The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1875-02-24
RICHMONgDI.
JULIUS C.. BURROWS.
His Great speech ON the Civil Rights
Bill IN the House Of RePresen-
tafives ON the 12th INST.
A severe ArraIgnmellt of the Sepa-
rate school Clause. iHtf
The Secret of the whole Future OF
the Blacks Underlying
that Principle.
The Opposition of the Democrats
AnaIy zed.


The Hon. Julius G. Burrows, Of
Michigan, made grand speech before
the House of Representatives on
the 18th, OIL the civil rights bill. He
said, after brief introduction
I had honed, and tho country had
reason to believe, that the great Dem
ocratic party had abandoned their
unholy crusade against this much
abused race when in 1872, in national
convention they solemnly declared it
to be one of their cardinal principles
I'VE recognize the equality of all
men before the law, and hold that it
is the duty of the government in its
dealings with the people to mete out
equal and exact justice to all, of every
nativity, race, color, or persuasion.
religious or political"
Yet, sir, scarcely two years have
passed since the promulgation of that
sublime declaration ere we find the
representatives of that same party
standing in this hall and, as one man,
protesting against any legislation
which will secure equal rights to the
black man or protect him in the en-
joyment of equal privileges on public
coEveyances, in the public inn, in the
common school, in places of public
amusement, or even in the cemetery
of the undistinguished dead. And
such now is the detestation Of their
own creed that they rise up here in
the presence of the nation and protest
against it's even being read.
Mr.. Speaker, may / be permitted to
say to my friends on the other side Of
the chamber ssat, in my humble .iudg-
ment, you have made fatal mistake
and thrown away the golden opportu-
nifty of regaining the scepter of power.
In the face of that declaration; in the
face Of your nomination of Mr.. Gree
ley for the Presidency in 1872, the
friend of the black man,
you could have committed no more
serious blunder than, in the first flush
of victory, to have SO suddenly
changed front and removed the masks
before you were firmly seated in pow
er. Now look to it well
But, sir, to the bill. The measure
under consideration prohibits, among
other things, the proprietor of any
public conveyance, the keeper of any
public inn, and the manager of places
Of amusement, from excluding any
citizen therefrom by reason of his
race, color, or previous condition of
servitude It does not prevent the
of these institutions from
excluding black man for the same
reason that a white man could be ex-
cluded. You may exclude him if he
is obnoxious. You may exclude him
for any reason equally applicable to
every other citizen; but it does say
that if black man, in other particu-
lars unobjectionable, purchases first
class ticket and seeks admission to
railway car, the conductor shall not
say to him, Stand back. sir; you can
not be admitted; you belong to anoth-
er race" 1t says to the inn-keeper,
when black man stands at his door
and asks for shelter, food, ard the
comforts of his inn, you shall not shut
the door in his face and say, you
cannot be admitted" why, sir? [
have wealth; I will be orderly; / am
famishing; / am thirsty; am perish
ing; give me food and shelter" mo,
sir, stand back; you were once slave"
It prohibits the proprietors of places
of amusement from saying to the
black man, you cannot participate
in the enjoyments of this place, be-
cause you are black" Now, sir,
while the Republican party stands
pledged by every consideration of
honor to give these provisions of the
bill their unwavering support, and
while these rights are conferred both
by the common law and the plainest
provisions of our Constitution, yet,
sir, here stands the Democratic party,
with the declaration of the equality
of all men fresh upon their lips, pro-
testing against securing to five millions
of black citizens the simplest rights
to American citizenship.
This great party says to the black
man, "Y ou shall not ride in any pub
kc conveyance, because you are black.
1t says to the black man who asks
shelter and food at the puplic inn,
sleep under the canopy OF heaven
and eat from the public sewer, but
you cannot have shelter or food at an
open hotel" 1t says to the man who
has control of places of amusement,
''Y ou need not admit black men and
women to these entertainments, but
let them seek their own amusement
among their own race. 1t says to
the black man that The cemetery,
for the support and beautifying of
which you have freely contributed,
shall not be opened to receive the
ashes of your dead kindred, but you
shall bury them by the roadside or
in the dismal swamp, but you shall
not let their unholy remains rest
within the inelosure where white men
sleep.
Mr.. Speaker, if there is any one
provision of this bill more important
than another, it is that which relates
to the school system Of the country.
Shall the common schools of the
country be accessible and open to all,
of whatever race or condition, or shall
they be for the few and the favored?
This is the practical and only ques-
tion. It needs but a glance at the
wants of the people, and particularly
of the black race, in this direction, to
that there should be no
obstacle thrown in the way of the
treest and best schools. While the
census of 1870 discloses the fact that
there were 6,144,740 white pupils in
the schools of this country, or about
one fifth of the entire white popula-
ton, only 1882 blacks. or one in
have any school facili-
ties whatever.
From the same source of informa-
tion we draw the startling fact that
while there are but 2,S51 ,911 whites
above the age of Ten years, less than
one-twelith of the white population,
who cannot write the English Ian
guage, there are 2,7S9, $50 blacks, or
more than one hall of the entire pop
ulation of the black race, who cannot
write single word of any tongue on
earth. And yet, sir, in the presence