The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1874-07-04
Home Rule in Parliament.

Home Rulo In Parliament.
The Irish separatist campaign was fairly
opened on Thursday night in the British House
of Commons by the debate on MIR. Butts motion
to inquire into the existing relations of the
two countries. As might have been expected
the reception which the advocates of separa-
ton met with from the English and Scotch
members was not very cordial Some few
Irish members attached to Mr.. Gladstone's
party spoke against the motion. and when it
came to q division sixty-one members voted
Tor Mr.. Butts motion and four hundred and
fifty-eight against it. A large section of
the more intolerant members have been
Averse to the discussion of the question
at all. These unionist extremists would have
question, and, by using the overwhelm-
ing English and Scotch maiorities, effec-
tually prevent the discontinued Irish from
discussing their grievances. Even the govern
ment showed on q former occasion DISPOSE
ton to prevent Mr.. Butts motion from being
debated by appropriating the night originally
set down for it's consideration. The protests
of the Irish and some of the liberal English
and Scotch members had, however, the effect
of inducing the government to set apart
night for the discussion Of this important
question. In doing 30 the government dis
played sound judgment The effect on pub
lie opinion in Ireland of refusal to discuss
question that some sixty members of Parlia-
ment were elected specially to advocate
would certainly not have increased the
love Of the Irish people for the British con-
nection. It may well be questioned also
whether the English and Scotch members
acted wisely in voting with significant una
nimity against Mr.. Butts motion Only the
men actually elected on the home rule plat
form voted IN favor of altering the present
unsatisfactory relations Of the two countries.
The vote was meant, no doubt, TO deter the
people of Ireland from continuing an agita-
ton which the unanimous vote of the English
and Scotch members tells them can never sue
coed except by an appeal to force. AS if to
emphasize this warning Mr.. Disraeli expressed
his belief that it would be better to face
civil war than accept even qualified repeal
OF the Union. If the eloquent Minister meant
that it would be preferable to face one of those
rash and silly uprisings which have been from
time to time precipitated by men whose CON-
mon sense was not equal to their patriotism,
perhaps Mr.. Disrael is right. But if he means
that it would be wiser to engage in civil war
with the Irish nation rather than grant their
reasonable demands, then he INDUCES in
''heedless rhetoric" calculated to infame
rather than appease discomfort The solid
vote Of Parliament undoubtedly means to
warn the Irish people that 'though the Union
be gall it shall be maintained.
Whether or not this summary dismissal of
a nations demand is wise time alone can
decide The leaders of the movement will
certainly not abandon the agitation, because
what has happened was fully anticipated
Every one acquainted with the history of
British legislation in Ireland knows that
''instalments of justice" have never been
granted 30 long as it was safe to refuse them
The oppressive tthes were shot away by the
resistance Of the armed peasants; Catholic
emancipation was granted to avoid civil war,
and the Church Establishment, we know, on
the authority of Mr.. Gladstone himself, was
shaken down by what is known as the Fenian
agitation. With these lessons before them
the home rulers are not likely to aban-
Scotch members have voted against the
restoration Of the Irish Parliament.
1t is evident that deep and bitter discomfort is
felt with the existing British connection.
This discomfort is not confined to men of any
class or creed, though efforts are made by the
pro-English organs to represent it Oh
wholly Catholic. The answer to this
is that the most prominent leaders
of the present movement are Protes-
tants or advanced liberals, who have little
sympathy with ultramontanism. The over
throw of the Church Establishment in Ire
land has changed completely the relations of
the Irish Protestants to the government
They are no longer privileged class, and in
the future they will feel the evils Of the
Union even more strongly than their Catholic
countrymen. 81 long as an English Minister
has to court the influence Of the Catholic
clergy as q counterpoise to the republican
aspirations of the national party the claims of
the Protestant element are likely to be passed
over. 1t is assumed that they are loyal, and
the favors Of the Ministers are showered, not
on them, but on those allies who aid in keep
ing down the revolutionary tide. The danger
to the British connection does not at this
moment lie in the ra-Catholic party, but
rather in the hostility of those who have
emancipated themselves from clerical rule.
Home rule stops short of the programme
of the revolutionary party. 1t aims at
maintaining the imperial connection while
conferring on Ireland something of the
same rights enjoyed by State Of the Union.
Ii the change could be made without violence
it might solve the vexed question OF Irish dis