Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1874-03-10

,cafhins denunciation of the enormi-
ties of Radicalism amount to nothing
unless they lead to action. So, criti-
cisms of the Democracy and of the
convention system, merely tend to per-
petuats bitterness, unless the critic
points out some practical mode of i'm
proving matters. The campaign is
drawing on apace, and the work before |
us is a very practical one. The past
week we have had occasion to notice
the proposition in Rutherford to select
county candidates by primary election.
From an article elsewhere, it will
be seen a correspondent of the
Clarksuille Chronicle suggests that
the regular election in August be made
to slYe also as a primary for the Sc
lection of Gubern atorial, Legislative
and Congressional candidates. 1t may
be worth while to consider how this
would work. Subject to the same con-
ditions and difficulties as we mention
ed in regard to county candidates, any
single county could thus choose to
select its own candidate for the Legis-
lature. When it comes to Floater or
Senator, the primary election plan
would require the agreement of the
several counties interested. In regard
to Congressman, still larger number
of counties would have to agree
on this particular mode. To select
a candidate for Governor this way, all
or nearly all the counties in the State
would have to agree on the primary
plan. How can this widening ares of
agreement be brought about, without
some preliminary organization? What
progress towards the selection of a
Congressman would be made, if Mont
gomery were the only county in the
district to express its preference at the
August polls? A convention or some
thing similar would still be needed, to
get the voice of the other counties. OF
course, such body should count the
expressed preference of Montgomery
pro tdnto, and it should have as much
weight IN the result as the presence
of representative delegation. Again,
suppose a dozen different counties
should thus express their choice in
August for a Gubernatorial candidate.
Suppose twenty, thirty, forty should do
so. Suppose majority of the counties
should do so. Still we would have no
candidate until the other counties
were consulted in some way. There
would be clash of systems. Besides,
in many counties the regular election
officers in August will be Republicans,
sworn as to the official returns, but not
sworn in regard to the primary returns.
We would have to depend entirely on
their personal honor for the correct
ness of the latter, if indeed they would
accept the additional duty. Is this
good mode for obtaining the views of
Democrats in East Tennessee, for in
stance-Democrats whose votes count
up for Governor the same as
though they lived in Demo
cratic counties? As we begun SO
we end. 1t is idle to criticize any plan
without suggesting a better one. If
the people value self-government, We
know of no easy means by which they
can secure it without work. There Is
no royal road, in this country at least.
The people must put their shoulders to
the wheel Our general plan for the
State at large, is full, live precinct
clubs, sending true representatives of
their views to the county convention,
and thence to the foaterial, Senatorial,
Congressional and State conventions.
If the foundations are laid broad and
solid, the superstructure viii be sat
isfactory. But it is the people must
do it. All the newspapers, and
all the honest men of prominent ability
cannot do it, unless the people take
hold. A circumstance which renders
the activity of the masses more neces-
sary, is the fact that the cry of party
whips" and "drill-sergeants," makes
many an honest, earnest man of emf
nent ability hold aioof, waiting for the
people to act, lest this light artillery
of annoying epithet be turned on him
self. The purest patriot in the land
might well fear being classed with the
lowest demagogues, by that indiscrimin-
ate logic which applies to all partyorgan-
ization the denunciatiOns so eminently
deserved by Radicalism.