The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1874-06-16

Us TO the end, The ballot for
woman Is the grand lesson, as nl
VIII be the ripe fruit of the hardly
earned victory for, the slave Like other
great Issues It had TO bide its time; but it was
publicly sgitsted IS years ago by the men
and women who we're then foremost in the
battle for the negro. Slavery was then the
! previous question. but the rights of woman
are now i'm order. She is not only the victim
Of an aristocrscy Of wealth, but an aris-
tecracy of sex also. She needs emansipa-
rion from both Abolish the cruel domino
ton of capital which Expresses the working
classes OF both sexes, and bears hardest or
woman, and she still needs the ballot to lift
her to the common level. She needs it as
the gateway 70 opportunity, and the de-
use it in furthering their purposes; the
noblest and best Iarjns2 8 Qui1sra fI
| Ii r.a uwoMEN ARE DENIED TT.
An intelligent human being, subject to the
government under which he lives, answers
BILE to it in his person and property for DISC
bedience and Yet denied any political rights.
is slave. Allow me to refer to one fu rther
lesson of the anti slavery conflict, and that
is the duty of renouncing the authority of
political parties when they cease to stand
/ for living principle, and are banded to-
gether for mere power or plumber. This les
son is invaluable. Strange as il may appear.
|
age Is one of the hardest tasks in the whole
| field of reform. The abolitionists have
shown the world how to perform il, and
with what magnificent results. When they
began their grand WORK, the country was
divided, as it is to-day, into two hos
tile camps: The questions in dispute
were not vital, but related simply TO mat
ters of administrative policy, while on the
| portentous and overshadowing question Of
slavery both espoused the side of the
oppressor. AS the issues which divided
them gradually faded away and ceased to be
| the pivots of controversy leaving nothing
in dispute but the spoils of Office, their de-
| votion to slavery waxed stronger and
stronger, while party discipline was kept
alive in its utmost vigor by the mere force
of habit and the memory OF past conflicts.
Against such a party deyil-worshp, the
abolitionists waged war. They declared
their political independence, and called on
/ these organizations, in the name of human
ity, to disband. The political parties aud
| the churches of the lard were alike branded
as the bulwsrks OF slavery, and in return
these iconoclssts encountered per-
! feet torrent OF rancorous personal
abuse and political defamation, which
has seldom been equaled and never sur
passed in the annals of party warfare But
they were undaunted. The abolitionists
who believed in political action organized a
party. They nominated candidates. Their
1 III.
they were sure they were right, they never
doubted as to the final result. They were
] them selves partiZans but their party was the
/ servant of their cause and lot the master of
| their own liberty. When the famous anti
slavery uprising of lS4S opened the way for
large accessions to their numb ers, they dis
banded their little organization, surrendered
its name, and fell into line with the free-soil
movement. They were the soul of
THIS NEW COMBINATION,
but they did not idolize it. They did not
confound 1t with the great end, for the at
tainment of which they employed it simply
as means. To them it was only mile
stone of progress. 1t was the forerunner of
a larger movement which they confidently
predicted; and when, therefore, the subse-
quent repeal of the Missouri restriction pre-
pared still greater multitudes to rally under
the banner of freedom, these aboliiionists
were ready TO dOif the party name under
which they had battled for years, and
merge themselves in a still more formidable
com bination, under the name of the repub-
lican party. And they WEI Q its spirit and its
! life; but they never were its slaves. WHY
should any friend of his country entertain
the thought Of putting the new cloth of
reform into these old garments? And how
can he do SO without forgetting the example
of the anti-slavery fathers, whose war
fare began In their revolt against the slavery
of the caucus? More than a quarter of a
century ago, when Sumner saw that the old
wing party was morally lost, he walked ont
of it. "The slave of principle" said he. al
call no party MASTER" and the people to day
honor him without measure for the act
4 which they then condemned. But when, in
his old age, he walked out of the party OF
which he was chief among its fathers and
founders, and for the glory of which be had
done more than any man in the nation, be-
| a w a mo- "
lost, sorrowfully parting with the friends of
a lifetime with whom he had stood in peace
and in war, and whose love was now turned
into hate and scorn, he did an act so divinely
heroic that in the light OF 1t the luster
of all the other grand deeds of his
grand life seems dim. For this act of sub
lime self-renuuciation, this beautifue IL
lustration of the truth that the duties of lite
are more than life, he was hunted a polit-
zeal outlaw by the vultures and jackals of the
| party tyranny which his conscience COM
manded him TO rebuke. Has that tyranny
any claims upon the forbearance of any true
man? Has the rival tyranny, which is
equally bent upon prolonging it's equally
Improbable life? In dealing with these
organized iniquities shall speak with bsted
breathY Shall / mince the honest truth,
land mollify damnation with a phrase?" i
certainly would not unnecessarily wound
the feelings or offend the honest prejudices
of any man or woman, but my subject de-
mands that shall be "as harsh as truth and
as uncompromising as Justice" 1 am
ready, therefore, to apply the words of an
other, spoken years ago in a discussion, and
welcome the bolt, whether it comes from
heaven or hell, that shall shiver the old
party dynasties into their original atoms.
TIRED OF LIFE.
WHAT Is KNOWN OF MARIE DARoN-How SHE