Mineral Point tribune. (Mineral Point, Wis.) 1869-1938, 1874-04-30

cite official, ignorant in the way OF
his calling. The institution costs
the government some half million
of dollars annually without apparent
advantage-the agricultural inter-
ests of the country would not feel
it's loss, and l would be glad to see
Congress abolish it altogether.
Second Mr.. Barber voted
aqaiast the McCrary Cheap Trans
portation bill, though large body
of his constituents are farmers and
all of them without exception are In
favor of cheap transportation. AT
the first glance then, and Judging
only by the label Mr.. b. would seem
to have misrepresented or to have
roughly violated the will of his con-
stituents. Some papers OF the state
| see, are attempting rather by in
nuendo than by direct argument to
create this impression. Now, let US
take second glance and endeavor
to look beyond the surface into the
substance Of the bill to discover if
Mr.. Barber is really deserving OF
apprehension for misbehavior in this
case, or our thanks for detecting
false claims and fatal errors on the
part of the friends of the bill and IN
the body of the bill itself, and above
all our highest respect for manfully
opposing a measure dangerous IN
precedent, hypocritical in design
and really injurious to the interests
which it seeks especially to serve,
and doing this while the farmers are
universally in the ascendent, and the
"Grangers" are rampant over all.
1t needs no argument to convince
one, that all that is done in the
name of Agriculture is not for the
interest of Agriculture, nor that all
of those who assume par ercetIe'1ce
to speak for and to represent this
great interest are entitled to con-
tidence. The present popularity
and power of this interest, now for
the first time asserting its import
ance in politics, has seemed to start
all the politicians, many of whom
have tlourished and grown fat and
insolent upon the spoils derived
from it, in an unseemly race for its
favor and control. Scruples are
laid aside, clamor and haste are the
order of the day. Under this state
of case it requires a large share OF
moral courage and no small degree
of political virtue in legislator to
suggest caution in the preparation
Of the remedies demanded by the
people, and in opposing legislation
to these ends unsound in law and OF
evil tendency.
The authority under which the
McCrary Bill was drawn is found
in See. 3, Art. 8, of the Constitution
of the u. S., which confers upon
Congress the power: ''ro regulate
commerce among the several States,
&c. Now it must be remembered,
that the farmers of the Constitution
had no knowledge, or conception
even, Of steam as motive power,
and though the term ''regulate" I'M
plies more, it would seem that in
adopting this provision, it was their
simple purpose to prevent any state
from placing an embargo, or entorc-
ing a restriction upon the commerce
of other States crossing its line.
And it must be furthey remembered,
that the authority of Congress is
absolute and exclusive as against
the States upon all matters over
which it may exercise authority
under the Constitution. If then
Congress assumes authority over
Railroad transportation as under
the McCrary Bill, States must re-
tire and be content with granting
charters to corporations for Railroad
purposes, without limitation or re-
strictiou as to freight charges except
from one locality to another within
their several limits, not in any way
to effect interstate commodities COM
ing in on going out. There Is no
road but handles such commodities
as its principal business, therefore
practically, the authority of the
State under the McCrary Bill would
be swept away. The United States
District Courts would alone have
jurisdiction in all cases of legal con-
test between the road and their
patrons: federal officials would
swarm like the hateful grasshopper