The New Orleans bulletin. [volume] (New Orleans [La.]) 1874-1876, 1874-09-08

IOIUI anu Cudl dCtci, WIZ ItSptCSu CIcult duu
sacred Obligations, than such Union we shall
cert Inly see if Arkansas and South Carolina are
permitted to drag these federal States into the
aby IS Of bankruptcy. This can be in no respe
a wholesome living Union, and the end viii be
a destructlO by reputation more disastrous
than would have been the d. structlon by war.
What then is the remedy: 1t is idle to talk OF
military power to keep the peace. No military
power can keep the peace Ill country bent upon
disturbance unless bv the eXtcrmina ton of the
people. Spain has been trying 70 forty years to
preserve order in her Biscayan PROVINCES, and III
the end she has civil war irritating as 1t was
when Espartero made himself the Duke OF Vic
tory. The public sentiment of this country would
not admit Of any policy which locked to the armed
occupation Of the South 1t would be an expense
an ofcnse, scandal burden that could never
be chccrfullv borne violation OF the genius OF
our institutions. On the other hand tuls public
sentiment would never consent to the revival OF
slavery, to the recognition OF its existence III amy
torui, except as crime happily abolished and
atoned. Nor would it accept any OF the respon-
sipilltcs Of those who made the febolol the Con-
ederac debt, the cotton loans the losses Of those
who went into secession and whose property was
taken by troops, the sequestration OF lands like
those Of Arlington. Nor can We consider for a
moment any policy that would regard the negroes
of the South. who formerly slaves, i'll any
other relation than that of freemen, citizens, and
entitled to every right Of citizenship. There are
certain inevitable facts growing out Of our war,
lust as they grow ont OF all wars and all revolll-
tons. The English revolution made Parliament
free and destroyed absolute power. The French
revolution made France the home the heritage
and the glory OF every FroncAman, and deereed
noble and peasant equal before the law. Our
own secession revolution consolidated the Cnlon
and cluancipatcl the slaves. hesc are the fruits
Of the contest, tie inevitable facts that came
from it. that can never be destroyed or taken
away and for winch we should go to war tO-nor-
row Ca ser!s As Eng land for the freedom of her
Parliament, or France for the preservation OF
the fruits Of her revolution.
But there are other questions III no way vital
which do not affect these inevitable Results, and
the consideration of winch craftsmanship would
impose upon Have we Tot imposed too heavy
IA line upon the South as the consequence OF the
war? Have We not punished her, although a
sister Commonwealth, ten times more severely
than France was punished by the ailen invader !?
Ii Germany astonished the world in cNactlnS
five milliard- from France, What must be thought
Of the fine of ten milliaIds, which, estimating
each slave at tive hundred dollars was imposed
upon the South hy the proclamation OF enanclpa
ton? Should not some compensation be
made to the South for this enormous
fine not III the way OF actual money
paid to former Shareholders, but i'll the develop
nent of industries i'll the South that were destroy
ed by the war: lfw OF the Northern States for
generations sustained, approved and pro1ted by
slavery when 1t was an institutions, should we not
assume solle Of the expense and responsibility OF
regard, & it az crime? because we conquered
the South have We any right to desolatc 1t Can
there b., any form Of desolation more thorough
than to compel the p opc to bear all the burdens
of the war which they assumed-of the abolition
Of slavery which wc at one time guaranteed to
them as an Institution, well OF the debt
we contracted ourselves to suppress the rebel
lion: Can there be any genuine rcconstruc-
ton that makes it the object Of the Southern
leaders to aim to destroy by reputation the
Union they failed to destroy by secession? These
are grave questions. TO the minds Of some OF
our readers they may no doubt be novel, and it
may be said that we take gloomy or fantastic
view Of ihe situation III the South. But there
certainly Is an evil III the South that We have not
reached. We are rapidly drifting upon chaos,
disorder, Of races, reputation. We have
made our brothers of yesterday our enemies, and
not only enemies, bat surrender to their
mercy the credit Of the nation and the happiness
of the four millions OF slaves We emancpated.
| More than all. we have given them 10 motive fol
reconstruction; but on the contrary. VIC have
left them every temptation t" war upon the
| Union.
| These are living questions. 1t is not for us to
decide them; but we do not see how there can be
reconstruction until they are decided. Would it
not be the wisest craftsmanship, therefore, to
call together Il national convention to console
| the war. its causes, COZ sequences and results,
and how best the Union can adj Just itself to the
new and strange conditions it has left to us Lea
as hur, - tuiioum Gonre,.tiOn Of Ve4ct and vc-
soHTI.utftDn.