The weekly clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1863-1882, 1875-09-22
Inc Legislation of 1865
CONCERNING FREEDMEN
1'eas9f from GEN. J. H. GEORGE. Chair.
ma" state Democratic Conservative Erec.
[coSTISrED FROM 1.sr WV,

Since the foregoing was in type. bav
Procnred copy of the debates betweeI
DIR. Lincoln and Mr.. Douglas in 1853
and find the following remarkable pas
sages, which go to show what was Mr.
Alncoin,s opinion then as to CITIZENSHIP
} OF the colored race, and that if III,
whites OF this State erred in 1868 in 70
1using to allow to the colored people DO
lItical and social rights, they had M
Lincoln's authority to sustain them;
Now, gentlemen, [ don't want tc
read at any greater length, but this is the
true complexion Of all | have ever said
In regard to the institution of slavery and
the black race. This is the whole of If
ana anything that argues me into his idea
OF perfect social and political equality
with the negro, Is but a specious and fam
tastIc arrangement Of words, by which a
man can prove n horse-chesnut TO he y
chesnut horse. | will say here, while
upon this subject, that have no pur-
pose, directly or indirectly, to interfere
with the institution of slavery in the
| "HOAS II OAiSlo. L DGll6F6 i nave
no lawful right to do so, and [ have no
inclination to do so. have no purpose
to introduce political and social equality
between the white and black rae 5.
There is physical difference between
the two, which, in my judgment, will
probably forever forbid their living to-
gether upon the footing of perfect equal
lty, and inasmuch as it becomes a neces-
sItY that there must be difference, /, as
we'll rs Judge Douglas, am in favor of the
race to which L belong having the supe-
rIOr position"
| Judge Douglass has said to YOU that
he has not been able to get from me an
answer to the question, whether | am in
favor OF negro citizenship. So fas as |
know, the Judge never asked me such a
question before. He shall have no occa-
sion to ever ask it again, for [ tell him
very frankly that [ am not in favor of
negro citizenship. This furnishes me an
occasion for saying n few words upon the
subject. | mentioned in certain speech
of mine which has been printed, that
the Supreme Court had decided, that
a negro could not possibly be made citi-
zen, and without saying what was my
ground of complaint in regard to that, or
whether | had any grounds of complaint,
Judge Douglass has from that thing
manufactured nearly every thing that ne
ever says about my disposition to produce
an equality between the negroes and white
people.
If any one will read my speech he will
find | mentioned that as one of the points
decided in the course of the Supreme
Court opinions, but l did not state what
objection | had TO it. But Judge Doug
lass tells the people what my objection
was, when | did not tell them myself.
Now my opinion is that the different
States have the power to make negro a
citizen under the constitution of the
United States if they choose. The bred
Scott decision decides that they have not
that power. If the State of Illinois had
that power should be opposed to the erer-
else of it. That is all | have to say
about it."
Before proceeding, let me say think l
have no prejudice against the Southern
people. They are Just what we would
be in their situation. If slavery did not
exist among them, they would not intro
duce it. If it did now exist amongst us,
we shonld not instantly give it up. This
believe of the masses North and South.
Doubtless there are individuals oil both
sides. who would not hold slaves under
any circumstances and others who would
gladly introduce slavery anew, If 1t were
out Of existence We know that some
Southern men do free their slaves, go
North and become tip-top Abolitionists;
while some Northern men go South, and
become most cruel slave masters.
'sWhen Southern people tell us they
are no more responsible for the origin OF
slavery than we, acknowledge the fact.
When it is said that the institution ex-
lists, and that it is very difficult to get rid
of it, in any satisfactory way, l can UNI
derstand and appreciate the saying.
surely will not blame them for not doing
what should not know how to do my
self. If all earthly polcer acre gtpen me,
| should not know what to do, as to the
existing institution. My first impulse
would be to free all the slaves, and send
Them to Liberia-to their own native
land But moments reflection. would
convince me that whatever of high hope
as Il think there is, there may be IN tins
in the long run, its sudden execution Is
impossible. If they were all landed
there in a day, they would all perish IN
the next ten days; and there are not
surplus shipping and surplus money
enough in the world to carry them there
in many times ten days. What then!
Free them all and keep them among us
as ulderlings?
+ itouite certain that this betters their
condition I think would not hold one
in slavery at any rate. Yet the point Is
NOT clear enough to me to denounce Peo-
nile upon. What next? Free them, and
make them politically and socially our
equals? My own feelings will not admit
of this; and if mine would, we well
know that those of the great mass OF
white people will not. Whether this feel
ing accords with justice and sound Judg-
meut. is not the sole question, If, indeed,
If Is any part of it. A universal feeling,
whether we'll or ill-founded, cannot be
/ safely disregarded. We cannot, then,
make them equals. 1t does seem to me
that systems of gradual emancipation
m;oht be adopted; but for their hardness
| IN this. Will not undertake to Judge
our brethren of the South.
While | was at the hotel to-day, an
elderly gentleman called upon me to know
whether 1 was really in favor of Produe-
ing perfect equality between the negroes
and white people. While / had not pro-
posed to myself on this Occasion to say
much on that subject, yet as the question
was asked me, l thought would occupy
perhaps FIVE minutes in saying something
in regard to it. l will say, then, that l
am not, nor ever have been, in favor OF
bringing about in any way the social and