The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1875-01-10
The Meeting To.Morrow-Ncw York Il
Congress and the President.

Congress and the President.
The meeting called for tomorrow to protest
against the action of the administration in
Louisiana becomes more and more important
as an expression of the public opinion of New
York There has been no question upon
which there has been such a unanimity of
opinion since the fall of Fort Sumter. Cit-
zens who have taken no part in politics, repre-
sentatives Of vast business interests who have
no concern but for the stability of the country,
republicans like Mr.. Bryant and Mr.. Evarts,
who have served the party through good and
bad repute, in sunshine and storm; demo
OF anger and grief at the acts Of military COM
manders in Louisiana. We turn to Washing
ton and We see signs of hating and doubt in
the Cabinet and Congress. Mr.. Fish says he is
impatient to read the official statement
OF the military reasons for invading the
Legislature. We can well understand the i'm
patience OF famous and honored statesman,
famous and honored long before the control
ling elements of this administration had
emerged from obscurity, not to connect his
name with q causeless violation of the indie
pendence of sovereign State. Mr. Jewell is
too keen a politician not to see that these
armed troopers not merely dissolved the
Louisiana Legislature, but the republican
party, unless in some way the party can
repudiate the deed. Other republicans, emf
nent trusty, loyal to the organization, protest
in earnest but as yet whispered phrases
against this first attempt OF the President to
carry out the policy of Cesarism. The
feeling rises higher and higher and if the
meeting tomorrow is wisely handled we may
soon have dissolution Of the Cabinet split
of the republican party in Congress like the
Anti-Lacompton split in the democratic party.
and such an uprisal of the people that military
responsibility and Cesarism will be swept
away.
For this is o question upon which we feel
deeply. We are, after all, of Saxon blood,
and proud of our Saxon memories We have
never yet tamely submitted to government of
the sword, and we do not propose to begin to
do so in America. Much as We honor the gal
liant generals who commanded our armies we
do not mean to accept them as our masters.
If this were an isolated instance it
would be bad enough. It might be
pardoned to over zeal or ignorance or the
alacrity of needless subordinates. But it
cannot be so considered. Sheridan's er-
rand to New Orleans is the fulflment of a
policy which began with this administration
that of personal government. 1t was no after
thought that sent him to Louisiana as COM
mander of the army and navy-no sudden
emotion for the suffering negroes and the
prosecuted loyalists." 1t was the fruition of
the Presidential purposes, which began by re-
garding the Executive Office as personal
prerogative, the patronage as his individual
property and the Cabinet as group of staff
officers. Taken inherently as a constitutional
act there is no more improperly in the mill
tary interference in New Orleans than there
was in the first selection of the Cabinet, than
in fifty other things the President has done
since he came into power. 1t happens in this
case that the wrong has been rudely DONE
The pride and patriotism of the country have
| been shocked by the appearance of booted
troopers in legislative hall. Those who saw
Casarism as a summer fancy or political
expedient and who ridiculed the discussion as
a travesty, now see how real and true and sim
cere was that argument They ask, If such
things can be done in New Orleans, why not
also, in New York?
The trouble with the President is that
being soldier, be always hears the drum
beats. To him law is force, and obedience
the first duty of the citizen. We do not doubt
his sincerity in dealing with New Orleans. He
means to do what he has done, to keep order
and suppress disturbances and have perfect
peace. So did Cromwell and the Bonapartes
SO do oil men of this stamp, who are models
of kindness and respect for claw" 80 long as
they have their own way But this is not
fresdom-and hence our protest. We accuse
the President of having proved false to repub-
lican forms of government, of having trans
cended his duties as the Executive, of having
used the army and navy in time of peace to
do acts Of usurpation and war; We protest
against this and mean that it shall 60 no
further, that we have had enough of these
! insidious advances upon the constitution and
the liberties of the people, and that it must
now end. We have told the President with
all the emphasis of the recent elections
that he has been weighed in the bal
ance and found wanting. We now tell
him that he shall not reverse that verdict
! by any assumption or manifestation of
military force under the pretext of appealing
to our sympathies for the suffering South
For it can never be held by any law of morals
that one wrong will justify or condone an
other wrong. 1t is no answer to our COM
plants of military usurpation that murder
has been done. We can punish murder ac-
cordng to law, just rs we trust We can punish
usurpation according to law. Of the two
crimes the usurpation is the greater 1t is
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