New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1875-04-25
II. l.. p. A.
H. l.. r. A.
TBayoRARH HHADouARrBRs o1rHR 8. 4. Council.
..r March, A. D. 1878.

H. l.. r. A.
TiaroRARu HHADouARrsRs o1rHz 8. 3. CouNCIL.
March. A. D. 1873.
To the thinking part Of the public generally. bu
more particularly to the enlightened press o
this country. we respectfully submit the fol
lowing address
| Although our society has existed for sew
eral generations, the fact that its member
ship has been secret and confined to com
paratively few families in each State, hAt
| rendered its existence of no importance t.
| the public; while its purely social character
| prevented it from attracting the attention Of
| the press.
Now, however, that we are about to
| change the character of our league from q
social to political one, it is but reasonable
to suppose that as we increase in strength
| and numbers we must, in the course of ii me,
fall under the notice and be subjected to the
| criticism of the press, no matter how quietly
| we may proceed in our work.
We shall push our oFganlzation-as rapid
| ~ as is consistent with care and prudence
until it shall embrace such a proportion of
the ability, wealth and character of the
voting population. as will place it beyond
the power of any political party to govern
without our consent.
A continued preservation of absolute
secresy will, of course, become impracti-
cable; and. as we desire to be judged fairly
and intelligently. whether by friends or
opponents, we have deemed it best to IN
equivOcally define our position in regard to
some of the more important questions OF
government
The following may be taken as part of
our platform of principles. and as in
dicating our sentiments and convictions
concerning such subjects as are here
touched upon:
l. We maintain that there are certain
fundamental doctrines OF government
which are inherently, absolutely. and self
evidently right, and which can not be
rendered wrong by the adverse opinion or
decision of any majority, however large;
and that the converse of this proposition
is also true.
That the unity of this nation and the gu
premacy of the national government over
all the territorial subdivisions of the coun-
try (such as States, Territories, counties
and cities), is one of those doctrines which
it would be the right and duty OF mi
nority to defend against q m ,jority, if NEG
essary, even by force of arms.
That the heresy of Estate sovereignty, "or
estate rights" as opposed to national Gu
premacy, is Inconsistent with the welfare
of the nation; and that all attempts to
practically apply said heresy are to be
crushed out by force, in the future as they
have been in the past.
That the claim of some of the older
States, a. they were at some period IN the
past independent governments, ia not
based upon fact, and if it were it could not
be allowed to affect the question at the
present day.
9. Treason and rebellion against the
government should be punished BY death
and conf scatiOn of property.
3, Absolute EQUALITY of all men before
the law. Security to persons and property
throughout the length and breadth OF the
land,
4. We ad yocste the "MOnrOo doctrine" in
its externa al application We deny the right
of any European or other foreign govern
mept to exercise any jurisdiction whatever
over the territory or the inhabitants of any
portion of the continent of North America
or the heighb0ring islands; and we believe
it to be the duty of this government to
assist any people of this continent or its
ialands that ahall desire to establish its in
dependence.
s Onnosition to all churches, religions
and scots acknowledging, in temporal
matters, any authority outside of
the limits Of this country, or owing
any allegiance not consistent with their
allegiance to this government. No creed
should be in conflict with the
laws of the land. Beyond this, unlimited
religious liberty and federation for every
form of divine worship.
6. "In time of peace prepare for war"
We want the army and navy placed on
such footing, numerically and other wise,
"A will render them an ever ready and for
midable menace to foreign foes and domestic
disturbers. We are opposed to any further
reduction of the army, and regard with
contempt and indignation the mastering out
of competent officers, from considerations
of petty economy.
7. Eternal enmity to communism and all
kindred anarchal denominations.
g. Disfranchisement of ignorance, in
capacity, vice and pauperism. There is no
such thing as a natural right to cast a ballot.
The privilege of voting at the polls, like
that of voting in representative assembly
or holding a public Office, is one which the
people may impose as duty on whOmsO-
ever they deem tit to exercise it properly;
and which they may withhold at pleasure,
or limit and restrict at their discretion.
9. There is an excess OF legislation. The
country ia too old and too far advanced to
require ceaseless assembling OF the people
for the purpose of tinkering the laws.
Changes in existing laws, before they have
had time to be fully tested, are far too
frequent. Legislative assemblies meet en-
tirely too often. We doubt the wisdom of
giving pay to lawmakers.
TO- Swift and unfailing punishment of
crime. No abolition of capital punish
ment. Criminal laws to be so construed
and applied as to be terror to criminals
and not protection.
IL. No elective judiciary. Toe admins
tratiOn OF justice should be unembarrassed
by any dependence upon popular favor,
IL. While we shall, in the main, always
act with that political party which we
deem to be nearest right, we shall ar
rogate to ourselves dictation to this ex-
tent only-to wit: That we will review
all party nominations, and will invariably
and int1exibly vote against all candidates
whose personal and private character,