The Carbon advocate. [volume] (Lehighton, Pa.) 1872-1924, 1876-01-08

| cessty for the continuance of so many schools of
| this kind, and that under the present system,
with the number OF pupils Decreasing each year
| aud the receipts for their maintenance and in
| structlon correspondingly diminishing, the pro-
| prietors OF these schools cannot conduct them
| without loss or necessarily reducing the food ,
| clothing or tuition of the children. These pro-
| prietors are paid stipulated sum for the care,
| tuition, clothing and food of each child. The
sum paid is upon n basis that gives to each
| school, we will suppose, two hundred children
| IL Is manifest, when this number Is reduced to
| one hundred, and all arrangements have been
| made for the care and instruction of two hun
dred either the proprletors or the children must
| suffer; and TO rescue both from any such mis-
| fortune, recommend that the superintendent
| of public instruction be directed TO select the
| best schools at the most advantageous points, to
| which shall be transferred all the children for
whom provision is now made, aud that this pro-
cess continue until the last orphan child Is edu-
| Gated. Under this system, there will be no
| temptation to maintain these schools perhaps to
the detriment of tho children, and the state will
be assured that its bounty Is properly and fully
| bestowed.
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
| There is no political problem that, at the
| present time, occasions so much Just alarm, and
| is obtaining more serious and anxious thought
| than the government of cities, whose administra-
| tiCn in many sections of the country Is fraught
with perils, not only to the material prosperity of
| our people but to the welfare and permanence
| of the republic Is it not therefore incumbent
| upon those who are charged with the conduct of
public affairs, as well rs those who are concerned
for the good and honor the country to carefully
and diligently inquire into the causes of these
mischiefs that attend upon the rule Of our cities,
and see ii they spring from or are the actual de
| veopment of any inherent defect in the exist
ing systems of government, or are the outcome
of u merely transient tendency to extravaganza,
| that by its abuse will work its own effect
cure. glance mt the enormous debts and stt-
pendous schemes for public improvements I'M
| dertaken and in progress, or in contemplation
| by the numerous cities of the country, Is suff
ccnt inducement to this investigation, and will
.NaI .ltr
| radical remedy must be found TO arrest these
| extravagant expenditures, or the credit of our
| cities will be destroyed, and reputation, TO
which resort some have already been driven,
will be the only recourse from ruin. 1t will not
do to mock mt the voice of warning and entrench
| ourselves in the belief that the natural growth
of our cities and the consequent accum ulatiOn
of wealth and appreciation of property therein,
will liquidate all the bonds this generation can
impose upon the next for experience and history
alike teach that extravaganza grows with indul-
gence, and the only safe, wise and honest course
for individuals and communities to pursue is to
live within their means and pay as they go.
The exercise of local jurisdiction by towns
and cities had its origin in the remotest antiquity
The vestiges of this power can be traced in the
exhumed remains OF the ancient cities of Pho
necia and Egypt. In the municipalities of
Greece political rights were clearly detned and
authority but that Of It's own creation. Under
the rule of Rome we discover our ideal of the
modern municipality, as described by q distln-
citizens are members of the whole nation, all
posse ssing the same rights and subject to the
same burdens, but retaining their administration
of law and government in all local matters which
concern not the nation at large" OF like char
acter were the immunities and rights wrcsted
from Feudaism by the cities of the middle ages.
These cities of the past were the cOnservatories
of science and art, The abodcs of industry and
the nurseries OF political, moral and religious
freedom, and to them we are indebted for the
principles of constitutional liberty and a
kuOwlpuOp Oi the nTlCtiCal methods of IL
ment so useful in the administration of our mu-
ncipal affairs.
The cities of England obtained the right Of
local self government about the beginning of the
thirteenth century, and their growth in popula-
tiOn and wealth kept paCe with their indepcnd-
ence and freedom from the eXaction9 of the
crown. Their political Importance likewise in
creased as their political power was augmented,
and we find them graciOusly favored by kings
and parliaments in the latter having a repre-
sentative OF their own election. With enlarged
privileges and greater prosperity, however,
there grew up intolerable abuses, and measures
had to be taken to restore them TO their original
design as institutions for local government TO be |
controlled by those interested, and not by ia
vored few whose only concern in their manage
ment was TO accumulate fortune. 1t was mani
fest that these corporations had outlived their
usefulness, and became a positive evil. All
their powers were exceeded; they aTrogated to
themselves others never conferred their coun-
ellis were self elected and chosen for lie, and
their legislation had no sympathy with and never
reflected the wishes of the citizens whose rights
and property 1t was to affect. Dlal-administra-
ton was the rule rather than tho exception in
their management; property was wasted; money
thoughtlessly and eXtravaganty expended ; the
officers were the creatu es of their irresponsible
councils and looked 10 them and not the people
for continuance of favor, and every form of cor
ruption, peculation and fraud were the product
of q system which was originally inspited by a
love of freedom, desire for equal and extct
justice, and a conviction that this local or home
rule would best conserve the rights and property
of citizens. So tlagrant had abuses be-
come in the administration of these cities
that in 1885 the English governmental
appointed commission of inquiry TO investigate
the condition Of her municipal corporations, and
upon the report of this commission, which was a
painful recital OF mal-admnstration, extrava-
gance, misapplication of revenues, corruption
and favoritism, a law was enacted, un-
der the provisions of which these corpor-
atons were made to conform to- cerl ain
uniform regulations, and their powers re-
stricted to the legitimate and useful purposes
for which they were created. Our cities, coun-
ties and towns are similar to the subdivisions
that for centuRes have existed in England, and
form system which, in the language of learn
cd American jurist, "seem n part of the very
nature of the race to which we belong;" and upon
this very point an eminent foreign writer, hav-
ing in view our republic, significantly says: "Lo-
cal assemblies of citizens constitute the strength
of free nations. Municipal institutions are to
liberty what primary schools are to science;
they bring it within peoples reach; they teach
men how to use and enjoy it; nation may es-
tablish system of free government, but With
out the spirit of municipal institutions it cannot
have the spirit of liberty" 1t Is the genius of
our institutions to bring the agencies of govern
ment as near as possible to the governed, and
municipal corporations are the instrumentalities
by which this intention is most effectually sub
served. Our cities, counties, towns, road and
school districts exercise powers of local control,
and 1t is favorite theory of our political sys-
tenn that those who are Immediately and direct
ly interested will be more likely to administer
their affairs with intelligence and economy than
a central government at distance, and upon
this theory the states have been dlvested of al
upon which latter have been conferred most of
the agencies by which the government is brought
into direct contact with the Deople, In the dis