Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1874-09-09

I ing in the courts, voting and holding
{ office, which the law has already re-
I moved, and which existed to the preju-
/ dice of the cOlOred people exclusively
I The separate school provision is re-
, strictiOn upon both races; the denial Ol
tie right 20 testify in the courts, vote,
and hold Office was a discrimination
against the colOred race in the political
I Interests OF the white race. In the Opin-
ion of the white Republicans Of Ten
nesste our school law trausgresses no
republican principle and makes no dis
elimination against any race or people.
If there are States in the Union where
the Olored people do not enjoy equally
the benefits of a school system support
ei bv public taxation, let congress recti-
fy the wrong. But il the cOlOTed peo-
pie want to secure q substantial benefit
in the matter Of education, they should
abandon the idea of mixed schools
where there is no race discrimination,
and insist upon a provision guarantee
ing to them equal benefits in every
State. This position can be sustained
by every argument that could be urged
in behalf OF their right to testify in the
courts, to vote and hold office, and is
sustained by the cardinal doctrines
OF Republicsnism. AS a basis
for the settlement of this ques-
ton the representative Repub-
licsns of the white race from the south
made this proposition during the lsst
session Of congress. And in doing 50
they foretold the disasters which have
come upon the party from a different
policy. This very equitable proposition
did not receive even respectful consider
alton. It was scOTnfUlly rejected by the
bO0thlscks, BARRIERS, pastry cooks, bar
tenders and thieves in congress from the
cotton States. Tennessee gave only
eight thousand msjoriiy against Grant,
when there was no ca Ivass OF the State
for him, or any effort in his behalf. II
one-tenth the effort made to secure IN
diana OF Ohio had heen made for Grant
in Tennessee, there is DO doubt he would
have carried the State by good msjOri-
ty. Yet the Democracy hsve just carried
the State by fifty or sixty thousand ma
jOrity. But even this large majority does
not express the bitter hostility with
which
THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL
is regarded by the entire white popula-
ton OF the State. It is no eXaggeTatiOn
to say that the very name Republican
is become odiOus with thousands OF the
adherents of that party, because OF this
attempt to compel the CO-educatiOn Of
the races. To q proper appreciation of
the full significance Of the election in
Tennessee, it is necessary to state that,
with few exceptions, the candidates Of
the Republican party declared against
the civil rights bill, and az the same
time received the most of the cOlOred
votes. Yet there were many thousands
of white Republicans who voted the
Democratic ticket as against candidates
of their own party who agreed with
them on this question because 8 Repub-
lican senate had passed the bill. Had
the Republican candidates in our late
election declared for the civil rights
bill, the Democratic majority would not
have been less than two hundred thou
sand. The masses Of the north, aud
even some leaders in congress, are so ig-
nOrAnt Of the condition Of affairs in the
southern States as to suppose that there
are no loyal and Republican people in
those States except the negroes and few
white leaders. This is true Of South
Carolina, Mississippi, and Florida, with
q few exceptions, but is wholly untrue
OF the other southern States Tennessee
furnished thirty-five Thousand white
men to the Union army, aud has seven
ty-five thousand white Republican adj
herents without the civil rights bill.
Kentucky, Missouri, and other south
ern border States are in like condition.
AS a matter Of policy, 10 say nothing OF
principle, it We're better for the RepuO-
lican party TO reject mixed schools and
do without the cOlored vote than estab-
lish them in the south and have that
vote. The crime Of ultra party measures
passed into laws by congress has been
committed before. Made blind by too
long possession Of a majority in con-
gress and IN its greed for power, the
DEMOCRATIC PARTY
passed the fugitive slave law, outragiDg
the moral convictions Of the northern
people. Now, certain Republican lead
els, Ignorant or Indifferent as to conse-
qusnces, propose as party measure that
which the whole white people OF the
south regard with adherence as an ef-
fort to degrade them, while there Is no
necessity or occasion fOF il in the protec-
fion Of the blacks in their civil and pO-
litical rights. You truly say that they,
the white Republicans Of the south, "are
better Judges OF what is practicable and
needed by their section than any mem
ber coming from the other section" L
cannot refrain from expressing my
thanks for the generous sentiments con-
tanned in your letter, and to the Tribune
for giving them publication. Your let
tet has been Tepublished all over the
south, and its publication has done good.
Such expressions from the representa-
tive Republicans Of your section viii 90
much to allay the bitter sectional feel
ings and pTejudices engendered by the
agitstion Of this question. The white
people OF the south Of all parties do not
feel that the full protection Of the Afri-
eau race in their civil and pO-
itical rights require legislation
for compulsory social intercourse.
They do not believe that those who urge
it do so from an intelligent regard foT
the welfare Of the cOlOred people. But
the Republicans regard II as the result
of ignorance of the needs of their section
OF heartless selfishness aud demagOgism
in political leaders. And the other party
look upon it as a deliberate attempt TO
degrade a ad blast their section from pre-
meditated malice. Let the motive be
what it may, the result is the same.
TIE effect is the
DESTRUCTION OF THE REPUBLICAN
PARTY IN THE SOUTH,
and the certain injury OF the colored
people. 1t is time the responsible, repre-
tentative loyal men Of the south were
consulted with reference 10 measures
operating upon their section. This civil
rights bill Is a. emphsticslly sectional
as was the infamous fugitive slave law.
Though the word "sOUth is not named
in the bond" OF bill, 1t operates wholly
upon this section. The north il not af-
feeted By this measure. The negroes are
50 few there, they have not the slightest
power, and, therefore, not the slightest
recognition. They are not permitted 10
Obtrude themselves anywhere among the
whites, and could not get redress in the
courts for any invasion Of their rights
under this sO-called civil rights bill. 1t
is true the law makes no distinc-
ton on account Of color in Mas
sachusetts or Pennsylvania, but
I there is not color enough
thers 10 base 8 distinction upon. A
i half-dozen neatly clad qusdrOon OF oc.
taro7n children IN q school OF four huns
{ dred whites do not establish the princi-
ME 9f equality which is sought 70 be es-
1 fsblished ia the south by forcing the ne
I oroas into contact with those Of as gooC
Whifa blood zs ciTculates in the veins o
I tha ba-t Of Boston's society. 1t is truly
( a humane missionary work 70 educat
tbese southern negroes, ana liberal Q
the tax-paying whites TO do Il. bu
thew are willing to DO Il n LEI alone an