The anti-monopolist. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1874-1878, 1874-09-10

was reared in the jackson, scnool q
politics. Although I was MT soteT
until two years after his last eh'ctlon'
took great interest in his success Duf
ing our civil war was war Deme crat
and supported the war measures OF Tue
to the best of my ability.
did not vote at all for President when
Lincoln was elected for the second term.
Since then | have voted the Democratic
ticket when have voted at all, always
erasing the names Of those considered
unworthy, but have not been an active
politician, especially during the five
wears have served as District Judge.
have been thus explicit because de-
sire no person to act under mistake as
to my political principles or course OF
conduct.
am in favor of common sensescon-
struction Of our National Constitution.
| think we should employ only such
means to carry out the express powers
as are actually necessary to that end'
and not those which are merely con-
venient or conducive to such purpose.
This doubtless would somewhat abridge
legislation, which would operate
for good. Too much legis-
lation IS the great evil of the times.
We have come to think that everything
must be regulated by legislation. That
s'the world is governed too much is
true in this country as well as in the
monarchies Of the old world.
l am opposed to high protective tar
ifs. Our Governmental levies on i'm
ported articles are It's to 200 millions
yearly The protective theory increases
the price of foreign articles to enable
our manufacturers Of theI same
kind to get the same high price, or
nearly so, so that they can manufacture
at profit. We purchase more than
twice as much Of the home protected
articles-some say three times as much
so that the government; collects LIS
to 200 millions on imported articles.
We actually pay in all not less than
some 500 millions. The Western states
are almost exclusively agricultural, and
the proportion Of this enhanced price
paid by them flows to the manufacture
ing States, thus producing a continual
drain upon the West. It is for our
interest then to moderate the tar
| if Of duties, as we woulu pay less,
and suffer less drain Of
currency or value. So long as we are
paving our national debt we must levy
a tariff for revenue and thus render an
incidental protection to the manufac-
turers which ought to satisfy them.
AS all property is exempt from taxa
ton under the tariff system, and as the
man without means pays nearly as
much towards the support Of the gov
eminent as does the millionaire, the ar
ticles Of necessity should be taxed less,
and Of luxury more, and thus the bur-
dens of taxation be distributed more
equitably.
| believe the State has power to reg
ulate the freight and fare upon rail
roads. In the Eastern States the power
to alter or repeal all charters is reserved
in express terms in the charters.
In Wisconsin the power is reserved
in the Constitution. In our State,
however, we have no such provision,
either in railroad charters, or in the
Constitution. Hence our power to do
this rests upon the inherent right Of
the State to claim rights which have
been conferred unwittingly or through
corrupt means or otherwise upon char
tered companies. maintain this right.
If it does not exist, the Legislature
having given the railroad companies
perpetual charters, have put it out Of
the power of posterity to reclaim their
rights. Here comes the significance Of
the question propounded by jefferson,
when considering this very principle
'sCan the dead rule the living!'
claim that in the very nature Of
things they cannot. Such an ex-
traordinary power cannot be de
rived from any constitution BY implaea
ton. 1t cannot be conferred even by
express provision, because it is contrary
to the law Of nature. 1t takes from
generations unborn, the power Of sci
defense, the right of self protection ane
the right Of self government. again
the rights of the public are not subjects
of barter or gift. Whoever takes sucl
rights by charter will be presumed t.
,, know this, and must hold them subjec
to the right of the State to reclaim
them at its pleasure.
Our constitution provides that al
!, corporations being common carriers, en-
Toying the right Of way in pursuance
I of this section shall be bound to carry
the mineral, agricultural, and othe
productions or manufactures on equa
and reasonable terms" One Of our Dis
trict Courts has already decided tina
!, this applies only to cases tried m court
! But we need no constitutional provision
l for such a purpose. The common lay
E and common sense has never ailowc'
l but reasonable compensation for an.
E service in the absence of an agreement
Under this construction, the clause i
+ the constitution is without meaning
q But if it is construed to give the Stat
power to declare by law what reasons
!. BILE terms are, We give it a easonabl
and clear meaning.
But, say the owners and managers I
: the roads, if the State exercises tn
e power it will reduce the rates so as
make our business unprofita b
and confscate our roads. Capt
q is always tinid. Such a result do