Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1876-06-07
Mr.. Blaine.


this gentleman. Itseems that the committee
summoned to Washington a Mr.. Fisher, of
Boston, and his confidential clerk, one Multi.
gan. These gentlemen, as Mulligan testifes,
were met on their arrival at Washington, by
note from Mr. Blaine requesting an inter-
view. Mr.. Fisher called on Blaine, but Null
ligan declined TO do so. Whereupon Blaine,
after his interview with Fisher called on
him. In the course Of the conversation, it
fell out that Mulligan was in possession OF
certain letters eighteen in ALL from Blaine
TO Fisher Mr.. Blaine earnestly besonght
Multigan to allow him 10 see the letters,
promising not TO take them away, but to re-
store them Immediately after the perusal
On this, the letters were put into Blaine's
hands, but instead Of restoring them accord
ing to his promise, he put them into his
pocket and departed lie has refused even
to deliver them TO the committee. \ mem
orandum IN BlaiAe's handwriting was saved,
and the committee have possession of it.
II shows that he took a prominent interest
in the railway enterprises which came before
Congress for subsidies and legislation. lie
controlled an interest in the Northern Pa
cifc, which he sold to certain Boston gentle
men. He also disposed Of the stock or
bonds Of these land grant roads to his
friends in Maine lie admitted that it was
not proper for him "to touch it, but never
theless he did not hesitate TO transfer his in
terest TO other parties
1t is quite clear that the attempt to tam
per with a hostile witness, and then 10 OBJ
tain possession of documentary evidence
against himself, if il be so, by fraudulent
and deceptive promise, is in the highest sense
dishonorable, and compromises his reputa-
ton and character. Those letters were no
longer his. They had passed from his hands
and belonged TO the party to whom they
were addressed Mulligan held them by
consent of that party. If they were limo
cent letters, they could do Mr.. Blaine no
harm. Ii they pertained to private matters,
they would not injure him il published. If
they convicted him of wrong, the wrong had
been committed when they were written and
sent and to cover them up is only the con
cealment of the offense and not its undoing.
To steal them is to give the worst interpre-
tation to them. And for this Mr. Blaine is
responsible lie could as well have borne
their exposure as to have taken them sur
repttiously and dishonorably and leave in
every mind the suspicion that they would
not bear the light. Nor do we think that
the dramatic use of them made in the House
by Mr.. Blaine at all justifes the manner of
their abstraction.
As to the iobbing by members of Con
gress in stock of roads which were chartered
and endowed by them with enormous grants
Of lands and the credit of the United States,
there can be no justification for IT, If Mr..
Blaine has been guilty of this he deserves TO
follow Colfax, Ames, Bingham, Patterson
and others into retirement and political soil
tude. To use such q trust as the office of
Senator or Representative for personal ends,
to vote great subsidies of government land
and credit to railroads or private corpora
tons, and take a commission out of them for
ones self or his friends, is an abuse of a
trust that adds treachery TO robbery. And
yet this form of official corruption and fraud
has been widely prevalent in Congress
When Congress gave the government credit
TO the Union Pacific, and issued more than
sixty millions of bonds in its behalf, and the
road was currently reported TO have been
built on the issue of its own bonds, il was
supposed that the influential members OF
Congress knew where n large part of the
millions they gave from the public treasury
were placed. 1t cost that railroad corpora
ton an incredible per cent of its subsidy 10
induce members Of Congress to examine its
claims and act favorably to its interests.
When the Northern Pacific went to Wash
ington to urge its enterprise to the favorable
consideration Of Congress, it found that il
must needs walk in the way of the Union
Pacific il it would receive any attention at
III. 1t could not make Roadway one inch on
itsown merits Representatives and Senators
might be approached by the railroad directors
with the best reasons Of public policy, with
case, aud yet few or none could see the
policy or understand the merits until Their
eyes had been opened by salye whose yir
tue was irresistible. Then it was not i'm
possible to secure additional legislation.
Then "by strange revolution of circum
stances" the honest gentlemen who voted
away the public credit or domain found
themselves able TO control an interest in
land grant railroads, and TO offer their shares
to their friends at a living rate. The Union
Pacific and the Northern Pacific ob,ained
their charters, their subsidies aud all nrces
sary legislation, it would seem, from the or
ganizaton and purchase of rings inside the
halls of Congress. They were unable ia
carry their grand enterprises without yield
ing TO the exactions of those who were to
give the aid of the public treasury to their
wishes.
1t appears that this kind of jobbery did
not begin nor eni with railroads. Sena
tors and Representatives allied with outsid,
rings, grew rich out Of subsidies of bond,
and credit given for the improvement of the
District OF Columbia The knowledge which
committees had of expenditures they wers
proposing 10 make in the District, gave
them such advantages for investment aud
speculation, that, when all things were
ready, they had but 10 strike the rock OF
the public treasury, and the waters gushed
forth to satisfy the thirst of these preciou.
lsraelites. The principle aud practice Of
this form of peculation this sale OF the high
trust of official duty and honor, ran through
al the departments and entered into almost
every transaction. The wives of cabinet
officers became the recipients of munifceni
and expected presents. Men went round the
lobbies Of Congress and the ante-rooms OF
the departments with rolls of greenbacks in
their hands to buy influence, TO purchase
introductions, TO exchange for cadetships
door-keeperships and tide-waiter places. Five
years ago prominent gentleman of the
country, of unstained honor, after a III
tie observation and experience of Wash
ington, said that Congress was a "para
disc Of scoundrels," that no one could carr,