The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1874-06-04
>7,,r England Influence.

,,,,, asserts positively that tho
:. eh Of the States to-day arc p',,'S ',ar.
~, under the Constitution as 'n's "'''
:, .,o time Of WASHINGTON, JEFFERSON
F,nscs and McSRoE." If the Hh'9 NOUS
,;s ,,;, ion. it is beyond the reach OF ars",
me- The ~ h. 14th, and 18th articles o.
.ucn,,mrrtt 10 the Federal Con>thn'''n '''e
made that Constitution totally o'''.'"'
thing from what il was before Inc ""'' '",
avon Il ,he Constitution had not been a''r'o
a, all in namr. the war and IT. results 's''
entirely changed il in fact. ha'e'e' '"'
Cn.,rr,,ert choose, to do 1t will do. lhere
: absolutely no limit whatever 10 IT'S powers
For where there is no remedy for wrongs.
all wrongs arc possible. The states are III
.bc condition of slaves under the hohat
law. The master may not put lhcm ''
death, hut it is only because he does ho'
choose TO do 80. not because ne hi'
not tie power, and not because 'ne!
can prevent il. nor because anSpoaH
ccu.d nun;sh him for it II he did it. 1hcre
< distinction between fright and pow
c,- in scme cases, but no practical d'iierenct
in This case. We say LINCOLN had no right
to cmancipa:e our slaves. We say that CON
cressh had no fright 10 force negro Suffrage
,,ncn thc south. We sly that the 18th, IAN
and 18th amendments were never ra''nro IL
the manner provided for in the CONSTITUTION
but were ratified under durc>S. NeSay tha'
NIL the reconstruction acts were ra'paole VIC
,a,;o,> of the Constitution. The fright
WAS wanting in each Of t.cSe cases, but lha
mat,e,,d not. Power" proved 70 be ful
substitute for II. so it will be in every case
The Senate had no right 70 pass the civil
rights bill. Il was gross violation OF TIT
Constitution TO do so. But what OF mat
They had tie power and they exercised H.
Where's the difference to lis whether they
had the right or not? This Is no ne" posi-
ton that we are taking. We took the same
ground before any Of the RECONSTRUCTION
acts or the l4th and 10Th amendments
were even proposed. We assumed that
.he Government would do whatever il
,,1ca>cd. Aud those acts and amendments
have proved that We were not wrong. We
based our protectors upon this one founda
tion--that without the right of secession
the States have no rights. In other words,
where thele is no remedy for wrongs, all
wrongs are possible. Or to state the case So
rs to meet the Wings argument, the Govern
ment has the power to 10 anything ana
eyery,hiLg--the power TO commit all SORTS Oh
vrongs-anG, since We have no means OF
preventing it from doing its pleasure, ana
10 redress for whatever wrongs 1t may
choose to ilflict upon u, we bave practl-
tally no rights IT all II we could gradually
induce the Government TO surrender lis un-
constitutional powers in time OF peace, II
would Immediately resume those powers
Whenever war, or trouble OF any sort, or
even an unusual excitement, might succeed
TO the present state OF things.
Oh, nc. There is no good reason for al
lowing New England to have twelve United
States senators. The "power" is TOO great
10 be entrusted TO men who know no such
word as "righl.' The National Govern
mcnt is 4 grand, consolidated de>potiSm of
unlimited powers; and Of al! sections New
England is the one least fitted to enjoy more
than fair and equal share in making the
laws which are 10 govern this great country.