Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1874-07-15
A VETERAN ABOLITIONIST ON
CIVIL RIGHTS.

active leading politician, and United
States Senator from that State
from lS49 to 1854, has written
an open letter to Senator BrowRlow
on the Future of the Negro Race,
which, as expressing the views of a
veteran abolitionist, cannot but be read
with peculiar interest by the people of
the South. After remarking that he
does not feel justified in using Ian
guage as strong as Senator Brownlow
saw fit to adopt, he says:
fully concur with you in the opinion that
this measure is not only uncalled for at
this time, but would be fraught with seri-
Gus evils 10 both races, and particularly the
colOred race. Having in view only the
true interest and highest welfare of the lat
ter, this measure, without ashadOw Of pTac-
ticability in il, should not, il. INV Judgment,
have passed the Senate, and should he I'M
hesitatingly rejected by the House when il
comes before IL at the next session. TIE
evil at which il strikes, tO-wit, the nreju-
dice of color, should be left for eXtirpation
by means and causes which emancipation
Is certain ere long 10 bring into activity. IL
is not in the power of Congress, by an act
of legislation To stitle that prejudice, ira
tiOnal and unchriStian Is it is, but il is
IN its power TO break up, as
We have good reason 10 believe
this measure will. the whole common
school system Of the late sIave-holding
States, and remand the children of poor
whites, a very numerous class, ana of
Most, If not all, the blacks % their former
condition of barbaTiSm. But this is not
all; its tendency will be- To unite the great
body, perhaps | should say all the white
race of thai SectiOn, ia political action
against the cOlOred race, and in such a con
test the former are certain 10 obtain the
ascendency, unless South Carolina be an
exception. In that State colOred citizens
are in a decided majority; but, neverthe-
less, their tenure of power is not little
uncertain in consequence of the mOuStrOus
abuses, instigated As is understood 10y white
adventures, that have been practired in
their administration o! affairs.
But with the great body of whites
united in a struggle for power in their
respective States, with success achieved
or with a moral certainty Of it, where
will they cast themselves IN the great
contest which is to come off IN the fall
of the approaching centennial year?
VIII it not be into the arms Of the
Northern Democracy: The venerable
ex-senator would appear to think such
an event not at all improbable, for he
says of the latter:
On the 4th Of March, 1877, they will
have been excluded from place and power
for 10 long years, and are even now looking
with greedy eyes from t'Other side of Jor-
dan over into the land which, If il does not
flow with milk and honey, hath neveTthe-
less an abundance Of 2liment to CRAFTY
the Democratic appetite, however vOraciOus
il may be. In sh OFT il must be apparent to
every man Of discernment that they intend
10 have possession Of the Government from
and after that date, and that, too, by
coalition with the unrepentant Rebel De
mOcracy OF the South. Such a coalition is
inevitable, and will ere long be-
come apparent to the whole ma
ton. Whether it shall succeed or
no. is the great, the paramount isSue on
which the next Presidential election should
he made to turn. But not few acts have
been done, measures adopted, and proceed
ings had at Washington since President
Grant was triumphantly reelected which
were calculated TO cast this issue into
oblivion, and to bring diScredit on the party
which had carried on the Government with
50 much success up to that date; such as
the Credit Mobiler investigation, the Con-
gressional grab at the contents of the
Treasury, the Jayne aud SanbOrn swindle,
alike garrulOus and vacillating treatment
of the currency question, having for one Of
its most important results a measure which
President Grant was constrained TO veto
because it set all sound principles and the
experience Of the world at defiance.
Under these circumstances. to adopt
a policy which is highly deprecated by
all Republicans of the white race in
the South, would seem to be the hight
of imprudence. why" asks the old
time enemy of the Southern institu-
ton, should we enter at this juncture
upon such hazardous experiment?
am sensible that it is contended this
hill, properly construed, does not re-
quire the commngling of the two
races in one and the same school. or.
in other words, does not make it illegal
for the people of that section to
have separate schools, one
set for white children and
another for colored, as is now uni
versally the case. But it would be 50
represented by demagogues and will
be believed so generally as to bring on
those friends all Of The evils of a direct
and positive enactment. 1t is appar-
ent that its tendency viii be TO
strengthen the Southern Democracy,
and l fear it will So enibarrass those
white citizens who have hitherto taken
the lead in opposition thereto as to in.
duce them to abandon the struggle in
despair. What can the colored race do
in carrying on the contest SINCE
handed: They need the counsel and
assistance Of this class Of citizens, and
If there are any who are not disposed
t. treat their opinions ani wishes on
such a subject with Difference. I desire
it may be understood that am not Of
the number
In dismlssing the subject, Mr.. Smith
asks why, as nearly every Senator and
Representative Of the white race in the
South declares that the measure Will
be fraught with countless evils, it
should be pushed through: and if
Southern Republicans are not better
Judges of what is practicable than
those OF other sections Questions
which the country. too, is asking very
auxiously Just now, and which Con
gress will have to answer at its next
session.