New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1873-09-30

Here the writer stops. These concessions to
marty organization, he thinks. "are quite
"enOugh to secure its legitimate ana use1ui
authority But then comes the next ques-
ton Is this rule of party allegiance to be
made absolutef Is ono one in any case to
"refuse to vote according to the decisions OF
"a party majorityf Mr.. Clarke thinks
that few would contend for such rule. which
would put the whole party, bound hands and
feet, "into the power of any bad man who
might succeed by cunning and bribery in
getting possession of its organization"
Boiling, therefore, is always i'll Order--it Is
only an assertion of the right of Pm tie
Judgment in politics as Professionalism is in
religion. Moreover, the law for constituencies
is also the law for delegates, who go to a con-
vention not in their individual but in their
representative character. The meeting over,
they are free to act for themselves again.
Mr.. Clarke holds that man loses no right of
private Judgment by becoming a delegate.
What he opposed in the Convention he may
oppose out of it, if it be important that he
should do so.
All these opinions are so simple and self
demonstrating, and so consonant with any
code of morality worthy of the name, that
they do not demand line of defense. Party
bigots do not see, or at least will not admit,
their force either because they are in the
party for their own private ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
OF because they do not understand the best
nature and highest purposes of party at all.
| There never was party organization Which
did not originate in bolt, and there never
can be one independent of the same concep-
ton and birth. 1t is very seldom that there
is anything like unanimity in body polite.
Even in periods of the greatest public danger,
as during our Revolution and during the late
Rebellion, men protesting to have the same
end in view could not always agree upon the
means. Politics, especially in a Republic are
an attempt to adapt measures to indisputable
principles, and to elect men who will honestly
apply such principles to practical legislation.
Of course there is difference and dlssenslon;
men range themselves upon this side or that,
and thus parties are created. We are not
arguing the case of boilers who are self
seeking, venal, ambitious, or merely dlsap-
| pointed and disconnected with certain phases
of party management but why should any
man remain in party-why should he con-
tinue to give it his personal influence and his
vote-after it has so ceased to represent his
own views as to put him in a position OF
moral antagonsm to all its works and ways
| He would not thus surrender his personality
as a church member, or, indeed, as member
of any organization of a private natures and
! if he would not trade with a bad man, would
| not trust him, would not associate with him,
how is he to vote him into Office with an easy
conscience9 Suppose that he had private in
formation that candidate had committed
and concealed from the public an ofense
against moralty-wOuld he still be bound
TO vote for that candidate Suppose he per-
sonally knows that a candidate is unit for the
Mace which he is seeking-is he still to help
him TO obtain it! All talk of fealty to party,
carried to such an extent, is simply childish
prattle OF course parties do exist and carry
on their operations for years with varying sue
cess; but they do so because their average
action il inoflensive to the moral sense of theiI
| members. 1t is fortunate that as they become
corrupt their tendency is to decline and ia
disappear; and if it were not so, good govern
ment would be only matter of accident OF
a question of time. Every political contest Is
based upon boiling Men are elected TO this
or that Office because voters change sides; and
it il not too much to say that if the old Dem
ocratic party could have secured the perpetual
fidelity of its members, all the great good
which the Republican party claims proudly tc
have effected would have been Impossible OF
| achievement