New-York tribune., 1875-02-11

many Englishmen with them-are agreed III
looking upon as mischievOus to both.
THE ISSUE BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT
AND CONGRESS-
II would seem as il Gen. Grant was finally
fatiguing the indignation and the surprise
alike of his opponents and supporters. The
extraordinary message in relation to ArkanGas
| matters, q message which is OF itself enough
| to give character to his administration, which
| i'm its few sentences contains more proofs OF
his signal unfitness for civil position than all
| the utterances and all the acts for which the
ReSan1,iean Ss1. ,s1.y s33gsht the Impeachment 1l
Andrew Johnson-this inessag6 .n@@e sc@rceiV
excited ripple Of comment in Congress. 1t
is true that when Mr.. Clayton desired to have
| it referred to a friendly Committee, Messrs.
Bayard and Thurman objected, the latter fitly
characterizing it with the epithet of astound-
| "ingr But neither in the ranks Of the Ad-
| minstratiOn COngressmen nor of the Admins
| tratiOn press has there been any murmur
| against this desperate and reckless act. Some
of them say behind their hands to our cor
respondents "This beats us in NewHamp-
"shire" But none of them seem inclined to
risk their share in the public patronage by
saying promptly from their places that obedi-
| ence to such illegal caprices has gone far
enough, and that the President must be made
| to exhibit q little regard for law and for the
| life of tbe party.
He has never done anything 50 reckless be-
fore. 1t is literally without the shadow of an
| excuse. In the case of Louisiana it might
have been said that his first mistake in set
| ting up the Kellogg Government involved
him in the fatal necessity of sustaining it;
that even if he had been wrong in the begin
ming he must be consistent in the sequel
But in this matter his own proclamation of
last May stamps his action to-day as "turbu-
"lent and dIsorderly." He then denounced
the claim of Brooks as pretense of turbulent
and disorderly persons. He now says that
Brooks was then "unlawfully deprived of the
possession of his Office" The two documents
which we yesterday printed side by side form
an almost incredible proof of official stupidity
and contempt for public opinion. There is
no possible explanation Of them except that
the President has forgotten what he then
solemnly proclaimed, what action be took
under his proclamation, and who were the
parties to the trouble last Summer. lie must
have written this message without referring
to the last proclamation. and without consult
ing the law officers of the Government.
This is the aspect of the case personal to
the President. 1t simply shows his amazing
incapacity in civil affairs. But in public
point of view, it becomes of course infinitely
graver. There was no reason for this action.
A Republican Committee of Congress has just
reported that Arkansas possesses constitu-
G., olA taI lxrn
large majority of its voters; State Govern
ment manned by men of their choice and
carving on the administration in peace and
quiet; that no interference of the Gen
eial Government is required. In the
face of this report, the President sends
to Congress this crazy proposition to
destroy the State Government and put Mr..
Clayton's friend Brooks in as Governor on the
turbulent and disorderly" pretext that he
was elected in 1872. He does this, it is said,
without consultation with anybody except the
Arkansas loafers in Washington who want to
90 back to their State in the rear of the army
which they expect the President to place at
their disposal
1t makes no difference what his object is in
this We believe it to be sordid and inter-
ested one-n0 less than to control the vote of
Arkansas and other Southern States for his
OVID profit. But the act itself Is its own con-
demnatOn. 1t is an act of defiance against
the law-abiding people of the whole country;
of insult and contempt to the Republican
party in Congress; a menace of war against
Arkansas 1t remains with Congress to de-
eide whether this threat shall be converted
into an overt act after they adjourn. 1t will
not be sufficient to do nothing. There can be
no such cowardly evasion at this time. Dong
nothing will in this case be a direct approval
of the message and plenary indulgence for
ANYTHING the President may choose to do in
relation to it, We have grown accustomed to
his vocabulary. Ho serves once more upon
Congress that warning notice with which
he has heretofore justified his viola
tons of law He says, 81 earnest
sly ask that Congress will take definite
faction in the matter to relieve the Executive
" from acting upon the questions which should
be decided by the legislative branch of the
Government" This sullen and threatening
summons has come to have a familiar sound.
1t means "Do this, or I'll do it for yOu!" He
admits that it is lawful for Congress and not
for him to decide these questions, but he
warns the legislative branch that if they
have not the pluck to do what he wants he
will do it on his own responsibility, law or
no law There is no escape for the Repub
lican party in Congress but to join issue
with the President. AT this late hour of the
session, with more business on their hands
than they can possibly attend to, he drives
them into a corner with this message, and
they must fight or cringe. They must assert
their rights as legislators or abdicate them,