Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1875-02-04
THURSDAY. February 4.

| rights OF every one would be amply protested
| Some further discussion ensued, and Mr..
! EdmundS said there were other objections 10
! The bill, as il exempted This corporation from
| taxation, not only as To the property il now
had, but any which it might hereafter ac-
| quire.
Without action on the bill. il was laid over.
Dir. Conklihg presented the memorial of
street car conductors and drivers of Washing
ION and Georgetown, asking relief from
| grievous wrongs under which they labor He
commended this matter 10 the attention of
| The Committee on the District.
| Mr.. Hitchcock introduced bill To amend
Ihe flSt section OF the act of June % LA. To
| provide government for the District of Co
lHnhia. referred TO Committee on District
OF Columbia.
Mr.. Edmunds, by request, introduced bin
| TO amend the bankrupt act judiciary.
Mr. Foreman reported from Committee on
Territories a substitute for Senate bill Ia cS-
tablish TN, territory of Pcmbina. Also. from
same committee. a substitute for bill re
latIng To the approval of bills in the territory
of Utah.
The calendar OF general orders being pro-
ceodtd with, the Committee on Claims was
called, and number of bills were dispose of
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Mr.. Lamar Miss rose to
PERSONAL EXPLANATION.
and disc!aimed certain language imputed to
him in the record, and in This connection re-
ferred to paragraph i'm the Washington Ee-
lHdtcdR descriptive of the scene i'm the House
In which 1t is asserted that Mr.. Mclean at
tempted 10 pass over to Mr.. Butler. and was
prevented by Mr. Lamar and one of his Tex
as colleagues. Mr. Lamar said he was not
within six feet of Mr.. Mclean, but that he
observed him closely, and saw no indication
OF violence. ON the contrary, his voice and
manner was remarkably quiet.
Mr.. Butler said he would observe that he
saw no such movement.
Several voices near Mr.. McIean's seat
"There was none"
Mr.. Blount (Ga.) then addressed the House
c0ntending that there was no necessity for
the bill, and that all the rights of the coore,i
people were secured by existing laws and
could be enforced in the state courts He
argued that the logical sequence of the pres
ent action of Congress was the removal of
all cases from the state TO the federal courts
and the practical nullificatiOn OF state gov
eminent.
Mr.. .Sener Cya) said he recognized the fact
that he stood in peculiar position. Yet,
but for the fact that he had been
INDECESTLY ASSAILFD,
he should not feel ii incumbent upon him TO
stand here and justify his position on the
vote that he should give on the civil rights
bill He was here after he had twice given
his vote against the measure as a representa-
tive of the people, he had the right under the
constitution TO speak here, not only in dis
cusslon. but when his name was calleI to
vote: lie had so spoken from his honest CON
VlcticEs, and for so speaking had been de
nounced as the Judas IsCariot of the repu0ii-
can party. The civil rights bill had never
been recognized as all of republic anism In
1872 the eleven reconstructed states voted for
the first time for President of the United
states, and eight of them voted for ULYSSES
;. Grant. In not one of them was the civil
rights measures made a test tofrepublicaniSm. of
His own state. that never before had swerved
from democracy, at that time cast her vote
for that soldier and statesman. Grant. Yet
because a representative of the people comes
here and votes as he told his people he would
when lie asked their votes, he is assailed in
this manner; and that constitutional guar
antee that member should not be calle TO
account for words spoken in debate has been
violated, for he charged that the assault
made upon him by the organ of the party
was made by authority. But why, il was
asked, vote against the rule? Because the
democracy had at no time shown any dispo-
SItion TO resort To dilatOry motions on any
measure except this bill. lie had voted twice
10 prevent its being forwarded To its passage
because in his section there was good feel
ing between the blacks and the whites and
because in his state
THE SCHOOL SYSTEM
was open alike 10 the whites and the blacks.
But 1t was said the bill was open To debate
and amendment He understood enough Of
legislation TO know that the Senate would
insist urOn its original bill, and that 4 COM
mlttee OF conference could report il at any
time. The republican party, he said, came
into power with its skirts free from intoler-
ance. III il had lived long enough TO BE- in
tolerant. then the days of its power were
numbered. IL it could not appeal to the judg-
ment and good sense Of the people ther its
usefulness was gone. He had stood by the
in the hustings against this very intoler-
ance. He had never been a slave owner
or in sympathy with the Shareholders.
When the passions cngendcred by this sIrif.
and the ill-feeling growing out of this discus
sion had passed away, whether his vote was
or was not justified by time, he would be
credited with having voted from honest con-
victions. He had been before his people in
1872 and in 1874. In 1872 the civil rights mea-
sureS were not considered party measures
and il was understood the cofored people did
desire m nd ga
the republican candidate for governor de-
clared himself opposed to it. In 1874 he went
posed TO the civil rights bill. He was de-
feated because at the last moment an
impression was created that he would
yield TO party pressure and support it.
If he went down, he went down with the
party. He declared that he should vote
against the bill again. 1t was based upon
the assumption that the colored people could
not elevate themselves by their own intelli-
gence and good conduct. The time would
come when prejudices would die, but his
tory showed that legislation had never put
down, but on the contrary, aggravated popu
lar prejudiceS.
Mr.. E. r. Hoar Mass said that the
speeches all made on the democratic side
seemed to be on the presumption that the
cOlOred people of the country were a class OF
citizens who could be deprived of their lib
erty at will They all spoke OF the negroes
as 'theSe people," and in q Sncering way.
He did not believe that the passage Of this
act would affect the status of the colored
people In the late slave states, because the
enforcement of all their rights depended upon
the action OF Juries in the vicinage. He in
NO SOCIAL EQUALITY
was intended by this bill. All it did was to
make all men equal before the law. The
matter OF social equality would regulate
itself, according to the tastes OF gentlemen.
Mr.. Hale (N.Y.), referred to the argument
made yesterday by Mr.. Finck on the consti-
nationality of the pending bill. He did not
think any person would contend that the bill
could be enforced under the constitution ex-
cept under the 18th, 18th, and 18th amend
ments to that instrument. He was mem
ber of the Congress that passed the 18th
amendment, and he had voted against 1t
solely on the ground that the last section OF
that amendment granted certain powers to
the Congress which had not been previously
granted But in view of decisions made by
the Supreme Court in relation to that amend
menf, he would support this bill because me
understood that in certain states of the Union
there were laws In existence