, 1875-11-27

IHS d ldudtIO VhluISlTJS uCIP AlOlduu W lcSlSI
the Empire, or they must, by retaining the
moderate Ministry, suspend representative
government in Ireland. There would be no
satisfactory way out of the dilemma, and
affairs would come, az 10 Bavaria, to a dead
lock.
But they would not stay, as they may stay
in Munich, at a deadlock. Bavaria possess
es conservative advantages in a struggle OF
this kind of which Ireland is almost entirely
destitute. In the FIRST place, the House of
Wittelsbach has an influence over the people
which has twice at least III modern history
induced them to risk the destruction of their
country, rather than suffer a change of dynasty
or any transfer of their allegiance to another
Power. They like their Kings, and have been
accustomed for ages to let them do as they
please about everything, except, indeed,
the levying a tax on beer. 1t is quite
uncertain whether King Ludwig, if he
appealed to his peasants, would not beat the
priests, and quite certain that the peasants will
not turn out his family for any disregard of
constitutional forms. That consideration, as
matters stand, tends greatly to moderate both
parties, making Liberals averse to extreme re-
preston, and UltramOntanes disincIined to &C.
tual or active conflict with the Throne. Ire
land possesses no such reigning House. Even
if the House Of Hanover were loved, as 1t Is
not, and in Ireland scarcely deserves to be-
the reigning head of that House would be
sovereign at once of the Empire and Of Eng
land,-would, that is, have assented to the
very policy which was in ireland provoking
resistance. The Queen of Ireland could elicit
no loyalty distinct from the loyalty to the
Empire, which had given way. In Bavaria,
again, there is no chance of instruction, for
there is an army so numerous and so accustom-
ed to war that no resistance to 1t ls possible
by peasants; and this army can be relied on,
if MOTTO obey the Emperor, at least to obey liz
King. 10 Ireland, the only army would be a
volunteer force, certain to share all the i'm
pulses and obey all the orders of the local
Parliament, and not unwilling, perhaps to try
conclusions with the Imperial troops under ia
VOurable circumstances. And then IN BaVa-
ria there is the secret but most powerful I'M
preston of the pOwerlessnesS Of the State for
overt resistance to PruSsian d~ictatiOn. Even
II Bavaria we're united and her army not or
ganised by Prussians, che would be entirely
incapable of successful resistance in the field.
She is a solid little State, but she is very little.
The Emperor of Germany could with a word
PIT in motion an army larger than her whole
adult male population, and in a fortnight re-
duce the whole country under military occupa-
ton. Wales might as we'll resist England, or
New York the United States. No such in
Simultaneous power of repression would exist In
the British Empire if Ireland had enjoyed
Home-Rule for any period, or if it did, the
knowledge of such a power would not be so
universally difused as, owing to the conscrip-
ton and the Franco German war, 1t is dlttused
in Bavaria. The influences which keep King
Ludwig safe. whether legislation is suspended
or not, are wanting in Ireland, and the island
would be in anarchy where Bavaria is only in
agitation. And finally, the temperament of the
two peoples is as different as their history.
Trishmen are not so impulsive or so reckless
in their politics as Englishmen are apt to be-
lieve, else would there have been more insur-
r~ections; or so ready to die for a cause as they
themselves imagine, else would their insur-
r~ections have been more formidable; but they
are more impulsive than Bavarians, more prone
to extreme courses, and more ready to
use language which suggests extreme resolves.
Their leaders believe in mobs, and their mobs
are accustomed to take life. The Bavarlans
will think they have done a great deal when
they have forced on a dissolution by refusing
the budget, but if Irishmen went so far, the
next week would see a descent into the streets.
The difficulty of avoiding civil war, whenever
q contest broke out between the Island and the
Empire, would be far greater than in Bavaria.
while the occasions of contest would be far more
numerous. Nothing probably couldhave produc-
ed the present state of affairs 10 Munich except q
religious struggle bitter enough to make the
priests feel as martyrs, while in Ireland q dozen
questions might produce an equal fame. Imagine