The Emporia news. [volume] (Emporia, Kan.) 1859-1881, 1873-11-14


But Count Bismark knew two
things, first, that the Times would
not publish the document till con.
WINGED of its genuineness; and
second, that all Europe knew that
it would not. If there is another
newspaper in Europe of which IS
much can be said, let Mr.. Waiter
son name it. And let him remem,
Der what happened later; how an.
other English journal published
with its most solemn editorial
guarantee, an announcement pur
porting to rest on the highest Ger.
man authority, that the rearming
of France had convinced Germany
of her purpose to renew the war
and that Germany had informed
or had resolved to inform France
that she must suspend her military
preparations under penalty of in.
slant invasion, to be followed this
time by the humiliation and the
territorial partition of the country
The journal which gave to the
world that porteRtous warning
boasts, and boasts truly, of the
largest circulation in the world
1t is an honorable journal and un.
doubtedly believed what it pub.
lished, but it was misled by over.
estimating its own position. Eu.
rope listened incredulously, the
contradiction came in a day Oh
two, and the world went on as be-
fore. The Telegraph ought to
have known that if Prince Bis
marck had really formed that reso-
luton, or had wished to persuade
France he had formed it, and SO
avert the need of executing it, he
would have told the world, as he
did before, through the Times.
The Times would never have put
itself into position to be contra
dicted on such q matter. 1t would
have held in it's own hands the
written proof of Prince Bismarck
intention before it would have
committed itself to an announce
ment.
The solicitude about the ac-
curacy of the news is one secret OF
the Times power. For fifty years
England has looked to it as an
authority. 1t has made mistakes,
or course; but l suppose there is
no ground whatever for suspect
ing that it ever knowingly deceiv-
ed the public in q matter of news,
ever printed as authentic anything
of which it had reason to doubt
the authenticity; still less ever
gave to the world fictitious intelli-
gence or telegraphic dispatches
written in the office. No man can
calculate the money value of the
reputation for good faith thus es.
tablished, still less the value high
er than money. 1t is edited with
rare sagacity. sit speaks out
says Emerson, "bluff and bold,
and sticks to what it says. II
draws from any number of learn
ed and skillful contributors; but
a more learned and skillful person
supervises, corrects and co-Ordi-
Mates" There was a mystery
then about the editorship, for Mr..
Emerson remarks that Of this clos
ct the secret does not transpire
but the editors room and who was
in it l did not see.' All the
world knows now who edits the
great paper. The same hand has
been at the helm for more than
thirty years. 1t was in 1889 that
its then editor, Mr.. Barnes, picked
out a young fellow of twenty-five,
who seemed to have the stuff in
him for a good assistant. Two
years later Mr.. Barnes died, and
Mr.. Delane, after only two years
training in journalism, and at the
age when Pitt became Prime Min
lister of England, was made editor
of the Times. Few men during
the thirty-two years that have
since passed have had heavier re.
sponsibilities laid upon them, few
have borne their burden more
steadily. The steadiness of its
course has contributed as much as
anything to the power of the
Times. l don't mean that it has
been consistent; it has not; nor
always wise; nor a great many
other things it might have been
with honor to itself. No more
has England itself, nor the gov
eminent of England. The limita,
tons of one have been the limi
tations of the other, but SO have
the forces. The Times has a gov
erning tone, and would be fal
more accurately described as 6
governing than q leading journal
Its sense of responsibility is al
grave and sure as that of the cabi
net. Nothing venturesome or &c
centric finds favor with it, no rasl
experiments are advocated, nc
policy which has not q broad bot
tom of common sense and q states
manlike reason to support it
The nation turns to it with a sense
of security. Selfish it sometimes
is, just as England is selfish in it
dealings with the rest of the worlC
the kind of selfishness which
when we take it as q rule for GU
own country, we call patriotism.
1t is, in fact, a Representative,
journal; no other, nor all Others
together, So much so. 1t does no
represent by any means all tn
classes into which the Englisl
people are divided. No one Jour
nal could do that. But it represent
England which the world knows
the uppermost classes and forces
those which are strongest, ant
have known how to take the leat
of other classes. This, I believe
it always did. When England wa
ruled by her aristocracy, the ton
of the Times was aristocratic.
is to-day ruled by combinatio
of the aristocratIc, the wealth, an
the upper middle classes; is s
ruled in spite of the last reforI
bill, and will continue to be fC
some time after the next. 81
tween them and the working class
es struggle is going on, and tn
most powerful ally of the iormt
is the Times. What they thin
and feel and wish, you find ever
! morning mirrored with wonderfl
clearness, in the columns of tn
journal. And much more, l ms
add, than Rirrored; stated n
enforced with an ability sufIlciel
to pursuade its readers that
: does their thinking for them. ]
: fact it does not. Its great aim
t to put their average thought
: the most forcible way. Its pen
, tration, its capacity for discove
: ing opinion which it desires to e
t press, is admirable, and is the l
t suit of long experience and CO
: tinued effort directed to this en-
:, Its failures and mistakes are d
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