The Republican journal., 1875-04-01
Bowles' Views.

Bow1es' Views.
MI Sam. Bowles, one OF the shrewdest
observers connected with the press, lately
visited Washington and observed He not
only observed, but he published his OBJ
servations in his paper, the Springfield
Republican. We copy few Of these opin-
ions as we'll worth reading:
ABOUT CONGRESS.
The opening of Congress in December
found the Republican members asking
each other, ''Wherewithal shall we be
saved?n The close in March dismisses
them with the conviction that they are
lost. Certainly the session has increased
the division and deepened the demoraliza-
ton. There is real and radical differ
ence of opinion in the Republican party
not only upon men, but upon measures,
even upon principles. All attempts to
heal this difference, to smother it, are fail
ures; and it's legitimate progress to its
legitimate results are beginning to be ac
cepted by the wisest leaders on both sides.
Differences upon currency and tariff, even
between economy and extravaganza in ad
ministration, might be tolerated OF post
more pressing issue but the difference
upon the more pressing issue-that of
dealing with the Southern question-has
come to be greater than any of the others
and, coupled with q sharp difference over
the head of the Administration, rs the
representative of one side OF that issue,
has come to be ineXorable and stringent.
For it is not to be escaped that the policy
4 |, +L, -
and the manner in which he has illustrated
it, is the rock upon which the Republican
party is splitting. There are shades OF
difference with him, as there are various
motives OF agreement with him, but near
ly all the strong men Of the party here
strong intellectually and morally -repudi-
ate both the policy and the manner Of its
enforcement. Wilson, the Morrill5, Wad
leigh, Ferry, at least q third, possibly half,
Of the Eastern Republican senators are
against both. so in the House, Blaine,
Dawes, Garfield, Poland, even the Hoars,
Willard, Hawley-the forty best Republi-
cans of the old House-are more irrecon-
ciled to the Administration on this ques-
| ton than either their speeches or thell
| votes have yet indicated. The Cabinet,
even, might be entered tor protestants.
TOUCHING TIE THIRD TERM
The why and the wherefore Of the Presi-
dents position, the secret of his eonduct,
| is, upon the surface OF things, puzzle
| He is not retormer, nor a seDtimentalist
nor fanatic, nor anything else that would
| lead him naturally to passionate cru sade
against the Southern whites or in behal
of the Southern negroes; on the contrary
in all respects quite the reverse. Only &
year ago he would have vetoed the civi
rights bill it it had been presented to him
Less than q year ago he was coquettine
with the Southern Conservatives and Dem
ocrats, and seriously threatening his party
with desertion in their behalf, Now he il
further over on the other side than ever
as far as Wendell Phillips OF General But
ler would be, or would have him; to the
extent OF overriding the Constitution
trampling on laws, outraging the will o
| the majority and substituting military rule
for civic authority, in order, as avowed
"to preserve the South to the Republican
party" | confess | see no other intelli
gent, even creditable explanation Of thiG
position and his conduct than that he i
determinedly seeking a second reelection
The record would seem like drunken
dance on any other suppostion. Thi
gives order to both his vagaries and hi
violence
Nothing is more obvious here now thai
the increased realization and eonfessiol
of this third term ambition. Since De
cember the Presidents strange ambition
finds many more open advocates, mucl
more open recognition among Republi
cans than it did then The names tina
could be given in authority for the Presi
dents purpose would carry almost con
victing weight with the country | thinl
at least fifty of the most prominent Re
publican congressman now confess it-al
of them with sadness, most of them witt
indignation. The Cabinet and the Su
preme Court both furnish supporters o
the theory The Democrats all believe il
it; and, moreover, they believe that, ST
far as the Republican nomination is con
cerned, the President will win. On the
other hand most of the strenuous support
ers of General Grant and his Southern
policy either embrace or accept the theory
or will not commit themselves upon it. 4
few, like Senators Jones of Nevada anC
Howe of Wisconsin, are infdels They
affect, at least, to believe that he has ne
third term purpose, and they are agains
it if he has. So OF some OF his persona
friends out Of politics. But the great bulE
Of the Grant men, pure and simple, either
openly odvocate his reelection, accept i
as possible contingency, or dodge it a:
a painful question. General Butler, the
accepted leader of the Presidential policy
in the House for the past month, has MOI
doubted General Grants third term amb
ton these two years, and has already givel
significant tokens of his willingness tc
support it. While among the rings ant
jobbers and lobbyists, temporary or per
manent residents in the District, the con
tractor and sutler following OF the White
House and the departments, and all that
crowd of cuttle-fsh, that circle around
power, and in whose company the Presi-
dent and many of his personal advisers
have found too congenial associations,
protestations are growing louder and
louder that he is the only man who can
save the country and the party and-them-
selves; as many of them seem really sin
cere in their belief that he can be re-clect.
| ed
Red signals used on a railroad, signifies
danger and means stop. 1t means the