The morning star and Catholic messenger. [volume] (New Orleans [La.]) 1868-1881, 1874-08-30
The Kentucky War.

1t is quite evident that in this happy
family of States there is a distinction be-
tween the children. Some may freely take
liberties that would be severely dealt with
in others. Suppose, for instance, that
Louisianians should fire upon United States
troops, as Kentuckians did the other day,
and stampede them, would the affair go off
as quietly as it did there Why do not
the Northern papers now fill their columns
with threats and rage They certainly
would do it il their soldiers had been treat.
ed in the same way in this or any other
Gulf State. But in Kentucky every thing
is serene. The general government is not
inclined to bully, for the simple reason that
if it did, it would be bullied back. Then
suppose it resorted to armed invasion, the
invasion would certainly be resisted and
ttten fhumuu foresight could hardly tell
where the end would be.
There is q great and general reaction on
the question of States Rights. The people
OF the West, as well as OF tue Sonth, are
heartily disgusted with the centralized
usurpation at Washington, and, if we do
not mistake the present drift of public
sentiment, the American people will, with
in the next five years, stand as firmly aud
squarely on the old States Right platform
of their fathers as Thomas Jefferson ever
did. 1t has been the fashion for several
years past to hold that the issues of the
Confederate war were not only whipped,
but dead and buried. We have never
thought so, and now believe that it was
a piece of hort-sighted nonsense to sup
pose such thing. The principle of State
Sovereignty is at the very bottom of Am
erican Republicanism. People had often
before seen centralized Republics, and they
had seen communities of small Republics
banded together by a rope OF sand, but the
American idea was a perfect combination
of tue two systems-the independent small
State and the powerful Capitalization. 1t
was difficult to fix the limit to which CEN
might go. There could be but
ole final test-that each State should iu01ee
for itself and withdraw when dissatisfied, |
and that could only be, Ia reason, when !
the central government was going too far. |
Unless this is recognized there is no test |
but revolution.
This, then, was the American idea-im-
nense solidity and strength in the central |
Or general government, limited only by the |
light of each State to withdraw when the |
lnion should become oppressive. This
secured both the sovereignty of the
State aud the strength of the Federation 80
ong as it lasted. This we believe to be the
regularity, the essential, distinctive indi-
'iduality of the American system, one
which usuSPation cannot permanently era
icaie. 1t was cut down to the ROOTS by
he fire and frost of war, but is now grow
og again into fair healthy tree which
ids fair soon to shelter the land again with
IS protecting shade.
The people are getting sick of being
verawed by United States soldiers. 1t is
he universal instinct that each State can
egplate ITS own internal affairs. There (
re certain grave contingencies of revolu-
on where, upon being properly invoked 6
= the State authorities, the general gov s
'nment may aid them in putting down Il
but the newt tangled idea of I
ndiDg squad of soldiers upon every
legram from country collector, is
! ahsurdity as we'll as novelty. .
1t is grave error also for the President \
do as Gen. Grant did in the Louisiana .
&c. He has no ri1hk IN anud sol1sSrs -. :,