The Leavenworth weekly times. [volume] (Leavenworth, Kan.) 1870-1880, 1875-05-06
GNeeklp Giu1es
THURSDAY, NAY 6, 1875.
Platform Of the American Communists.

OF American Communists. ii there were
no constituency for the doctrines there pro-
mulgated except the handful of obscure IA
natics who assembled, the matter would not
be serious. The trouble is that a very
large portion OF these tenet find an APPROX
al from interested classes, and repetition Of
them in respectable fonn and by reput-
able gathering increases the danger. We
have already referred 10 the financial vag-
aries and absurdities OF the Convention,
condensed ia a general demand for an I'M
limited paper currency based on the intan-
gible moonshine which they dub "faith and
resources" OF the nation. We wish to di
rect public attention to some OF the other
demands not any more reasonable. We quote
extracts from the platform, which demands,
among other things:
/. The adjustment of the contract system on Ma
tional, state, and municipal work.
We refer the people of Chicago TO the
new CustOm-liouse now in process OF con-
struction nnder the system the Communists
demand. In addition TO receiving ten
hours pay for eight hours work, the actual
labor performed is not more than half as
much as that done for private persons.
This government building, in consequence
OF the Sinking and "old sogering," is cost
ing the country two prices 10 erect il, and
the extra cost is coming out of the pockets
Of the business and industrial classes.
p cheap form Of transportation facilitate
exchange Of commodities.
The Changers have been all over this
question. Congress has been all over il.
Everybody has been all over it. We have
scarcely heard anything else for the last
four years. And, after all the discussion
and legislation on the subject, the whole
country, including the Changers, has settled
down TO the conviction that, under our
form OF government, no better system can
be devised than 10 leave private business of
all kinds to private enterprise. The com
petition OF the Baltimore d Ohio Railroad
on the one hand, and the safeguard of the
Erie Canal and the inland lakes on the
other, are saving more TO the people OF
America in the cost of transportation than
all the legislative devices that have been
invented TO secure cheap transportation.
Fortunately, the popular mania on the sub
ject bad expended itself before any OF the
proiligatc schemes introduced into the late
Congress could he formulated, and the
country will now escape the chagrin OF a
failure and the waste of enormous sums of
money sure TO follow any attempt 10 span
the continent with government railroads.
3. The substitution Of arbitration for strikes
whenever and wherever employees and employers
are willing 10 meet on equal grounds.
The lack of intellectual resources in this
industrial Congress" was conspicuous ev-
erywhere, but nowhere more conspicuous
than above. 1t has long since been conced-
ed that arbitration is much better solution
Of differences between employers and en-
pioyes than strikes and lOck-outs, and this
plan is already adopted whenever both |
1. 4. n
II il was the purpose of the Congress to |
promote and favor this plan, why was not |
some practicable system suggested which |
would substitute arbitration for strikes |
Simply TO recommend il, where all parties |
are willing and agreed, is very much like |
formal declaration that peace is prefer |
able to war.
4. The prohibition Of the importation Of all sery-
ale races, and the discrimination OF all subsidies
granted TO national vessels bringing them 10 our |
shores.
The Industrial Congress" was composed
of a set of people who evidently haven't |
read much Of late years. Ii they had they |
would know that there has been no impor-
tation of servile races in this country since
1898 when the constitutional prohibition
OF the slaye-trade went into effect. If the
above demand refers TO the Chinese. then il
is an exhibit Of additional ignorance China
Is free country there Is no bondage there
m the sense OF slavery, or revolutionary
servitude There has been a practice of |
making contracts with Cinnamon for term
Of years at ceetain price, with an agree
ment 10 return them dead or alive to their
homes at the expiration Of that term. There
have probably been abuses of this system;
but We do not think that it is necessary to
make a constitutional amendment forbid
ding such contracts in California. The
most profitable thing people can do is TO
mind their own business
5. To advance the standard oi American mechan-
ics by the enactment and enforcement Of equitable
apprentice-laws.
The meaning of this demand is NOT clear.
If, as we presume IL refers 10 the arbitrary
and tyTannicai rules adopted bv certain
trades unions to limit the number Of ap-
prentices and keep American bows from
learning trades under the pretext OF keep
ing up wages, but really 10 furnish situa-
tions for more foreign workmen, then the
demand that this abuse shall he corrected
by legislation is fair, Just and desirable.
This assumption OF the right TO dictate
what trade a boy may or may not learn or
limit the number OF apprentices for each
trade, Is altogether unwarranted on the part
ot the trades-unions or any other Organiza-
uon. 1t is an outrage upon the American
youth, forcing them 10 become street-Arabs
and vagabonds in order To make room for
the foreign mechanics that flock into the
country. who snatch the means of livelihood
out oi the hands OF American youths, in
Guiding the sons Of emigrants as well as
those of natives
G. To abolish the system Of contracting the labor
fPf,,T ipsff |
tons.
What, then. shall he done with the con-
victs? Shall they lie immersed for wears
IN solitary confinement, and maintained at
the public cost? Both humanity and po-
litical economy are opposed to any such dis
position OF them. The real objection which
The industrial Congress has 10 the convict
labor is that the trades taught in the pris-
ons enable the convicts TO make an honest
living after their dismissal therefrom. and
this, it is thought, enlarges the competition
for employment. The demand, therefore.
is utterly selfish and mean.
= The reduction of the hours Of labor to eight per
day, 50 that lahorers may have more time for the
social enjoyable and intellectual Improvement and
be aide 10 reap the advantages conferred by the Ia
bor-saving machinery which their brains have
created.
Without pausing TO count the number OF
laptr-SdNiilS nacnines tnat nave been IN |
vented by the trades-unions We will simply
ask whether the industrial Congress ex-
poets laborers shall receive ten hours paw for
eight hours work? We presume so, since
they can now work eight hours for eight
hours pay. In fact, this is the usual prac-
tIce In the Winter season. But If they are
10 receive ten hours pay for eight hours
work, who is TO give them this gratuity of
% per cent? Their employers certainly cam
not afford 10 present 10 every workman two
hours pay every day for non-production.
Ii not their employers, who, then?
s. To prevent by lawfulmean the invoking the aid
oil the military whenever and wherever the toiling
masses refuse TO submit 10 the arbitrary and unjust
demands OF aggregated wealth, and whereby men |
enlisted as the nations defenders become the ma
tons oppressors.
III We accept the literal meaning of the
''Congress," the demand is perfectly proper.
The fact is, the military never have been
used in this country, and never will he
used TO coerce the e toiling masses" to sub !
init to the arbitrary and unjust demands {
Of aggregated wealth." When working ..
men strike for higher wages, and then turn /
out with arms TO prevent other men from !
working at the prices they have refused, !
or TO burn and destroy property, the aid of ,
military is invoked TO suppress the out }
rage. II il is intended that the military :
shall not be used TO project those WILLING 10 | .