Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1875-04-10
THE REV. MIR. O'MALLEY AND MR..
JOHN BRIGHT, MP.

DtlralSs blOugub IldL broad cleSL OF
yours was the home Of larger and nObler
spirit. You viii see, by my putting them
SO freely before the public, how little fear
and how completely l disregard your polite
ompliments-'childish and absurd, 'emi-
nently childish and absurd etc.-and l
rely with confidence upon the acute reader
throwing back these compliments to your
self.
''YOu tell me you have read my book.
But you must have been only doing over
1t, or reading it with very dim spectacles,
for you have failed utterly 10 catch its full
scope and meaning. l distinctly state in
my first chapter that / am about to address
myself to the charge OF the challenge in
the Times, conveyed in these wOrGs, there
quoted:-eThey Che Home Rulers) do not
even hint at the necessary cor
relative - Home Rule for England
or for Scotland, and, stiu less
Home Rule for Great Britain obviously
meaning by Home Rule for Great Britain
Home Rule for the Empire-that is, a spe-
cial Imperial Parliament, to be occupied
exclusively with Imperial and Information
al affairs, like the Congress at Washington.
1 accordingly, after dealing with the IRISH
case, apply myself distinctly to the Scotch
and the English and the Imperial case. In
the chapter on the English case you
would have nOticed-and it must have i'm
pressed you, had you been wide awake,
in favor Of my scheme-that curl
Gus occurrence there cited, showing
the inconvenience Of Hshmen and Scotch
men legislating for Englishmen: "Just see
what happened only a few days ago in the
matter of the Burials Bill. That was a
measure Of purely English interest, in
which the people of Ireland and Scotland
had no interest whatever; but vet It was
carried by Irish and Scotch votes against
what seemed TO be the dominant opinion
of the English members. How natural
then was it for an English N. p. to
suggest, in a letter to the Standard, that
the time had come for establishing
"a Home Rule movement for England
and how atIral for the Standard himself
to admit 'it is impossible 10 deny that
there is something gravely anomalous in
representative system under which such
vexatious results are possible And here
is now at hand that infinitely more 'vexa-
tious result the destruction Of the Ma
tional Church Of England by the same alb
surd system Of concentrated legislation,
putting topedOes into the hands Of Irish
Catholics and Scotch Presbyterians to blow
up church with which they have no con
Germ.
in the chapter on the Imperial case l
demonstrate the impossibility of this
one Parliament Of ours
doing the business Of the country, not
merely not doing it well, but doing it at
all. apply the obvious natural remedy,
the division Of laOOr-the division Of the
legislative labOr-between three Parlia-
ments-English, Irish, and Scotch-fOr
uses, and one Imperial Parliament
for Imperial uses. The simple suggestion
seems TO Tighten you out Of your wits
And vet what is there in it so deperately
Il Is not very long ago when
there Jcds a Scotch Parliament, and only
the other day an Irish Parliament.
propose 10 revive them in a better form,
creating a mOdJLS UiUeHdj between them |
and the Imperial Parliament not existing |
before, and such as would secure their har- |
moniOus cooperation. l leave the English !
Parliament untouched, only eXpurged OF /
It's Irish and Scotch elements, and then I 1
ask these three TO contribute equitably in |
The construction of an Imperial Parlia- |
nent. That is not a revolution in the |
streets. Il is a calm, sober revolution, |
which have cast in the mold Of a simple |
bill of tWenty-fOur clauses, which, rs soon |
IS you are sufficiently recovered from your /
childish fright, 1 will ask you to propose |
some fine day in your place in the House. |
"FUr your encouragement ! would point /
put to you the example Of Earl Russell. |
La a letter in the Times that cOOl-headed |
DID statesman insists not on one Parlia- /
nent for Ireland and one for Scotland, as l |
suggest, but FOUR for Ireland and |
TWO for Scotland. In his letter he says: /
But this is too large 4 subject to enter on /
IN the present letter. l will endeaEOr in /
he course Of the winter to explain in a
pamphlet the course which l think might
be taken 10 the satisfaction Of the nation |
1t large hope my Lord RusselIs pam
Dhlet will give you some comfort. But
will YOU need any if you throw an eve across
he Channel and observe how the two of
he largest countries in EurOpe-the Aus
rian and German Empires-aTe firmly /
Knitting their struggling limbs together by |
hat very process Of a cohesive Federalism
which / am recommending 10 England,
hat Federalism embracing, in both cases,
vice as many as in our case Of separate
state Legislatures. Throw a further glancell
lCross the melancholy ocean, and nOteyl
what you viii find there-the grandest en-
Dire the world ever saw, consisting Of sew
separate, self-gOveTned States,
loosely and strongly bound together by the
Federal ligament.
"YOur horror, then, of our simple Federal
cheme is really childish Il thank you for
he wOrd), or possibly it is only affected.
Taking a sharper notice Of the tone and
enOr of your letter, think can trace tho
cal secret, the serious purpose of it. 1t is
plainly English arrogance, demanding that
England alone must be recognized as the
ole mistress. Ireland must still be held
n pupilage, and Engl and will be, forsOOth,
Ter kindly fatherly guardian. No, Master
Bright, this cant is worn out. We are
heartily and thoroughly and ineXOraDly dis
,usted with your guardianship, and re-
Olved to get rid of il at any risk or cost.
Every thoughtful Irishman feels that Ouf
most absolute need is a becoming, manly,
rational selfrespect, and for that is neces-
airy a national self-gOyernment. We must |
De masters on our own soil. Refuse US
hat upon my safe and peaceful plan, and
Ou compel us to adopt what, 1t appears,
-Uu find more 'easy TO understand
lb AuCutl lldug the SOY cItlEu
Of Ireland. Probably, You !
augh in your sleeve at this idea. But, my
God friend, this is no laughing matter.
ct us talk Of it seriously. just look at |
he contingencies, by no means remote,
rOmising to make this Irish dream a
tern reality. There is at this moment,
n the United States, actually another !
a good deal a more nu-
lerous population Of the tWO-eyery man
nd boy of them armed to the teeth and
anting, every man and boy Of them, TO
venge all her wrongs on 'perfdIOUs Al
ion.' You know what close alliance
inds the States and Russia in q solid
You know how yog stand
nth Russia Just now. Imagine Russia
licking quarrel with you-the simplest
hing in the woodland a war thereupon,
nth the United States for ally. Imagine
n Irish invasion Of Ireland, borne
D her shores by the combined fleets
f the United States and of Russia. .
'hink Of the important aid which France
-ould surely give us. And think, further,
or easy it would be for the Irish colony
D England TO paralyze every military ;
there, destined for the relief Of /
our Irish garrison. / give no heed to your /
bose estimates OF our millions and half /
billions. Be sure Of this and
ear 10 well in mind-when the
ccasion is ripe the mass Of
ur people win be ready. Think ,