he might q,tench an blood, . or in
sulting the Legislature, coordinate de-
partment of the government, with a mes
sage arraigning it in effect as an ir
responsible cOnclave-a mob-the mere
creature of campaign Of lawlessness and
bloodshed.
1t must be borne in mind that official
misconduct to be Improbable is not nee
essarily indictable, else there would be
little, if any, occasion for the constitu
tional remedy of punishment by impeach
ment. Among all the examples of re-
moval of unfit persons from office by i'm
parchment, in this country, we can call
to mind no cases of removal for such in
famous crimes as are punished in the or
binary legal tribunals. Impeachment is
designed for different class of offences.
Not 80 much for arson-nor robbery
nor murder-nor other indictable offences
of that ilk, but for usurpations-disregard
of law-reckless indifference to solemn
trusts-neglect of public duties-viola-
tons of the Constitution. The case was
forcibly put by John Randolph in the
trial of Judge Chase, in the earlier stages
of the Government. He said:
1t has been contended that an offense to |
be i'm peachable must be indictable. For |
eehdt then, pray you, 1o0s ii that this pr0Ui- |
sion of Impeachment found its lCay into the |
C0nstitution2 If the Constitution |
did not contemplate a distinction between |
an improbable and an indictable offense, |
whence this cumbrOus and expensive pro- /
cess, which has cost us so much labor and |
so mnch anxiety to the nation? Whence |
this idle parade this wantOn waste of time |
and treasure-whep the ready Intervention |
of court and jury alone was wanting to |
rectify the evil? (Annals of Congress- |
lS04-'5, page 642.) 4
On the trial of Judge Peck, James
Buchanan, afterwards President of the
United States), and one of the most
learned and conscientious statesmen that |
ever lived, said:
Il gross abuse of granted poarer, and an
tsaupatiOn OF ip0acer not granted, are ofenseS |
aqually ,corthg Of and liable to Impeachment |
Page 1881
Manager B. f. Butler, in the trial of /
Andrew johnson, cited the following
among other authorities, prepared by
Hon. VIM. Lawrence, an eminent law
yer who was member of the Judiciary
Committee of the House of Representa-
ives
Here impeachment is only designed to reDloee
INIT persons from office, and the party con-
licted is subject TO indictment, trial and
punishment in the proper courts.
1t is absurd to say that impeachment is
lere a mode OF procedure for the punishment
y crime, when the Constitution declares its
object to be renlOrdi from and disqudIif cGttOn
o hold office, and that 1.-The party convicted
hail nevertheless be liable and subject 10
Indictment, trial, Judgment and punishment,
according to law for his Grimes
With these landmarks to guide them, our
dthers adopted Constitution under sshich Of
icjdL DadlfedSdRce, and nOAfedsdnee. aud, in
ome cases, naiSfedSdHce may be the subject OF
impeachment although not made criminal bg act
u Congress, or so recognized by the common
aw of England or of any State of the
Union. They adopted impeachment as d
ORduet isaperils the pubic safety and renders
hem unit 20 occupy oIsclql position
All this IS supported by the elementary
writer's, both English and American, on
and common law; by the
English and American usage in cases of i'm
eachmentS By the opinions of the trainers
t the Constitution; by cotemporaneous
obstruction, all uneoEtradicted by any |
han three-quarters of a century after the
doption of the Constitution.
Wooddson. whose lectures were read at ;
)Xt0Fd in 1777, declared that fHlfasdcha1seHts
1teHded 10 cases Of acILsh the ordinary courts {
dd Jurisdiction. He says: Magistrates
nd officers may abuse their dele I
ated powers to the extensive detriment of
he community, and at the same time in :
hammer not properly cogRizable before the or ;
mary tribunals" And he proceeds to saw :
le remedy is by impeachment.
James Madison, whose hand was more
isible in the framing of the Constitution !
IAN that of any of the other sages of the
rand old times in which he lived, said:
What will be the motives which the Pres /
lent can feel for the abuse of his power
nd the restraints that operate to prevent v
? In the first place, he will be i'm peacha- r
q nv tb,-- House before the Senate for such
= ~ ee --.~frafiou for I contend