Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1875-03-04

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Natural Tendency Of Re.
publics,
BY r. NJ. HIBBETT.
(Goo,o7,,1Jo,T
Concluded.

conclusion of this subject may
be stated in brief, which Isl
That both suffrage and represen-
tation should be qualified in a
well regulated Repub!ic-con-
sidering the present tendency
of human nature. In this lies
the handspring Of its existence
without it no Republic can
last any length of time, and
even with it, unless appropri-
ately adjusted to the rest of the
machinery, they are destined to
drag out weary existence
The mere statement Of this az
gument should enforce convic-
ton; and yet in diametrical op-
position to common sense, and
in the very face of the most il
lustrous examples, our glorious
constitution has seen fit to affix
neither a property nor educa-
tional limitation to this most
important article.
"Who are to be the electors
of the Federal representa-
tives?" asks Hamilton, "not the
rich more than the poor, nor
the learned more than the igno-
rant. Not the naughty heirs
of distinguished names more
than the SONS Of obscure and
unpropitious fortune. Who are
to be the objects of popular
choice? Every citizen whose
merits may recommend him to
the esteem and confidence of
his country. No qualifications
of wealth. of birth, of religious
faith, Or of civil profession is
permitted to fetter the judg-
ment, or disappoint the inclina-
ton of the people"
Did he forget the distinguish
ing feature in the constitution
Of the great Athenian law-giver,
ordidl eignore its important and
beneficial consequences? Did
he overlook the centuries of Ser
vius Tullius and the tribes Of the
tribunes, or did he consider
them as the excrescenceS of a
distorted government? Lastly,
could he have been ignorant Of
the various qualifications, of
both the elected and electors 10
the House Of Commons in Eng
land, or did he imagine this part
Of their constitution as -unWor-
thy a free people?
'FThe true reason" says
Blackstone, "of requiring any
qualification, is to exclude such
Fersons as are in so mean sit
uation that they are esteemed to
have no will of their own. If
these persons had votes they
would be tempted to dispose of /
them under some undue infiu-
.ence or other. This would give
a great or a wealthy man a lar
ger share IN elections than is
consistent with general liberty"
We ask, have we not in this
orr land, in this our time, by
the absence of any snch quail
fications, experienced the pre-
.dictions of the legal sage?
This omission Of qualifca-
ton we consider as the radical
defect in our constitution. If a |
qualified suffrage and represent
tation adapted to the genius of |
the people, and the true spirit
of a free constitution, could be |
Instituted and'maintained with |
out deterioration in a Republic |
of any sort, we believe that the |
government so blessed would |
succeed. 1t will be immediate
ly observed that this precaution
would operate as a healthy |
check on the evils arising from
local prejudices. When men
become SO enlightened as TO act
with single eye to the welfare
of the whole, irrespective of
party prejudices and sectional
interest, then only ought these
restraints upon universal suf-
frage and representation be re-
moved. In fact, never will Re
publics succeed, even with this
provision, until individuals be-
come so edited as to preserve
it, when salutary, in its pristine
yigor. As this has never yet
been, and in all probability is.
far from being the case, it fol-
lows, q fortiorii, that popular
formof government devoid of
such a precaution must suffer a
much more rapid dissolution
Note the fuctuation in the
popular elenlent! =
Whence have proceeded in a
great measure. the civil distur-
Dances in England but from the