The Jackson standard. [volume] (Jackson C.H., Ohio) 1847-1888, 1874-10-08

right of the colored man to vote and hold
office Here the party thought it saw its
opportunity. A race who had been in
bondage for two hundred years would
| necessarily be sunk in ignorance and
degradation-iust the material to make
Democrats. The leaders decided to
make one grand effort to get into power
by trying to steal the votes of colored
men. They declared that the old issues
must be buried. The past must be for
gotten. The record which the party had
made, all covered with treason, rebellion,
hatred and cruel oppression of the color
ed racial must be forgotten. They
| accepted the situation. They would now
give the negro justice And at their
national convention, only little over
two years ago, the following resolu-
ton was passed:
1--WE recognize the egality Of all men be-
fore the law, and hold that it is the duty
of the Government in its dealings with
| the people to mete out equal and exact
justice to all, of whatever nativity race
color, or persuation, religious or politi
cal.
They procured the service of two men
who had worked efficiently for the col
ored race during life time These men
were Horace Greeley sad Charles Sum-
ner. 1t is but justice to say that these
great and good men were not responsible
| for the part they took in the campaign
two years ago They were then on the
verge of the grave from softening of the
brain, brought on by excessive mental
labor. Sumner and Greeley both could
not deceive the colored voters, and not
one in a thousand was base enough fool
to vote the Democratic ticket.
| Now the Democracy have thrown off
the mask, and their hatred and persecu-
ton of the negroes is more bitter than
ever. Two years ago they spoke Of our
colored fellow citizens" Now it is "Cuf-
fee, 'Sambo," big Buck Niggers." and
other choice expressions so familiar to
Democratic ears. Then the Democratic
party was going to acquiesce in all rights
for all. Now read any Democratic paper
and see its howlings about the Civil
Rights Bill. The following. given in one
of Mr. Redfelds letters to the Cincin-
natl Commercial, shows how the best of
the Southern Democrats regard the col
ored race:
How many white men are there in
your county who iavor the Civil Rights
Bill p | asked
"Well, sir, there is not a white man in
| the county but who is dead down on it.
! No oil tho lilo of hof P1f |
must say the thing is not as bad as what
we had heard it was. 'Tother day Colonel
Caldwell came along making speeches.
| He is runnin for Congress. We had
heard a heap about the bill--how it made
a niger eat at white mans table, and
all that-and we asked Caldwell to read
it out TO US. He had it with him, all the
candidates carries it, and he read it. l
must say, pom my honor, it wasent such
a mighty bad thing as we'd heerd. But
I'll be gol-darned eff it amt bad enough
We are all agin it. Let me tell you,
stranger, a Niger shall never eat at my
table, Congress or no Congress. I'm run
min this little machine. If a Niger
comes to my house hungry I'll give him
something to eat, but he shall eat it in
corner to hisself. He shan't set at the
table where l set. l like a niger in a
nigger's place, but they mustent try to
get onto an equality with me. l never
harmed a Niger in my life. l have EN-
to work for me heap. and ! never had
y bit of trouble with EN-, because | al
ways paid 'em what l said l would and
settled on the square But they never
eat at my table They eat at the kitchen
table. That's the nigger's place. They
can have as good as I've got, but they
mustent eat at my table or sleep in white
folk's S beds"
And here is how Mr.. Redfeld views
it:
You of the North had as well know
the truth first as last. The Civil Rights
Bill has killed the Republican party in
the South You may not realize the full
effect of this until November, but you
will know it then And | say here what
have said before, that the races can not
live together in peace under the enforced
terms of the Civil Rights Bill The agi-
tation of that subject has been the direct
cause of the recent outbreaks in the
South and the slaughter of the negroes.
Hundreds have fallen because of that in
fernal firebrand thrown into the South,
and tens of thousands will fall if the bill
becomes law. | should hate to be a
ne gro in that day and attempt to enforce
any of the rights" which that bill is sup
posed to give.
The plain truth is, the Northern parti
. sans who are enforcing that measure do
not understand the situation in the South.
They are acting upon it as an abstract
question of right, without regard to the
distressing consequences Which will fol
low.
For instance, l wish you would hear
the Democratic stump speakers discuss
the graveyard clause of the Civil Rights
Bill. l wish you could see how they
work their hearers into frenzy in talk
ing of that subject, to say nothing of the
t rest. They tell how that the bones in
the graves of our fathers and mothers
, | children and sweethearts are to be ruth
lessly disturbed to make room for big
buck niger to lie by their side The
thrill that goes through the heart of a
t Southern man when these things are dis
cussed is of an intensity that no North
erner can experience for they have no.
the violent, | might say insane, prejudice
:, peculiar to this section.
= l should hate to witness the effects thai
c would follow if company of negroe:
: should attempt to bury one of their deaC
in church-yard with the white, Civi
e Rights Bill or no Civil Rights Bill. They
n would be swept into eternity in ten min
. utes by the infuriated whites if clouc
Of Federal bayonets were within "a stone
" throw. 1t is not worth while to attack
e contradict, argue and abuse; the facts re
e main the same. The Civil Rights Bill
rs it passed the Senate, can not be en-
forced in the South during this genera
/! ton. You may pile up penalties to tn
q sky, and make bayonets as thick as corr
e stalks and have Federal Court in ever,