The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1873-12-27
LEARNING TO THINK.

1T requires no prophet to foretell that if
the rank and file Of the great army of la
Dor expect to take advantage Of, and turn
to gooS and lasting account the interest at
present manifested in the Labor Reform
movement if they desire u secure the
sympathy and coopt ration of the public NJ
large, in their endeavors TO ameliorate their
condition, or evoke Legislative aid in the
enactment of those measures which they
deem essential to their own and country $
welfare, they must prepare to occupy a
higher position intellectually IN the fu-
ture, than they have in the i.sst. They
must educate themselves to think they
must also learn to think for themselves. They
must be able to give reason for the rope
that is in them. and meet by voice and pen,
the specious sophistry employed 70 prove
their position untenahle and their demands
unwarranted Those who would win the
crown, must bear the cross. Does any aen-
sible, rejecting man believe for moment,
that capital is going 10 surrender the tire
mendous power which it at present Yields
over labor, without a struggle Arouse it
u a sense Of its danger. Let it realize the
terrible significance of the labor move
ment that il means the destruction Of its
nvershaduwinp, unhallowed influenza
more equal distribution Of wealth. and
the aid Of the ablest minds in the Repub-
lie will be invoked to misrepresent alike
its objects and the means by which they
are sought to be accomplished
Workingnen must remember that the
labor movement is daily assuming a new
and more important phase. In the past q
contem ptuous paragraph or slur was deem
ed sufficient to dispose of their pretensions;
the cry of demagogueism regarded as an
unaL swerable reply TO their demands. Oc-
casionally they would be reminded that
only fools rushed in where angels feared to
tread that all attempts to redress their
supposed grievances through the ballot-b box
would end in failure that the question Of
finance was entirely beyond their compre-
hension that capital WAS beyond their
reach and influence, and that their schemes
were Utopian and impracticable. And yet
superficial as these objections are, how
comparatively few among those most deep.
ly interested, have been able to reply to,
or refute them. Now if this has been the
case IN the past, when the labor movement
was Ill its infancy, how much greater diff
Guilty, now much more imperative the ne
cessity to prepare themselves for the time
when the talent which God gave, but which
the devil has utilized, will be turned agains
them. They must not ignore the fact tina
they will be placed at a serious disadvan
tage. In fact, the staple argument useC
to their disadvantage has been" II thes,
men know trhU they want if they d,
their own thinking. why do they endorse
by their acqulesence in, the very measure.
which they affect TO condemn Why dom
they refute our arguments ; why do the
allow half a dozen men to act and thinl
for them Their conduct proves one o
two things either that they don't feel al
interest in the proposed reforms, or tina
they are too ignorant TO understand them
While we admit the style of reasoning doe.
not possess even the charm of novelty, it
speclous plausibility has, in a great meas
ure, moulded and prejuCiced public senti
ment, and placed their friends at seriou
disadvantage.
These are truths they must ponder owe
and profit by. Thev must redd-read car.
l-.tutly-thbk-think carefully-a,.d thin
for themselves