Perrysburg journal. (Perrysburg, Wood Co., O. [Ohio]) 186?-1965, 1876-09-15
A Reason for " United South"

Mr.. Manton Marble truly says that Mr..
Tilden's position in respect to the war
was never open to the slightest doubt"
1t certainly was not.
In 1854 he said to Preston King that the
formation of the Republican party in OPP
position to the slave oligarchy
would either be political blunder, or it
would be political crime, in creating con-
hict in which the Government would probably
perish.
In October, 1860, he wrote to William
Kent that the trainers of the Constitution
recognized no right of constitutional seccs-
sion, but they left revolution organized when
it should be demanded by public opinion Of a
State-left it with power to snap the tic OF
confederation, as a nation might break a
treaty, and to repel coercion, as nation
might repel invasion
In February, 1861, he declared at the
Twedde Hall Convention that
he for one would resist, under any and all
circumstances, the use of force to cOerce the
South into the Union.
In April, 1861, he refused to sign a
simple patriotic call for public meeting
in New York upon the fall of Sumter.
In February, 1868, he was one of
dozen of the EXTREMIST "Copperheads"
in the city of New York who formed
society to publish and diffuse, in the
darkest hour of the war, the most viru-
lent "Copperhead" speeches and pro-
slavery documents, which was doing the
work of the rebellion as effectually as
shipping arms and ammunition to the
rebels, This society of Mr.. Tilden's
published, among other things, a speech
of James Brooks, in which he said that
Mr.. Lincoln's proclamation of Septem-
Der, 1862,
seems to contemplate the exciting of the
slaves to the destruction not only OF their
masters, but of women and children.
1t published a speech of Mr.. Pugh, in
which he declared that
the war might have been avoided had
not Abraham Lincoln and the leaders of the
| Republican party Tefused-cOnstantly per-
sistently stubbornly refused-any terms what.
soevcr. We have no Governor, In
truth, we have only being. If | am
arrested, as | may be tomorrow or before
sundown, and dragged into the presence of a
military commission, as Vallandigham was,
will you acty
1t published speech of Richard
O'Gorman when Horatio Seymour was
Governor of New York, and the rebels
hoped he would try to withdraw the State
from the war. Mr.. O'Gorman said, and
Mr.. Tilden's society published and diff
fused his words:
fear much that, under the pretext of re-
storing the Union, we are strengthening the
hands Of those whose policy tends to destroy
our liberties De you ask what, then, is to
be done? | say the first thing to be done is to
arm the State of New York. Let ouI
soldiers be drilled, then, not merely forparades
in the streets, but in camps of instruction,
and let them be prepared as men to defend
the rights OF our State. Although th(
Union may fall, liberty may be preserved, and
the State may be sovereign yet. Lei
us remember that each State in its inherent
sovereignty is Independent in itself. Their
we are for the Union as long as 1t can be sup
ported.
This was what Mr.. Tilden and his society
were publishing and diffusing to cheer
the soldiers in the field and strengthen
the national patriotic purpose at home il
the most critical moment of the struggle
Mr.. Marble says truly that Mr.. Tilden'!
position in respect to the war was ncve
open to the slightest doubt" 1t certain
ly was not, any more than that of Fer
nando Wood, Vallandigham or Jefferson
Davis.
In August, 1864, Mr.. Tilden was tn,
New York member of the platform com
mittee of the Chicago Democratic Con
vention, which reported, without dissent
resolution denouncing the war as fail
ure, and demanding a cessation of hostil
l tiles.
l These facts are undeniable; and, who
ever may be the Nathan murderer, as tn
= Boston Herald humorously suggests, thes
l facts establish that Mr.. Tilden gave hi
l money, his time, his influence by wor
and pen, to the cause of the rebellion
He served it very much more eifectivel
than he could have served it in the field
He declared the course of the Cover
Z ment not only to be constitutionally indC
; fensible, but practically futile and hopt
less. He encouraged in the publication
of his society the most rancorous hosti
= ity to the Administration and to the wa
: In the same way he paralyzed patriotisI
: and discouraged the raising of men an
y money. Finally, he declared the war
n failure; and when his words were di
>, proved by the event, he joined in w ad
Hampton's declaration, in the Democrat
Is Convention of 1868, that the Reconstru
u tion acts were revolutionary, unconstit
u tional and void And all this he did u
u der the plea of preserving the constit
70 tional guarantees of liberty-a plea mat
le in the interest of an infamous conspir
y cy to overthrow this Government al
u perpetuate slavery upon this continen
~ After war so fierce, prolonged and co
- suming, to maintain the Union-a co
u test in which his views and his etfoI
10 were hostile both to liberty and the gre
y principle of the Union-a war which h
- left strong passions inhamed and m
u ~ mentous issues springing from it to
u, met and treated-is there any reason WI
~ man who held in 1860 that +
~ Union was "tie of confederate
~ which any State might rightfully :" "snaI
N N and who gave his money, his reasoni
~ and his countenance to those who we
- trying to snap it, should now be ma
wv the Chief Magistrate of the Union mere
NJ because he calls himself "reformeI
W -Harper's Weekly.
i'll
cir "A bottle was recently picked up nj