The Jackson standard. [volume] (Jackson C.H., Ohio) 1847-1888, 1874-06-18
The Civil Rights Bill.

the equality of all citizens before the
law. 1t is to wipe out color from Amer
ican citizenship. There is but one idea
in the bill, said Mr.. Frelinghuysen in
reporting it, "and that is the equality of |
races before the law" "It's theory is"
wrote Mr.. Sumner to friend at the end
of December, 1871, ''that in all institu-
tions, functions, and privileges created or
regulated by law, there shall be no dis
elimination on account of color" 1t Is |
in no sense, therefore, special favor to |
the negro, and it is monstrous to assert |
that to secure simple equality before the
law to any citizen is favor to him. IL |
is the mere protection of right, and to |
refuse it is the plainest injustice. Inns
bill is a simple declaration of the equall- |
ty of the citizens of the United States
Nor can we think that its passage in the
Senate was due to any sentimental re-
gard for the memory of Sumner. Many
of the gentlemen who supported it were
in no sense especial friends of Mr.. Sum-
ner, and serutinized every proposition of
of his with a predisposition of disappro-
val. But they very properly felt that 1t
is simple duty to secure absolute equal
ity under the law, and that is all that
they have done by the passage of the
bill. Discrimination by law against
class is a denial of equal rights. That
discrimination exists, and this bill pro.
vides remedy. 1t is supplementary.
to the act of April 9, 1866, which Presl-
dent johnson vetoed, and which was
passed in the House over the veto by a
vote of one hundred and ninety-fye to
torty-one If there are insuperable OBJ
jections to this bill, they are conclusive
against the policy which, having eman-
cipated the slaves, then gave them equal
civil and political rights. 1t may be wise
to agitate for change of that policy, but
it is certainly the height of inconsequent
folly to insist that, under fundamental
constitutional guarantee of equality, in
equality shall be authorized by law.
The chief objection that we have seen
upon the Republican side is that the bill
will injure the negro by forcing mixed
schools, which will end in the ruin OF
the system of education. But it no
more forces mixed schools than prohi-
bition of separate schools for children
of different nationalities by birth or race,
or religious faith would force them. 1t
says very distinctly and very righteously
that no class of citizens of the United
States shall be stigmatized by legal com
pulsion to separate schools or exclusion
from public conveniences authorized by
law. The argument that it is false
friendship for the negro, because it vir-
tually condemns him to ignorance, is not
only not sound, but it is part of the
old assertion that it was unkind to
emancipate him, because he could not
take care of himself lit is a good
thing" say some of the more moderate
opponents, but it is not good now. Why
undertake it in the face of so great a
prejudice p But upon what conceivable
ground is it urged that the laws of the
United States should recognize a preju-
dice against any citizen or any number
of citizens? And how soon do these OBJ
iectors think that a prejudice will disap-
pear which is fortified, positively or neg
atively, by law?
The speediest way to remove the pref
udice against the colored race in this
country-for that is at the bottom oi
most of the arguments against this bill
is to make the laws equal, and trust tc
time and humanity for the rest 1t is
very much wiser to take the risk of clos
ing some of the schools now than o.
nourishing q prejudice of this kind in
definitely; and those who insist that the
matter should be dealt with practically
and not sentimentally are the very per
sons who should remember that the
practical fact is that in several States o
Union half of the population is colored
and that peace and harmony are impos
sible with equal laws. As for the party
views, which is much urged in somt
quarters, the chief fact is that the Re
publican party, by the various amend
ments upon the subject, which it has in
troduced into the constitution, meant t.
make the colored population perfectl,
equal citizens under the law. It ma,
have been a sentimental mistake, bu
that was the purpose; and until tn
party has taken care that this shall b
done, it has not achieved its purpose
This bill completes the work. 1t force
nobody to marry his cook, or to din
with distasteful company; but it forbid
innholders and managers of theatres t.
treat as lepers those who under the Law
have precisely the same rights as the,
have themselves.
The Democratic opposition to it is o
the old kind. 1t is, in the first place
the familiar argument, do you wis
your daughter to marry negro p whicl
was the perfection of the old Democrat
anti-war logic upon the slavery question
and in the second place, the allegation
of the unconstitutionality of all sucl
laws, and the annihilation of Stat
rights There can. however, be no que:
ton that under the amended constitu
ton legal equality is a right of Unite
States citizenship, and that Congress ha
the right to enforce it by appropriat
legislation 1t is lamentable to refec
that for a whole generation, durin
which the paramount question in ou
politics was that of human slavery, no
only were the sympathy and policy {
the Democratic party against the unfol
tunate slaves, but it's constitutional argI
ment was monotonous effort to perple.
every movement for their relief Demo
cratic sympathy sustained slavery and r.
bellion, and has steadily opposed ever
attempt to establish absolute equalit
before the l. y among citizens. W
trust that the I ,use will promptly cor
cur with the Sen-te; and if the Republ
cans lose power in consequence, tn
Democratic party can repeal the law
it chooses.
The remedy for the unhappy situation
in some of the Southern States is not
policy of jealousy and petulance towar
only manly, honorable, humane cours
is to do one one of two things-either t
withdraw equality of citizenship or t
protect it. When we have resolved upol
the latter course, let us surround tn
wise exercise of that citizenship with a
many guarantees as may be necessary. /
those guarantees consist in an educate'
suffrage, in tax-paying representation
or in whatsoever it may be, there is n
doubt that they will have a powerful
support. But to allow prejudice to b
recognized by law does nothing but pre-
long and imbitter it.-Harpers Weekly.
If persons could only stop telling false
hoods! 1t seems a very little thing tt
III 6 l,