The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1875-02-09

War.
Two years have passed since the HERALD
first called attention to the schemes of some
of the supporters of the President to secure
his election for a third term. We showed
how the growth of political patronage had
given unusual strength to any administration
in power; how the republican party had be-
come the vassal of the President; how mill
tary influence had preponderating power IN
legislation; how from causes naturally re-
sulting from the war the government had be-
come as strongly consolidated as the govern
ments of France and Spain. We showed
that the effect of this centralzing influence
was to throw the government into the hands
of the man who might be in possession OF the
White House; that thus it had become very
much what we see in France or Spain. When
a Napoleon declares coup d <tat and shoots
down citizens on the boulevards, when an
Alfonso is brought back by bayonets
over the PROSTATE body of be-
trayed republic, it is only necessary
for the home ministry to telegraph
to every department and commune that
the new rfgime," to secure acquiescence in the
usurpation. The same spirit Of discipline
and obedience and the same control of public
opinion by government influences have arisen
in the United States. This is the spirit we
characterized as Cpsarism. Although the
efforts of the HERALD to attract attention to
this phase of our politics were called "sensa-
tional," it was soon shown that our "sensa-
tons were prophecies, and that our fears
were not lost upon the country. The admin
istration party went down before the public
opinion then created with defeat as humii-
ating and complete as any known in our po-
litical history.
1t is one of the best attributes in General
Grants character, to which he largely owes
his success as soldier, that he never surren-
ders. The last election proved to him that he
could not control the country by the machinery
of the republican organization; that the
people were, after all, superior to party
Nothing remained to him but the expedients of
rebellion in the South or foreign war;
Ii we look at the situation Of affairs in many
of the Southern States and the action Of the
government in these States, it only becomes in
telliglble to us on one theory-namely, that
the President meant to secure an election for
third term by reviving the rebellion. We
note the steady processes of aggravated
tyranny and injustice by which Louisiana was
driven into the McEnery movement in Sep
TENDER. We remember that after that
peaceful revolution, which overturned the
usurping Kellogg as though his govern
ment were a child house of cards and rein
stated the deposed McEnery, that the Presi-
dent, with swiftness and anger, threw his
whole power upon Louisiana It was his hope
and expectation, as well as of those sur
rounding him, that this burning coal would
kndle into fire, that the nfNmmable South
volcanic and blazing since the war-would
burst forth into new fury. This would have
been his opportunity. The spirit of Fort
Sumter would have been again aroused
There would have been a sharp, prolonged
conflict between the North and the South.
The old war feeling which no Saxon blood
can we'll resist, would have had its sweep
ing will. The end would have been the
triumph of the third term, the foundation of
military republic, practically an empire in
its powers and responsibility. This failed
through the wisdom and forbearance of the
people of Louisiana
Then came General Sheridnn's sudden
errand to New Orleans, and the invasion of
the Legislature by the troops of General
Emory. But even this did not provoke the
people They saw that what was On injustice
to them was the pretext for still greater in
justice to the country. Nothing would serve
them worse than to resist the power which,
after all, had behind it the people of the
revive the rebellion failed, and there now
only remains foreign war. Unfortunately
there are abundant pretexts for such'a war.
We have the Spanish question, as we have
had it for hundred years. We have strug-
Cling Cuba to excite our sympathies. Mexico
gives o reckless Chief Magistrate daily temp
tations toward new adventures. Our policy
with Spain has always been irritating and
restless. How else could it be with the
manifest destiny" which, step by step, has
driven Spain from SO large and fair and rich
O part of her old dominions, and which will
not pause until the American flag floats over
the Isthmus of Panama? How else could it
be with these constant uprisings in Peru,
Buenos Ayres, Mexico and Cuba, one colony
after another striking off the yoke of the
mother land, and the United States always in
sympathy with rebellion? But our relations
with Spain are no more critical than they
were in the time of jefferson and Monroe
and jackson. Patience and forbearance
guided our policy, for these statesmen saw
that time and progress and the superior alert
ness and enterprise Of our people were slowly,
surely settling all questions, and that peace
would gain conquests no less valuable than