New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1875-09-28
OUR STATESMEN.

rience, learning and ability. When a
public event occurred these men were
always relied on for sound and temperate
| opinions Such men know that it is
nsither wise nor just to stimulate the pre-
| JUDGE of the people and then to throw in
an argument based upon the uncontrolled
diffusion of this prejudice We have said
that such statesmen were too wise to seek
truths in the mists of error. They were
too proud to invoke the aid of passion to
secure the triumph of truth.
These statesmen seem to have retired
from the public councils, or to be re-
strained from giving advice upon the ever
varying issues of our affairs
In their place has arisen new, and we
think peculiar class of sages. These
last do not offer philosophic opinions
upon the tendencies Of public affairs.
They do not teach that the acts of public
men coincide with, or depart from the
constitutional letter or precedents of the
government. They have been persons
provoked by the infringement of some law
upon their civil or religious ideas, or by
the pressure of some tax upon their prop
erty or business. These statesmen pre-
pare communications for the press, en-
bark in controversies, and come very soon
to regard their views as perfectly original
merely because they have never read
enough to know that in most cases they
have been refuted centuries ago.
One of the earliest of these statesmen
was the late Mr.. AIcCloskey, an honest
and excellent person, who had devoted
much the larger part of his life to proper
and prosperous business of some sort.
He became pulic monitor, and for some
months taught the people the abuses of
government and 'the remedies proper
therefor? He was much incensad because
journal, we believe the Times, Of the
period called him the "inconsequel tial
McCloskey." This, while mere COM
ment on the hoppergrass logic common to
patriots too indignant to reason, was COM
planned of as an imputation of insignif-
canoe in the body polite.
Then there came Mr.. Booth, whose au-
thority to advise We do not question, but
whose metaphors, we take the liberty to
say, are too meteoric to come within the
restrictions of the regular oratoric orbit.
This statesman is now appealing to the
Democratic people to violate political
contract under which they have just taken
control of one house of the Legislature.
Then there arose class of statesmen,
holders of real estate, deeming the rate of
taxation upon that element excessive. The
president of that association has written
and spoken good deal on the enormity
of this tribute; be has cited the authority
of the political economists upon the ma
ture and effect of excessive taxation. He
has been chiefly remarkable for doctrine
which We have perhaps incor-
rectly-to mean that if society would re-
duce the taxes on real estate the landlord
would be thereby enabled to pay better
wages, and SO, if the tenant would seek
first the reduction of his landlords tax,
the other things of better wages and in
creased ability to pay his rent would be
added unto the tenant.
This is our construction of the land
lords movement, and we have taken leave
to comment editorially upon it as freely as
upon any question of public taxation.
Thereupon there comes with whoop and
whirr-ra-roo! Mr.. Seaman who has re-
ported from committee of the real estate
owners, and publishes some pages from
his autobiography, and challenges us
with many opprobrious terms to single
combat Of editorial against communion
ton. We respectfully decline any such
alteration. Of Mr.. Seaman, save as the
chairman of committee whose report we
have chosen to discuss, we know nothing.
Wepresume that he owns house or houses
somewhere, and SO has been appointed
to head committee, whose report is
before the public. We beg leave to say
that he owes the compliment of notice
solely to the fact that he was a committee
man of an Independent movement, and
that we consider his personal record as
utterly inconsequential and irrelevant to
the discussion of principle in which we
have chosen to engage.
We have said that the rate of taxation in
New Orleans is unequal. In this especially
that the revenues derived from an indirect
tax on the labor and consumption of the
people is greater in proportion than that
imposed upon the real estate. We have
not objected to the reduction of the tax on
real estate, but have remarked that the
landlords have not shown the sympathy
for the tenant which we think in wisdom
they should have done. We have proved
this, ct least to our own satisfaction, from
the published papers of the association,
and We have taken. the plan Of relief re-
ported bya committee in proof that the
property holders have bean willing to eff
feet their own relief, leaving the indirect