The Louisiana Democrat. [volume] (Alexandria, La.) 1845-1918, 1875-06-09
GRANT, THREE TINES.

cling the views Of their party in that
State, on the subject of Gen. Grants
nomination for a third term, has
called forth from the pen IF that re-
narkable man, letter pnrporting to
be an expression of his intentions
and wishes in regard to another nom
nation for the presidency.
Had it not been that this conven-
ton pronounced emphatically against
the propriety of placing him at the
head of the Republican ticket in 1875,
he would doubtless have remained
forever silent on the third term ques
ton. No other emergency could
have induced him to give public ex-
preston to his private feeling on
this subject at the present time. His
letter is addressed to the presiding
officer of the Convention. and more
cunning or careful or ambiguous doc
ument rarely meets the public eye.
The only ideas embraced in the let
ter calculated to arrest the readers
attention are these: that, he does not
desire third nomination any more
than he desired the first, that the
question of third term is one that
should only come up on amendment
to the constitution-that if the nom
ination is offered again, it must be Of
fered under circumstances that will
render its acceptance necessary
This is the substance of his declara-
tons.
The letter might be casually con-
strued as denial that he wants to
be q candidate again. But he does
not mean to convey any such idea.
That he wants third nomination is
plainly implied by the very first SEN
tence of his letter. There is not a
child nor an idiot in the land but
knows his overweaning eagerness for
the first term. He informs his party
and the country that they have no
right to pass upon the propriety of a
third term, as measure of public
policy, by simple resolutions of pop
ular assemblies. That the example
of Washington, in retiring after his
second term, should not be an estab-
lished rule of unwritten law. The
question, as apolitical doctrine, must
be fixed in the constitution of the
country, as an open question, he has
a constitutional right under it, to be
president of the United States, for an
endless succession of times, provided
he can command power and influence
enough to secure his election.
He therefore proposes to remain at
the head Of this government just as
long as he can bend the people to his
purposes, and is not restrained by the
constitution. If he wants the nomi-
nation land no reasonable man will
doubt that he does) he can force it
upon the convention. If nominated,
there is no effort nor means in his
reach that he will scruple to use in
efecting his election. His letter also
vaguely hints that there may come
an emergency in which itwill be nee
essary to place him in nomination
and make him again the standard
bearer of his party. Will the coun-
try need his services as great mill
tary president to head the army of
the government in overthrowing anew
Southern rebellion2 This is not what
he means to insinuate.
He has too much sense to appre-
bend another such war, although, he
would doubtless have the fanatics of
his party in the North, and the igno-
rant negroes of the South believe in
such a probability, and look to him
as the only hope in the hour of battle.
What he really means however, by
his acceptance being necessary, is
that no other man in this country
possesses the same extent of power
and influence, in the way of official
patronage, public money and unscru
pulous advocates, and these agencies
may be necessary to his party in the
presidential campaign. In such a
sense Gen. Grant will be necessary.
They will need all these influences
to retain many of the States not al
ready hopelessly lost to their party.
Therefore, he knows that he is indis-
pensable. He knows too, that his
party is a revolutionary element
That its leading spirits have a ma.
tured and settled design of overthrow.
ing, at the hazard of the peace ofthe
country, the established form of the
government. To do this, a coup
d'etat may be necessary, in which
his party will find that Gen. Grant is
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