The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1873-03-21

therefore, an innovation on any principle at
fecting the city government TWAS approved
by many on the ground that the Aldermen
represent the people more directly than
does the Mayor; that they are constantly
brought into contact with and exercise
general supervision over the acts of the several
departments, while the Mayor is fully
without being hampered with the sole respon-
sibility for all the appointments, or even with
the task of originating nominations. The
Mayors duties are certainly onerous enough.
He signs, on an average, two hundred warrants
day, and the physical exertion of writ
ing his name is great to say nothing of the
labor of that supervision which Mayor Have
meyer has declared his intention to exercise
over every warrant placed before him. He is
member of the Sinking Fund, of the Board
of Health, of Revenue and Assessments of
the Quarantine Board and the Board of
Emigration. He is bound to examine all
measures passed by the Common Council, and
either approve or reject them. If these are
good reasons why the Mayor should not be
hampered with the duty and responsibility of
dispensing the city patronage at his will they
are also good reasons why he should not be
put to the trouble of originating nominations,
as the Senate Committee propose, especially
since such nominations would in all proba-
bility be rejected, and his time and labor
thrown away.
Since this charter discussion commenced it
has been argued by some that the city govern
ment should be modelled on the plan of the
State government; that as the Governor ap-
points and the Senate confirms so the Mayor
should appoint and the Aldermen confirm. In
fact, that the Aldermen should have no greater
power than the Senators. The comparison
between the State and city governments OIL
not hold The Governor represents the con-
tinuing power of the State, always in Office and
always exercising his functions, while the
Senate is a temporary body only, limited to q
one hundred days session, called for special
purpose and without any general powers ex-
cept those pertaining to legislation. The city
of New York is q municipal Corporation, with
corporate rights, powers, property and fran
chises. From time immemorial the power of
government was vested in the city as Corpo-
ration, such power being exercised by the
Common Council as the representative Of the
Corporation. The Common Council of
a municipal Corporation. like the di-
rectors of any other corporation,
is the governing body, exercising authority
over oil its affairs. The powers of the Board
of Aldermen are continuous. When the SEN
ate is not in session the Governor necessarily
exercises the appointing power alone; but the
Common Council is always in session, and
hence there can be no fair comparison be-
tween the two governments. Indeed, the
arguments used against the Assembly system
of appointments have only one real
meaning-they are pleas against giving
the city patronage to the republican party.
There is no middle course to be pursued by
Governor, Senate or Assembly. The charter
is either to be republican or it is not. If that
party cannot be trusted with the local govern
nent of the city then we must either give the
patronage to Mayor Havemeyer and the dem
ocrats or go without charter. This is the
cnOlce the SENATE lS colle0 upon
to make. If it rejects its COM
mittee's amendment and returns the
charter in the shape in which it left the
Assembly it decides in favor Of giving the
control of the city patronage to the republi-
cans. If it sticks to its committees PROPOSE
ton it will probably lose the charter alto
gether aud run the risk of throwing away the
fruits of the recent republican victory.