Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1875-01-15

give MS authority Tor the use OF sol
diery N dispensing a Legislature on
Jan. (, 1875, he goes back pine years
to the riot Of 1866, and inficts on Us
three columns Of inaccurate and parti-
sau statements about the condition Of
the State since, dwelling particularly
on the outrages Of 1872, and the mp
rising oflast September. This digging
into the past onlyrevives the memoryOf
Grants successive blunders. He again
cites the midnight order of Durell-
presenting the pitiable spectacle of a
Chief Magistrate of the republic trying
to screen himself behind the disgraeed
ermineof a Judge who escaped impeach-
ment before a Radical Congress forthis
very midnight order, only by rendering
his resignation, which Grant accepted.
That the President was not deceived by
Durel, however, is now evident by his
confession that the election Of Kellogg
in 1872 was mot altogether certain, nor
is it any more certain that McEnery
was chosen" He goes further and
tells Us Tat ''the election was a gigan-
tic fraud" Then why did he recognize
Kellogg In preference? Because
kellogg obtained possession of the
Office" Dismissing all thought of how
he obtained possession, this logic Of
Grant convicts him of another blunder
last September, when McEnery and
Penn obtained possession" If mere
possession was the deciding test, it
should have been applied impartially,
where the election Of both are held to
be IN equal doubt.
The gross errors Of constitutional
law displayed in this document are too
numerous to criticize. For instance,
the President says "the officers and
troops Of the United States may well
have supposed that it was their duty to
act, when called upon by the Cover
nor" By reference to Art. ", sec. 4,
so often quoted in this same document,
the President might learn that
even he, the Commander.in-chief, has
no right to act, If called on by the
Governor, when the Legislature is in
session, as was the case on Jan. ). Bless
his innocent soul, a Legislature has
the right to impeach a Governor for
proper cause, and IN some States to
suspend him from Office during trial.
Suppose, without regard to party, the
Louisiana Legislature should have i'm
peached Kellogg, would Grant have
felt bound to maintain him against
such "insurrection. OF course At
torney General Williams is responsible
for this ridiculous version Of constitu.
tional law.
The argument Of the Presidential
proclamation of Sept. Is, dispensing"
the White League, proves entirely too
much. If they had not all disarmed,
it proves that Grant was criminally
negligent'in not enforcing the procla-
nation. This was a heinous offence
against the Republican party, if, as he
further claims, these armed bodies IN
Inundated American voters Of African
descent. Such neglect of plain duty
ought to be matter for impeachment
before a Radical Congress.
Again, if the Presidential proclama-
ton of Sept. Is is still in force, Mis-
sissippians might ike to know when
that Of Vicksburg ceases. The Presi-
dents logic is that if a Legislature
distasteful in any way 70 Gov. Ames
should be'elected tomorrow, its organ
ization might be prevented by any
Federal officers OF troops who "slp-
posed 1t was their duty to act when
called on by the Governor. limo de-
partment Of civil or Judicial service
are officials permitted to suppose"
their duty; they must know it, and
know their authority. We had always
imagined that this universal principle
was applied even more vigorously IN
the military service.
The reference to planters threaten.
ing to discharge. political opponents,
made in this message by the head of
an Administration which VIGOROUSLY
drives whole armies of white mechanics
employed in its navy yards to the polls
to vote its ticket, suggests but one con-
clusion-that the Republican party
cares more for the Southern negro than
the Northern white. The Presidents
assertion Of an utterly lawless condi-
ton of society in Louisiana, is con-
tradicted utterly by the demeanor of
that people under these latest and most
CALLING outrages. The effort TO throw
part Of the blame on Kellogg is almost
cowardly, because Kellogg would
not have made a single move unless
certain Of Grants support. The state
ment that sol1iers are not lawyers, nor
the officers equipped with law-books,
is a confession that the military should
be subOrdinated to the civil power as
designed by the Constitution.
There is a tone of half-defense and
half-confession running through the
whole document. Nor is it self-conf-
dent. Grant does not contend that his
subalterns have done no wrong, hut
that they have done no intentional
wrong" Neither does he insist that
his own skirts are clear, but tells
Congress that he warned them Of what
be would do if they neglected to act,