New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1876-06-16

life of tho party. Under these ciroum-
| stances, with the Confederate Demo
cratic alliance contaminated, and the
now coalition between the Catholic brother
hood, New England Radicalism and the No.
gro power forming, there is nothing left for
the Protestant Republican party in Amer
ica to do but to fight or give up the contest.
And if the Protestant Republican party de-
termines to fight it can only rally all Of it's
forces, south % we'll a. North, under the
Republican banner, and it can only make .
successful rally even under the Republican
banner through cordial recognition of the
human, political, social and civil rights of the
negro; and when say social" do not mean
social equality or c0mminRling of races, be-
cause the social life and the race life are
things beyond the reach or power of legis.
lation, and are determined by laws which
all the authority of the most despetlc form
of government can not seriously modify.
The Negroes right to be free, free to work,
free to own land, free to educate his chill
dren, free to exercise the rights of American
citizenship, free to put his children for
ward according to their worth, free to
worship the common Father of all-these
are the social" rights which South
ern Professionals, as we'll as Northern
Republicans must recognize as belonging
to the colored man and citizen or the over
throw of Professionalism in the United States
and the final defeat of the Republican
g. ca nj,
lem in mathematics. 1t will be impossible
for auy force outside of American Protest
antism allied to American Republicsnism
to resist the power of the coalition between
the Catholic brotherhood, New Engl land
Radicalism and the negro power if this
coalition is once formed. Rome, under this
coalition, will be 30 related to the Confed-
crate side of the question as to use this
side against the Union, whild build
ing up Catholic influence with the
negro power. On the other hand,
the negro will be go isolated from all civil
aspiration, if the North absndons him, that
he will of himself gravitate toward any
power which opens up for him new hope
and new chance in lite, be that power
what it may. New England radicalism,
which places the cause of humanity above
the claims Of any form of political allegiance
whatever, will wish the negro God-speed
Rome-ward, if such an underground rail
road escape will land the fugitive finally
where human sympathy will give him the
right to live.
What, then, should the Republican party
at Cincinnati do in this crisie of the nation!
Plainly, it should throw itself boldly into
the fight as Protestant party; as the party
of civil equality of all men; as the party Of
American nationality; as the promoter of
reconciliation between the two great races
now inhabiting the late slave States of the
Union, and as the reconciler of the long
estranged sections of our common country.
It is comparatively easy for the party at
Cincinnati to present presidential ticket
to the American people which will COM
mand success in the conflict upon which we
are entering.
can not refrain urging upon Southern
Republican delegates to the Cincinnati
Convention the imperative duty of letting
the North make the selection of presiden-
tial candidates. The North is to be the
battlefield in the approaching conflict. We
may not carry single Southern State. The
fight is to be at the North. New England,
New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania
are as good as won for the Republicans.
It only remains to hold the East, and the
West can be made soldidly Republican
upon good presidential ticket and upon
those issues which underlie social life
among the Western people.
Monarchy or republicanism, Protestant
ism or Romanism, free citizenship or
priestcraft, education or ignorance, caste
or brotherhood, political injustice or civil
equality. one country, one flag, one faith,
one destiny, or sectionalism. anarchy and
renewed civil strife! On which side will
the great West be found in these the living
| issues of the day? b.