The Baltimore County union. [volume] (Towsontown, Md.) 1865-1909, 1874-12-05
Gladstone and the Pone.

A Catholic Congress has been called to convene
in London. Anticipating what may be the mo-
tive and what the result of that Congress, the
Hon. VIM. E. Gladstone, late Prime Minister Of
England and enc of her foremost, if not foremost
Statesman, issued pamphlet in which he raises
the issue squarely "whether Catholics can be
ooedlent to the mandates and requirements of the
decree of infallblity and at the same time render
full and complete allegiance to the British Grown
as required by the constitution and laws of Eng
land" The pamphlet, as one might well sup.
pose, has stirred a connection on the other side
of the waters, and ripple has distured the equi-
ibrium Of some on this side of the Atlantic. In
his pamphlet Mr.. Gladstone lays down four
propositions bearing upon the issue. The one
that brings his proposition to direct point is,
"That no one can now become a convert TO Rome
s0lthout renouncing his moral and mental freedom,
and placing his civil loyalty and duty at the mercy
OF another" He sustains this proposition by this
passage: "On all matters respecting which any
Pope may think proper to declare that they con-
Germ either faith or morals or government or dis
ence, at the peril of salvation, of every member
of his communion"
Mr.. Gladstone then declares that it is the duty
of every Catholic in the realm ito clear away
this presumtive obligation. Vague assertions
will not answer. They must do one of two
things. They must either declare that neither in
faith nor morals, nor in the name OF government
nor discipline of church is the Pope of Rome able
to make any claim upon those who adhere to his
communion of such nature as can impair the
integrity of their civil allegiance, or that when
such claim is made it will be repealed and re-
jected." In other words Mr. Gladstone asserts
Chat the Euglishmen must assert that the decree
of nfallibilty does net claim to confer power up
on the Pope to interfere with their a.. lance to
tue nor II il does that they will not recog-
nize or obey any SUCH dictate from that source if
claimed" He then states that 'it must be for
political object of a very tangible kind that the
risks Of so daring raid upon the civil sphere
have been deliberately run" He thus avows
''that the object is political one and that the Ro-
man court possesses in an eminent degree the art
of waiting, and that it is her wise maxim to fight
but one enemy at time"
The pamphlet drew out a reply from Archbishop
Manning of England, in which he, in general
and evasive way, asserts that the Catholic is true
in his allegiance to the Crown because Of his
Catholicism and not in spite of it as intimatsd by
Mr.. Gladstone. But the Archbishop asserts that
"they-the Catholcs-must not fear to declare
to England and to the world through the free
press of England, the Sovereign Poutiffs claim
to infallibiliy, his right to temporal power and
the duty of the nations of the earth to return to
their allegiance to him p But there were replies
brought out from Lords Acton and Camoys.-
The latter states that as "he coucurs in the views
expressed in the pamphlet he is bound to say so.
For myself l will say that history, common sense
and my early instruction forbid me to accept the
astounding and novel doctrine Of the personal
infallibiity OF the Pope" Lord Acton sides to
some extent with Mr. Gladstone. Both Of them
are members of Parliament.
Monseigneur Capel denies the authority OF
Lords Acton and Camoys to speak in the premi-
sas and asserts that "the child must obey God
rather than its parent, so likewise, it may unfOr-
tuuately happen that the state may abuse its
power and conscience clearly perceving this may
legitimately refuse obedience"