The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1875-08-28
THE OHIO CAMPAIGN.
SENATOR THURMAN BEFORE THE ruOrLr.

3lst--a keen, logical effort, and manly de-
fence Of Democratic principles. He took oc.
easion to express his well-known principles
and to object to the initiation construction put
ON the financial plank platform. However,
he considered the question National one,
which should not affect State issue. The
Senator'S position has not disappointed his
friends, who anticipated this course on his
part. The Democrats Of Ohio are enthusias-
tic and confident Of decisive victory in DC.
tober, while the Republicans are disheartened
by the Obstacles thsg daily meet in the unan-
swerable arguments Of depressed business
and stagnated trade. Mr.. Thurman said:
Mr.. President and FsltOi0- Citizens We
are at the commencement Of political cam
paign Of more than usual importance. Two
years ago the Democracy carried Ohio by q
small majority. The victory preserved the
organization of the party, and made other De-
mocratic victories possible. II was the fore
runner OF the more extended triumphs that
have since been achieved. Last year tidal
wave, as il has been called, passed over the
Republic. More than 20 States, from the
most powerful TO the smallest Of our common
wealths, recorded their condemnation Of the
party in power. New York, whose wealth
and population have conferred upon her the
name OF the Empire State, gave an oppo.
sition majority Of over 1000. Georgia, called
the Empire State Of the South, did better yet,
giving majority Of over 900. Pennsylva-
mia, for the first time in many years, yindieat-
ed her ancient renown as the keystone Of the
Democratic arch. Indiana ceased to be
doubtful State, and rolled up Democratic
majority OF "a, 900. And our own Ohio spoke
with no uncertain voice, our majority on the
ticket being II 900, and on the Congressional
tickets nearly $1,000.
They may serve as illustrations Of the EN-.
phasis with which the people, nine months
ago, set the seal Of their condemnation upon
Radical misrule. But no illustration would
be complete that omitted the most significant
aud unlocked for result Of all. Massachusetts,,
old Massachusetts, firmly welded to the
Republican party, as is Plymouth Rock bound
to the earth in which it is embedded--cast of,
for time at least, her Radical shackles, and
placed a sterling, unfiinching Democrat at the
head of her Government. The results Of
these elections filed the Radical leaders with
dismay but no party ever yet voluntarily sur.
rendered power, and it was, therefore, in the
natural order of events that these leaders
should earnestly strive to recover the ground
they had lost. Hence, from the first day Of
the late session Of Congress TO the last, they
seemed to have but one object in view-to
gather together their scattered hosts and con
solidate them, as in former years, in a resist.
less phalanx. Upon almost every question
Of importance, party interest was preferred to
the interest 1.-THE people. The most import.
ant measures were matured in the secret re.
cesses of . caucus, and the consciences Of
members stiAed by party DEGREES. When
measure thus concocted by party, and in the
interest Of party, was brought from the caucus
into the Senate or House, we more than once
saw its supporters refrain from discussion lest
their Earring views might disturb their harmo-
ny, and vote down all amendments, however
proper, in obedience to the caucus decree.
In word, during that whole session the
question with the majority seemed to be, not
"What is best for the Republic ~ but "What
is necessary to save the Republican party ~
Was constitutional government oyerthrown in
Louisiana by Federal bayonets, the Radical
leaders sought TO divert milton from the
outrage by infammatory harangues against
the South. Did the advocates Of sound
currency petition Congress TO take some step
looking TO a restoration of specie payments,
and, on the other hand, did the inhationists
cry aloud with stentorian voice for "more pa.
per money" the radical leaders, hearing both
and fearing both, avoided all public discus.
sion, and burying themselves in the secret
precintcs Of the caucus, there eontrived party
bed to hold in its ample embrace Sherman,
Morrill, and Conkli7g, with their hard money
platform, and Morton, Logan and Ferry, with
thier imitation balloon, and when at length that
piece Of caucus furniture was brought out into
open day, we behold the strange phenomena
of bill entitled "A bill to provide for the
resumption Of specie payments" that con.
tanned not single effective provision for that
II Il
take place on the first day Of January, 1879,
without providing, in any wise manner, one
dollar in coin with which TO effect that re.
sumption. No wonder that the Radical lead.
ers declined to discuss that bill. No wonder
that the chairman of the committee that re.
ported it declined to explain it. No wonder
that he left its ambiguous provisions without
Interpretation. When to publicly interpret
them one way would have driven of the re-
sumptionists from its support, and to interpret
them another way would have brought the
whole swarm of inhationists about his ears.
And so the bill was passed not as financial
measure, not as thing in which any one be-
lieved, but simply as q caucus compromise OF
conflicting opinions, political sticking plas.
ter to hold the opposing wings Of the Radical
party together, an adjournment Of the curren-
cy question, so far as the Radicals are con
cerned, until after the mex. Presidential cleo.
ton.
You, my fellow Democrats, Of Richland,
are what are called hard-money men, and |
am hard.money man.-that is to say we do
not believe in an irredeemable paper currency;
we believe that such currency must neces
sarily fuctuate in value, lead to speculation
and extravaganza, and benefit no one but
money-shavers and spectators. We believe
that our currency should consist Of gold and
silver, and, for convenience, paper convertible
at par into gold and silver at the will Of the
holder. In this we concur with the uniform
teachings Of the Democratic party, with the
opinion of every really eminent political econ.
omist the world over, with the lessons of ex-
perience found in the history of every com.
mercial nation, and with the views of al.
most the entire body Of the business men of
America.
The truth is that there is a wide diversity
of opinion among the people Of oil parties
upon this subject. There are Democratic
hard-money men and Democratic paper.
ey men Republican hard-money men and
Republican paper money men Democratic
resumptionists and Republican inHationists.
The question is not strictly party question.
Honest men Of all parties may be found on
its opposite sides, and so It has ever been
after every great panic by which the country
has been afflicted. have not heard an ar.
gument, pro or con, that has not been advan-
ced hundred times in Europe and America
before the panic of 1873. But in the end
truth is sure TO prevail, and in the meantime
hard words and bitter accusations serve no
good purpose. No man has mcrconvictions
on this subject than have. They are the
result Of much experience and Of long, pa
tent, and conscientious study. have ex-
pressed them time and time again in CONVEX
sation, in public meetings, in conventions,
and in my place in the Senate stand BY
them, whatever may be my political fate but
do not assume to be infallible, and ruthless
ly condemn men as sincere as am who en-
terrain different opinion. Much less can
sanction disruption Of the Democratic party
because in single State il has 80 happened
that that convention chosen TO nominate
State officers only--oiicers who will have no
Jurisdiction over the currency question--has
upon this one question adopted platform
that my judgment does not approve. have
been Democrat ali my life, and when and
where TO be Democrat was to be politically
ostracized. have chung to the party 10 its
darkest hours as well rs IN its brightest with
something akin to devotion. because nv head