The daily gazette., 1875-03-04
what r Republican Paper says of its
Party Measures.
The THO Neio "RecOnstruction,,
BiL[s.

Bills.
FROM the N. .Times OF Tuesday, (Rep.)
The Civil Rights bill has been
signed by the President. The "Force
bill, after passing the House by a
vote Of 135 to Ia, is now before The
Senate. We reprint it to-day. and it
ought. not to need much persuasion
from us to induce our readers to
study it. Under the first of these
two bills, if any keeper of a resta,l-
rant or inn in this city or any other
CITY refuses to take colored men into
ms house, he must pay the colored
man $500, or he may be fined $500
and imprisoned for one year. If A
wishes to injure b, both being enga-
ged in this business, he has only to
qitietly employ five or six negroes to
so TO BIS house and demand a din
ner, bedrooms, or some other accom-
mediation. If B complies, he proba-
biy losses his white customers. Six
or elght negroes seated every even
ing III MIR. Delmonico's rooms would
not tcnd to attract general custom,
although curiosity might at first draw
crowd outside to stare through the
windows. That kind of business.
however, does not pay the restaurant
keeper But suppose B refuses to ac-
commodate the persons in question /?
In that case, a proceeds to inform
against him, and b is liable to the
penalties above stated. Now, few
restaurant-kcepers could afford TO be
nned 500 day, perhaps multiplied
SIX or eight time over, or to run the
risk OF being sent to prison for from
thirty days to twelve months for each
offence committed. Yet that is what
Congress and the President have Just
made the law--place the Supreme
Court.
The part of the bill--section e.
which prescribes a new jury law for
all the States-that is what it amounts
to-has clearly been shown to be un-
constitutional by Senator Carpenter.
The bill can never stand the review
of the Supreme Court, and the first
case which occurs under it, will. of
course, be taken to that court. and
the wisdom of Congress will be sub
ljected to revision, without which.
in these days, it is difficult to imag.
Inc what sort of republic this
might eventually be turned to. The
t'1'PhSh1S OOoic, III SuCn luSLduCeS dS
this, is the last hope of all who still
attach any value to that somewhat
despised instrument, the Constitution
OF the United States,
aThe Force bill" is measure which
seems to be equally desired by the ad-
mlnistration at Washington. All the
circumstances of its origin, and the
kind OF pressure which has been
brought to bear upon Republicans to
induce them to support it, prove that
the President and his immediate ad-
visers are urging it forward in pursu-
ance OF settled policy. 1t is not to
be doubted that they have convinced
themselves that this policy--whatever
it may be-is demanded by the inter-
ests Of the country. We regret to be
compelled to come to the conclusion
that they are pursuing fatal course
fatal not only to the Republican party,
but to the very Government itself and
} to all the principle on which it is Lased
unless it can be turned aside or arres-
ted. There is one clause in the bill
, which ought never, in time of peace,
to be sanctioned by an American Con-
! gress. 1t puts us back in the art of
' governing men more then 200 years
for never since the great act of Habeas
Corpus was passed in the reign of
Charles ii, has it been proposed to
lplace in the hanGs of one man the
Ipower of suspending the writ ut plea.
/ sure over great portion of a free coun-
TRY. AS the thirteenth section of the
Force bill originally stood, it gave the
r. President this power over the whole I'm
:. ion. AS the bill now stands, he is au.
thorized to use it in four States, EN-
bracing population of over 5000, ,0OG
/ of people. The English-speaking race
has seen no such measure as this at
tempted in a time ofpeace. Whatever
0 party consideration may appear to de
: mand or suggest at the moment, we
!. . cannot in honor support this bill, fol
we believe it to be ruinous to free
government in free country, II scandal
to our age, and startling proof how
far and fast we are wandering from
the principles of 1887, once so loudly
extolled and so loudly cherished.
In the Federal Convention of 1857
if some of our Republican friends will
pardon lis for going back so far in oul
history-it was strongly urged that tho
writ of habcas corpus should not bt
suspended except on the "most urgent
occasions, and then only "for limi
ted time" Mr.. Rutledge twas for de
claring the habeas corpus inviolate, ;
and Mr.. Wilson doubted whether II
any case the suspension would be ne
cessary." We quote from Madison
Debates-a book which at one tim,
was good deal read, but which il
now conveniently put aside with tn,
old almanacs and other antiquatet
rubbish. Mr.. Jefferson, at later date
declared himself in favor Of the 6terna
~ and unremitting force of the habea
- corpus laws"
The Constitution-for mentionina
which we ought to apologize to som,
of our contemporaries and politica
friends makes very short but very
clear and decided reference to thu
subject;-"The privilege of the wri
, of habeas corpus shall not be suspend
\. ed, unless when, in cases of rebellion
or invasion the public safety NAV re