New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1875-06-05
THE BALLOT AND THE sCHOOLHOUSE.

IL the necessary eOucarOOal pOllcy u
government of the many. These are
truisms and no class of politicians have
clearer apprehension of the vital nature
Of these truisms than the Confederate
aristocracy Of the South. They know
that the ballot and the schoolhouse con
stitute the bulwarks of the freedman
political liberty and civil equality before
the law. They know that the school
house alone will finally lift the negro Of
the South into political liberty and civil
equality, even if the laws passed for his
political enfranchisement were repealed.
Knowing all this the Confederate aristoc-
racy would not be true to the laws of its
own self preservation if it had taken any
other course than the one it has stead
lastly pursued from the day of Lees sur
FENDER. 1t has resisted at every step the
laws which gave the late slave the ballot.
1t has resi- sted at every step every law
looking to the education of the emanci-
pated race. The Confederate aristocracy
has simply done in regard to the ballot
and the schoolhouse for the black man
what it did in regard to the other
consequences Of the war. The Con-
federate leaders have accepted the
situation. At first they boldly resist
ed the Republican tide which set in after
the war. Finding this open resistance
impolitic as well as useless, they yielded
| sullen assent to what could not be
avoided Finally this sullen assent was
changed into seeming acquiescence. Po-
litical diplomacy became the animating
principle of the Southern aristocracy.
This spirit Of political diplomacy soon
permeated every rami6cation of Southern
society. 1t has finally penetrated the
family, the church, the business circles of
the South, the professions and forms the
link which now binds the Confederate
brotherhood together in close bond of
union.
The policy Of reaction was inaugurated
by an attack on the ballot. This has been
so far successful that the negro voc is
practically suppressed in Delaware, Mary
land, Virginia, West Virginia, North Car
DINA, Kentucky, Arkansas, Texas, Ten
nessee, Alabama and Georgia. In these
States the freedman votes by sufferance.
He is under the political supervision and
control Of his former master. In Louisi-
ana, Mississippi. South Carolina and
Florida, the negro voter lives only under
the mere form" of personal independ-
ence, but even in these Republican
States, with the executive power of the
nation to back him, he is slowly but
surely sinking into polical serfdom. The
drift of national politics indicates that
this game Of political diplomacy so skill
fully played by the Confederates will be
confirmed by Northern votes. In all
human probability the next presidential
election will remand the negro to the |
political control of the Southern whites |
and place the government i'll the hands of |
the Southern Confederates and their |
Northern political allies. The same men
during the war will then be linked hand
in hand with the same men who fought
under the COME derate flag around Rich
mond to govern the United States.
We know how the success of this coali-
ton will affect the ballot to the freedman.
But how will it affect the schoolhouse?
What will be its effect upon the question
Of popular educ alton at the South? Will
schools for the children of the freed peo-
pie be multiplied under this Confederate
Democratic rule? Will universities for
the higher edu cational culture of the
young men and young women Of the
race be increased throughout
The South by Confederate opinion? Will
the Confederate aristocracy desire to have
he children Of the freed people thus edu-
,ated? Will they desire to see the young
men and young women Of the race thus
cultured by educational training into
worthy political, professional and business
eaders Of the emancipated race? To ask
these questions is to answer them.
But this self-suggestive answer, Though
! plain one, deserves illustration. What
vas the educational policy of these same :
Confederate leaders under slavery? Did (
hey establish free schools for the children
If the poor whites of the South? No.
Did they provide any form Of education
whatever for the slaves? On the contrary,
he slave code declared it crime to teach
he negro even his letters. Why this
'olicy of ignorance for the poor whites
nd poor blacks alike? Because ignorance
nd subordinated labor go hand in hand
lou can not subordinate the mind or will,
r labor of an educated self-respecting ,
nan or woman. Educated labor means
rec labor-manhood labor. The school ,
ouse for the blacks established on every
outhern plantation before the war, :
,ould have rendered the war itself IN
ecessary. The spelling book would have ,
one peacefully the glorious work which 9
required the bloody sword finally to
i'll this matter. The Confed- !;
rates can not plead want Of opportunity.
after the war there was an $
aterregnum, during which period the {
onfederates were left free to inaugurate i
he new policy, which the war and man :
ipation necessitated. What did these
len and women do? We say women