New-York tribune., 1874-09-14

letter TO Washingto from tho Rev. William Cor
don. which certainly belongs to the history OF
public opinion on this subject 1t was written sub
to Washington's reelection. and Is cited
here not 30 much for its intrinsic importance as in
connection with the letter of Gov. Morris to show
that the question of reelection even for single term
was not purely question of personal convenience
with Washington as might be inferred from the re-
ports of his conversations with his Cabinets that
while one class wished him reelected for ie, others
equally anxious to prevent any other fresideut
from being reelected at all. Ii may be worth re-
membering here, however that few II any OF those
who favored reelection for life were indIsposed 70
see the Government transformed into a monarchy.
ST. NEsTs Huntingdonshire Aug. II. 1888
MY DEAR SIR: The renewed choice OF your excel-
lency to the Presdentship was what expected, ana
United states appeared that the vote OF every eec'or
was In your favor r,,., 4. o. l.,
other OF Europe that whenever you are
the Federal UnOn Will be diss0veu tne STATES WI,
Government cannot In its nature be lasting. The
cOnfusiOns In France and the eccentric puDhcauo9s m
fully convinced from what have read In the manu-
scripts you possess that nothing will give you greater
pointing such expectations. Some conjecture
that when you have been removed Iro,u ot
ua bliss for few years the States will quarrel ABOUT
who shall be President and thereby produce separa-
rst persons Of the United States is of opinion that in
time an hereditary President must DC CHOSEN 10 pre-
will nroduce similar TO what has happened repeatedly
in choosing Polish sovereigns An heredltary fresuen
viii become, probably. In series OF years, put
another name for an hereditary monarchy and the
whole spirit OF government be changed INTO EurOpcau
Asiac, African, whatever may be Its bodily shape.
Allow me then to your opinion whether the follow
ing plan might not, IL brought into EXECUTION DO pre-
ventIye OF such deplorable event. ,
Let alteration be made In that part OF the Federa
Constitution that relates to the choice OF Presheu
Let 1t be agreed by the United States that after your
decease or declining the Presdentsbip the President
shall be chosen alternately, from each state lh tne
each State to determine the rotation from the highest
to the lowest the first and the last the population 10
be settled as possible aud then the order Tor
each States furnishing President be declared When
every state has enjoyed the privilege before the last IN
population OF the States be taken afresh, and new
orderly list be formed as the variations produced py
has furnished President once again, before such
alteration in the choice OF President, her right TO tne
absolutely certain. but conceive that it was at length
agreed by the former Congress that the Presiden
should he chosen in rotation from the respective STATES
or a State that had not before furnished one.
Whether we may judge alike upon TINS delicats anu
your Exceency will give me credit for my attachment
to the welfare of the United States ana VIII deeu IL re-
10 any other correspondent and have nrusted 1t with
you TO digest and ripen aud bring Forward the pan
honored with your appreciation. in your own way ana
time am too much attached TO American liberty and
the United States to fail In praying for their continued
Letters 10 Washington, vol 4. .. 35.
If the fortunes and misfortunes of this Republic
have taught us any one lesson more distinctly than
another il certainly is that man in particular is
necessary to it. When Mr.. Gordon wrote his letter.
the world had had about hundred years less ex-
perience of popular sovereignty than it has now
And it is not surprising that he and many others
thought it was Washington and not the practical
recognition for the first time in history of the prin
cple that governments should be instituted for the
good of the governed, that was promising to make
the young Republic success.
De Tocqueville, at the expiration of the first half
century Of our national existence, expressed the
Judgment which the Convention of 1888 would un-
doubtedly have passed upon that portion of their
work. if they could have seen it by the light OF the
same experience as he saw it. In his work ON
democracy in the United States" he devoted
chapter to the consideration of this subject. An
additional half century has strengthened rather
than weakened his position. No apology is needed
for quoting it entire:
1t NAV be asked whether the legislators Of the United
States did right wrong in allowing the reelection OF
the President 1t at first sight contrary TO all
being elected second time. The influence which the
talents aud the character OF single individual may ex
ercse upon the fate OF whole people, especially in
critical circumstances or arduous times IS well known;
would deprive the OF the surest pledge OF the
nrosperity and the security of the and
by singular Inconsistency a man would be excluded
from W the Government at the very time when he had
shown his ability In conducting its affairs.
powerful reasons may be advanced against them In
rigue and corruption the natural defects OF elective
elected these evils rise to a great hight, and
promise the very existence of the country. When q
simple candidate seeks 20 rise by intrigue his
Vers must necessarily be limited to narrow sphere
but when the chief magistrate enters the list ne oorrows
the strength of the government for his purposes.
the feeble OF an
are action; the latter the state itself with all It's
imInense influence, busted In the work Of corruption
and cabal The private citizen who employs the most
immoral practices TO acquire power, can only act IN
manner indirectly prejudcia to the public prosperity
But if the representative Of the executive descends into
the lists the OF government dwinde INTO second
ary Importance, and the of his election is his
first concern All laws and negotiations then to him
nothing than electioneenne schemes places be-
come the reward OF services rendered not TO the nation
but to its chief; and the influence OF the Government,
not injurious to the country is at least no longer bene
fetal TO the community for which 1t was created.
1t is impossible consider the ordinary course OF
affairs IN the United states without percevlng that the
desire of being reelected is the chieaim OF the Presi
dent that his whole administration and even his most
indifferent tend to this obect and that as the
crisis approaches his sonal interest takes the place
of his interest in the public good. The principle OF re-
eligibility renders the corrupt Influence OF elective gov
ernment still more extensive and perncious 1t tends
ta desrade the political morality OF the people, and
substItute adrOltness for patriotism.
In America 1t exercises still more fatal influence on
tbe sources of national existence. Every government
seems to be afflicted by some evil inherent In Its nature
aud the genius OF the LEGISLATOR Is shown III eudng us
had laws and the mischief they cause is frequently ex
aggerated but law which encourages the growth OF
fhe capker within must prove fatal In the end although
its had may be Immediately perceived
The prnclpe Of destruction in absolute monarcbies
lies in the excessive and unreasonable extension OF the
nreroe alive OF the Crown and tending to
move the constitutional provisions which counterbal
ance this Influence would be radically bad even If It's
conseq should long appear to be imperceptibe
BY parity of reasoning, In countries governed by
democracy where the people is perpetualy drawing all
authority to ITSELF laws which increase accelerate
t action are the direct assalants Of the principle
OF the Government ...
The greatest proof of the ability OF the American egs
lators that they clearly dscerned this truth and tha
they had courage up to II. They conceived
that certain authority above the body OF the people
was necessary which should enjoy degree OF ndepend