New-York tribune., 1874-11-19

tIiL no bnali place Dls lOyaity anu ~ WIZ
mercy of another" that other being himself
This demonstration completed, Mr. Gladstone
then asks whether if his propositions be true they
ore also material This. it might be supposed, any
body would concede but in MIR. Gladstone's answer
to his own question occur of the most suggest
i've passages of tho whole paper What no really
considers is the purpose with which these astound-
ing claims of the Papacy have boon put forward 1t
has been favorite purpose Of his life, he declares
not to conure up but to conure down public alarms
and he is not now going to pretend that either
foreign foe or domestic treason can at the bidding
of the Court of Rome disturb these peaceful shores
But though such fears may be Visionary 10 Is more
visionary still to suppose for one moment that the
claims of Gregory VII of Innocent Ill. and OF Bon
iface WILL have been dsinterred, in the nineteenth
century. like hideous mummes picked out of Egyp-
tan sarcophagi in the interests of archaeology or
without definite and practical am."
POLITICAL AIMS OF THE ROMAN COURT.
What then is the am7 In part, no doubt, theo-
logical, and to attract converts among those who
like to discharge their spiritual responsibilities by
power of attc-c%%yy, g@. this end could havc been
reached by simpler means, "by a few Tetzels judi
ciously distributed over Europe" The main pur-
pose must have been political.
1t must be for political object OF very tangible
KIND, that the rskS OF so darlng
sphere have been deliberately run.
daring raid 1t is. For 1t Is most evident that the
very assertion OF principles which establish an exemp-
tion from allegiance which impair its completeness,
goes, in many other countries OF Europe, far more
directly than with to the creation OF political STRIFE
and to dangers of the material and tangible kind
The struggle proceeding Germany at once occurs
to the mind palmary instance. am not competent
give any opinion upon the particulars OF that srug
ole. ha of
estimate of State power and individual freedom arc
materially different from ours. But l must
say as much as this. Firstly, it is not Prussia
alone that is touched; elsewhere, too, tho bone
lies ready, though the contention may
be delayed. In other States In Austria particularly.
there laws In force raising mucn the same
issues the Fslck laws have raised But the Roman
Court possesses perfection art the art Of waiting
and IL is her wise maxim to fight but one enemy at
time Secondly II have truly represented the Claims
promulgated from tho Vatican, 1t is difficult to deny
that those claims, and the power which h:: made them,
primarily responsible for the pairs and pefils,
whatever they may be- OF the present conflict between
German ana Roman enactments. And that which was
once truly said of France may now also be said with
not less truth Of Germany: when Germany is dis
quoted, Europe cannot bo at rest.
l should feel less anxiety on this subject had the
Supreme Pontif frankly recognized his altered position
since the events of 10 and in language as clear II not
as emphatic, that in which he has prescribed modern
civilization. given to Europe the assurance that lie
would be no party to the reGstabshment by blood and
violence of the temporal power OF tho Church 1t is
easy to conceive that his personal beneyolence. less
than his feelings as an Italian must have inclined him
individually towards course so humane; aud
should add, IL might do 1t without presumption, so
prudent. With what appears to an English eye
a lavish prodigaty, successive Italian Governments
have made over the ecclesiastical powers and priv
eges of the Monarchy the Church Of the
for the revival OF the ancient, popular and selgover
ming elements OF ts constitution, but to the Papal Chair
for the establishment of ecclesiastical desposm and
tho suppression of the last vestiges Of independence.
This course difficult for foreigner TO appreciate, or
even to justify has been met not by reciprocal concia
tion but by a constant fire Of denUncatons and COM
plants When the tone OF these denuncauons and
complaints compared with the language of the author
Gud favored Papal organs in the press and OF the
Ultramontane pary-now the sole legitimate party OF
the Latin Church-throughout Europe, it leads many to
painful nd revolving conclusion that there is fixed
purpose among tho secret nsprers OF Roman policy
pursue by the road OF force. the arrival Of
favorable opportunity the favorte project OF reerecg
the terrestrial throne OF the Popedom even If can only
bo reGrected ON the ashes OF the city, and amidst the
whitening bones OF the people.
TEE EFFORT TO REGAIN TEMPORAL POWER
In other words, Rome is playing long game to
win back the Temporal Power. The existence of
such an idea Mr.. Gladstone regards as pOrtentous
evil an incentive to general disturbance. though
the hope of its success is ridiculous" 1t might
nevertheless paralyze to some extent the action of
such Governments as should interpose, for no pur
pose of their own but only for the maintenance of
general peace-hence, among other things its inter
est to England
If tho baeful power which is expressed by the
phrase Caria Romana and not at all adequately rem
dered in its historic force by the usual English
equivalent : Court Of Rome really entertains the
scheme it doubtless counts on tho support in every
country of an organized and devoted party, which,
when it can command the scales OF political power,
will promote interference, and, when it is in mi
nority will work for securing neutrality. As the
peace Of Europe may be in jeopardy, and as the
duties even of England as one, to speak. of its
constabulary authorities, might come to be in qucs-
ton, 1t would be most interesting to know the men
tai attitude of our Roman Catholic fellow country
men in England and Ireland with reference to the
subject and it seems to be one Oh which we ale Gu
titled to solicit information"
That the Temporal Power concerns the discipline
and government &C. the church il plain but anybody
who doubts it is referred to Archbishop Manning,
who in 1861 "has not thought it too much to say
that the civil order of all Christendom is the off
spring of the Temporal Power, and has the Tempo
raj Power for its keystone that the destruction of
the Temporal Power the laws of nations would at
once fall in ruins; that four old frendl the depos-
ing power taught subjects obedience and princes
clemency,'" and who went even further, and ele-
waited the Temporal Power to the rank of necessary
doctrine. He was not then Archbishop but was
made such the first opportunity, andhas since re-
affirmed the doctrine with equal or greater emphasis.
THE DUTY OF BRITISH LEGISLATION.
Lastly Mr. Gladstone asks whether he is the man
who ought to have set forth these propositions and
made this expostulaaiOn. For thirty years he tells
80 &, oA;oo ond ont in rnoiorifiaa op1 /, o,..u