The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1874-06-06


be- less danger Of partial or negligent legis-
lation."
These men are employers-the largest
employers in the country-and instead OF
being hostile to a labor bureau, they actu-
ally petition Congress for the establishment
of such department. Yet these men may
be selfish and sordid, but they are also
wise. They seem to understand, at least,
as much Of natural history and physiolog-
ical truth as tn, ignorant drayman, who
knows that the better his horse is fed and
cared for the more satisfactory ia the ser
vice he renders. But, sir, if every capital
lists in Ohio was opposed to this amend
ment it would not follow that it should not
be made. always believed that the true
object Of legislation should be MAN. The
State Is simply an aggregation OF men, and
in the ratio these men advance In intelll-
gence and morality is the foundation Of
the State made strong and enduring. Civ
iliZation, progress and national advance
ment are not measured by powerful com
binaticns of wealth, manufactures, and
products, as much as by MANHOOD. That
State is retrograding and already ON the
verge Of dissolution which cheapens its
its producers, which builds up vast, pow
erful and wealthy corporations, or gigantic
private fortunes, at the expense Of the
great mass of the people.
IN fares the land, To Fastening ills prey,
Where wealth accumuates, and men decay"
eff we could undersell the world, said
Mr.. Greeley, I'm iron or cloth, by means
which keep their producers ignorant, i'll
fed, socially depressed, and morally de-
graded, we could not afford to accept a
commercial or industrial advantage on
such terms Cheap shoes and hats are
desirable, but not at the cost Of generations
of shivering, furnishing, iliterste shoe
makers and hatters" Man is without
doubt the true object of legislation, and
To produce better men, freer men, better
citizens, freer citizens, men Of greater and
more advanced civilization, should be the
aim Of every law passed on the statute
books. But, sir, | am sorry to say
that the most of our laws are passed for
the better protection of money and not
men. | am sorry to say, sir, that the
State, instead of being what it should be
a protector-has, in many instances, not
only ceased 50 to be, but has actually be-
come an aggressor. Instead Of mounting
guard over the rights of all men, and ad-
ministering equal and exact justice to all,
and thus render society possible, it has
mounted guard over the interests of the few,
to whom it has become more than q pro
tector, while to the many it has really as
sumed the attitude of the aggressor.
We see this fact manifested in various
ways-we have commissioners Of insurance,
commissioners of railroads, commissioners
Of public works, commissioners Of public
institutions, but the greatest, the grandest,
the most important. Of all interest, labor.
is shamefully overlooked and ignored and
when we remember that the capital repre-
sented In railroad and insurance companies
is amply able to protect itself without the
aid of commissioners, while labor is not,
the negligence Of the State in this direction
stands out in bold relief We have to-day
full and ample statistics Of wealth We
can tell just how much property there is
in the State, or at least We can approx
mate 1t sufficiently near for all practical
purposes We have within our reach the
means of determining the value Of personal
property, the value of real estate, the
amount Of taxes collected, the value Of
church and other property, lrhich should
be tored, the amount of property insured,
the amount controlled by railroads in a
word, the statistics relating to wealth are
almost complete But what do we know
about the social, educational, and sanitary
condition Of the men and women, boys and
girls who create all this wealth Practi-
cally nothing. Why is this What cause
can be assigned for it
(To BE CoNTiNUED)