New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1875-04-13
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
DIARY OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

Edited by CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Vol V. SVo'
pp $40. ]. Il. Lppincott Co.
Tho steadv proeress of this voluminous work to-
wards completion furnishes the student Of our pot-
ical history with rich collection of materials, when
have the interest of personal narrative with the
weight of eminent and indisputable authority. III
the present instalmcnt, the diary is continued io''
the first of March, 1920, to the thirtleth Oh Mas,
1902 comprising the remainder OF MI hu''''s ''s'
term of service as Secretary of State under the AL
ADMINISTRATION of President Monroe ana the coihne"co
ment of the second. The thread of public affairs Is
traced with firm hand; clear light Is thrown on
the Diplomacy of the perod many questions OF great
national Importance are discussed thesecret springs
of complicated movements exposed; but the
prncpa interest of the work to most readers VIII De
found the free sketches of eminent statesmen oil te
day, whom the author is never weary OF SUBJECT
ing 20 his acute and often pitiless analysis Mr. Adj
ans was q good hater He held no terms with thoSe
whom lie regarded as his personal enemies vi
whose measures he deemed hostile TO the welfare
of the State No glare of popularity could bind
his perception to the defects in the character
of brilliant public favorites. tie was sub
iect to no illusions from his fancy or his
sympathy, but how far he acted on
by his prejudces may be q subject of fair inquiry
Some readers viii doubtless be disposed to ccnsure
the editor for the freedom with which he has re-
vealed the portratures that as they think, had better
bave heen 10 Stun Der in uet oblivion. But
most of the events reviewed by Mir. Adams occurred
NJ the distance of than half century from the
present time the actors In them have long since
passed away; their reputation is fixed III the general
opinion of their countrymen; and the comments OF
their contemporary, and in many cases their rival
can have little influence upon the established YER
dict. Mr. AdaInss pictures of character, accord
inply may be accepted as studies of human nature,
without calling forth any exercise of personal feeling.
His occasional records of social life in Washington,
moreover present curious illustrations of the man.
ners and usages of that day, which though changed
In form, perhaps retain their essential spirit.
At the date which the diary opens in this vol
ume the Missouri question had come to its crisis.
The majorities in the two Houses of Congress were
on opposite Sides and Committees of Conference had
been appointed to effect a compromise which was
carried after o succession of stormy debates.
"Thusn says Mr.. Adams "a law for perpetuatng
Slavery in Missouri and perhaps in North America,
had been Struggled through both Houses of Congress-
have been convinced from the first starting OF tins
question that il could not end otherwise. The fault
is in the Constitution of the United States, which
has sanctioned a dishonOrable compromise with
Slavery. There is henceforth no remedy for 1t but
new organization of the Union, to effect which
= concert of all the white States IS lndis-
pensa5,e Whether that can ever be Accomplishments
doubtful. 1t is contemplation not very creditabe
to human nature that the cement of common interest
produced by Slavery is stronger and more SOLID than
that Of unminged freedom. in this instance the
slave States have chung together i'll one unbroken
phalanx, and have been victorious by the means OF
sccompces and deserters from the ranks of freedom
Time only can show whether the contest may ever
be with equal advantage renewed. But SO polluted
are all the streams of legislation in regions of
Slavery that this bin has been obtained only by two
a. unprincpled articles as dishonesty ever
DEVISED one, by coupling it an APP
pendage to the bill for admitting Maine;
and the other, by this outrage perpetrated by
the Speaker upon the rules OF the House."
cabinet meeting followed at which 1T was
discussed whether Congress had constitutional
right 10 prohibit Slavery i'll territory, and whether
the Missouri bill applicable only TO the terri
torial State or could extend to it after admission
into the Union. 1t unanimously agreed that
Congress had the power to Prohibit Slavery In the
Territories although neither Crawford, Calhoun, nor
Writ could find any express power to that effect
in the Constitution. The excitement OF the discus
sion, Mr.. Adams remarks, had SO totally merged in
passion all the reasoning faculties of the slave
holders that these gentlemen in the simplicity of
their hearts, had come a conclusion in direct OPP
position 10 their premises without being aware of the
inconsistency. Their compromise, measured by their
own ground, a sacrifice OF what they held to be
the Constitution. In the cabinet meeting MI Adams,
of course took the opposite ground, maintaining
the constitutional right of Congress to inter-
dict Slavery in the Territories, opinion which
was universal in the non-slaveholding States.
The occasion, he remarks called forth
a signal manifestation of Mr.. Crawford's feelings,
and the kindling ntenseness of his ambition after
this meeting,D says Mr. Adams, 81 walked home with
Calhoun, who said that the principles which i had
avowed were inst and noble but that in the South
en country, whenever they were mentioned, they
were always understood as applying only to white
men. Domestic labor confined to the blacks,
and such was the prejudice, that if he, who
the most popular man in his district, were
to keep @ white servant in his house, his char
acter and reputation would be rretrievably ruined"
The following passage, expressing the views of Mr..
Adams on the compromises of the Constitution in ia
vor Of Slavery will be read with deep interest in the
light of subsequent events. The substance Of the
extract was made public by the editor during the
discussion on the Wimot Proviso, and called forth
not little denunciatiOn:
told Calhoun could not things in the light
II Is ia truth all perverted misunderstanding labor
and dominion for freedom. The
souls 10 the abstract they ad1 that Slavery an eVi
they discaim all participation In the introduction Of it.
Britain But when probed 10 the quick upon they
at the bottom Of their souls pride and vaingloy in their
more generous and nobe-hearted than the plain
isaen who labor n for subsistence They look
nrrs,. because he has no habits of ovcrbear-
among the evils Of slavery that tsnts the very
OF moral principle establishes false estimates Of vir
than this doctrine which makes the aud hottest
rights Of humanity 20 depend upon the color OF the skin
with logical powers 10 maintain that Slavery is sane
TONED sy the Christian religion, that slaves are happy
ter and slave there tee Of mutual attachment and
anee.ioi nat the virtues OF TIE master are refined