Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1873-02-21
n .uOn.sL or TIKI CRRDgT NO.
RTLIER,

The investigation of the Credit Moblier
is likely to have some unexpected coilater-
al results. In speaking of the subject
when the INQUIRY began we said, III 1t
shall finally appear that members owning
stock voted favors to the company, then
they must suffer in public estimation with
the members who, being Interested in any
manufacturing industry, vote for Its spec
ial protection" The Credit Mobilier in
vestigation opens the whole question wheth-
er member of Congress can honorably
vote upon any question of favor to any en-
terprise in which he is pecunarily inter-
ested. When the Tribune said that Mr..
Blaine was "proved" to be guilty of fraud
because, being y member of Congress, he
had accepted stock in company which
Congress, with his assent, had subsidized,
the accusation was totally untrue; but had
il been true that he was an owner of the
stock II would not have been a more fla
grant offcnse than that which may now be
correctly charged against hundreds of men,
bers Of Congress from the beginning who
are of the fairest reputation. We do not r"-
member that the Tribune ever denounced
those members as corrupt, who, in voting
for high tariff, protected their own pri-
waite interests. il rather considered thom
patriots, II we remember correctly, and
supporters of II peculiarly "American sys-
tenn and policy and those who voted 9TH
erwise were very questionable characters,
who were probably bought with British
gold. But why is II not as honorable TO be
bought with British gold as with Americ-
an?
The difficulty in the situation of tho
bers charged as bribed by Cakes Amcs is
not that they consciously received consid-
Grafton for their votes, but that they receiv-
ed II unconsciously. Mr.. Ames, man of
large enterprises, naturally sought to en-
list the interest both of capitalists and in
fiuential men, for names alone, without
money, are the most valuable allies 10 great
undertakings. Mr.. Ames, undoubtedly, is
one OF those who believe in the overpower-
ing force of mercenary motives. lie argu-
cd that If it was the pecunary interest Of a
legislator to vote for a law, his vote for IL
was secure. There is certainly no moral
difference between voting subsidies 10 a
railroad in which you own stock and to an
iron mine in which you own shares. If
Thaddeus Stevens was interested in iron
aud voted for a high duty, his act was not
essentially different from that of any mem
Der who was Interested in the Pacific rail-
road and voted fnr a grant or for II release
from taxation. If Mr.. Stevens could plead
tho advantage 10 the national industry of
protecting American labor, certainly the
railroad member might plead the gain 10
the national welfare in great public works
and facility of communication, Thus Mr..
Colfax was always conspicuously interested
| in the Pacific railroad. He advocated IL In
| speeches, lectures, and articles; aud he
would, of course, have aided It with sub
scriptions had he been capitalist. Hisinter-
est was not selfish, but no supported it up
on truly public and not private grounds.
| If he had become subsequently an owner OF
| its stock and had voted subsidies to the
road, it would not be at al, clear that his
ownership affected his action, because he
would probably have done the same II he
had not been an owner.
If, now, II be assumed, as II seems gon-
orally to be, that 1t is impossible for leg
| lslator not to be Influenced In his vote by
the fact of a pecuniary interest in the sub
ject Of legislation, the moral of the Credit
Moblier investigation is plain. Hereafter,
when Congress votes upon tariff favor
ing certain branches OF industry, the men,
bers who are pecuniarlly interested In
those branches will be denounced as cor
Hax 10 Lnc Ia Do
land committee nobody seriously supposes
that the Credit Mobllier stock was accepted
| by members With any ill-iptent, whatever