New-York tribune., 1874-11-19

time forward that the situation wa, changed: that
the debt to Ireland having been paid, debt TO the
country at large still remained, and on his ceasiDg
to be Prime Minister an appeal from him could no
longer run the risk Of being misconstrued.
But this is not recantation nor regret. OF
what the Liberal party has accomplished for the
civil equality of Catholics he regrets nothing and
recants nothing. He does consider the recent OK
tension of the Catholic hold on she higher classes
political misfortune, albeit "thc conquests have
been chiefly as might have been expected, among
women" The male converts he prefers to call cap
tives. Too commonly the neophytes adopt the
maxim. "A Catholic first, an Enelshman after
ward" But tho movement is limited to the upper
classes, the decreasing returns Of Roman Catholic
marriages proving that in the population as whole
the Roman Catholics have diminished. Yet
There Is something at the least abnormal In snch a
partial growth, taking effect it does among the
wealthy and noble, while tho people cannot be charmed
by any ncantatiOD into the Roman camp The original
Gospel supposed to be meant especially for the
poor the gospel OF the nineteenth century from
Rome courts another and less modest destination III
the Pope does control souls among U.s. he GER
tsiny controls more acres.
Dir, GLADsr0NE's INTENTIONS IN THE FUTURE:
This can be borne, however. There remains the
question of general policy. First. as regards the
great Imperial settlement. achieved by slow de-
grees which has admitted of all creeds subsst-
ing among to Parliament, that he conceiyes TO DO
so determined beyond all doubt or question as to
have become one of the deep fOundaton-stones OF
the existing Constitutions But there other mat
ters important though minor and upon these, and
indeed as the conclusion Of the whole question: and
of the pamphlet, Mr. Gladstone declares blmself In
words of great significance and weight, which 1
quote in full:
Ny own views and intentions I'm the future are OF the
smallest significance. But II the arguments have here
offered make 1t my duty to declare them, say at once
the future will be exactly the past in the little that
depends on me, shall DO glided hereafter hereto
FORE by the rule Of maintaining equal civil rights ire
spectively OF religious differences and shall resist all
attempts exclude the members Of the Roman Church
from the benefit Of that rule. Indeed may that
have already given conclusive indications OF this view
by supporting in Parliament, as Minister since 1870
the repeal OF the Ecclesiastical Tides Act, for
what l think ample reasons. Not only because
the time has not yet when assume
the consequences OF tho revolutionary measures
Of 1870 to have been thoroughly weighed aud dgested
by all capable men In the Roman communion. Not only
because so great numerical proportion are, have
before Observed necessarily incapable Of mastering and
forming their personal Judgment upon, the Qlie
our onward even should not be changed by fol-
lies tho consequences Of which, II the worst came to
the worst this country will have alike the power and in
case of need, the will to control The State will. trust
De ever careful to leave the domain of religious
science free, and yet to keep 1t to its own do
main and to allow neither private caprice nor
above all, foreign arrogance dictate to 1t
In the discharge of its proper Office. England ex-
poets every to do his duty" and none can be so
we'll prepared under all circumstances to exact its per-
foruauce as that Liberal party, which has done the
work OF justice alike for Nonconformsts and for Papal
dssldents and whose members have often, for the
sake OF that work. hazarded their credit with the
markedly Protestant constituencies OF the country.
Strong the State of the United Kingdom has always
been in material strength; and its moral panopy Is
now we may hope, pretty complete
IL is not then for the dignity OF the Crown and
people OF tho United Kingdom to be diverted from
path which they have deliberately chosen, aud which
does not with all the myrnl ions Of the Apostolic
Chamber either openly to O1strnct or secretly to under
It ghtfully to be expected 1t Is greatly TO be
desired the Roman Catholics CT this country should
do nineteenth century what their forefathers of
England, except handful of emissaries did in the
sixteenth when they were marshaled in resistance
10 the Armada. and in the seventeenth, when. in
despite of the Papa chair they sat in the House or
Lords under the Oath Of Allegiance. That which
entitled to desire entitled to expects indeed
the way OF conveying an "nsulp' to those con-
cerned. In this expectation may be partially disap
pointed. Should those to whom appeal thus unhapplly
to bear witness in their persons to the decay
of sound manly. true f6 In their Church, IL will be
their loss more than The inhabitants OF these
islands, n whole, stable, though sometimes crcdu
ous and exctable; resoluic. though sometimes boast
fu; aud u strong ngheaded and sound-aearted will
not be hndered either by latent by avowed dissent
ie to the foreign influence of caste, from the
plishment Of its mission in the world.
Ny summary and extracts have been too cOpOus
to leave space for comment. | add only that the
appearance at such moment Of such manifesto
seems to me an event of which the Importance can
scarcely be overrated. Mr.. Gladstone is no longer
Prime Minister, bat he is still the most powerful
man IN England He might have remained silent,
but he has chosen to come forward at q critical
instant to throw all his influence in the scale against
Rome in the conflict she is waging not in England
only or mainly, but on the Continent-and else
where. Such All act is not done without clear ann
and careful weighing Of consequences, and this
pamphlet has, believe, far more than mere argu-
mcntative purpose. - G.ws,
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