Perrysburg journal. (Perrysburg, Wood Co., O. [Ohio]) 186?-1965, 1876-02-04
Tho /" Nation, on Jen. Davis.

THE New York Nation is to nil lntenta
and purposes Democratic paper, and
the strongest one OF all as a captious fault
finder of everything done or proposed by
the Republican party. In late issue II
devotes its leader TO the Amnesty question,
and comes to the conclusion that Jetf
Davis ought not to be politically rehsblli'
tatcd. We extract from the articles
We, for our part should be inclined TO
exclude him from thesbenc6ts Of the pro-
posed amnesty, even II he had done every
thing in his power TO secure proper treat
ment for Federal prisoners, and even IL the
treatment Of the Confederate prisoners had
been all that it Is said on the Northern side
TO have bcen--for reasons which we pro-
duced, In great part, after his capture In
1885, and which, as II seems to us, have lost
none of their force.
II II be asked, why select him for punish.
ment any more than any other man at the
South the answer is that IL is the Southern
people who selected him. They made him
the President Of the Confedcracy because he
was the most prominent man in the move
mcnt which led to the Confederacy. He bore
n leading part In organizing and directing IL,
and was the foremost representative Of Its
temper and aims In short, the selection Uf
him was a strong but careful recognition OF
his claims 10 be considered, more than any
other man, responsible for the Rebellion,
and he did his best during the war to justify
the selection by his acts and language. He
never once, during his Administration, sug-
gcsted In the remotest way \ possibility Of
peace or reconciliation, aud he spoke in pub
lie speeches of the Northern people in terms
which probably no leading officer OF q bcllig-
erent power has, even in modern times, em-
ployed toward a civilized enemy. Down to
the last kick in the last ditch he did what he
could tU prevent the arrangement of any
guOnlfR gfigeDHi hpt tNpan Nnrth and Snntl- In
short, II anyone ought to suffer for the war
Especial legislative designation, he Is by the
choice of his own associates, the very man.
But, then, there is no practical end that
we know Of to be served by making Jefier-
son Davis again competent to hold office,
Tor this is all that his inclusion in the am
hcsty would amount to- His present disa-
bilities in no way damage him in body or
estate, He holds property, can sue and be
sued, come and go like other men. IL he
suffers at all for taking his share in the re-
bcllion he suffers only In mind, and that he
suffers in mind there is no good reason for
believing. II he were amncsticd, however,
there can be little doubt than an early op-
portunity would be taken to send him back
TO the House or the Senate; and the question
now is whether the North can really, even
by fair-mindcd SoutherncTs, he expected to
expose itself to 4 contingency Of this kind,
and whether II would be well for 1t to do so.
The South can, after compile to defeat in war
and such q war!-hardly call on the vic
tors for the suppression of every species Of
susceptibility and the ctfaccment of every
trace of ordinary human pride. There are
some signs of indignation over the past
which people who have won, after fighting
hard and losing half q million of men, may
surely be allowed to display, and there could
hardly be q smaller or milder sign than the
rclcgatiOn Of Mr.. Jefferson Davis to private
life for the rest of his days. Then, too, the
ha North dnripoy hn
and has taken since its close in its relations
to foreign opinion, must not lc forgotten.
| 1t distinguished the late rebellion from
all other previous rebelliOns on two
grounds-that its object was the prcserva-
ton and perpctuatiOn of slavery, and that it
had broken out under a Constitution which
gave perfectly free play to all peaceful cf-
forts to effect constitutional changes. On
these grounds it called for the sympathy of
the best men of other countries in terms
such as no State before when engaged in
civil war has felt justified in using, and on
these grounds, too, 1t described the moral
guilt of the promoters Of the insurrection in
terms of unprecedented vehemence. Now,
II will not do to act as il this talk was all
buncombe, as il all the moral heat and wrath
of that period were due TO the passions of
the battle field, and had no root IN cold and
settled principle. 1t will not do, after dc.
scrlbing Jefferson Davis as all our moralists
as well MS politicians described him, to treat
him as If he were simply mistaken politi
clan who had outlived his errors. A decent
regard for the opinion Of mankind, even II
we are not burdencd with sclf-respect, re-
quires us to exclude him at least from par.
ticipation in the councils Of the nation he
tried to destroy. There is point in lcgisla
ton, as in social Intercourse, at which char
| ity and mercy become vices dangerous to the
| social order. We owe il to our
selves, in short, to say that there was al
least one man whose political career waS
closed by his share in " the greatest rebellion
the world ever saw"