, 1875-03-24

the Presidents right OF nominating the
Council of State, which examines and
modifes, and may even reject, all new
projects of law. And both, supposed to
be at once irreconcilable and disorderly,
enforced among themselves q discipline
like that of an army, voted in ranks like
soldiers, rejected iIlusory amendments like
Englishmen, and routed their adversaries
in a silence which even Englishmen could
not have maintained. To see q French
Left voting down q proposition " that the
sovereignty of France resides in the body
of French citizens" and voting for the
right of Royal and Imperial personages to
become Presidents if the Assembly choose,
and disregarding an appeal to make Paris
the seat of Government, is enough to make
all observers incredulous, and cause them
to doubt whether a moderation so unnatu-
raj can possibly last. Nevertheless, it has
lasted long enough to secure the law, and
France from February 25th will be under
a Republican Constitution which can
march.
We have no desire to-day to discuss the
provisions of this Constitution. Every
body can see that it contains "Conserya-
tive" elements, that is, that the Presi.
dent, with his unequalled patronage, his
control of the Army, and the immense
position always belonging in France to
the Head of the Executive, will exercise
great influence on the Senate, which, in
its turn, can check the action of the
Chamber of Deputies. Every one can
also see that the Chamber, If moved by
strong feeling and possessed OF a steadtast
majority, can override all opposition ex-
cept that of the President, and that the
collision OF these two powers, both ire
movable and absolute within their spheres,
is a possibility. And everybody can see
also that the Conservative guarantees may
fail, that a majority might appear in both
Houses OF the same colour, and might
appoint a President who would be a mere
Registrar Of their decisions; but these
obvious defects in the Constitution are
but the difficulties of the future, and we
turn from them to discuss the difficulties
of the present. It is quite clear, even to
observers at Versailles, that the new Con-
s~titution must be administered by q new
Ministry, and to observers abroad that it
must be followed by a new election. The
first necessity, it would seem, is ~recognis-
ed by the President, and will, in appear
ance at least, be acted on at once. The
majority of the Assembly is animated by
dislike and distru8t of Bonapartism, and
fortunately a group of statesmen, more or
less Conservative, more or less Republic
can, and strongly anti-B onapartist, is ready
to the Presidents hand. A Ministry in
which NJ. Buffet is Premier, and the Due
Decazes Minister for Foreign Affairs, and
General Cissey Minister at War, and AZ.
Leon Say Minister Of Finance, and NJ.
Renault, or the Due d'Au-diffe t-Pasquier,
Minister of the Interior, and NJ. Dutauro
Minister of Justice, would, from differing
motives, be honestly Republican, and with
an infusion of stronger Liberals in the lesser
Cabinet offices, particularly the Ministry
of INSTRUCTION, would represent very fairly
the tone of the majority, without irrita-
ting too much the personal proclivities
of the President. Such a Ministry, with
all its work to do in breaking up the
Bonapartist organisation, may hold
power for a considerable time, at all
events as time is counted among French
Ministries, and may at least be able to
put the new system-for among a logi-
cal people a i new Constitution implies in
many respects a new system-into work
mo order. The new Ministry will he