The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1873-04-19


ments he actually mastered. For u should i,,o oe
further remarked, that though he faithfully applied
himself to his was wa mot an he held
In aversion he felt In himself capacity 70 pay =
nsbs part on the more spacious sc
man, and in INDUCING this propensity he committed
| no mistake .
| The chief characteristic OF his mind was its
| breadth OF view. In this sense he was philOso-
pher studying politics ne began 6y corning lot ,I
questions OF q practical nature that came up for
| Consideration were to be tested. This naturally
| Administration though he proved equally sKilful
in both. Almost simultaneously with his marriage
ne the TO the
in this small way he rose by easy de-
grees into the atmosphere OF statesmanship
AS the result OF season OF political chaos and dis
senson the wing element rose as the antagonist OF
the democratic party. In the bubbles over inma.
terial questions sight was lost Of the policy which
was secretly laboring Tor the extension OF slave
territory. Such being the state of things at the
outset OF Mr. Stewards career the first thing neces-
sary for him to do was to choose his side. Under
his fathers roof the influences naturally carried
him to sympathize with the old Jeffersonian party
on the one Ihand while the relics OF the slave sys
tenn remaining In the family as house servants-the
least repulsive form Of that reiationseemed little
likely to inspire In him much aversion to 1t on the
HE LAYS DOWN HIS POLICY.
Nevertheless, he early formed his conclusions
adversely to the organization in New York profess
and not less so TO the perpetuaton OF slavery any
where. On the other hand the selection OF the
was one not unattended with difficulty. The idea
Of q popular form OF government which ne had
built up II his own mnd was one o. the most e *
wider scale; So far as ! can comprsnend
have never found my idea more. broadly
aeyeloped! than by him: IT.. It is far more more
and throws into deep shadow the performances OF
most OF ms modern disciples. He soon became
representative OF the younger the ardent and the
mony with the nature of our institutions than
suited the adherents to long established ideas.
possessed OF powers to direct the popular sense,
which, on the whole, 1t was not expedent tor them
nse n The Stae aae a
which he coald not fail to expose, OF the power OF
secret societies with popular Institutions as Illus
trated in the welknown story of the abduction
and death OF Morgan, made him first a member
of the Senate Of this State and after ward
raised him to be the Governor for two TERMS
AN EARLY OPPONENT TO THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
The sentiments of Mr.. Seward on the subject OF
slavery had been early expressed. Previously to
the State OF Georgia. but he seems not to have been
converted by his experiences to any faith in the
in Fourth of July grafton, delivered at Auburn,
when he was twenty four years old. In this speech
eminent to emancpate slaves by legislation was
not less remarkable than the miscalcuation OF the
force Of the passions which led the south In the
dicted consequences Yet in his conclusion he
proved prophet. But he then could little nave
foreseen the share he was to have in controlling
the final CONFUSION.
Mr.. Seward terminated his career as State
politician with very elaborate exposition Of MS
was wise in him to retreat, leaving such legacy,
for he thus escaped complications with local in
terestS and rival jealousies which render perse-
verance in purely local struggles such thankless
labor. II was this error which for long time i'm
paired the general usefulness OF another great
statesman or New York. De Witt Clinton. from
this date Mr.. Seward remained several years IN
private life, steadily pursuing his profession The
course OF public affairs had not proved prOpitiOuS
to his party.
General Taylor was made President, and stimuli
tane0usly Mr. Seward was for the first time trans
ferred from the field OF State TO that OF national af
fairs. He came into the Senate OF the United
States not to leave it for twelve years. He came
under circumstances OF no trining embarrassment.
The new President was at the time utterly un-
known to the public men and especially to him, /
am very sure That Mr. Seward felt for some time
quite uncertain what the issue would be. Every
OF General Taysr to Distinguish he rne hs
false path Happily for Mr. Seward, he de.
en the Struggle St sSs with Y s Mr.
seward and the President differ ed in their policy.
the successive speeehes-one on the llth OF
18th OF September OF the year 1s5o-displayed in
the cearesr light his whole policy on this vital
subject At the very outset he declared himself
opposed to a compromise with slavery. In any ana
all the forms in which it had been proposed; and
he followed up the words with . close argument
against each OF those forms.
THE RIsE OF THE REPUBLICAN, PARTY.
Then began the great reaction in the North and
West. At last the election OF 1856 displayed the
fact that parties had thrown OF DISCUSSES and were
placing themselves upon the real issues vital to the
Shareholders, and James Buchanan was made to
succeed Franklin Pierce, the severity OF the strug-
gle Indicated but too plainly the beginning OF the
end. From this moment the republican party
became the true antagonist to that domination.
Mr.. Seward now, for the first time. enjoyed the
embarrassments springing out OF union with
paralyzing associates in the same party. lie
Which he made both in the Senate and es
people, remain TO testify to his powers and his
success. The effects Of the new union, reinforced
were made perceptible in the steady increase Of
the minorites in both houses OF Congress. The
In the popular branch the republican party counted
plurality OF the members. Alter long-c0ntinued
struggle they succeeded In eiectlng their speaker
visible on the wall Then came moment when
candidate OF the party, at last thoroughly organ
lied, was to be nominated Tor the Presidency OF
1861.
THE VALUE OF EXPERIENCE IN THE SENATE
Mr.. seward IN his ten years of service in the
Senate had completely developed his capacity as a
great leader IN difficult times. With the singular
mixture Of holiness and moderation which dis.
tingushed him from all others he mad maintained
his ground against all the assaults made upon him
by the abiest OF the slavehodng statesmen In their
StrOu8HOlu Vi Tue oeH1tc tie udu kHOWu now
TO pursue that narrow path between license in dts
cussion the one hand and personal alterca-
ton on the other which Is 50 seldom faithfully
adhered to by public men, especially when cunning
fencers are ever lying In wait to entrap them
He had also enjoyed the benent OF expert
ence In his administration while Governor OF
New, York, which had made him familiar as well
with executive as with legislative forms OF busi-
ness. The older statesmen OF great note had van
ished, so as to make his party prominence more
marked than ever. As q consequence, when the
nominating convention assembled at Chicago the
NIL fnrnn tnya r1 i'm a ia On M
date Of all others the most distinguished. large
plurality had been chosen as delegates friendly TO
him. and the general expectation was that ne
bered that, in 1874, Henry Clay was defeated be-
cause he had long record Of publice service,
from which many marked sayings ana
beings might be quoted to affect impossible wav-
erers, and James X. Polk was elected because no.
raaa he had a