Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1874-09-24
GOV. BROWN AND THE TENNESSEE
OUTRAGES.
Chicago Tribune

Senator Brownlow, who ought to be
good Republican authority, has written
a letter to Gov. Brown, of Tennessee,
thanking and congratulating him for
his course and position with reference
to the recent outrages in that State,
and this imparts a new interest to the
views of the latter gentleman. Ac-
cording to Gov. Brown, the outrages
by white men on the sixteen negroes in
Gibson county had its origin in the Ill
feeling generated between the races by
the discussion of the Civil Rights bill.
He represents that up to April last,
when the colored convention met at
Nashville, the relations between the
black and the white race In
the State had been most am
incable: that there had been
no disturbance to speak of; that the
children of each color had their own
schools; that the whites were friendly
to the colored schools, which had been
established all over the State, III COM
pliance with the provisions of an act
passed by the State Legislature IN
March, 1873; and that, owing to this
amicable feeling, marked improve
ment was observable IN the condition
of the eolored people. The aspect of
things was entirely changed by the dis
cussion of the Civil Rights bill. When
the negroes began to glveexpresslon to
their views on that measure they
aroused luminosity among the white
people. 1t Is not 10 be wondered at,
considering the constitution of human
nature, that these passions eliminated
at last IN violence. At the Nash
vile Convention, Samuel Lowry,
a negro. demanded his right I'M
der the law ''to take white woman ON
his arm and 90 all around Nashville
with her" Another colOred orator was
not quite so condescending as that.
Colored gentlemen. he said, did not
want the white mems daughters unless
they were qualified and competent to
be the wives Of colored men," AT Son.
erville. a colored man addressing a col
ored audience said that they would have
the right to marry white women, send
their children to the same schools as
the whites, etc, even if they had TO ride
in blood up to their bridle-bits. 1t is
not to be wondered at that utterances
of this kind, proving as they do the
total inability of those who were fool
ish enough to make them to distinguish
between political rights and social
rights. should stir the anger of
white men educated and nurtured under
the system OF slavery. 1t is a moral
impossibility for the white man 50
trained and educated not to resent
such language coming from colored
men. a Northern man would very
likely pass it by with silent contempt;
but the Southern man has been brought
up in a different school, and this fact
must be taken into consideration as
much as any other fact In the case.
Had the agitation of the bill gone no
further than discussion, the feeling of
the whites for the blacks and of the
blacks for the whites would not have
eliminated in murder. The negroes
were so ill-advised as to make the bill a
test question at all elections in the
State of Tennessee. As might be ex-
pected in a State where the whites are
in the majority, scarcely a friend of
the measure was elected in any of the
counties. But the defeat of the Civil.
Rights candidates did not allay
the feeling produced. In Gibson
county, where the negroes are very nu-
merous and very lawless, they threat
ened to burn a village and kill the
people; and this, which was confessed
by one of the negroes, Seasthe imme-
date cause Of the outbreak. Gov.
Brown has no sympathy with the muir
derers, and is using all his endeavors
to have them brought to justice. If
any party has caused the outrages in
Tennessee, it is the party which IA
vored4he passage of the Civil Rights
bill. The lesson taught by the Gibson
county outrage is that a change of
policy toward the Southern whites is
demanded. Let Congress cease to
confound social with civil rights, and
the South will find peace, and in due
time prosperity.