Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1874-04-03

one monopoly to beeUne victims to an
other? What security haze the people
that after the adoption of this bill, and the
powers asserted under it, those who viii
exercise the tiust thus delegated TO them
are not or will not be in alliance with the
monopolies and the rings against whom
they now so vigorously protest? What
security have the people that the party
which built up those gigantic monopOlies
by largeSSes in money and by empires OF
land, who have robbed the landless of their
Inheritance to enrich corporations, will not
continue in the work sof despolitiol? Is
it not a high abuse of our trusts to rele-
gate the powers placed in our hands by the
people to Others, and these in DO way re-
sponSible to them? Can We legally and
cOnstitutionally delegate our authority? 1t
is alone given to us and with no right OF
substitution.
Turning for a moment to the actual con-
dition of the country, we are struck with
the growth Of corporations in this country.
Especially in this country have their num-
Der and progress been rapid, and include
within their grasp almost every living in-
dustry and interest. That they have ac-
complished much good, L will not gainsay.
a 10 1lA4A NA6C TIA VI CNLls VI
fraud, of wrong and oppression, has follow
ed in their train, and their tendency is
fruitful of more, and in their effort to Sc
cure power over the industry, the trade, and
the currency of the country threaten it with
an Iliad OF woes. How can individual
Dor and enterprise, personal effort and in
dustry, be expected to thrive and prosper
when associated capital and labor is pro-
tected from the hazards of responsibility by
corporate charters? Privileges and exemp-
tions denied to individual capital and labor
are granted and secured to corporate capital
and labor. The race is unequal.
1t was against such monopOlies and priv
ileges that the origin and forms of our gov
ernments were a protest. BY American
constitutions the largest liberty to the indi-
vidual, consistent with the rights of others,
was intended to be secured. No privileged
class, no monopolies, no perpetuities, but
the coequal sovereignty of the citizen, are
the underlying principles of American lib
erty. Monopoly in land was stricken down.
Shall it be said that monopoly is personal
property and privileges is to be perpetuated
under the sanction of our laws? 1t is a
libel upon the spirit and theory of our in
stitutions to so claim.
Sir, / am not prepared to concede that in
a representative form of government whose
legislative bodies are but the agents of the
people, the granting of franchises and priv
ileges is a contract; but c~Onceding such an
act is, l submit that it is a sound principle
in law and in morals that an agent cannot
exceed his authority, and that he who con-
tracts with a known agent must take notice
of the extent of his authority. The agen-
cy or trust of the legislator is one to be eX-
ercised alone for the interest and welfare of
the public. No right or power is granted
to any representative under our American
constitutions to create mOnopOlies, to con-
fer privileges and immunities over, above.
beyond, or inconsistent with the public
good and the public welfare; none what
ever.
Sir, when we turn yet again to the con-
dition of the country and behold the gigan-
tic strides it has made in increase of popu- 4
lation, in the multiplication of manufac-
lures, in the tremendous increase of agri-
cultural productions, and that the annual
Of these productions-agricultural 1
mean-estimated at over three billion dol
lars, and realizing the necessity of cheap
transportation, as well in the sale as in the
purchase of the conyenienceS and necessa-
of life, involved in the exchange of
this immense amount of values and the
Of this large population, and know
as we DO the magnitude Cfthe exaCtiOns
by the carriers upon this work of ex-
especially by those carriers who are
shielded in their e%Xactions by corporate
charters, We must recognize that the ques-
lion under consideration is one Of the |
importance and grayest in cOnse-
luenceS, not only to parties, but tOthe very
life Of the nation itself.
BY the political faith of my life. by the
humble record | have made as b public |
as well as by sense of the justice
truth Of the complaints made by the
| am cordially in sympathy with
heir earnest protest against the exactiOns, |
he eXtOTtiOns, and the Entertainments of
he monster corporations of the country.
the bill under consideration fails to !
give relief, is fraught with more danger |
han existing evils, and is liable to the
grave suspicion that it may be prostituted
BY the very agents it professedly seeks to
Another remedy has been suggested, and
hat is that the Government shall build, by
is money and credit, various railroads and
annals, the estimated cost Of the most prOmi-
lent being S~00,000,0O0, the real cost of
which, judging by the experience of our
National and State Governments in similar
public enterprises, il is entirely safe 20 eSti-
nate will be nearer a billion dollars.
Launch the Government into the expert
nent of building those already suggested,
md there will come an irresistible demand
rom every section of the country to build
,ther roads and other canals, which YOU are
compelled TO heed, or else gross Injustice
will be done; and the end no man can fore
ell. Build them to any extent, and you
place the Government in competition with
IS citizens, and you confer the appointment
# a horde Of agents and employees upon
he commander of your army and navy. and
whose army of civil officers now aggregates
n numbers by the thousands. Can this
of things exist in harmony with the
Of your Government as founded
" its fathers? Sir, itlseems that the mere
statement of the probable cost of such i'm
,rovements, the cost of sustaining them in
epair and in the employment of agents to
operate them, with the knowledge by the
of the inevitable and ~inseparable
corruption and extravaganza that seem
to attach to all associations of
lADh WIN IubAAN WINS. lu-GlHtE 1
With the too certain increase of taxation, is
efficient to condemn the propositions.
Akin to these is yet another suggested
now but remotely limited at, but
yet the n most TO be apprehended; that is
hat the Government shall take, hold, and
Use the roads already IN existence.
In all this struggle, MIR. Speaker, the real
IS one between capital and labor.
Under u institutions feudal rights have
,een abolished. Estates are not held for
CENTURIES. Lords, princes, dukes, and
,arons are not born to inheritanceS saved
them without labor. The theory of our
is supposed to be in conformity
o the injunction of God, that by the sweat
your face you shall earn your bread.
Jnhappily there is with all of us an effort
o avoid this injunction, and no better
method of avoiding it has been discovered
II this country than by the investment of
apital in bonds. The bondholder neither
oils or labors, and it is to the perpetuity of
lebt that he looks for p~erpetuity in estate,
nd whatever may tend to increase the
lebt, or prolong its existence, finds in him
n advocate.
The railroad debt of the United States, as
tated by the Rcii'5dy Monitor, amounts
o S, T3S, l6,0OO-over three billion dol
airs, Now, if this amount could be added
o the present Indebtedness Of The TDitad