New-York tribune., 1875-05-15
THE CIVIL SFRVICE EXPERIMENT

THE CIVIL SFRVICE EXPERIMENT
We publish this morning the full and elabO-
rate report made by Mr.. Dorman Il. Eaton
Yesterday to the American Social Science As
sociation Mt Detroit, upon the manner and
causes of the death Of tho late Civil Service
Reform. Mr.. Eaton is one Of those who have
always treated this matter with deadly Serious
ness. While his faith in the President con-
timed, his defense of him was always marked
10y the deepest solcmnity. and now that the
last refuge OF crcdulity seems to be swept
away. the inquiry into tho causes OF the dis
astcr is prosecuted 10y him with tic severcst
caInestness. The Jealous good faith OF Mr..
Eaton was even more pronounced than that OF
Mr.. Curtis. I he latter gentleman II tanned suiii-
cicnt sense of humOr to resi- gn when the President
suspended tho rules for Ncw-YoIk, Chicago,
and Boston but Mr.. Eaton held firmly on
though sevCrcr trials than these, never Cnce
relaxing his earnest and industrious efforts at
reform, or suffering the absurdity of the sitla-
ton to modify for n moment his dense gray
ity of dcmcanor. The ordeal was too much
for tho nerves of most friends Of the reform.
Some felt the disgrace of it so deeply that
they had TO laugh to keep from crying. But
bis sobriety long enough to prepare this report.
1t is in many respects an admirable document,
giving in a blief and systematic form the
entire history of the lnckless experiment, set
ting forth with substantial fairness the causes
which led to its failure, ard indicating with
vieor and energy some of tho considerations
which naturally spring fiOm the story.
Every one who knows anything about the
circumstances of the case will agree with Mr..
Eaton IN charg;"g the unprincplcd and vcnal
members of the maj, rity in the last Congress
with large potion Of the responsibility for
the failure. No words can do justice to that
shameless spirit OF vulgar rapacity with which
they came lcfCfe the President and the heads
of departments demanding the fulEl'mcnt Of
promises made to their adhcroits in their dis
tricts. They were equally impatient and con-
temptuous Of rules of law and rules of honor
and morality. They claimed the distribution
of al public positions in their districts their
richt, as perquisite of their places, and re-
scnted any inquiry into the character or fitness
of their piOtcg6s as personally insulting.
Those who were Of thrifty nature,
and thought more of the future rainy
day than present glory, devoted them
selves to the appointment OF congeDIal
collectors ard supervisors with whom they
might divide the profits accruinG from the pro-
lection of crooked whisky. Others, who were
avid of honor and place, looked ont for those
supporters who were strongest i'll the primaries.
But either class would have laughed in Mr..
Eat0n's face-and no doubt frequently dld-ut
the suggestion that the true theory OF Cur Gov
eminent WAS to get good men for its work. and
that tie duty of public officer was to do the
business of his office. 1t was useless. of course,
to talk to this kind Of man about the disgrace
ard dishonOr of making employees and clerks
pay his election expenses. One OF them said
in Mr. FatOD's presence that his election cost
him 81 900, and that he thought it pretty
hard if he could not get lis money back by an
assessment. Most of them were less outspokcn,
but large proportion thought precisely the
same thing.
The ront upon which the friends Of thc re-
form will be likely to differ with Mr. Eaton is
in the portion of responsibility which he Is
inclined tO attribute 10 the President for the
disgraccful result which his report dcplorcs.
He criticiscs the lack Of energy and earnest
ness which the President displayed in resisting
the pressure OF COngIossmcn. but gives LIN
full credit for sincerity and carncstness in mi
tiating the reform, and evidently accepts the
assurances of regret with which he gave it
up. Mr. Eaton las so long held this view tha,
it would be perhaps tCo much to ask him now
TO rcinquish it. But We doubt whether he
will find many who arc so Credulous as to re-
ccivo it. In the opinion OF most men who have
been Interested in the experiment, the
President first favored it, because, in his
ignorance of tie ways and means OF
politics, he imagined that it would save
him trouble to have the appointments made by
law instead of by caprice and good pleasure.
When lie saw that the reform gave him more
trouble to defend than to violate it, he sickencd
of il at once. lie had never considered ii bind
ing upon himself in the least. When he wanted
10 suspend the rules to help friend OF n rcla-
tive TO good Office or a Iich assessment, he
never had tho slightest hesitation in doing so.
Ills original advocacy Of the measure was
founded in ignorance, and his abandonment, OF
it was the natural result Of that lack of active
moral sentiment which is continually evident
in all his political acts. SOmetipes, under right
influences, he does admirably courageous and
useful things. The country will always I've
grateful TO him fer his stand against in
nation. for Lis veto of the Bounty bill, and
for the support hc has given TO Mr.. Br.low
in his campaign against the Whisky Ring. But
we doubt if impartial history will be able to
discover any underlying current of intelligent
morality as tho motive of his good acts, or any
depravcd purposo or intention rs the motive of
his errors. lie has done the State great serv-
ice In his time, but he is not safe and trust
worthy public servant in matters Of legal con-