The Rutland daily globe. [volume] (Rutland, Vt.) 1873-1877, 1874-10-20
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The average daily circulation OF DAILY GLOBE
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ARE WE DRIFTING TOWARDS
CENTRALIzATION

ARE WE DRIFTING TOWARDS
GENERALIZATION.
Hon. Lewis L. Parsons of Alabama, on
taking the chair to preside over the Chat
tanooga convention, said; 81 despair OF
d" state authority the federal government
must be invoked to give protection to
" life, liberty and home Whatever may
be the facts of the case which led to this
and similar remarks, we can scarcely fail
to note the confident assumption that the
federal government WILL as matter OF
course, upon application, interfere, with
force to control the action of the people in
any southern state. And the inference is a
legitimate one. This has been the policy
of the government since the late civil war,
if not before. During the process of recon-
s,ruction it was assumed that seeded states
had forfeited their right of government,
and until they were nominally admitted to
the full privileges of membership in the
union of states, all questions of their rights
were held in allegiance. But now the ques-
ton properly arises whether the relative
status of the restored states has been
changed ulder the modification of circum-
stances growing out of the rebellion. Do
the states now constitutionally hold tic
same relations to the general government
as before the war. II an affirmative an
swer is given, is not the assumption an
illegitimate one. TINT the federal govern
ment can at will right all the wrongs of
the people residing in these sovereign states.
If a negative answer must be given, 1t be-
comes grave question whether we are not
drifting into dangerous currents which may
carry us out upon the rocks that have be-
fore caused the wreck of many ship of
state, carrying the precious fr,ightage of
republican institutions.
The articles Of confederation, adopted
by the thirteen original states, provided in
article second, that each state should re-
tain its sovereignty, freedom and indepen-
dence, and every power, jurisdiction and
right which was not by that confederation
expressly delegated to the United States in
Congress assembled. The compact was
only league of friendship for their de-
tense and welfare. BY this agreement each
state surrendered its right to send or re-
ceive embassies to or from any foreign
country, make any treaty, lay imposts
which interfere with any treaties made by
To In
ton of war, and no vessels of war were to
be kept by state in time of peace This
surrender was made for the purpose of
mutual defense, but beyond these and few
other similar provisions no concession was
made. Each state was to be independent,
self-governed and sovereign. After the
war closed the statesmen began to reason
logically upon this subject, and the dam
gers to the republic from without being for
the present over, Montesqucs maxim be-
gan to be felt, eff a republic is small it is
destroyed by foreign foe if it is large it
is ruined by internal imperfection." And
when the new constitution was to be pre-
sented to the people for their acceptance
in 1877, the result was a document present
ing compromise between confederation
and consolidation. Patrick Henry and
other extreme republicans of that period
acclaimed eloquentlY and violently against
the tendency to Capitalization, expressed
in terms, eve, the people of the United
States" instead of ave, the United States,
ETC."
But the constitution was adopted with all
its uncertainty of expression, and a long
stride was made toward strong, central
lied power. The language of compromise
gave opportunity for the drifting of public
sentiment, and every internal struggle, in
the republic, ending of course in victory,
for the government, rendered the central
power stronger and the confederaled mem
bers weaker, so that if the federal govern
ment had not itself been in partial sym
patty with the rebellion of 1861 the war
history would have embraced but a brief
period, If indeed there had been any actual
outbreak. This war and the subsequent
circumstances of reconstruction gave a
further impetus to the centralizing ten
dency and our written constitution was as
poweress to check the revolution in the
real, though unwrittcn constitution as
Magma Charta to prescribe the limits of the
British constitution.
Accordingly acquiescing in the changes
which time and circumstances ha wrought,
the written constitution received the fifteen
amendments, and we are still moving for
ward, in progressive thought, towards
what ? 1t is time that we pause and con-
slider whittier we are tending. That gov
ornment which has strong central power,
may be less in danger from internal dlssen-
sions, and have equal power to resist en-
Entertainments from without But are we
not in danger OF losing some of our local
privileges to which we attach great value
1t should alse be remembered that if the
change is to go on until the central govern
ment absorbs all the power of the states
and erects one consolidated government
upon their ruins, there is then but few
steps to monarchy and tyranny There is
probably no occasion for alarm but it is
well to consider the tendency of the age,
as revealed in whlsperings of "a third
term" and other suggestive indications, and
be prepared to apply such checks as may be
needed.
THE OHIO DEFEAT.
The New York Republic imputcs the
Democratic triumph in Ohio to the prohib-