Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1875-02-06

the people of Tennessee, in electing
the men who represent it. design thai
it should be violated2 Burke said ono,
that he knew not how to frame an in.
dictment against a whole people
Neither do we know how any man dare
arTaign the whole people of Tennessee
upon the charge Of duplicity. Yet
what else would it be to suppose that,
in electing Gov. Porter on this plat
form, they meant anything elss than
what it says? And so of the ninety.
two members Of the Legislature elect
ed upon this plainlyavowed Democratic
policy. Their maiorities but form the
aggregate received by Judge Porter.
Did one Of them dissent from this
fourth resolution upon the public hus-
tings? Never had we a campaign dur
ing which matters Of State administra-
ton were 50 freely criticized by friend
and foe alike. Yet, when or where was
this fourth resolution repudiated or
even criticized before the people byany
Democratic memberof the Legislature?
Are Democratic pledges worth moth.
ing? Are Democratic platforms mere
driftwood? Is their violation the prop
er way for Tennessee to encourage and
strengthen the reviving confidence in
our party which the whole country be-
gins to manifest?
Heneeforth Tennessee is wholly Dem
o~cratic. We squabble over names no
longer. The heartiest advocates IN the
past of a third party now pronounce
themselves, like ex-Gov. Brown, "un-
hesitatingly Democrat" The election
TO the Senate Of our only * President
rivets national attention upon US. We
are today, as a State, more representa-
tive Of the coming Democracy than
even Kentucky, whichnever abandoned
the old faith. We are so regarded, be-
cause We are Intellectually more FESTIVE
and progressive. Hence, whatever we
do viii be watched with eager eye By
foe, as well as friend. ANY blunder
the Tennessee Democracy make viii be
cited as an argument against the na-
tional party. Whatever glory we
achieve viii be theirs also.
Suppose the Legislature should
neglect the necessity of making pro-
vision for the interest on our State
debt, would it not be an argument in
the mouths of Radicals that the De-
mOcraey is the party of Reputation?
Would they not ask, if these States
rights Tennesseeans have so little re-
spect for the honor Of their State, what
can We expect Of them IN regard to the
national debt, borrowed to force them
baekinto the Union? Very few such IN
stances would solidify against us all the
money power Of the country, now dis
satisfied with Radicalism, and drive
it back to the support Of that lettering
party? Here Is danger that should
give the patriot pause.
Tennessee has no such pleas as u
unfortunate Southern sisters. We
have nov enjoyed self-government-
Democratic gOvernment-for full FIVE
years. We were never under the heels
Of carpet-baggers. Our post beIlum
debt vas at least contracted by Tennes-
seeans. We have now outstanding
only half the amount Of debt. with
which some States, still struggling in
the meshes Of reconstruction, are sad
died. We have no taxation ranging
from 5 to II per cent. as in Mississippi,
South Carolina, Louisiana and else
where, We cannot validity enter such
pleas in abatement, as anmore South
ern States. E zen Kentucky, to the
North, which never lost It's autonomy,
leyies a heavier tax than Tennessee has
done in several years, though it has a
comparatively light debt.
What, then, shall we do? Nothing
less than carry out platform. Go
back and read that fourth resolution.
Note and follow its construction and
logic. First, handle all monopolies.
Seewhat revenues can be obtained from
railroads and other corporations which
have hitherto escaped taxation. Next,
abolish all unnecessary Offices, cut
down excessive salaries or perquisites
and institute the most rigid economy
in al! branches # the State admins
tration. Then reform, simplify and
cheaper our law system, and hold tax
collectors to the strictest accountability
By this course the Legislature viii be
enabled to judge, on the one hand, how
much additional revenue viii be re-
ceived from the new sources specified:
and u the other hand, how far current
expenses can be reduced by retrench-
ment. As soon as these two items can
be safely aPProximated, and not before,
canthe Legislature ntelligently discuss
how much taxes On the people arc, in
the language Of the resolution, essen
italy necessary for the support Of the
State government administered on
principles Of the most rigid economy,
and for the payment Of its Just debts
and obligations"
Has the Legislature exhausted its
work of r~etTenchment, or has it, IN
deed, well begun? II not, it is idle to
begin 20 talk OF what taxes viii be "es-
sentially necessary to meet the obi
cations Of the State administered on
principles of the most rigid economy
The language used is as strong as
words can make it. We must first in
stitute this "most rigid economy" and
ascertain what it amounts to. If the
rate Of taxation be fixed before this is
Z