New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1874-06-14
EDUCATE THE ILLITERATE, But LET
THEM VOTE,

On what principle of sound philosophy
rests the opinion that the ability to read
and write should be made the test of q
mans qualification to vote? We can con.
ceive of no other purpose which such a
test could be expected to serve than that
of afording evidence of the possession Of
a sufficient amount of intelligence by the
voter to enable him to cast his vote
judiciously in reference to public interests
| and the merits and abilities of candidates.
Could such test be fair or reasonable
Suppose that A can, by spelling half the
words, read in "easy lessons;' that he
can also, by making set of ''pot hooks
and hangers to represent his name, be
said to write. A, it may be, is gambler,
loafer or an ignoramus, knowing nothing
about men and measures; and caring less:
but he should be allowed to vote because
he can read and write. 3 can neither read
nor write. He never had opportunity to
acquire those arts. He can build brick
walls as we'll as anybody. He can level the
foundation of a building, erect building
upon it, after forming, according to their
proper dimensions, all the various tim
bers composing it. He handles with skill,
dexterity and judgment all the tools nee
essary in the work. He measures with
his square and rule without knowing a
figure upon them, cuts mortises and ten
ons accurately; in short, turns off clean
job. Does not the possession OF this ca
pacity by 3 argue the existence in him Of
intellectual endowments as great as those
in A, which enabled him to lealn how to
read and write? May he not be as good
judge of men and matters of public util-
ity? But he should be excluded from the
right Of suffrage because he does not read
or write, although he be sober, indus
trious and true man. Reading and
writing are nothing but mechanical arts.
pen implies no more intellectual capacity
in a boy than the learning how to make a
kite or bird trap, to become good
plowman or to NOW grass properly.
Learning the letters of the alphabet, the
different sounds they represent, and the
combinations Of the letters to form
words are matters Of no more difficult
acquisition.
"Clerkship" in the dark ages was regard
ed rather as evidence of rank than as i'm
plying superiority of intellectual endow-
ment. Learning was confined to the
higher orders, and it was never extended
even to the middle classes until the days
Of King Alfred of England. That wise
prince decreed that every man who OWL
ed clyde of land should have his chill
dren instructed, for, said he, in his de-
cree: "Of man without education we
repute no otherwise than as of brainless
beast and very sotte.''
For centuries a property qualification
was made condition of suffrage. Long
and earnest have been the remonstrarces
of the aristocratic classes against free
suffrage; but all their arguments have
failed to convince mankind of the justice
or propriety of restrictions upon thesight
of voting, and nowhere now in cur own
country is property qualification insist
ed upon. The attempt to establish q test
founded upon intelligence will prove
equally futile. Where the right to vote
has been conferred it must continue. 1t
is a right which can not be gone back
upon. If evils exist from its bestowal
upon ignorant persons, the remedy is to
be sought in very different direction
from that of depriving them of the right
conferred, by adopting the absurd test Of
reading and writing. 1t must be done by
educating the recipients of the right and
their posterity up to the proper standard
Of intelligence. To the large fraction of
white voters who can neither read nor
write, yet have SO long enjoyed the right
of suffrage, it would be q shameless out
rage to deprive them Of it at this late day;
and not less so the colored man who, not
many years gone by, was prohibited by
laws and peculiar institutions from learn
ing how ''to read or write.
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