Knoxville weekly chronicle. [volume] (Knoxville, Tenn.) 1870-1875, 1873-02-12
THE CONGRESSIONAL SCANDAL.

The CONGhESolOhAL SCANUAL.
The promptness and frankness with
which the Republican papers have discuss
ed the Credit Mobilier scandal is credita-
BILE to their honesty and fearlessness. When
the Tammany Ring was robbing New
York of its hundred millions, the Dem
cratic press of the city not only refused to
expose, it but so long as public sentiment
would tolerate it, they defended Boss
Tweed and his infamous gang. 1t is graf
flying to see that the Republican press is
pursuing a contrary course as to the scan
dial now engaging the public attention
The very name of the notorious corpora.
ton whose operations are now being in
vestigated eXcites suspicion. What is this
Credit Nobilier, asks every reader? What
does Credit Mobilier mean? There must
be some rascality in the thing, suggests
one, or it would not do business under
such name.
The facts thus far developed, so far as
members of Congress are concerned, affect
their veracity rather than their integrity.
James Brooks, of New York, is the only
member who held much of the stock, who
did not hold it openly as business trans
action. Those members like Scofield and
Bingham, who, when the subject was first
brought forward, said /: YES, we held
stock we had q right to hold it and are
only sorry that We had not the capital to
buy more of it," are considered as occupy
ing really an unobjectionable position
They bought the stock after the Pacific
road had obtained all legislation required
and held it as they would hold any rail
road. bank, telegraph, or corporation
stock.
Public men are not debarred from hold
ing railroad or bank stocks if they have
means honestly acquired with which to
buy them. They ought not to hold stock
in corporations before Congress for legisla-
ton, if the holding of it would, in any way.
embarrass them as Legislators. The dealing
in stocks, If honest and legitimate, is not
wrong in our public men, though, as a
general rule, it would unquestionably be
better if they did nothing of the kind.
But the wrong in this Credit Mobilier trans
action was not so much in holding the
stock as in the prevarication on the part of
some who did own it. Those whose
veracity has been shaken by the testi-
mony stand in the worst light. The result
thus far has been to make the issue as to
most of the members rather one of truth
fulness than one of integrity. In this
plight stand ColfaX and Patterson conspc-
uously, and Dawes, Garfield and Kelley in
q less dangerous position. The investi-
eating committees have evidence before
them to show that much money was cor
ruptly used to influence legislation, but
thus far comparatively little money, either
as stock or as "a bribery fund, has been
traced to men in public position. Up to
the latest published evidence before us, the
CON mittees have testimony showing that
some men in Congress have lied about
owning Credit Mobilier stock but they
have as yet insufficient evidence to show
that there was any extensive bribery or
corruption in Congress on the part of those
who hold the shares. We give this merely
as a statement of the present condition of
this Congressional scandal. 1t is a subject,
even in the best phase that can be put upon
it, that is painful to reflect upon, but there
is no need of eXaggerating it. The truth is
bad enough.