Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1873-11-04
NUMBER 5.

lean States, where they might be "free from the
domination of the white race"
Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, in his canvass
with Abraham Lincoln, said: II believe TINS
government was made by white men, for the
benefit of white men and their posterity forever,
and l am in favor of conhning citizenship TO
white men-men of European birth and descent,
instead of comforting it on negroes, Indians, or
other inferior races"
Senator Morton, of Indiana, discussing the
question of negro suffrage, said 1.-THE immedI-
ate transfer of more than half million from the
bonds of slavery, with all the ignorance and
degradation upon them which the slavery of
generations, upon Southern fields. has produced,
would be declaration to the world that the ex-
ercise of American suffrage involves no intellec-
tual or moral qualifications, and that there is no
difference between an American freeman and an
American slave which may not be made by
| mere act of Congress"
| On the 9TH of March. 1860. Senator Wade. of
| Ohio, one of the most earnest and, / may add,
one of the most honest friends of the negro race
| said, on the floor of the Senate of the United
States This great government owes it to vari-
| Gus pressing considerations to provide means
| whereby the free negroes may emigrate to some
congenial cline whore they may be maintained
| to the mutual benefit of all. This would ensure
| a separation of the races.
LET THEM GO INTO THE TROPICS.
There are vast tracts of most fertile and invi-
| ting lands, in a climate perfectly congenial to
| that class of men, where the negro will be pre-
dominant, where his nature seems to be improv-
ed and all his faculties, both mental and physical,
| are fully developed and where the white man
degenerates in the same proportion as the black
man prospers. Let them go there.
LET THEM BE SEPARATED;
| it is easy to do it. They will be so far removed
| from US that they cannot form disturbing ele-
"After this is done hope to hear no more about
negro equality or anything of the kind. We
shall be glad to rid ourselves of these people
| as anybody else can."
And what were the opinions of
ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
the great Apostle of Emancipation, and the au-
thor of the emancipation proclamation, on this
important subject? Fortunately, he has left no
room for doubt IN regard to them. They were
expressed fully and freely on many occasions,
in public speeches, which have been published,
and in official papers.
In his celebrated canvass of the State Of Ill-
nois, in opposition to Mr.. Douglas he said: II
am not and never have been, in favor of max
ing voters or jurors of negroes; nor of qualify
ing them to hold office, nor to intermarry with
whites, and / will say further, in addition
to this that there is aphyscal difference between
the black and white races which L believe will
toreuer forbid the taoo living together on
terms of social and political equality"
Again on 2lst August, 1858. in speech at
Ottawa, Illinois, Mr.. Lincoln said: Il have no
purpose to introduce political and social equality
between the white and black races. There is
physical difference between the two which,, in
my judgment, will probably foreuer forbid
their living together on the footing Of perfect
equality; and inasmuch as it becomes a necessi-
ty that there must be difference, l am in favor
of the race to which belong having the superb
or position"
In the same canvass with Mr.. Douglas, the re-
port of which was published under his own eye,
he repeatedly declared that he opposed ito
social and political equality between the white
and black races;'' that he was not in favor of
negro citizenship" that he "would, to the very
last, stand by the law of Illinois. which forbade
the marriage of white people with negroes."-
He also declared that, in his opinion, it would
be best for all concerned to have the colOred
population in State by themselves.
Mr.. Lincoln, having been elected President of
the United States in 1860, and having been in
augurated on the 4th of March, 1861 avaied
himself Of the earliest opportunities to recon-
free colored population. In his annual message,
delivered on the 3rd of December, 1861. he said
"To carry out the plan of colonization, may in
| volve the acquiring of territory, and also an ap-
preparation beyond that to be expended IN the
territorial acquisition If it be said that the on
ly legitimate object of acquiring territory is to
furnish homes for white men, this measure ef-
fecs that object; for the emigration of colored
men leaves additional room for colored men re-
manning, coming here" And he closes with
the following striking remarks: "On the whole
proposition including the appropriation of
money, with the acquisition of territory, does
not the erpediency amount to absolute necessity
that aoithout aoich, the government Itself cannot
be peTpetuated"
Anu mere, l6C III D6 TemPmD6r0Q, LDaL W00n
this message was sent to Congress by Mr.. Lin
| coin, WILLIAM IL. SEWARD SALMON z. CHASE,
| SIMON CAMERON, and other distinguished lights
| of the Republican party were members of his
| cabinet and his constitutional advisers, and
must, therefore, be presumed to have approved
| and sanctioned this important recommendation.
| In the summer of 1862 Mr. Lincoln, then
| President of the United States, was visited by
delegation of free cOlored people, who, believe,
were from Virginia.
He avaled himself of the occasion to make to
| them an address, from which l submit the fol-
lowing extract. Speaking to his swarthy visi-
tors, he said Why should not the people of
| yoatr be coLonizeC? Why should they not
leaue this country2 This is perhaps the first
question for consideration. You and we are
different race. We have between US a broader
difference than exists between almost any other
two races. Whether it is right or wrong need
not discuss. But this physical difference is a
great disadvantage to US both. as L think your
race suffers greatly, many of them, by living
with US, while ours suffer from your presence.
| In word we suffer on each side If this be ad-
mitted, 1t shows reason aohy zoe should be sepG-
| rated You here are freemen, suppose Per-
haps you have long been free, all your lives.
| Your race are suffering, in my opinion, the
| greatest wrong inflicted on any people. But
even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet
| far removed from being placed an equality
with the white race. You are still cut off from
many of the advantages which are enjoyed by
the other race The aspiration of man is to en-
| joy equality with the best, when free; but on
|
race is made the equal of ours. Go aohere you
are treated the best and the ban IS still upon yoat"
| / have thus given you the opinions of many of
| the most distinguished men that our country has
pro6uced-men of acknowledged ability and
patriotism, all concurring in the necessity of q
complete separation of the black and white races.
| When they had occasion to express their opin-
ions, slavery was still in existence and the free
negroes were mere handful in comparison with
the white population.
| If, therefore, these great statesmen were so
deeply impressed with the necessity of coloniz-
| ing the comparatively small number of free
blacks-under the belief that the two races could
not live together on footing of equality-how
vastly has that necessity been increased by the
| fact that their number is now counted in mil
lions!
| 1 might multiply authorities in support of the
| policy of separation, almost indefinitely, but
| forbear from taxing your patience further
| May / not, however add to the list of the dis
| tinguished friends of the policy of separation
| and colonization of the colored race, the name
| of another illustrious citzen-one high in Office
| and who, at this moment, wields larger power
and influence over the public opinion of the
American people, than any other living man
l. of course, refer to the President of the United
| States.
1t is true that can offer no direct and positive
proof in regard to his opinions, but the indirect
| and crcumstantial evidence seems, to my mind,
| to be conclusive.
| PRESIDENT GRANTS POLICY.
do not profess to be in the confidence OF Presi-
| dent Grant or his advisers. l have access to no
| evidence which is not open to the public at large