The New York herald., 1874-11-19
The Religious War.

the excitement the con troversy has developed
To this We add historical summary Of noted
events in the religious history Of England,
that our readers may thoroughly comprehend
the importance of the present strife and its
relation to politics and religion in the nine
teenth century. Our always welcome and
the lists with Catholic view Of the question,
more especially in response to certain views
expressed by the HERALD when the discussion
began.
The moro we study this extraordinary dis
cussion in It's various phases the more we are
impressed with its gravity and its necessary
influence upon the relations of Church and
State in all parts OF the world. Here in
America We have not directly felt the nfu-
ence of any religious discussions upon the
operations of actual government; yet every
now and then, as in Know Nothing
| and Native American times, religious diff
terences sweep over our political relations,
assuming the gravest and darkest forms
rioting, bloodshed and civil combat. There
has been scarcely Presidential election from
the time Of Jefferson to that Of Fremont in
which We have not had the shadow of reli-
gious controversy
When as pure and noble man as Francis
Herman ran for the Governorship of New
York his faith was made ground of grave
criticism. 1t would be very difficult tor any
convention to present the name of Catholic,
no matter how worthy, for the Office OF
President with any hope of command
ing the support of the people. This shows
that. Notwithstanding our religious freedom
under the law, there is the latent tendency in
the minds of men of dominant creed to be
governed by their beliefs III the franchise. In
America Protestant creeds are largely domi-
nant 1t shows, furthermore, how readily
with the excitable character of our politics,
question Of religion might assume the gravest
importance and how naturally we have the
largest interest in the controversy between
Mr.. Gladstone and the Archbishop.
We can understand how Catholics in Eng
land would resent the assumption of Mr..
Gladstone that loyalty to the Pope as the head
of the Church is inconsistent with loyalty to
the Queen as the head of the State. The
Catholics of London, incensed by Mr. Glad
stones elaborate arraignment, as will be seen
in our cable dispatches, held public meet
ing last evening to disclaim and repu-
diate the injurious interences of the ex-
Premier. When the English Catholics solemnly
declare that their religious belief does not
conflict with their civil allegiance candor
requires the English pubic and all the world
to believe them, until they exhibit some overt
act of disloyalty. Government has no legiti-
mate control over opinions at all, but only
over actions. Men should be left free to be-
heve whatever seems to them true, without
any restraint or intermedding from the civil
authority or any injurious aspersions from
statesmen out Of power and wishing to gain
power. When the English Catholics sball re-.
fuse to obey the laws s. be detected in plots
against the government or found sowing the
seeds of sedihon, it will be soon enough to
impugn their loyalty and patriotism. To
draw from their religious creed differences
which they do not themselves acknowledge
and hold them responsible for the strained de-
ductions OF their enemies is an equal violation
OF candor and common sense-an appeal to re-
ligious feeling as an element ofparty strife. Mr..
Gladstone has drawn violent inference from
insufficient premises, but he has fallen into
greater error than bad logic Government,
or those who aspire to exercise its functions,
should not, in tree countries concern them
selves with opinions at all The question Of
allegiance should always be question of fact,
subject to that noble principle Of the English
common law that every man be held innocent
till proved guilty. Until Catholics commit
some overt act it is absurd to arraign them for
disloyalty on forced inferences from their re-
Igious opinions
This argument we apply to America, and in
doing so we come to the point to which 'sPru-
dentius' addresses himself particularly in his
letter. This point is contained in the argu-
ment of the HERALD that when Archbishop
Manning makes q reservation to the effect
that Catholics are only to obey the civil rulers
in all things that are lawful he virtually sus-
tains the position of the anti-slavery men be-
fore the war, when they claimed to disobey the
Fugitive Slave law because of ''higher law"
''Prudentius' thinks we convey wrong idea
of the Archbishop's meaning. But we can
see no real distinction. The abolitlonist
would not obey one enactment because he was
controlled by 'higher law" The Arch
bishop Of Posen was sent TO prison be-
cause he preferred the ''higher law" of
allegiance to Rome to the statute of the Ger
man Empire. If Plus TX. in the exercise of
infallible authority had declared that slavery
was sin, that no Catholic could hold slaves
or in any way encourage slavery without in
curing ecclesiastical punishment, then we
should have had precisely such a protest
against the Fugitive Slave law as was made by
Phillips, Garrison and the ''higher law advo-
Gates. This is quite q possible case. There