Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1873-04-18

where the press seldom ventures
to intrude, or where the progress of reform
has not yet penetrated. Not many years
ago it is notorious that the expenses of an
election to Parliament were enormous: the
lavished their money with pro-
fusion that might have startled even an
AMEs or BoaY. We believe Mr.. DIsRAELI
brought in bill against corruption, and
that several members were unseated for
tempting electors to sell their votes. But
the practice of purchasing seats in Parlia-
ment is so deeply impressed upon the
British constitution by long usage, by its
perfect responsibility. and by the eminent
names that have given 1t their sanction,
that we fear II still flourishes In much Of its
ancient vigor. We have no wish to press
the tn quoque argument; yet it is impossible
not To feel that there are many traits In
royalty and aristocracy upon which the
English press exercises discreet silence
that would find no parallel in the unguard-
ed candor of our own-that the scandals of
American legislatures are not wholly inap-
plicable even to the highest branches of the
English.
We should scarcely, indeed, have thought
it necessary to notice the faults of other
governments in our concern for our own,
had not the inaccurate criticisms Of several
of the English journals seemed to require
a reply. In one ultramontane paper, the
London Tablet, we have a bitter, unscrp-
pulous assault upon aseries
81 mil 10 In n
insinuations. We are told that in the Unit
ed States "to know how TO bride and how
to deserve bribe is almost an essential
qualification for the popular vote, especially
since the gentlemen of the South were sup
pressed by the civil war; that there are as
honest men as any in the European king
doms in the United States, but that they
avoid or are ostracized from politics; that
dishonesty in our politicians is the surest
way to the esteem of our people; that sue
cessiul fraud only excites them to "envious
admration;' that our executive" is faint
ed with dishonor, and our statesmen, since
the fall OF slavery, quite unfit to meet on
equal grounds, in character and native dig
nifty, the rulers of England. In other words,
our ultramontane journal, the representa-
tive of the opinions of Archbishop MAN
MING and of the Papal Council, laments
over the fall of slavery, denounces repub-
licanism as thoroughly dishonest and cor
rupt, celebrates the superior virtues of des-
potism, and covers our government with I'M
founded calumnies. The danger of such
causeless insinuations is chiefly that they
come from a source which is looked upon
as infallible authority by large bodies OF
men in Europe and America. To reply to
them is needless for any cultivated read
ers; it is rather for their authors that we
travagant falsehoods are propagated by
literary journals of repute in Europe,
where can be the honesty of the class for
which they speak?
Bribery has always been the vice of the
British Parliament. The late Napoleonic
empire was so covered with population and
corruption, hidden by its despotism from
press or people, that even its army was sent
into the field at times without food and
without arms. NAPOLEON ruled by brides
aud scoffed at the notion of honor. The
public officials by whom he was surround
ed were often the least trustworthy Of theii
fellow subjects. Even Germany, usually
honest, has shown traces of wide system
of fraud. The SPITzEDER swindlc invol-
we'd the court, the Church, and the press Of
Munich in one common shame. In eco
nomical Prussia important railway pecula-
tons recall the memories of FISK and his
allies. The press of the city of Rome
under the rule of the popes, was never suf-
fered to relate the scandals of the Church
The press of Spain never ventured to throw
any light upon the loose manners o
the court. Yet it can scarcely be doubt
ed that had the keen scrutiny of our re-
porters and editors been turned upon the
secrets of the despotic rule of LOUIS MA.
PoLEoN, of ISABELLA of Spain, of the Ill
tramontanes of Bavaria, or the clerlca
officials Of ANToNELLI, our American leg
islatures would have seemed, in contrast
symbols of purity. Our republican legis
latures, too, are rapidly reforming them
selves, are laboring to throw off the corrup
ito enforced by slavery and by the fatal in
huence OF uncultivated foreigners,
Honesty, we may assure our foreign crit
les, is almost exclusively republican vir-
tue. 1t is the offspring of the communal
| feeling and of patriotic self-denial. TIL,
| conception Of honesty adorned the democ
| racy of Athens; the just ARIsTIDEs wan
dered in tattered robes beneath the Aero
| polls; the graceful PERIcLEs boosted tina
ba haI oil mt
| men; PHoCIoN rejected the Macedonian
gifts; and Athenian treasurers were vain O
| the accuracy of their accounts. The con
ception passed to republican Rome; it wa
illustrated in long line of popular rulers
to whom bribery and corruption were thu
chief offenses against the welfare of thu
people. Honesty died with the Roman re
| public. The very conception of 1t perish
in the Middle Ages. Savage kings rule,
| by robbery. Unworthy popes won til,
triple crown by bribery, and enriched the
ambitious children by the plumber of tn
miserable people. Famous saints seem t.
have had no conception of honesty; thei
faith was firm, but their moral perception
clouded. Saint LOUIS plundered his Jew
subjects, and DOMINIC and LoYoLA incul
Gated the spelling of the heretics. A
length with the Reformation honesty be
came once more the browning trait of states
manship. To be las honest as Huguenot
was the last testimony OF decaying Franc
to the superiority of public virtue. Col
BERT was the last of her honest statesmen
In England the notion made slow progress.
and in the last century WALpoLE bribe
whole Parlaments, and members of parla