The Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis) 1868-1895, 1874-07-21


nothing better could have been attained
under the circumstances, and a sentiment OF
harmony resulted from their endorsement
which looks like the promise of determined
ana enthusiastic campaign. In the following
free handed review the good points are,
perhaps, too lightly passed over. as the
tenn citation to note what seems worthy of
criticism is stronger than the desire to
praise.
The platform opens with an acknowledg
ment that there was difference of opinion
among the members of the committee on
resolutions, and a statement in effect that
rather than have a minority report pre-
] sented to the convention, the majority con-
coded certain points. The result is the
introduction of one or two piebald and in
congruous resolutions which slightly spoil
the effect of what might otherwise have
been a brave and consistent declaration OF
principles. Msjorities on such occasions
should recollect the fact that it becomes
the minority to give way.
The indictment of the administration with
which the platform proceeds, is a. pointed
enumeration of the well-known rascalities
of the party in power, and will be pro-
nounced true bill by every candid man
who reads it. 1t would not ice throwing a
perfume on the violet, by any means, to add
word of indignant comment to the story OF
fraud and misgovernment.
The credentials offered by the democratic
party are certainly Eime-honored guarantees
of good character. Strict construction, tar
iff for revenue, a free press, equal rights
before the law, home rule and economical
government are GOOD qualifications. "The
coin is current, dost thou bear it in thy
pouch?"
The first Eve resolutions cover the finan-
cial issues and constitute the debstable
land over which the contending sentiments
in the convention struggled. The first and
second call up the old issue of the payment
of $40 bonds in gold, which was unhappily
killed and buried long ago. Few men can
doubt but that the passage of the law of
March, 1869, was a sort of swindle. Yet
after it has been in operation five
wears, and now that innocent parties
will be affected by its repeal,
it seems hard to press such an issue. Such
doctrine was once denounced with great
effect as reputation; but the imitation pa
sriots can hardly express any wholesome
horror on the subject now unless on the
same principle that ''the dead woman was
afraid of her that was fsyed." The third
resolution fsvors greenback currency, to
be substituted for the present issue of ma
tional bank notes.-the object ofwhich scheme
is to save about $40 OOO,O 600 yearly interest on
government bonds now held as the basis OF
the bank circulation. The fourth and fifth
resolutions advocate specie payment, end
yet avow the heresy of legislating the cur
rency up and down with the demands of
business. Are the two theories consistent?
The sixth and seventh resolutions are in
opposition to the doctrines of the civil
rights bill. The matter is one in regard to
which nature has made two or three laws
that it will be very difficult to override.
Social fellowship is thing that depends
upon mutual liking. Admittance to first
class hotels and theaters ought to depend
simply on the good character and cleanliness
of the guest or spectator together with his
ability to paw his bills. There is tendency
for birds of a leather to flock together in ma
ture and the social disposition of man has
developed that tendency and strengthened
it in every direction. 1t may be safely en-
trusted with the arrangement of the differ
ent races in America.
The eighth resolution treats of the liquor
question and adopts the license system of
dealing with the evils of intempera nee. In
terpreted by the words of Gov. Hendricks
speech, it is sound and sensible resolution,
which will meet with the hearty approval
of conservative men.
The ninth resolution is safe declaration
on the railroad question.
The tenth and eleventh are strongly in
favor of retrenehment in state taxation
and expenditure, while the twelfth limits the
power of local boards to create Indebtedness.
The twelfth hits the blot in one of the great
evils OF our political life. 1t declares that
public officers ought not 70 have control of
the public moneys which come into their
possession. More defalcations have arisen
within the last few years from the invest
nent of public funds for private gain than
from all other causes combined. The temp
tation to fraud is great, but might be re-
sisted. The temptation to risk the peoples
money in schemes where profits will consti-
tute an immense fortune, few can resist
Besides, the mere item of interest often in
duces officers to delay payments at proper
times for the sake of the increase of the
money that sticks to their fingers in passing
through their hands. In the state of New
York last year a desperate effort was made
to take away from county treasurers this
control OF public funds, and so powerful
were the influences of corruption at work
that the reform was defeated in the face of
several successive embezzlements within
single season. No more crying abuse is
awaiting removal.