The morning star and Catholic messenger. [volume] (New Orleans [La.]) 1868-1881, 1874-09-13
ssruIng Star and Catholic Messenger.
NEW ORLEANS, SUNDAY. sEpTEMBER IS. 1874.
A House Divided Against Itself.
COMPARATIVE STRENGTH OF PARTIES.
From the London rablst.l

1870, drew great encouragement for the
hostile designs from the revelations of tn
Plebiscite. The publication of the electors
returns, especially as regarded the militar.
vote, has been said to have been a motiv
cause for the disregard of French senti
ments which Prussia shortly afterward
exhibited in the affair of the HoheDzollerr
candidature for the throne of Spain. BY
Publishing the totals of military voters the
French Government In fact betrayed the
comparative smallDess of the military force
which could be collected to meet a sudden
emergency, and foreign foes were accord
ipgly taught to discern the weak point in
the French defences. An electoral publica-
tion of kindred character has just taken
place in Germany, and though the revela-
tions do not affect the military strength of
the new Empire, they are none the less
calculated to awaken serious reflections as
to the stability and conference of o State
which already presents symptoms of in.
ternal disquiet and disunion 30 numerous
ana so profound. 1t appears that it is the
Government of Berlin that we have to
thank for the disclosure. Anxious to learn
the precise nature of the popular support
which at the late election was rendered to
the various parties in the struggle, the au-
thorities issued instructions to the local
administrations throughout the Empire to
draw mp, in conformity with certain COM
mon plans and directions, accurate lists of
the total electoral population in each dis
trict, the total number Of such electoral
population which took part in the polling,
40 we'll as the precise number of votes OBJ
tainsd by the candidates, unsuccessful as
we'll as successful, who contested each con-
stituency as the representative of one or
other OF the contending parties in the State,
BY this means it becomes possible to know |
not only the Rumber of successes to be !
reckoned to the score of any political |
party, but also the amount of strength.
dor yuIf ah
forth ia those cases in which the party
suffered defeat. We are also able to learn
the relative strength of party feeling as
exhibited in different districts, and among
populations differing in race or creed, or
both.
In the first place we learn that, of the
eight millions and half who in Germany
constitute the Parliamentary electorate,
hardly more than FIVE millions and a
quarter went to the polls at the last cleo
ton on behalf of any party whatever.
This deficit, as we may call it, of three
millions and quarter must form a serious
item in any calculations as to the future
strength OF parties. At present it is suffi-
cient to observe that not all the incite-
ments and exhortations of the Government :
and of the Opposition were able to induce .
this enormous inert proportion of the pop ,
Nation to bestow any attention upon .
politics. The consideration of the position :
In which the Government and Opposition !.
stand in the absence of these three millions
and quarter will be found to deepen the .
sentiments that with this "residuum lies :,
in the future the disposal of the public ;
destinies. Any serious change of opinion: !.
or any strong impulse leading these torpid :
millions to throw aside their torpor wonld
strangely shift the balance of power in =
Germany. AS it lie, the balance of power is ;
unsteady enough, nor can we find anything :
better suited to illustrate the condition Of :.
German politics than the parallel plight of y
Spanish factions and parties in the Cortes Z
of Don Amaaeo. In Spain, after the Reyo I
!ution of 1868 and the accession of the :
Italian Prince, it was quickly perceived .
mat no single party in the State was in a I
position to constitute working majority.
For time the expedient of a policy of e
and cabinets of " conciliationn y
in uniting two or more of the
actions most profoundly pledged to the =
york of the Revolution. The day came 81
Then the Progressist refused to join with -
he Liberal, and when the Radical turned
IN his heel from both. Thus the collapse
became inevitable. In default of a ma N
ority, every sort of Government became 81
impossible, cave and except the uncertain b
!espotism OF the sword, and the very no. W
ION OF Cortes ana general elections excited %
title but ridicule, when it was remembered p
hat the last experiments of the kind had N
exclusively established the character Of c.
ny such proceeding. In Germany there is Il
ow Just such cabinet of sec nciliaton," az
nch an alliance" of parties for one or W
NO common aims. When, however, W
loser look into the subject reveals the p
eciProcal animosities of the "allies " and lii
he hollowness of the conciliatiopD it ia W
npossibleto avoid reverting to the thought til
hat 1t may soon be as hard to find a ma ne
'rity whereon to establish Ministry as dc
ven in Spain. How long is the German DC
rogressist likely to make common cause ba
nth the Conservative 7 and as soon as the ca
l-assorted confederates begin to dissolve co
artnershiP, what is to replace their con. va
Iteration in the Parliamentary arena co
The strongest party in Germany is the th
ational-Liberal, but the National. Liberals It
o SO far from constituting a majority of ell
70 electorate that out of the five million fol
I'd quarter voters only 100000 sup tel
'rted the National-Liberal candidates. In
ct, the Catholic voters, the bold electors
the feared ard illuminated Centrum -,
artei, muster within fifty thousand of W. W.
10 figure, forming an imposing mass of t t%t
$4,000 men. The PrOgressists number VIZ