The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1874-05-12

President about interference in Arkansas. 1t
is a delicate matter to determine between
sovereign State aud its citizens. All the ira
ditions of our country are opposed to any
attempt to invade the integrity of Com
monwealth. During the war this interference
became necessity, for we could not permit
our constitution to be made into rope with
which to strangle the Union. Judge fancy
and some of our jurists felt that this was its
only remaining use, for at the outset
of the war they sought to arrest Lincoln
and his armies by writ of habeas corpus
Lincoln felt that habeas corpus, to be effective,
should run in Montgomery and Richmond as
well as in Washington, and so suspended that
right until the war was over. But so tender
was Congress about this necessary and una
voidable action that Lincolns orders were for
mally confirmed, and acts of indemnity were
passed sheltering the President and his sub
ordinates. This reserve on the part of Lin
coin was initiated by Mr.. johnson, who, when
the massacre of New Orleans took place in
1866, threatening an outbreak Of civil war,
hesitated about interfering, and imperilled
the federal power in Louisiana, rather than
permit Sheridan to use his army of
occupation for purposes of peace. It is inter-
esting to remember that at that time General
Grant, then General of the Army, sustained
the views of Sheridan and was opposed to
President Johnson's inactivity. When the
troubles took place in Louisiana the Presi-
dents interference was censured But Louisi-
ana was an unfortunate incident. Whether
justly or not, it was believed that he had
strong personal interest in the success of the
cause which he espoused. This limited the
usefulness of his act, and the remembrance of
this criticism may account for the apathy of
the administration at this time.
Nor are we disposed to be harsh with
Chief Magistrate who hesitates from consti-
tutional scruples about the relations of the
States and the Union. We should have
many fears for the Union if the sovereignty of
the States rested upon so sandy foundation
as would be involved in perpetual dependence
upon the administration. But in dealing with
the South the President must remember that
the necessity which compelled Lincoln to
suspend habeas corpus and hold the sover-
eighty of the Southern States in allegiance, in
o measure, exists If we had in these States
on honest and perfect reconstruction; if
Arkansas, Louisiana and South Carolina
were really sovereign Commonwealth, with
traditions, powers and responsibilities we
could understand the executive resolution.
But we have not reconstructed the South.
We have only invoked chaos and call it recon-
struction. We are no nearer q prosperous
peace than we were at the close of the war.
Our military rule in these States was mainly
just and equitable. The generals who COM
manded the departments were mainly gallant
and humane men, knowing war too we'll to
care to prolong its terrors in conquered
community. There was no pilfering, nor were
the resources of the people devoted to
the aggrandizement of parties and politi-
clans. The white man received justice
and the freedman protection. Industry
was encouraged Northern and European
capitalists, tempted by the wondrous stories
of wealth and natural resources, were pros
pecting through the States and seeking
where capital could inspire industry and
create new life. The whole prospect was
inviting, hopeful, Tranquil But on one side
we had the extreme radical insisting that the
negro should hold the suffrage, in hands
scarcely free from chains that the OPP
pressed, downtrodden and ignorant slave
should assume at once all the duties and
cares of citizenship. On the other side we had
the undaunted confederate, who held that
secession had only been arrested, not extin-
guished; that the folded banner Of the lost
cause had simply been put away for q season,
like the French eagles, which leaped out of
drum and knapsack at the appearance Of
Napoleon.
Between these two contending influences
the South has suffered. The radical sentiment
of the North opposed and prevented MIR. John
sons plan of reconstruction, and in doing SO
threw the South back upon the alliance of
freedmen and Adventures who swarmed into
the States after the war. Probably if Mr..
johnson had succeeded, and if the leaders of
the rebellion, fresh from conflict and with the
anger of battle and defeat in their hearts, had
been permitted to administer the authority
which was theirs before the war; the result
would have been as unfortunate, and we might
have had to encounter the remnants
of an unsubdued rebellion. The true
course was between these two. We
should have led the freedmen steadily, gently,
slowly up to full conception of the duties
as well as the blessings of liberty. We should
have held the remnants of rebellion, the un-
dnunted leaders Of the South, with firm but
not ungenerous hand. We should have con-
tinued our military government until the pas
sions, the ambitions and the hopes Of the
States welcomed reconstruction. But failing
in this, the result, as we have shown, has been
to throw the States into the hands of an ALI