The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1875-07-28

our doctrines, it is not too late to do
it" but he declares that they will not
desert the cause of truth in order to
curry favor with those who deny it. I"
We regret, however, that we do not
| find in Mr.. Hunters address any clear
reciprocation Of that desire for com
plete reunion on the basis of letting
bygones be bygones which has been SO
widely expressed at the North. I'VE
regret this, because, he is one of the
men who might be expected to take a
liberal and patriotic stand. Perhaps
he is too old, too strongly committed
to the secession doctrines, TO rise to
this hight of magnanimity. We must
look to younger men. to the business
classes of the South and, strange to
say, particularly to the soldiers of
that section. By the fires of the bat
tle-field they learned faster than the
politicians. sass
Hendricks and the Presidency.
From the Indianapolis Journal, July 1871
With full understanding of Gov
ernor Hendricks weak points and
without any disposition to exaggerate
his political deserts, it may be safely
admitted that he is strong candidate
for the Democratic nomination for
the Presidency. MIR. Hendricks him
self Is not a great nor a strong man.
but party which signalized its exit
from power by electing for President
such a man as James Buchanan, need
not hesitate to secure it's restoration,
if possible, by the choice Of such a
man as Governor Hendricks. Even
SO long ago as 1868 Mr.. Hendricks
was no mean contestant for the Demo-
cratic nomination, and developed
strength enough to trade upon with
| considerable success. AS he belongs
| to the school of politicians who never
relinquish their hold nor lose any
ground. it is safe to assume that he
has made good use of the interval in
strengthening his position. At all
events, he is a candidate. and, in the
opinion of his friends. strong one
That such man should be a proni-
nent candidate. OF any political party
for the highest Office within the gift
Of the people. illustrates peculiar
phase of American politics, and pro-
vokes an inquiry into his political
character and deserts.
Governor Hendricks is essentially a
negative man. He has not the first
quality of leader, nor of bold fol-
lower. He Is trimmer by nature,
and time -server by practice. He
has never originated nor secured by
his advocacy one measure of popular
utility. He has never risen above a
slavish devotion to party. He has
never shown that he appreciated or
understood the distinction between
seltishness and craftsmanship. A
trickster by nature, pettifogger by
profession. and demagogue by
choice, he recognizes no rule OF action
in public or private life save that
which conduces to his own success
Socially an aristocrat, he is politically
a Democrat; theoretically an agrarian.
he is personally miser. He lives
two lives and practices two profess
sions-one for the public, the other
for himself. His public life chal-
lenges inspection, and his private
practices shrink from investigation.
Each gives the lie to the other, and
yet each is mustered into service by
his friends to illustrate the other
He has originated nothing. advocated
nothing, consummated nothing. AS
in law he has always been open to the
first retainer. SO in politics he has al
ways been the servant of selfish in
terests. Happily for him his weak
and selfish qualities have been SO
mixed by nature with certain
smoothness OF address and deceitful
polish of manner, that he has been
able to impose himself during his
whole life, not only on the common
| people, who are easily misled. but on
many intelligent leaders of his party,
as man Of more than ordinary abil-
ity and more than common goodness.
He is neither His attachments are
superficial and his piety fraud. Test
the former q little severely and his
mediocrity appears; try the latter I'M
expectedly and he will swear like a
trooper. He is no more savant than
he is saint, and no more of either
than he is a statesman; yet he pro-
fesses TO be statesman, saint, and
savant. Ills whole public life has
been devoted to the service of slavery
and treason, and he has never once
varied the course of his career by a
motion, word, speech, or a vote in
favor OF human liberty. His blind
adherence to party could be forgiven
If he had ever originated or advocated
a measure Of national utility; but his
record is as barren of public useful
| ness as it is encrusted and widowed
with partisan servility His boldness
is in an inverse ratio with the de-
mands of The times, and his trimming
capacity has kept even pace with the
opportunities for deceit. While it
was popular to defend treason he de-
Tended it; when he saw that the cause
| was lost he said, Let us turn our
backs on the past" While there was
show for the ACKNOWLEDGMENT. of the
| Union, he advocated the establish
ment Of Northwestern Confcderacy;
| when the government was triumphant
he became the defender of the consti-
tuition. So long as the rebels had a
chance of success he devoted all his
energies to crippling and embarrassing
| the government; when the rebellion
failed he assumed the role Of con-
stitutional lawyer, and endeavored to
prove that traitors could recover in
The courts the rights they had forfeit
ed in the war. His education as a
lawyer has SO far contributed to his
success as politician. that honest
men have been deceived. and shrewd
ones blinded into believing him sin
cere when he was working only for
self or pelf. Thus President Lincoln
said of him during the war: Hen
bricks always talks to me like Re-
publican" Thus it was also that he
was able to obtain from a Republican
administration pardon for Charles
w. Hall, convicted fclon. lie also
supplemented this mans rescue from
the penitentiary by securing his APP
pointment by Andy johnson to a
lucrative position in the New York
Customhouse.