New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1875-09-11
THE LATTER DAY DEMOCRACY.

Democracy now processes every opinion
popular in every constituency, and seeks
to secure the government by inviting thu
hatred of one name against another, ant
by professions Of superior integrity. Elk
cluded for years from Office. they presen
a compulsory abstinence as splendid
self-denial 1t is somewhat as if one who
had expatiated an ffense by several years
of Imprisonment should demand the es
TEEN of society for honest conduct while
debarred the opportunity to have done
otherwise. 49,
This total obliteration of principle is
easily explained. 1t, perhaps, conveys
encouragement for the duration of oul
form of government. The Democratic
party has been beaten before the people
upon every issue raised by them. They
have been compelled to bow to the will Of
| the people, so that in the present blank
paper programme of Democracy We see
the supreme will of the people. Upon
this blank paper will be written by the
hand of Democracy every principle which
the people have adopted. The present
confused and contra dictory programme
of the latter day principles realizes what
was long since satiri cally said of Democ-
racy, that it had ''seven principles--fve
loaves and two small fishes"
The process, however, by which the
original principles of the Democratic
party have been cyphered away in exact
obedience to the theory of our govern
ment is somewhat thus: The attorneys
for the party have endeavored to so quail.
ify the principle as that it shall bear an
appearance of C consistency, while it will
accommodate those who wish to support
the party doctrine while they promote
some local or even personal interest by a
virtual violation of the principle.
The ingenuity Of the attorney is won
derful. Formerly, platforms were so
drawn as to combine the support of oppo-
site interests. Before the use of the tele-
graph opposite opinions were maintained
in different sections, aud by dint of effron-
terry, free-trade Democrat met high
tariff Democrat in Congress, where they
laughed in each others faces at the cred
ulity of the ignorance and passion which
had promoted them, very much as those
Roman augurs were said to have done.
We have very recent instance of this
modification of principle for the safety of
party advantage The Picayuae dis
cusses the propriety of the question of
federal intervention as presented by the
notification Of domestic violence given to
the President of the United States by
Governor Ames,. of Mississippi
In discussing the question the Picay,tne
falls into that style of grasshopper logic
which first assumes, and sometimes even
insinuates the existence of fact, and
then bases an argument upon the un-
proved predicate 1t proves the repre-
sensations of so sheriff who deserts his
post in abiect fright" ''ex parte and sin
gularly unreliable. The Governor of
Mississippi is rebuked for assuming ''the
existence OF a condition Of affairs" which
the Picayine decides does not exist. From
this it proceeds to denounce the official
act of the Governor as ''pureile and mis-
chievous, and as a capricious and servile
resort to federal protection. In further
and conclusive assertion the Ptcayane says
this ''helpless reliance upon the federal
government has "become a chronic
weakness with Southern Governors of the
Inherent ilk, and is derogatory to the
character of these States.
That clause of the federal constitution
which makes it the duty Of the United
States to guarantee every State against
domestic violence, was once regarded as
the best bulwark of State rights. It
pledged all the States to maintain order
in any one State unable to enforce its
own laws. 1t gave Pennsylvania the
arms and authority Of President Washing
ton to enforce q law in the Western coun-
ties of that State. It sent Colonel R. E.
Lee to suppress the domestic violence"
of John Brown at Harper's Ferry, within
the jurisdiction of the State of Virginia.
This constitutional obligation was espe-
cially valued by the States because it
gave the State authorities the right to
demand federal aid upon their simple
allegation that aid was necessary. 1t does
not leave to the federal government any
power to inquire into the necessity for
such aid. The federal government must
send force adequate to the purpose for
which 1t has been demanded, and this
force is auxiliary and even subordinate to
the authorities of the State. We have
only to look back few years to estimate
the value Of this guarantee. Suppose
there Being a free soil or abolition, or
even free trade President, there had
happened q disturbance among the
slaves, or an evasion of the revenue law.
If the federal government held the dis
erection to determine upon the necessity
for extending aid to the State, it might
have regarded an attempt to gain liberty
no instruction, and evasion of an uncon-
stitutional tariff no offense.
Whether Governor Kellogg or Governor
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