New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1874-04-02
Hon. Gerri! Ssasissa Writes ...a
following letter 0fa
Givii ssig.iss.
PETEEEoRO, March {, 1871

| confess that am some what afraid that
the Civil Rights Bill, or any other which
may be substantially like it, will fail TO be-
come a law. One effect OF this failure will
be the dealt, of the Republican party. For
having come into power as q reform party
and having continued in power rs such it will,
of necessity, cease to live when it shall cease
to be reform party. | do not apprehend
that its death will be;f0llowod By The rcstor-
alton of the Democratic party TO power That
party, in its earlier day progressive and
good one, became Il miserable conservative
and bad one. Notwithstanding there was
countless number OF patriotic and noble men
in it, the party allowed itself, b. force Of its
pro-slavery training, to syinpIthze with the
enemy in our late War. This sympathy was
fatal to it. 1t was sin not to be forgiven.
The party, though ii may struggle, years lon
ger, against its constantly approaching des-
tiny, must at last break up, and its members
become free to attach themselves 90 some
party of less odious name and of less fatal
traditions. The old Federal party abounded
in great and good men. Nevertheless as ii
saw that it could never recover from its mis-
take of sympathizing with our enemy in the
War of ISl2-l5, it deliberately Gisban,led
very soon after that War.
For the Republican party claim TO be any
longer reform party after il shall have re-
fused equality OF civil rights to The millions
of our colored countrymen would be absurd.
Its excuse for this high crime against God
and man, that these millions are ignorant,
would be base and impudent to the last de-
gree. For not Onlyi the ignorance of a race
no excuse for robbing it of the rights Of our
common humanity, but the last people for
whose advantage this excuse should be offer
ed are they, who cnsayed and therefore
darkened and debased this ignorant race
Alas, is there to be no end to the wrongs of
this unotf'ending and gentle people, who, in
stead OF wreaklng revenge upon us Tor their
ages Of oppression, forgive us and shed their
blood to save us
The Decision of the L. S. Supreme Court
in the New Orleans Slaughter Case is much
relied Oh by the opponents Of the Civil Rights
Bill. But this decision should be quoted
modestly rather than confidently seeing that
four of the Judges, and the Chief Justice one
of the four, dissented from it. The Court,
to render clearer its distinction OF two classes
of citizens-one Of the State, and the other
Of the United Statcs-enumcrates some of
the privileges and imnunites of the latter.
Amongst these privileges and immunities is
his (lhe L. S. citizen's) right " to come to
the seat Of Government TO assert any claim
he may have upon that Government, or trans
act any business he may have with it, TO
seek its protection, to share its Offices, to
engage in administering its functions. lie
has the right to free access to its seaports
through which all operations of foreign COM
merce are conducted, TO the sub-treasuries,
land offices and courts Of justice in the seler-
al State also the right to peaceably assem-
BILE and petition redress of grievances
But how can block man enjoy these
immunities and privileges If he be denied,
save on the most degrading term, the public
vehicles and hotes ? and denied them he will
be. unless he shall he able to PROVE, at
every stage of his journey, that he is travcll-
ing in the capacity of a United States citizen.
Or it is meat that the black man, be he a
Federal or Safe citizen, is to walk and not
ride, to carry bread and cheese in his pocket
instead of sitting at the well-furnished table,
and instead Of a comfortable bed in doors, to
steal away like fugitive slave into the
woods? And how can he hold Fedora!
Office in a negotiating State without his
right to the decent accommodations, refined
pleasures and respectful treatment enjoyed
by white office-holders being frequently call
ed in question? Hence, Notwithstanding
this enumeration of rights in the Decision,
there are not two classes of black citizens
for such citizens cannot freely exercise these
rights when they are in States, which deny
equal rigts to black men. But if State has
the power to disable black man and deprive
him of citizenship, it must have no less pow
CIR over a white man also. 50 it turns out
that this class of United States citizens is but
a conditional class-conditioned on the will
and action Of the States. A conditional
class Of citizens must however have an abso-
lute existence and this great nation is not
under the humiliating necessity OF getting
the consent Of little Rhode Island or little
Delaware, ere it can invest the people Of the