The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1876-06-21

distances with Ii lie commun less rade and no
riches Unlike In origin; unlike IN habits; unlike
WELDED ~ ,n a .,s ,'p sovsrpm.nt which
they established they yielded with apprehension, a.
power given 20 be exercised BY strangers ana whcn
only pressing necessity justified them IN deicgatng
But all this has changed Forty-nvc millions OF people
occupy the continent from ocean to ocean, knlt 70
getDer fathers never dreamed of, by landways
and waterways by the steamboat and the railway, and
Kept by the telegraph in instant communication eacn
with the other So that the last generation has grown
up homogeneous In language. in origin, in occupaton
strong IN the pride Of common nationality; careless
OF the dual nature of government, and regarding
the federal government not as coequal government
with partial and separate authority, but para
mount government with general supreme authority.
Such people may naturally be expected 10
listen with impatence TO op Mons which once
generally prevailed and to regard as dan
gerous truths which every statesman = one time
avowed. Aud yet the necessity for limitations upon
the power OF Congress Is greater now than ever be-
fore, and that too in respects In which strctness
In the construction OF the federal constitution can
avail US
PRIVATE LEGISLATION.
With the growth OF wealth and population there
have grown IN the larger states and IN Congress
certain abuses which the fathers could not foresee
and therefore did not provide against In their day
the gifts and the grants the charters subsidies ana
had to give, were Insignificant When IN time these
became important there came also corrupt pressure
TO them Ssereat has this evil become that in
the larger been found cut OF
by further constitutional limitation such powers
o. legislation the sv'l has ci no. been oa 50
system. special charters for banks, rail-
ways, ferries aud other monopolies fall manly
within the power state. and OF federal, cgsa-
ton. hut sNniy kindred powers yet exercised
by Congress- ana fs especially true OF that class Of
its legislation whicE |. represented by private biliG
The fathers ma Il 10 provision in respect OF private
legislation. because their time none was neened.
They adopted the then COMMON notion that the sover
eign do wrong aud should not. therefore, be
sued. and left Congress to determine upon the rights
and claims which individuals had upon It's justice or
liberalty. In the early days, with few members and
little business, intelligent consideration OF such
claims by Congress was not impossible But as popu-
laton wealth and Industries have increased these
claims have risen u magnitude and have become Of
nature which makes such consideration impossible.
We have established already court for portion Of
those claims but none the less We retain for the rcst
u determination by Congress IL results that two
days in every week-onc-thIrd OF the entire. time
oil the House Of Representatives,, by It's ruIos,
given the consideration OF private business; that H.
TO bills Tor payment gifts. or bountes, reef or
some form OF privilege, to private persons These
claims first referred TO a committee oil ten or SO,
who refer them to some member, who
hears the statements or parte evidence offered by
the app ican and reports the bill back tho commit
tee who II they approve It. report IL to the House. by
whom. afcr brief discussion IL passed rejected
All this Is usually done ex pnrte without any opposing
interest being heard, without any general publicity,
without any oral examination Of witnesses, without
any check against fraud and without any prescribed
regulations.
That sucn determination claims should necessarily
result in great abuses Is unavoidable II is hardly too
gress might almost well abandon II pursue III and
that with unjust claim it only plausible, perss
tent needy need be without some hope Of success
Now IN nearly all civilized countries this miserable
system been abandoned, and tribunals have been
established to hear In the open day, examine aud
upon, the CLAIMS made upon the Government Tine
United States although all governments least fitted
by the number OF Its Legislators for properly determn
ing such claims still retains the system OF deermin-
ing them by its courts but by It's Legislature All
experience aud observation show that nothing
be unjust 10 the government aud to the citizen.
Beyond this sucn claims furnish the chief source or
corruption in Congress Public measures must be
manly determined with reference to public ends ate
therefore rarely furnish either nducement Or oppor
tunity for corruption. But with private measures the
is true, and II members OF the Congress are
corrupted purposely mised advantage taken
OF their names deiraud and pluuder claimants,
perience has shown that II invariably in connections
with these kindred measures OF private legislation
court Of some sort should be established TO which
every pr vate claim now dependent upon the special
action Of Congress should be referred and no dollar
should be paid on such claims without the
tanned. Millions would thus be saved the
governments justice 10 maintain which the first end
OF time in every would be gained for the
public business and Congress would be relieved from
the most dangerous OF all the influences that surround
II for evil. This simpe change should be made, and
this change the democratic party should propose Il
would be in strict accord with its general prucipe OF
incubation of such change Should come from il. and
at once without longer waiting greater neces-
sity 1t will furnish NEW departure afford new
issue and present fresh question upon which to divide
men, with reference to which they take sides with
beng met by the cry Of Confederate or no shout
OIL ''Sece6slOu. Dut uuOtueT nOTe important evil
in our government is the growth OF the Executive
GROWTH OF THE ExEcurIvR PATRONAGE
So little this foreseen that the fathers made
provision for il whatever The first Congress spent
weeks discussing the power Of the President
from Office. Now, between 80 600 and co. QUO persons
hold office under the President II We reckon each
ohice-hoder controlling. through his family or
frierds in order keep himself In place, three votes
beside his own. shall then have between 800 900
and 400 900 under the direct control Of the Pres
dent-a number moro than sufficient to control both
nominations and elections and a reason which our
fathers did have for making the President in
eligible to reelection This enormous patronage aud
c0ntrofar greater than that OF the monarch of any
civilized government in the world except the Gar
Is under our system centralized aud made the spoil OF
our national election. Having thus united all these
prizes IN one common lot the country IL
divided into two great parties which struggle
for It's control How bitter this struggle first Tor
nomination within each parry, and then between tho
two parties Tor election, we this year witnessing
That tho party which, after such q struggle, wins the
control should insist upon exercising u 10 most
natural Tho declaration that Ito the vict0rs belong
the spos'' becomes necessity, II we VIII have spola
When therefore, talk OF ssCivil Service Reform"
based upon examination and fitness OF candidates,
while they leave tie tenure Of office dependent upon
the will Of Executive chosen for the very purpose OF
distributing this patronage among his party, they talk
Of an impossbihty. Although 10 make the President
eligible but for single term would do something
toward correcting this growing and most dangerous
evil shall thoroughly correct It only when we
change the system; wnen distribute 10 localities
the selection OF those The localities;
when make the tenure OF subordinate employees In
There are AZ, 600 postmasters Why should not they
be chosen way by the localitIes in which they
server have long thought that II the power
served to the Postmaster General TO suspend ut pleas
ure, but remove Tor cause only, postmasters-at
least the rural dstrctsmght we'll be chosen by pop
ular But II not chosen by the people OF their
spectve districts they might be appointed by the state
county or township or municipal authortlcs II
would be for Congress- when proposes 10 The States
the amendment OF the constitution necessary for that
purpose, 10 determine upon tho particular way 10
which these local Offices should DO selected by their
localities But 1t would be Tor the Convention de-
clare generally for tins decentralization Of federal
power and patronage and TO face the democratic party
toward the only possible course by which real reform
In this respect be secured.
On the other hand, regards all subordinate clerk
ships and other minor government employees why
should not the occupants hold their positions during
good bchaviory As human nature Is now constituted,
IL would be too much TO expect that party when
had passed through great struggle for the control of
these places anu won tuat control should divide them
with their adversares aud hence all propositions at
tended with that result have failed. As would indeed
any President who attempted 70 carry such course
into effect Bpt II 10 too much to hope that the
people might agree that for the future such places
Should not be lett open 10 be 80 contended for. And
cln alat nd