The Middlebury register. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1850-1882, 1873-04-22
MiNbleburp 9rgistrr
TUESDAY. APRIL %,


The theoretical policy Of the govern
ment in the nanog cement oil our Indian
tribes is not very bad one. But the
practical workings Of the system have
proved to be peruicious in the extreme.
1t was authorized by act Of Congress
April 10th 1869 Iu the course of the
discussions during the few days prior to
passage Of the bill in the House, Mr..
Clarke, Member of Congress from Kan
sas urged as motive for its passage
that President Grant, in private con-
vcrsation with himself, had expressed
entire approval of its provisions, and
added that he had confidence in the
President, &c. from which it appears at
least probable that the wish Of the Exec
tive inspired its main features. Who
was the author Of it, can Of course DC OF
no possible consequence, except to prove
that President Grant must have had
vivid conception Of its import, and at
least toleraby clear ideas of the methods
of enforcement. With this superstition,
it is difficult to understand the vaccilla-
tons, the rapid alterations between
peace and war, the sudden changes from
severity, as in the case Of the Picgans,
to a pleading peace which they naturally
interpreted as a fear to meet them on the
war path.
There are now about one hundred and
sixty thousand Indians within the juris-
diction of the United States, who are not
credited with any degree of civilization,
except in the matter of improvement in
the use Of weapons Of warfare, and in the
adoption Of the civilized custom Of free
indulgence in the use Of 6rowater. There
are perhaps as many more who are partial.
ly or wholly civilized. What is to be the
policy of management of these wards Of
the nation, is now the vexed question
brought prominently before the country
for solution, by recent developments.
The old system was found to be es-
pecally subject to abuse. BY it the In
dams were taught to distrust the govern
mcnt, and feel that our policy was one
of injustice to themselves. The new
policy was concliatory. Its first effect
WAS W SOItSu tnC hOuib' DNe WV
secondary effect was less salutary. The
savage interpreted governmental leniency
as an indication of fear to deal otherwise
with them. Their conceit rather than
their gratitude was developed. These
chiefs came to consider themselves as OF
vast relative Importance and they resent
ed any other rating. The savagcs soon
gave free rein to their thieving and MUIR
derous dispositions. On the first exhibit
ton Of these traits, the government should
have dealt firmly and when necessary
ssyeysIIv Mjfba4Hyed R Nth the" them made
treaties as with foreign power gave
them liberal supplies of food and cloth
ing, endeavoring to hire them to be good
like the parent who hires his child to be
good by lump of sugar. The result of
this enforcement Of the peace policy has
been what might have been expected.
This policy may have been adopted
and interpreted by the officers in carrying
it out under the influence of the poetic
sentiment which has largely prevailed for
twenty-five years past, and been mani.
tested in our poetry and romance, claim
ing that the red man was unjustly de.
privcd Of his happy hunting grounds on
the first occupancy of this country by the
whites. Whether this sentiment is well
founded or not we shall not now stop to
consider. 1t is Of no consequence in the
consideration Of the main question at is
eun'pcdsation Tor their losses than can be
rendered by money consideration Our
occupancy and title to the soil we hold
in fee simple, is fixed fact. Our gov.
eminent and our right to protection I'm.
der it, are 10 less detcrminate. The
question is simply this. How can we
best protect ourselves in our rights Of
life, liberty and property, and govern
them so that it shall most conducc to
their own good
If we would bring a little common
sense to bear upon the question we might
perhaps forego craftsmanship, and diplo
macy, and the other formidable applian-
ces which have proved such humiIiating
failures in the past Not only common
sense, but justice, and humanity, and
equal rights demand that we do for them
what we have done for the slaves. Make
them citizens with all the citizens priv.
lcges; make them feel that they are
amenabe to all our laws; give them the
same right to acquire pr )perty, and at
the same time make them feel the power
OF actual necessity, if need be, to insure
distinct recognition Of the fact that
man must earn his bread by the sweat
Of his brow" Then, if we owe them any.
thing let us pay it to the last farthing !;
ifthey commit crime let them be punished
to the letter Of the law even if it requires
the whole army Of the United States to
secure the offender. Let there be 10
more treaties with irresponsible parties
which binds us but has no force with
them. We should no longer tolerate the
existence Of rowing bands upon the pub.
lie domain. Their organized existence
is In itself Il conspiracy against the gov
ernment; threat Of breach of peace, of
plumber, and Of murder. Location is a
necessity of good citizenship. Without
it civilization is impossible. 1t is essen
tial to culture in the arts as well as eu-
ture in the schools. And there is no
hardship in it. The Indian nature, I'M
cultivated though it is, is human still.
His needs are not dissimilar to our needs.
What is necessary for our protection and
peace is equally essential for his highest
good We do not argue for restraint Of
personal liberty except when freedom is
detrimental to the public good. The
great public is above any individual
This is the theory of all wholesome gov.
eminent.
And finally, 10 dealing with these
treacherous characters, justice should be
administered with firmness, and concilia
ton with discretion There should be al
end Of this variable, shifting, tickle man