New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1875-12-09
THE MESSAGE ON CUBA.

4Qh Ado0Ao6 w VO0A'
1t has been remarked by oontempora.
~ that the conclusion Of the message in
regard TO our relations with Cuba do not
logically answer the inference raised by
the promises. It would seem that the
principles of devotion to freedom and
humanity which run through the mes
sage had been suddenly subjected to the
objections which international law and
prudential considerations have pre-
sented. The message thus raised the
question Of legality of recognizing the in
dependence of Free Cuba, and decides
that such recognition would be futile. In
this we think the government is right,
though we do not admit that such recog.
milton ''would compel the power grant
ing it, soon to support with force the
government to which it had really given
its only claim of existence"
We arrive at the same conclusion
though upon reasons different from that
employed in the message No nation can
recognize the Independent statehood of
the colony of Cuba, because majority of
the subjects of Spain, even in that island,
do not ask it. The colony of Cuba, so
far as it may be an autonomy, is loyal to
the mother country. The laws of Spain
are in effect Its officers hold their COM
missions from the government; its people
pay their import. export, and internal
taxes to Spain; the only ports of entry or
delivery are within the acknowledged
jurisdiction OF Spain. To acknowledge
the Independence of a minority in popu-
lation, in property, and in territorial and
occupied extent, would be unreasonable.
The law of nations predicates nationality
as Fan organized community within GER
tain territory" or in other words, "there
must be q place where its sole sover-
eighty is exercised"
The REPUBLICAN has shown to the
friends of Free Cuba that territorial divi-
sion of the island and a claim of nation
ally and statehood for the portion within
the jurisdiction claimed could alone au-
thorize foreign recognition of such
State. 1t would be repetition of the
acknowledgment of Texan independence,
which was under the constitution, as de-
clared by Santa Anna, as much an integral
part of Mexico as Free Cuba is of Spain,
or even of the territory Of Cuba itself. 1t
has been always our opinion that until
Free Cuba, or Eastern Cuba, shall define
and defend her own boundaries, she can
not expect foreign recognition until she
shall have driven the Spanish forces out
of the island and subverted the whole
local government by conquest The
sentimental friends of Free Cuba have not
vet considered the importance of bringing
themselves within the law Of nations,
which the government of the United
States will never disregard.
The recognition of belligerency rests,
however, upon different basis, and the
republican jurists of Holland have marked
the point at which an instruction passes
into rebellion, and thus may become,
with adequate force and organization, q
civil war, to be waged according to the
rules of just or public war.
Certainly European nations have exer-
cised and are now exercising large dis
erection as to Intervention and recognition,
and hence, in many notable instances,
made the interests of a common humanity,
and even the danger that threatened COM
mon institutions, q ground for such inter-
vention. The protest of the monarchs
against the republican institutions of
France was based upon the alleged dan
ger to the dynastic system. The quiet in
tervention by three principal powers to
protect Greece from the barbarous OPP
preston Of Turkey, upon grounds Of
civilization, Christianity, humanity and
the inability Of Turkey to reduce Greece
to subsection, were the alleged grounds Of
intervention. Even the Monroe doctrine,
which was the counteragent of the doc
trine Of dynastic Intervention, grew out
of the same right 10 protect our political
system from the oontagion of adjacent des-
potisma wewould not therefore, express
the opinion that the time has arrived for
recognizing the Cuban instruction a. q
nj III and khoraRnvn IN Ia vaned ae a v,uh.