New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1874-10-30
THE ADVANTAGE OF UNTIMELY DISC Us

danger in allowing the idea of the reelection
| of Gen. Grant to take quiet possession OF the
office-holding mind, leave entirely out OF view
the nrocesses by which O nomination Is Sc
cured. If there was nothing to be done ex-
cept for the people to 60 to the polls some morn
inc in November two years hence, and cast
their ballots for the man they think best fitted
for President, there would be no use of the
present discussion. 1t would be as premature
and impertinent as the President himself con-
siders it. His reelection, secured under such
circumstances, would be matter sincerely to
be deplOred, both for its immediate cOnse-
quences and for the unfortunate breach of a
line of precedents which were founded in
reason and profound knowledge OF gov
eminent by men whom the country has
never ceased to revere. But after all, the
country has right to the institutions
it chooses to impose upon itself, and if a ma
iOrity wish to change or modify our republican
form there is no way of preventing it. The
truth is, however, that though the majority
have no such intention or desire, it would be
quite possible for minority to force the re-
nomination of President who Is devoted to
their own and his own interests, unless by
"untimely discussion" the public attention
were directed to the contemplated plan.
With President gifted with stricter sense
of propriety than that which Gen. Grant
seems to possess, the power OF Office-hOders
in politics would be less redOubtable. We are
not speaking of that conscientious regard for
the best interests of the country which in
duced Washington and Jefferson to refuse
second reelection. One constituted
like Gen. Grant is incapable even of
approaching the motives which would induce
such course of conduct, and far more inca
pable of initiating it. To ask him to decline
O reelection when there was any prospect of
securing it, would be to appeal to considera-
tons which have probably never suggested
themselves to his mind. To take what he
can get is to him the only natural impulse,
and we could no more blame him for it than
for the exercise of any other physiological
function. We could not 60 further with re-
spect to him than to criticise the employment
of official patronage to secure his hold upon
the Presidency; and our remarks upon that
subject are addressed not to him, but to the
Republican party. 1t is foolish waste OF
time to discuss the question whether he de-
sires or does not desire a denomination. The
only question to consider is whether he can
be nominated by the organization of Office
holders dependent upon his favor, and
whether, If nominated, he will be supported
by the Republican party on any plea of fam
cied necessity or partisan fidelity.
We are not and never have been, frightened
about the prospect. We have believed and
still believe that prompt and energetic discus
sion of the vulgar intrigue will defeat it.
Iimid statesmen, one by one, will be forced
to declare against it. Mere trading politicians,
who depend more upon the party than upon
the President will be made to see that their
standing with the public will be damaged I'M
less they give tongue. The honest, apathetic
voting men, with whom rests equally the hope
and the danger Of the country, will De made
to think of the tendency of things, and to
consider how to meet it with their in
fuence and their votes. But we think
that without this discussion nothing would
be easier than for Gen. Grant to secure his
denomination and possibly his reelection.
There is course of action well known to
politicians called "still-hunt." The workers
are busy, but loud talk and agitation are
avoided. When the time comes for the prima-
ries, the Postmaster, the Collector, and all the
subordinate Office-h holders are on hand, and
the right kind of delegates are elected to
the county conventions. When these are
gained the work is virtually done. No amount
of protesting and grumbing will prevent the
Administration from having its own way in
the State and National conventions of the
party.
1t is not too soon to begin to prevent such
a result as this. If we do not choose to per-
petuate the present Administration in power,
1874 is much better time to do the work
than 1876. To prevent the managers of the
party from accepting Grant as their candi-
date, the best thing to do is to make him
impossible. We admit it is utterly irrelevant
for Gen. Dix, and Mr.. Robson, and Judge
PierrepOnt to say they are opposed to third
term and that they do not believe the Prosi-
dent wants it. But every such declaration is
a good thing in itself, in awakening public
attention and setting people to thinking how
easily Grant might nominate himself and
what an undesirable thing that would be.
Every time leading statesman is hunted out
of his dignifed reserve and made to say he
does not believe Grant is candidate, the
public is made to see the improperly of his
being candidate. And every time some
feather-brained partisan of the Administra-
ton has the effrontery to declare himself in
favor of third term, he does still more eff
fective service against it, in thus avowing and
confirming the reality of the intrigue.
For these reasons, among Others, we think
the discussion extremely judiciOus, and have
seen nothing in any quarter to induce us to
come to different conclusion.
REFORM-IN TEXAS