The weekly democratic statesman. [volume] (Austin, Tex.) 1871-1883, 1874-02-12
a RetrOspeet-Tho bust OF Judge Taney.

For many years Congress has refrained
from placing. the bust of fancy in the Su-
preme Court room. Now, that the friends
of Chase desire to do his memory the usual
honor, it is seen that resolution to place
the image of the late Chief Justice upon the
walls of the court room must be accompa-
MED with a like honor to his Democratic
predecessor. All at once the hue and cry
which followed Judge fancy through the
latter years of his lite, and denounced his
memory after death, has ceased, and the
more reasonable journals of the Republican
party are saying that the Obiter dictG of the
bred Scott decision are historically true. 1t
will be remembered that Judge fancy SAID
for more than century negroes had been re-
garded as beings of an inferior order, and
altogether unfit to associate with the white
race, either in social or political relations,
and so far inferior that they had no rights
which the white man was bound to respect.
And now comes the Chicago Tribune, q
leading and influential Republican journal,
and declares that the traduced Chief JUS
tice gave expression only to a historical
truth Holding that the historical resume
of the previous condition of the negro, en-
braced in the opinion of the court, was en-
tirely accurate, the Tribune recalls the sta
tus of the unfortunate race even among
those who were loudest in denunciation of
slavery. Down to the very beginning of
the late war negroes were prohibited by
penal laws from moving into or residing
within many Northern States, and color
was declared by law to be priHlG .faeie evil
dence of slavery, subjecting all persons
of African blood to arrest, detention and
sale as slaves.
Down to the time of the bred Scott de-
cision sales Of free men of color were held
in Illinois. After the commencement of the
late war, in 1852, six years after the bred
Scott decision, and ninety years after the
time referred to by Judge fancy, the peo-
pie of Illinois, by nearly a unanimous vote.
decided that no person of negro birth
should be allowed to vote in the State or re-
main therein. The Tribune says 1.-THE an
tagonism to the negro race, and the asser-
ton of his social and political inferiority,
were as strong in some parts of New Eng
land as in other parts of the North; and
though slavery itself was prohibited, the
Judgment that the negro.was of an inferior
race, to be denied all political rights, was
fully as strong in the Northern as in tae
Southern States"
When we see the language of the bred
Scott decision indicated by leading Re
publican journal, and the bust of Chiei
Jnstice fancy elevated in the Supreme
Court room when we see repeal of the
vote Of the Massachusetts, Legislature cen.
surfing Mr.. Sumner for his attempt to blot
out the names Of civil battles; when we
see q President, who supported Mir. Doug
las, nominating for Chief Justice two law.
yers who supported Judge Taney-and
when We see these transactions receiving
the support of large portion of the domi-
nant party, we cannot fail to be impressed
with a conviction that there is at last lull
in the political storm, and that the rights,
duties, obligations, and capabilities of both
the white man and the black man viii be
hereafter weighed in the balance Of Truth
and Justice, rather than in that of partisan
passion and expediency.