The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1874-09-09
CIVIL RIGHTS BILL.


speech of Hon. DamaelD. Pratt.
From the excellent speech ofSena-
tor PRATT, we make the following ex-
tract on the subject ofthe Civil Rights
Bill, the support of which by him and
Senator MORTON in the Senate, called
down the platform censure of the
Democracy Of this State. 1t will be
perused by our readers with relish
for its plain statement of facts and the
eloquent and forcible manner in which
they are stated.
The Democratic party, in their plat
form. say that the Civil Rights Bill
passed by the Senate of the United
States, and now pending in the House of
Representatives, presents an issue full
of.moment to the American people,
and calls on them to decide whether
or not they will lie cursed with the alb
solute social as we'll as political equal
| lty OF the negro race with themselves.
I'VE view with adherence this at
tempt on the part of the Federal Gov
| eminent to take control of the
schools, colleges, churches, steam
boats, theatres and graveyards for the
purpose of establishing negro equality
and enforcing it under enormous pen.
alties. We arraign Senators Morton
and Pratt before the people if they
fOlst this atroclous measure, and we
shall ask for judgement against them
at the hands of their constituents
whom they have misrepresented.
Now l deny in the outset that [
have misreprepented the people of the
State of Indiana. / deny that = l
should be condemned unheard l
propose to give you synopsis of the
bill itself. | propose to show you
that this bill is utterly misrepresented
in this resolution which l have read.
They are not proverbial for telling:the
truth, but they have missed it great
way in this resolution. Now let me
read you the first section OF the bill
the rest of it Is mere machinery:
That no citizen of the United
States shall, by reason of race, color
or grevlous condition of servitude be
kept or excluded from full and equal
enjoyment Of any accommodation, or IA
clllty or privilege furnished by inn
keepers, common carriers, whether on
land or water, by licensed owners
or managers, lesses or officers, by ia
.cuiltles, by trustees, commissioners,
teachers or other officers of the COM
mon schools and other public institu-
tlons ct learning, the same being sup
ported by moneys derived from gener
al taxation or authorized by law AL
| so all sumptuary associations and be-
neyolent associations, supported OF
authorized IL the same way; provid-
ed, that schools and seminaries and
institutions of learning, established
exclusively tor white or colored per-
son, shall remain according to the
terms OF their original establishment"
This is the whole of it. Before pro.
ceeding to comment on this resolution
let ne say that one eighth of the popu-
lation is composed of descendants of
the African tribe. Hence. in our 49,
OOO, 600 of people there are 5000, 600
of the colored race. They are an in
tegral part of the population of the
country-in three States they constis
tute a majority-in South Carolina,
Mississippi and Louisiana. In other
States they constitute large fraction
OF the population, in many instances
approaching one half According to
the Fifteenth Amendment these PEG
are or ought to be citizens of the
United States, because they have been
born-and the Fourteenth amend
ment explicitly provides that all per.
sons, born or naturalized in the
United States, and suject to its juris
diction, are citizens of the United
States, and Of the States wherein they
dwell. Ifyou will define to me wha,
is the measure of citizen right ]
/ will tell you the measure Of colored
mans rights. You were born in the
United States. You are citizens OF
the United States. What more thar
a citizen are you? There is no higher
title in this country than that of 8
citizen of the United States What
ever, therefore, is the measure of your
rights is the measure of the coloree
mans rights. Now it is supposed
that this supplementary Civil Right:
bill gives to the colored people som,
rights they did not enjoy before. i
IS not so. The common law of the
land ever since this fourteenth amend
ment has been part of the constitu
, ton, gave to the colored man ever,
right which this supplementary civi
: rights bill confers This matter wa:
tested in the District of Columbia
where they sought to exclude th'
colored man from the same car il
which the white man rode IT,,
) courts did their duty and decided tina
: every man who paid his fare was en-
| titled to ride in them. Has any Law
yet ever doubted that if a colored MAJ
went to public house OF institution
for the accommodation of travellers an,
demanded his rest and rcfreshment
and proposed to pay the usual charge
to the tavern keeper, did any one eve
suppose that he was not entitle 10 b.
! seated just as we'll as the white travel
, err? Why should he not, if he pays al
equal amount and behave himself de
, Gently? If he goes to the railroad
ticket office and buys a first elias
ticket, why should he not be entitled
to a first-class seat in first class car
, Why is not his money as good as
white mans money? And if h,
, chooses to go to the theatre to sc,
Uncle Toms Cabin performed, or TO
the purpose of laughing or crying a
the same performance OF Joe JET
ferson's Rip Van Wrinkle, VIII,
, shouldn he. if he has bought first
, class ticket, be entitled to first.clas
seat? He can call upon the courts t,
!, sue them who deny him his rights
/ The bill is designed to meet that case
: and to make it the object of thes
institutions to secure those rights t,
him. That is the object of the law
9 not to give any new rights. Even il
: our own ranks there is a good deal O
hesitation about carrying this measure
of justice to the colored people. ad
dress my remarks to the weak kneet
men of the party. Let ME say to you