The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1874-07-14
Franes-Orss nixation OF the Personal

Startled Deputies in the French Assembly
suddenly want great deal of information as
to the Interpretation of the law of the Goth of
November, 1873. This is the law which con-
ferred the executive authority upon Marshal
MacMahon for period Of seven years; and
the Deputies now want to know if the Presi-
dent understands that he is Irresponsible" to
the Assembly during that term of Office or
otherwise, and also if he understands that the
law by which the Assembly thus gave him
power Is irrevocable. In other words, will the
President ''hold on" to the place he occupies,
even though the Assembly should repeal the
law which placed him in authority? These
are queries that give interest to the news from
France. If some hundreds of gentlemen who
thought they were profitably deliberating on
the structure of a constitutional republic must
now recognize that they have by accident
created a sovereign who is out of their reach,
and whom neither the law nor any other
power can displace for at least seven years, it
is evident that the broad political or historic
interest with which the world contemplates
the present crisis in French history will be
spiced with the piquancy of a discovery not
without comic element
MacMahon's answer is sufficiently distinct
He means to '.hold on" He has declared
this fact with downright plainness on several
occasions. He is reported to have said to
Deputy of the Left, 81 viii not cede to any
one a single day of the seven years. I will
not hear of a Stadtholderate or of Lieuten-
ancy General The Assembly may do as it
likes. It may remain as it is, make con-
stitution or dissolve AS far as l am con-
cerned have no change to make. l remain
where am These words were published
in Paris paper, and it has not been prose-
cuted for them, as it would have been if they
we're false. They may be accepted therefore
as putting forth clearly the Marshal's view of
his position. If, therefore, the Assembly
should supplement the law of November last
with one declaring him Stakeholder for two
years, or Lieutenant General until
the choice of sovereign or should
pass any law otherwise modifying or
limiting his tenure of Office, he will look
upon these laws as utilities; for the Assembly,
though it was sufficiently sovereign to give
him his place. has exhausted its power in the
act and is worthy of no further notice. He is
clear enough also in his message of July 8.
By that document he tells the Assembly that
it has rendered his power irrevocable for
fixed term" and has by that fact ''enchained
its sovereignty" has entered into an SEN
gagement" which it cannot 'tear up" In
SO many words, there were two sides to the
bargain by which he became president"
and though the Assembly may mean to recede
he will oppose such recession, and to that end
will ''employ the means with which he is
armed by the laws" He is not to be fooled
with by any whimsical lawmakers who put a
man in to-day and tumble him out tomorrow
There is no doubt but the army is referred
defend his power" By the general order Of
June % this is evident. He says to the SOL
diers that the executive authority was given
him for seven years, to preserve 'for that
period" public order and peace; that this
part Of the mission belongs also to the army,
and that "we will fulfil it together to the
end everywhere maintaining the authority of
the law and the respect due to it''-especially
the respect due to the law of November 20,
1873.
In November last the demand Of Marshal
MacMahon was that ''the Assembly should
invest the executive power with the necessary
characteristics of duration and strength" He
demanded this, as he said, 'not from motives
of ambition, but in the interests of the
country" Nearly all important parties were
agreed upon naming definite term for his
tenure, but they differed as to the term and as
M. Remusat sagaciously said in those days
that as the tenure of executive power was
necessarily part Of constitutional scheme no
vote should be taken on it separately, but that
it should be made part of the so-called consti-
tutional bills and all voted together. He re-
quested the opinion of the President on that
point, and Marshal MacMahon said ''the
discussion of those bills belonged solely to the
Assembly, to which he should always submit,
or retire from power if he thought he
could not continue to be the instru-
ment of its sovereign decisions. Let
the reader compare the difference in
| tone between that declaration made before
power was given and the one previously
quoted in which ''the sovereign decisions" of
the Assembly are disposed Of with the non
chalant privilege extended to ahat body to edo
as it likes" since its doings; can have no pos
sible relation to the executive power.
| By his message of November II the Marshal
set forth his objections to the law proposed by
the Committee of Fifteen, which had been
! charged with the duty of proposing plan for
the Organization q ths Executive, He Oh.
jected to 50 power Of which the duration and
character could be subjected from the outset
to reservations and suspensory conditions