New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1873-10-21
ARE YOU A REPUBLICAN,?

| Reader, are you at heart and in con-
viction a republican? We do not mean
do you belong to the party which claims
the republican name and principles but
do you believe in the right of the ma
jority to rule and the obligation of the
minority to obey? Or do you habitually
nurse in your heart a desestation of the
form OF government because you may not
| like its administration Do you seriously
think that royal scion of some played
out stock Of hereditary rulers would be
better than constitutional government.
elected, perhaps, against your opposition !?
Before you reply we advise you to read
the speech recently delivered in New
York by MIR. Bradlaugh. an Englishman
who comes TO tell you Of monarchy and
priesthood as it is. and to learn from the
lips of this 'babe and sucking republic
a lesson of wisdom which the monarch
and the courtier can not give. Mr. Brad
laugh seems to be rough ard ear
nest man. He belongs to that school
of old English republicans which, with
Hampden, and Cromwell, and Fairfax,
and Pym, made the model of the Ameri,
can republican of 1765 and 1889. For if
any one will tead the State papers and
study the measures of the civil war OF
1649 and the revolution of 1856. it will
be seen that Henry. Jefferson and
Adams only took up the strife against
the kings where their English ancestors
had Laid it. down. And now Mr.. Brad
laugh, speaking the language of Harrison
and lreton and COTE and Whalley, comes
to relight the lamp of liberty at the home
hearth of those who derived the fame
from source now extinguished. Mr..
Bradlaugh is no Communist. He is no
Agrarian. He does hot propose to burn
down one building before he has provided
another He does no. wish us to fill an
order for petroleum. nor Goes he offer a
contract for steam guillotine. He wants
a republic for England, but republic of
laws and of popular assent. He does not
think republics can be made by procla.
nations. They are like any Other species
OF salvation. to be wrought out and realized
by toll and thought. Hence he comes 10 see
the working Of free government upon the
same race, religion and language With his,
own. With such ealmness and fore.
thought it vas not surprising that this
English republican turned cold shout.
der to the enthusiasts, who hailed his adj
vent as the signal for grea: strike and
division Of the general substance. The
English opponents of MI. Bradlaugh had
so misrepresented his mission as to rem.
der this viudication necessary. He shows
himself fails type OF English progress.
deliberate, but ;mperturbabls in its pur.
pose. His basis proposition is that THE
the institutions Of England are 70 be
modified by The intelligent: will Of the
people. Religion is to be separated from
power and taxation. Privileged and
hereditary orders 70 be suppressed: the |
executive head to be elected. The
people to be educated up 20 their mission. !
As consequence Of these reforms, more
land is 10 be opened to labor, and indus
try is to have a more just share Of its I
gains. This schedule could not be enact. |
ed by sudden revolution. Nc man can |
expect to derive personal gain from its !
That its movers ara dis |
is shown by the distance and
deliberatioa OF their plans. $50 !
One of The first axioms laid down BY !
Mr.. Bradlaugh is very important. /, is,
that The monarchy Of England is not held !
by hereditary descent. All modern his
tory shows that the succession to the
English throne has been settled by act Of
Parliament. It is there the legiti-
macy OF kings ana the orthodoxy Of
their religion has been discussed
md decided. It is by the representatives
IF the people that each successive dynasty
aas assembled the throne of England. The
practice OF hereditary descent has been
allowed fer convenience G. government