New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1875-12-14


and the School Quest ion-The Protest.
ant Element in the Republican Presi-
Dental Convention Next Sear-Wiil
Determine the Nominees of thnt Con.
Vention-1 he Protestant Element in the
President Election - The Roman
hierarchy md the Confederate MOn-
Rrchists-The Negro Power and the
Cause of Protes: antism in the New
World team Communication Between
New Orleans and Rio-Repubiicnns
Favor the Line.
WASHINGTON, December g. 1873.
The chief point OF interest in the Presi
dents message is found in the passages
where he deals with the school question
and the Cuban and Mexican Questions. The
Cuban Huestion is thus settled tor the
prt sent on the side of non iu.ery .ntf -
The Mexican question is settled on the e
of peace. Both Cuba and'Mexco must
wait the logic Of even g. Whatever of pc
litical capital there be I, either of the great
parties n,w struggling for mastery IN the
United States in this Cuban and Mexican
business, has been utilized BY the Repub-
lican administration. To use the boat
mans expression, the Republicans are
ahead" on Cuba and Mexico.
The school question, however, abides. 1t
is a matter Of immediate interest and
Importance, and commando the undi-
ded atten ion of the country. The
Presidents position on this great American
question, aud the fact that he has thus
made if q leading feature in the annual
message to the American Congress, places
him at the head of the Protestant senti-
ment of the nation. 1t is no secret in politi.
cal circles that this same Protestant senti
ment is extending rapidly in every State of
the Union, and not only extending as
pronounced political sentiment, but that
this sentiment is being crystalized around
a system of EXAMINATIONS which will make
this Protestant sentiment d power in the
next Presidential election. L., power will
be exerted in a two-tUld manner. 1t will
determine very largely vino shall be the
nominee Of the Republican party, and it
will largely help to determine who shall be
President in 1876. ! say that this Protestant
sentiment will act with tie Republican
party, because no one is so utterly blind to
the conditions OF American politics as to sup
\ o.e otherwise. Its cho.co tor President
may fall on General Grant or Mr.. Free
linghuSs sen, or some other like man. It
may select Mr.. Cot king b, its selection
OF men what it may, it will be heard
IN thunder tones at the Ma
tional Republican Convention of next
year, and these tones viii echo and
re-echo and reverberate throughout the
Union, until the great centennial presiden-
tial battle is over. How far this Protestant
sentiment will lead to a reconstruction of
Congress is another and a future question.
IL is possible that Mr.. Blaine's suggestion
in regard to an amendment to the constitu-
tion settling this school question may take
d strong and favorable hold on public con
vlctioD. II 80, it will certainly "ous,"
good many ami r. pubhcans " no now hold
seats bLth in the House and in the Senate
of the American Congress. As such an
amendment can not expect to get "a single
Confederate vote, it will Iecessltate the ex-
istence of a solid North in order to ratlfy
the amendment alter Congress has proposed
1t. Aud as even this solid North can not
ratiiy such an amendment by the IT rtQuiste
constitutional majority, the Republican
States of the South will have to come 20
the rescue in order to furnish this constitu-
tional majority. And here we find our
selves landed again on the negro question,
because it is only through the maintenance
of the political status of the colored citi.
zens of the South that the North expect to
have any effective cooperation in CARRYING
out the proposed school system policy. The
political correlation which binds the negro
question to the Republican victory of 1876
is thus made the more vital by the Presi-
dents message on the school question, and
by Mr. Blaine's proposition to settle this
question by constitutional procedure.
While these influences are doing their
work on the surface of politics the deep
and hidden forces Of society continue 10
How on, driving onward to their appointed
destiny also. The Roman hierarchy, as the
political ally of the Confederate, looks in
upon this contest, planting its foot now
here, now there, playing with calmness and
delberation for a stake which involves a
conflict prolonged through ages and which
aims at universal empire. The Southern
monarchist, equally calm and patient and
persistent, looks forward to the day when
the Confederate hope will be realized, and
thus banding down this hope to bis children
In close juxtaposition to this Confederate
monatchist If Catholic Mexico, Catholic W.st
Indies and Catholic South America And
in close iuxrapOsi ion to both the Confed-
crate moDarchist of the South and the
CatbO io.po~er in Mexico, the Spanish Main
and South America, is the negro power, the |
equal of either of the others in finally de-
termlning the issue as involved in this |
mighty controversy. Does any int lligent |
man suppose that the Protestant sentiment |
Of the North will long remain blind to this |
atter fact! Will not the Protestant North |
comprehend the absolute necessity of not |
only preserving and protecting this negro
power, but of augmenting it and binding 1t
to the Union with hooks of steel and bands
If gold If need be ,
Speaking of South America and its rela.
ion to the South and to American interests
through the South, it is to he hoped that
he movement for steam communication be-
weeD New Orleans and RE will be fol-
owed up with nergy by those interested in
nat measure. The M st influential and
Enlightened Republicans in Congress begin