New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1874-08-01

colored man citizen.,sThe States hasl
recognized this right by the solemn assent
Of constitutional law. Why, then, should
this citizen be prescribed as unworthy to
enjoy those rights thus given and guaran'
teed him? It is from the spirit of intol'
erance, which, like other plaques and dis.
eases, have crossed over from Europe to
infect our country.
If this dead line race be proper, allow
US to reason a little upon its more ex-
tended application to American politics.
The black and the white races are not the
only races recognized by the ethnologists.
There are the Celtic, the Teutonic and the
Latin races. Now let us take the race
division in England. Suppose gallant
Hibernian, fresh from the warlike fields
of India or Africa, should have applied
for political station at the hands of the
British government If Mr.. T. Morris
Chester should have applied in competi-
ton for the same station, he would have
been far less repugnant to the ministry
than the Celt.
The differences in institutions and ideas
between the Saxon ana the Gallo peoples
have been marked by every distinction of
sentiment and violence through all the
ages of which we have any record. The
conflict between the Teutonic and Latin
races began, perhaps, with Alaric. con-
tinued through Luther, and rests for the
present, perhaps, with Bismarck, Pope
Plus and M. Theirs. Shall we revive the
same divisions of race in Louisiana If
so it must be remembered that the same
race distinctions exist here as in Europe.
Suppose the colored race exterminated or
expelled. The same principle of condemn
ing one race to the political servitude of
another may be again applied. Upon
this recast of race-parties it will be found
that the Latin race, as represented chiefly
by our French fellow-citizens, is in
decided minority when compared
with the Saxon, Celtic and Teutonic ele-
ment in the aggregate. Do not say that
such a division of races can not exist.
Remember when the German and Irish
man were put to death for their alienism.
The distinction of native and naturalized
citizen was once vital. Who can say
that if it should become necessary to
prescribe any one race to secure office for
any other race, the principle of the White
League would not at once organize such
party on the race basis. We have two
elements of political Influences about
equal in number, the French and Ger
mans. All know the excitement between
these peoples during the late war. All
know the excitability of the non
naturalized French subjects among
US. The Germans, though not so de-
monstrative, are calm and resolute
people. These elements exist. 1t is only
in the United States where they could CO.
exist. 1t has been but lately that poor
devil of playwright was denounced in a
French journal as Prussian sympathizer
to the great encouragement of his show.
The jealousy of the peoples is notorious.
Here we desire to know and hear nothing
of their strife. Here the constitution pro-
tects both alike, guarantees to each the
same rights. But if the dead line of class
and color be drawn, as against the citizens
of one race, pray what forbids its being
done in regard to others? For they are all
here and neither is afraid of the other.
We can only touch upon the fact that
these distinctions of race are intimately
connected with differences of religious
faith. Here all worship with equal re-
spect. But suppose we import the strife
now going on in Europe. There would be
an array of the ssver raj churches against
each other, or of all of them against one.
In such contest perfectly possible I'M
der the doctrine laid down by the White
League-we might have, which God for
bid, the conflict against the Latin race
complicated with the undoubted hostility
of other persuasions against the Latin
religion. We had occasion to show some
time since that the Latin religion is in the
minority. There is very large proper
ton of the colored race who are not of the
Latin, but of the rotestant religion. In
such an issue it is plain that their vote,
now opposed, would be set up and accept
ed by those who could employ them.
We have thus with conscientious de-
sire to save Louisiana from the curse Of
race and class issues, shown what may
grow out of the White League. Already
the politics of Louisiana have shown a
marked distinction from those of the other
Southern States. In these other States
the issues were on the principles Of federal
administration. These long in dispute
were submitted to the arbitrament of the
sword. In all the other Southern States
the decision of this arbiter has been &C.
cepted and abided by. Here the
sectional enmities are as far from
settlement as ever. Here these enmities
are perpetuated by inaugurating war Of
races. If this practice of perpetual dis
content and opposition continues, it is fail
to infer that the issue Of classes and oil
views will but be transferred from one
subject to another, and SO long as one
class or race shall continue weaker than
another, that class or race will bear al
the hurdans. while excluded from any