Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1875-07-21


OF repudiaLiOnS we will not help them.
They are making the biggest stride toward
reputation that it is possible for deluded
people 10 make. They are predicting it.,
and by predicting it they are invoking it.
Credit has political virgin quality. IL will
not do 10 call its purity in question. When
it is once blighted it is gone,
and forever. These people who are
now trying to bring the entire system Of
credit in the United States into dlShonOr
and disrepute, are the men that are under
mining the Whole system of credit, and in
viting Republication. Applause If their
bantling dies, it will be from their own bad
nursing. The Democratic party have no
bantling of that sort. The Democratic
party have no antipathy TO banks or stock
jObberS, or any class of men that own legi-
innate property in this country. The Dem
Ocratic party have but one object; that OBJ
ject common 10 the whole people. We
don't intend TO allow stock jObbers, office
holders, Government contractors, and ring
jObbing men Of the Republican party, to
take the stOck-iObbing interest, and the
banking interest, and Ofiice-hOldiEg inter
est, and put in power, 10 the exclusion Of
the farmer, the labOreT, the mechanic, and
all other portions of the community. II is
not TO put this interest down; it is to pre-
vent that interest from putting all others
down, and usurping the entire Government
Of the country. That is what We want.
When a Democrat is asked about what
kind Of law he wants, his answer Is prompt
and ready. He wants law for all, that
will protect all, that will dispense the
blessings of free government 10 all; he
wants law thai will take care of the in
terest of the poor labOrer that is ascending
yOn ladder with the bod upon his shoulder;
he wants law that will protect the farmer,
small though may be his acres, and see that
he has a fair share in the government Of
his county; We want a law that will pro-
tect the manufacturer and the working
people, III town and country. We want a
law, in a word, that is the law Of all,
and not the law of a specific few. ZAP
plause.
Now, what is the condition of this
country at present. These men have had
the entire cOntrel Of it. They are bound to
admit that fact.
Why, the condition of il is, that full a
half million Of working people are without
employment. If some of them are working
ten hours a day, in the burning influence
Of July sun, they get for this labor from
seventy-iise cents to dollar and 4 quarter
per day, barely sufficient TO keep them alive
from sun TO sun.
In every region Of the United States the
farmers, by the name of GrangeTs, have
been driven together to consult for the
general interest Of agriculture, because
that interest has been entirely ignored.
What a spectacle il would present if the
curtain should be lifted, and the reality re-
vealed to the eyes of the people! Why,
here are forty millions of people, more
than eight millions Of them voters, en-
gagged in all the avOcatiOns Of life. about
tWothirJls of them cultivatOrs of the soil.
Now, lift the curtain, and let us see who
occupy the seats in Congress. That tells
the tale.
A majority of the whole number are
bankers, bOndhOlders, stock iObberS, or
persons vitality interested in making laws
for their own benefit, so that the rich may
become richer, and the poor poorer. Sup
pose that the farmers, the labOring people,
the manufacturers, the merchants, the
shippers. and all the great industrial classes
Of the United States were represented in
that Congress in proportion TO the interest
liIfN ilttA q, iloM ludlIN idllAtlS Noulu Bt
there? They would be crowded out. They
are not one per cent. Of the voters Of this
country, and yet in point Of representation
in Congress they amount 10 about eighty
per cent, and the other twenty per cent. Of
the people amount TO very little more than
DISTINGUISHED units, having one great and
precious privilege. that being the privilege
Of paying taxes.
But these gentlemen who are making
such hue and cry about rag money have
10 word Of depreciation for the two tbOus-
and National Banks, to which We pay
twenty millions Of dollars per year for the
blessed favor Of furnishing us a currency.
And what kind of 4 currency do they fur
nish us? Is it not q Tag currency? Is tnot
made ont Of the same material ont of which
greenhackS are constructed, aid IS It not
Trdeemable in greeHbac.s2 Then why is
this species of rag money better than the
greenbacE, and why should we paw this
enormous sum every year for the privilege
Of having currency Iedeemable in geen-
backs, when we can have the greenbacks
themselves and save our twenty millions of
dollars? Ii we could hear the Clink Of the
coin on the counter when We pass a Ma
tiOnal bank bill to It's maker for Telemp-
tiOn, there would be . distinction with
difference between the two kinds Of mOney.
But while the National bank rag is only
with a gTeenback rag, and the
faith and prosperity Of this great govern
ment is pledged 10 redeem the grcenbacB,
10 seems TO me that the greeubaCk is the
pTefc' able, rs IL certainly is the cheapest
currency. To call q e -rsenhack worth
less and an irredeemaJiu currency is 10 i'm
pugn tie honor and credit of the govern
ment. Upon the face Of each note is
printed, "The United States will pay the
bearer - dollars" 1t does not ssy when
it will pay it, rs it does in its interest
bearing bonds, but il ney, rshelcSs sOlemuly
promises TO pay the amount.
The matter OF the payment Of either Of
the series Of the Understanding bonds
rests entirely upon the honor of
the Government. There is no DOW
er under heaven TO compel the
payment of any Of our bonds if the Gov
eminent declines 20 do so. Therefore,
what right have the Republicans 10 say
That the Government will pay one class OF |
its honestly contracted Indebtedness and !
refuse to pay another The obligations Of |
his Government will all be paid. The |
people will not allow reputation in any |
shape. Their moral sense revnlts az |
the idea. But, say our Republican friends, |
you Democrats have hard money record. |
How can you be for rag money now? l |
can say 10 them that circumstances change |
politics. When we were a hard money |
party, hard money was possible, and il was |
for the interest Of the masses. We have |
always been an anti-National Bank party. |
In ,acksOn's time we opposed a single |
National Bank because il was detrimental I
20 the interests Of the American people. |
Now that we have two thousand National |
Banks, draining the life-blood of the |
people, why should we not |
'aiSe Cur voices against them? |
The old National Bank of BIddle |
aitened off Of the peculiar privileges grant |
ID 20 it by the government, and our pres =nt |
National Banks are cOntrivances by which |
be government authorizes a favored class |
O pluck the government goose, except the |
pin feathers. which are left for the people. |
But who has a right 70 say that we are not /
/ hard money parry to-day? What is there |
n cur recent record to COntTOvert that idea? /
There is not Democrat in the land who /
will oppose resumption ofSpecie payment, /
When il can be brought about without par
.lyzing industries and impOyeTiShing and |
distressing the people. But we DO not |
make such an idol Of metallic coin rs 10 be /
Wiling to breed cOmmUniSfic rpyOlts and