The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1875-04-30
The Real Danger Of the Third Term.

Our fond anticipation that the elections IN
New England would decide the question OF
the third term as O current issue IN our poll
tics does not seem TO be realized. we
believed that the republican leaders, taking
courage from the strength of their organlza-
ton in New Hampshire and warning rom
their unexpected and decisive defeat in Con-
necticut, would recognize, as the hrst
duty toward the reconstruction Of their
forces for the campaign OF the Presidency an
explicit avowal that under no circumstances
would they support General Grant for thlrd
term. This conviction was strengthened by
the disposition of politicians like Mr.. Blame,
Vice President Wilson and others, who did
not receive their republicanism as discharge
from the army, and would not consent 10 sur
render their position as leaders OF the party
and their hopes of renewed triumphs IN the
| future simply TO crafty tins stubborn
ambition OF the President, who only became
republican when it WAS the stepping
stone of his ambition. There was every
reason for pronounced expression Of opinion
on tho part of republicans, without regard 70
| State or section. Whatever faults the party
had committed there was something glorious
| in its record-a record that the country would
not speedily forget There was the further
\ hope that the democrats would be consistent
with their own history and make blunders
So much more disheartening than
even their own that they might regain
power But we find that the administration
papers and those leaders who are especially
in the confidence Of the President do not re-
gard the third term as by any means an I'M
possible issue in our politics, and that it is
far from beng dead.
Two significant facts illustrate this. The
first is that no republican leader has, as yet,
become an avo we'd candidate for the Pres
idency. In Pennsylvania Governor Hartrantt
has been nominated by a convention. This
is understood not as serious venture,
but a personal compliment. The other fact
is that in considering the strength of the diff
ferent leaders in the party who might possibly
be the candidates before nominating conven-
ton the constant argument is that no one Of
them, even now, has as much personal
| strength as President Grant. The reasoning
consideration, and in it we find the gravest
\ aspect of the third term. Let us take the men
| who would, under ordinary circumstances,
| be probable candidates for the Presidency. In
\ New England we have Mr.. Blaine Mr.. Wilson
/ and Mr.. Boutwell,. New York presents Gov
/ ernor Dix and Mr.. Conkling. Pennsylvania
\ has named Governor Hartranft-a figure OF
\ speech for Senator Cameron. In the West we
have Sherman, of Ohio Morton, OF Indiana
Wnshburn, of Illinois Carpenter, of Wis
consin. Each of these gentlemen is strong in
his own section, with wide personal follow
ing, in command Of the discipline and re-
sources OF the party, and who would enter the
political influences from the party Of
their States. Outside Of their own
section what strength do they possess? Mr..
Blaine is Pennsylvania by birth, and in
active sympathy with many peculiarly Penn
4 sylvania interests. He might be the second
choice Of that State, but who Of the West or
in the South feels any special attachment for
\ Mr. Blaine? We question if Mr.. Boutwell,
\ could carry his own State, divided as il is
into factions and challenged as lie is
in republican leadership by men as able
as Butler, Dawes and Hoar Mr.. Wilson
would fall before the same combination Of
adverse circumstances; and although he would
have large strength in the South, among the
negroes especially, in the memory Of his devo-
ton to their cause during the war, Mr.. Morton
would probably lose every Eastern State on
his financial record alone. Mr.. Conkling is
strong in New York, where he holds the
machinery Of the party completely in hand;
but he is a man Of hayward temper,
Of strong convictions and Of naughty,
imperious nature, that has made him enemies
more frequently than friends. Mr.. Wash
burn, il he goes into the canvass, would
have q national reputation as a Legislator and
an international fame as a diplomatist He
would be strong with the Germans and the
free traders but Mr.. Washburn, during a
prominent career in Congress, nrrayed against
himself strong interests in finance, in rail-
roads, in subsidy grants and in the general
development Of legislative corruption, which
would pursue him with unrelentng anger both
before the OOnVenLOn anu tne people. MI.
Washburn and Governor Dix, perhaps, have
more elements Of national strength than any
OF the gentlemen We have named but Cover
nor Dix is nov almost too old a man to be
serious candidate for the Presidency, and, as
we have said, great as the strength Of Mr..
washburn would certainly be, his antagon-
isrns would deter timid convention from ac-
cepting him.
Testing these men BY the republican
standard, which Of them, after all, is stronger
than Grant himself? he has his military
record; whatever faults he has committed
during his second term are only the repetition
Of the errors Of his first. The country forgot
It. DOMINGO and nepotism and C@sarism
- III. rinlcrl chnnnna III the farms ~