National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1874-12-25
A PROTEST.

a EhOLGOAs
To The Editor Of the National Republican:
SIR: i, for myself, cannot cherish the craven
spirit that asseAts to being outraged without pro-
testing. At no future day, when reference shall
Se made to the injustice 30 long done my race in
America, shall any one be.able TO say Of me, as
party to that injustice: "Thou art the man: 1t
was done with your assent" may be outraged
by superior force. II may be compelled to submit
to injustice, but my protest shall be recorded
nevertheless. Strike down one or all Of my
from iona a land Of boasted freedom to and in mon,
Rrchical Europe the freedom denied me here.
Do all this but will protest In the light Of the
race IN thiL country, talk to me not OF Democracy
offreedom, of Republicanisn. Confronted by the
spirit of aristocrGcy and CASTE and shrinking be-
fore its demands, our boast is indeed, Q mockery.
they ought to have for every american a deep
americans uncover their heads before that In
6uence Of caste which has ever been and ever
will be the unrelenting foe Of republication:
b These thoughts were suggested to me BY an
article in the Saturday issue Of THE NATIONAL
REPUBLICAN,. In that article Professor ]. NJ.
Langston is reported to have used the following
language;
lam not prepared to say that It might not be
the only wise and practical thing that can be done
rights bfiiJ without sucs provision, Creferrng to
the separate school provision Of the bil) trusting
to God and the future to bring US q common school
Declaration Of Independence and the Constitu-
ton These views which l express 1 understand
to be the views Of the leading colored men of the
country"
These are important words; important in their
combination; important in what they suggest
riRSis IN The mater Oh public instruction. unpro
tected by national legislation. And this Is as
scented to IN the face Of the fact that we are now
outraged in this particular. Nj. Langston assents
to have this outrage continue because Of the evil
that may result from doing that which Is right.
For fear of consequences five million and half Of
tha aoFfFE oF N ha daDrfVad of
needed protection in their constitutional rights
Consequences Of evil! From what quarter Need
less enemy Of humanity, we have learned that
the threat of evil consequences was but q threat
when met by determined purpose.
Leaving the colored citizens unprotected In
their constitutional rights because Of the spirit
Of caste is in fact, to bow down before that anti
republican spirit with which we have so long
been in conflict. 1t is to admit that the tunda-
mental democratic principle Of our Government
must, after generations Of conflict now yield TO
the principle Of aristocracy. Let no American
who loves the republican principles Of his coun-
try be blinded to the nature Ofthis ISSUE Although
the principle involved in this controversy may
appear to effect only my race, 1t Is In TACT the
test of the integrity Of our republican institu-
tions, and will be so regarded by those who are
now struggling in Europe in behalf Of popular
MI. Editor, education is-the right of the citf-
Zens of q free country. More than this: 1t is the
cornerstone Of every republican form Of govern
ment Public schools belong to, and are the
property in common Of all its citizens. This COM
mon school system is supported by money taken
from the pockets Of all its citizens rich and poor
alike without regard to race or color. To de-
prive the citizen of his republican rights under
this educational system is not only blow at the
fundamental principle Of the Government itself,
but is a high-handed act Of despotism. As the
common school is thus the foundation stone OF the
republic, so It may be also declared that taxation
for educational purposes without equality Of
educational advantages is tyranny.
The inconsistency Of the proposition before Con-
gress Is too glaring to demand argument. A SIM
pie statement of facts is sufficient to show this.
For instance, II is proposed that Mr.. Roessle, OF
the Arlington house, who owns the same in his
own right, and who maintains It exclusively with
his own money, shall be compelled, by action Of
Congress, 10 receive into his hotel and accommo-
date all who may come, regardless Of race and
yet the same Congress which is to do this hest
tates to apply the same rule to the public school,
which is owned in common by citizens OF all races
Strike out the protecting school clause from
the civil rights bill If you will. can but enter
my protest as a citizen against the act Of tncon-
sistency and injustice. must submit to superior
force. 1 would suggest, however, as better
course than this, to leave out all reference TO
this one right, and let It stand equally with all
the other nOn-enumeTated rights as they now
exist under the law of the land. In such case we
shall have the advantage Of existing laws. To
provide by law for separate schools for the differ
ent races composing our republic is to recognize
caste by national legislation. 1t is to enthroCe
caste born by race In the proud position which
slavery once occupied in the laws and IN the
councils Of the nation. Talk not 10 me Of "equal
educational advantages in all respects" being
afforded to a class deemed unfit for companion
snip IN the same sehOOl-IoOm Win Sne cAsIe OF
privileged race. To put this brand Of inequality
on an American citizen by affirmative legislation
is not only TO stamp him degraded subject, but,
in ITSELF is q worldwide proclamation Of the in
equality of citizenship under our boosted Repub-
lie. 1t is to make America, indeed, a ''caste''
Government!
Mr.. Editor, must, with all Difference to my
friend, Mr.. Langston, take issue with the state
ment made in your paper, that he, more than any
other coIored man, understands his people; that
he more fully represents them and their views,
and that he Yields potential" influence over
/ their political action. GEO. T. DOWNING.
WASHINGTON CITY, Dec, q, 1874.