The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1874-06-20

are injurious t. ell parties directly con-
cerned, and injurious t. the State at
large, as they check and interfere with
production, detract from the general pros
perity, and clog industrial progress
generally. But, sir, no greater mistake
was ever make than laying all the blame
at the door Of the worklngman. Aglta-
tors, free eaters and demagogues may and
sometimes do precipitate men into strikes,
but in most instances the unjust exactions
and tyrannical policy of the employer are
the cause. But be the cause what 1t may,
one thing is clear, the State can not legis-
late intelhgently upon the matter unless
the causes Immediate and remote are
understood and thoroughly comprehended.
If you we're to interrogate the ordinary
legislator as to his knowledge Of strikes,
whether they are due to our wages system,
to the innate viciousness Of the men or
the sordid cupidity of the employer,
OF what are the best means of rendering
them less frequent-Or removing them
altogether, he could answer you only in
the words of Socrates, ''We nothing know
except that we know nothing" on that
question, and yet some members of the
General Assembly have undertaken to
legislate npon this subject. A few years
ago MIR. Emmett introduced bill to
prevent strikes, or at least that was the
object. The bill in itself had the form
and substance of a conspiracy act. The
measure failed but it has been dug up
again by a Mr. Fisher, and is now before
the General Assembly 1t is fair sample
of symptomatical, empirical, Legislative
quackery. The object of this statesman
may be disinterestedly good, but his meth
DDS are the result Of stupid ignoI ance on
great social question. | do not blame the
statesman for this ignorance ] rather
blame the State. Had we bureau of the
character designated in operation in the
State, Mr. Fisher would have at least the
means of obtaining knowledge, which
would enable him to deal directly with the
strike question, instead of dealing with
evils which are simply very remote lndl-
cation, that a great wrong exists some
where a great distance back of them in
stead Of seeking to have passed an act
which is an embodied menace to the free
dom Of thought and liberty Of action Of
the laborer, he would rather concihate him
by seeking the enactment Of law based
upon the best interests Of the man and his
employer, | say this Of course upon the
assumption that Mr. Fisher is honest and
would, provided he knew how, legislate
for the general good of all classes. If this
fisher after legislative perfection really de-
sires to accomplish anything tangible or
valuable, he must cast his lines into deeper
waters Instead Of angling in the creeks
and rivulets which are merely the outlets
of the great lake Of sociological wrong, he
must cast his lines into the lake itself.
This strike question IS Of national i'm
portance already, and as our population is
assuming an urban and dense character in
which the labor element Is rapidly pre-
dominating, It's Importance as great State
question Is fast overshadowing many
others. The State can not afford to have
her producers on strike one fourth Of the
time, nor one tenth Of the time the EN-
ployer can not afford it, and, least Of all,
can the employe afford it. Yet strikes are
an every day occurrence Why 4! Burke
says at Is never from the desire to at
tack that people rise, but from impatience
under suffering, and | am satisfied that it
is never from desire to do wrong that
workingmen strike, but from impatience
under the i'll effects Of inadeguately COM
pensated laboE. If you deny this, desire
to know what is the cause I If you say it
is the vicious folly of the men, in their be-
half deny it and ask that the matter be
investigated, that the facts be brought out
and the odium be located where it rightly
belongs. If you refuse to do this, my case
is established, for your refusal Is a confes-
sion of your fear that the facts are against
you. But aside from that view Of the
case, claim that if we had full and
accurate history of all the strikes which
occurred for the last ten years in Ohis, We
would not only be able to determine their
cause, but be able to apply remedy com
patlble with the condition Of the wrong
and | further claim that any annual de-
tailed statement Of the financial and moral
injury done the citizen and state through
the agency of strikes, would have salu-
tory effect upon all classes. 1t would
furnish the employed and the employers
food for serious thought and sober, rational
consideration from which contemplation,
highly beneficial effects, would in all
probabilities result. And now for the
final consideration to which | wish to di-
rect your attention. Sir, | have received
many letters from WOrkingmen in various
parts Of the State | have been personally
importuned by others have been spoken
to by members Of this convention, touch
ing matter which deeply concerns the
industrial classes in many portions of the
State. refer to the store pay or truck
system. Corporations or individual are in
the habit of paying their workingmen in a
species of ''shin plaster" money or scrip
which reads good for five, ten OF fifty cents
as the case may be, in merchandise at the
company's store. By this means the men
are compelled to trade at the companys
store-in all cases paying an exhorbitant
price for an inferior article. The company
Is not satisfied with reducing the laborers
compensation to the lowest possible pit
tance, upon which he can maintain his
family. They slsotax heavily his scanty,
meagre earnings through the agency of
these truck shops in which he is forced to
trade. OF course he is not legally COM
PEELED to take this ''shinplaster" money.
He can demand national currency, but if
he does 90, he loses his situation, and as
the only alternative is store pay or starv
alton, must be admitted that he has not
much choice in the matter. Now, sir, /
believe the issuing Of these store orders,
which circulate as money, il illegal and
unconstitutional. But it should be prohib
tied by statutory law enforced by fines
and penalties, and l think the General As
sembly would have long since attended to
this matter if full and detailed informs-
ton upon it had been presented to their
notice. There are members upon this
floor, who could, if they would, sickeD-
ing tale unfold Of the hardships and
wrongs inflicted upon workingmen, their
wives and children by these self-cOnstituted
bankers who issue money redeemed ut
store counters in calico, molasses. etc. Ii
The good people of our State generally
were made acquainted with all the facts
concerning this evil, hardly think any
legislation would be necessary a. public
sentiment alone would evolve sufficient
moral force to wipe out the wrong. A