The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1874-04-30


posnder q policy; he was a worshipper, sincere
snd devo1f, at the shrine VI his local In no pubic
man had the moral idea OF the anti slavery move
ment SUCH sverruling strength lie made every
him. s sss as as IA
power. ne introduced hlmsen into the debates
s 81 NEE or the ssvsry having been
several speeches on other sublects--the reception
ton o. K9ssuth, the land policy and ocean post
but little attention.
SUMMERS FIRST ONSLAUGHT
n 81 sssacs s ~ asxpeu himself Of am appropriation
spirit broke Jofth in that DIST word on
TIE the great question which startled every
sss mssesa nissor ss w %sas'nf ne anew nsx
was boldly advancing to the attack.n indeed, it
had that Significance. There stood up in the
senate man WAC was NO politician; but who. on
intensity Of feeling and purpose never before
Witnessed theie, gave expression to moral
me a dS,sFaa sleeping perhaps 2r
science, aud which. ouce become political force
could not iall 70 produce great revolution. Mr..
tucked the slave power in the most unsparlng
manner when iis supporters were most violent IN
Always apt TO proceed from words to BOWS one
day' Mnlie summer was delivering one OF
ms sSvs me spseches stephen Douglas,
IN the Old Senate chamber aud. listening 10 him,
remarked to r. end, do you hear that man !?
puck. Wonder Whether he Aiows hlmses aW wn nat
he ~ doing am not sure whether should have
the courage 70 say those things 10 the men VINO
are scowisng around him.n Neither was
he conscious Of the singing force OF the
Language ne frequently employed He simply
uttered, wnat ne elt to be true, in language fitting
the strength Of his convictions. The Indignation Of
Ms mora. sense ~ what ne felt to be wrong was
deep anu sincere That he thought everybody must
nnd tine extreme severity Of his expressions as
natural as tney came to his own mind. And he
Was not nnlrequenty surprised greatly surprised,
wnen Others l0unq Ms language offensive.
HIS pEtsBCrs AS LEADER.
In ons sense ne Was no party leader. He pos
SEES ed none OF the instinct or experience Of the
politician nor tnatHngaciLy OF mind which appre-
cates and measizsesithe importance OF Changing
circumstances or me possibilities and opportuni
ganzatlOn. He never understood, nor did he value
the art OF strengthening his following by timely
combination and alliance. He knew nothing OF
management and PARTY man9uvre, Indeed, not
unireqnenliy ne alarmed many devoted trends OF
thought the pubic mind was not prepared, and
by the unleserved avowai ana straight
VICE. they tao1gn might safely S Se ei
to the natural Development Of events.
He was not seldom accused Of doing things calcu-
lated to brighten the people aud dis0rganize the
aat-slnvery orces. Such was his unequiyocal Dec
laration 10 nus dist great antlslavery speech In the
senate, That he held himself bound by every con-
vlctfon OF justice, right and duty TO disobey the u
ptive slave law, and mis- ringing answer to the
question put oy Senator Butler, Of south Carolina
whether, without the fugitive slave law, he WOULD,
under tire constitution, consider 1t duty to and
the surrender of fugitive slaves, us thy servant u
dog. that ne should do this thing ~ such WIS his
speech on the ''barbarism or Slavery,n deliv-
cred on bill to admit Kansas Immediately
mnaea ree d state ssecn 50
moral and secsa aspects. and SO direct III It's pre-
that 1t was said such speech would scarcely aid
the ADMISSION o. Kansas. And yet, although he
nc eader be D was eaoer as he
embodiment Of the moral idea, with all
les Incorporating &C n arnaess, its unnag.
THIS sense he could lie leader only
because he was no politician. He forced others to
follow because he was himself lmpractlcable.
Simply obey,ng his moral impulse he dared to saw
things which in the highest legislative body OF the
Repubhc nobody else would say; and he proved
That they COGid De said and yet the wOrd would
move on. With his wealth Of learning aua his legal
ability he furnished an arsenal OF arguments con.
sustained in repeating. And presently the poll
ticans tet encouraged to follow IN the direction
where the ideaIist mad driven stake ahead. Nay,
he forced them to follow; Tor they knew thai the
ideallst. whom they could not venture to disown,
would not lall back at their bidding. sucn was
his leadership In the struggle with slavery.
Nor was that leadership interrupted when.
on the 2sd OF May, 1856, Preston Brooks,
~ staas sne ,t
came upon Charles Sumner in the Senate, strack
HIM do*p with Sslvy oiows and lett hun on the
Summers voice was not heard, Out his blood
marked the vantage ground from which his parts
empty Tor hun by the noble people OF Massachu
sests, stood there In most eloquent silence, con
nrmlng, sealing, tndaming all ne mad said with
terrible Illustrations guide post to the onward
march Of freedom.
APPROACH OF THE BLOODY coNFIICr.
When, IN 1851, the republican party had taken
the reins Of government in nand. his peculiar
leadership entered upon new field or action. No
Its head. SOath Caronna opened the secession
movement. The, portentous shadow OF an
land tremor aut.ered through the 'i hearts IT'S
even OF strong men IN the North-a vague
IN earthquake. Could not a bloody conflict be
avertedg fresh camor Tor compromise arose.
Even republicans IN Congress began to waver.
The proposed compromise involved new and ex-
press constitutional recognitlons OF the existence
and rights OF slavery and guarantees against inter-
ference with 1t by constitutional amendment or
national law. The pressure from the country,
even from Massachusetts In favor OF the scheme
~ a6 o%s shs Of ne anti
ner, stood hrm feeling that compromise, giving
express constitutional sanction and an indefinite
lease OF life to slavery, would be surrender, and
knowing, also, that even by the offer Of such sur
render, secession and civil war would still be In
sisted on oy me southern leaders the history OF
curacy oil that Judgment. The war was inevitable.
Thus the anti.siavery cause escaped useless hui
initiation and retained intact It's moral force for
future action But now the time had come when
the antisavery movement, no longer mere oppo-
siti0n to the demands Of the slave power, was TO
proceed to positive action.
FOREIGN INTERVENTION ADRO1TLY AvERTED.
But in another direction bold and unequiv0c cal
anti.savery policy could not 1aii to produce most
salutary effects One OF the dangers threatening
us was foreign interference. No european Powers
gave US their expressed sympathy except
Gcrmany and Russia. The governing classes
OF England, with conspicuous individual excep-
tlons, always gratefully 10 be remembered, were
Ill disposed towards the Union cause. The perma-
nent disruption OF the repuohc was loudly pre-
dlcted, as II 1t were desired and Intervention
an intervention which could be only in
favor OF the South-was openly spoken
Of The Emperor OF the French, who avaed
himself Of our embarrassments 10 execute his
ambitious designs in Mexico, was ami
mated by sentiments no less hostile. 1t
appeared as II only Q plausible opportunity had
been wanting. to bring foreign Intervention upon
our heads. threatening SPIRIT disarmed only
BY timely prudence, had manifested itself in the
Trent case. 1t seemed doubtful whether the most
skiltul diplomacy, unaded BY q stronger force,
would be able to avert the danger The greatest
strength OF the anti-savery cause had always
been In the conscience OF mankind. There was
our natural ally. The cause OF slavery as such
cOulu have nafiuna