Litchfield enquirer., 1873-09-18
rHe RA,LRoAD paosLsm.
Address Delivered by Gov. Newton Booth at San FrancIsco. Tuesday
 Evening, August i2. aeF gf~1za ysf


 Address Deiivered by GOV. Mewtor, 3 Booth at San FrancIsco. Tuesday Evenlngs August i2. svaeF ltzasa ysf sfaa ssss .a gsi-T ----aEiosEs as kz1a szsss FELLOW CITIZENS The issues involy- ed in the political canvass of tsis year are peculiar, and the conditions under which they are to be decided anomalous in American history. We shall err, however. if we suppose these issues and conditions are confined to California; they are com mon to the people of the United States. Everywhere there is deep, prevailing feeling that old things are passing away; that the nation confronts new questions and difficulties-that again the Sphinx s riddle is propounded to us, which we must read or be destroyed. And yet when we come to consider these questions close ly, we find them new indeed in our histo- " and new in form, but in substance and in universal history they are as old as his tory itself; it is new phase of the old, old contest between preIogative and per sonal freedom-between the power of the strong to take, and the right of each man to his own. .s t-- Fs zs7
 -.t PARTY TIES RELAXED. t-1s
 In the presence of new dangers party ties are relaxed. Where they bind to- gether it is rather from social afiiation than the power of political allegiance. From force of habit and personal associa- ton. we look to our old political leaders and comrades for guidance and counsel; but, pass along the street, take the men as you meet them, listen to their frank avowals, and you will find that the old ol, k<. shal it's hosts like eontending armies, is destroyed. Gather together . represen- tative, intelligent assemblage like this, composed of republicans and democrats, poll it, and yon will find that on the liv- ing questions of the hour, where there are differences of opinion, men no longer differ as democrats and republicans, but as men of independent convictions; and those who prefer to remain with old or ganizations simply feel that for the pres ent there is nowhere else to go, and hope to accomplish new purposes with old forms. This Is not local, but general truth, and there IS general feeling that a warfare should cease whose motive and meaning has gone. . ,#-e
 INEQUALITIES THAT RESULT FROM WAR.
 There is no lesson enforced by history with more emphasis than that one of the effects of great war, and especially a civil war, upon a republican government, is to create. a strong tendency to a cen tralization of power, to raise up a ruling class or governing man. There are many philosophical reasang for this. One is- that success in war depends largely upon secrecy in counsel and unity in action; and the thoughts of the people become habituated to these conditions, until that is tOlerated as custom which was at first accepted only as necessary sacrifice. An other, that great wars generally bring to the surface great leaders. Another, and in our days Q still more potent reason, is that war creates great social inequalities by affording opportunities for the aeeu- mutation of giaaatic and ffsshaaldd lowing fortunes; and in our days money is pow CT. do not refer now to the fortunes that are made immediately out of the op- eFations of war, end the vast disburse- ments of armies; these. indeed, are great, but they are only feeders to the riches realized by money kings out of the gener- al disturbance of financial laws and ac- cepted values. When gold, as measured by standard fixed by the government, for five years fuctuates between par and two hundred and eighty, eM all eommer- cial prices are adaat, unsettled, so that no day, no hour, is criterion for another, the men of money sense and instinct, the men of coolness, boldness, sagacity and training, find golden opportunities and they. who are eminent in those qualities make for themselves thrones of gold. We sometimes see in shop windows cartoons of Before and After War" If we could see correctly represented the social ooadi- tion of the whole country ssbefore and af- ter the war, we should realize what vast increase there has been III the inc qualities of fortune, to which custom deadens our sense. What was handsome independence is now scarcely ticket of admission into the upper gallery, the third tier of social life. Private fortunes mount up into millions, in two cases ap- proximate a hundred millions, and cor porations control revenues which few years ago would have suficed for a first class kingdom. This of itself would pre- sent q great but insidiaus danger to the republic, for every student of history knows that government is but the out ward form Of what society is the inward spirit. To preserve a republic, there must be general sense of manly inde- dendence, of equality of right and free dom of personal thought and action. Great accumulations of riches tend to des- troy this by creating upon the one hand a feeling of dominance, the arrogance of power, and upon the ether q sense of de- pendenoe,-the ,servility of want; and there is still another class-would it were smaller!- !-hybrids in human nature, who are sycophants from the choice of their own slayish and subservient souls. w . APPROVED PLAN OF BUILDING RAILROADS.
 For many years it has not been the American fashion for the owners of rail- roads to put their own money into their construction. If it had been, it would have insured more conservative and bus iness-hke llse of that species of property. The fayorite plan has been to get grants of land, and loans of credit from the gen. eral government; guarantees of interest from the state government; subscriptions and donations from counties, cities and individuals; and, upon the credit of this, issue all the bonds that can be put upon the market; make close estimate as to how much less the road can be built for than the sums of these assets; form Q ring Acall it, say, the Credit Mobilier or Contract and Finance company--for the purpose of constructing the road, divid- ing the bonds that are left, owning the lands, owning and operating the road un- til the last mortgage becomes due, and graciously allowing the government to pay principal and interest upon the loan of her credit, while ssevery tie in the road is the grave of small stockholer-nq Un- der. this plan, the only men. in the com munity who are absolutely certain not to contribute any money to the construction of the road, are those who own and con trol it when it is finished. This method, requiring certain kind of genius, politi- caT influence and power of manipulation, furnishes one clev to the reason why rail- roads '.interfere in politics. The person al profit upon this enterprise Is not . profit upon capital invested, but the re-. suit of brain -work--administratiye talent, they call it-ina 6 particular direction. When the road is built. capital will seek it, but, until the whole principle of sub n n 1a.F- A n xx