The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1875-10-21
senator Morton as a ReyoIutionist.

be strong man for the nomination his COM
petitors Will realize at the Republican Ma
tional Convention. He has a personal or
gan to advocate his claims, and other appii-
snces at work TO secure the nomination.
He is the ablest man ofthe Republican party
in the West, if not in the Union. His am
bition is equal to that of Lucifer, and he
never tires in any of his undertakings.
These qualities make him formidable in
whatever he attempts, and, having set his
heart on the presidency, Grant and Conk-
ling, Wsshburne and Wilson may look out
for squalls that will capsizs their political
crafts in the nominating convention of 1876.
Is he fit man for the place? Has he the
requisite qualities for the presidency Can
the country safely entrust to him the man
agement of its executive affairs?
These are important questions, and
they demand of the American people
the most serious consideration. The presi-
dent should be an able man: the ability of
senator Morton is conceded Robespierre
was able and SO was Daaton, but no one
will claim that the rule of these
men conduced to the glory and hap
piness of the French people. They
were vindictive; so is Senator Morton.
They were ambitious; so is he. They al
lowed no impeachment to stand between
them and power; neither does he. To reach
supreme authority they used the Bastile
and the guillotine, and to quiet France, they
drugged her with terror. To secure power,
the Indiana Danton is stirring up the pas
sions of other days, and to gain the presi-
dency he rekindles the bitterness and
hatred of the civil war. Moreover, he is not
only vindictive, but he is unsafe. His past
career proves him a revolutionist, and had
he ruled France in 1851, he, like Louis Ma
poleon, would have issued his DEGREES, and
been council of state, legislative and execu-
tive at once. That the readers of the Senti-
mel may know that this is no idle assertion,
we propose to give an account OF his usurps-
ton of all the departments of the state gov
eminent in 1868.
At the election in 1862 the people of Indiana
sent to the legislature a majority of mem
bers opposed to the Republican party. At
that time Senator Morton was governor of
the state. He was surrounded by soldiers,
and his every wish was law. He placed
guards about the state house, and to reach
his office one had to pass the soldier armed
with the bayonet. The men enlisted to de-
fend the integrity of the Union were en-
ployed as body guard about his sacred
person. He would brook no opposition to
his wishes without imputing disloyalty to
those that differed with him, and considered
devotion to him as the true test of patriot
ism. From the day the legislature met
until it was broken up by the secession of
the Republican members, there was discord
and conflict between the executive and leg
To the Democratic members he extended
neither consideration nor courtesy. They
were in a majority in both houses. but en-
comprised as he was with armed mem sub
ject to his authority, he assumed the air of a
despot whose every wish was law, and
every act an edict. In the House, the Demo-
Gratis were led by Judge Niblack, an able
and a prudent man, and whose reputation
as statesman is co-extensive with the
boundaries of the state. On the 9th day of
February. 1863, some ten days before the
time fixed by law for the legislature to ad
journ, all the Republican members of the
house with few exceptions, left Indianap-
oils and went in body to Madison. Their
pretext for this revolutionary act was the
tendency of bill to reorganize the militia
OF the state. They declared the bill to be IN
constitutional, and to prevent its passage,
broke up the legislature and left the city.
If the bill was constitutional the majority
had right to pass it; if unconstitutional
il would have been imperative SO there was
no justification for this action of the mi
norily. The Democratic members remained
in their seats and prepared all necessary
bills for maintaining the government, and
paying the interest on the public debt. Had
a fear of the passage of the military bill
been the true reason for the Republican
bolt, the minority would have returned to
their seats in time to have passed the neces-
sary appropriation bills. As all the bills
must be read for three consecutive
days unless two-thirds of the MEM
bers consent to suspension
of the rule, and as they must
be presented TO the governor two days be-
lore the legislature adjourns, the constitu-
tion and the veto would have prevented any
legislation that was obnoxious to the gov
ernor or his friends. The minority could,
therefore, have safely returned to their seats
aud allowed the passage of the bills to carry
on the state government, and to maintain
the states honor. But they would not do this,
and the legislature adjourned without these
necessary Laws being enacted. The proper
course for the governor 10 have pursued I'm
der these circumstances was to have con-
vened the legislature in special session, that
provision might be made for the running Of