The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1875-02-03
Grants Rssignssion-xts Value - .
Precedent.


When General Grant came into public life
a. q politician and candidate for Office he
made the remarkable declaration that under
no circumstances would he have . policy
against the will of the people. This was un.
derstood a. protest against the irritating
features Of the administration of President
johnson. Mr.. johnson was in antagonism
not so much to the will of the people as to
the policy Of tho dominant party. We ques-
ton now whether, if at any time during his
term OF Office, there could have been an
honest, accurate expression of popular will,
free from the interference of federal and State
patronage, party discipline, the military gov
ernments in the South and the corruption Of
tho suffrage, as in Georgia and Pennsylvania,
there would not have been majority in
favor of the much abused policy Of states
man who now, in . spirit of political
justice, comes once again into public life, at
time when his successor and antagonist is
departing from it. When General Grant
meant that he would have no policy at
variance with the viii of the people his prob
able idea was that he would always be in
accord with republican sentiment. But this
was not bis generally understood meaning at
the time his declaration rested upon higher
grounds. If we could only bring him to
accept and respect il now it would be .
browning act of his fame and q supreme
benefit to the country.
General Grants administration is unfor-
tunate because Of many Of it's precedenta Let
him do away with the evil resulting from
them and give us a new precedent by resigna-
ton. We especially refer to his executive
misconception of the Presidential Office when
he entered upon its duties. The powers of
the Presidency ore prescribed by statute, and
are largely colored by tradition and custom.
It is unique Office, unlike any other
in the world, with many attributes that are
kingly and many responsibilities that could
not exist in q royal system. Thus, custom has
made it almost as absolute as law that there
shall be cabinet, o representative, RESPONSE
BILE body, composed of wise men, leaders Of
political movements, of ripe experience and
purpose and skilled in representative govern
ment There is no constitutional enactment
giving the Cabinet a position like that assigned
tho President and Vice President; but it has
an existence, and is as much part of the gov
eminent as any of the great departments
recognized by the constitution.
No President has admitted his obligation to
remove q Cabinet officer at the dictation
of party or of Congress. Presidents
have protected their secretaries against
such opposition. But whenever it has
been seen that the party support
ing the administration has been really bent
upon change in the Cabinet the President
always found way of yielding Lincoln
found it when he sent his Secretary of War to
Russia Buchanan found it when he sum-
moned Stanton and Dix into his councils |;
Jackson found it when he threw out the secre-
taries whom he believed to be under tho infu-
ence of Calhoun, and named men more
congenial and acquiescent. So that the tradi-
ton OF the Cabinet responsibility to the party
and to tho country has become principle az
fixed as if it were in our constitution.
President Grant is the first Executive who
has scorned this precedent. From that begin
ming we have had all our misfortunes. His
administration, with it's violation Of vested
rights, its ignoring the will of tho people, its
wounding of the national pride, its apathy,
callousness, and obstinate indifference
to tho higher purposes of govern
ment it, nepotism and corruption,
springs As naturally from the Presidents
course in founding his Cabinet as the oak tree
springs from tho acorn. The President hon
estly believed that his acceptance of the Presi-
Dental Office was like transfer from one COM
mand to another, that the Cabinet was his
staff, that the republican party composed his
battalions, and that his will was to be AZ alb
solute as when it erected the batteries at
vicksburg or planned the fianking movements
in the Wilderness. Consequently the admin
istration has been drifting further and further
from the haven of true republicanism into
the fatal and alluring seas of anarchy and
Cmsarism.
The country has put it's seal of condemna-
ton upon the administration The question
therefore arises whether the President cannot
be induced to accept this verdict in per-
sonal sense. When he delivered his second
inaugural address he took pains to felicitate
the country and himself upon the fact
that the extraordinary vote which reelected
him was personal vindication against
calumny. If he was sincere in this
construction of the electoral votes of 1872
let him apply the principle to the votes of
1874 If he accepted the Presidential Office
the second time because it represented the
condemnation of personal ISLANDERS, let him
resign the same Office, now that the country
has declared him, with all his accumulated
mistakes, unworthy of future confidence
There is every logical reason why he should
resign. We do not see how he could decline
it without belying the noblest words and best
deeds of his whole career. Its value as prece-
dent cannot ha oyerestiInated Many wise