The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1875-01-12

In great parliamentary crises as every one
knows, the first thing done is to look up
''precedents." Our crisis is not in any sense
parliamentary, or, in our form of speech, Con-
gressional, and if it were we are not trained in
much respect for the authority Of what has
been done before. Still, precedents have q
certain sort of interest, and if, as in the Mary
land case Of 1866, recently disinterred, they
have little ad hominem favor, they do COM
mand attention A forgotten precedent which
in some Of its features is on all tours with
what has been attempted in Louisiana, has
occurred to us. It was the day of wise, old
fashioned craftsmanship, when the great pow
ers of the federal government, the exceptional
power to interfere with the States, were held
in incidents and details. The results were
entirely divergent It is the case of what is
known in Pennsylvania as the Buck
shot war;" and may be simply stated.
Joseph Ritner, abolitionist and anti-Mason,
was minority, or, rather, plurality Gov
ernor when elected, and, as his term Of SER
vice drew near the close, in 1888, he became,
if possible, more so. We don't insult his
memory by comparing him with Kellogg; but
his administration was not the most chaste,
and he and his advisers had reason to dread,
as Kellogg has, the advent of new Governor
and an honest Legislature. The election of
that year showed that both were at hand
Then was it that Thaddeus Stevens and his
confederates in Harrisburg and Philadelphia
determined and proclaimed their resolve ''to
treat the election as if it had not occurred"
and, by false returns, to secure a majority in
the Legislature, so as to secure impunity for
the misdeeds of the past. They had pliable
returning board" just as Kellogg has, and
it excluded precincts just as Kellogg's does
parishes, and it gave false certificates.
Armed with these the simulated men,
bers in both houses claimed their
seats. At this democracy brave,
rough thing in those days, revolted,
and the honestly elected members, holding
honest certificates, went to Harrisburg, backed
by lobby not at all disposed to be trifed
with. Both parties, rather turbulently,
claimed the Legislature, and two rival as
semblies in the same building were organ
lied. There was confusion and riot and
threats of violence oil round. Roguery, how
ever, is very apt to show the white feather
(here, too, there is Kellogg parallelism)
and at moment when possibly little bold
ness might have won the Speaker of the
Senate the Secretary of the Commonwealth
and Mr.. Thaddeus Stevens jumped out of q
back window and fled the wrath to come.
Then was it that Governor Ritner, not a
wicked but weak man, wholly IN the power
of the INSCRIPTIONS men around him, called
on the President of the United States (Mr.
Van Buren) for military aid to suppress "do-
nestle violence He even indicated the
mode. There was squad of cavalry at
Carlisle barracks, less than twenty miles
of. The President did not even answer
the letter, but referred it to the Secretary of
War, who did, very promptly and emphatically.
He peremptorily refused to interpose resting
his refusal on the ground that the federal
government had no right to NEEDLE with q
State Legislature, organized or disorganized,
and there being, by the Governors confession,
body In existence known as o Legislature,
he had no right to ask for help. The whole
country acquiesced in the decision, the
honestly elected Governor and Legislature
were installed, and the frustrated conprators
sank into oblivion. These are well attested
historical facts, and if there be any need of
proof they are so, Senator Simon Cameron
then ferocious and aggrieved democrats
quite competent to give it.