The Leavenworth weekly times., 1876-08-17

and the eastern lust of power, commerce
and gain 10 despoil her OF her richest
commerce and trade"
Mr.. Hendricks fully believed at the
time that he had struck the current of
Democratic thought and action, bat after
ward feared iNat he had gotten off the
fence prematurely. 1t was, in nv opinion,
the worst speech made IN any Northern
State during the war, and exerted the most
Ielelerious influence. Ii Was the fruitful
parent Of that crop of conspiracies and
reasonable schemes which afterward dis
turbed the peace OF the State, and 40 nearly
compromised her position in the Union.
The Sons of Liberty and other disloyal or
ganizations and reasonable schemes that
were formed were but the offshoots of that
central idea Of his speech-that the inter-
este Of Indiana were not with the East, but
we're with the South, and that the Eastern
States should be lef, out in the cold. Mr.
Hendricks did not belong to any of these
knew all about them, that he never con-
demned them, and that their leaders and
contrivers were all his friends, | never
doubted for moment, and that his posi-
tion was this: That if they succeeded in
their purpose he would reap the benefit,
but If they failed he was not responsible
1or their action.
He has always exhibited an uncontrolla-
bic hatre! OF the negro, and in this repre-
sented the lowest and
MOST VULGAR ELEMENTS
OF his party. In the Senate he opposed
the freedom OF the slaves escaping into our
lines during the war. He Utterly opposed
the repeal of the fugitive slave law long
after the issue of the emancipation procla-
nation, and speaking against the resolution
OF repeal, said it was as plain TO him as
the multiplication table that it should not
be repealed, On the 10Th OF February,
1861, on the resolution to allow negroes To
ride in the street cars III Washington, he
said:
sit seems TO be considered a great out
rage that the negroes in the District Of
Columbia are not allowed to take their seats
in the same cars with the white men and
women that travel on railroads in this city.
Ii l were allowed to express an opinion on
this subject, i should say the outrage would
be the other way"
On the 9TH OF December, 1867, in speak
ing on the District Of Columbia bill, he
said he was opposed TO allowing negroes TO
sit on juries or hold office, and that it was
4 policy which subjugates the white 10 the
colored race"
Mr.. Hendricks was in the Senate when
the thirteenth amendment to the constitu-
ton was adopted, abolishing slavery when
the fourteenth amendment was adopted, Sc
curing equal rights, protection, and immun-
ti.., oil tho ~ an1 mob th.ftptr tho
payment for slaves and the rebel war debt;
when the fifteenth amendment was adopted,
providing that no person should be denied
the right Of suffrage on account OF race, col
or, previous condition OF servitude, and he
spoke and
VOTED AGAINST ALL.
lie not only voted against the thirteenth
amendment abolishing slavery, but in an
excited speech ldeclared to; an astonished
Senate that the people of the United States
had no power to abolish slavery by an
amendment to the constitution.
1t Is enough TO know that this constitu-
ton existed before the revolution in the
colonies that it continued during the revo-
luton that it came with the colonies into
their State OF independence and separate
sovereignty, and when the colonies came
into the Federal compact they did not sub
nit that institution, or the other domestic
institutions to the control of the Federal
government. The Federal government has
to do with the institution Of slavery
except so far as by compromise it was pro-
tected and respected, and a fugitive escap-
ing from one State to another shall be re-
turned without respect to the law OF the
State into which he escapes
This was spoken OF slavery in April, 1864
in the last year of the war, when in slavery
was in fact already dead having been killed
by the emancipation proclamation, but he
still carried the putrescent corpse about in
his arms and entertained the vain hope Of
calling it back TO life.
He opposed the enlistment OF negro sol
diers, and in a speech at Shelbviile, Ind, in
February, 1868, just after his election to
the Senate said:
The last and crowning act OF infamy on
the part of this Congress is to be the enact
ment Of the law TO organize $50, 600 negroes
into regiments. The bill has passed the
House, and believe will pass the Senate,
and be approved by Mr.. Lincoln. Three
Republ can members voted against it.
These names should be preserved in lette
Of gold. What does this legislation mean
1t is that the 10000, 900 white men at the
North cannot cope with the 1000, 900
white men at the South? Or is that the
negro will make better soldier than the
white man?
Further on he said:
Can it be possible than the safety, the
honor, and the glory of my country is to
'est upon the shoulders Of negro regiments?
In church poetry | find the lines:
"Upon what a slender cord,
Hang everlasting things"
If our country's fortune depends upon
negro valor, then we may sing:
Upon what slender cord.
Hang earthly things"
The men will be marked who have done
his. The people whose sons and brothers
Ire in the field will not forgive the insult. |
Looking at the remarks in the light OF
he past we would question the sanity OF
be author did We not know that his op-
DOsition to negro soldiers was because he
vas opposed to the use OF any means for
putting down the rebellion.
As member of the House Of Represen-
atives in 1854, he voted for the repeal OF
iiN -'AAEoONii NO"' PA Shi7Nt
SLAVERY MIGHT GO
nto Kansas and Nebraska. As member
Il the Indiana constitu ional convention in |
$50, he made but one speech, which was |
Igainst permitting free negroes to come into |
he State.
With grand opportunities for usefulness,
md connecting his name with the greatest |
eforms Of the century, he was blind to the
ime and place and remained a bigoted adj |
lerent to slavery. His political record, ex-
ending over period of nearly 80 year., is
dull, monotonous page of weary common
lace, diversified only with blots, and re-
ording no act to which his friends can
'oint with pride or pleasure.
His unbroken record of blunders, unre-
eemed by any good measure, presents the
question whether he Is promising material
or q great reformer. Reform should be
he normal condition Of every political
'arty. Abuses are constantly arising old
mes are being discovered new improve
nents in administration are necessary.
seform should be steadily made as daily
usiness and not merely by fits and starts
ust before an election. The very word
"REFoRN" BECOMES oDrous
Then it is used a . mask to conceal the
epulsive features of men who have cham
'ioned every great abuse in the past, who
ave been unfaithful TO their country who
ave brought upon the country its chief
,Isiortunes, and whose names are indis.
oiubly connected with the greatest poIiii-
al crimes Of the age.
Think of it, the leaders of the rebellion,
ne Ku-Klux, the White-leaguers, the or
anizes of murder, the plundering hacks
nd humbugp, that have come down to Us
rom 20 years of Democratic misrule be-