New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1876-05-18

VOLUME Anu. s
Especial Correspondence Of the Republican,
NORTHERN POLITICS.
TIVE Puritass, and what They Stand FOR.
NEW YORK. May II. 1876.
The fact that New England will 60 sol
idly for the Republican nominees of the
Cincinnati convention, that the ideas for
which New Englands stands (American
nationality and civil freedom) will sweep
the States of New York, New Jersey and
Pennsylvania for the Same candidates, and
that this army Of political progress will
cross the Ohio river and find the State Of
Ohio ready equipped to join the mighty
phalanx, impHrts an exceptional in'
terest to the approaching Preside1
tial contest. It changes the o@
battle from that of . conflict of St9ses
to one Of sections. The Confederate South
of to-day, like the slave South of the past,
sees in New England the one and only an.
tagonist with which she has to deal. The
battle now, as in the past, is . battle Of
''ideae,' and New England stands nov, as
she has always stood, for one side in this
conflict of ''ideae," and the Confederate
South still stands, - she has always stood,
tor the other. This conflict is % irrepressi-
bic in the centennial of American inde-
pendence ss it was in 1850. when the fugi-
tive slave act was made law by the Ameri-
can Congress, approved by the American
President, and executed in the streets Of
Boston by the American army. The fact
that this fugitive now helps by his vote to
make the American Congress and Presi-
dent does not alter the issue. Nor 10 the
conflict over because tho negro's voice has
been heard in this same Congress in .
crushing reply to the sophistries of the once
Vice President of the Southern Confeder.
acy, who proclaimed in 1861 that the world
had lived to see new republic reared,
the corner stone of which was negro slavery,
quoting, in vindicstion of the new slave
empire, the inspired word Of God, ''that
star differeth from star in glory" but
forgetting that nowhere in that word
is man made separate" in his relation se
the divine love, or separate" in his reis.
ton to his brother man. This once '.fugi-
tive" now sends his sons to West Point and
ate opposes this. This once fugitive
is also the firm ally of the Republican
party, and the sure corner stone of
Southern Republican reconstruction, -
be 10 of the. Union, but many Repub-
licans fail to see this. Should any one
wonder. therefore, that to the Confederate
mind. it is clear that this negro power
must be overthrown7 That 1t must be de-
prived of the right of representation in
Congress! That it must in every case be
detached from the Republican party, but
that it must, under new fugitive slave act
procedure, be practically remsnded to the
political custody of those who demanded
the fugitive slave legislation of 1850, and thrs
made to add to the power of the Confeder-
ate partys No one should wonder at these
things. The wonder is that intelligent Re-
publicans are go often blind to them.
Should any one wonder that the Confeder
ate South, in this renewed conflict Of ideas,
should seek Q sectional alliance with the
West in order to check the further ad-
vance of New England infuence9 These
are the considerations which impart excep-
tional interest to the claims of New England
on the members of the Cincinnati convention
and which has already given Mr.. Blaine, as
presidential candidate, such q hold on the
affections of the Northern masses. For the
same reason the name of Charles Francis
Adams begins to pass from lip to lip as the
proper standard beare- in this conflict of
deae, which is to determine, in the ap-
preaching presidential battle. whether after
all free Republican Massachusetts or slave
monarchical South Carolina was right when
Webster and Calhoun contended for su-
premacy on the floor of the American SEN
ate.
Let no one suppose that the social con-
ditions which intervene between Mr.. Blaine
and Mr.. Adams, do n any way separate
them in political sympathy or purpose.
These men are not political stars differing
from each other in glory, of which Mr.
Adams is the greater. They are both
Puritan one in the rough, the other cul-
tured. Blaine, still lover to 20 cut before
sunrise on the beach. on q raw New En-
gland winter morning, and dig clans for
breakfast, while Charles Francis sips his
hot coffee before the open fire in his library.
Or, 80 far as that is concerned, the descend
ant of sturdy old revolutionary John
Adams is just tough enough and man
enough to show the "clam family" that
with good blood as with old wine, the
longer it is kept the better it is, and Blaine
no doubt knows how to wea- his morning
slippers with grace, and enjoy his early cup
of coffee also, as he takes part in the great
game of government at Washington.
The character delineation here given is
neither "air drawn" nor useless. The re-
cent meeting of the Republican convention
in Boston justifes both. The sketch is from
life" and it is drawn for q Q purpose. 1t
shows that New England represents culture
as we'll as force. The things for which New
England stands are, therefore, the things
which underlie the whole framework OF
civil liberty in the Northern States, includ-
ing ali that is most refined and conservative
in society, as we'll as ell that is vital to the
os,;rat;nr, ocd honaa Of humanity The