, 1875-01-30

|NI~ CA'NANh DCAN@O CiAACO
died in opinions like these. We will admit,
as the man Of the Right Centre limited,
that such opinions are easier to M. Gam
BETA than to NJ. Theirs, for the former,
as the youngest of all the great person.
ages in France, has the most time to
spare to his opponents; and we will allow
that he is influenced by his special view Of
the result OF the next elections, which, he
says, will give the Ra iicaIs moro Deputies,
but not more Departments, and end in the
return OF $50 members of the Left, 100 of
the Extreme Left, $50 Of the Left Centre,
100 Bonapartists, and 20 Lcgitiuists-
that is, in an Assembly where the Liberals
can be safe and supreme only when the
Wings are not entirely hostile; but after
admitting this intrusion both Of personal
ambition and Of Parliamentary craft, how
can policy be more sensible, or in the Eng
fish sense more Conservative Surely the
very essence OF English Conservatism, as
distinguished from TorYism, landlordism
or ElCh0ism, is that the framework Of the
COmm0nWealJh-the constitutions" as
we call iu--shaII be so firm, 50 completely
legal, 80 accepted in all discussion, that
changes Of vast extent, alterations of par
ty, selections aud reflections of leaders, at
temps at new and great policies, can 90 on
within it, and 90 on tho more easily be-
cause of the fXity Of the data which no.
body seriously disputes. Yet that is pre-
cisoly the idea which M. Gambctta is try
ing TO express to France and the world,
which his followers are ready to uphold,
and which the conversion OF a few more
electors, or thirty Monarchical Deputies,
IA he says, may enable him to realise.
Why should he give way, any more than
the factions which, having had absolute
power for four years, have proved them
selves unable to found anything, and are
at this moment as unable to establish o
firm Ministry as to call in o Lcgitimist or
Parliamentary King? May it not be bis
duty 10 wait on, quietly leading the SUBJ
s|tautivy Opposition, rather than by with
drawing his forces to give new scope for
iutriguo3 which must, in his view, be dis
astrOus, and in any view end only in re-
paating experiments in Govern mentWhich
have over and over again proved them
selves to be unadapted to France 7 1t is cay
to say that NJ. Gambetta as a moderate
statesman, could accept a Parliamentary
monarchy, but the only Parliamentary
monarchy offered him is one to be presided
over by Bourbons who have waived ma
tional rights in favour Of the principle
of legitimacy, which has failed
once already and which could not
be re established without imminent dan,
ger of a great Instruction in Paris and
the South. The Republic, in NJ. Gam
botta's opinion, as in the opinion Of
NJ. Theirs and of all French Wings, is
alone possible; and he wishes therefore
to give it the legality without which
in France every kind Of Pretender con-
siders himself at liberty to push the claims
of his +" cause.''
OF course, Englishmen will argue,
even when they allow NJ. Gambetta
credit for moderation, that he is under
a welI-known form Of political d%elusiOn,
q fancy that when the dyke is cut he
can limit the flow Of water, and will
fear that the Republic once conceded
will rapidly become Communard. Why
should it, any more than a Monarchy
1t will be based upon exactly the same
theory, namely, the right OF universal
suffrage to settle the form Of government.
It will probably be guided in its most
difficult period by a man, NJ. Gambetta,
whose fault as a Liberal Is his leaning
towards an Executive rather too strong