St. Johnsbury Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1867-1919, 1876-07-07

,ne .NrahhleS from which il cut adrift
NAN ignorance. his selfish interests
10" moral SENSE, have at every turl
ci'St INTO 1t their disturbing Influences
uh'''' compared with Il perfect state
'ht result Is dlsheartening enough.
writers on government find much t,
condemn IN democratic or republican
experiments. While in theory they arr
me only governments clearly detcnsi
hle, IN practice they are capahle %
working infinite mischief Mr.. Herber
Spencer says they are the best uhe,
Kept within the proper limitations @
government, the worst when transcend
ing such limits. Some of the evils -
the practical working of reprcseutntiv,
govcrnment,'in the United States mr.,
apparent the two now most conspic
nous are commercial politics. with it.
hrlft toward communism. and a de
hi'ucned evil service. offer no apol
"SN Tor the critical spirit in which
Shall speak of these evils. There ar,
en"n%li to apologize for the bad tn,
scholar ought To he critical What h,
seeks Is the nearest approach to per
lection. He ought to hold no hirf fnl
the iascals or rascalities either of par
ihS vi ADMINISTRATIONS.
There is IL confused idea i'm the mind,
of those who have vague notions of the
real origin and functions of government
tiiit 1t Is il great cooperative asSocia-
tlon, existing not only foI the protcc-
ton of the individual but for the .'com-
mon benefit" in the widest sense. of
these words. In the constitution of th,
nltcd States, some with Il reputation
aS statesmen insist that they find this
idta III that unfortunate expression.
''thc general welfare" There is uu
! perrerSlon of government to which this
idea of It's functions MAY not logically
lead there are few evils IN adminiStra-
ton which 1t does not. in fact. intro
dilct. 1t Is the rcappcarancc. in an
| other dress. of the old notion that there
lS IN the state some divine virtue and
capacity tor bcneiicent action. Il .prnm-
ISe and potency" from which order and
life are developed. our ancestors. Il
hundred Years ago. hra>cly rcpudiatrd
tins idea. They asserted mans free
dom and equality. and. out of thrS,
principles OF truths. they went about
the work of constructing Il free govern
ment. But their theories were better
WAS better than their constitution
they framed an organic law that rec
ogniZcd and protected chattel slavery.
and 1t Is hardly strange that it should
also have gwen many opportunities foI
u>urpatIon 10y maioIitie>. While they
made Il government capable. when the
people 81 determine. of representing
their Will. this very fact left the major
ltN with To" much power. the minority
To" helpless. 1t was their confident he
lief that Il government hy the people
would in the end secure Justice to the
people. The state had for them lost
much of the traditional divine authori-
ltH. but they put in its place the idea
that the voice of the people is the voice
of the constitution they left others un-
protected. Yet their government. far
short a> ii came of thciI sound theories,
WIS an immense adv ancc upon what
preceded it. Ii referred the source of
government and of power to the people.
declared that both existed only tor the
people, that the state was not Il ruler
>npcrimpoSed. not Il king log OF a king
>tork dropped from the clouds. hut an
agent deriving all its authority from lis
principal. not Il sovereign. but Il ser
want. Still, our ancestors did little
more than put the majority III the place
of the king. They lett the powers and
functions of the state much ~ they
found them. They had faith in ma
rhinrrN and the balancing. of contend
my popular forces to save the people
from themselves.
But theory and machinery are not
enough to make II state. ol keep il tree
The prohibitions of constitutions. the
responsibility that comes with frequent
elections. cannot alone preserve human
tights. administrations. whether hN
king or Parliament. 10y president "r
Congress, are rarely much in advance
or much behind the age. The domi-
uant thought of the nation is the power
behind the throne greater than the
throne itself. and king or president can
not long resist it. If we claim credit
for the virtues of our institutions. We
are responsible for their vices. We
have a government capable in its or
ganiSm and purpose of >crN ing the pro-
Pile b> securing To each individual the
greatest possible liberty of workin. ont
his own success. 1t has thus opcncd
possibilities of great good, but it has
also left the possibility of great evil
and we have not escaped the evil. tho
we have undoubtedly secured much of
the good.
Yet while We boast that We arr in the
front of an advancing civilization. il
seems impossible for us in fact To get
away from the traditions and maNim> of
the government, which served prey ioIls
ages. We forget that what is best for
one age or for one people may not he
best for the world or for all time: man
changes, and governments change with
him. The state must, to serve its pur-
pose, stand for more with the savage
than with the scmIi-civilized. for more
with the half-civilized than with the
civilized and the higher the civiliza-
ton. the clearer the moral perceptions
and the recognition of individual rights
the more government should he mar
rowcd in its scope and limited in its
prerogative. The divinity that hcdged
il about in its earlier and rulcr forms
is no longer needed: its oraclcs and its
mysteries ought to he bani>lIcd il
should come down from the clouds and
dwell among men: and they will see
that it has neither wit nor wisdom. nor
know ledge, beyond what are the com
mon Inheritance of free people. To us
the state still stands for more than il
should, for more than it is worth. We
can hardly shake ourselves from the il
lusion of its superior wisdom OF di>rohe
it of its divinity. We look npon it
much as the heather looks upon his god
he knows ii iS the work of his own
hands, yet he pr"strates himself before
it, and offers his substance and his life
III sacrifice upon its altars. We pretend
tn r,spect some natural rights like