New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1875-09-24
THE RACE CONFLICT IN EAST PELIorANA.


Feliciana parish, sends the REPUBLICAN a
copy of correspondence which recently
passed between himself and D. c. Hardee,
Esq, OF Clinton. Mr.. Clark writes from
Baton Rouge, where he has been forced
to take refuge, in consequence of a sus'
picion on the part of the white people Of
East Feliciana that he had some know.
ledge of an intended arming of the col
ored people for self-protection, and ne
elected to inform the whites.
1t will be seen by the correspondence
that both parties profess to be personally
friendly to each other, but there is very
wide difference in their political notions
of things. The one simply claims the
ordinary rights of citizenship. The other
| informs him that the assertion of such a
claim is an offense and an insult to white
dignity.
Mr.. Hardy writes in cool, calm and
unimpassioned but decided manner He
is perfectly willing to permit Mr.. Clark and
men of his race to enjoy ali the inferior
rights of citizenship. They may work in
the fields and collect their wages; they
may buy in the market, pay for what they
purchase and perhaps be protected against
imposture. But they can not be permit
ted to flaunt official robes in the face of a
white man.
This view Of the rights of man virtually
DISTINGUISHES the majority of the voters III
the Felicianas. In the first place, MIR.
Clark is not permitted to vote for himself
or any other colored man for office. Again,
no man, white or black, will be allowed to
vote for Mr.. Clark. This restricts the suf-
fragans to selection from the few white
men who are fit for public positions. Such
a rule interferes with the freedom of choice
of whites and blacks alike. No matter
how capable colored man may be, he is
debarred from entering the lists as con-
testant for any of the political prizes.
Mr. Hardee states the case fairly and
forcibly. He is an intelligent and pos
sibly fair-minded representatives of that
class of people in this State who have al
most become monomaniacs on the color
line. We occasionally hear faint pro-
tests from men of his party against such
extreme views. One State convention
nominated an Armistead for Secretary of
State, and perhaps Mr.. Hardee departed
so far from the true faith as to vote for
him. If he did so it was under protest
perhaps, and because there was no white
man running for the Office. Mr.. Arnis-
stead never was permitted to haunt his
official robes in Mr. Hardee's face, and
thus offend and insult his dignity, though
some fifty thousand or more of the ultra
color liners did all they could to confer
such privilege upon the one and offense
and insult on the other.
We consider it of no moment whether
Mr. Armistead be Secretary of State or
not, or whether Mr.. Clark be recorder of
East Feliciana or not, but it is Of vital
importance to every voter in the State that
Mr. Ha-dee and all others shall be per-
fectly free to vote for either or both of
them for any Office they wish them to
serve in, and to have their votes made
effective so far as they go. If there are
enough votes to elect, there is-there can
be no legal power to deprive them of their
offices.
When Mr.. Hardee declares that no COL
ored man shall hold Office in this State,
he afirms a doctrine which restricts his
own right of suffrage. Because if he
can be legally deprived Of his right to
vote for man because he has black
skin, he may be prevented from voting
for Governor who has black hair, or no
hair at all on his head. If the people are
obliged to depend upon popular caprice
to determine whom they may and may
not select for officers, there will be no fur
ther use for election laws. There will be
no certainty. This year it may be Mr..
Clark and his colored friends who are to
be tabooed. The next year Mr.. Hardee
himself may be put out of the pale of Sc.
lection-allowed to vote, perhaps, to a
limited extent, but with the lines of re-
striction changed SO as to exclude him
and everybody whom he would delight to
honor with his vote. ..
There is, of course, no possibility of
danger thrt such doctrine will ever OBJ
tain in the United States. 1t may be at
tempted in localities, but the immediate
effect will be to continue the necessity for
bayonets, and the ultimate effect will be
discontinue for those who adopt it as a
political dogma. Mr.. Hardee and his
political friends in East Feliciana ought
to know that, as rule, when men are
forbidden to do thing to which they are
only half inclined. the desire to do it is
apt, in consequence of the prohibition, to
become intensified, and sometimes ire
sistible. :l.a~