The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1874-03-24

lature will proceed to vote for Senator to sue
coed Charles Sumner. From our latest advices
we think that there will scarcely be a choice
on the first ballots. The two houses vote sep
arately, and, in the event of no candidate
receiving the majority, they assemble IN
convention and vote from day to day until
Senator is elected. The democrats, who are
stronger in the Legislature than they have
been for many years, numbering about one
sixth of the whole body, have nominated
Judge B. R. Curtis The Judge is man of
character and ability, and would make good
Senator; but his nomination is compliment,
and his own party will scarcely support him
beyond certain point The republicans have
not made any nomination, preferring to go
into the Legislature leaving every member
untrammelled and at liberty to vote as he
pleases. There is such a large republican
majority in the Legislature that this is the
wiser course. In fact, the party is so large
and unwieldy that, like all parties with pre-
ponderance of strength, it divides naturally.
The result of the election Will not be in
itself serious matter. The reward is small
one, only year in the Senate. To be sure
an election now MEANS most likely, re-elec-
ton next year. But still the fact that re-
publican Senator is to be chosen from Mas
sachusetts is ordinarily as trivial circum-
stance as could well be imagined in our
American politics. But it happens that this
is not an ordinary occasion. Events have
been crowding upon the administration and
<1,a nv itv
that we may have revolution at any
time. We have had all the signs of coming
storm. The country has been distressed by
panic, and the results are, of course, attributed
to the party in power. We have seen New
Hampshire lost to republicanism by apathy.
In the West we have stray movements and
''agitations" about temperance and labor and
the grangers They are not in themselves
menacing and we do not suppose they seri-
ously affect the discipline of the party, but
they show that the elements of disafection are
at work. General Grant is less popular now
than he has been at any time since his first
election Perhaps we may have tired Of him,
as it is our way to tire Of most Of our favor
ties But many things have occurred to dis
satisfy the best friends of the administration.
There is an uncertainty about the political fu-
ture that is rare in American politics. We
miss that activity of thought and independent
intrepid inquiry which invariably mark
American discussions. Here we are in the
second year of the second term Of General
Grants Presidency, and yet no one has said
word about his succession The democrats
will not speak because, of course their cue is
to keep silent and profit by the mistakes of the
republicans The republicans will not speak,
either by their public men or their organs.
They are abashed, e1pectant silent in pres
ence of the Presidential power, afraid to
speak, even to think. Here are swarm of
candidates, each one Of them with a party
and purpose, bent upon the Presidency,
with claims as emphatic as those of Grant,
and yet they will not pronounce themselves
nor allow their friends to do so. So long as
the Majesty of the White House disdains to
speak it is not for meaner creatures to express
an opinion. There is something almost ORR
entail in this servitude. We have read of such
things in Persia and Turkey, but We never ex-
pected to witness them in free America
But if the silent Majesty in Washington
will not speak he will act. Let us see
what meaning we can attribute to
his recent deeds. If anybody supposes
that the appointment of Simmons, the
quarrel with the Massachusetts delegation,
the support Of Kellogg in Louisiana, the dis
cipline inflicted upon the party in New York
by the aid of the shrewd and INSCRIPTIONS
ring which now controls the organization here,
that these and twenty other events are simply
blind catches at chance, uncertain diving into
the future, wanton, capricious manifestations
of power, they misunderstood General Grant.
There was never clearer, more emphatic
policy. 1t is as perfect as monolith. The
President if he were actuated by simple
devotion to his fame, if he felt he was about
to retire from the Presidency content with the
honors of Washington and Lincoln, that his
public career was nearly closed would avoid
above all things any acts which brought Bit
terness and heartburning in their train. Why
should he invite the anger of New England to
make a conspicuous politician Collector of
Boston? What is Hecuba to him or he to
Hecuba that all these vain and bitter tears
should be shed? His aim would be to harmo-
nize the party, to repress divisions, anger,
strife He would select among the distin-
guished men now around him the one most
fitted to succeed him and carry out his policy.
He would nominate his Madison as Jefferson
did, or his Van Buren, in imitation of jackson,
and throw the weight of his influence in
his favor. But who is his Madison or
his Van Buren,? Has any one heard him
say? Can any one divine? Is there any
political magician who can solve the
mystery? Is it Sheridan, whom he loved in
the army; or Sherman, his trusted companion
in defeat and victory; or Conkling, who de-
! Z II. - L. IL