New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1874-01-13

| the New Ork market. lno dDSuIui'y VI
such claim would be selfevident.
| Nor is this the only constitutional objection
| to the two bills. The question which has al
ready been so holly disputed OF the right OF
| legislature to override a charter is revived
in each of them. Some of the roads are au-
| thorized by their acts of incorporation to
charge pretty high rates. others are left
free to charge whatever they please. II any
attempt is made to restrict them, the old argu-
ment against "impairing the validity OF con-
"tracts" will of course be used again The
bill of the Committee assumes that, despite all
privileges conveyed by the charters, Con-
gress retains the power of insisting that
the charges shall be reasonable, and
for this theory, so far at least
as inter State railways are affected, there are
certainly strong arguments to be urged; but
Mr. KassOn claims for the National Lecisla-
ture broader authority STILL and undsmayed
by the conditions of charters contracts, or
the statutes of the several States, takes 1t for
granted that Congress may establish just what
tolls it pleases in every part OF the Union
TO put the case more clearly, he assumes that
after the State of NewYork, for instance, has
created railway corporation within Its own
boundaries and authorized it to charge GER
tain rate per mile, Congress may nullliy that
authorization by cnacting that the road shall
charge only half as much
Passing over these doubtful provisions of
the two bills, let us sec how they propose to
put in force the questionable authority which
they lodge in the hands of the General Gov
eminent. Mr.. Kasson goes TO work in reso-
Lutte autocratic way and cuts down the tarlf
for the transportation of Western produce 20
per cent on all railroads whatsoever, no mat
ter what their rates may be now. This bit OF
pure demagogism has the merit at all events
of simplicity and dircctness. Next Mr.. Kasson
appoints board of seven Commissioners to
find out whether that reduction was just or
not-in other words, to inquire and report to
Congress what in their judgment, consider
" ing the situation and extent of business OF
leach railway and the country tributary to
ait. will be q reasonable and just maximum
tariff upon the principal articles of inter
State and foreign commerce, and for paS'en-
" gers passing over such railway, and paIllcu-
"larly upon articles of food" What IA field for
special legislation, blackmail. bribery, election
frauds, and other iniquitieS Is thus thrown open!
Under this law there would be such a railroad
lobby at Washington rs the world never saw
before. Mr. Jay GOuld's transactions at Albany,
Mr.. Cakes Ames's operations with the Credit
Mobilier Congressman, would fade into insiS-
nifeance when every road in the United States
kept its officers and agents haunting the
national Capitol with bills authorizing an in
crease of tolls, or hush-money to prevent I'M
friendly legislation, or stock to be placed
where it would do most good. MIR. McCrary'5
bill is better than this. 1t creates
board of nine Commissioners to be ap-
pointed by the President and confirmed
by the Senate, who shall investigate
alleged abuses and cxtortions first, and fix
schedules of maximum rates afterwards. Ii
the General Government is to exercise this
sort of supervision at all. we believe 1T can do
so much better through board of Commits
sioners than in any other way. Such plan
will remove the excuse for special leg
islation, which is the chief source of legsla-
tive corruption. and we should be glad to see
it fairly tried under more favorable circum-
stances than have hitherto surrounded 1T. But
both the bills now before Congress are so
radically defective in other particulars that
we hardly suppose either of them can ever
become ii law.