The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1875-10-27

the idea that he il citizen of one
great nation, and he carries his ma
tionality with him wherever he goes.
During the year two men met in Paris
and were introduced to each other at
party given by distinguished
French statesman. They inquired
where each other was from. One said
he was a citizen of the United States.
and the other said, II am a citizen OF
Virginia, sir" "Yes, yes says the
man. Virginia, a small part of tho
United States that is now being chas-
tised for disobedience." Laughter. ]
You have placed the government of
this country for the first time upon
the principles proclaimed by our
fathers in the
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
When that declaration was made
our fathers laid down the principle
upon which the new government
ought to be formed; but then they
could not carry those principles into
execution. Slavery existed. They
expected it soon to pass away, but
circumstances afterwards occurred
that caused slavery to grow and strike
its roots into the soil and society of
the nation. and it lived on and on and
grew very powerful, and finally at
tempted to destroy the nation itself.
Then, under the providence of God.
though it cost half a million of lives,
billions of dollars, caused suffering
and sorrow throughout this land and
and caused misery that language can
4 ha
comprehend; through all that trial
and sacrifice slavery was destroyed,
the nation was preserved. and our
government, for the first time, at the
end of nearly century, placed upon
claimed by the fathers of the republic.
the glorious example to the world,
and We may expect it will be followed.
1t takes time to work out all great
changes in regard to the government.
We were nearly century, in this
country, in placing our government
upon its true foundation. Then do
not despair of progress in Europe.
That declaration Of independence,
though never formally adopted by
more than one or two nations in Eu-
rope, has had its effect upon all their
governments. They have all felt its
influence. and it is net only blessing
to our country but it has been bless
ing to the people Of every civilized
land. 1t has worked its changes, and
[ believe the time will come, under
the providence of God, when the
principles of that great declaration
will control the governments of the
old world as they now do the people
of the United States. said the ma
tion could never repay you; neither
can it. except in the gratitude and the
love of the whole people.
DISTINCTION BETWEEN UNION AND
REBEL SOLDIERS.
/ know that we are now told by
some that the time is como to abolish
all distinctions between the men who
fought for the Union and the men who
fought to destroy it. Voice-"Nev-
err. ] They say let bygoncs be by
cones; bury all the animosities Of the
war; put all upon the same platform,
and, | suppose, love all equally WE'LL
They tell us that the rebels were hon
est; they thought they were doing
right; they were just as sincere as the
Union. soldier; therefore, all being
honest. treat all alike, precisely as if
each one was right, make no distinc-
tions, and therefore be band of
brothers. Well, I do not say that
they were not sincere down there, but
do say that it requires great deal
of bad education to make man be-
lieve he is doing right when he is
fighting to destroy his country and
establish human slavery. Applause.
But whether they were sincere or not
makes no difference; they must NOR
ally, they must in history be held re-
aponsible for the moral quality of
their actions. We forgive them. we
bury the animosities OF the war, but
We cannot forget, nor can we ever
our principles. We ought
not to forget. We may forgive our
enemy, and that is our Christian duty,
but it does not follow that we are
bound to love him as if he had been
our friend. 1t does not follow that
we are bound to honor and reward
him, and give him preference over
our friends. We give to them all
their political rights.
ELIGIBILITY OF REBEL OFFICERS.
OF all the rebellious eight millions
there are only about one hundred
men now who are not eligible under
the constitution to be President of the
United States and hold Office in the
They have all had the
right to vote from the end Of the war,
including JEFF. Davis himself. But
jeff. and few others of the woret are
still resting under the disabilities of
tho fourteenth amendment. But |
speak of them generally. They have
been relieved from all legal disabili
ties; they are eligible now to all polit-
ical rights, under the law, and as an
evidence of it, in the next House of
at Washington there
viii! be seventy-fvur rebel officers, aud
/ believe in the Senate eight rebel
officers, making eighty-two rebel Off
GERS in the next Congress That
ought to be some evidence that the
government has acted most literally
with those who were lately its enemy
in arms. But you cannot afford, for
the lesson it teaches to your children,
because of your own character, your
own self-respect, to have those who
we're in arms against their country
and for slavery put upon the same
platform with yourselves. There was
a right and wrong in that great con
test. You were on the right side and
they were on the wrong side. They
must take that place in history which
they made for themselves, and you
are entitled to that place which you
made for yourselves. The fact that
many of them thought they were do
ing right does not alter the case. The
tories of the revolution thought they
were right, very sincere the most of |
them, many of them among the most