The enquirer southerner., 1874-11-13

with full knowledge that it had once
before made an effort to accomplish
this object, and with full knowledge
of the pledge to alter and amend a
Constitution So odious TO US, but to
which we have submitted With y
devotion to law and order truly re-
markable, have entrusted the party
with the requisite majority. They
will demanl how the power has
been exercised, and now the pledges
have been redeemed
1t is further urged that it Is in ,
expedient now. There are two
kinds of inexpediency : One is that
which tests a legitimate measure by
reference to the general good Of the
State at large. .....
This is always proper, for there
are nanny measures which the Leg
islature has the righ. to adopt,
which would be injurious, and there,
fore their inexpediency is a sufi-
cient argument against them
There is another kind Of expedience
which tests a measure, not by it's
good or bad effects on the State at
large, but by its effects on individ>
uals and parties. This seems to be
the kind of inexpediency referred
to here. No one can doubt that if
we could have Convention with>
out party disturbances, and compos-
ed Of good men. it would be of vast
service to the State. But the argu
ment. is, that if the Democratic,
Conservative party now calls the
Convention, it will lose US the State
in the election Of 1876. WHAT'S
the ground for this. apprehension !?
We have now majority of ten or
fifteen thousand of the popular vote.
We have eighty memters certain
of the lower house, with three in
dependents, and over two>thirds of
the Senate. Is it probable that the
same people who elected these men
and gave them power to call this
Convention, will elect other than
good men to it? The measure il
certainly lawful and adopted in a
lawful way. The necessity for it
has been urged and acquiesced ia
since 1868. The evils SO patiently
borne can now be remedied,
For one, I cannot appreciate the
risk to the party of trusting this
ms tier to the people. On the con-
trary, I believe that Constitution
can be framed and adopted, which
will so commend itself to popular
favor that in 1876 our party will be
stronger than it can be without such
o measure.
But there is higher consideration
with me than all this. If the Con-
stitution is radically defective and
unsuited to the wants of our people,
as we have urged so earnestly ever
since its adoption, and its evils can
only be cured by the amending
hand, and the benefits are as great
as We have been taught by our
leaders and public speakers to ex-
pect, We have no right to stop now
in the discharge Of this duty hy
reason of apprehension that party
victory may be hazarded. What is
success worth if We are not to use
it to the improvement of our condi-
ton? Why denounce the Consti>
tuition and those who framed and
forced it upon US, if the defects are
SO small that the people can endure
them, provided, any particl cllar par
ty can remain in power :! No such
principle, or rather departure from
principle, can be sustained. 1t is
the government Of the people
They made it, and they have the
undoubted right TO amend it in a
legal way. To cal! Convention,
is only to refer the question back
to them, whether they will continue
the present Constitution or alter
aud amend it, or adopt new one.
AS private citizen, one Of the
people, in no way distinguished
from the masses, / ask that the
right be now accorded to Us, as it
can now be done By lar | am
wiling to trust my fellow citizens
again with the power, and feel no
apprehension as TO he result,
l have moi mentioned the ncces-
sity for amendment in any particu>
lar parts, nor viii l do SO now, US
this letter has, from the Importance
and magnitude Of the question al
ready exceeded the limits which |
had assigned myself. [ will, how
ever, mention one consideration
which alone, if all others were want
ing, would with me. Justify the cali,
ing of a Convention.
A large and very important part
of the State, in the eastern and ceu'
tra' portion, is laboring under the
evil effects Of the present constitu>
ton to an extent which can hardly
be appreciated by those who have
not felt them. Teeming with intel
ligence, wealth and public virtue
paying large part Of the State
and county taxes-be airing a full
share of all public burdens, the
management of county finances,
levying, collecting and disbursing
taxes, and general county business,
including the estates of deceased
persons, infants, apprentices, &C.,
embracing matters of great impor~
tance and value, are, under the