The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1874-03-29

a. the democracy ceased to follow Douglas.
Summer was dismissed and sent into the
mutinous exile of Seward and Chase and
Greeley. Success has transferred repub-
iicanism to the control of a class like the
democrats who ruled during the time Of
Buchanan. No matter what crime WAS pro-
posed in the interest of slavery, they sup
ported it. Kansas was polluted and
ravaged to crafty the shareholders, just
as Louisiana and South Carolina are plum
dered in the interest of the admins
tration. There were mad adventures
after Cuba and Central America, Just as we
now crave the Naboth's vineyard of St Do
mingo. There was corruption in Pennsylva-
min and in New York, as exposed by the Co
vode committee, Just as we have corruption
now in all circles OF government. Instead of
widening and strengthening the party and
seeking new departures in the interest of prog
ress, development and the national honor
everything is devoted to the consolidation Of
power. discipline" organization" drill, F"
''party fealty,' are the watchwords of republ-
canism now. Statesmen, violating the dying
speculation and gambling in the demand for
imitation, Just as the leaders of the democracy,
violating the words of Douglas, pandered to
the base and tuculent spirit in the South
which would only be content with war We
have strong government, compact party
and merciless discipline, precisely as we had
under Buchanan. Sumner was banished for
his revolt on ST. Domingo, and removed from
his Committee on Foreign Relations just as
Douglas was ostracized for his revolt on LIE.
compton, and dismissed from his Committee on
Territories. The country was subdivided aud
given over to the proconsuls just as it is to-
day Bright ruled in Indiana as Morton now
rules. Black was master of Pennsylvania as
Cameron is now its master. Gwin was the
viceroy on the Pacific coast in the same Office
now held by Stewart, of Nevada. while New
York was governed by combination as able
and audacious as that which now rules in the
name of General Grant. The aim of the demo-
cratic party was to consolidate power and per-
petuate slavery. Can we seriously doubt the
aim of the republican party?
Douglas died in exile, dishonored vainly
endeavoring to regain his old mastery. His
party fell with him. Democracy despised
Douglas, and its power came to an end. Sum-
ner died in Punishment and party discredit,
hoping, we may well believe, that his counsels
would be heard again as on that
famous day in Faneuil Hall. Is it
not possible that the remarkable historical
parallel will go further? May we not see in he
contest now waging i'll Massachusetts, the be-
ginning of the Revolutlon--the Lexington
fight over again? Can the administration,
powerful as il is, and the republican party,
skilled and disciplined as it has been by q
hundred victories, carry out the bold policy
which now seems to animate its leaders? Is
strong enough to make collectors such rs Sim
mons, governors such as Kellogg, Chief Justices
such as Williams; to keep the South in chaos
and to whirl the country into sea of imitation,
speculation and bankruptcy; to govern the
merchants of New York on the principles of
Rob Roy; to lead on from one achievement to
another, until we shall be called upon to ao-
cept General Grant as the only possible candi-
date for third term? All these achievements
are possible. A great party may do many Won
derful things, especially when the people are
apathetic and indifferent--when citizens care
more about their pleasures and their business
than about the country. But the revolution
which began in 1851 and ended in 1866 may
have parallel, not in war and strife, but in a
peaceful contest no less bitter and earnest,
and we trust, no less conducive to the glory
Of the country and the security Of republican
institutions