New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1874-07-16
From Virginia.
RICHMOND, Va, July Is, Is

The Conservative party continues to be
excited and concerned about the epistolary
complications between Governor Kempler
and Colonel Mosby. The city press can find
no fault with the Governors letter, and the
Disgatch, a dyspeptic and jaundiced old sheet,
distinctly AYERS that it would prefer a seventh
term or an empire to the civil-rights bill.
Where no effort is made to justify the corr
respondence, they charge Mosby with a
breach Of faith, and accuse him of design to
disturb the Unity Of the Conservative party.
These determinations have no interest for us
except SO far as they show the temper of the
dominant party in the State.
But it is easy to discover that Kemper did
have desire to hold the second place on the
Presidential ticket of &c, and by intimating
that he could bring to the support of Grant
the number of g fifty thousand Confederate
braves" he hoped to increase his chances
for the accomplishment of that object. His
published letter, designed to explain the
whole subject, is vigorous piece of literary
skirmishing, touching every point without
feeding any, stating many conditions, but
accepting none, canvassing many arguments
but leaving all uncontrolled, confirming what
was never doubted, and swearing to what
was never cOntradicted.
One thing in the letter is useful TO the COL
ored people and to the Republican party gen.
orally, as indicating TO what extent and in
what manner the situation is accepted in
Virginia.
The Governor refers to the third resolution
i'll the Conservative platform upon which he
was elected. That resolution declared SUBJ
stantially that the party would indulge in no
captiOus opposition to Grants administration
but would judge it impartially and accord
to their support to all measures of justice
and equality under the law. The Governor
says that there are two interpretations Of
this resolution add two divisions of the party
on it.
One class of politicians regard il as bind
ing him to to the support of the Republican
administration but another class regard it
as mere trick Of politics, having no mean
ing beyond the purposes it could serve in
campaign, and wanting the bona .tfle sanction
of the mass of the party.
The Governor affects to believe that the
latter division is very small, and takes an
Independent position between the two ex-
tremes, which, in the present condition of
politics, means an amalsamatOn of Democ-
racy and cowardice.
The truth is, the white people of the South
are as hostile to freedom and human rights
fIax in,
change in their sentiments. Their hatred
for the negro is as cruel, as malignant, as
implacable as it was at Fort Pillow. Were
it in their power, they would deprive us of
the right of suffrage before another noon.
The inferiority of the negro, mentally, NOR
ally, physically and socially, is their never
ending text. 1t is their politics. 1t is their
philosophy. 1t is their science. 1t is their
religion. The generous and magnanimous
policy which the government adopted toward
them, has made them presumptuous instead
of grateful. Their anxiety to heal the
wounds of strife and to 'shake hands across
the bloody chasm." is a deceitful fiction in
tended 10 avert the eyes of the North from
the indignities and prosecutions heaped upon
the negro. Their professions of kindness
and benevolence toward the colorcd people
have no other purpose than to disarm them
of their political power and to render them
less vigilant and determined in the assertion
and maintenance of their rights.
1t becomes our duty, therefore, not to COM
promise with these enemies of our liberties
i'm any matter involving the safety and per-
petuity of those liberties.
Ny attention has been called TO sentence
occurring in the communication of Equal
Rights" TO your paper of the 2jth ultimo.
He says: 81 have yet TO meet the first col
ored man in Virginia who is opposed to the
civil-rishts bill even that great and good
Englishman, Rev. w. b. Derricks, whose re-
markable remarks have been highly applaud
ed BY the enemies Of the bill, said to me,
he was not opposed to the bill, and one of the
objects Of his sermon was to agitate the ques-
ton and force the colored people to take
some stand with reference to it," Before
offering any comment ON this sentence will
quote the one Immediately succeeding it,
wherein, fear, troublesome discrepancy
will be discovered. Mr.. Derricks' great rea-
son for opposing, in his speech, the bill, was
that it would jeOpardize the pres educa-
tional system in the South, etc. The italics
will show the contradiction. If the reverend
gentleman was not opposed to the bill, where
is the necessity or the sense of giving 'rea-
son for opposing it": Or, are we to sup
pose this disciple Of Wesley, meant "to force
the colorel people to take some stand with
reference" to the question, by placing himself
in opposition to the bill? Is Rev. w. B.
Derricks, "the great and good Englishman,' y
Christian minister or a Jesuit: Is there
any refinement or casuistry that will justify
him in preaching a sermon against justice in
order to evoke an expression in favor Of it
A man in secular calling would be con-
demned by every honorable gentleman, for
such duplicity, but when Christian minis.
ter, of Christian congregation, on Chris
tisn Sabbath, adopts practice so disingenu-
Gus and contemplate, VIC can find no Ian
guage dit to characterize the conduct. If the
question had come up in debating society,
no one would complain if even preacher OIL
the gospel should choose the side on which
we find 1.-THE great and good Englishman.'
But it was not a debating society. 1t wa.
in the fricon Motbod;.t E.;..ooor .L,.o1,