Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1874-12-11
-r-.sunG GF rEATE.

MEASURE OF 1zATE.
strong effort will be made IN the
on;eoing Congress to pass the Cl'll
riobts. or Social Equality, bill. 1t
stands early On the calendar, ahc- III
,ood nos;tion to be called UP ara
forced through. if votes can GO L.
The Radical friends OF the measure
see that it must be passed now, II
ever, as every days delay Weakens IL.
cbances of its success, ard the next
conoress will not tolerate such ven9e-
in, fanaticisrn for moment. The re-
-iyal Of this mischievous bill, says the |
New York Journal Of Commerce, Will
be nothing less than q wanton ana
stuaied Insult to the public sentlraeh'
Of the country, emphaticaily declared
IT the late elections. The question CT
enforced social equality was one OF the
MANY issues On trial before the peo-
NE. and their verdict was oTerWhelIn-
jpclv against 1t. There is not a STATE
INTO whose political canvass i did not
ertc-, as q cogent reason foror against
The continuance Of power in the haIde
Of the late dominant party. ihe
threatened passage Of the bii
waa one of the greatest causes
OF dissatisfaction in the Hepu0-
lican ranks. This was made manlies'
- +ba Lost session, when it failed
through the parliamentary strategy
and votes of Republican members II
good regular standing. These gentle
men represented a wider constituency
than tley dreamed Of. Thea IS no
way Of getting at TIE exact facts, b1l0
we do not believe that one-tenth o. the
ReDu3licsn voters in the Northern
States would, On tho direct Issue, stand
by the Social Equality bill. 1T this
time it is q significant fact, that no
!enline Republican organs are adFo-
eating tho measure, while some Of the
most influential journals Of the party
ere warmly opposed 10 it. At tie
Scutl,, where its popularity ought 10
be the greatest lin theory among the
freedmen and their Radical friends, It
excites very little interest. They ere
not asking for It. YTiththo exception OF
a small meeting Of dissatisfied negroes
and carpet-baggers hero and there,
the ne0ole Of The South, white and
black. seem to regard the Civil Eights
i,il as question finally disposed Of st
the November elections, ard ere con
teI.t to let it rest. It is great mis-
take to suppose that the negroes we're
e any time unanimous in demanding
the passage Of the bill as q further
concession Of rights. Z largo proper
lion Of them, If not The majority, were
AMI arc totally Indifferent to thu
promised Advantages OF social equal
lily" They have III the equality that
they wan. The natter Of mixed
schools, which 3 represented in some
quarters as beng line p1, Get dearest
70 all Ike negroes, is really hing @
little or 10 consequences to tie. Tl9
comparatively few negroes who = n!
value the privileges Of education ior
themselves or their children, % not
care button whether they enjoy those
benefits il schools by themselves or
mixed mp With the wites; and ifrthey
have any choice either way, We beiie"e
that the negroes Of tho South, like
those of the North, really prefer 10 be
educated apart Most OF the talk =
the contrary eTnanates from political
theorists who wish tofOrce their hobby
of social equality on the rcluctact
whites and blacks together. As con
vincirg proof that the Southern freed
men 90 not, as a class, require or ex-
pect any additional security from the
Civil Rights bill, We point to the large
vote which they cast in some paris OF
the South for Conservatis. ss94a e.
--J,c xv-re, M Known 70 ~
...,rsaf. provisions OF the bill. This
fact, and the subsequent peaceful &C.
Guiescence Of the freedmen at large n
the results Of tie elections, prove that
they 60 rot wish to Introduce any
further disturbing elements in their
relations with the whites. The ag!ta-
ton OF the Civil Rights bill, whether
il passes or not, promises to cause
disturbance in affairs now tranquil al
the South, and for this reason only 10
the demagoGues propose to renew ! :.