The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1875-08-01

OF o romantic and extraordinary career
Only yesterday, and he was preparing to enter
upon the canvass in Ohio, to take his part in
the democratic movement to retain control OF
that State. He had just returned to public
life after a contest OF extreme bitterness, in
which he had been victorious over extraordi-
nary obstacles. This return to him was not
merely victory but vindication. 1t was
the vindication of Tennessee from the charges
upon which he had undergone trial as q crimi-
nal, lsw-dsdaining President. Even as men
go in our hurried life he was young man. He
at least might well have hoped to have served
one or perhaps two terms as Senator and to
have taken part in the canvass against Grant
and Grantism, which We can well believe to
have been the darling aim of his lie. Re
firing from the Presidency Six years ago, amid
the excavations of the party to whom he owed
the office, and the scarcely concealed contempt
| of the democrats, who did not deem him,
with all of his services as worthy of mention
in their conventions, he returned to the
Senate amid general respect and esteem He
was believed to have earned the honor. The
democrats felt that he was entitled to this
tardy vindication; the republicans rejoiced in
the opportunity of meeting foeman worthy
of their steel. In time of suspicion and
corruption Andrew Johnson was known to be
an honest man. Upon his character even
SANDER could leave no stain. He was vel
coined as a bold and manly statesman who
believed he was right, and thus believing
dared all opprobrium; as one who inherited
| the traits of Andrew jackson, and who, if he
had possessed the tact as welt as the fortitude
of his great prototype, might have made as
deep an impression upon the country. Even
as it is, he will be remembered with the Jack
sons of our history narrow, honest, brave,
unyieIding and persistent leader, who never
allowed party allegiance to become party
slavery and who was governed by no ambi-
ton but that of serving his country with sim
cerity and courage.
In the famous speech Of Mr.. Evarts, de-
Tending Mr.. johnson from the charges of i'm
peachment, he pictured him as one who wor-
| shipped the constitution with Oriental devo-
ton. To his devout mind the alteration of
the constitution was q morning and evening
duty. Once that he had clearly embarked
upon the policy Of opposition to the wishes of
the ruling party, and taught himself to be-
lieve that the support of the republican policy
Of reconstruction would be violation of the
sacred principles underlying our government,
| he, with the obstinacy characteristic of his
Scotch-Irish nature, pursued his policy to the
! end, caring for no consequences to him
| self or to his party. The result was
the stormiest political controversy ever known
in our history The President challenged the
republicans in the flush and magnitude of
their power. He had every inducement to
remain true to their discipline. There is
little doubt that if he had carried out the
policy of anger and suppression with which
he began his administration he would have
remained at the head of the party, and, with
the advantage to be gained from the patron
age of his Presidential Office, secured his re-
nomination and his continued occupation of
the Presidency. So far as political ambition
could govern the actions of President there
was no apparent motive for his strenuous and
unusual course. He could hope for nothing
from the South. A Southern man by
birth, education and feeling, o sup
porter OF Breckenridge, in company
with Davis and Hunter and the rebel
leaders, he was regarded with peculiar hatred
by them. Accordingly, therefore, any over
lures that he chose to make to the Southern
leaders would only meet with disdain. The
result proved the bitterness of the feeling
entertained by them, for after johnson had
brought himself to the verge Of impeachment
in their support he was dismissed from the
democratic convention with scarcely cour-
teous, complimentary vote.
We can only account for Mr.. Johnsons
course preceding the impeachment trial upon
the theory that his love for the constitution
had become fanaticism, and that he would
support it to the end whatever the end might
be. After the failure of impeachment his
Presidency was little more than q name He
was at the mercy of the republican party; the
democrats only affected to support him for
the sake Of patronage and party discipline.
This spectacle of an Executive and legisIa-
tive body in direct and bitter antagonism was
for the first time seen in our government, and
the effects have not yet passed away. Although
the President saved himself from impeach-
ment by the smallest possible chance the re-
| suit of the effort to remove him was violent
| wrench in all our constitutional relations
The harmonious division of power between an
Executive and legislative and judicial de-
partment was disturbed; the Presidency was
shorn of many OF its prerogatives, and at the
same time was strengthened in others not in
tended by the founders Of the constitution.
The Senate gained unusual strength, and
from being an advisory, or, to speak
more accurately, an advisory mont
tory branch OF the government, be-
came On oligarchy with executive and
legislative powers which it still retains. The
judiciary, heretofore removed from the