Gallipolis journal. [volume] (Gallipolis, Ohio) 1837-1919, 1874-10-08

Just now, In THIS city, ana perhaps
we could not enforce a law which
should absolutely prohibit the Ii
quor traffic." anywhere in the State
at present; but we expect "public
sentiment to be brought to that ul
timately, and then we expect the
senator to stand with us. We ask all
our readers to ponder what Senator
Sherman says about his associates in
the United States Senate, and in the
House, coming into their places
staggering drunk" and that 'at
every session of Congress-"
The other speech to which we re-
fer is that of Judge West, whom we
have heretofore several times intro
duced to our readers. At his home
iu Bellefontaine, lately, he spoke at
length on Temperance. He is the
author of the resolution in the plat
form of the Republican State Con
vention. His views have been well
known all through the campaign
against license, and his remarks will
be read with interest.
Another issue squarely made be
tween the parties respects the traffic
in intoxicating liquors. The Repub-
lican party, believing that an intelli-
gent and virtuous people will best ap-
preciate and most jealously maintain
republican institutions, assert it to be
the right and duty of government to
promote the moral and material well
fare of the State by encouraging a
system of common schools, and diff
fusion of general knowledge, to Sc
cure these ends. On the same prin-
ciple and for like reason it believes,
and in its platform explicitly declares
it to be the right and duty of the
State to employ the extent of It's
Constitutional powers in the restraint
of intemperance and its causes, which
it regards inimical alike to intelli-
gence and virtue, and whatever else
promotes the moral and material
welfare of society and the safety of
It's institutions.
The Democratic party, protesting
the promotion of temperance to be
It's policy and object, hoists the ban
ner of license so recently stricken
down, and offers for its mode of Sc
curing this end to give the sanction
of law and the protection of the
Constitution to the cause whence in
temperance springs. Defeated in
the recent trial of strength, license
demands a second expression ofpopu-
lar opinion, wherein it will have the
advantage of political ties and aiiini-
ties from which to draw support that
it could not otherwise receive. The
success of the Democratic ticket will
be interpreted as such expression; to
secure which, party machinery, party
cohesion, and the party lash, is to be
employed. Temperance men should
understand and appreciate the signi-
ficance and Importance of this issue,
and not allow this political strategy
of license to ensnare them into giving
a favorable expression by voting for
the men who are now carrying its
banner
AS | chance to be the author of the
temperance plank in the Republican
platform, l may be pardOned for say
ing word about it. It's, as it was
intended to be, a terse but distinct,
clear, and unqualified expression in
favor of not only the right, but the
duty, of society and the State to re-
strain intemperance and the causes of
intemperance, to the extent and by
a rational employment Of whatever
powers the Constitution confers.
believe this to be right. The i'm
poverishment of home, the squalor
and wretchedness of destitutiOn, the
corrupting of youth, the brutaliZing
of manhood, the heart -bleedings of
filial, parental, and connubial an
guish, are effects of intemperance
which society has the right to avert
to the extent of its legitimate powers.
This involves no interference with
individual liberty. So use your own
as not to injure another, is the great
maxim of law. / have no right to
furnish weapons, having reason to
suppose they will be used for suicide.
l have no right to furnish poison,
having reason to suspect that it will
be used for selfdestruction. On the
same principle, 1 am denied the right
of furnishing the means of impover-
ishing home, inficting destitution,
corrupting youth, or brutalizing man
hood, to which self-destruction is of
ten to be preferred. To prevent me
from doing so but prevents me from
injuring another, interferes with no
legitimate liberty.
The limit of Constitutional power
has never been judicially determin-
ed. Where it will be fixed l do not
presume to say. The present laws
have been held Constitutional.
Others more efficient no doubt would
be, if the instrument be properly in
terpreted. But if the champions of
free traffic get possession of the Su-
preme Bench, they may make the
limit very narrow. 1t is of the ut
most Importance, therefore. that men
be maintained in judicial position,
who will decide what the powers of
the Constitution are, not what their
personal appetites would have them.
But, surely, none are so visionary as
to think that the present Constitution,
or any that ever may be framed, will
assume to interfere with or control
the right of the citizen to use what
ever beverage to him may seem good
SO long as he does no injury thereby
to himself or others. His limbs are
| free hut not to infict iniury. His