The daily gazette., 1874-12-10

From the N. 7. Jowrnal of Commerce, of
yesterday. ~
The Message on Southern Af-l
49,. fairs.
The most significant part Of the Pres
idents Mess age, by all odds, is the expo.
sition Of his views towards the South. |
Touching other matters he merely advi-
ses, and Congress may do as it thinks
pest in taking or rejecting his counsel |
but when he speaks Of the Southern
do, under the authority Of the law, as he
construes it. The President dedicates
the opening Of his Message to his opin-
ions on financial troubles and their rem
edies-the repeal of the Legal Tender
act and free banking-and he declares
that he gave the subject that conspieu-
Gus place on account of its Importance
But whatever his opinions on finance
may be intrinsically worth, they have
no binding power on Congress, and real
ly carry but little weight. They have
no more effect than those Of any other
man who has specifically studied finan-
cial questions through other mems spec
tacles, unless it is understood that he
would veto every other plan of relief
that might be adopted, but his own. The
President as good as declares that he is
not obstinate or tenacious on that point,
for he says-'It is the duty Of Congress
to devise tho method of correcting the
evils which are acknowledged to exist,
and not mine The Secretary of the
Treasury uses language to the same ef-
feet. and adds-'The Secretary can do
nsither more nor less than obey and ene-
cute such lasus as Congvess mag enact"
These we take to be distinct intimations
that the Administration will not quarrel
with the Congressional majority what
ever they do about the finances. In
truth, all the financial recommendations
of the President and the Secretary were
intended tor popular effect, and not as
outgivings Of an Administration policy
to be executed with rigor and frmness.
Next to this branch OF the Presidents
Message, alarmists assign the greatest
Importance to its references to Spain.
Some think that they see here resolute
determination to interfere in Cuban af-
fairs unless Spain settles her indemnity
dues with us. The Presidents language
gives color to that theory. But it is
only b,rttuns fuln,ea, and Spain will SO
understand it. President Grant has, in
several annual messages, talked threat
eningly to Spain. He has for years been
holding out vague hopes to the Cuban
revolutionists that this Government
would soon come to their rescue by rec
ognition and more direct means. Spain
knows too well what this really signifies
TO take any notice Of it. She still car
ries on her relentless war against her
colonists, postpones emancipation, and
pays no attention to the claims OF the
United States; and we have no idea that
the Presidents latest utterances will
Ichange her disposition one whit. We
are too much accustomed to these bold
lectures to Spain to attach any serious
meaning to them. But when we come
to the third great topic in order, the
Presidents views OF Southern affairs
we feel that here at last we are getting
on more solid ground. For the President
has views" OF his executive duties to.
ward the South, and he has been in the
habit Of acting up to them without re.
gard for the consequences, and he now
says. in effect land we believe him. tina,
he will continue to exercise his harsh
and partisan policy as before.
No candid man denies that 1t is the
Presidents duty to enforce the laws o.
Congress and the provisions of thu
Constitution with rigor" Ito use hi
own wcrds), when circumstances rem
der that necessary. We blaiLo tn,
President, not for enforcing the laws
but fo- using the whole power of hi
Office, and the army with it, to bolste
lup party at the South. He has neve
appeared on the scene as Judge t,
arbitrate between two contcnding fac
tions, but always as an advocate read,
to back up his arguments for his sid
with bayonets. What he says of tn
South in his present Message is as one
sided as his observations on that sub
ject in previous Messages have invari
ably been. He repeats the old storie
about "White Leagues, masked AM
armed, and their acts of violence an,
: intimidation to deprive citizens Of tn
: freedom of the ballot. But he has no
q word to say of the formidable an,
I lmurderous combinations of blacks VIII
a lroamed over parts of the South, mul
dering, outraging and robbing, an
n lcausing reign Of terri which til
= whites could only suppress by counte
~ movements. There are two very di.
:. tinct sides to this question. If ther
were White Leagues, there were ais
BLACK Leagues, whose crimes mad
leagues of another color necessary i
d the opinion of some of the best citizen
Q of the South. As to the coercion G
:. colored laborers in tho matter of vo
4, ling to suit their employers "unde
IS threats of discharge If they acted othel
il wise," such cases, il they occurred
n can be matched by the tyrannical an
thigh handed course of Radical black
, toward men Of their race who vote
the Conservative ticket. The murde
y and beating of colored voters VIII
4 acted with the Conservatives were FRI
Iquent incidents at the South prior I
1.-THE election. But Of these facts tn
,, President affects to know nothing
g He has only eyes and ears for the GU
y RACES reported against the Conserv
J. tives and it is against those men th'
he employs all the engines of his a.
d thority, vnd he promises that he wi
IN keep on doing so. This part of IL
A. message affords melancholy eviden'
Is of the extent to which prejudice al
u obstinacy will blind man. Wha
lever disturbances occurred at the Soui
10 Just before the election-and thel
Of was nothing serious Of that nature.
Q, the Southern people, white and blacl
a. are most amicably disposed to acqu
h. esce in the result of the campaigl
N With the exception Of local and pa
r. sing difficulty, originated by negro'