Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1874-12-02

PUEIlC LIE IN AMERICA. - When
Thomas Hughes the author of Iont Br0tr,t.
was in this country he saw much Of col
lccc BOYS. ana was surprised ,hat none of
them thought Of public life IL a career.
In England, he said. we always suppose
that the first scholars are thinking Of Par
limcnt. and secretly meaning To be Prime
Minister The English stories and the
Frcnch vandevile> are full of the same
view, and the curtain falls upon the hero
rs minister or cInba>>ador. the cup of hi
glory running over. De TorIueville OBJ
served with curiosity that the best men in
America were. :I> Il rule, neither in public
life nor anxious to ht there: and a shrcwd
Young European who was recently in the
country said. " Every thing went we'll nm
til | came to Washington. and thcn Con
rrc>s staggered my faith in America.
He explained that in a representative rr-
public it was fair and unavoidable TO
Judge the people by those whom they Sc
ltcted to represent them: and if the ludT-
meut was incorrect. it could only he, he
cause the system itself WAS !, failure. II
woul have been more correct To >:lv that
the system WAS abused. for il could pro-
perlv be accounted failure oulv when its
purpose WAS quite defeated. Now the
purroSe of a Representatives system is not
/ to designate the best men in the cOmmu
nitv, but to secure good government: and
from that point of view tine American vs.
tenn can no more be called 4 future tlan
the English or the Continental. If good
government he test. what shall b. said
of English rule in Ireland?
There are two obvious but powerful rea
sons why the class of men of whom ID,
Tocqucville speaks does not turn TO publ,
life in this country. although many of tha
class are conspicuous in it. from Washing
ton. the AdtniScS. jefferson. Hamilton
Jav, and others. down to Calhoun. W, b
ster, CLAY. Seward, Chase. Sumner. an,
their associates. Indeed, with all liz trutl
there is much that is Elusive in the state
ment The vllag Ilampdcn might shrinl
upon larger theatre. and the mute Nil
t ton turn out Il Tuppcr. The remark o
, De Tocqucvlle has the advantage O
g onlr.e ig,lotltm pro nag1lif"o the oh>cur
/ is apt to seem magnificent. Bat then
' shirt on n clothcS-line seen in the twiligll
has startled the whole village Is 4 majr>
f tic ghost With all the reservations made
l however, it will be conceded that tn
: choice of the representative of Il conStltu
l. ency full of admirable and able men oftc1
e falls verv oddly There is, for instance
: But the gentle reader shall supply his owI
. Illustrations What, then, are the two oil
: vious reasons that us Il class. the me
4 whom we should prefer TO elect are no
e anxious to be elected?
e The first is the uncertainty of the carcc
and the second is the small salary Th
Y last is not a noble reason, and it is power
4 full only in connection with the first. A
4 able man. ambitious TO serve the state, bu
i wholly dependent upon his profession 70
Y the support of his family, naturally hes
r tates to throw away the income that Ii
4 has secured to enter public life for two q
: four or six years, with no certainty of con
= tinuance in it. Were he sure of remain
e inc, the sacrifice would be comparativel
Y small; but the conditions of c"ntinuanc
c are often such us honorable men disdar
d In England the only other constitutions
). country, the conditions of public life hav
e hitherto been essentially different fror
V ours The peers are hereditary To- islatol
Il and many of the seats in the Common
l, were virtually the property Of noblemer
If given continuously at their pleasure. Will
II the organization of parties is such as
e afford a permanent career. Yet even
9 England competence is essential to
successful public man. The fact observe
a by De Tocqueville, therefore, is not due
d the disinclination to public life Of the mt
g of whom he speaks, but to circumstance
Te which they can not directly control. Al
le if it should be said that those circumsta
or ces are the condemnation Of the syster