Perrysburg journal. (Perrysburg, Wood Co., O. [Ohio]) 186?-1965, 1875-09-24
Ex-senator DOOlittle on the Suffrage
Question.

marks to the TWO questions Ot cheap trans
portation and suffrage. The following
are his somewhat novel and ingenious
views as to the manner in which we may
"save our republic from the dangers and
frauds OF elections, as conducted, especial
ly in large cities;"
Fraudulent voting, fraudulent counting
and fraudulent stufiing of ballotboxes in
large cities, from New Orleans to Chicago,
have come TO be practiced as one of the
fine arts of legerdemain. How shall 1t be
arrested?
There must be remedy for this grow
ing evil, or republican institutions will
prove to be a cheat and a sham.
The essence of republicanism is, that
governments derive their just powers from
the consent of the governed, and that
rulers are chosen by the people That
choice is expressed through the ballot
box.
If thousand votes, honestly given by
thousand freemen, are nullified and beaten
by thousand false votes, the ballot box is
made to speak, not the truth, but a lie. 1t
no longer speaks the will of the people,
but the will of the few who usurp office
by fraud. 1t ceases to be republican. 1t
becomes an aristocracy of the meanest
kind; an aristocracy of swindlers-of
CnedtS, vi lldTS-Ol JTdltOIS W IepuDllCdu
ideas.
Of two things, one is certain. Either
these frauds at the ballot-boX must come
to an end or the republic will'perish. If
these frauds are successful in large cities,
they will spread into all the large towns.
Is there no remedy? l answer: Yes,
there is; there must be a remedy. Take
a large city-Chicago, for example. Let
the city be divided into precincts so small
that all the voters not exceeding say $50
in precinct can meet in one hall on elec-
ton day. If there is no hall large enough
to be obtained, put up temporary. shelter
of boards, or pitch tent. In addition to
other provisions of law, make election
days legal holidays, and require every
voter, without valid excuse, to attend the
elections and do his duty as citizen, and
thus aid in guarding the purity and sane
tity of the ballotboX. l hold in my hand
copies of the records of town meetings in
Massachusetts; of Woburn in 164S, and
of Reading in 1857. They imposed fine
on every voter who did not attend the
town meetings by nine o'clock in the
morning, or who absented himself with
out leave until they adjourned. Do you
think there was any false voting, or false
counting, then? They made it their busi-
ness to attend in person, and 10 discharge
their whole duty. Why cannot we do
ours? Are liberty and country less dear
to us? Let the laws provide that the
voters themselves, at one election, choose
three of the judges and clerks to receive
the votes at the next; no voter being al
lowed to vote for more than one, so that
the minority may select at least one of the
clerks and one Of the judges of elections
in every precinct Let it be provided also
that the judges of election shall be upon
raised platform, that the ballot-boxes
and the judges shall be in full view of all
the voters of the precinct during the cleo
tions.
In all cities of more than 10000 people,
to guard against repeating, false counting
and stufflng of false votes in ballot-boXes,
let the law provide that the name and
place of residence of each voter shall be
written upon his ballot and publicly read
in the assembly before being put into the
box. And, if challenged, require his
identity and place of residence to be
proved by the affidavits of at least two
electors then present, who, if either judge
demands it, shall, on oath, be further eX-
amined as to his identity and place of res
idence in presence of all the electors. This
provision would require change in the
| Constitutions of many Of the States.
L
These provisions once adopted, in addi-
ton to the present legal requirements,
would secure the ballot box against fraud
in voting and fraud in counting. The
Judges of election, aided by the police and
by the presence of the citizens, could pre-
serve perfect order and make the elections
as quiet in the city as in a country town.
1t may be said that this last provision
impairs the secresy of the ballot in large
towns. That is true to some extent. But
the necessity of preserving the ballot box
against fraud in large cities overbalances
all supposed advantages of the secret bal
lot. The argument for secresy is this, that
the laboring man may be intimidated by
the capitalist if he knows how he votes
But the day for that reasoning is past in
all large towns. The laborer no longer
fears the capitalist.
The greatest writer upon Government
we know, Baron Montesquieu, as well as
Cicero, who spoke from actual observa.
ton, says that the laws which rendered
the sufirages secret in Rome, toward the
close of the republic, were the cause of its
decline. quote their very words: Bl
rendering the SiGTdgeS secret IN the Roman
Republic all lOdS lost" And why? Sc
crecy became the cover for fraud, bribery
and false counting in that great city
Gibbon, also, the great historian anC
philosopher, dates the decline of thu
Roman Republic from the introduction o
secret voting.
Besides, the open ballot, publicly given
shows courage, manhood, freedom. l
tends TO make men worthy to be free.
But gentlemen, there is another grea
reform in suffrage, which, as l think, al
thoughtful men should favor.
When fully considered in all its bear
ings it will, believe, command the assen
of the great majority of all political par
ties. 1t will do more than any other ON
thing to bring good government to ou
large cities, by placing it upon the tru
basis of human society.
We have adopted in all the States uni
versal manhood suffrage. The reform
suggested accepts that and does not pro
pose to change it. 1t, however, recog
nizes the most essential element of MOD
ern Christian civilization-the family-it
rights, its duties and its powers.
1t proposes to give to householders an
heads of families who, for such time a
shall be fixed by law-say one or tw
years-have lived with ana supporte
their families in the district where the
vote, two votes-one TO represent thei
manhood in common with all other mel
, and one to represent the household, il
cluding women and children. The teri
, householder-or head of famiiy--in IL
great majority of cases will of cours
mean married men; but not in all case
/, AS, for instance, man may be the hea
! of family and a householder, who's
widowed mother and sister keeps hous
The reason why head of family shoul
. have double vote when men withoV
! families have but one may be stated brie
I ly rs follows; H
1. Because the man without family rel
1 resents but one human being, while Il
} head of a family represents always tw
: and generally more, ag 1 sm
! 2. Because the man without famil
has not more than one-half as much
( stake in good government as the head of
family.
4 8. Because, other things equal, the ms
/ without family is only only half as We
1 educated in all that concerns the good