Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1874-01-29

NIllCO' AhC COolAAOIh AJNeeNSE
did the same. All the authOri-
ties, State and Federal, legisla-
tive and judicial, rise before the
nation and interpOse a bulwark
against the passage Of this act.
The only limitation upon this
ancient right Of the States to
regulate their own domestic af-
fairs is the fifteenth amendment,
which prohibits the State from
denying the right of suffrage to
any citizen on account of race,
color, or previous condition Of
servitude.
Again, if there is no authori-
ty under the fourteenth amend
ment, nor in the second clause
of article 4 of the constitution
of the United States, where
does it get its authority? Has it
a common law authority? Sir,
that never was incorporated as a
part Of the law of the United
States. 1t never has been pre-
tended to be exercised as a part
of the law Of the United States.
| have said that it was impO-
little to pass this bill, The col
ored man has everything to lose
by it and nothing to gain.-
There is no coerciye power on
the part Of Congress toward
the State to compel it to levy a
tax for educational purposes
The laws Of some of the States
are now giving the colorcd Peo-
pie the benefit Of education,
pouring its beams of enlighten-
ment upon the African race, by
dividing the school funds in
proportion to the scholastic pop
ulation of the two races, al
though they are divided into
different schools. Should Con-
gress attempt to drive the
Southern States, having sepa-
rate common schools,to the wall,
and attempt to force their tastes,
and, if you please, their natural
and conventional repugnance to
color and race, into social con-
tact, they will refuse to tax them
selves for the support of such an
educational system. This the
whites can do in Tennessee, for
they can vote three to one over
the coi2red people. But l have
no time to dwell upon that part
of the subject. [ have said that
this bill was unnecessarily
What rights are now denied to
the colored race? They h2ve
the freedom of the press, the !
freedom of speech, the freedom
of the ballot, the freedom Of |
office, the freedom Of the courts,
and the rights of property. All
the avenues Of power and office
of this Government have been |
thrown wide open tOthem. The !
Constitution Of the State Gov |
ernments have opened the ave-
nues to them and let them ill.,
The Constitution Of the United
States has opened to let them in.
All the gates are wide open to
them. Even the white house is
now set as a prize before the eye
of the African. Sir, they have
all the rights Of the boasted
Roman citizen, the right Of hol-
ding slaves excepted. Still
they clamor here.
Why, Mr.. Speaker, and Rep +.
resentativcs upon the other. side
of the House, their civil and po-
litical elevation is unparalleled
in the history of nations. No
nation of their race before has
emerged from the broken chains
and yoke of slavery, been ha-
bilitated, and raised to the gran
deur Of American citizens, in
the same length of time
France and England emancipa-
ted their slaves, but the eman- /
cipated never dreamed that they
should have letters Of nobility,
or should be elevated to the
woolsack; never, never.
Here the hammer fell.
Allow me two minutes more.
I desire to refer to the real
wants of the negro. Sir, he can
stand a little tobacco smoke in
a railroad car better than he
can the tobacco tax. Let him
strive to get that off, and then
to get back the seventy millions
of cotton tax which the Gov
ernment has taken uncondi-
tionally from him and us. Not
only that, but cut down your
tariff, lay your pruning-knite to
it, and cut off the redundant
excrescences. Reform your
currency, which by its fuctua-
tions has recently destI Dyed
one-third of the value of the