National Republican. (Washington City (D.C.)) 1872-1888, 1874-03-24

49, - 3 ~ . - 49,,
labon IN ihs pa ksvs bsea exAsasiive.
but notso much . - to reduce him below
the point Of possible rscapersiica. ItmAy.
thereioss, b accepted = probable that be
VIII recover from his present depression
when The opportunity b Afforded BY the
plumbers Of Dlsraeli to begin anew The
struggle for power before the people. II
h0wevef. he executes his threat to retire
nom tho strife. some other and younser
man win rise to an his placs. It b thsee-
fore. apparent that the length q Diseaeli's
administration b - uncertain q the tenure
Of that Of his predecessor, and the rotation
win be continued q usual. {
How much the British voters ere inter
ested In these constantly recurring changes
ID question which provokee eafnest
thought The fAct that they are aroused
periodically to defeat either one aide or the
other would indicate In this country that
the strength Of the respective parties d
about evenly balanced; but q tho recent
victory Of tho Liberals proves. such b mot
the casa. The voters have become 20 habit
uated to appeals from the opposition and
arguments 70 prove that the promises Of
reform Ivy 'the Government" remain un-
fulfilled that they accept It to bs their peri.
odically recurring duty to enable the minor
ity to gain power. In other words. 1t is only
required that the minority shall appeal for
support to the people to insure tho over
throw Of the majority. II there were any
principle ut stake in which the people had q
decided interest the result would be differ
emit; but Is 1t Is, they vote blindly under the
excitement Of the moment against the men
who are certain In time to receive cordial
support at their hands. It Is not to be won.
dered ct, then, that Gladstone declares his
countrymen to be ingrates. He might have
saved himself the trouble, however, Of de-
nouncing the inadequate support Of his
party, for II he looks deep into the direct
causes of his defeat he will find that in
reality he had no party from which to ex-
pect support Of any kind. The cohesive
power of party organizations. he must
know, does not reside in political rewards
alone, or in the power to control public
plumber, but Is based upon solid principles,
which attract voters, bring them together
in q common cause and induce them to re-
main loyal to well-dehned policy, whether
its success Is assured or not. He suffered
from an absence of this kind of support Is
every English leader Is apt to suffer, be-
cause none of them have proved to be able,
or, If able. have dared. to put themselves
forward as the advocates of living princi-
pies. The pretended issues which they
force upon the public are not calculated to
take deep and lasting hold upon the affec-
tons of the people. and an analysis of them
at any time, even when the gravest are at
stake. clearly proves that they are based
upon questions far removed from the vital
impulses and heartfelt inspiration of the
masses.
1t may be said that the Home Rule qucs,
ton is calculated to enlist the popular SYM
pathy, and 1t must be admitted that it is to
a limited extent; but it is apparently local
issue, confined to Ireland, and only of in
terest to the voters in England as an evil
dence of the restlcssness of the Irish people
to the present form of the British Govern
ment. 1t savors not little of that discon-
tent which gave birth to Fenianism, and
the average Englishman would therefore
accept it as the incipient development of
revolutionary tendencies. But even the &C.
complishment of the Home Rule project
would not relieve British politics from
the apathetic and listless disinterestedness
which they now receive at the hands Of the
people. 1t might give Ireland up to excite
ments of the Kilkenny cat-fight kind, and
the Home Rulers might quarrel among
themselves over some trivial question
with all the volatile earnestness that
the Irish race is capable Of, but
it would not reach down to the
chords which beat in every mans heart
in sympathy with the inspiration Of self
interest and political freedom. In Eng
land, as we'll as throughout the entire king
dom, this inspiration is pcnt UP and stulti-
fed by the customs Of generations, and
while the people vote first this way and
then that. possibly unaware of the fact that
they are capable Of using their ballots to q
better advantage; while they are partially
with excitements and contests
which do not pertain to them; and while
their leaders use them only as the creatures
or puppets Of the political situation, 1t exists
IS an irresistible power, needing only the
incentive of well-developed and properly.
directed opportunity to burst from its con-
6nement in noble and glorious assertion of
popular independence. The result would
be the destruction Of royalty, with all its
pretensions and useless extravagance, and
the formation of . government with some
thing more than nominal head as its chief
executive, to be followed by the organiza.
ton of parties based upon lasting principle.
the tenure of which would be decided only
by the interested act of the governed.
POINTS IN THE INVESTIGATION.
1t was testified to yesterday:
1. That Governor Shepherd had no con
nection whatever with Mr.. Kilbourn's real
estate transactions.
Q. That no member of the District gov
eminent was interested except x-Governor |
Cooke, and he only to the extent of the |
interest he held in the firm Of Jay Cooke |
3 Co.
8. The investment oftwenty- five thousand |
iollars in real estate by Ex-Governor Cooke |
was not his personal matter. but was in
vested for the firm of Jay Cooke & Co.
1. Columbus Alexander was one Of the |
men from whom Mr. Kilbourn bought |