The New York herald., 1875-11-17
"WeII, We Can't Tell What Way
Hnppenr-The Cuban Question.

asking Spain to tulhl more rlgldly the
provisions of the treaty Of 1895. We infer
from the tenor of this despatch that the
claim of Mr.. Cushing is little more than
a revival of some of the old claims presented
by General Sickles and Mr.. Soule, former
Ministers to the Spanish Court The point
has always been made that under the treaty
of 1895 American citizens, resident in Cuba,
were to be tried for any offence charged
against them by the civil courts, and not by
the military authorities. The Spanish gov
ernment, during the insurrection, has found
| 1T advisable at times, to enforce the
American citizens, as in the case
of the crew of the Virginius, have on
many occasions been tried by court martial
and summarily executed. The Spanish au-
thorities claim the right to do tins as
military power suppressing an insurrection,
at liberty to use the severest means toward
that result The point has always been an
open one. but so far as the law and the pro-
visions Of the treaty are concerned there IS
no doubt that the protest OF the American
government is sound. An American citizen
in Cuba. no matter what the offence charged
against him, is entitled by treaty provision
to be tried before the civil courts and not
before a court martial.
In presenting point Of this kind to the
Spanish government the administration
makes the strongest possible case. But what
is there about even this point appealing, as
| it does, to our sense Of duty to protect our
citizens, which did not exist seven years
ago? Why after our administration has
tolerated from Spain all manner of liberties
with the rights Of American citizens, after
it has looked on acquescent, at least, if not
with content, upon q painful rebellion,
should this demand be made almost as
menace? Five years ago, and we could have
decided the Spanish question without any
special strain upon the resources Of the coun-
try. We could then have appealed to the sym
pathy Of the world, to the common sense of
our own people. There would have been no
imputation of Presidential ambition or a
desire to serve perplexed political party.
There would have been the natural sympathy
of an independent Republic for struggling
republicans. Then we had not encountered
the financial disasters and business difficult
ties and widespread mercantile ruin which
have since befallen so many of the States If
we now force Spain to an issue that can only
be met by war we give that country all the
advantages that she could possess in such a
contest and make war encountered with every
disadvantage to ourselves.
AS we have shown, also, it is well to con-
slider, in dealing with the Cuban question,
whether Spain, if assailed in her sovereignty,
may stand altogether alone. 1t is foolish in
this to ignore the views of the London Times
as expressed in the remarkable article we
printed yesterday. When the Times speaks
it is as a general thing with the voice Of Eng
land. When the annexation Of the island
was broached in the time of President Pierce
we found that Spain had France and Eng
land for allies. If the slave-holding power
which then controlled the Union had aimed
to extend the domination Of the then slave
holding Republic over Cuba we should have
found ourselves involved in war with three
great Powers. How do we know but that
Spain may have allies now, who would be
upon her sovereignty? How can we expect
England to quietly regard an attempt to
destroy the sovereignty Of a sister European
Power over sister West Indian colonies?
Supposing that were to measure our
selves alone against Spain in a contest for
| the possession Of Cuba, the cost of such
war under the most advantageous circum-
IL IL
would be infinitely greater than the mercan-
tile value Of Cuba as a possession of the Re
public. Charles Summer high authority
upon any question Of this knd-said, when
the Cuban question first took shape, that at
| the very lowest estimate a war for its pos
session would entail debt Of five hundred
millions Of dollars. The Spanish have q bet
ter navy than ours. They could destroy our
commerce, such Of it as survives the re-
bellion. They are valiant people
and fond Of war. The possession of
| Cuba is as dear to the Spanish heart
as that Of Massachusetts, or Pennsylvania to
/ the American heart Cuba is among the last
remnants Of that splendid empire which
! Spain once governed on this continent 1t
is monument Of the glorious days when the
will Of her sovereign was almost absolute
throughout the civilized world. Therefore
the Spaniard, passionate and proud, and
with an intense love Of country, would
fight for the possession Of this island with a
tenacity which we must respect and which
it would be madness for us to underrate.
But laying aside any argument of this
kind, we must look at the Cuban question
wholly from an American point Of view
1t is not, after ell, what England or France
may think that will, in the end, affect
our policy, but what is best for ourselves
We do not need to spend penny nor waste
a life for Cuba. It is the riponinp near and