The central Presbyterian. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1856-1908, 1873-10-22

science, and the Kingdoms OF thlS "ollu h"'0
no right nor competency to PRESCRIBE OF
control it.
The people of the United States, IN Fed
eral and State governments, deny the Jurls-
diction of the magistrate in matters OF rellg-
ion, and enioy the "distinction and the
blessedness" of an entire separation, organ
ically, of Church and State. Religion is
neither fettered nor endowed. The Federal
Constitution, in Article VI, Section So de-
clares that "Religious tests shall never be
required as a qualification to any othce or
public trust under the United States. =
When the projet of the Convention of 1851
was submitted to the States for their sepa-
rate ratification, three of them proposed ad-
ditional guarantees of freedom of conscience
In Difference to this jealousy of interference
with the most sacred personal right, the hrst
amendment of the Constitution provides that
. Congress shall made no law respecting an
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the
free exercise thereof" These articles ex-
clude the Federal Government from any ad-
ministration of religion and from all power
to act on the subject. All the State cOnstl.
tutions are alike emphatic in the operation OF
absolute religious liberty. This American
contribution to the science of politics did not
spring from indifference or opposition to the
Christian religion. 1t proceeded, to quote
Judge Story, g from solemn consciousness
of the dangers from ecclesiastical ambition,
the bigotry of spiritual pride, and the intol'
arance of scots. - 1t was incorporated into
our organic laws in the interest and as pro-
motive of pure, spiritual religion. "To this
consideration, said Gen. Washington, "we
ought to ascribe the absence Of any regula-
tions respecting religion from the Magma
Charta of our country" Liberty of worship
was not regarded by the trainers of our Gov
eminent as derivative from civil power, nor as
a concession or boon of political generosity,
but as "a right inherent in the personality
of the individual conscience" Government
is a political organism, and it is of the es-
sence of American liberty that the Govern
ment should be entirely separate from church
es and religious denominations. The sepa-
ration is no longer an experiment. 1t has
the approval of every Evangelical denomina-
ton and of every political party. The dit
ferent denominations are generally prosper
Gus, enterprising, and widely influential
Ministers, in the aggregate, are as we'll sup
ported as elsewhere. Churches are as
numerous and as efficient. Christian activ-
ity is as intelligent. Sunday Schools are as
numerous and as well conducted. .Benefac-
tons for Bible publication and distribution,
for missions, church buildings, education
for all benevolenee-are as liberal. The
people of the United States are as we'll sup
Piled with the means of religion as any like
population in the world. Church accOmmO-
dations are as ample, and as well distributed,
InfdeIty and heresy have as few converts.
This success of the voluntary system, amply
substantiated by the census, has been accom-
phshed in spite of disadvantages, and yet
EQUALS what has been done for the Christian
religion in countries where millions are ex-
pended to uphold establishments that have
existed for centuries.
Voluntaryism finds confederation in coun-
tries where an Establishment is alleViated by
liberation. A comparison of Dissenters with
the favored sect can be made without preJu-
dice to the argument of the inexpediency OF
the reliance upon State favor. The non
conforming churches are not generally IN
ferior in purity of doctrine, unity OF faith,
harmony of purpose, strictness of discipline,
or consistency of conduct, to the endowed
church. Bible, and mission, and tract So
cieties are as we'll sustained by Dissenters
proportionately as by Churchmen. The
poor and destitute are often compelled to
RELY upon Dissenters for religious instruction
and public worship.
1t would be uncandid not to concede that
State patronage has insured superior culture
to a portion of the ministry, and has given
to the world profound scholars and eminent
preachers. In spite of this admission,
must advance step and place the opposl'
ton to union on grounds more impregnable
than mere inexpediency or unnecessary. 1t
is wrong in principle and injurious In practi'
cal operation.
a. 1t is an injury to the State. When
Governments undertake impossblhties, they
frequently inhict intolerable grievances or
bring themselves into contempt. Govern
ments have no jurisdiction over the con-
science. This is extra-territorial. Govern
ments cannot afford to lose the sympathy
or encounter the Just prejudice of the govern
ed, or do palpable injustice. An Establish
ment fosters notions of arbitrary government,
cultivates opposition to liberal principles
The pulpit often reflects the caprice and will,
and espouses the cause of the court. The
advocates of the divine right of kings, of
passive obedience, the opponents of revolu-
ton, of civil reform, of popular liberty, have
uniformly been the adherents of the Estab-
hshment. The rightness of the union Of
Church and State by an inevitable logic
leads to the rightness of absolutism, of des-
potism, to the denial of individual liberty
and the right of private judgment, to the
suppression of free opinion and of the largest
liberty of political action. English history
is full of proofs of these assertions. A refer
ence to the troublOus condition Of political al
fairs in Brazil, Mexico, France, Germany,
Austria, Spain and Italy shows that the
union is perplexing governments, Obstructing
reform, fomenting strife and war. State re-
igion generated the Crusades, the persecu-
tons, and very many of the outrages of
Popery. A State religion brings Great
Britain into the anomalous position of de-
Tending the Anglican Church with three or
ders of ministry in England, Presbyterianism
with one in Scotland and the MaynoOth grants
in Ireland, According to Hooker national
church is founded on the fiction of making
every subject member of said church,
Arnold of Rugby was not able to free him
self from the same hypothesis. Two corpOr-
ate powers, with distinct offices and ministries,
thus enlist the same persons as subjects and
communicates. Statesmen and churchmen