The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1874-11-24

picked our OF Egyptian SarcOpna21, the inter-
ests Of archaeology, or without a definite and
pra6 teal aini."
POLITICAL AIsIs OF THE ROMAN COURT.
What, then, is the aime In part, no doubt,
theological snd to attract converts among those
who like TO discharge their spiritual response
ol,ies by Rower s Oh e6 aas3rhey: me Bnt ms end
"by few TetZels judiciously distributed over
Europe" The main purpose must have been
Of very iangibis kind IN nat 1.-the the risks Of SO
| deliberately run: A daring raid it is. For
! it is most evident that the very assertion
/! of principles which establish an -exemp-
| tiOn nom allegiance, or which impair its com
| pletenesS, goesfn many other countrys of Europe
ar more directly than with US, to The creation of
| political strife, and 10 dangers of the most M
terial and tangible kind. The struggles now pro-
ceeding in Germany at ono occurs 10 the mind
as a palmary Instance. lam not competent TO
| give any opinion upon the particulars OF that
struggle. The Institutions OF Germay, and The
fSeedom are maieTiaiIy different fr"m ours
But must say much as this. Firstly, IL is
not Prussia alone thatis touched ;elsewhere, too,
the bone / es ready, though the conten ion may
be delayed. In other states. in Austria particu
larly there recent laws in force, raising much
| the same issues the Falck laws have raised,
But the Roman court possesses in perfection one
art. the art OF waiting; and 1t is her wise MAXIM
have tr,ly repre.eTied the claims promulgated
from the Vatican, it is difficult 10 deny that
those claims, and the p0%e5 %h4on fn has has ma6s nd
and perils, whatever they may be, of the present
conflict between German and Reman enact
France may now also be said with not less
| truth of Germany: when Germany is diSqui-
eted,
EUROPE CAN NOT BE AT REST.
1 should feel less anxiety on this subject had the
supreme pontiff frankly recognized his altered
position since the events of 1870; and in Ian
guage as clear, il not as emphatic, as that in
which he has prescribed modern civilization,
lu.y tn "a, 10 ass hat he he
no party to the establishment by blood and
violence of the temporal power o. the church.
1t is easy to conceive that his personal benevo-
lence, no less than his feelings as an Italian,
must have inclined him individually towards
course so humane; and should add if might
p an SO eye aSs pTod
gality, successive Italian governments have
made over the ecclesiastical powers and privi-
church of the country for the RE re-
vival of the ancient, popular aud self-govern-
ing elements of its constitution, but 10 the
Papal Chair, for the establishment of ecclesi-
yestiges of findependence This course, so diff
| icult for a foreigner to appreciate, or even to
Justify has heen met not by reciprocal -conclia-
ton, but by constant fire of denun Citations and
| tions and complaints is compared with the
| Language of The authorized and favored Papal
| organs In the press and OF the UltramOntane
party-now the sole legitima party ofthe Latin
L urch-througheut Europe, IL ads many 10
Rsinf1I n and ees01ng tha5 there
Roman IOlicy to pursue, by the road If force,
| upon the arrival of any favorable opportunity,
| throne of the Popedom, even ifcan only be re-
erected on the ashes of the city, and amidst the
whitening bones OF the people.
THE EFFORT TO REGAIN TEMPORAL POWER.
In other words, Rome is pla eng game
| win back the temporal power. The mere ex-
| istence of such an idea Mr.. Gladstone regards as
i a
| iurbance, though the hope of success is "ridicu-
lous." 1t might nsyertheless parslyze to some
extent the actions OF such governments as
| should ;nterpose, for no purpose OF their own
| but only for the maintenance of general peace
/ hence, among other things, its interest 10 Eng
| land. "If the balefui power which is ex-
pressed by the phrase Curia Romano,
| its historic force by the nsuaI English
equivalent, Court OF Rome,' really entertains the
1 scheme, IL doubtless counts on the support in
| every country of an organized and devoted
party, which, when il can command the scales
| of political power, will promote interference,
| and, when IL is in minority, will work for Sc
| curin neutrality. As the peace of Europe may
DE in jeopardy, and as the duties even OF Eng
land. as one, so TO speak. of its coDstabuary au-
| thOritieS, might come 10 be in question, il would
| be most interesting to know the mental attitude
| OF our Roman Catholic fellow countrymen in
| England and Ireland with reference TO the SUBJ
ject; and 10 seems to be one on which we are en-
| titled to solicit information"
That the temporal power concerns the disci-
| pline and government OF the church is plain
| but anybody who doubts it is referred TO Arch
| bishop Manning, who in 1861 "'has not thought
| il too much 10 say that the civil order of all
| christendom is the offspring of the temporal
| power, and has the temporal power for its key-
| stone (; that on the destruction OF the temporal
power the laws OF nations would at once fall
IN ruins !" that lour old friendl the deposing
| cemency, A." and who went even further,and ele-
| waited the temporal power 10 the rank of neces-
| sary doctrine. He was not then archbishop, but
| was made such on the first opportunity aud has
| since reaffirmed the doctrine with equal OF
| greater emphasis.
THE DUTY OF BRITISH LEGISLATION.
| Lastly, Mr.. Gladstone asks whether he is the
man who ought to have set forth these PROPOSE
tions and made this expostulation. For thirty
years, he tells u.s. in office and out, in majorities
and in small minorities, he has labored to ex-
tend civil rights 10 his Roman Catholic fellow
eountrymen. The liberal party with which he
has acted has suffered in pubic favor because IL
was thought too ardent in that effort and at the
same time been in the worst odor at Rome be-
cause of its Cue hopes) unalterable attachment
to Italian liberty and Independence. He has at
times been the leader OF The party, and in justice
to it, as well as to eociety in general, he feels
bound now to come forward. Til lately he left
the duty Of such de clarations to Others 1t was
not till 1870 that the change III the position of
Roman Catholics as citizens reached its cOnsum-
nation. Till then he had "for very many years
felt IL TO be the first and permanent duty of the
British legislature, whatever Rome might say or
do to give TO Ireland all that justice coulu de-
mand in regard TO matters of conscience and of
civil equality, and thus 10 set hers If right in
the opinion of the CIVILIZED world" But sswhen
/ parliament had passed the church act OF
| lsJ9 and the 1and act of 1870 there
remained only, under the great head
| of imperial equity, one serious question to
| be dealt with-that of the higher education. 1
| consider that the liberal majority in The House
Of Commons, and the government 10 which L
had the honor and satisfaction to belong,
| formally rendered payment in full of this pOr-
ton of the debt by the Irish university bill OF
February, 1873. Some indeed think that nc was
| overpaid, question into which this is mani
| festly not the place to enter. But the
ROMAN CATHOLIC PRELACY OF IRELAND
thought fit to procure the rejection OF that meas
ure, by the direct influence which they exer-
| cised over a certain number of Irish members of
parliament, and by the temptation which they
| thus of1ered-the bid, In effect, which 60 use
homely phrase) they made to attract the sum-