New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1874-05-04
THE GERMAN SEPTENNAT.

RESULTS Of HE DAlE COhIhOhlor'
WHY THE TERM OF SEVEN YEARS WAS SELECTED
FOR SETTLING THE ARMY BCDGEr-PosTTIoS OF
THE uBERALs-ExTENT OF THE INCREASE IN
THE ARMY.
lFRox THB REGULAR CORRESPONDENT OF THE TRIBUsE.l
BERLIN, April 16.-The moderation of the Liberals
and of the Government has built bridge over tho
perilOus stream of army reform, and we are once
more saved. The telegraph has Of course furnished
you the terms of the compromise. One Of its fea-
lures is that it adds word to political vocab-
ulary. Sydney Smith used to say that he who
caused two blades of grass to grow where before
but one grew was a greater benefactor than the
leader of victorious armies and it is no very vio
lent adaptation of that simple axiom to say that he
who gave the word Septennat to the military
compromise, or rather those who made 1t
possible to borrow the term from the French,
deserves the public gratitude. The phrase is now
current in all the journals. Even the ultra-Con-
seryative KreuzZeitung which ceased TO regard
Herr Won Miihler as Minister of Public Worship only
when death interviewed, and which had built ex-
uberant hopes on the irreconcilable nature of the
military strife talks this evening glibly about Das
Septennat. The coincidence between the terms of
tho arrangement and the length Of MacMahon's
power u.s. in another sense, worthy Of remark, and
think can give you the secret Of it. The Germans
hold perhaps an attitude of perfect indifference
toward the present system in France as compared
with any other form of government-that Of III.
Theirs, for instance, or the Empire, or tho
Orleanists. But, as securing or promising to
secure for France o fixed period Of politi-
cal quiet and time for military reorganization, tho
French Septennat Is not without great Importance.
Two ideas seem to influence German opinion on the
subject. The first is that MacMahon has both tho
will and the means to keep things in order there
during the next years and that before the ex-
piration of that term France will have dangerous
army The second is that the end of the Septennat
will bring in again period of domestic confusion. if
not civil war, when the French army will be needed
at home. So, when the Emperor had resolved to ac-
cept his 40l 900 men for fixed term instead of for
eternity, and the question arose for how long. Bis
marck was ready with an answer The arrangement
was therefore made just to lap few months over
the French Septennat.
This universal fear Of France is indeed the solu-
tion Of good deal that takes place in German poll
tics. For one thing it is perpetual dead weight on
the Liberalism of the country The true Liberals,
that is the Radicals are such in spite Of their anx-
iety about France Or to put the same thing In the
language of the press. they subordinate their pa
trotsm to their Liberalism. The National Liberals.
on the contrary the majority OF the House, and the
party by which Prince Bismarck tries to govern,
processes now and then mild dislike of military
absolutsm but it is careful about provoking serious
political conflicts, even when the gravest prin-
ciples are at stake. 1t dsliked the Army bill as
submitted by the Government. 1t thought
the number Of men demanded was too large,
and at the proposal to vote this number
once for all it held up its hands in mild surprise.
But it would nevertheless have voted the Dill with
out the alteration of a comma. The pill would have
been q bitter one, but theSGOvernment had only to
say that it indispensable for the security OF the
country. Fortunately the Crown relaxed little,
and sweetened the dose. In thus describing the
tmidity of the Liberals, do not mean unquallhedIy
to censure it, Within certain limits 1T Is very
prasewortby on their part to lay aside parsanship
and defer often to the judgment of 1.-THE Govern
ment in questions affecting the defensive resources
of the country. This applies also, though not in the
same measure, to the press
In the course of the debate that preceded the
formal acceptance Of the compromise by the Cham
ber the delegate of the War Office, General Won
Voigts Rhetz made speech which was remarkable
both for the statements which it contained and for
the conclusions which it did not draw. The House
was particularly struck by some military statistics
that he presented. Since the last war it appears
that the great Continental powers have increased
their regular armies in about the following ratio:
France. IS per cent; Austria, SO Russia, %;
Italy, 81; Germany, IS; and military budgets
have of course mounted in q SIMILAR scale.
have mslaid my copy of the speech, but
these figures are, | think, correct The worthy
General. who, for Prussan soldier is a tolerably
good sneaker meant of course to enforce the lesson
that Germany is spending less for her military pur
noses than her neighbors, but that the burdens
which she does impose on her people are una
yoidable and ought to be borne cheerfully. Moltke
followed with the theory Of the staff, viz that
powerful Germany in the center Of the Continent
is the best guarantee of peace in Europe. But only
a powerful Germany" repeated the sallow old stra-
tegist. with emphasis. 1t is true that the new En-
pre has now existed for three years, aud there has
been no war on the Continent. One may
admit even that this peace is the conse-
ouence of the new order Of things. But how
was 1t in the pastf If my memory
is correct Germany was disunited from the Peace
of Vienna downfall is to say, for half century,
and in that period the country was peace Tin
deed there were no wars in Europe at all like those
Germany has waged in the cause Of unity The
Crimean war and the Italian war were mere skirm-
isles There were more men massed against one an
other at Sadowa in 1866 than had been seen in the
field since 1876 German unity is therefore by no
means the triumph of peace 1t may be dear enough to
Germans and may indeed be worth what it has cost
but it is superb trng to pretend that it has light
ened the military burdens of Europe, or lessened
the causes of European wars.
The theory of government which prevails in Ger
MANY is that of Hobbies. Just as Friedrich SPIEL
hagen says that the Prussian is either master or
ooryont % might he say that Prussan society Is
made of two classes-oficers Of the law and victims
- =, T. ,r.o,;ca every man here ia presumed