Saint Mary's beacon. [volume] (Leonard Town, Md.) 1867-1983, 1875-12-16

not hesitate to practice false pretences.
These very fashionable tricks do not ac-
cord with my ideas of what IS proper.
The fact il, messrs. Editors, / am
neither afraid nor ashamed of having nv
record presented to public view. for !
sincerely believe it is based upon the
true theory of our government. Noof-
fee that can be offered me would cause
me to retract one single position taken
in my circular and / feel highly compli-
mented that even thirteen members Of
the House did not consider its contents
any objection to voting for me. Not
having soughtanypledges from any one
| do not know who the thirteen were,
but whenever known I arm confident
they viii be found to be thorough dem
ocrs t..
The points taken in that circular are !:
1st That voted for John c. Breck-
enridge in 1860, standing on his con-
s,itutional platform. That needs no
defense. End. That ! would not vote
for Horace Greeley in 1872, standing
on bis unconstitutional, negro equality
platform. I have received too many
compliments for my cou' SO in that re-
spect to require one word in defense.
and truly hope that suicidal dose will
not again be taken by the democratic
party. 3rd. / expressed my belief in
the right of State secession. Some Of
the greatest men in this codStry< 6eJ
lieved in the right and publicly assert
ed and taught it. Even the Govern
ment of the United States had it taught
in the only school under its control
West Point by placing in the hands
Of Jefferson Davis and other pupils az
a textbook Rawle's Commentaries on
the Constitution, in which it is express
" and ably taught. A singular in
structor truly, who punished its pupils for
learning the lessons assigned to them.
It is true, the late war killed and Grip
pied a million of men, aud with them
killed the late act of secession, but it
did not and cannot kill the principle
That will awaken again whenever one
section of States, with the Government
to back it, shall dare to trample on the
rights of another section, as was done
BY the North upon the South. If such
case should occur within the short
remnant of my life (Which God forbid
| shall certainly approve secession as l
did in the case of the South. 1t must
indeed be an extraordinary exercise Of
oppression for which it would ever lie
adopted, for all the States know and
feel the great benefits of the Un-
ion when the Government performs its
constitutional duties, instead of tram
ping upon and rendering insecure the
constitutional rights of the States. The
who had control of the Government in
l86l-did not disguise that their Oh
iect. in forming the Republican party,
was to bring about such condition of
affairs. which the South knew and felt
aud still feel would he and is most OPP
pressive and destructive Of their inter-
est and happiness. Without enlarSing
on this point aud repeating that l hope
no cause for secession will ever again
arise. stand BY the declaration that
the South was right in every point of
view iii seeding from the Union, and
that the war carried on against her for
so dong was useless and atrocious
outrage. There never was an occasion
in which the words Of the dramatist oc-
Cured with more force To the unseliish
patriot and statesman-"Takc away the
sword, States can he saved without ii.
That my denunciation of the war as
an outrage should bring on an attack
from democratic paper or democratic
man displays considerable inconsistent
cy and injustice. opposed it, it is
trne, from the beginning, while many
of them aided by their votes and servi-
ces in carrying it on. But sometime
about the Goth of August, 1864, the
Chicago democratic platform brought
Us very near together, when it was de-
clared in that Convention, in their sec
ond resolution. that Justice, humani-
tv. liberty and the public welfare de-
manded that immediate efforts he made
for a cessation of hostilities" Whv.
gentlemen, in view Of these facts assail
with abuse so humble an individual as
/ am?
After stamping the war as an afro
cious outrage, it was quite logical that
! should not desire success for the in
vaders in such a war. With these feel
ings, | uttered the prayer, not that the
South should injure or subjuyate the
North. but oh shocking! | prayed that
the North might not suhjugate the
South. In view of the awful calamities
which have followed the overthrow Of the
South and the insclent tyranny of the
North, do not believe that there is a
single intelligent patriot in the land
who doee not regret that God did not
grant my prayer. But independently
of consequences, what propriety is there
in condemning me for uttering this
PRAYER when the Lower House of Con-
gress q think unanimously declared,
in the celebrated Crittenden resolution,
THAT this war is not waged upon our
part in any spirit of oppression nor for
any purpose of conquss. or subjiagetion."
Ii such prayer rs offered had been
made by any member of that House
which passed that resolution, would thew
have attempted to expel or censure him?
I Judge not Why didthey not censure
Mr.. Crittenden who offered it !? 1t adds
strength to my position when we find
that a motion was made ia the Senate
when the Crittenden resolution reached
that body, by Senator Trumbull, to
strike out the word "snhjugation,
which was rejected by the vote of eve
~ Senator presen. but Trumbull, thus
~ul,.l.~-. l.xx. g oxr~n~.,,.<x al, los..n