The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1876-10-26

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able to give a detailad account.
But she had saved the money, and
the son undertook to pay the debt of
gratitude owed by the father. And be.
fore the winter was over Algernon mar
ried Margaret, and together they lived
on the old homestead, and on stormy
nights they tell the children the story of
the oak closet.
Federal Intervention in South Carolina.
The President is reported to have said
in a conversation about South Carolina
affairs on Saturday that che was deter
mined that the colored republicans in
that State should vote in accordance with
their honest convictions, if he had to
order the whole army into the State to
enable them to do So" If he had ut
tered this threat with an accurate COM
prehension of South Carolina politics,
Mr.. Chamberlain, who has called on him
for troops, would be very badly scared
man. What Chamberlain wants is not
that the negroes shall vote according to
their convictions, but that they shall cast
solid vote for Chamberlain, conviction
or no conviction. The unfitness of the
federal authority to interfere by arms or
in any other way in elections is clearly
shown by the attitude of the President in
this case. He hears but one side, and
there are in South Carolina not two, but
three, sides. Three parties are there in,
the field-one for Hayes and Chamber:
lain, one for Tilden and Hampton, and a
third for Hayes and Hampton. To the
last named q considerable number of
prominent and influential republicans
belong, and under their guidance and
instruction large numbers of colored men
have determined to vote that ticket. We
believe they are right in doing 80. In
fact they are following advice: which the
Herald gave them several weeks ago, and
for the best. of reasons It'll to the inter
est of the colored people of South Carroll
ma to take General Hampton at his word.
He has promised them solemnly equal
and complete protection in all their
rights; he ie man of character and de-
termination, who will keep his word, and
he will do what Chamberlain, as every
negro in South Carolina knows, has never
done.
Whether the negroes are right or wrong
in voting for Hampton, however, they
have a right to do so; but this federal In
reference attempts and is meant to de-.
priYe them of that right 1t not only
deprives them, but it also interferes with
the rights of those negroes, very consid-
erable in number, who mean to vote the
democratic ticket outright, Tilden and
all. Wherever federal troops or federal
interference in any of its shapes are felt
in the South there the intolerant and
lawless republican negroes are encour-
aged to persecute their brethren who
manifest democratic or independent
leanings, and these fellows 60 about very
freely and openly threatening the lives
of colored men who are even suspected
of an intention to do anything but "vote
de straight republican ticket" This kind
of intimidation is going on now in South
Carolina, as it has been carried on in
Louisiana, in Alabama, in every South
ern State. No white intolerance is half
as bitter OF half as brutal and cunning as
this negro intolerance, and it is encour.
aged and embittered wherever federal
troops are placed in the hands of repub-
lican politicians to use for political pur-
poses. In 1874 an Alabama negro speak
or addressed crowds of negroes and ad-
vised them to hang any negro who should
offer to vote the democratic ticket.
advised the women to have nothing to do
with,such man; his wife ough to leave
him, he said; his sweetheart ought to
scernE him; the Church should spew him
out; nobody should employ him or speak
to him. The same thing is now going on
in South Carolina in the Chamberlain
interest. A Charleston correspondent of
a republican organ here makes this con-
fession: "The fact is, the negroes do in
timidate man of their color who desires
for any reason to turn democrat. They
will turn him out oftheir churches; none
of the women will marry him or talk with
him; the men also ostracise him, and if
he is caught where there are no white
men he is sure to be mobbed, stoned and
beaten" A correspondent of our own,
writing from Aiken, sends us two affida-
wits of democratic negroes showing actual
threats of assassination, and the problem
is we'll stated by one black man, who
asked "who would protect him if, having
voted for Hampton, the State should
happen to 90 republican,
The Southern plantation negro has no
political convictions such as Gen. Grant
speaks of. He has mainly fears, ground
less fears, imposed on him by unscrupu-
lous republican leaders. He is taught
that his white neighbors mean to re-
enslave him, that General Grant is his
only protector, and that the republican
State candidate, as in this case Chamber
lain, is General Grants representative,
for. whom he is bound to vote because
those are the orders of General Grant.
That is his whole political catechism.
When he begins to doubt, as multitudes
are doubling in South Carolina this,year,
he leans toward the democratic party.
At this Chamberlain calls for troops.
Why? To protect the blacks? Not at
all. His adherents do not need protec-
ton. It is to intimidate those who are
about to oppose him; he calls on General
Grant for troops; they come, and behold
every negro is at once persuaded that
chamberlain ID really GeneTdi STants
man." and that the blacks must support
him. That is the meaning of this trick
of calling for troops" Its object is
simply and only to intimidate the black
voters; and when we see report that
Major Merrill is to be sent into South
Carolina man hated and despised there
and everywhere in the South for his con-
duct at other times, and an adept in just
this misuse of troops-it seems but too
plain that the men who are misadvising
the President in this matter are engaged
in disgraceful and dangerous plot to
carry the State for Chamberlain by
wholesale and adroit intimidation of the
black as we'll as white voters.
But this question relates not to South
Carolina alone. This unconstitutional
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