, 1875-07-17

holds a deciding voice, or that any King
can merely by his privileges of etiquette
make any Minister brought daily into con-
tact with him very uncomfortable. Final
ly, there is the influence over the people
which resides permanently in the Soye-
reign simply as such, and the extent of
which is almost incalcuIable. The essay
list, be he Mr.. Gladstone or not, describes
and analyses this influence, so far as it
affects society, with great acumen =
With US, society is passing under many
subtle, yet vital changes. 1t must never
be forgotten that wealth is now in Eng
land no longer the possession of q few,
but rather what is termed { a drug That
is to say, it is ditfused through q circle
so much extended, and so fast extending,
that to be wealthy does not of itself
satisfy; and the keenness of the unsatisied
desire, aspiring selishIy not to superiority,
but rather to the marks of superiority,
seeks them above all in the shape of what
we term social distinction. But the true
test of the highest social distinction in
this country is nearness to the Monarch !;
and all this ayidity for access, for notice,
for favour, expresses an amount of readi-
ness to conform, to follow, to come under
influence, which may often be Indifferent
enough in quality, but is very large in
quantity He does not, however, add,
and the reticence may be wise, that the in
huence of the Sovereign over the masses
is possibly much greater than his influence
over society. No occasion for it's exercise
and no opportunity has arisen since the ac-
cession of the House of Hanover, and it is
impossible, therefore, 10 offer evidence of
the correctness of an opinion on either side /;
but we should be much inclined to ques-
ton whether Lord Brougham's test OF the
British Constitution was the hardest to
which it could possibly be subjected. He
dreaded the appearance of a political gent
us on the Throne, who might burst the
Constitutional withes. We should dread
far more the appearance there of popular
philanthropist, who should enlist the per-
sonal devotion of the populace.
The condition, however, upon which
all this power a~ccretes to the Sovereign
seems to US to be work. AS we view it,
the gradual transformation of the Kingship
of which Mr.. Gladstone speaks has not
merely been the substitution of influence
for power, but the substitution of a baton
for a sceptre,-of a symbol, that is, which
it requires effort to WELD, for a symbol
which expresses itself. An unpopular
King might have great power in England,
for he might have great weight upon the
minds of her governing men. A Mr..
Ayrton on the throne is quite conceivable,
and would certainly be ne lay figure. A
vicious King, if genial, might have power,
for popularity and character are by no
means quite so closely allied as moralists
would wish. But an idle King would, we
conceive, exercise very little power in
Great Britain. A King who did not keep
up a suffocating correspondence would
soon find himself politically forgotten.
A King who did not watch careers would
at once lose his influence on politics. A
King who did not study the Information
placed before him would soon find his re-
monstrances turned aside, or if he were
troublesome as we'll as ignorant, would
soon receive respectful representations
telling him in humble language thai. the
State coach must 60 on. The Influence
over the people might be. given up, aasiiit
was never acquired by any of the Georges
but the Third. The influence ever society
isnot essential, and has, in fact, beenaisut-
rendered by the reiguing Monarch suhder
a passion for seclusion. But the ah8bitIof
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