The New York herald., 1874-11-18
rail~yrsad.s Meuearv.

Tslleyrand shortly before his death said to
Lamarsine, II have written my memoirs and
written them truthfnily; but they will not be
Published for many years As have endured
the stupid judgments OF common opinion all
my life can also endure them for some years
longer in my gnve" From which it would
appear that the great politician anticipated
that necessary consequence af the publica-
tion Of bis memoirs would be revision Of the
harsh judgments OF his time upon his acts
and his career as public man that with
fuller knowledge of the facts, with the light
that only q word from him here and there
might throw on the history Of the great
conflict TINT broke ont in 80, the world would
see the various actors in the drama OF the Rev.
olution in different proportions from those
1t had commonly accepted as just.
In France rimor is just now uncommonly
active in regard to the probable publication of
the memoirs thus referred 10. and we shall do no
great injustice, perhaps, in suppoSing that there
is point Of party politics behind this fact.
Talleyrand directed that his memoirs should be
kept unpublished until thirty years after his
death. This period expired in 1863 He left
the papers in the hands Of his niece, the
Duchess of Saigan, with the direction that
in case of her death they should pass into the
hands of gentleman in the diplomatic SER
vice, NJ. de Baucourt. 1t ia said in the COM
mon story Of the non-publication of the
memoirs that this gentleman, who died in
1865, left the papers to his executors with
further instruction that, as many persons were
still living who would be wounded by the
disclosures made, the purpose of the Prince in
deferring the publication in the first instance
would not be fulfilled unless publicity were
deferred for thirty years longer, and direct
ing, consequently, that the memoirs should
still be held for that period. Now the report
is that these executors deem the obligation
imposed by the previous instruction of the
Prince more sacred than that imposed by
the instruction of the Princes executor, and
that they will publish the memoirs.
So the report goes constantly pro and con-
first, that the memoirs will be published; again,
that they will not Behind all that there is
conflict and an intrigue with imperialsts on
one side and royalists on the other Publca-
ton was apparently not deferred out Of respect
to the opinion Of M. Baucourt, and it is even
doubtful if his will contained any provision
whatever on the subject. In 1866 the persons
who hold the papers inquired what would be
the attitude Of the government in regard to
their publication. Napoleon I'LL was the gov
1oo 1ol e., ohox of
the book, that he might read them. They did
not please him. They were not in accordance
with the Napoleonic legend They did not
give view Of the rise and growth Of the First
Empire SO fattering as that given by NJ.
Theirs, and the Emperor objected to
their publication. If publication were
forbidden in France it would be easy
enough to publish in Belgium or in
London; SO the Emperor was compelled
to go carefully or lose his game. He sent for
the Baron Charles Talleyrand, grandson Of
the Prince. who listened to reason. In a
little while the title of Montmorency was
revived in favor Of q younger son in this
gentlemans family, and all that the world
heard Of the memoirs was the provision in
Baucourt's will.
But now Napoleon Ill has passed away
and the Empire has passed away, and one
naturally wonders whether a suppression
secured in the interest of a family which
aspires to the throne will be held good by
those who may be supposed to be naturally
and necessarily opposed to the pretensions of
that family. If there is blue blood in France
the Talleyrands have it, and if the monarchy
has adherents they must bo Of the number.
Will they keep from the light document
that is, perhaps, the most whitening exposure
ever written of the true character of the
Empire, even at its best? We do not believe
they will. In the conflict of royalists and
imperialists the memoirs will come out, and
they will show that every blunder of the First
Empire was the Emperor's own, and every
glory and great achievement some one else's =
not in war, certainly, but in politics. It
would be new sensation for the world to
contemplate the First Napoleon as puppet !;
but puppet he was politically. and the more
the intimate political history of his time is
made known the clearer this will be seen.
Vert1i's ssRequiem Mass,
The performance of verdi's Requiem Mass
at the Academy of Music last evening must be
noted as one of the marked events of q not
m -