New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1874-09-15

TUESDAY, SEPfEMbEh Io,g
tleman to say that he did not desire to go to
Congress, and how accordingly he Poland)
authorized the editor Of his home paper to an
nounce his name as o candidate. Having thus
become a party to the conflict. he ingenuousiy
adds: al endeavored, as candidates. usually
"do, to incite my friends to active exertions
=" to have my supporters at the caucuses for
"tbe choice of delegates" He denies that ne
used money or authorized the use OF money
TO control the action of the Convention. He
complains that both before and after the Con-
yention he was stigmatized as Credit Mo-
"bilier Whitewater" a Salary -Grabber," and
"Press-Gagger,' and says he has no desire to
change his record upon any of these questions,
but is confident it will bear the closest scru-
tiny. With reference to his official conduct he
SAYS he has never done anything that was not
according to the dictates of his conscience and
Judgment, and asserts that he has never been
the gamer of one cent by any vote or other
official act All of which may be true. 1t is
not necessary to put down Judge Poland as
deliberately bad or dishonest man to believe
him unfit In these times for seat and vote
in Congress. Doubtless be meant well. But
he was very weak. In the Credit Mobilier
business, the Salary Grab. and the Press Gag
law he did not mean to be dishonest or to
conspire against the liberty of the press. But
he could not resist the influence of the stronger
men about him; he allowed them to use HIM,
and he has reaped the fruits of it. In a
clearer and more wholesome atmosphere than
that of Washington, his constituents saw the
meaning and the consequences of his acts, and
in no spirit of unlindness, but more in sorrow
than in anger, voted to keep him at home.
The old gentleman was disappointed and
mortified, aud has as good as said so in his
letter.
To the sadly explanatory and mildly depre-
catory tone of this letter, the rafting self
consciousness and aggressive character OF Mr..
Buffers opening speech at Gloucester are in
marked contrast. Mr.. Butler recognizes the
call of his country. Having read in a South
ern paper, which he neglects to name, =" a
"notice served upon the negroes that they
"must either be deprived of all political
"rights or the State shall be a military terri
"tory.r he said to himself: Ny mission in
I" the service of my country Is not ended. The
"war waged to establish the Just right OF
"the citizen is not yet over. Whatever have
e." of remaining health aud strength must be
"deyoted to putting this matter right" And
then with his usual mOdesty he adds: And
I" here take leave to say to you, what you
"know and believe, that have done and can
3" do rs much in that direction, if in no other
"wav. as any man who will present himself
81 for your votes, be he whom he may"
There is something imposing in the grand
self-assurance with which this is said. In any
other man it might be the sublimity of i'm
pudence, but In Butler it does not seem strange
or unusual, only quite characteristic Or piece
with this exhibition is his whole argument
upOn the financial question, to which he
devotes large portion of his address, in the
course of which he boasts that he stood as
"the one man in New-England who voted
with the majority of the Republican Fparty
"of the nation in both Houses of Congress-"
His reasons for voting for initiation are like
wise characteristic. They denote the process
of his thought and the quality of his mind.
Sfted down they amount simply to this, that
he saw that Massachusetts, capital was largely
invested in enterprises at the West, and that
unless the Western people among whom these
notions of currency and finance. the Western
representatives would be very likely to vote
against Massachusetts, interests. And he sup
ports his argument by the assertion that he
was able to carry through the bill for the dis
tribution of the Geneva Award by Western
votes which he secured through his course
upon initiation. That is Mr.. Buffers idea of
craftsmanship, his theory of political economy.
1t is nothing more nor less than political
pettifogging and bargaining naked and
shameless barter of votes r And yet he goes
before his constituents and boasts of it.
1t is not necessary to follow his speech.
We have indicated the spirit of it. Taken in
connection with the Poland letter it makes a
fair disclosure of the characteristics of two
classes of Administration politicians. 4 Mr..
Butler is the confidence man of the party,
Mr.. Poland the confederate who has been
duped and used and does not know it. The
constituents of the latter have remanded him
to private life. If Mr.. Buffers constituents
will do the same for him, it will be another
long step toward political publication.