Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1875-04-21
Political Criticism.

We commend 20 our readers tho follow
No more important duty dovolves
upon those who concern themselves with
the government of Il free State than that
Of fixing the responsibility of abuses on
the right persons. Indeed, the duty of
exposing abuses. important u it Is, is by
no means 50 important 4, the duty of say
ing who is 10 blame for them. Nay, we
might 20 further, and say that the first
without the last has no practical value n
al, for however much we may be i'm
pressed with the sight of iniuitv. unless
we know who did it, or get some adequate
notion OF the motive which prompted it.,
we cannot take proper measures to pre-
Vent It's repetition. 1t might almost be
aid that all political criticism in the Unit
concern itself with offenders Just rs much
,,> with offences, is likely 20 prove futile,
for two PERSONS: one is. that there is a
strong tendency in politics to n.ake 4 dis
tincliun between conduct and persons. Jus.
Is there is in theology, to make a di>lnc-
ton between sin and sinners; and thus.
while treating a mans acts with abhor-
tIIc". 20 treat the man himself with indnl-
~euce, and even respect. But this mode
of a,Slillny evil is. we hardly need say.
in practice utterly valuele>s. To say that
there has been u~urpation in Louisiana is
4 barren truth. until vou have pointed out
The usurpcr. Then, but not until then.
Your exposure becomes useful. No reform
would have ever been brought about in
this world, ii the plan OF preachin. az gtin>t
evil is an entity for which no person
should be held accountable. had been pur
sued.
Th. second reason i. that in 4 demo
crarv like ours all talking or writing
about politics j.. and ought to be con>id
cred an educational process: and this view
of it needs to he all the more closely kept
in mind Just now. oN ing to the fat that
we have :, largc boly of voters among Us
ut present. either very ignorant of. or Very
unfamiliar with American political tradi-
tiun- and whom it is hopeless to try to
reach through dry statements of general
principles. They have to be trained and
rnlirhinel if ut all. through criticism of
prominent men and pending measures,
because it is only for topics of this sort
that their attention can be secured. Sound
doctrine on all the leading questions of
the time has to be brought home to them
by the discussion of proposed legislation.
rue SltIltItt'iS pl t'tptCitN .tIl't ltueSS III
pnblic men have to be held up by the criti-
C m # public men now on the stake.
This function of criticism is of course lil-
Die IT, abuse. Bat we nevertheless
maintain that even the criticism of the
press. wild or malicious or corrupt thouyh
it may be. on the whole, in the long
run. either does substantial justice or fails
to hinder it. But what it accomplishes
openly and palpably in specific instances.
j. only Il small part and by far the least
valuable part. Out of the Babel ofl
&" charges > and counter-charges, of insin
u ltons and slanders and vinIication>,
amid which every political campaign, and
indeed every session Of Congress, is car
ricd on, one great lesson is brought home
to the popular mind with u force in no
other way attainable, and that is-that
whether \. be corrupt or not, corruption
is dangerous and dctcstable; whether b
lie or not, Il liar is not tit for public Office
whether &. be an embezzler or not, hon
csty is L necessity of COOL government;
and what with accusations and denialS.
vituperations and retorts, an ideal public
man is kept before us whom it M V seem
difficult to embody, bat whom, nevcrthe-
less, it is well to have in our minds eve"