The New Orleans bulletin. [volume] (New Orleans [La.]) 1874-1876, 1874-12-15

and of the proper Interpretation, furnishes
conclusive answer to the question whether the
President could withdraw what is termed his
"recognition of the Pinchback Government
or Of the Kellogg Government At every
stage of his Intervention and interference with
the internal discussion in State, he Is walk
ing on what istermed in the South "a tremb-
ling prairie" At every moment he must mark
his footsteps, and at all times move with eau
ton and circumspection, or he may tall with
out the limits the Constitution has imposed
upon the Government he administers. He
must examine, day by day, whethe: the con-
ditions for Intervention are still existing, and
all of these conditions are at all times open
to investigate them, and If he do not, he does
not perform his duty.
What Attorney General Williams meant in
his extraordinary telas ram of the 18th OF De-
cember. 1872 directed to Acting Governor
Pinchback, in which he said, g Let it be un-
flerstood that you are recognized by the Pres
ident as the lawful Executive Of Louisiana,
and that the body assembled at Mechanics
Institute is the lawful Legislature OF the
State, he probably cannot explain to the sat
isfaction of any one. The day before, kel-
logg had told him, :" If the President In some
way indicate recognition, Gov. Picchback and
LEGISLATURE would settle everything So Ca
sey told the President on the day Of the tele-
gram that elf decided recognition were
made, in his Judgment it would settle the
whole matter" So recognition was made, not
that the United States might protect the peo-
ple of the State from domestic violence"
but that Pinchback might be established in an
usurped authority by the promise OF troops
to sustain him. the end, a. stated in all Of
the kilograms, being to sustain "our friends. !"
The community of fraternity and friendli-
ness is put forth in gushing language in all
~f thaun 60 ora now told that this an
irreversible, irrevocable act pledging the
power OF the Union to maintain for all time
this miserable concern in authority. But we
have learned that the President at one time
decided to advise Congress to dispossess this
concern, for that there did not exist a repub-
lican government in Louisiana. A well-sub
stantated and accredited solution of his aban-
donment OF that purpose is that Senator
who had taken leading part in these discus
sions, advised that the right or the wrong OF
the case was Indifferent the material inqui
ries were to maintain the party ascendency,
and to secure eight hundred thousand colored
votes for the party. There is testimony to
this that can hardly be impeached or dis
credited even by the Senatorial reputation.
But what does Presidential recognition le
gally imply? 1t establishes no right proves
no title-it impairs no other title. For amy
other purpose than that of determining upon
a demand to protect the State from domestic
violence" it was, in legal contemplation,
nugatOry.
The Constitution gives no power upon the
President to have all official opinion until he
is called to perform a Constitutional duty in
regard ITO the Governor or Legislature The
people of the State have supreme jurisdiction
on the subject in all other cases. The recog-
milton of foreign governments as States by
the President is conclusive upon this people,
because the Constitution and laws of the
United States confer this authority. But in
that case there is no immltab;lity The Gov
eminent recognized Louis Philip as King OF
France; the republic under Lamartine; the
Constitution of 1913; the empire OF Louis
Napoleon, and the republic since. 1t is of
the nature of policy and of the use of politi-
cal power to vary with circumstances and
events, and it is not stationary or immutable.
1t would be difficult to find in the history of
this country an example like the present-one
of more of usurpation, wrong and injustice
of more Of daring, unscrupulous and wicked
action on the part of Federal authorities in
relation to a State Of the Union, 1t COM
menced in November with judicial action in
dealing with Kelloggs chancery suit to per-
petuate testimony to assist him as defeated
candidate in Il contest for the office OF Gov
ernor after January, 1871 which he proposed
to make. The returns were not then made.
Then came the telegram authorizing Marshal
Packard to call for troops to enforce orders
not made, and which were not called for by
the case in any aspect, Then followed the
Selling order of the capitol then a new
chancery bill to organize Legislature, and
writs to impanel it; the deposition OF the
Governor; the setting mp of Governor;
then the recognition the army all along &C
companied these acts. But the pretenses
change. 1t is no longer to enforce DEGREES
and mandates of the United States Courts,
but the army is called in to protect this usur-
patton in authority, under the pretense that
the State is in danger OF domestic vio-
lence" Cases. of a similar kind have ap-
peared in other countries. The Persian
King for long period interviewed in the
affairs OF the Grecian States, to overthrow
popular governments and to establish oil
garchies 1t was a favorite proceeding of
Philip Of Macedon. Cesar Borgia, the Wis
On the continent it was the practice
of the Suzerain to raise contentious
between the barons and their v;ssals, and to
profit by them. The kings and queens of
England constantly intrigued in the affairs of
Scotland and lent aid to the factions, and it
was a tavorite policy Of the House OF Haps-
burg, of Austria. The features Of the trans
actions in this case are similar to those which
appear in those histories. 1t is by underhand
intrigues to foment disturbances ana internal
connections, to create a colorado preteXt for
armed Intervention for purposes ofspoliation,
oppression and the exercise of usurped do
minion. The Attorney General must take
the responsibility for introducing practices SO
malign to the tranquility, peace, and justice
Of the American Union