Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1873-02-27

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institutions of the country. 1t went from OBJ
ject to object and from power to power, will
remorseless will. 1t controlled the press;
swallowed up legislative assemblies, an,
wherever 1t appeared, it seemed to be, ant
indeed was, without a rival in power, ant
without limit in its purpose.
The House must protect itself at least 81
far as to maintain Its character for decency
and for wisdom and for purity, which seemed
so offensive to the honorable gentleman from
Ohio (Bingham). If 1t were understood tina
members of the House were robbers, murder
ers, blasphemers and men without virtue
wouldn't the influence and power of the
House be gone, and wouldn't their laws sink
and fail with the failure of influence AND
power Of the House2 1t was therefore nee
essary that the House should protect its char.
acter in order to preserve its influence as a
law making power. Was 1t possible that
men Of infamous character could be sent to
this House and that other members of this
House were obliged to associate with them.
His honorable colleague, Mr.. Ames, of whom
he spoke only with emotion, had placed him
In position where it was necessary for him
to speak otherwise than he would like to
speak His colleague had said before the
committee that he desired SO to interest men,
bers of the House in great interest which
he (Ames) represented, that they would at
tend to that which was brought before them
and he had done this by colorado tale of
valuable securities worth three fifty at one
hundred dollars. His motive was to interest
them in the acts which they were to perform.
To induce them to attend to their own inter.
ests, and Mr.. Ames had also said that the
interest of himself and these members en-
whom he had operated in that way had only
been interrupted by trial which was to take
place tn Philadelphia, and that as soon as
that was settled these interests would revive
exactly as they were before. In proof Of the
effect of this influence upon members, Mr..
Banks quoted from the Globe the report of an
attempt made last session BY Mr.. Negley to
have a resolution referred to the judiciary
committee in reference to the interest due by
the Pacific railroad companies, aud which
had been defeated by Mr.. Brooks. He de-
scribed the conduct of Ames before the COM
mittee, and depicted him with a sardonc
glance dragging from his capacous pockets
memorandum after memorandum, letter after
letter and scrap after scrap, which fixed the
truth of what he said. 1t was impossible for
anyone to doubt that Mr.. Ames used that
stock to influence members, and that they
had accepted it from him. No one could de-
ny it. 1t was to protect his interest against
assaults in congress that he deceived mem
bers to be interested with him, and officers of
the House, the men in strong positions, ha
been selected by Mr. Ames. 1t was not to be
believed that these men came to him and
sought to be bribed and that they were salts.
fed with the miserable pittance which he
dotted out to them. He believed Mr.. Ames to
be perfectly honest man, and that his state
mcnts were entirely to be relied upon. Mr.
A hal a,sg, in t,o
| in secret conclave or conspiracy which took
place in New York city. He knew what the
value Of stock was, but the members to whom
he sold it did not. On the contrary it was
evident that they were informed by other
persons that the stock was not so good as
represented by Ames. Therefore the COM
mttee was obliged to say that on the question
of bribery the facts did not prove that they
had been brbed. For himself, if he had
made declaration that the members whose
names were present in the memor Of every
man man, stood on level with Mr.. Ames
and were guilty in the same degree with him.
He (Banks) ought not to have lived an hour
because 1t was wholly and entirely apart from
the truth.
Mr.. w. Il. Roberts of n. u, read the order
of the credit mobilier stockholders that the
shares which were subsequently used iy AIr.
Ames should be issued TO him, 10 which or
der the name OF 3ir. Hooper was signed, and
he asked Mr.. Banks if that did no. show
guilty knowledge on the part Of Mr.. Hooper.
Mr.. Banks replied in the negative, adding
that the paper referred to did not specify any
purpose whatever for the use of that stock.
Now that Mr.. Brooks was q member OF the
House where the same interes. was co1tinu-
ing, the committee could not buy conclude
that he would be faithless also ip that posi-
ton, and he (Banks) could not but fell that
the judgment of the committee was sustained
by the facts. There was no man living who
would have more gladly defended and be-
friended Mr.. Brook than himself This was
not a case against Mr.. Brooks or againsl Mr..
Ames. 1t was the cese of the people for
whom he (Bsnks) pleaded. 1t was case of
good government, and if it vas to be secured
by the acQuittal Of these gentlemen, no one
would be better pleased with the result than
himself
Mr.. Banks then proceeded to discuss tie
case of Brooks, and to show that the resolu-
tisn in regard to him should be adopted. lie
quoted the testimony in regard to the enor-
nous dividends OF the credit mobiiier while
Brooks wss government director, and whes
il was his duty to protect the government
from wrong. Here was wrong and rob-
berry Of nearly forty millions of the paper
contributed by the government for the con-
struction of that road, ane no word was given
by him to the public or the government, and
therefore no protection to the rights of the
government had been received from him. As
government director, Mr.. Brooks was also
s,ockholder, when the law forbade It. In
stead of protesting the government against
the robbery of these enormous dividends, he
had share in them, and therefore had been
unfaithful to his trust. The cause of liberty
and of the republican government was i'm
periled by measures of concentrated money
power of the country TWAS not to be re-
garded in history as the case of John Smith
or John Brown, it was the case Of a country,
il was the case Of a people.
At 1 10 the House adiourrcd