Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1875-08-11
SoU7HERV STATE CONSTITUTIONS.

| SOCTHERN STATE CONS7I7C7IOAS'
1t is certainly curious coincidence, if
nothing else, that in no less than four of
the Southern Democratic States there
should be movements toward constitution
al conventions going on at the same time.
On Monday Texas voted upon the ques-
ton of calling convention TO frame u
new constitution; Alabama did the same
on Tuesday. and North Carolina ON
| Thursday while in Kentucky such con-
vention has been ordered or the first steps
toward it taken, by vote at the recent
| State election. All these movements or
| iginate with the democratic party, and
they seem to be championed mainly by
the most ultra wing of it. Thus, in Ala
bama the republican papers charge that
1.-THE same men are leading in this move
ment that led the secession movement in
1860; they have the same party name, the
| same party flag, the same principles, and
we fearlessly assert that they have the
same evil purposes" The only clear ev-
we have met with is the recent avowal of
Gov. Houston that the oath which the
present State Constitution requires every
officer to take, that he will never engage
| in any secession movement, must be wiped
out. 1t is true, other democrats have de-
clared that they do not agree with the
| n lint hn l., nf
prominent and influential is still signifi-
can't 1t is worth remembering that q SIM
liar clause, aimed at the right of a State to
secede from the Union, has already been
stricken out of the Constitution of Arkan-
sas.
| 1t is probable, however, that the chief
purpose of those embarked in these Con.
| stltutioDal schemes is to strengthen their
power and facility of controlling practi-
callv the negro element. This would seem
to be clearly exhibited in North Carolina.
where the present Constitution was mod
eled on that of New York and has worked
well. The democratic orators stigmatize
it as the work of Gen. Candy, and try in
every way to create prejudice against it,
without revealing their own purposes.
But it is known that if they succeed they
will take away the election of judges by
the people and give it to the Legislature,
which they calculate upon controlling by
restrictions upon the right of voting, such
as the payment of heavy poll taxes. the re-
T quirement of prolonged residence as q
condition of suffrage, the performance of
military duty, and the like. and perhaps
the establishment of ricd roce voting,
which would subject the mass of negroes
and poor whites to the supervision of their
, employers.
1t is easy to see how the dominant par
ty in these States, if they are so disposed,
can--even while keeping within the limits
imposed by the last three constitutional
amendmenls-ef fectually abridge the
rights and neutralize the just powers OF
: the freedmen. A regulation which seems
| fair enough in itself mpy operate to the
decided disadvantage of race without
land, without means, without education
and without social standing and therefore,
at the best, having only nominal equali-
,y before the law, unless its adminsra-
tors are imbued with the spirit of true
equity. We are unwilling to believe that
the better part of the democracy of the
South are now engaged in any such cru
SADIE against the freedmen as some OIL
| their leaders are evidently instigating
The evil influence of the latter class, how
ever, has been too well attested in past
crises, and we shall watch the develop
; ment of these constitutional movements
with some anxiety. In North Carolina,
indeed, the present report is that the re-
publicans have defeated the scheme, and
we trust it will be corroborated. Else
: where the movements will run their
course, and although we have not the
least fear of their ultimate success, they
are capable of causing much mischief for
the time .-BoSton Journal