The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, 1876-05-07

WPTe HllCu WIN nrlOeS. the taxing Ot Mnltn
was a practice inseparaby connected with
falsehood aud deceit
THE rom SOURCES OF LIGHT.
There were four sources from which we could
get light on this question OF Impeachment.
There were the dob tcs and Journals Of the con-
ventiun 81 1855, tho opinion OF other tribunals
or writer's OF authority, the argument derived
from the language Of the Constitution. and the
argument to bc derived from consideration ~
the great hut public objects to- be acc 0tnplished.
Mir. lloar then alluded ut some length t. tho de-
bates Of the convention. and next referred to
tho Blount case. and said In that case all that
the senate did was to decide that Senator was
not impeachable. Tho reason for That was
WISE public Torcy. No two branches OF the
one branch could impeach a member Of the
other ana compel that other body to try its own
member In that case, too, the Senate had
already expelled BOunt, aud II justly
gued that IL would be absurd to ask body
which had once pronounced n judgment to Try
impeachcd, even II he had remained In Office,
The barnard case, also, he claimed, supported
opinion Of John Quincy Adams, given in the
House OF Representatives, to tho eject that he
believed. that no Mr. Adams) could be i'm
peachedt for any corrupt act done while Presi-
dent. even though he was out Of ONCE.
MIR. Sargent proUounded a question stating
that there were several members of the Senate
who had been In years past civil officers of the
United states, and inquiring II they were liable
to impe lchment for an alleged act of guilt done
In ofhce2
Mr. Hoar said they we're undoubtedly. The
logic OF his argument brought hun to that result.
between the two Houses to which the Manager
had alluded In speaking OF the Blount casef
MIR. Hoar said he did not understand that
| there was any comfy between the Houses which
prevented the House from pursuing a Senator
or constitutional punishment A Senator could
not, OF course, he called In question, even In
| court, for ANYTHING he did In the Senate cham
Der, no matter how black SANDER or libel II
was conceived to be. His (Mr. Hoar's) argument
related to the impeachment Of Senator for
Senatorial duty and to the indecency of sup
posing that the House OF Repre- sentatives might
| require that the Senate should try at its own
| bar a member whom II had permitted, without
| the exercise of it's own power of expulsion. to
remain In its body. but II Belknap had been
and after that these acts. the bribery, had been
discovered, the House of Representatives could
he eequestered from hts seat In the Senate
Chamber and be placed at the bar, a. he now
| stood, as a criminal. That power would he as
necessary for the purity and power and dignity
Of the Senate itself as for the protection Of the
| American people. The Constitution mentioned
pardon as the judgment which the Senate might
think II Its DUTY in some cases to pronounce.
Could this protective judgment ever be any the
| less necessary because the crime had not been
discovered until the official term had expired
pointed, or just before the proceedings begin
| ming, or before the judgment was announced
the officer laid down his officer
INDUSTRIOUS ABsURDrry.
In regard to tho argument that impeach-
ment was unnecessary, because the accused
could be punished In "A lower court under the
statute, II seemed to him monstrous aosurdity
that this great constitutional remedy Of judg-
ment against a high political offender on ac-
count OF great political offences, committed at
| conviction by a Jury drawn by the Marshal from
the ofhceholding population of the District
| Of Columbia on tiial conducted and con-
trolled by officers OF the Executive. aud on the
| sentence OF single Judge Of court, however
| within couple OF Leagues In conclusion. MIR.
! Hoar said that this judgment would not only
determine this question for all time for the Sem
| hllt 4 "a ant M In ha
| disregarued IN the construction OF like clauses
| In Consttutions OF more than thirty American
| the accuser of Nj BeIknap or as the adyo.
cate Of the House Of Representatives,
Of Of the American people people secured TO to
| them in the Constitution by their ancestors. and
could take away, THIS right was, that over
| every American officer, when he attempted TO
abuse or us9rp power or gain wealth oy cor;
what the Federalist called the " awful dlscre-
ton OF the Senate" to try him in the presence
| Of the whole American people. and to visit nm
| with the perpetual infsmy Of Its sentence. He
| (Mr. Hoar) was much mistaken II there were not
| very deep and pressing interest In this issue.
| The Constitution had no safeguards TO throw
| away. The public events OF to-day admonshed
Us to look wen to all our securities for Furnishing
| tho great guilt Of corruption in oGice. We must
| not Confound Idle LABOR with public Opinion. or
accept the accusations Of scandal and malice
| instead of proof. but we should make a worse
| mistake II, because OF the multitude OF false
| and eroundless charges against men in high
| or to deal with cases Of actual guilt. The worst
evil resulting from the indiscr.minate attack oi
was not that Innocence suffered, but that crime
escaped. Let scandal and nal be encountered
| by pure ana stainless lives. Let corruption Inc
bribery meet their lawful punishment
CoRRUPrIoS IN HIGH PLACES.
| His (Mr. noar's) political life had been brief
but during that brief period no had seen five
Judges OF high courts OF the United states
driven from office by threats Of Impeachment
for corruption. lilo had heard the taunt that
great as was the prosperity Of this land the onli
product In which she SUI y, ssed the Institution
of other countries was her corruption. lie had
seen in the state Of the Union foremost II
| power and wealth, four judges IN her courts I'm
| peached for corruption, and tie administrator
OF justice in her chief city become disgrace
| and byword throughout the world. He had
seen tho Chairman Of the Committee on Militia
| ~ Affairs In tho House rise in his place and de
| mand the expulsion Of four members for se!lin-
the privilege of selecting youths to be educated
| at the National Military Academy, When the
greatest railroad Of tue world, bindlnt
| two great seas which washed ouI
shores was finished. he had seen
| our national triumph and exultation turned int
| bitterness and shame by the unanimous report
| OF three committees OF Congress that every steI
fraud. He had heard in tho highest places tn,
shameless doctrine evolved by men, grown old
in public office, that the true way oy which
power was 10 be gained In THIS republic was tt
| bride the people with the oMces created fOl
their service, and the true end for which !
should he used when gained w,s the promotion
Of selfish ambition aud the qualification OF per
sonaI revenge. lie had heard that suspicion
haunted the footsteps OF the trusted com
panions Of the President; that Hallam
or Iacitus, or Lismonde, Who wrote th'
annals Of our times, would record thes,
Things with an ineSUrlo!e pen, and now when
nigh Cabinet oficer, the constitutional advised
Of the President, fed from ONCE for charges o.
corruption, should the historian add that th'
| Senate treated the demand OF the people 10
| its judgment OF condemnation "a a farce, ant
| laid down its high functions before the sophls
tries and ieers OF u criminal lawyerf SHOULD h'
spe 'ulate about the petty political calculation
| to the effect on one party or the other whicl
| induced his judges TO cVnnive az the escape o
the great public criminal, OF should he close III
| the chapter 10y narrAting how these things wer
| detected, 7. formed, aud punished by coustitu
| tiontl processes which the wisdom Of our IA
| tners divissd for us, and tnat the virtue aIl'
purity OF the people found their Vndication Il
| the justce of the Senate lArplause IN III
| galleries, which was prom tly checked.l
| The Senate "a Court OF lmpeachinent the
| adjourned until III \. NJ. Monday.
Getting Jury for the Sweeuy Case.
In the County Clerk Office, yesterday, tn