The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1874-10-13

1t is now nearly eighteen months since the
HERALD in the discharge OF what seemed TO be
the imperative duty of an independent journal,
Swallowed forth the existence of sentiment in
the ruling party of the country which threat
ened change SO radical in the institutions of
the country as to indicate q new and grave de-
parture from the fundamental principles OF
government laid down by the fathers. We
showed the dislocatiOn of fixed traditions, the
Infringing of old customs and consitu-
tional ideas that came with the war; That
mighty tempest, which swept over the coun-
Try with desolating force, uprooting and tear
ing down, left the country in a strange condi-
ton The necessities of the war had clothed
the Executive with extraordinary powers 1t
had become possible for q President to suspend
the sacred right Of habeas corpus and to send
worthy men to jail by the stroke of q bell.
From this came . familiarity with extreme and
excessive power which grew in to political
sentiment and found expression in what
our political cant was wont to regard as
the necessity of strong central power
at Washington. We called attention TO the
fact that the Presidency was in the hands of a
man who had personal popularity enjoyed
by no President since Washington. In the
first place. he had the prestige SO dear to the
mind of men, the prestige of military renown.
His sword had saved the Union which Wash
ington had founded. and the instinct of ma
tional gratitude for this, as well as our pride
in his victories, made him 50 much stronger
tbor kl,k
posed upon party which neither sought nor
desired him, and which would have been only
too happy to have passed him over, content
with his command of the armies and selected
q statesman of approved merit and service.
1t so happened that this man showed in
government capacity that astonished even
his warmest admirers. But he entered upon
the Presidency with principles at variance with
every tradition of the constitution. The mill
tary sentiment of personal authority ruled in
the administration. 1t had been the constant
custom OF Presidents to regard their Cabinet
as SO many statesmen, selected from the party,
who had had wide experience in affairs, and
had risen to high place in the party councils,
and whose nomination would not only secure
efficient service in Office, but political support
10 the administration. Although the Presi-
dents named their Cabinets the general sense
of the party indicated the names. The Cabi-
net was, therefore, in some sense represen-
tative body, and its attainment became the
goal of the highest and purest ambition. Gen
eral Grant, however, advanced the principle
that o nomination to the Cabinet was wholly
personal prerogative, that he should select his
young man his bride, and that he was in no
way responsible to the party for these nomi-
nations. In other words, the Cabinet was
simply a nebulous body, without substance.
form or dignity, all real authority resting in
the central, shining star. The President we
say, announced this principle, and has never
deviated from it. The Cabinet is simply
political staff Heretofore men sought the
Cabinet from the Senate and the House. Now
Cabinet officers feel honored if they can
escape into the Senate or the House, and we
have seen how Senator declined the Treasury
and member of the House the Post Office.
The Presidency has assumed strength never
~
assemblies to hear DEGREES, not discuss them,
and in matter as important as the veto of in
nation the first intimation the Cabinet had of
the Presidents action was when he read
TO the members his veto message. In
appointments to Office the same principle
was manifest Men were sent abroad as
ministers or given important Offices at home
simply because they had in some way become
pleasant to the eyes Of the President, be-
cause he felt bound to recognize an old friend
ship or kinship or comradeship in the army.
These are not very grave errors, and we see
them in more glaring shape so far as the
nomination Of relatives to place is concerned,
in the English government But the prin-
ciple from which they spring has always been
foreign to our institutions.
These indications show the tendency to
personal government which has always marked
the Presidency Of General Grant In this he
was aided by Senate which had also as
sumed extraordinary powers. This body has
grown up to be something like the oligarchy
which ruled Athens Its members claim I'M
usual and unwholesome prerogatives. The
etiquette Of the Senate" which binds the
members to reject any nomination to an Office
that may be unpleasant TO the Senators from
the State furnishing the candidate, is one of
the gravest abuses that has ever crept into q
constitutional government. Other abuses have
followed il, and the Senate to-day is as much
an anomaly in our Republic - the Presi-
dency A. much opposed to republican SEN
tinent as the septennate Of MacMahon.
All strength, authority and the true powers
u government have been slowly moving
toward the Executive, which is now simply q
military post, and to tho Senate, which is an
oligarchy. The House is faced body All
life has gone from It II rs in condition Of