New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-01-30
THURSDAY JANUARY so, 1873.
tsi.marek.s .es,Snation.

For a considerable space of time there has
been great excitement and CONSERVATION in
Germany aheut the runlored resignation Of
Prince Bismarck. The papers commented or
the meaning and consequence Of that posi-
bic event rs if the fate Of the whole Empire
depended on it. and especially the party called
National Liberals, who have been his chief
supporters in his late struggle with The
Catholic clergy, seemed 10 be frightened al
mos: out Of all composure. Now the r1imor
has become partially true, that is: Prince
Bismarck has resigned the Presidency of the
Prussian Ministry; but retained his office OF
Minister Of Foreign Affairs, of Chancellor OF
the Empire, rs well a. the other high posts
to which he had been assigned, and will thus
continue to be the real ruler of the Empire.
What docs this mean is nOw the question
asked everywhere. Men familiar with Prts-
sian politics find an answer in the fact that
Mr.. Room, the Minister Of War, an invctcratc
absolutist and rcactionst has been appointed
10 succeed Bismarck as President of the Min
istry. They assert Bismarck's recent alliance
with the Liberals and his war on the Jesuits
and the priesthood generally, had gradually
awakened expectations among the people
that henccforth the Government would be
conducted in a more liberal and even demo
cratic spirit than heretofore; but that such
concessions are by no means intended either
by the Emperor or bismarck. These illu-
.ions, therefore, had to be dispelled; a more
reactionary position was to he assumed; but
since the odium Of such a change of front
would have fallen on Bismarck and materially
injured, if not undermined, his popularity, he
had first to resign and make room for one
whose antecedents preclude all hope.
Whether this explanation be correct OR not,
at all events it is highly plausible, and serves
to show in their full light the defects and in
security of monarchial government. 1t is
evident that the whole form Of government
must be thoroughly unhealthy and abnormal
when the line Of policy to be followed. the
spirit in which the country is to be ruled, in
fact, the destiny of whole people are mostly
depending on one man. Practically, though
not nominally, Bismarck is identical with the
Government not only Of Prussia, but almost
Of the German Empire; he holds its destiny
in his hands, more than any body of men, in
spite Of the constitution and of popular repre-
sentation, and il is consequently not ut all to
be wondered at, that his person, the state of
his health are watched by all Europe with |
anxious solcitudc. No wonder that the |
stocks should fall when he is reported sick,
that the Empire should tremblc if his life |
were thought in danger, while on the ether
side, Mr.. Theirs and the whole French Re-
public would be iubilant in the event of his |
death. One would think that this reflection |
would be rather Notifying to German pride |
and suggest comparison with our own insti
tutions which place the guarantees Of popular |
sovereignty entirely in the hands Of the ma
ton, beyond the control Of any single indi-
vdual. Indeed, there is no man, however
so great, good, and talented On whose life |
the progress and welfare Of the people de-
pend, whose death could interfere with their
growth, or cause material diversion from the
line of policy in favor Of which the majority
have once declared. Ii is one Of the charac-
teristic features OF modern democracy that
though prominent and great men may cXer-
else n powerful influence for good or evil, they
do no longer hold the dcStinics of the masses
in their hands yet, as Ion" as there arc ma
tions who glory in being under the control of
men whom they acknowledge as their superb
ers, they will always be Accommodated.