New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1874-02-06

Tho secrct had become known 10 AT let one poiSo"'
tbe editor or proprietor of leading provincial news
,a,or This gentleman told MI Gladstone, OF more
nr,bshIy Mr. Arthur Peel the Whip, what he had
bo.,d and asked permission TO publish it to-day II
,hoIo,don papers were to publish. 1t was at once
- .l,ot tbe Government had been betrayed-ltl IL
,,,,cbt Inv some one concerned in printing the ad-
drsss-.n,l the resolution was taken to anticipate
the formal act of the Queen, and issue the address
,h;s morning. The members OF the Government out
s;de Of the Cabinet learned the news from the
paners So did the most influential ana usually
most trusted Liberal members OF Parliament Inc
address itself bears marks of haste, both IN style ana
substance-faultS which slight revision WouIu Ger
t,;,Iv have removed. There actually were not
.on;cs Of IL enough in type to 90 the rounds of the
London papers. and the leading Liberal journal was
not appriscd of the matter in season to publish
loding article on il in the usual place, but printed
il in It's news columns.
The reasons given privately f1r diSSoIVing are not
very different from those stated In the address
i.self Mr. Gladstone thought nc had betterch
with the country now than he was likely TO have
same months hence-that in PLAIN English Is about
tho real explanation of so unusual proceeding
Until lately il is believed he has himself intended
to meet Parliament bring in brilliant budget
shunt rs many troublesome questions as possible
and ask the country at the end of the session to APP
looked larger the nearer they were approached. 1t
hec,me r,laiu but troublesome questions could not
lac eyaded There was every prospect that the
Ministry would early find themselves in minority,
aud there was the very disagreeable doubt whether
MI GlaI3coucs own scat for Greenwich had not
been vacated by his acceptance OF the Chancellor
shin of tho EXchequer. | suppose 1t is all very
wrong Oh decide on so grave matter as diSSolu-
ton and % general election party considerations
only or mainly, but even MI. Gladstone Is only
human tie is, moreover singularly hIgh-splIlted
and siupuary sensitive man, and don't doubt that
he shuluk consciously or unconsciously, from meet
ins again the Parliament which had inflicted
hlmilmt on on him. and in which he felt himself
Prime Minister suiieTanCe.
There VIII, however be plenty of time 70 look az
party questions during the coming contest You
And have no occasion to anything about party
successes ia England except they affect England
herself. aud the growing Liberal party throughout
the world, of which Liberals IN England and LIB
erals IN America are members. Never during any
five ycars in its modern history has the political
education Of the people OF England developed so
rapidly a. since this Ministry has been in office.
Never have 30 many great questions political and
social been raised. Forgetting one of the great
measures pa ,sed under Mr. Gladstone's lead, must
sill say at the most important, the most vital, of
these questions are still waiting TO be answered.
Tho number Of people who take an intelligent in
torcst ia them. and are eager for decisions upon
them Is also far greater than before The
Radical wing of the Liberal party is stronger than
ever before. II the Ministry proved weak i'll Parlia
Incnt last session il was, as believe, because II
failed 30 perceive the strength and resolution of its
Radical supporters. and alieuated them by oppos-
tion OF indifference to their Just demands, and denied
them their just influence and representation in the
councils of the party. More than that. There was
growing Radicalsm in the country which found but
few representatives even among 50 called Radicals,
ina House of Commons chosen five years ago TO
execute specific measures of reform under the
leadership Of a specified individual. The most
ongrosscd of Ministers cannot have been
wholly unaware of the spread of such
movements as those widely various ones
Of which Mr. Mail, Mr. Arch the Trades Unions,
MI Chamberlain Sir Charles Dixie Mr. Ireveyan,
aud Mr.. Butt are severally the advocates Not all
of them are ripe for legislation but not of them
can there any longer be hope Of sthng-still less
of ignoring. The Disestablishment of the Church
ot England may very possibly b. postponed for a
gcneraiion-thOuCh the agitation for 1t cannOt-and
10 possibly may Home Rule for Ireland But il Is
certain that the establishment OF National in place
Of the existing system of lClerical Education the
extension of the Franchise the redistribution Of
political power. aud the reform of the laws which
oppro. Labor and LabOreTsn the interest of Capital
aud Employers will be pressed on the next Parlia-
mcnt whether Mr.. DsraeG Mr.. Gladstone be
Prime Minister. Mr. Disraeli is perfectly capable OF
taking up any one Of them aud forcing 1t upon his
party. no matter now unwilling the party may be.
The friends of these measures compose the most
energetic and intelligent sections of the Liberal
party. To them if to anybody IT might have been
supposed Mr. Gladstone would look for support in
an appeal to the country. But he throws them all
over and his address presents him in light which,
If not new is at any rate very different from That
m which his party has grown accustomed TO regard
him.
In one word. Mr. Gladstones appeal is an appeal to
the pocket. On every other great subject than
finance lac is either vague or undetermined. On the
Education controversy, while intimatng that bis
real sympathcs are with the priestly party, yet
holding out hope that their opponents may be con-
ciliated he avoids positive committa He is for
improving the government of London and the Uni
yersitics neither of which questions is of the first
magnitude. He wants a thorough reform in Local
Government coupled with partial transfer of the
burdens of taxation from the rate-payers TO the
Imperial Treasury. / am not sure but that in one
paragraph he hints, or sQuints, al a modified Home
Rule for Ireland, under the plea of tightening
Imperial legislation by improvement in the organi-
cation of subordinate authority under the unques
toned control of Parliament" / am at a loss to
know how the question of the control of Parliament
could arise with respect to any other measure of
local or subordinate legislation than that which the
Irish want to set up in Dublin. On the Land laws
the Game laws the License laws, and the laws
affecting the relations between employer and
employed. he contents himself with the remark
that there is room for Improvement The agricultu-