Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1874-09-23


templates in regard to mixed schools,
it is dissipated by Mr.. Boutwell,, the
colleague of Mr.. Sumner, who could
not fail to be thoroughly informed as
to this point. While the bill was be-
fore the Senate, Mr.. Boutwell, spoke as
follows:
A system Of public instruction supported
by general taxation is security-frst, for
| the prevalence and continuance Of those
ideas of equality which lead every human
being to recognize every other human be-
ing as an equal in all natural and political
rights; and the only way by which those
ideas can be made universal is TO bring to-
gether in public schools, during the form
ing period of life, the children of all classes,
and educate them together.
The public schools is an epitome OF life,
and in it children are so taught that they
understand those relations and conditions
of life which, if not acquired in childhood
and youth, are not likely afterwards to be
gained. To say that equal facilities shall
be given in different schools, is to rob your
system of public instruction of that quality
by which our people, without regard to
1 II.
personal, political and public, so that when
| they arrive at the period of manhood they
shall act together upon public questions
with ideas formed under the same indu-
enees and directed to the same general re-
suits; and therefore, say, if it were posi-
BILE, as in the large cities it is possible,
to establish separate schools for black
children and for white children, it is in the
| highest degree inexpedient to establish or
tolerate such schools.
The theory of human equality cannot be
taught in families, taking into account the
different conditions of the different MEM
bers and the families composing human so
ciety: but in the public school, where chill
dren of all classes and conditions are
brought together, this doctrine OF human
equality can be Taught, and il is the chief
means of securing the peTpetuity-of repub-
lican Institutions. and inasmuch as we
have in this country four million cOlored
people, ! assume tlat they and the white
people of the country with whom they are
10 be associated in political and public af-
fairs, shall be assimilated and made one in
the fundamental idea of human equality.
Therefore, where it would be possible TO
establish distinct schools, am against it as
matter of public policy.
Analysing these remarks, We have
this argument:
ID That all men are created equal
in all respects and that there is error in
any other doctrine.
~ That this theory cannot be
taught in families or in separate
schools.
~ That for this reason separate
schools for the two races are both in
expedient and intoIerGble! Mark that
word "intolerable.
81 That in the public schools, where
children of all classes and conditions
are brought together, this doctrine of
human equality can be taught and
white childEen and black children asst
inflated and made one in the funda-
mental idea of human equality.
(5) That the only way by which this
idea can be made universal is to bring
together in the public schools during
the forming period of life the children
of all classes and educate them together.
If human language can be made
more explicit, in the declaration of any
purpose of the'human heart, we do not
know how it is to be done.
Or. Morton, of Indiana, and all the
other ultra Republican leaders in the
Senate, conceded in Mr.. Boutweli's
construction of the bill, and when Mr..
Sargent, of California, offered an
amendment providing for a separation
Of the races In hotels, cars, schools,
etc, it was promptly voted down, be-
cause it was repugnant to the spirit
and intention of the bill. Senator
Brownlow states that during the pend
ency Of this bill before the Senate ''the
representative Republicans of the white
race from the South proposed, as
basis OF settlement of the ques-
ton, separate schools, such as we have
in Tennessee, where the negroes enjoy
equally with the whites the benefits of
our system, but, he says, it was ''scorn-
fully rejected by the boOtblaeks, bar
bers, pastry-cooks, bar-tenders and
thieves in Congress from the cotton
! States.''
Nearly every Republican State con-
vention held in the North since the ad-
journment of Congress, has demanded
the passage OF this bill by the House Of
Representatives as it came from the
Senate, and it cannot be questioned
that they understood it to mean exactly
what Sherman and Boutwell, say it
means. If furtherevidence be needed
as to the intent Of the bill, it is fur
nished by leader ST the Southern Re-
publicans, as implicitly trusted as Mr.
Maynard. Ex-Gov. Joseph E. Brown,
of Georgia, thus expresses his opinion
Of the bill to some of his political
brethren, who solicited an expression
of his views:
At this period We are met with a much
more dangerous issue than any that was
presented in 1867, and il becomes us to |
meet it fairly and squaIely, and to do all in
| our power 20 avert the enactment of a
measure which will be productive Of the
most ruiuoUs consequences throughout the
entire South.
Now certain leaders Of the Republican
party have brought forward what is termed
the Civil Rights bill, which is now pending |
on tie calendar Of Congress, and which, in |
fact, is intended not as a Civil Rights bill, |
but as a social rights measure, for the pur- |
pose of compelling social equality between |
the white and cOlOred people of the South. |
This can never be done, and if attempted, |
should not, and Will not be submitted to,
be the consequences what they may.
In my judgment, there are but two con-
tingencies which'Can avert the evil; one is
the overwhelming defeat Of The Republican
party, IN the election this fall. upon this !
issue. They are determined 70 make the
issue, as is already announced by some of
the leaders upon the stump; and n,y sin
C6re hope IS that ecegy state, cOuntu. cHv, |
torn. riVTgg and E0g,1eF fEruTf0Lo,Jf ne