The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1876-12-02


Cincinnati and in his letter. In fact
when we read Mr.. Hayes's letter and the
Cincinnati platform, and recognized oul
old and well-worn doctrines in their new
suit of party English, we experienced a
feeling Of "soundness on the main ques
tion" running through our political frame
! to which we had long been stranger
We seemed 10 be once more in good and
regular standing in the church. The
members were all around us with grave
and reverent air, and though we perceived
several suspicious characters among the
assistant pastors and deacons, we thought
we could well afford to keep silent about
them, % they would be sure to withdraw
when they saw that "reform within the
party" had actually began. Mr.. Hayes,
though by no means our favorite candi-
date, We accepted honestly and hopefully,
and spoke Of him in as strong terms Of
appreciation as somewhat limited know
ledge of him would permit. In fact, in
our good humor, we began to feel little
sorry for ''the bad men," who now, after
SO many years of Office and management,
would have to pack up their tools and
clothing and retire from active politics.
Now comes part Of the story which
our pen almost refuses to write. This was
the last VIC saw Of Mr. Hayes, or the last
we heard of the platform and the letter,
from any authoritative source, until few
days before the election. The proceed
lngs which took place in the church simply
hlled us with amazement. Little was said
about reform by anybody, and the suspici-
ous-looking deacons and assistant pastors,
instead of Withdrawing, got out packs of
soiled cards and began playing "seyen-up,"
and swearing Justify at the "ex-rebeis, :"
and offering to thrash anybody who inter
fered with them. Perceiving Mr.. "Zach"
Chandler in the pulpit, "telling stories"
and chewing tobacco, and exercising the
functions Of a chairman, we asked the by
ISLANDERS whether they really meant to say
that "Zach" was reformer, and learned
that he wasn't much of reformer, but
was good fellow, had plenty of money,
and knew how to "run the machine;" and
then they laughed, and punched us in the
ribs, as If we, too, must enjoy the joke.
Turning to Mr.. Wheeler, the nominee for
the Vice-Presidency, we asked him when
the exposition Of Republican doctrine was
to begin, and he said he would begin it
now himself, and "Zach" thereupon raped
for silence; and we heard, to our amaze
ment, that the campaign was not about
civil service reform, or currency, or pacifi-
cation at all--that it was q continuation
of the civil war, and that we had all to
vote as if we were actually on the battle
field. Seeing Mr.. Blaine, who appeared
looking vigorous and active, we asked him
what the campaign was about, and he said
entirely about "outrages" on negroes, on
which subject he had reams of evidence.
Enquiring of Mr.. Boutwell, if this was
true, he said very gloomily that it was not
half true enough. Here the editor Of the
New York Times came up, and declared
that the whole thing really turned on
Tilden's income and the condition Of the
once smiling village of Brady's Bend, and
became very violent and abusive. Mr..
Blaine then added that, now that he
thought Of it, he must say the campaign
was really about Southern claims for dam
ages during the war, which he put down
at $4,000, ,000, 900, and which we should
have to pay at once if Tilden was elected.
This delighted the whole company greatly,
and they all shouted "Claims, claims p at
the top of their voices.
When silence was restored, Mr.. Murat
Halstead, whom we last saw at the Gree
ley Convention at Cincinnati trying to
pacify the South, arose, drew q large
manuscript from his pocket, and said that
he should be happy to read an essay on
claims, showing that they were almost
Unreasonable in amount, and that no
earthly power could prevent their being
paid if Tilden was made President. Dur
ing the reading, however, we were sorry
to perceive much winking between Chan
dler and Blaine. At this point the editor
Of the EUeaing Post arose, and declared
that the real reason for electing Hayes,
after all, was that if we did not, the
conversion Of the six per cent. bonds
in London would stop. This he knew
was true, because somebody had read it
in letter from some one in London, and
that he would advise an surprising" of
bankers and merchants. Mr.. Chandler
thereupon called upon the bankers and
merchants to uprise about the public credit,
and ask Mr.. Evarts for a speech on it.
This gentleman delivered speech accord
ingly, but said nothing in it about the
public credit, which made the company
again laugh, and they said they supposed
it was just as well, and that they would
get the Secretary of the Treasury to say
when and how the Republican party would
resume specie payments. The Secretary
appeared accordingly, and said, that he
could not say exactly when it would resume
but that it would probably be in the night;
that they would wake up and find resump-
tion going on if they did not, they might
rely on it they would never see him again.
This caused great merriment and It was
generally agreed that noctural resumption
was capital idea and that Mr.. Morrill,
was great fnancier. Here Mr.. Chandler
and MIR. Jay Gould-whom we had OBJ
served sitting with him in the pulpit all
along-both began to look pale and un-
comfortable, and Mr.. Chandler, in answer
to inquiries as to what allied him, said
"good news was coming in from every
quarter that "the skies were Frightening
all around" and that he felt that son,e