The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1876-07-12


vices in the office to which they elected
him during the full term, induced him to
continue IN his place as executive OF the
state. In general terms Z may be said of
bis administration, that IL has been able,
conscientious, high-miDded. He has
aimed fairly to do bis duty, and his
official conduct can not be criticised.
His course on the liquor question has been
most frequently asssiled, and the matter
may be worthy of few words of explsna
ton, as it is said that his action has alien
sted the German vote. 1t is well o receive
with caution all the stories that are told
about the German vote, East or West.
Briefly, the Iscts are these: The Republic
can Legislature chosen in the fall OF 1877
passed the following winter what was
called the Baxter Till, alter the author OF
it, an English Quaker and earnest temper
sDce sgitator, now SCI tied IN Indiana. The
principle of the law Is what is known
elsewhere as
LOCAL OPTION,
and the effect of it seems to be to give
drinking communities an opportunity to
get all the liquor they want, and to pre-.
vent temperance communities from get
ting anything to drink. This bill Gov.
Hendricks signed. He did so professsdly
| In obedience to the will of the majority of
the Legislature aud the will of the people.
as his veto could be overridden by a
simple majority vote. His own con-
| victions were in favor OF rigid license
| system, and in the state convention OF
1874. at which he presided, he set forward
| the Democratic doctrine on that subject in
| a clear argument. Public opinion had so
far veered around in the meanwhile, that
the Legislature chosen that year repealed
/ the Baxter bill during the following win
| ter, the Senate, which was Republican, vot
| ing with the Democratic House. Thus Mr..
Hendricks course on the liquor question
| may be summed mp by saying that he con-
Cured in popular temperance legislation,
| which he could not prevent, and alter
| fair test urged the substitution of a better
| system for the Baxter law. The whole
legislative session of 1875 was a struggle
bet ween the Houee aud the Ssnato tor
| partisan advantage, and the decisive stroke
by which the governor, who hso
watched the contest impsrtially, IN
| terposed in behalf of the public
| good and put an end to the sLrie,
vas admirable. Tne session was limited
by law ard the Republican Senate, adCp-
ing the tacJics which the Senate at Was -
ington is now pursuing, refused concur
renee In the measures urged by the House,
and, although conference committees had
agreed upon all vital questions, DELAYED
action uu,il after midnight on the last day +,
hoping in this way to block the business
OF the state or force the Democrats into q
long and expensive extra session, which
| would condemn the party in granger
community. The session closed on Satnr-
day night, and the governor issued his
proclamation on Monday reassem bling the
Legislature on Tuesday, without giving the
| members chance to scatter, aud politely
suggesting that, although they had right
to say forty days, would be much health
Ter for them to do their work and go home
before the close OF the week. They
GATHERED TCGETHER LIKE LITTLE LANES.
The whole scheme of making party capt-
tai, one way or other, was abandoned
They took up their work where they had
laid it down, finished it, and we're gone by
Saturday, much to the qualification of al
good citizens. Though the compromise C.
the st. Louis nominations aud platform
has measurably sunk any specific
issue on the currency question, IL
a campi ign set to the kew
of general reform, the facts in regard
to the position of Governor Hendricks or
the great currency agitation OF the lsst
ginning of the clamor for more money, in
, the fall of 1873, he was not in any way
called upon to express bis opinions or
financial questions, and although his con-
victioDs on those topics were based
on sound old Democratic principles
it was his nature to sympathize
, win the distress which be saw
, about him in every direction rather thar
, set out to preach to the people the narrow
and diff cult path to salvation through
self-ieuial and suffsring. The strength o.
, the popular conviction that relief was pos
, sible through f1atlon could hardly be
over-estimated. Snme believed firmly thai
unlimited quantities of paper money, is.
, sued on toe faith OF the government, was
the true American theory of finance. 9th
, ers knew that such an issue charlottesville
pap r would only afford tenn orary relief
| Co pe followed by greater disaster, but they
hoped tn be safe before the next orm, II
they should weather that which was on
them. All sovoc ted the inf alton OF the
currency with ierceuess which brooked
no resistance, and old-fsshioned leaders,
who might have thrown themselves across
} the course of popular opinion had they
} imagined what way 1t was tending, found
, the tide grow too strong and furious &c
withstand, and most of them went with
It. Whoever was recognized as hard
, money man was considered in some s0ri
as a traitor to the West and q public en-
emv. The feeling on this subject has been
) modified to great extent during the past
} year, and the objective point of the paper
money men has changed. The purpose
/, now avowed is not an increase of the cur
rency so much "a the maintenance OF the
present standard and the substitution o.
eREENBACKs FOR NATIONAL BANK NOTES
The movement has ceased to be wholly
aggressive. Under the circumstances, The
: course of Gov. Hendricks, when it became
mis- duty to take an active part in the dis
, | cussion OF theissuas of the day in the can
vsss OF 1874. was wise and manly. He pre-
sided over the Democrs convention hello
IN July at Indiana polls, and in his address
on taking Ine chair argued that gold anC
silver were the true basis of our cur