The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1875-01-07
In the Rebellion Over, Has Usur-
patton Begun

of the Legislature Of a sovereign State by the
military forces of the United States. They
may well look upon this act with alarm, for,
no matter how it is explained, the truth must
prove that American liberty is in danger.
Either the peace we have rejoiced in is de-
fusion and a dream and the war is not yet
over, or the President has become o dictator.
There is no escape from this alternative; it is
either usurpation or rebellion, and this issue
the nation is bound to meet
| II there is spirit Of defiance to lawful au-
thority in Louisiana which makes lite and
property unsafe if murder is looked upon by
the citizens of that State with approval; if
there is White League which is stronger
than the government; if the civil authorities
have not even the power to arrest; if the
State is controlled by banditti, then
We must make the Illuminating confession
that the war which maintained the Union left
the South to anarchy that is worse than war.
Such condition would not only justify but
require the interference of the President. It
was condition which Governor Kellogg de-
clared to virtually exist when he asked the
President for troops to protect him in office,
and which the President admitted when he
sent them. 1t is no matter here whether or
not the evils of this condition were exag-
gerated; the fact is enough that Governor
Kellogg was driven out Of Office by the people
and replaced in office by the army of the
United States. He asked protection and OBJ
tanned it, according to constitutional forms.
By this act anarchy-if anarchy existed
ended. The spirit of defiance, which was
revealed in September, was subdued; the
White League abandoned its purposes; the
banditti were suppressed, and order was re-
stored in New Orleans and Louisiana Thus
this chapter in the history Of the State was
closed by the submission Of the people and
the restoration of the government recognized
by the United States.
! A new chapter begun with the dispersion
of the Legislature. What had it done to
justify the President in expelling its majority
by military force? If there had been a new
rebellion in the streets of New Orleans if the
White League had again attempted to over
throw Governor Kellogg; if the banditti had
organized murder in successful defiance of
law, then once more, at the request of the
Governor the President might have suppressed
these evils by the army But the army has
not been so employed. Not even street riot
has been put down, not member of the
league has been warned, not single bandit
has been arrested. But the Legislature
has been invaded by the army and
f+c har otQd 0f Unit nf
the bayonet Is it to be inferred from
this that the spirit of defiance and muir
der, the armed attempts to destroy the
State government, exist in the Legislature, and
that the bandits, who are only to be controlled
by the United States Army, are really the rep
resentatives of the people? This inference is
compulsory, unless we assume that the Presi-
dent has used the military forces to determine
who shall be the Speaker of House Of Rep
resentatives.
To understand this startling action Of the
President it must be considered as something
distinct from the passions which have brought
Louisiana to desolation and almost to despair.
Rebellion of secret leagues has nothing to do
with the public organization of legislative
body The general disorder of society and the
mere dread OF danger have no connection
with the choice OF Speaker or the claim of
candidate to a seat These are questions
which Legislatures must settle for them
gressed the State laws provide the remedies
for the wrong. 1t follows that, even if the
people of New Orleans should become a
bowling mob of bandits and incendiaries, the
President could not rightfully lay finger on
the Legislature itself so long as its acts con-
cerned only its own organization. Anarchy
such as this even if it existed in New
Orleans, would be no excuse for usurpation in
Washington. The secession ordinance of 1861,
the massacre of 1866, could be given by the
President as his reasons for now interfering
with the Legislature with just as much reason
as he could cite the present state of danger
and excitement. He has passed over all this
tumultuous sea Unpopular passion his troops
have not fred gun but he has only done
so to strike the Legislature itself 1t is to
this point that We would bring the definition
of his act-that the Executive of the general
government has by force expelled members Of
the Legislature of sovereign State, and that
no CRIME or horror or rebellion can justify
this act, unless the crime exists in the Legis-
lature itself.
Thus far the President has not attempted
to prove any Legislative condition of the kind
but unless he does prove it the country will
hold him guilty of usurpation. The sword
he holds was not given to him to hack and
slash unfortunately at rebels and legis-
lators, rioters and representatives, nor to set
tie the political quarres of State. Even if
the conservative members did wrong in ad-
mitting to the House five men to whose cleo
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