The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1874-02-27
but Illinois always was up very early in the
morning

|
The Political situation I'm England.
| The announcement, which coming from
journal as well informed as the London
Observer may be regarded as semi-ofhcial,
that Mr.. Gladstone will no longer accept the
leadership of the liberal party, but absent him
self from the conduct of affairs in Parliament,
is an event of unusual interest Whether he
will retire into literature and scholarly pur-
| suits. and add to his early fame as an author
by works for which he is prominently fitted,
orwhether he will, like Earl Russell, accept an
earldom and become the founder of a house,
we cannot say. Mr. Gladstone has a son, and
would naturally wish to leave him coronet.
But the peerage is generally regarded as the
close OF an active public life. When Lord
Derby and Lord Salisbury, in the course of
nature, inherited their titles and were COM
PEELED to leave the House of Commons, there
was general sentiment of regret They were
clever men, it was felt, and it was pity they
| should be smothered in the House Of Lords.
When Mr.. Disraei retired from Office he was
offered an earldom. But he declined it. He
had no wish to be transferred to a life of idle
contemplation and splendor. After all, it
would have been barren splendor, for he
leaves no one to bear his name.
Mr.. Gladstone has q family he would nat
urally like to ennoble. He has personal for
tune sufficient for the dignity of the peerage
He has scholarly tastes, and would well en-
ploy his hours of leisure. He is an old man,
old and weary and worn in health, and has
frequently expressed longing for rest If he
accepts peerage it will be said that, like Earl
Russell, he means that his public life shall
close. If he declines it he returns to Parlia-
ment either the follower of the party which
has so long followed him, or a simple
private member, with o seat below the
gangway Would he be content with this
retirement? Would it be sullen seclusion,
like that Of Pitt, who sat, nominally neutral,
scowling OF Addington until the time came to
overthrow him2 Mr.. Gladstone as private
member would be almost as important power
as when he was Prime Minister. The lib
eral party may say that having led it
from large majority in 1868 to q defeat in
1874, he no longer possesses the confidence of
the party. This would be a hard judgment,
but it is one that man with a conscience as
susceptible as Mr.. Gladstone would be apt to
pass upon himself, and insist upon resign
ing the command He may appeal and with
confidence, to posterity for vindication of
his career but posterity does not elect Par
lament and the England of to-day does not
approve of that career. Who would take his
place? Mr.. Lowe has rare and marvellous
gifts, but he is SO unpopular that Mr.. Disraei
publicly declared that he could not show his
face to ON English constituency and was COM
PEELED to seek seat from the professors of
university. Mr.. Lowe clearly cannot lead the
opposition, nor can MIR. Bright In the first
place. Mr.. Bright is in frail health his
speeches show an absence of his ancient fire
and nerve and he has already asked the in
diligence Of the people for his ailings and his
consequent indifference to Parliament. Even
if Mr.. Bright were in lusty health he
has too many positive views to be-
come the leader of any party. By his
creed he looks upon war as sin, and he
could not possibly preside over warlike Cab
met Mr. Stansfeld is too radical; Mr..
Goschen is too young; while in the Lords
there is only Lord Granville, whose zeal and
resolution are doubted, and Lord Selborne,
who is simply a lawyer. The Duke of Argyll
has the reputation of being ''bumptious,'
with considerable talent for indiscretion and
unpopularity, and could not lead the party for
q week. The only man that seems fitted to
succeed Mr.. Gladstone is Mr.. Forster
Mr.. Forster, the member for Bradford, was
recently sketched by a mastery hand in the
London Daily Ne,os as the modern trimmer"
in this respect resembling Halifax and
Godolphin and that small knot of English
statesmen who managed, in the uncertain and
changing times succeeding the Revolution, to
keep in power, no matter what party came to
the surface. Yet Mr.. Forster was assailed by
remnant Of his own party, especially by Nom
conformists and others, who opposed his Edu-
cation bill To our minds this bill, with all
its faults, is the noblest measure of
Gladstone's government. We care very
little whether children read the Thirty
nine Articles, provided they also learn
to read and write. But the opposition
to Mr.. Forster gave his canvass q
national importance, and he was triumphantly
elected. He comes back to Parliament with
all Of his prestige and experience as leading
member of Mr. Gladstone's Ministry, and
with vindication peculiarly complete and
gratifying He is man without rough edges,
and has shown in dealing with Parliament
the tact and courage necessary to control that
body. Mr.. Forster seems to us to be the
natural leader. Without the splendor of Glad
stones eloquence, he is man Of many gifts,
and would not make the impulsive blunders
which now and then weakened the late Prime
Minister. Two points will be gained if MIR.
Forster takes command of the liberal party.
1t win become more and more radical, and
take new departures in the direction Of land
and church and labor reforms. It will be