The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1874-03-31
cording angel he WIN treat them as he did sse
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The Veto Power ~ q Check Sec
tional Aggression-The Hope or the
Nation.
The debates in Congress on the financial
question which preceded the passage of the
Four Hundred Million Imitation act make it
evident that the financial views of the Congress
sional majority are confined within sectional
limits With few exceptions the Western
and Southern representatives spoke as they
voted, in favor of an increase in the volume
of the paper to which we choose to give the
name of money, and their arguments were
based on the necessities and supposed inter-
ests of their own sections. When Morton
ridiculed the "book-learning" of Schurz and
denounced the financial principles which
built up the British government as European
theories not applicable to this young and vig-
orous country and when Logan impatently
cut the Gordian knot Of resumption with
his sword, these Western braves avowed
themselves the champions of section and
not of the nation. Their position was the
position Of nearly all who voted for the Infa-
ton act Like the old advocates of slavery,
they studied the interests of their States be-
fore the honor and credit of the whole Union.
1t is only at time like this, when sectional
selfshness makes itself apparent in the action
of Congress, that we properly appreciate the
wisdom of that provision Of the national con-
stitution which invests the President with the
veto power. The President Of the United
States stands above sectional influences. To
him the whole nation is as one State, and the
people of the several States are as one people.
He is not required to regard as sacred the will
of the majority when that will is clearly in
conflict with the general good. The veto,
when exercised at all, must necessarily be ex-
ercised against the will of the majority, and
it is this fact that gives the ''great conserva-
tive principle Of our system its priceless
value Without it the legislation in Congress
might be framed in accordance with the views
or interests of whatever section Of the country
might happen for the moment to possess the
greatest power, and then free government
would be destroyed. For as certainly as war
followed the attempt Of the slave States to
fasten their yoke on the neck of the Union SO
surely must war follow any serious attempt to
sacrifice the honor and safety of the nation to
| the interests of section
The veto power has generally been wisely
exercised, and, fortunately, few Presidents have
been found willing to use it as political
weapon. AS We have already shown, the
most important of the Executive vetoes have
been called forth by bills having relation to
the subject of finance And their unassala-
BILE position has been the protection of public
interests before the advancement Of personal
or sectional interests When Madison re-
turned to Congress the United States Bank
bill it was because, strong as was the influence
in favor of the measure, it was not 'cslcu-
lated to answer the purpose of reviving the
public credit" Said jackson, in his veto of
the Bank bill, 'Many Of our rich men have
not been content with equal protection and
equal benefits but have besought us to make
them richer by acts of Congress.
BY attempting to crafty their desires
we have, in the results of our legislation,
arrayed section against section, interest against
interest and man against man, in fearful
commotion which threatens to shake the
foundations of our Union. It is time to pause
in our career" The words of Madison and
jackson sound the keynote for President
Grants veto of bill which strikes fatal
blow at the 'public credit" of bill passed
by men who have s'besought us to make them
richer by acts of Congress- and whose legis-
lntion threatens to array ''section against sec
ton, interest against interest" 1t is the old
fight of the general good against sectional self.
ishness.
Why should we doubt that President Grant
will prove true to the nation he has already
saved from sectional madness? Up to the
present time he has shown himself to be not
only one of our greatest generals, but one Of
our most skilful political leaders. In the midst
of internal party dissension he has managed
men and ciques with admirable tact. Although
he has occasionally stood in conflict with the
party that elected him he has been neither
Tyler Fillmore nor johnson. In such
controversies he has compelled the submis-
sion and has commanded the respect of his
party. He can do SO still if he will use the
veto power to protect the nation against inaa-
ton, for he will have the mass of the people
at his back. We do not know whether he
looks to the succession when his present term
of Office shall be brought to close but,
whatever his views may be in this respect, he
must at least, prefer that his Presidential
record shall stand in the line with the records
of Washington, Madison, Jackson and our
other eminent rulers, rather than sink to the
level of the record of Buchanan, whose weak
ness precipitated the war. President Grant
holds in his own hands at the present mo-
ment the determination of the position he is
to occupy in the political history of the