The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1875-02-24

you would nave gOOu c1tlZenS, IL yOu
would make the foundations of the
Republic secure, give to the present
and to the generations that are to
come after US the opportunity OF ac-
quiring that intelligence without
which no people can long hope to be
either great or free.
But it has been said that the black
people do not desire the enactment OF
this provision relating to common
schools. Sir, among the numerous
petitions that have peen presented to
this body praying for the establish
ment of free schools, hold In my
hand copy of one signed by ten
thousand citizens of this Republic.
Permit me to read it, and be this my
answer:
1--WE ask it at your hands because
we are citizens of this free Republic,
a part of the body-politic, and are de-
prived of rights and respect which are
Justly due us. We cannot travel upon
the railroads, steamboats,, and stages
without being subjected to inconveni-
ence, prescription, and insult, and
when we apply for accommodations at
a public inn are refused. But we
meet the GREATEST barrier when we
present our children at the PUBL &c
and more we are compelled to endure
to remove these hinderances, so that
we may enjoy the common rights to
which we are entitled as citizens, tax
payers, and members of the human
family. 1t is no special legislation in
LII H. ool- l,,,k
you to remove whatever legislation
there is against us.
Now, while there is conflict Of
opinion upon the floor of this House
and in the country touching this
question of schools; while some are in
favor of no provision whatever for the
education of the colored race, and
others are advocating separate schools,
and yet others are favoring mixed or
free schools. for my single self l have
no hesitancy in declaring in favor of
that provision, and that provision
ONLY, which gives absolutely free
schools for every child of the Repub-
lie of whatever race or nationality.
For one, [ protest here and now
against entering upon that course of
legislation which draws line of de-
markation between American citizens
who by your laws and your Constitu-
ton stand in absolute equality on a
common flag. You cannot submit to
it without doing violence to the spirit
of your institutions, trampling upon
your Constitution, and inaugurating
course of legislation whose legitimate
end is the subjugation of the weak of
every class and race.
Mr.. Speaker, [ now desire to call
the attention of the House to the pro-
vision of the bill which allows the
establishment of seperate schools
where the local authorities shall so
determine. In no event can l give
this provision my support. To per-
NIT such system and say it shall be
a compliance with the provisions of
this act is to establish by Federal law
schools in the majority of the
States of this Union. Besides being
open to the criticisms which l have
already urged against class legislation
which no man can justify, it is subject,
it seems to me, to other objections of
the gravest character. In the first
place, it must be admitted that there
can be no permanent peace In the
COuuJIy 81 lOuk tliCAO CAisec q NS-
termined prejudice and hostility be-
tween two great classes of American
citizens. To allay this irritation and
bring each to the acknowledgment
and respect of the rights of the other
is the first and highest duty of this
hour. Yet what do you propose by
judice existing between the white and
black children when the blacks were
slaves; while they fed at the same
breast and played together on the
same lawn, you now propose by this
bill to commence at the very founda-
ton of society with the rising gener-
alton in your common schools and
implant in the breast of both races
mutual adherence and detestation.
And what must be the inevitable
fruits of such legislation? AT the end
of generation you will have produced
a hostility between these races ten
fold more bitter than it is to-day,
ending in war of races and sea of
blood ~ 1el+ a E
But again, object to this provision
of the bill, because it will work a
manifest injustice to both races.
Wherever you establish separate
schools in any district it will neces-
farily do one of two things 1t will
either double the expense of main
tanning the schools, or it will diminish
the school facilities by lessening the
term. Suppose, to illustrate, you
have school district where $500 of
public money are expended for school
purposes and you have fifty children
in the district of school age, twenty
five black and twenty-five white: and
suppose you can employ a teacher at
S25 per month. Now, by maintaining
but one school you could have, with
public fund of 5000, school term for
eight months in the year. But divide
this fund, employ two teachers build
two school houses for the two races,
place the whites in one and the blacks
in the other, and you will reduce your
school term to four months In the
year Such policy is an injury alike
to the black and white race. And
this wrong is to be inflicted, not with
the consent or at the request of those
whom it most concerns, but at the be-
hest of men whose better judgment
can but condemn it, and upon whom
rests the responsibility of shaping the
destiny eS the Republic, but whose
prejudice is stronger than principle.
Again, sir, this provision for the
establishment of separate schools is
open to another, and. if possible, more
serious objection. If it should be-
come law, it's pernicious influence
would be felt IN every State and Ter
ritory and reopen contest, In many
parts of the country, which has been
happily settled. By enacting this pro-
vision you would take step directly
backward, and undo in many of the
States the work of half century. If