The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1876-08-12

there has been 80 much lll-feelIn9 amongst
the men, but that there has been SO little.
Oppression breeds intolerance. The men
knew that it was illegal to combine, and
having therefore to conspire, they came to
regard both their IN tsters and the laws as
their natural enemies, against whom they
would have to wage a war prolonged, if not
everlasting. Consciousness" says Thorn
ton, 'of being singled out as victims by
partial and inquitious law, directed exclu-
sively against themselves, naturally excited
in them both general prejudice against all
law, and special rancour against those III
whose behalf the specially obnoxious law
had been enacted" Created by strikes,
and nurtured by oppression, Unions long
retained their warhke spirit. a character
lstic which now happily is passing away.
Tho poWor with which it was thought
unionisin could be crushed was very slowly
withdrawn. 1t was not until 1924 that
combinations Of working men were rem
dered legal for improving wages and re-
ducing the hours Of lobour, and for these
two purposes alone. The statute which
gave this power, however, was anything
but satisfactory The word Of the master
was always to be taken in preference to
that Of the servant the judges decided
that all combinations which were ''in re
straint of trade" were criminal and tn
Queens Bench in 1861 confirms the dece
in of the magistrates (ride HUrnby l.
Close) that societies having rules enabling
them 50 to act could hold no property.
That Law, too, did not seem particularly
Just which would not allow men to
picket" in the tailors' strike, but which
allowed the masters to address a circular
to their fellow employers (belng members
Of the Master Tailors' AssOciatlon) asking
them not to employ certain unlonlst work
men named therein nor does that decl
sion ton the same dIspute) seem a very
wise one which, acknowledging that the
slmpe act of one nan persuading another
is perfectly legal, yet stated that, because
several men organized themselves to inform
workmen that such and such a shop was
on a strike, they were deemed guilty of an
offence against the law. Nor could right
minded men be brought to see the justice
of that law which, while it only fined the
master for breech Of contract, imprisoned
the servant for the same offence.
1t was not until 1871 that an Act was
passed remedying these defects. The law
on the subject is unfortunately still very
ambiguous and imperfect The unjust,
cruel and blundering Imprisonment Of the
gas stokers shows that there is still plenty
Of scope for cunning law yers when pleading
with an excited jury and before preju-
diced Judge. The whole tendency of legis-
lation for the men by the masters has been
to keep wages low. Indeed, chat has been
the avowed object Of the laws which has
been passed. To couutcract this, the
Unions we're formed to keep them high,
and We have the authority of a man who
believed in high moral standard that such
conduct was praisworthy. "lf it were
possible. wrote Mr.. j. 5. Mill, ''for the
working classes, by combining among
themselves to raise or keep up the general
rate of wages. it need hardly be said that
this would be a thing not to be punished,
but to be welcomed and rejoiced at.
The foregoing account Of the origin Of
Trades Unions Is almost our answer to the
question, "Nhat are the objects Of Trades
Unions p The question must Al all times
be difficult to answer IN sentence, because
the scope uf the objects Of all unionism
grow with the growth Of uniOnlsm. At
first they were merely protection against
a contract being toe unjust, too heavy to
be borne They now demand-and rightly
So that contracts shall be fair Mr.. Dun
ning says the object Of a Trades Union is
ITO ensure the freedom Of exchange with
regard TO labour, by putting the workmen
On something ike an equal position in
bargaining with his employer" Professor
Fawcett takes a similar view. Trades
Unions are formed, he says, 50 "that the
labourer may have the same chance Of sell
ing his labour dearly as the master has of
buying it cheaply." At later date, the
same authority declares the intention of
the men to have been ''to protect them
selves against what are supposed to be the
conflicting interests Of their employers.
So, too, MIR. Fredric Harrison believes that,
at any rate, ''the all-important question is
how equity is to he established" ard he
represents the placingOf labOur on the same
footing as capital as the great deS,derdt,tDa.
MIR. W. T. Thornton, however, admits Of
no such object as the abstract idea of
equality The object Of unionism, he
maintains, is not merely to free men from
the dictation of their employers, but to
change positions, and to dictate and that
their rule is to get as much as they can,
and to keep as much as they can get.
''The single aim Of Trades Unions," he
saws, '1s to enable themselves to dictate
arbitrarily the conditions of employment"
Mr.. Joseph Gostrick takes an opposite
view. 'The main object, he writes, ''of
all the best and most intelligent members
of English Trades Unions is not to obtain
the highest possible rate Of wages, but to
render the working mans employment,
and his means Of subsistence tess pTecdr-
iOlIs" THE italics are his own.
Although the evidence given before the
Trades Union Commission by some of the
most intelligent and trustworthy of the
Trades Unions secretaries endorses such
views as those expressed bysMr. Thornton,
vet the history of the movement shows
that although Unions may have been
founded principally, If not solely, as pro-
tective associations, and have developed
to some extentinto aggressive associations,
yet they have long ago embraced other
features in their objects. They now aim
at every means which will raise workmen
to the best position it is possible for them
to obtain. The United Joiners of Glasgow
describe the objects of their society as
''the protection and elevation of the men,
bers of such institutions, and the Amalga-
mated Society Of Joiners and Carpenters,
as well as other societies, includes the
raising Of funds for ''the mutual support
Of its members in case Of sickness, accident,
superanuation, for the burial Of members
and their wives, emigration, loss Of tools
by fire, water or theft, and for assistance
to members out of work" Mr.. Alex
Macdonald, MP, thinks that it is quite
within the province of Trades Union to
lress upon Parliament the necessity of
securing provisions for the health Of the
miner while at his work below ground" as
we'll as to urge for measures to ''prevent
explosions" if not even to look after the
uroper distribution Of funds voluntarily
subscribed for the relief Of sufferers from
calamities. Under the auspices of the
Amalgamated Carpenters and Joiners in
dustrial schools have been promoted for