davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06

4s3, 5sl. Of the religious bodies the Metho'
dsts take the lead, having over 81 900 church
edifices, with property valued at so9, S34' Ill
The next largest denomination in church or
CARNATIONS is the Baptist, with about l5,No
churches and property valued at egg 'Vpo'oo9.
The Presbyterians have COCO churches and
property valued at as ,ooo,ooo The Roman
Catholics have $500 churches and property
to the amount of sol ,Ooo, 600. The Episcopal
lians have 600 churches and SSC, O0o,ooo
of property. The Congregationallsts 2,oVo
churches aud SIS, 900, 900 Of property. The
Lutherans, Unitarians, and Cniyersaiisis
follow, with property valued at from sj,ooo,-
600 TO sI4,OO0, 900.
The number Of dwellings in the i've princI-
raj cities in the Union are as follows: New
York, "a, 900; Philadelphia. 1900; Brook
lyn. IS, 900; st. Louis, 5000; Chicago, A,
900. The number Of persons inhabting each
dwelling is: In New York, l4.7s; Philadel-
phia, COL; Brooklyn. S.ii; St. Louis, 81
Chicago, 60.
The table OF sex shows that the male popu'
lation predomnates, there being 1898, sos
males, and 1904 800 females. There are
more females than males of the native born,
and more males than females Of the foreign
born. The females Of the cclored race also
outuuInber the males.
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06
A Royal Intriguer.

1t appears now as if we gave more credit
to King Amadeus for tact and dignity than
he deserved in supposing that, like man OF
honor and judgment, he resigned his position
in good faith when he became convinced that
he could no longer fill it to the satisfaction
of the majority of the nation. Later advices
from Spain leave no doubt that his abdcation
was q mere feint, ca bdnqae game played
for the object Of placing the Conservatives
once more in power, into whose arms ne had
entirely thrown himself, and in whom ne saw
his natural allies against the democratic ten
denotes of the people. 1t will be remembered
that some time ago he was compelled by the
overwhelming majority Of the people repre-
scented in the Cortes, much against his own
wishes, to appoint Radical Cabinet under
the leadership of Zorrilla, and it is easy to
imagine how he must have ragged and chafed
inwardly to find himself under the control of
the party he detested, compelled to carry out
laws and measures most odious to him. Yet
there were no lawful means to overthrow
the popular party, and so he tries desperate
Sdfilc dS u idsI EtSOIt. iic ehS
army which was known to be opposed to the
Radicals would not assent to his abdicatiOn,
but would take sides with him against them,
overthrow the Cabinet, dispense the Cortes
at the point Of the bayOnet, reinstate him
triumphantly and establish a thoroughly Con-
servative Government. 1t is hard to say
what might have occurred but for the wisdom
and determination of the Republican leaders,
who, by proclaiming the Republic, frustrated
his plans and saved the country from the
direful consequences of a coup d'etat and sub
sequeat reactionary rule. Their action took
him and his partisans completely by surprise
and checkmated them at once. The Pro-
gresslstas thus far the advocates Of liberal
monarchical government, readily understood
that they must choose between the Republic
and an odious despotism, and unanimously
pronounced in favor Of the former, and even
among the army patriotism, love of order,
and respect for the will Of the majority of the
nation seem to have prevailed over personal
and political preferences. Thus the mine,
through which the worthless intriguer calcu-
lated to blast popular and liberal govern
ment, has only blown up his own reign and
resulted in the establishment Of the Repub-
lie consequently no praise is due to him.
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06
The INAUGURATION.

The second Inauguration Of General Grant
was attended with the grandest military and
civic display ever bcheld on such I'm occ'-
sion. Our city was crowded with sight-seof~
from every section Of the Union, embracing
representatives Of all the races that claim
citizenship in the United States.
In the grand procession that escorted tA"
President to and from the Capitol, the al
vance the nation has made under the genius
Of liberty was epitomized. ColoFed cadets
from West Point and Annapolis marching
side by side with white cadets, Colored mar
shals, colored militia. colored ConsreS7m'n-
all took part in ceremony in which only =
few short years ago none bat white persons
were allowed to participate. No orsanika-
ton military nor civic Withdrew from the line
because colored citizens participated, no
white person left the Inauguration bali be-
cause of the presence OF colorsd persons, and
there seemed to be a general ao4uiez'rn>o IA
the new order OF things.
The inaugural address Of President Grant,
which will be found in another column, Wa,
comprehensive and to the point. Our c"ud-
dence iu General Grant il siren. thened and
Justified by his earnest woris on the question
Of civil rights. On this question Clysse; ;.
Grant i. right, and bis speech will in great
measure disarm those who have been bitterly
opposed to hin because of his seeming iniit-
ference to the great question affecting the
colored citizens of this country. These are
the words Of the President:
The effects Of the late civil sttite have
been to free the slave and make him a citizen.
Yet he Is not possessed Of the civil rights
| which citizenship should carry with it. This
/ is wrong, and should be corrected, 50 lar as
| Executive influence can avail.
social equality Il not subject 10 te leg
! islated upon, nor shall ask that anything be
| done 70 advance the social status of the cox
ored man, except to give him fair chance to
develop what there is good in him; give him
access to schools, and when he travels let
him feel assured that his conduct will regu-
| late the treatment and fair he will receive"
There can be no doubt Of the eanestnes=
Of the President in this matter Of civil rights
| then let Us hope that he has sounded the
keynote of success in the achievement of oui
protection in civil rights as he did four years
ago in his inaugural address, when he adro'
Gated the ratification Of the fifteenth amend
ment. The President is ready to accord full
citizenship to the Colored people, but The
work is to be performed by the law-nlk'
Ing power. To Congress, then, ~ turn
with eager ears for the faintest whisper Of
complete freedom, General Grant will be the
President for all classes will Congress be
the maker of Just laws for all classes?
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06

The Court Ut Claims.

On ssrss.l occasion sc Lave expressed
our conviction that tie Court Of Clalns
should either be abolished o. is powers yeIy
greatly reduced. As it is now organized &.
seems to possess the poHo, Is well as tn
disposition - approve all sort; OF claims t..
damages during the rebellion, except 3u,h -
come under an absolute constitutional! pro
hibition, from rebel no less than from loya!
applicants. At any rate, the awards Of the
court are very far from being confined cxclu-
sively to loyal men. 1t hsz been thorough,
impreguatcd with Ii. sentimental nonsense
that the most maguanimoUl policy should be
pursued toward the traitors, and no means,
however expensive 10 tho Government or hu-
initiating 10 the North, should bee avoided 70
concit0!s thcm iubl-d With TN, iicn the
Court Of Claims seems ye,y readily to be
imposed upon by false witnesses, and to BE-
so generously inclined as almost to lean u
the rebel side in its desire to conci!iate tEe
South.
The Senate, feeling that the Court ot
Claims, If not curbed in the payment Of d.
loyal claimants, was in !ar way 10 empty
the Treasury, made an attempt to restrict It's
power within some ,ulo Limits. But the
House, which participate, LARGELY IA tho be
lief that the Government must make peace
with the rebel element Of tho South a. any
required sacrifice Of money or principle, re-
fused to second its action. And so the coUr,
has another year Of power, aud il will pro-
badly make good use y. II. And wo a.Tge
with the correspondent vi the New York
Times, who has become a convert 70 our idea
that the Court Of Claims I, clothed with
power which Is being grossly abused, that
the only remedy now left for the evils com,
planned Of il to 60 to the root Of the matter
at the next session Of Congress and abolish
the court altogether. Tie people won t long
stand these systematic Iuroaii upon tho
Treasury for the benefit Of malignant rebels.
If not speedily checked they viii Ia tho sui
absolutely bankrupt the Government.
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06
The Freedman's Savings hank.

Tbi, institution has already doae u noble
wogk. The uneducated among cur people
have, to some extent, learned through Il tie
nature Of credit and the value Of forethough.
in securing credit. Every deposit made in the
bank has a tendency to cement the depos.
tors Interest more firmly 10 The locality
where it ia made, or else Il develops in create.
strength his sense Of independence Of those
who would tie him 70 locality against hi.
viii. Realizing the Importance Of his co.
partnership with hs race, il the plan Of saw
ing, by which it reay one day become the
Owner OF much Il the Southern sIil, and un-
deTstaHdln2 the power which accumulated
means viii give him in the way Of pseiernent
and usefulness, he rises above the habits,
customs, aud feelings which characterize the
majority Of his brethren, and becomes an
inspiring example 10 them. The educational
influences thus derived have a strikiugly pro-
gressiye erect upon Our whole people.
But this is not the highest Of the achieve
rnents Of the Freedmen Savings Bank. II
has very largely utilized the native talent,
the educational ability and integrity among
eolored men. When the young man OF
character and qualifications has felt the nrst
cold dash Of repellant influences as be applied
to the bank or counting house kept by the
richer race, our bank has tiung its doors open
to him and offered him the means Of bust
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06
Louisiana.
a vengean'

From the Louisiana case We gather the
strongest suggestions Of the need OF full and
immediate protection for the colored voters
Of the South. There is scarcely point in
the evidence elected, or fact connected with
the history Of the case, that does not point
to the existence Of a clear Republican major
ty in louisiana three-fourthso Of the Repub-
lIcan voters being colored and yet the man
agement of political machinery down there
by INSCRIPTIONS and despotic officials has so
confused the public mind chat q powerful,
incisive, and comprehensive intellect like
that of Senior Carpenter sees no eiiectual
remedy for the political ills of Louisiana but
new election.
To say nothing of the bad precedent which
such a course would furnish, through which
large minority might always appeal from
the verdict Of the ballot-box in State to the
decision of Congress, and leaving out of view
the weakening effect which would be made
upon the natural allegiance of the colored
man to the Republican party, there is this
grave, and to us insurmOuntable, objection
to Congress ordering new elections in the
Southern States-it would virtually rob the
colored man of the franchise entirely.
The colored men of the South are too poor,
too illiterate, and too much at the mercy of
the white natives to bear up under the har-
RAISING and perilous processes involved in
setting aside elections and ordering new
ones. In any circumstance the colored
voter votes amid danger and at great Pc
cuniary loss to himself. The canvass gem
orally begins in and holds throughout the
summer-the time for working and gathering
| crops. The colOred people have few, very
few, means Of locomotion. They meet by
stealth and vote from instinct. But thus far
the instinct has been sound for liberty. Now
if these difficulties are TO be met twice in one
year with the uncertainty that Congress may
not approve the results of its own work even
after new elections, what encouragement is
there fr the colored people to spend time and
money, incur enmity and peril, meet at mid
night to manage the canvass, and steal ten
miles away from where their employer lives
to vote on election day?
Let it once be known that the coiored man
can be thus bothered, Kindred, harassed,
and defeated and every pine copse Of the
South will swarm with white intimidators
and every poll will be deserted by colored
men.
: The simplest solution a the Louisiana case
is to leave the whole matter to the local
courts; but the crying necessity which de-
velopes from the investigation is the rigid
application Of the enforcement act to all
elections in the South. Let the coiored men
feel that.the United States Government has
fair intentions toward them, and that the In
spectors it selects are faithful, and they will
continue to be as in the past they have been
most devoted friends Of The Republican
Marty
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06
Resessing "a Safe Rule Of LA " I.

I'VE 30 not dispute Mr.. Pomeroy's expla-
nation. IL may he all tue. We hope he
can prove his innocence completely, even ii
so doing proves Yorke and Others to 30
scoundrels. "-Ds!roa Pot.
Thus 1t Is. Mr.. Pomeroy is charged with
bribery by man who con!esses himself a
liar, and who IS proved TO be a perJurer.
Now he Ia assumed to be guilty unless he
can prove himself innocent. iorks IS not
asked TO prove his charge true, but Pomeroy is
asked to prove it false. As We said the
other day, the well-known and humane prin-
ciple Of law, that man is 10 be hello lnno-
cent till proved guilty, is reyered, and he Is
held guilty till he prores a assafsss. To re-
quire Pomeroy to prove that be did not bribe
the seoundrel Yorke is asking an Lnposs!-
bihty. What would be thought Of the judge
who should require q man arfaigned for forg-
cry TO prove that the charge was falsep
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06

u5=- education 81 q --s.,--r... L. 45-.- and
aspirations.
The need for such education cannot. at This
time, he oycreslimatcd. We need +. every.
where AMI ,l,vay- Tho faraibou,b. NJ tho
cp..rsI cotton r.-Scr on the Rcd river VII,
buy. or beg, ncwsrapar from The ros.ipy
steamer. and gets some one n read % him.
,hc commercial statement of Tic week. tLat
he ma, learn what ~, rr.,. .- cotton a II
NAV % On the lowe, end o.. the ladder lat
-till b. Z, Climbing. The ,,'or,t ,.-,r.rr;,7
who. while he wfc1rs ,hre=.nI. .g.i.s 10,
has nothing to 10 with the res.,.s, Of nal.
ing up the nomination ,l7's. r.1, L.,h.-
than the cotton Kicker la. sill, D.. r- m, lac
down to 20 good business. ..as,-. ,r.,t
tho coIorrI man who ig,-.. D.. ......-.,r.-, =,
compercc. seek, IN win q. ,s.,rr.i, o,,,,
the ordinary ,,-y,ts a, A., ..r,.,.t,.',r -,
marc and ,,hva S..pr',. r.,,,...-., r,-r. %
tu.fD,,. tact or NJ I,,sre., ..,......., 49,,
vent, L,p from ,on,ro,r,... ..-.. n.
h,,s,,.,-- i,,,,,-.- all. v-t.,-'.-.--
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06

az that to profes. the most orthodox Chris
tan creed. one Of the reverend gentlemen
graciously condescended to allow unbelievers
to live 10 the country, though he would never
let them become citizens; yet he failed 10
show that Jews, Unitarians, Uniyersaiists,
and all those commonly termed "Infidels'
do not make quite as desirable citizens as the
members of orthodox churches, that they are
not fully as law-abiding, pay their taxes as
regularly, and were less ready to take up
arms in defense of the Union when its ex-
istence was threatened by the rebellious
Shareholders. What would Jefferson and
Franklin have said of such an attempt against
the spirit, as well as the letter, of our guar
antees of religious liberty and free thought on
the part Of men who have grown up breath
ing the pure air Of true republicanism.
Moreover premium would be set on false
hood and hypocrisy; while the conscientious
Jew, Mahometan or unbeliever would he
practically debarrcd from becoming citizen,
large numbers, who in every other respect
intend to fulfill all the duties Of good cti-
gems, would be tempted to consider the whole
matter one merely Of form, and take the oath
to support the amended Constitution, how
ever obnoxious the amendment might be to
them. Fortunately no mischief need be APP
pretended from the movement. Since it has
been on foot for the last ten years without
making much Roadway, and Congress has
never yet thought it fit to consider the ques
ton, we may trust that the good sense of the
people, and its representatives will be fire.
| proof against such dangerous innovations.
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06
Congress and thc District.

The action Of Congress ia regard to TIL.
District Ia, boon exceedingly liberal and
ja-t, sai sd, atone l.r .'s zh,ct.om.a-s 10
the past. The is..-n.ale and patriotic pep
pie ol the coUauy vl.. warmly approve this
liberal policy. They az, 10 favor Of making
Washington a capital worthy the reputation
Of the nation. Congress, ia years past, hf.,e
refused to help The city because tho people
refused 20 help themsciye,. Is long As they
folded their arm. an relied solely upon d.,
Government - make a.. needed Improve.
ments, Congress very properly withheld IL
aid. Bu. all this has changed With chang.
Of the political character Of the Government,
and Il vii! not now be many years before
Washington will be one o. the most bsau--
ful and attractive cities On tie continent.
The appropriation just made amounts 10 about
two millions and quarter Of dollars, aud
will aid the Board Of Public works materially
In completing their grand sgsten d public
imprOV sIpents
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06
An Unconstitutional Ainehd Ia eni
10 the COnsiitutiOn.

Once Year, at least, We are treated to the
perorations Of those well-meanng bat mar
now minded men, who, in their mistaken
zeal, are working for the object of amending
the Constitution by inserting profession of
Christian faith in the shape Of preamble.
Last week they met again in New York,
adopted the old resolution TO petition Con-
gress On the subject, shaped the proposed
amendment, and delivered speeches which
gave evidence Of a strange incapacity on their
part TO understand and appreciate the broad
republican spirit from which all our institu-
lions have emanated. Some time ago, on q
similar occasion, we pointed out the mis-
chievous consequences that v ould ensue if
once the dangerous precedent were estab-
k.hed that majorties are TO rule in matters
OF religion as they so in politics nay, even
worse, if they were ailowed-as is demanded
to set up their own tenets as tests Of citi-
senship. We pointed out how the principle
of religious tests, once admitted, might act
as double-edged sword, since any people,
who in the course Of time may get the as
tendency by superiority of numbers, would be
lawfully entitled 10 substitute their own
creditor instance the Catholic, Jewish, or
Buddhistic-and thus exclude from citizen
ship those jealous Episcopalians Presbyteri-
ans, Baptists, and Methodists, who are so
anxious now to shut the door against Jews,
Unitarians, and unbelieyers. II is, indeed, a
strange sight to behold those respectable,
correct, and conservative gentlemen so busily
engaged in the attempt of undermining one
Of the chief parts Of the very foundations of
truly republican institutions, namely: re-
Igious liberty. So infatuated are they in
their self-righteous conviction to hold the
only true faith, that it never seems to have
occurred to them that deists, Buddhlsts, and
atheists can be Just as sincere and earnest in
their opinions, as they are In their own, and
that the right to dsbelieve is just as sacred
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06
Congressman Voting Money Into
Their Own Pockets.

The Congress whose session terminated on
the 4th has done great many things for
which it will undoubtedly be brought into
judgment and condemned as untathful. But
of its many sins of commission there is none
which will be more generally and strongly
censurcd than its vote to increase the salaries
of its members from 81, 900 to e. 800 per an
mum. OF the increase Of the Presidents
salary, and thai of the members Of the Cab
met and Judges of the Supreme Court, we
have nothing to say at present. They give
their whole time to the country, and the dig
nifty Of their position involves much larger
expenditure than is necessary in the case of
members Of Congress.
We are aware that those who voted for
the addition Of fifty per cent. to their salaries
justify the act Oh the ground that they can't
live respectfully on six thousand dollars
year in this city. But the statement is in
tended to deceive the people. They are not
the year at most, and every other session
only three months. And what is more, very
few Of them do reside here permanently.
Several wealthy members have bought
houses. But they only occupy them during
the session, with rare exceptions, and it costs
them very little more than at home. Be-
sides, the electug of man to Congress does
not interfere materially with his regular bust
ness, ana his salary is almost entirely
clear gain. With the President, members of
the Cabinet, and Judges of the Supreme
Court, it is quite different.
A few facts and figures will expose the Ut
ter absurdity Of the claim Of members who
sustained this measure. The session which
terminated on the 4th instant was only Of
three months duration. Each member,
therefore, received at the rate of IL $4,000 a
month, or $500 a day, exclusive of mileage,
which is more than double their expense of
coming To and returning from the capital
For the long session their pay Is considerably
over $4,000 month exclusive of mileage,
while their average expenses for living here
does not exceed two hundred dollars. This
leaves each net profit of 1900. 90 month
during the long session; yet members boldly
declared during the discussion upon this
proposition largely to increase their salaries,
that they could not live respectfully upon
their present pay. But while making this
absurd statement, they refused to add even
ten per cent. to the salaries of clerks whose
pay for the whole year varies from 81 200 to
81 800, who give all their services to the Gov
eminent, and are compelled to reside here.
Many Of these clerks are men Of as much
character, intelligence, and ability as the
average member Of Congress. Their families
are as large, their appeutes are as good, and
they have as much self-respect. and there.
fore like to appear as well in society and to
dress as respectfully, If not so extensively.
But these Congressman who have just peck.
New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1873-03-06
The Resolution Of CensGTe.

The final disposition made b. the House OF
the Credit Mobilier expulsion resolution
meets with the approval Of all that portion OF
the Republican press which does not consider
its condemnation necessary to prove its own
virtue and independence. The course OF Mr..
Ames, at least, is the sevaest punishment
fair-minded men believe he deserved. The
public havn't been convinced that he is the
corrupt, bad man those who have raised the
deafening clamor against him would have it
believe. He confesses he intended 10 enlist
friends in behalf of the Pacific railroad-an
ENTERPRISE in which he had staked his whole
fortune. and for which he had made an hun
dred fold greater sacrifice than he asked any
one else 10 make. There is no evidence that
he bribed any member Of Congress. II there
had been, were the men any less guilty than
he; and why was not their expulsion recon-
mended: The fact seems to be that MEN,
bers Of the press and members OF Congress
looked upon the charge against him as a ut
one 10 exhibit their own high moral senti-
ment, their horror Of anything looking like
money infuesee, and their independence OF all
party obligations The question has elected
a remarkable display of cant, humbug, and
hypocrisy, and a very little downright genu-
inc consistency, honesty, and common fair
ness