New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1873-11-19


stature of those "provdential men, who arise
sometimes for the government OF peoples and
the ruin of their liberties. He does not come
within the category of the NapOleons and
Cnsars by ability, nor in that of the Bourbons
ny tradition. There is no good reason why ne
should attempt TO play the part Of an indis-
pensable man. He represents the Kight
of the Assembly at Versailles and nothing
more. He shares their ignorance, their mar
rowness, their timd conservatism, their re-
snect for the outward forms and symbols
of authority, and also their deep dis
trust of the masses and contempt for
tbe democratic principle in government.
He owed his rank in the army to his political
nullity which gave no umbrage to the Empire,
and he owed his selection as President, when
NJ. Theirs was overthrow in the Barodet
manic to his rank in the army, which the
frightened Conservatives thought would be
useful in the conflict they apprehended with
the Radicals. But he seems to have added to
the contempt he naturally cherished for the
popular will as an imperialist marshal new
and unsupported belief in himself which is
founded upon the choice of his colleagues in
that time of baseess panic. He is not only
convinced that the country will 20 to ruin If
his PARTY is defeated, but he is also of the
opinion that his party is destroyed unless he
remains at the head of the Government.
Neither he nor his supporters seem TO be in
the least aware of the absurdity of their posi-
ton. They pretend to be a government OF
the revolution. They have never dared to
ayow principles in conflict with it. When the
Comte de ChambOrd wrote his medieval letter
70 NJ. Chesnelong, breaking loose from any
COMPROMISE with the revolution, the Right
accepted it as the end of his candidacy. They
,it in the Chamber by virtue of Universal
Suffrage, and have never yet ventured to de-
nounce it or proposed to abolish it. They are
therefore in every way bound to respect 1t ;
but every public act Of the present Govern
| ment. every scheme of the majority, shows a
| settled purpose to seek some solution OF the
present crisis which shall not involve an
| EXPRESSION of the popular will. In fact, every
possjble means is taken to circumvent and de-
| feat the evident will of the country. AS often
| AS the departments are permitted to vote they
| elect Republicans by constantly increasing
maiorties, in spite of all the etforts4of the
| Conservatives If the majority of the Assem-
| bly, had any respect for the system OF univer-
| sal suffrage they would at least order elections
| 10 Gll all vacancies in their own body, even II
they did not consent to an entire re-
peyal. But seeing the cause OF the
Republic growing more and more popular
in the country, they have concluded
TO make one final effort to check the rising
tide by the simple programme the Committees
are now considering. MacMahon is to he made
President for as long time as pOssible then
the Chamber is to pass certain number OF
reac.ionary laws, restricting the suffrage and
giving full control of elections to the Govern
ment: during the Presidency of MacMahon
every means is to be employed to discredit the
Republic, and to.;prcpare the country for such
a contingency as the death of ChambOrd and
the consequent accession of the Comte de
Paris. There is prospect that the Bona
partists may join in this scheme,
which would prolong the nerveiess
reign of MacMahon until the young Napoleon
il of age to take an active part i'll political
intrigues. And what is most dangerous of all,
there is a certain number of genuine Republic
cans 50 timid or so credulous as TO believe
that after all this is the best thing to be done
to consolidate the Republic. A few days will
determine whether the Republic is to be estab-
hshed now, or whether it must fight for ex-
istcnce through Il half-dozen years OF hostility
and treachery.