Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1873-03-06
1nPnEss UrsS rmE INAuGuRAi..


He PREB6 URoN TWE INAgGURAL.
From the New York Hersld.l
The nation believes that the President WIN do
al in his power during his second term 20 FOSTER
the commercial interests Of the country, TO pre-
serve peace, to encourage the shipping Interests,
to AID manufactures, to elevate labor, to do
justice TO the Indians, and 90 correct the abuses
that have grown up in the civil service of the
GpSnn.fy The people w re % WIT the
untiring services to the country, and to the
abuse to which he has been subjected by the
political ghouls. They trusted the general of
their armies during war and found no reason TO
regret their confidence. They trusted the
soldier President in his first term of Office and,
while he made some mistake s and was ham ered
and afiected BY the suspicious that attached to
them, they saw no reason to withdraw their
confidence from him last November. They now
trust him again for second term, but they ex-
pect that he will be the. President Of the nation,
and not the mere executive of a corrupt Con-
gress. The republican pkrty to-day IL an of
fence in the nostris of the nation; but President
Grantowes his election to himself, and not to
the republican party. His inaugural address
leads us to hope that he viii exercise the indie
pspdence he has won: and that the new policy
the people and not for the politicians.
From the New York Timesl
The address. rs . whole, bears the unmistak-
able stamp OF the Presidents individuality. 1t
is a blunt, straightforward and practical doom
ment, with no pretcnsion to literary graces and
with plenty OF those minor faults on which the
literary amateurs and the dictionary men can
hnd good deal Of exercise for their small wits
II reflects not few of the personal feelings of
the President in favor of certain Developments
OF national activity, which, perhaps, are lack
ing in sound economical basis In a man of
less perfect self,re straint. and less comnIete
subordination to what he clearly discerns to he
the common sense of the people, such opinions
might be dangerous. As II is, the President is
too outspoken to conceal his belief that the ma.
tional government ought to do sundry things
usually committed TO individual enterprise
while 1t is perfectly certain that he has too keen
sense OF the responsibilities of his position to
urge such details of policy beyond the limit
would approve.
[From the New York SUM-,
But while the address is stupid il is patriotic
His opposition to large standing force, naval
or mihtary-suggested repeatedly rather than
clearly expressed-smacks more of statesman
ship than anything else that he says.
Tine address reads good deal like the speech
of sovereign, who considers himself the father
OF the nation, and imagines that the people de-
rive their happiness and prosperity from him,
or Ike that of big Indian chief to hts tribe.
IFrom the New York Trbunel
Our hope for the future is contained in the
prospect that the President, retaining all his
good intentions, his devotion to the public well
fare, and his courage and energy, may not be
altogether insensibfe to the teachings of eype-
rience, and avoid hereafter some Of the more
obvious errors from which the coutry has hIth srtO
suffered. This prospect is rendered the more
probable by the circumstances which will sur-
round the new Administration. The public
ruption and indirectiOn. A sharper tone of
critical observation is becoming apparent in
the Administration press. There is marked
country. A considerable number of leading
men and leading papers have no hesitation in
avowing their preference Of honesty to ortho-
doNy. If this salutary charge shall continue it
will not be to the advantage OF any party to
retain the wrong kind of men at the head OF its
organization. When the Claytons. the Dur
reiis, the Pomeroys, cease TO lead the Presi-
of politicians. there will he nothing TO from
the President himself. y
From the New York World
A., Perhaps we are expected to say something of
deal in exposure of its s|Sxenly, iraccurate Ian
guage, its strange mkt eS Commonplace and
bombast, and of its eXqH.sise, grotesque alb
surdity. But we choose to- nc nleTcifnl. When
a President of the United States puts forth the
idea that the whole would is soon to speak one
language, 1--WE wonder if il Is to be the sAmer-
lcan language OF Gen Grant,) and come. under
one government, We think we may be. excused
from doing aught but standing at reverent
distance in silent wonder and admiration! The
book OF Revelations teaches us that at the great
uay OF judgment all nations and tongues shall
be summoned to appear and answer. Accord
ing to President Grant there will be, by that
time, but one nation and one tongue. But the
Bible and theology apart, what are we to think
OF statesman who expects that the Chinese
and Patagonans are to speak the American
language, and that Siberfans, Hottentots and
Japanese are to have their local disputes SET
tied by orders issued from Washington?
From the New York journal of Commerce
The first thing we notice in reading this all.
dress Is the personal flavor of ITS style Tt diff
messages that have borne the President ssigna-
ture. We do RI say this in spirit of captions
ness, asimFlying that his style Of speech is i'm
feri0r Scholarly pOliah it certainly lacks hut
cOuI0 asi1v strnv, lad hxya
hand, had he cared for it. HID recommends
little and promises less; and that is an omission
on the right side. His views of the social equal
ity" question are judicicus. He does not think
that such an abstraction should be legislated
upon: The freedmen should take whatever
social level they fit themselves for, but should
the relaxation 0fexecutive control in the sOuth-
ern states and it Is true that for some time past
the President has shswn disposition to be fair
and generous to the South and indeed i'm that re-
gard he has always been in advance of Congress.
Perhaps 1t is straining point for him to saw
that no southern state l. now interfered with nv
h tne military more than any other state would
been great improvement lately in the treat
ment Of the south. The language of the inau-
gural justifies the hope that this better policy
win not be abandoned. Towards the Indians |
President Grant is magnanimous and humane.
The reference to the abuse and Islander of which |
ne has been the victim should have been left |
out, in our opinion; it Is always much better to
let other people proclaim one martyr than to |
proclaim 1t oneself. We would like also to see |
some more emphatic denunciation of legisia- |
tive dishonesty Of the credit mObilier kind
(From the Philadelphia Press.l .e
We like the message for the reason that it is, |
like its author, plain, practical, and straight |
forward: 1t is the expression Of a man who |
knows big duty and intends to do it, Grant may |
not be statesman in the highest sense, but he |
Is very safe executive oficer--just the man we |
needed i6iif years ago, and the mind of one who |
has succeeded where another more brilliant, |
more profound, and with larger views, would |
have failed. He has shown the lOftiest OF aims,
and developed a vigorous administrative tact |
that fully cOmpensates for his lack of Official |
training and the knowledge upon which Ham
ilton, Clay, Webster, and Calhoun builded their
Presidential hopes.
From the Philadelphia Record.l
The address contains much internal evidence,
in its mode of thought and expression, of being
his own handiwOrk, and it will, therefore, be
read with interest as an utterance of the opin-
ions likely to guide his second executive term
1t is further noteworthy as containing much
more generalization of political doctrine than
the President has hitherto INDUCED IN. at least
In his public documents. He seems to further
believe in the "manifest destiny' school of poli-
tics, and has 'frm conviction that the civil 1
lied world is tending toward republicanism, or
onv hv,f1 o