New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1873-03-04
"A TAXPAYERS STRIKE RECOMMENDED.

hunt after office" have tried TWO Of THESE
modes. The people of Louisiana have not
| consented to their rule, the appeal to force
| was failure. and has been renounced oy
its authors organ. They have now laiieh
back upon the third ard last 1t IS 10
carry their point par lay7tse-by cunning
The measure proposed in this poiicy Is 70
counsel the people: Don't pay your
taxes"
Though the statutes OF Louisiana pro
vide means for the prevention and pun
ishment OF combinations to obstruct the
execution of the laws, we prefer to sppeal
rather to reason than litigation to avert
such a calamity as is proposed. The
organ of this plan to defeat 10y cunning
casts aside the reasoning it has here
tofore employed to prove that citizen
may nullify any law or decree that 1t does
not suit him to obey, and commends a
popular combination to effect the same OBJ
joct. In thus advising a course wholly in
consistent with the principles Of consti-
tutional government it becomes necessary
to give pretended republican precedents.
This is done by citing the example OF
"our ancestors =
It was the policy OF our ancestors after
the war of l776. At the close of the W4r-1
| seven Years Yar-the creditors OF Tue
| country Instituted suits and obtained exc
| Cution against the debtors, and me govern
| ments of the different States iald taxes 10
! meet the exigencie8 OF their governments
| But the people were unable 10 pay III
debts or The taxes laid by their govern
ments. They very justly required tihe 10
| meet their obligations after SO rulnous
| war TO defend themselves from the eXac-
| lions Of their creditors and the demands OF
| their governments they met II their diner
| ent districts and parishes, and resolved that
| no property should be sold either for the
payment Of debts or taxes.
We take issue with the assertion that
| these were 'Our ancestors. This resist
ance to the taxes may have been made in
some of the colonial States. There were
some parts of them that required more
force to put down the Tories than to keep
the British out Of the country. These
ancestors" disafected to republican
form of government, or who refused to
pay taxes, or comply with contracts, were
in no sense the common ancestry OF the
country. For whatever some Of the colo
NAL communities may have done, whether
in Shay's or other State instructions, the
descendants of such ancestors are alone
responsible. The obloquy can not be d.
ninished by diffusion among those who
repudiate all such Reputation, whether
perpetrated now or than. There vas
one signal grievance which afflicted
the people of the States. There
was at the beginning Of the revolution
a debt due principally to British creditors
from American merchants and planters.
This debt, confscsted to the use Of the
State governments then in revolution, was
paid into their loan offices. and appropri-
ated to the common defense. The treaty
OF 1898 with Great Britain recognized
this debt anew, and the American debtors
were required to pay it over again. This
repayment was made under the treaty
made by Mr.. Jay. ana occasioned great
and general discomfort. Mr.. Jefferson
himself exemplities atonce the hardships
O: this debt and the fidelity Of the debtors.
Under the caption how this great states
man became embarrassed, Parton says:
An ancient debt hung. as he says, like
milestone round his neck "a debt
which he had twice paid although not
incurred by him. Upon the death Of
his wjGe's father. twenty years before,
he had received property from his es-
tate worth $4,000, but subject TO British
debt OF $4,000. Impatient OF debt, he sold
line farm near Monticello Tor sum sn.h-
cent to discharge it: but by the time he re,
crived the money the war OF the revolution
had begun Virginia invited all men owing
money to Great Britain 10 deposit the same
in her treasury, the State agreeing to ply it
over to the British creditor after the war. |
The identical coin which Jefferson received |
for his farm, be himself carried to the treas |
uTY in Williamsburg, where Il was jmme- |
diately expended in equipping troops.
The Legislature OF Virginia, however, |
thought better of this policy, rescndGd the |
resolution, and returned the sums received |
under it. But Jefferson was obliged to |
take back his 900 in deprecated paper, |
which continued to depreciate until it was |
worthless. In fact the $4,000 just suf |
feed to buy him one garment, and in riding |
by that farm in after years ne would some
times point to it, and say, laughing. . That
farm once sold for an overcoat" At the
end of the war, during which CORVALLIS |
DESTROYED more than enough of his prop |
erty to pay this debt, he had, as be re-
marked, d" to lay his shoulders to the pay
ment of it third time" in addition
to a considerable debt Of his own in
tOot hot fba M ok of
ties. "What the laws Vt Virginia" he |
wrote to his creditor in England, ARE, or
NAV be, will in no wise influence my cop
duct. Substantial justice is my object, as
decided by reason, not by authority or
compulsion." Ever since tho war closed,
he had been struggling to reduce these
debts, and, finally made an arrangement
for paying them off ~ d rate %. !onE hun.
dred pounds sterling year.
The influence OF General Washington
could alone. perhaps. have induced the
British debtors to acquiesce in that treaty.
It was case in which the particular in
forest of individuals had 10 yield to the
general advantage. Congress should in
justice have accorded indemnity to these
debtors. This treaty was justly unpopu-
lar: public meetings were held and violent
action recommended against compliance
with this and other provisions. For an
historical explanation We refer to Chief
Justice MarshalIs Life Of Washington. In
this work the treaty IS defended. As for
the alleged general reputation of debts
and taxes which is thus made the excuse
for special refusal to pay taxes, We
deny that it is of authority under