Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1874-03-05
LOUISIANA.
Synopsis Of Senator CaFpeater's Speech
brfOre the Senate Of the United
States on the Louisiana
Difficulty. 8
He FaVors the Overthrow Of Govern.
meBt Supported By Federal
BayOnets, and Eew and ~.
Fair Election.

WASHINGTON, March 4.-At the ex-
piration Of the molniDg hour in
the senate to-day, Senator Carpenter
moved that all pending orders
be laid aside that he might address the
senate on the Louisiana bill introduced
by him.
The motion of Senator Carpenter was
agreed to, and he proceeded to address
the senate. After reviewing the cleo
ton returns, he said: How
would congress look before the
country after deciding that the election
was void as to the Presidential electors
but legal as to the State officials. The
senator from Indiana lMoftonl, had led
the senate through the first phase, and
now seeks to lead it in counter move
ment. The supreme court of Louisiana
was part OF the State government, and
when congress was to inquire
whether the government Of
that State was republican or
not, the supreme court could no more
settle it than the legislature could that
power that was vested exclusively IN
congress again. The question was not
a judicial one at all, but political one,
and must be determined by political de-
DdLbLAEAI8 Vi EONClALACAOs AAC 81
preme court of the United States itself
could not settle it, and the decision of
the supreme court of Louisiana was not
entitled to a moments consideration.
The court had never attempted to de-
eide the question directly, but all it
did say in effect was that the
Lynch board was a legal board.
1t never said whether that
board acted honestly or corruptly under
the constitution. The President cannot,
of his own volition, and without
proper record from the State, determine
that an insurrectiou exists in a State,
and proceed to put it down. A court of
justice could not decide a case between
a senator and himself of two hundred
dollars without record. Why? Be
cause it was court of record, and had
seat, and certainly the United States
was court of record. The cry by tele-
graph to the President, "Come and help
us!' was not sufficient for interference.
He [Capenter] believed that if the fed
eral troops were withdrawn from Louis
lana the Kellogg government would not
stand. There were two questions in
voIyed as to the passage of this bill.
First, have we the power to pass it?
second, the expediency of passing it.
The constitution provides that each
State shall have a republican form of
government, and one of the first requi-
sites of a republican form of government
is that its offices shall be filed by per-
sons elected by the people. He asked
every senator within his hearing if
congress had not the power to give
the people of that State what they had
been cheated out Of-namely, the right
to elect their own officers. Should our
own government be oYerthrOWn, it
would be by these steady eneroaeh-
ments. Congress should see at all times
that each State had a republican form
of government; and any senator de-
claring that congress had not the power
to interfere, would declare to Kellogg
and his followers, "You can repeat this
thing in 1876, and in 1880, and 1884.
Congress has no power to set it
right. If congress had no authority
to interfere, then the MeEnery govern
ment could set itself up also by force. vi
olenee was as good title as fraud and
little more manly. When a
man skulks beneath the robes of fed
eral judge, he has not the manliness of
one who goes out with sword in hand
to maintain his position. There was no
question in his mind as to the power Of
congress to take up the constitution of
any State and declare whether or not
1t was republican in form. The power
of congress was supreme. He believed
the Kellogg government was held up by
the bayonets of the United States, sus-
tained to this hour by the troops of the
United States, and he wanted to know
what remedy there was for this diff
Guilty. The supreme court Of Louisiana
was in conspiracy with Kellogg, and
would not inaugurate any move for re-
form. The State legislature was in the
conspiracy, and it would not do so. The
government would not, and the
people could not, because federal
bayonets were persistently leveled at
them. The powers of the federal gov
ernment were as sovereign, except as
limited by the constitution, as those of
the czar of Russia. Look at the prob
able effect of congress saying it could do
nothing in the present condition of the
southern States. Having Just emerged
from civil war, would it be safe to say
elections next fall get in by fraud
or any other way, for there is no power
to put you out? What greater license
could be given to the lawlessness of the
land? That element would say, il that
is your game we viii play it, and they
would play it under the sanction of con-
gress. Such acts, in the present condi-
ton of some of the southern States,
would be the most dangerous thing that
could be done. The senator from
Indiana Mortonl had said, pass
this bill and there would be
bloodshed in Louisiana. He said
the Republicans were all in favor of
Kellogg, and the respectable Democrats
were all in favor of him. IF they are,
who is to cause bloodshed? There
would be no bloodshed by new cleo
ton. The government could enforce it
by the army and navy if necessary. If
not, this nation had better furl its ban
ner and put its affairs in the hands of
receiver. Was it wise to adjourn this
troublesome question into troublesof the
presidential election. 1t was not probable
that there would be the same unan-
unity that there was the last time, for
as he scanned the political horizon he
thought that he could see more than one
candidate; it was not probable that the
vote Of Louisiana might change the
whole thing, the question should be
settled now and put out of the way, as
1t was neither wise nor prudent to ad-
journ it; he wanted the congress of the
United States to do its duty and order
an honost election so that the people