Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1875-04-22

expanded the national domain and every added
mile is an added strain to our system. The mar
vellous of communication, both by rail and
telegraph, tends to obliterate conservative local
lines and to make fatal Capitalization more pos
sible. The telegraph, which instantly echoes the
central command at the remotest point, becomes
both facility and a temptation to exercise com
mand, while below upon the rail the armed blow
swiftly follows the word that flies along the wire.
Steam concentrates population in cities. But when
the government was formed the people were stfict-
" rural, and there were but six cities win
eight thousand Inhabitants or more In 1879 only
one-thirteth Of the population lived IN cities, IN
1870 more than one-ffth. steam destroys the nat
ural difficulties of communication; but those very
difficulties are barriers against INVASION, and pro
tcct the independence of each little community,
the true foundation of free republican system.
In New England the characteristic village and
local life of the last century pershes in the age OF
steam. Meanwhile the enormous accumulation OF
capital engaged in great enterprises, with unscru-
pulous greed of power, constantly tends to make
itself felt in corruption Of the press which moulds
public opinion, and of the Legislature which makes
the laws. Thus steam and telegraph tend to the
concentration of capital and the consolidation Of
political power, tendency which threatens liberty,
and which was wholly unknown when the repub-
lie began, and was unsupported fifty years ago.
Sweet Liberty is mountain nymph, because
mountains battle the pursuer. But the inventions
that level mountains and annihilate space alarm
that gracious spirit, who sees her greater insecure
ty. But stay, heaven-eyed maid and stay forever !!
Behold, our devoted wills shall be thy invincible
Alps our loyal hearts thy secret bower, the spirit
of our fathers cliff of adamant that engineering
skill can never pierce nor any foe can scale!
But the most formidable problem for popular
government which the opening of our second CEN
tury presents springs from source which was I'M
suspected hundred years ago, and which the ora
tors of fifty years since forbore to name This was
the system of slave labor, which vsnished in civil
war. But slavery had not been the fatal evil that
it was, if with its abolition lis consequences mad
disappeared 1t holds us still in mortmain. Its
dead hand is strong, as its living power was terri
bic Emancipation has left the republic exposed
10 new and extraordinary trial of the principles
and practices Of free government. A CIVILIZATION
resting upon slavery, formerly in part of the
county, however polished and ornate, is necessa-
rily arstocratic and hostile to republican equality,
while the ex igences Of such society forbid that
universal education which is indispensable to
wise popular government. When war emanci;
citizens, the ignorance and venality which
are the fatal legacies Of slavery to the sub
iect class, whether white or black, and the
natural alienation Of the master class which alone
has political knowledge and experience, with all
the secret conspiraces the reckless corruption the
political knavery, springing naturally fIom such
situation and ending often in menacng disorder
that seems to invite the military interference and
supervision of the government-al this accumula-
ton of difficulty and danger lays strain along the
twofold question whether the vast addition of the
ignorance of the emancipated vote 10 that Of the
immigrant vote may not overwhelm the lntelli-
gent vote Of the country and whether the constant
appeal to the central hand Of power, however nee
essary it may seem, and for whatever reason OF
humanity and justice it may be urged, must not
necessarily destroy that local selfreliance which
was the very seed of the American republic, and
fatally familiarize the country with that employ
ment Of military power which is inconsistent with
Anti and oll tn
forever consecrated the spot on which we stand.
COURAGE AND FAITH.
These are some of the more obvious changes in
the conditions under which the republic is to be
maintained. l mention them merely; but every
wise patriot sees and ponders them. Does he
therefore despondi Heaven forbid When was
there ever an suspicious day for humanity that
was not one Of doubt and Of conflict! The robust
moral manhood Of America confronts the future
with stcadfast faith and indomitable will, raising
the old battecry of the race for larger liberty and
surer law. 1t sees clouds, indeed, as Sam Adams
saw them when this day dawned. But with him it
sees through and through them, and with him
thanks God for the glorious morning. There is,
indeed, fashion of sceptcism of American prin-
ciples even among some Americans, but IT is one
Of the Oldest and worst fashions in our history.
There is cynicism which fondy fancies that in its
beginning the Americ republic moved proudly
toward the future with all the splendid assuranc Of
the Persian NerXes descending on the shores of
Greece but that it sits to-day among shattered
hopes, like Xerxes above his ships at Salamis
And when was this golden age Was it when
John Adams appealed from the baseness of his
own time to the greater candor and patriotism OF
this : Was it when Fisher Ancs mourned over
lost America like Rachel for her children and
would not be comforted! Was it when William
Writ said that he sought in vain for a fit for
the presidency or for great responsibility Was it
when Chancellor Livingston saw only threaten
ing future because Congress was so feeble Was
it when we ourselves saw the industry, the COM
merce, the society, the church, the courts, tho
craftsmanship, the conscience, OF America SEEM
ingly PROSTATE under the foot of slavery Was
this the golden age OF these sentimental signs, this
the region behind the north wind of these re-
proachful regrets And is it the young nation
which with prayer and faith, with nntring devo,
and broken body from beneath that crushing heel,
whose future is distrusted!
Nay, this very cynicism is one of the foes that
we must meet and conquer. Remember, fellow
citizens, that the impulse of republican govern
ment, given a century ago at the old North bridge,
has shaken every government in the world, but
has been itself wholly mistaken by them. 1t has
made monarchy impossible IN France. 1t has
freed the Russian serfs. 1t has united Germany
against ecclesiastical despotism. 1t has flashed
into the night of Spain 1t has en ancipated Italy
and discrowncd the Pope king In England,
repeating the disabilities Of Catholic and Hebrew,
it forecasts the separation of church and state, and
step by step transforms monarchy into another
form of republic. And here at home how glorious
its stars! In tremendous between men OF
the same blood-men who recognize and respect
each others yalor-we have proved what was al
ways doubted, piodgious power, endurance and
resources OF a republic, and in emancipating an
eighth of the population we have at least gained
the full opportunity of the republican principle.
Sir, it is the signal felicity Of this occasion that
the one hundredth anniversary of the first battle
in the war Of American lndepende nc, may salute
you, who led 10 victory the citizen soldiers of
Anne rcan liberty the first elected President of
the free republic of the United States. Fortunate
man to whom God has given the priceless boon
of assocatng your name with that triumph of
freedom which will presently bind the East and
the West, the North and South, in closer and
more perfect union for the establishment of justice
and security of the blessings of liberty than these
States have ever known.
The PRESENT Duty.
Fellow citizens, that union is the lofty task
which this hallowtd day and this sacred spot i'm
pose upon us. And what cloud Of doubt so dark
hangs over as that which lowered above the
colonies when the troops Of the king marched into
this town, and the men of Middlesex resolved to
pass the bridge, With their faith and their will
we shall win the victory, No royal governor in