Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1873-01-21
The Caldwell Bribery Se-The
Cotton Tax and the Syndicate
The g. P. Investi.
CATION.
The Boston Relief Bili--The
Senate COinmmitte Report
Against the House Bill
Reasons Therefor.
Louisiana Affairs----PhelpS, Dodge
& CO.-Kukiux PardOns--.
Death Of Mrs. Walker.

CREDIT MOBILIER-THE PRESIDENTS S
EVIDENCE.
! WASHINGTON, January 20.-Poland's
| Credit Mobilier Committee resumed in
vestigations to-day. General Banks
took his seat with tie Committee for
the first time. Sidney Dillon, President
of the Credit Mobilier, testified that he
knew shares were put in the hands of
Durant and Ames to fulfill previous con-
tracts, but did not remember the names
of the persons; Ames said he was under
obligations to them; some allusiOn was
made TO Congressman, but | don't re-
member the namts; think Ames men,
| toned James Brooks. Witness said
Brooks came to him saying he had
received one hundred shares from Du-
rant, and that under the rule
he was entitled to fifty shares
additional, which were finally
made over to Nelson, the son-in-law of
Brooks; at the same time Nelson bor-
rowed five thousand dollars Of him Dill
lon to pay for them; Durant paid for
| the stock transferred to Nelson by the
company; could not tell whether Nell
son repaid the five thousand dollars,
without looking at his books; did not
know what Ames did with the stock
! transferred to him; at the interview
with Brooks relative to the fifty shares,
neither Alley nor McCOmb were pres
| ent; Brooks had nothing to do with the
money loaned to Nelson by witness;
Brooks said distinctly that the stock was
to go to his sOn-in-law (NeilsOn) and not
| to him Brooks. Witness never knew
| of Brooks having received any divi-
/ a "a Of
| know where the books of the Credit
| Mobilier were, unless they were in the
| hands of Mr.. Ham; never heard of Al
ley's connection with the transaction of
! Brooks.
Judge Poland asked the witness to re-
! fresh himself from his books about the
! Brooks-NeilsOn transaction, and the
committee adjourned till tomorrow.
THE CALDWELL BRIBERY CASE.
The Committee on Privileges and
Elections, in the case of Senator Cald-
well, met at one o'clock and discussed
the propriety of forcing the production
of a letter between Governor Carney
and EX-COngressman Clarke. Senator
Trumbull said that the case of Senator
Caldwell was being investigated, and
not witnesses Carney and Clarke. He
therefore was opposed to forcing the pro-
duction of private letters between them.
Senator Anthony cOncurred, but after
some discussion the room was cleared to
consider the matter secretly; the room
was reopened, the Committee having
decided that the letter must be produced.
1t detailed corrupt bargains in Cald-
wells election, and closed with the ex-
preston that an investigation be made.
The defence attempted to show the diff
ference between the statements in Car
ney's letter and his sworn statement,
but failed; long and tedious examina-
ton however was only cOnfirmatory of
testimony already disclosed that a great
deal of money changed hands at the
election now under investigation.
THE COTTON TAX AND THE SYNDICATE.
Tomorrow was the day fixed by the
Ways and Means Committee to con.
slider bill to refund the cotton tax, but
as several prominent bankers are here
to be heard on the syndicate question,
the cotton tax bill will be set aside and
the statements of these gentlemen
heard.
The President sent the following
names to the Senate to-day: Thos. Jer-
negan, Surveyor of Customs, Michigan
City, Indiana; William McKenyon,
Postmaster, Powell, Michigan.
THE UNION PACIFIC INVESTIGATION.
The Wilson Investigation Committee
consumed much time in arranging for
the examination of E. H. Rollins, Presi-
dent of the Union Pacific Railroad, who
was present with two large trunks full
of books belonging to that company.
Dillon, the Poland Committee adj
journed till tomorrow.
THE BOSTON RELIEF BILL.
The majority of the Senate Commit
tee on the Judiciary, in reporting on the
House bill for the relief of the sufferers
by the Boston fire, submit long argu-
ment that in view of the express con-
stitutional provisions securing to all the
States equal privileges and advantages
in commerce and manufactures, Con-
gress has no power to pass the bill. In
reply to the argument that preeedents
support the bill, it is answered that the
constitution is an abiding command,
and that nineteen violations of it will
not justify a twentieth, and that, more
over, such bills of this character as
have been passed heretore were
not seriously opposed or fully
considered with regard to constitutional
questions. The Portland relief bill was
passed without debate, and seemingly
without consideration. The Chicago
relief bill was reported by the Senate
Committee on Finance, but was not
considered by the Judiciary Committee;
and it is said to be fair to presume that
| the sympathy of the Senators for the
/ LII l.,
contributed more to the passage of the
bill than the deliberate judgment of the
Senate upon the constitutional question.
The committee continue as follows:
"The Importance of the subject, and the
fact that calamity by fire cannot be
distinguished from one produced by
flood, hurricane, earthquake, or any
other visitation outside of the ordinary
course of things, and the fact that if
Congress attempts to inquire against
one, it must against all, not at all justi-
fies, but calls Tor reconsideration of the
subject, and makes it necessary to de-
termine the principles to be applied in
all such cases. If, in view of all these
considerations, Congress shall pass the
bill, it is not perceived by your Commit
tee upon what ground Congress could re-
fuse relief to individual sufferers. How
many buildings must be destroyed to
justify the interference of Congress? Z?
Must there be a thousand, or five hum
dred, or one hundred, or fifty, or five?
Where is the line to be drawn?
Must Congress become q great al
moner of the nation and great in
surance company for forty millions of
people," After arguing that this bill
cannot be regarded as substantially a
drawback of the duties, for the reason
that the bill relates merely to articles
used in this country, and that draw
backs like duties must be uniform
throughout the country, the committee
continue: "If it be said that the bill is
in effect mere appropriation of money
out of the Treasury, and that Congress
has the power of appropriation limited
only by the fact that the appropriation
must be made to pay its debts and pro-
vide for the common defense and gene
raj welfare Of the United States, the
answer is plain in the bill. Ii does not
provide for the payment of any debt
or for anything necessary to the
common welfare and defense, nor
is it an appropriation for the
general welfare; II is essentially local
measure. They quote from Story's
Commentaries on the Consultation to
show that power to lay taxes is not in
the common sense general power, but
is limited TO those objects;" and contin-
ues by saying that sit requires no argu
meRt to show that the power of appro-
prihtion is no broader than that OF taxa.