The morning star and Catholic messenger. [volume] (New Orleans [La.]) 1868-1881, 1876-07-23
MoERornIng Star and Catholic Messenger.
wA AVA "
IRISH HOME RuLE MonEMENE
By A. NJ. SULLIVAN, EDITOR OF THE DUBLIN
NATION AND n. p FOR COUNTY LoUTH.
catholic World, for July.)

teal movement or organization in IrelsD
which emhazOpa on its banner the devic
"Home Rule'f Beyond all question it ha
attained to national dimensions. 1t ha
concentrated upon itself more of the at
teption and interest, hopes and sy mpathies
of the Irish people than any political en-
deavor on the came field Of action for man!
years. More than this, it seems to hav'
succeeded in exacting a tribute to it's power
and authority which no previous movement
received from the adverse ministers, pub
liciets,. and people of England. These
while they combat it, deal with it as Ire
land" 1t makes propositions, exacts terms
directs assaults, assents to arrangements.on
behalf of and in the name of the Irish peo-
pie; and, as We have indicated, the singu-
lar part of the case is that not only is it's
action ratified and applsuded by them, but
its authority 60 to act in their name is virtu-
ally recognized by the Government. In the
House of Commons it takes charge of Irish
affairs; has almost an Irish (volunteer)
ministry, certainly an organized party not
inferior, if not superior, in discipline to that
hear of its "whips," its councils, its spec
ial division-lists, its assignment of particu
lar duties, motions, or bills to particular
individuals; and, lastly, we hear of it
boldly challenging the Disraelian hosts,
fighting them in debate throughout set
field day, and, despite the actual govern
ment majority of forty eight and working
majority of seventy, running the minister
ialists to within barely thirteen votes. =
In all this there is much that is new in
the history of Irish politics and it were
impossible that it should not intensely in
terest, if not affect the Catholic millions of
America, bound, as most of them are, to Ire.
land by the sacred ties of faith and kindred
and nationality.
What, then, is Home Ruleq Is it Fee
nianlsm, yelled or unveiledf Ia it Re-
pealf Isit lees than repeal, or more than
repeal ls it a surrender or a compromise
of the Irish national demand or is it as it's
advocates claim, the substance Of that de-
mand shaped and adjusted according to the
circumstances, requirements and necessiti-
ties of the present timer
With the fall of the Young Ireland party,
and the disastrous collapse of their medi-
tated rather than attempted instruction in
lS4S, there seemed to foes and friends an
end OF national movements in Ireland for
the balance of the century. 1t is almost
law of defeats that the vapquished are |
separated into two or three we'll defined |
parties or sections those whom the blow |
has intensified and more embittered in |
their opposition; those whom it wholly |
overawes, who thereafter consider they |
have done enough for honor, and retire en- |
tirely from the field and, lastly, those who |
recognize, if they do not accept, the defeat; |
who admit the impossibility of further op
eratioDs on position 80 advanced, fall back |
upon some line which they imagine they |
A@SANe
battle with whatever of strength and re-
sources survive to them. This is lust what |
resulted in Ireland in 1s4S-49. The Young |
Ireland movement of I84S was never ma |
tonal in dimensions or acceptance. O'Con-
nells movement ,Ua8Sfrom 1912 to 1874; but |
from that date forward, though there were
two or three rival movements or parties,
having for their leaders respectively O'Con- |
nell, Smith O'Brien, and John Mitchell, no |
one of them had the nation at it's back. The |
oil aSx-o la
the youth, talent, enth usiaRm, and to large |
extent, though not entirely, the resolute |
ea1Destness at honesty of the old Repeal |
party. 1t is very common but a very great |
fallacy that they broke away on 80 war |
policy" from the grand old man whose
fading intellect was but too sadly indi |
Gated in the absurd conduct that drove |
the young men from his side. They had no |
IVA" policy or design any more than he |
had lin the sense of q war attack on Eng
aandl, until they caught up one in the blaze |
and whirl of revolutionary intoxication |
scattered through Europe by the startling |
events of February, 1s45, in Paris. They |
seeded from OCOpnell on this point, be- |
Ga1se they would not subscribe to the cele- |
bEated test resolutions (caled Peace Re- |
solutions" declaring that under no cir |
Cnmstances was it or would it be lawful to
take up arms for the recovery of national
rights. SpurniDg such q declaration, but
sOlemHly declaring they contemplated
no application OF its converse assertion in
their political designs for Ireland, the sece-
ders set up the "Irish Confederation"
But the magic of O'Connells name, and in
deed the force of loving gratitude; held
the masses of the people and the bulk of
the clergy in the old organization. The
COnfederAtes we're in many places decid-
edly unpopular,"t especially when, the
Uncrowned Monarch having died mourn
fplly in exile, his following in Cancellation
Hall raised the cry that the Young Ireland
ers "killed O'Connell." Soon afterwards the
Seceders were themselves rent by a seces
siOD. The holder spirits, led by John
Mitchell aud Devin Reilly, demanded that
any idea of an armed struggle against Euge
land, should avowediy prepare the people
for such resort. The new secession was
RB weak in numbers, relatively towards the
Confederation, as the original seceders we're
towards the Repeal Association. The three
parties made bitter war upon one another.
A really national movement there was no