New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1874-01-31
BY TELE GRAPH,
CONGRESS-.

tee on Military Affairs to day reported join
| resolution instructing the President to con
vene military court of inquiry of five off
GERS to investigate the charges against Gen
eral o. 0. Howard. After a long discussion
II was passed with an amendment givins
the accused the right Of challenge.
| The rest of the day was given to privat,
| bills.
Mr.. Chandler, from the Commerce Com
mittee, reported favorably on the bill t.
| facilitate the execution of and protection O.
| certain public works at the mouth of tht
| Mississippi river.
Mr.. Davis, of West Virginia, objected te
| its present consideration, and the bill wen,
| over.
Mr.. Carpenter spoke fo- over two hours
on Louisiana affairs, and during his
| speech spoke of his. intention to introduce
| tomorrow new election bill for that
| State.
Mr.. Morton followed in bitter speech
saying that it was a measure of blood. He
| will conclude to morrow.
Mr.. Gordon presented memorial of the
Governor of Georgia, asking payment by
| the United States for the use of the West
| ern and Atlantic and East Tennessee rail
roads, the property of said State.
The Senate adjourned until Monday.
Ia ouO OCAdtC tO-udy, dU Uu0 cAplTdLlOu O1
the morning hour, Mr.. Carpenter resumed
the floor and continued his remarks on the
Louisiana case.
He said that he did not condemn the ac
ton of the President in any Of these Louis
lana proceedings, because he merely or
dered that the process of the federal court
should be executed. He had no better
guide than that order, and could do nothing
but order it's execution. He therefore laid
no stress on any action of the President, or
on Marshal Packard; they were not to
blame. The responsibility rested upon
Judge Durell.
He read the telegram from Attorney Gen.
eral Williams to Marshal Packard, direct
ing that officer to enforce the DEGREES and
mandates of the United States court, dated
December g. and argued that that telegram
was not in recognition of the Kellogg gov
ernment, but only directing that the orders
Of the court be enforced, which the .Presi-
dent was bound to do.
He next read telegram of Collector
Casey to the Preside Mt, dated December 6,
1872, announcing the seizure of the State
House, setting forth that the decree was
sweeping in It's character. He (Carpenter)
thought there never was more truthful
comment than that. 1t was a sweeping
decree. and swept away the rights Of an
entire State.
Next followed the telegram from Pinch
back to tue President, stating that all was
quiet. but asking, as a precautiOn, that the
general government should interfere
He next quoted from the law and consti
tuition, as to when the President had au-
thority TO interfere, and he could do so in
bat two instances; one in case of insurrec-
ton against the State, and the other in case
of the obstruction of the laws of the United
States.
In the Rhode Island troubles the Presi-
dent had full power to interfere, it being
case OF insurrectioR against the State; an
attempt to Overturn legal State govern
ment and put another in it's place. The
Legislature of Rhode Island certified to the
President that there was an insurrection in
the State. and called upon him to interfere;
but President Tyler moved very carefully,
first sending out agents, and then the Sec
retary of War, to make preliminary ex-
animation, in order 10 keep himself within
the power conferred upon him
1t was absurd 10 argue that the telegram
from Attorney General Williams was a
recognition of Pinchback's election. Did
the Senator from Indiana tMorton) mean
to say that the President of the United
States could cit ON his cushioned chair and
telegraph over the country, II recognize
you as Governor; l recognize such as the
Legislature" in time Of troubles, without
any case being made out to him? No, sir;
we had not come to that in this country.
He next read from Kellogg's proclama-
ton. stating that domestic violence existed
is several parishes, which the authorities
could not repress, without great expense
and bloodshed, and calling upon the govern
ment for aid. He wanted to avoid expense;
wanted to avoid blOodshed, and therefore
called upon the President for the army of
the United States. Armies did not gener-
ally 0uell disturbances without blOOdshed.
This bogus government in Louisiana, now
standing a year, with it's riot and disturb
ance, was all the result of the non-action of
Congress when it ought to have acted. A
new election should have been ordered in
session of the Senate, when the vote was
taken at five o'clock in the morning, there
was majority of two against the bill.
Mr.. MortOn-That was the trouble.
Mr.. Carpenter-Ie Ies it was tho trouble;
trouble to that State; trouble To this coun-
try: trouble to the fair name of our land.
Mr.. Merton asked if the gentleman Car
penter) thought the President did right in
issuing his proclamation.
Mr.. Carpenter replied that he we'll un-
derstoOd the motive in putting that ques-
ton. He did say the proclamation was is
sued without authority. There was no
case made before the President to authorize
him to interfere. This was a case of do
mestic violence, and the President should
know nothing about domestic violence.
That was not case to bring him to his
feet. There must be case OF insurrectiOn
in the State, and against the State govern
ment therefore there was no authority for
that proclamation. 1t might be that Con-
gress, under the powers conferred upon it
by the constitution, could send troops there;
he did not say whether it could or not.
The Senator from Indiana tMOrtOn) had
pleaded an estOppel on the right of the
Senate to inquire into the facts of Pinch
backs election on the ground that the Leg
islature electing him had been recognized.
He tCarpenter) denied that the President
had ever recognized the Legislature. The
President paid no attention to them when
they called upon him, but he treated them
with entire contempt. The President of
the United States, in the last days of the
session, sent a message to Congress. laying
the responsibility upon it's shoulders, and
saying to Congress that if it did not act he
would continue to recognize the Kellogg
government; but the Presidents interfer-
ence then might have been ON entirely diff
ferent grounds.
He (Carpenter) was not much of lawyer
and nothing of a politician, and he had no
doubt the Senator from Indiana (Mo-tOnl
was LAY luS ioI HinI III tue lOFum OF pOllIlcS,
and would say to the country that he had
been abusing the President. The President
is empowered to call out forces to enforce
DEGREES of the court, and all that he did
might be rested on that-might be his de-
Tense, politically: and the Senator (Morton)
need not report him to his constituents for
the President for sending troops
to Louisiana.
The proclamation of the President had a
salutary effect, and he was glad it was
ssued; but to say the effect of what the
President did was an estoppel to the Senate