New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1873-06-07
BONAPARTLST GUERRILLAS.

There does not seem to be any adequate rea-
son for the excitement which has always fol-
lowed the advent of a member of the late Impe-
rial family in France during the last two years.
The Punishment of Prince Napoleon (J6rOme)
by NJ. Theirs was an ill-advised and useless
measure which could do no good and actually
did much harm. People could not refrain
from thinking and saying that NJ. Theirs must
regard his Republic as very frail affair If he
thought its life was endangered by the pres
ence in Paris of this inert and lethargic gen.
tleman. There are especial reasons why
Prince Napoleon should not be con-
sidered dangerous to liberty at the pres
ent juncture. lie would scOrn to run
any risks or endure any fatigues
for the benefit of his young cousin at Chisel-
hurst for he has always sconfully denied
the cOnsanguinity, and one of his bitterest
quarrels with the Empress arose from his
saying that the Prince Imperial had no more
right to the throne than any other MOnt1O.
Soon after the death of the late Emperor
Prince Napoleon took pains to disconnect
himself from any solidarity with the sO-called
Imperial party and though he issued bonn
bastic NapOleOnic address to his COrsican
constituents when he was banished, he spoke
only of himself and his uncle, and
made no reference to the widow aud
the ron Of his official cousin. 1t is not, there
fore, as an agent of the young man who is
called by the office holders of the Empire who
are out of place Napoleon w., that the Red
Prince can be supposed to have come to
France. 1t is in his own interests exclusively,
and nobody can call him dangerous man to
any government. He has genius as an orator,
and a certain kind of hberality and courage !;
but these gifts have never been appreciated in
France, and he is absolutely devoid of
that personal attractiveness so necessary
to the leaders of revolutions. He has had in
his life but one moment of triumph. After
his speech in the Senate, nearly ten years ago,
in defense of the liberty of conscience, the
students swarmed out of the Latin Quarter
and surrounded the Paas- Bourbon to cheer
him as he came out. He retained for several
years certain amount of popularity through
his occasional quarrels with the Emperor and
his rather theatrical liberal demonstrations
such as following BxO's coffin to the grave
on foot But when the serious hour of trial
came when the tendency of progress seemed
drew his princey pensions, and which
guaranteed him the crown of France in the
event of the failure of one frail life, he found
liberalism too dangerous game, and renowned
it with some clamOr. He has certainly done
nothing since to make him formidable to the
existing government.
In fact, there seems at this moment no
Bonapartist movement at all in France worth
any ones consideration. The only election
that party has recently carried was in the
department of the Charente Inf6rieure, and
that was through the strenuous efforts of the
local authorizes, who were appointed under
the Empire, and have been suffered to retain
their places by the magnanimity or the care
lessness of the Republican government Every
where else the party appears almost TO have
become extinct. The members of the family
are entirely destitute of that unity of purpose
and common sense faculty of organization
which make the Orleans family so formidable.
The latter are entirely harmonious, or if they
differ il is with closed doors. But there are
as many quarrels among the BOnapartes as
there are princes. The Empress and Napoleon
Jerome mutually and openly detest each other
Tine Cardinal has no direct interest in the
family sqnbbles though if the Emperor
bad outlivcd Plus IN it is highly probable
that he would have expected very earnest
pressure from the Tuilerics upon the conclaVe.