The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1876-03-09

tremulousness, and himself from his agi.
tation. Al the close OF the reading, and
after many members who had taken up
positions near the Clerks desk, the better
10 hear, had returned to their proper
seats, Clymer, who had also gone to his
own seat, again rose and said, with great
emotion:
Mr.. Speaker, I would not, ifI could,
and I could not, in my present condition,
If would, add anything to the facts just
reported to the House. Another occa-
sion may be afforded me to do SO. They
are so plain that everywhere throughout
this broad land, and throughout Chris
tendon, wherever the English language
is read or spoken, they will, for long
years, constitute record of official cor
ruption and crimes such as there is no
parallel in our own history or in that of
any other country, that know of. Ifin
this hour one sentiment of pity, one word
of sympathy, could find utterance from
me, it would be because felt that the
late Secretary of War is but the proper
outgrowth of the true exponent of the
corruption, extravaganza and the mis-
government that have cursed this land
for years past. That being my own re-
fection, will discharge my duty best to
myself and to this House by demanding
the previous question on the adoption of
the resolutions.
Robbins spoke of the report as present
ing a case of great shame and disgrace to
ali American citizens. As to the ques-
ton of the impeachability of an officer
who had resigned, he was not prepared to
speak worthily, except to suggest that it
could be true that an officer who was
being investigated and who had been
found by the evidence to be criminal
could flee from justice. He alluded to
what he called the unseemly acceptance
of Secretary Belknap's resignation, and
referred to the English cases of Warren
Hastings and Lord Francis Bacon, both
of whom had been impeached after they
had ceased to hold the Offices in which
they committed crimes and misdemean-
ors.
Bass, of New York, another member of
the committee, questioned the statement
of the chairman, Mr.. Clymer, as to this
case having no parallel, and said that he
would not have to leave his own borders
in order to find not only parallel for it,
but that he could find cases compared
with which this case was as white as the
driven snow. He admitted that mere
statement of this case, as presented by
the testimony, was sufficient to justify
every member to vote for the resolutions
presented.
Lamar, of Mississippi, inquired from
Bass his opinion as to the impeachability
of a resigned officer.
Bass replied that the English authori-
ties seemed to maintain the jurisdiction
of impeachment in such cases, but that,
in this country, it was an unadjudicated
question, and one that was not free from
doubt, but his own best judgment was in
favor of the right to impeach, and to let
the question be adjudicated by the Senate.
Hoar, of Massachusetts, in reference to
a casual remark of some member as to
this being a political question, entirely
disclaimed and repudiated such an idea.
On the point of the impeachability of q
person not in Office, he referred to the
case of Whittemore, of South Carolina,
in which the House had determined that
the formal actual remuneration of an Of
fee terminated the Office, and that any
American citizen could lay down an office
held by him without any acceptance of
his resignation. Judge Storey had laid
down the doctrine that it could not be
done in England, but there any citizen
could be impeached; therefore, the Eng.
lish cases of Warren Hastings and Lord
Bacon did not apply. In America, no
man could be impeached but civil Off
Ger, and when he ceased to be civil off,
Ger, he ceased to be within the literal de-
scription of the constitution. In this
country, the only judgment that could be
rendered in an impeachment case was
removal from Office and future disqualifi-
cation for holding Office, but by the stat
utes, q person guilty of such ofenses
could be indicted, tried and sentenced by
the criminal courts of the country. He
protested against hot haste in this matter
without having the testimony printed.
He thought such haste unworthy of this
grave question, and if he stood alone, ne
would still stand here to say so.
Blackburn, of Kentucky, another men,
Der of the committee, expressed his satis-
faction that the report which had been
read by his colleague (Clymer) showed to
the world that nothing had been left un-
done by the committe to shield and shell
ter from dishonor every person except
the one whom it was the duty of the COM
mittee to investigate and report upon.
He would not consent that the gentle
man from Massachusetts should make
this o political or partisan question.
He would not consent that his side of the
House should be placed in the position
of prosecutors and the other side should
take up the position of defenders: !twas
a question Which addressed itself alike to
every member of the House. He re-
earded the case as an unprecedented one
in more respects than one. The action
of the President in accepting Secretary
Belknap's resignation under the circum-
stances was unprecedented, and this was
the first instance in the history of the
country where any man claiming man.
hood and holding an exalted station had
sought to shelter himself from legitimate
investigation by interposing the dishonor
of wife. This remark created quite a
sensation. Passing to the question of
the impeachability of Belknap, he sug-
gested that the question, as Judge Storey
had intimated. might properly be left to
the decision of the Senate. On such a
state of facts, would the House be asked
to shrink from the performance of its
duty because there might be the mist or
shadow of doubt on that point? The
House could not do so; it would not be
admissible. He quoted from the i'm
parchment trial of Lord Bacon, in which
it was stated, that when the Lord Chan
cellor had sought to save himself by a
resignation of his high Office, the attempt
was vain, as the king did not and could
UTor tho uouQo tn hQ