The weekly democratic statesman. [volume] (Austin, Tex.) 1871-1883, 1875-03-25

his maternal statements, declaring that theJ
even fell short Of the truth.
At the outset OF his argument he saws Il
Is an entire and even gross error 10 treat
all afiirmations about Rome as equivalent to
afirmations about British subjects Of the
Roman communion. They may adopt the
acts Of Rome, and the question was and is
whether they do. Il have done nothing to
leave this question open to doubt, but !
have paraphrased my monosyllable Rome
by the words the Papal Chair, and its ad-
visers aud abettOrs.' Unable as ana 70 ex-
tenuate the charges-on the contrary, bound
rather to plead guilty to the fault Of having
understated them-l am on that account the
more anxious that their aim shall be clearly
understood. First, then, / must again
speak plainly, and, fear, hardly, Of that
system-political rather than religious
which in Germany is well termed Vatican
ism. II would be affectation TO exclude
from my language and meaning its contriv-
ers and conscious promoters. But here In
my mind as well as in my words anything
approaching 10 censure stops. The Vatican
DEGREES do in the strictest sense establish
for the Pope a superior command over 10y
atty and civil duty In contToverting DR..
Newman, Dir. Gladstone says in one passage
Church Of England has never yet been esti-
mated among US at anything like the full
amount of its calamitous importance. 1t
has been said that the world does not know
its greatest men, neither, will I add, is it
aware Of The power and weight carried by
the words and by the acts of those amongst
its greater men whom it does know.
The ecclesiastical historian will perhaps
hereafter judge that this secession was q
much greater event even than the partial
secession Of John Wesley-the only case of
personal loss suffered by the Church of
England since the Reformation which can
be at all compared with it in magnitude. y
Concerning Archbishop Manning he says
''It would be unjust to Archbishop Man
uiDg, on whose opinion in many points shall
tgain have TO animadyert, were l not to say
that his declarations also materially assist
in leading me to this conclusion, an avowal
/ am the more bound to make because I
think the premises from which he draws
them are such as if were myself to accept
them would certainly much impair the
guarantees for my performing under all cir
cumstances the duties of a good subject.
This means that the poison which circulates
from Rome has not actually been taken into
the system. Unhappy, what / may term
the minority among the apologlsts do not
represent the ecelesia dozens, the silent diffu-
sion Of its influence in the lay atmosphere.
the true current and aim of thought in the
Papal Church now given up to Vaticanlsm
de 1uro, and likely, according to all human
probability, to come from year TO wear more
under its power. And here, again, the
Hlterior purpose of my tract has been thus
far attained. It was this-to provide that
II, together with the ancient and loyal ira
ditions Of that body, we have now imported
among us a scheme adverse t. the princi-
pies Of human freedom, and. in its essence
unfaithful to civil duty, the character OF
that scheme should be fully considered and
understood" On the first appearance of
MIR. Gladstone's tract, it will be remem-
bered, Archbishop Manning gave utterance
to the following propositions, and he has
not since Teceded from them. /. That the
infallibility of the Pope was doctrine of
divine faith before the Council Of the Vati-
can was held. 2. That the Vatican DEGREES
have in no jot or title changed either the
obligation or the conditions Of civil allie
glance. 3. That the civil allegiance of
Roman Catholics is as undivided as that of
other Christians, and neither more nor less
limited. 4. That the claim of the Roman
Church against obedience to the civil power
In certain cases is the same as that made by
other religious communions in this country.
MIR. Gladstone declares his perfect readiness
TO accept all these four propositions, such
acceptance being subject to the very sim.
pie condition that the word ''notn be in
serted in the three which are affirmative.
and that its equivalent be struck out from
the one which is negative, that is to say, he
abides by his original account of the con
tents of the Syllabus. RevertinR to DIR.
Newman, Mr.. Gladstone says he finds him
self breathing another air, and discussing.
1t would seem, another Syllabus. ''If we
had DR.. Newman for Pope we should be
tolerably safe, so mereiful and genial would
be his rule. But when DIR. Newman, not
being Pope, contradicts and nullifes what
the Pope declares, whatever we NAV wish,
we cannot renounce the use of our eyes.
Fessler, who writes, as DR.. Newman truly
says, to curb exaggerations, and who is APP
proved by the Pope, declared that every
subject of the Pope, and therefore DIR. New
man, is bound to obey the Syllabus, because
it is from the Pope and of the Pope. BE-
fore the Council of the Vatican every Cath
Ole was bound to submit to and obey the
Syllabus. The Council of the Vatican has
made no difference IN that obligation OF
conscience He questions its title, indeed,
: TO be held as er eatheltrd, and this is his
main contention against Schultz, but he no
where denies Its infalhbility, and he dis.
tinctly includes it in the range of Christian
obedience" And 0gain, had all antagonists
been content to reply with the simple in
genuousness of DR.. Newman, it might have
been unnecessary to resume this portion Of
the subject. II make no complaint of the
Archbishop. for such reply would have
destroyed his case. DR.. Newman, strue
Cling hard with the difficulties Of bis task.
finds that the statement Of DR.. DOYLE ne
quiFes (p. 12) some pious Interpretation thai
in 1926 the clergy both Of England and Ire
land were trained IN Gallican opinion.
Up. 49,, and had modes Of thinking foreicr
altogether 60 the minds OF the entouragt
of the Holy See. That the British minister.
ought 70 have applied to Rome %. 1O) L
learn the civil duties Of British subjects
and that no pledge from Catholics was d
any value TO which Rome was not party. ,
In conclusion, Mr.. Gladstone says: g
am convinced that the time has come whe1
religion itself requires a vigorous protest
against this kind Of religionism. / am no.
one Of those who find or imagine hope
less hostility between authority and reason,
or who undervalue the vital moment oil
Christianity 10 mankind. believe that re
hgion 70 be the determining condition o.
the well or ill-being, and its church to have
been and to be, in is several organisms. b,
far the greatest institution the world In:
ever seen. The poles on which the dispen
sation rSsts are truth and freedom. Be
tween these there IS a holy, divine union.
and he that impairs or impugns either /,
alike the enemy Of both. 10 tear or /,
beguile away from man the attribute Of in
ward liberty is not only idle, / would al
most say Il is impiOus. When the Christian
scheme first went forth with all its authori
y 20 fegenerate the world, il did not dis
courage but invited the free action Of th
human reason and the individual conscience
while i supplied these agents from with,
With the rules and motives Of an humble
which was also a noble, self-nostraint. TIT
propagation Of the Gospel was committee
% an organized society, but IN the consli
tuition 81 that society, as we learn allk.