The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1873-08-11


|. they have provoked. This was, in itself, one
OF the purposes of the HERALD in calling atten-
ton to this grave and important question.
In attracting timely attention to a danger
which may some day destroy the liberties of
the Republic great deal has already been
done to provide against the evil. With the
knowledge of the danger will come the remedy.
We wish, therefore, that the press and the
| people would discuss the subject in all its
bearings, and we shall rejoice to see this discus
sion even more universal than it has been
| already We desire to have full and exhaus-
tive investigation of everything that can be
said OH either side of the question. Csesarism
in republic like ours is not matter to be
lightly put aside, and the American people
when once fully aroused TO their duty, when
properly inspired with the gravity Of the
question, will not allow it to be dismissed
with levity, but demand that it shall be settled
in way by which all peril may be averted.
The leading journals have been obliged to
take up the question, and we print articles
this morning illustrative of this necessity
''The discussion that is going on in the news
papers on the subject of General Grants
second reelection is at least premature" says
one, and the other finds ''the wonderful
chattering' about CasarisM ''intinitely anus
ing," and then takes hand in it. These
papers, so Late to speak, have only spoken at
last as the echoes of public sentiment The
one is stanch supporter of the administra-
ton, and adopts the ''weI, what of it if the
people want it, theory. The other is so
disinterested and passionless spectator" and
would like to regard the question as an alge-
on profounder principles than the simple
x4ax=b. But either journal may be sure
that if to three Presidential terms are added
other reflections all these and the almost
unrestrained executive power of the American
Chief Magistrate will be equal to Cesarism.
The people see this, or fear they see it, and
even in deprecating the discussion admit its
necessity-a policy followed by our oontem-
poraries, which are compelled to argue it,
whether they would regard it as premature or
look upon it with the repose of a DISTINGUISHED
observer.
Many persons are likely, with one of these
journals, to say that it is useless to pro-
woke this discussion at so early day
and to aver that among q people so enlight-
ened and so strong in their devotion to re-
publican liberty as the people of the United
States C@sarism is a mere phantom, or at best
only newspaper sensation. These admit too
much, for C@sarism could not be made
~ bo
they pretend it is. Again, there are persons
who say it is the result Of conspiracy
to precipitate the very thing it pretends to
combat, while others declare it is a dodge Of
the copperheads to destroy the republican
party, which saved the Union and now rules
the country. Such comments, though they are
to be expected from the many sided views of d
many-sided people, are unworthy of men who
would look upon the dangers which menace the
Republic with the eyes of patriots and of states
men. We grant the honor due to the repub-
ican party. We highly appreciate its services
and the unsurpassed services of General Grant.
But all these things are entirely outside of the
question. 1t is no argument against providing
for the perpetuity of the Republic to allege
that the republican party saved the Union
The American people cannot be blinded to the
fact that the preservation of this Union was
not the work of any party or any man or set
of men. The people, rising in their strength,
accomplished this grand result and the re-
publican party only served as o nucleus
around which the patriots of the country raj
lied to preserve the integrity of the Union.
They were inspired by generous love of
liberty, and not by q desire to keep
one party in and another party out of power.
In this country there is always an intelligent
and patriotic majority which is beyond the
control of party, but which gives to political
organizations their successes or their defeats.
This element, forsaking the wing party,
left it to die The same element, in turn for
saking the democratic party also, kept it in
state of decrepitude for years, and now it, too,
is dying. 1t is not in the nature Of things
that the republican party should be exempt
from like treatment, and from the very
moment the people discover that it is untrue
to liberty and is unwilling to provide against
the dangers of the future its doom will be
pronounced
1t is this same love of iberty-the desire to
preserve our noble Republic from the dangers
which, like the coup dftat of Napoleon I'LL,
may spring into life in night to destroy it
the wish to raise it above the will, the integ-
rity or the forbearance of any man or set Of
men-that impels US now to sound the alarm.
There is danger where there is no provision
against it. No one in Rome or in France
supposed that Caesar or Napoleon would seize
imperial power. From the one came the i'm
perial purple, long line Of absolute rulers
and the very name for despotic power. In the
other was found the worshipper and imitator
of Casarism-a Caesar greater even than Caesar
himself If Rome or France had no fears We