The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1876-12-16

| ana patriotism, viii not, when it calmly re-
views the events Of the day, fail to do justice
to us, to themselves, and to the country. We
do not complain that under the excitement Of
the canvass, or that before the heat Of the
| election should have passed away, you may
for moment grasp eagerly at victory with
out seeing that such victory may prove
| curse to you as well as to the others. But
we beg you will reflect now that you have had
exerted i'll your behalf, not only the whole
power of the national Administration with its
hosts of officials, but that the execution of all
the laws relating 10 the election of the officers
| OF the general Government was entirely in the
hands of your partsans. If we look at the
provisions Of these laws, we find that they
contain features Of a startling character, as
they were framed before the passions excited
by civil war had been allayed, and with refer
| ence to States still looked upon as hostile to
| our Union. The judicial officers of every
grade who interpret these laws, almost with
out exception, belong to your party The
| marshals who execute them are heated poll
ticians, the very tenure of whose Offices de-
| pend upon the success of your ticket They
can summon q vast array of deputies, and all
OF these may make arrests in some cases
without process, and by express enactment
are placed above the reach of the laws, and
| OF the Judiciary of the State At the late
election, Republican officials, at the expense
OF the general Government, could examine
every registry in the principal towns and
cities. They could and did arrest men for
| accidental clerical errors of others in giving
the name or the number of a house. In only
one instance under these laws was there a re-
cognition Of the party opposed to the Admin
lstration. They were estitled to one of the
two supervisors of election at each polling
place, but these were to be selected by per-
sons all of whom belonged to the party in
power We do not complain of the enforce
ment Of these laws. On the contrary, we
point with satisfaction to the fact that they
furnished the proof made by their partisan
opponents that the Democratic vote was an
honest one. If fraud is suspected il must be
the work of others, not of the Democratic
party. Even if these election laws had been
IN all cases fairly enforced, they still made q
vast array of partisan forces and power, sup
ported by the common Treasury, but exerted
against the party that carried with it major
ity OF the American people. We hear much
OF coercion, intimidation, and undue inhuen.
ces, but nothing approaching this in power
can exist in any part Of our country. There
is no organization which could for a moment
contend with it-backed up as it has been by
the American army.
We also appeal to the Republicans to see
II 1t is not true that during the late election
the officials at Washington overlooked the
fact that they were the Government Of a coun-
try, and acted throughout merely as the ad-
mlnstration Of party. Has one step been
taken, or the army moved, save at the instance
OF their political friends? Has there been a
recognition of or a consultation with single
citizen who was not allied to them in interest
and feeling?
There is darker phase of the last election.
The Administration sent out Cabinet officer
to take charge of the canvass on behalf of the
Republican party. His very position at the
head OF its managing committee made for
ced loan upon nearly one hundred thousand
official dependents. 1t proclaimed to them
in a louder tone than words, You must work.
You must vote. You must pay to aid the
election of a candidate who declares himself
IN favor of civil service reform" 1t told
them that if, believing and acting upon his
assurance, they followed their own convic-
tions and voted for his opponents, they would
be punished by the loss of their positions.
They were forced in thousands Of cases 10
submit to extortion with smiling faces, but
with heavy hearts. If a like intimidation had
been used IN Southern State, it would have
been seized upon by the Administration as a
and imprisoning every suspected citizen. 1t
is due to the best class OF the leaders and
journals of the Republican party to say that
they protested against this indocency. But
such acts did not stop with mere improprie.
ties. They ripened into violation OF a spirit
OF the law. In its resolutions, journals, and
IN its speeches, that party has declared its de-
testation of such abuses, and its purposes
to reform them. At the last session of
Congress it made it a crime, punishable with
Imprisonment and deprivation of office, to
levy assessmentsupon office holders for poIiti.
cal purposes. 1t limited the punishments TO
one class of officials, because under the Con-
stitution those holding their positions by the
appointment of the President and Senate
could not consttutionally be removed from
their Offices by such an enactment. But it is
a higher moral offence in higher officials, pun
ishable by the more impressive process of
impeachment. Here no technical difficulties
can hinder the punishment of this crime
against political morals or public welfare. No
one doubts or denies that such assessments
were made with the knowledge and consent
of the committee. The gravity of this offence
is made more gross by the fact that at the
last session of Congress, when it was propos-
ed to reduce the pay of officials, in order to
relieve the industry of the country from the
burden OF taxation, it was resisted by the Re-
publicans upon the ground that this could not
be done without injury to the public service.
Yet we see National Republican Committee
reducing their pay by assessments for partisan
purposes, and diverting the money paid to
them from the public treasury to enable them
to serve the people faithfully; and thus, as de-
clared by the solemn action of Congress, dis
abhng them from doing their duty to the re-
public. About these facts there is no dispute.
The public mind is agitated by conflicting
statements with regard to the conduct of the
Republican canvassing officers in the remote
Southern States. Do not the acts of the heads
OF the organization, done under our own eyes,
throw light upon those disputed points !? If
morals were violated at the fountain head in
the North, were they respected by men of
worse than doubtful character at the South
Those men, by their call upon the General
Administration for its armed forces, proclaim
ed TO the world their dependence upon its
power, and their seryitude to its wishes. The
head of the Republican committee held the
double position of Cabinet Minister, adyis-
ing aud directing the action of Government,
and at the same time managing the machinery
Of party Thus at an exciting election the
Government Of the Union openly allied itself
with party, gave it q power of coercion over
its officials, in violation of the spirit of the
laws against intimidation and bribery. Itdid
just what it charges against the people Of the
South. What lessons of law and morals and
of duty did such examples teach these depen-
dent officials in Louisiana? These questions
must press themselves upon the minds and
consciences Of every honest man
If, by any trick or fraud, the candidate of
the minority is placed in the Presidential
chair against the wishes Of the people, every
man who has thus been forced to pay for his
election will have right to say to his admin
istration: "You demanded our money to
place you in power. We demand the posi-.
tions we bought Of the accredited head Of your
organization The great point Of the civil
service reform is to avoid this corruption and
TO make the tenure of office depend upon ca.
pacity and fidelity. We do not believe the
Republican party has in mere moclery so
constantly asserted its advocacy Of civil ser.
vice reform. We cannot think that its writers
and speakers, and those who have been en-.
ployed in developing this system, have been
shameless pretenders, only seeking office or
applause The evil Of thia trausactian will