The Cincinnati daily star. [volume] ([Cincinnati, Ohio]) 1875-1880, 1875-10-29
FROM THE CAPITAL.
Our Political Institution = Their
Excellencies and their Detects Il
C0nseqMeMces of the Latter.

| our Political institution = Hhe1r
Excellancies and their Defects =
Consequences of the Latter.
| WASHINGTON, Oct. %.
Politically, we the people ofthe United
States, have been so long accustomed to
a spread-eagle diet as to have, In great
measure, lost our relish tor a pabulum
OF less stimulating description. That
We are the freast people upon the face
Of the earth, and that ours is the best
Government upon which the sun ever
shone, are articles of faith which to dis
pute would be less likely to produce
conviction than to expose the skeptic to
the suspicion of enmity to republican
institutions. AS, however, it is not
denied that, under our form of Govern
ment, excellent as it is, legislative
errors have taken root as precedents
and administrative abuses grown into
things of custom to the obscuration Of
their enormity, it may not be out Of
order to point out the cause Of some OF
these phenomena, as means Of leading
the mind of the inquirer to conception
of the means proper for their removal.
The fundamental principle upon which
the political institutions Of the United
States were constructed-the popular
theory-is probably sound. OF the fed
| eral arrangement In general-which was
the only practicable one at the time 1t
was adopted-there is no ground of COM
plant. In the delegation of power to
the Federal Government, the dlstribu-
ton of authority between the central
and the local politics, much wisdom was
was exercised. So far, one government
is as good institutionally as the nature
OF the circumstances, cotemporaneous
with its creation, would admit; proba-
bly, as good as could be attained under
present conditions.
There are, nevertheless, in the politi-
cal institutions of the United States,
great and serious defects; defects which,
while they are the occasion of much
present unnecessary popular agitation
Land political maladministration, are in
Imany respects ominous to the future
tranquility of the country and the sta
Ibllity ot the government. 1t Is a thing
which, though not unnatural, is unfor-
tnnate, that while the Constitution, in
its main features, embodied the best po-
litical wisdom Of the times, in several
/
and distgured by the prevailing preju-
Idices. IL is additionally unfortunate
that these ejadices-which, like weeds,
maintain their hold upon the soil with
more tenacity than useful plants-have
been perpetuated; that they constitute,
In fact, large Ingredient in the spread
eagle diet upon which the people of the
United States are led by such as seek
| through their favor to obtain advance
ment.
The theory OF popular government is
the expression of the confidence of hui
manity in itself. In its main features
the representative plan and the tri-
partite division of civil authority-the
Constitution Of the UniIed States is a
correct reflection OF this confidence. In
It's subordinate provisions, that Jealousy
| OF power and suspicion OF the Integrity
of all in whom authority has been re-
posed, which had been, for more than
century, cultivated by the republican
writ r. of England,and aiterward by the
ante-revoluGlUnary agltators OF France
and America, makes its appearance.
AS in respect to the late amendments,
so in respect to the Constitution itself, it
is unfortunate that 1t came into exist.
ence at q period when The enmlties,
prejudices anu excitements which con-
hict had begotten were still i'll state OF
activity. Hatred OF Kings realized
free translation in the maxim "po wer
corrupts." The idea that men are ren-
dered dishonest by authority prompted
the conclusion that the way to preserve
purity in the Government was TO make
Che tenure OF public trust as brief as
possible; SO that by the time power had
rendered The public servant prohigate
tile day for mis- retirement would arrive.
This notion, founded on prejudice, has
remained Inaccessible to reason and in
destructibie by experience; and, to this
day, with probably large majority OF
the peUple of the United States, one OF
the most essential safeguards OF popular
freedom is supposed TO be in the fact
that we do not permit our rulers to re-
main in office long enough to become
utterly abandoned and demoralized.
The average duration OF the public life
of federal politician is not more than
six years. We elect Senators Tor six
years, Presidents ler four, and members
Of the House oil Representatives, Tor two.
| There is no incentive 10 faitnfulnesS;
there is no stimulus TO labor lor i'm
proyement; there Is no encouragement
! to acquire the knowledge essential to
high efficiency; Tor the pubic man knows
full we'll that, however attentive he
may be TO his duties, however zealous to
, its, advancement, before he has fairly
taken the measure oil his place and re-
covered from the confusion which Is In
separabie from its novelty, the machin-
. cry OF an other party, and perhaps OF his
: own, will BIZ at work for his displaee-
ment. The idea that men may progress
in the political as in other trades and
professions, That they may become more
useful, efficient and vigilant with en-
/ larged experience, is one that has taken
so slightia hold upon The American mind
that il can scarcely be said to serve, in
any degree, as motive in the regulation
of the conduct. To more than counter
, balance any notions Of this species is The
!, doctrine OF "rotatlon in ofice"-the doc
trine that every man has a right to take
his turn in the enjoyment. OF The sweets
OF power and the profits Of pIace--which
although not, as formerly, distinctly
ayowed, has nevertheless its Influence In
working changes in the political mate
rial OF the State which are unpropitious
to that steadlnces and uniformity in