New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1876-11-18
TIE EXECUTIVE vACANCY-WHAr OF TIT

We are not quite as ultramontane in our
radicalism as he who was ''too much OF q
Republican to wear crown in his hat. .
We are not particular about ''church
without bishop" but we certainly could
view with great complacency "a State
without King" Passing to ground even
higher and ahead of that from which Mr..
Cushing has contemplated, the temporary
lapse of natural executive authority, we
boldly affirm that neither the life nor vital
functions Of the republic would be i'm
paired by such an event; that whether an
executive officer be elected or even exist
on the fourth of March next, the nation
will neither be impaired in its strength,
credit or unity, by any temporary abey-
ance Of executive authority.
1t is, perhaps, a startling commentary
upon the growth of patronage and the
creation of an official and political class
that SO much consequence should be &C.
corded to mere election. The annual
dispensing of three or four hundred mil
lions Of public money, the salaries and
perguisites of hundred thousand Office
holders, is in itself an immense and sub
stantive interest. A presidential election
is a vital question to holders Of Office or
of contract To the subjects of foreign
powers the idea of State without king
or q court seems like a lapsus legis-a
paralysis Of political existence.
The extraordinary excitement about the
| executive election should, in fact, startle
the American. people into conviction
that this department has grown into an
abnormal and dangerous consequence.
We have deemed it duty to allay public
apprehension by an argument that even
in case Of the extremely impossible va
cancy in the executive Office, the ma
chinery of our government will move on
precisely as before. The reserved and
indestructible resources of Republican
system will relieve and sustain the normal
action Of the wounded organ, without i'm
pairing or, indeed, impeding the healthy
action of our national life. We assume
this confidently from the nature Of rep.
resentative republican government. The
people, as the source of all power,
emit a sufficient amount to determine by
election the primary or local govern
ments; they devote lnore to the repre-
sentative and judicial departments Of the
State and national governments. They
commit the execution of their repre-
sentative acts to a limited executive.
Strike off the Federal system, there would
remain the State system in perfect order.
Arrest the State government and there
would remain the municipal governments
of the parish county or township. The
theory of an executive department subor-
dinate to the popular will. is entirely pc
culisr to the Republican system of Amer
lea. Here it is an agency, elsewhere it is
an absolute authority. The people can
exist without President; the President
would be poverless without the people.
We are by no means arguing in behalf
of q government without an executive
agent. Such agents are useful servants
CT the people and Of the law. We assert
that presidential executive is by no
means SO indispensable to the existence Of
the republic that The lapse of that agency
during the time it may be necessary to re-
place or recognize it would result in
danger. Perhaps some new legislation by
the representatives of the people may be
necessary to correct the abuses, and guard
the contingencies of elective choice. We
have minated that the American repub-
lican executive without prerogative as
mere agent for giving effect to the popular
will is peculiar to the United States. TWAS
intended to solve, and it has superseded
the dynastic system Of other countries.
No other republic had ever solved this
difficulty, and fearing the abuses of an
absolute executive, many republics have
dispensed with it altogether. Greece, in
her most glorious days. was governed by
popular Representatives. Rome spread her
fame and authority over the world for four
or five centuries without king. The
British republic waged war against the
triple-headed monster Of king, nobility
and hierarchy with a representative Par
lament alone. We pause to give the COM
mendation of that extraordinary body by
foreign historian by no means repub-
ican.
1t ives seen with establishment that par
lament composed of the most obscure men
has governed this vast kingdom with order
and success, without acknowledging mas.
ter. They levied armies, maintained a
navy, and gave laws to their neighbors.
The finances were administered with econ
omy, the public debt paid with promptitude
and punCtuality. No one became rich at
the expense OF public justice.
The dependencies of England were re-
duced to perfect obedience. One of the
judges who had sentenced Charles I. to
death had been appointed minister to Hol-
land. He was assassinated by royalist refu-
gees. Upon this and other causes the re-
public of England made war upon Holland
and INDICATED the dignity Of the people
and the right of the citizen. The British
colonies in America determined to assert
their independence. Did they invite any
slip Of royalty to assume the throne and
direct their resistance? They called to-