The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1874-03-29
= a.esson 81 Political History-sumner
and Douglas - IiePubiieanism and
Democracy.

If we were disposed to continue the moral.
! iZing which has attended the death of Senator
Sumner we should find fruitful theme in the
controversies now raging in Massachusetts.
! Bat yesterday we buried him and now We cast
lots for his garments. The sounds of sorrow
filed Massachusetts, and grave weeping men
stood over the blossom laden bier in the Doric
hail where now eager, feyerish groups dis
cuss and wrangle and plan and combine.
Ambition treads ruthlessly ON grlet, and all
the memories Of what the great Senator dld,
his efforts his victories, his hopes, his suffer
| ings, the classic beauty of his life, forgot
! ten in this nervous aud incessant struggle for
power No matter what happens 10 the mere
men OF our public ife-whether we rse or
fall or pass away-the great comedy of politics
goes on Massachusetts wrestles to-day as
size wreSdel twenty-three years ago The
! Senator whose fate We mourned yesterday,
and for whose mautle we struggle to-day,
! came then into power. His public life opened
! in storm, and it SO continued to the end.
1t was not simply storm, but revolution,
and it would not be al all surprising if the
storm now raging in Massachusetts, would
result in a revolution as severe and radical
as that which brought Charles Sumner into
power.
That contest seemed to be simply struggle
for whig predominance. Its immediate and
painful effect WAS the defeat of Robert G. VIM
throp, the destruction of the ambitious hopes
OF Webster, the retirement of Everett and
Choate and Hiliiard. As these were among
the foremost men of their time and the glory
of the proud old Commonwealth their over
throw was source OF general sorrow. But
now, when We look back upon it, We see that
their work was done, that the party COM
manded by Robert c. Winthrop was dead,
that whiggery had lost al distinctive ele-
v2ting principle and was simply n pretext Tor
power. There was no progress in its coun-
els, and it died. The new man who then was
made a leader, with no reputation but
what came from the cloisters OF Cambridge
and the saloons of London, who was simply
type of culture and scholarship, with certain
romantic notions about slavery and universal
peace, and other disturbing issues which time
would calm, had within him a terrible and
destroying force. Massachusetts,, which had
been nerveless and still during Texas annexa-
ton and the enactment Of laws for the recovery
of fugitive slaves now found voice 1t was
the voice of Garrison and Whittier and
Phillips and Theodore Parker asserting itself
in the Senate. From that time the contest
began. The aimless, hall sincere anti-slavery
views Of Seward and Wade and others, who
insisted upon primary allegiance to whiggery
and democracy, took new courage from the
example Of Charles Sumner. The lesson Of
their political life had been, the party FIRST
and principles after, or, rather, principles as
far Us they met the wishes of the party.
Summers lesson was principles now, always,
above everything else, and the party only so
far as it expressed these principles. The re-
suit was he foundation OF new party, at the
birth of which Sumner made one Of his most
thoughtful and brilliant orations. That was in
1855. Faneuii Hall, as ''the cradle OF liberty
was the spot selected, and the words of
Sumner, in giving baptism. haze a strange
meaning now: :" It was the sentiment of that
great apostle of freedom, Benjamin Fran kiln,
uttered during the trials of the Revolution,
that where liberty is there is my country
La similar strain would say, where liberty
is there is my party. Such an organization is
now happily constituted here in Massachu-
sets and in all the free States under the name
OF the republican party. Fellow citizens, we
found now new party It's corner stone is
r -.
truth, justice and humanity. Like the ancient
Roman Capitol, at once temple and citadel,
it shall be tue fit sLriue for the genius of
American Institutions
These were procd, hopeful words, and now
that Sumner and his party have practically
passed into history we can look back over their
work and feel that the republican party WAS
worthy of the prophetic eloquence which sum-
moned it into being The party which it
antagonized was then in possession of the
country, as it had been for many years. Its
leader was Stephen i. Douglas, and we can
discover in the fate Of the democracy and its
association with the life of Douglas an in
structive resemblance to the fate of the repub-
Lean party and its association with the life of
Sumner. Douglas in 1851 was the most pow
erful man in America. The Presidency lay
before him, within his reach. So long as the
democracy followed Douglas it was powerful
he brought 70 the party the highest qualities
of leadership. He was the most expert and
resolute debater il the Senate. He repre-
sented the activity and genius of the West
He recognized slavery as an influence, but
his mind saw that slavery could never live in
antagonist with universal freedom and suf-
frage. He therefore propounded as the only
principle upon which the democratic party
could hope 10 perpetuate its power the doc
trine OF the sovereiontY of The neonle Rut