New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1874-07-14
SLAVERY on tho GOLD COAST.
HOW 1T Is REGARDED BY BRITISH con-
SERVATIVES.

isAELI-THE RESOLUTION REJECTED.
IRON THE REGULAR CORRESPONDENT THE TRIBUNE.
LONDON, June 30-One of the first and worst eff
fects OF that form of political sluggshness known as
Conservative reaction is in full display in the present
Ho' &C. 1t is an incapacty unwillingness to take
la 20 views or to touch large questions in any way
Il touched, they are not handled effectively, and
paralysis is nearly as common on one side of the
House as on the other. There has been nothing like
great debate this session. Last night there
came up a great subject, but the discussion of it
was hardly above the level of parish vestry. The
question put to the British Parliament was nothing
less than whether it would tolerate slavery under
the British flag, and the of the successors OF
Wherefore and Brougham was that they did not
know, nor greatly care. whether they would or not.
So far as they gave any answer at all it was favor
able to the continuance of slavery where il now
exists under British protection. Mr. Evelyn Ashley's
resolution, That in the opinion of this House, no
arrangements for the government of the territories
on the Gold Coast will be satisfactory which in
volve the recognition of slavery in any FORM, was
voted down. The man under whose lead the House
negaived this moderate expression of hostility TO
man-stealng was Mr.. Dsrae the Prime Minister
of England
The facts of the case are very simple, and all the
efforts of the Tories to mystify public opinion do
not make them less so. There exist in what is
known as the Gold Coast of Africa certain terri
tories, Cape Coast Castle, Lagos, which British
settlements, and there freedom prevails There are
certain other territories, inhabited by Fantecs and
other negro tribes, constituting what is called the
British Protectorate, and there slavery prevails.
Between a British settlement or Crown colony
and a ProtectOrate there is, for many purposes,
broad distinction. Administrative and official
troll over the Colony is complete; the Protec-
torate it is ncompete that say, it limited and
exercised for certain purposes. But the authority
of the Crown and Parliament is equally
great in both cases, provided the Crown
chooses to exercise it. The limitations of 1t are
limitations of discretion. and not of power. The
proof of this if any wanting may be found i'll
the decree aDolishng human sacrifices in these very
protected territories. Those sacrifices were abol-.
ished as Mr. Ashley told the House, by stroke of
the pen. 1t is certain that stroke of the pen
might have abolished Slavery, custom not more
deeply rooted in the minds of the people who prac-
ticed it, and demanding for its extinction no greater
other kind of power than that which put an end
to kindred arocity If, then, Slavery remains, it
remains under the sanction aud protection of the
power which has been proved to be capable of
destroying 1t, and that power is British.
Nor did NJ. Ashley's resolution, which the House
rejected complain of the distinction made between
human sacrifice and slavery in favor OF the latter
nor demand immediate abolition or abolition by
degrees. To such proposition, if made, variety
of objections-I do not say valid objections-mght
have been offered which coud not be offered TO the
proposition he did make. Mr.. Ashley only asked
that the Government shOuld not recognize slavery.
Ii appears from the debate, however, that recogD-
ton is word of singular scope, and on the Gold
Coast implies not merely liberation but active assist
ance in the maintenance of the institution. sort
of Fugitive Slave law is In force in the British Pos
sessions there and, as in the Northern States from
1850 to 1861 judges and other officials found base
enough to execute it. Mr.. Ashley mentioned one
case the facts of which nobody who followed him
disputed. But the existence of judicial kidnapping
under the English flag does not depend for proof
one or many 1t is officially affirmed in a
communication to Sir Garnet Wolseley by Mr..
James Marshall, Chief Magistrate and Judicial
Assessor, in December, 1873, who says:
One OF the important duties OF the Judicial As
SCISSORS Court since its foundation and which has been
constantly recognized IN Committees OF the House OF
Commons on West African Affairs has been the resnla
aton far has been possible, OF the system OF
what is called domestic slavery. which exists among all
the tribes which compose the British ProecOrate. This
duty roires The recognition and regulation ofhe rights
Of he masters well the protection OF the servants.
to this servitude of English judges to the slave
holder. He said expressly that this was the mean
ing of his resolution, with the addition that no
slave should be allowed to be brought from the in
terror and sold at Cape Coast. And this is what the
House. under Mr.. Dsraeis lead, refused to direct
Ii is of interest, though practically il is of slight
importance. to see on what grounds the Prime Min
lister urged the House to take that decision. Ipass
over what was said by subordinate officials 1t is
not from Under Secretary for the Colonies or
even from the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the
real opinion and purpose of the Government are to
be collected Whether Mr.. Disraeli intended to
take any part in the debate may be doubted but the
speech Of Mr.. Forster, calling on the Government
for an explicit statement of its intentions,
brought the Prime Minister to his feet. Making
explicit statements, however is not precisely the
thing Mr.. Disraeli won his peculiar reputation by,
nor did he make one in this CASE He began by COM
planning of Mr. Ashleys resolution as wanting III
precision. He did not know what was meant by
recognition He did not think it was brought for
ward at the proper time-two stereotyped Official
objections TO no matter what proposition. 1t would
be further insisted involve the country IN unsatis
factory engagements. But the real objection was
that if the House to accept II, 1t would be as
Stunning that the Government are not going to do
that which the resolution recommends. l should
think it would and | think also that If the Govern
ment meant to do il, easy way OF assuring the
world they meant to would have been to assent to
the resolution. There would have been nothing I'M
dignifed or unusual in such course. But Mr. Dis
raeli chose to make it party matter. He went
ON to say this was not the time to take
decided step in the Gold Coast. 1t ought to
have been done by the late Government, when they
took over the territory from the Dutch Now-with
the country completely in British control, every
tribe cowed by the defeat of the Ashantees aud