New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1873-01-14
Two gays OF DOING 1T.


The Investigating Committees now at WORK
in Washington, if they do not take alarm az
tbe Multiplying developments of irregularlty
and wickedness, are likely to throw noou Oh
light upon certain mysteries OF legislation
which have long puzzled simple minded people
Parliamentary debate, as we all know, has
long fallen into disrepute at the national
Capitol, or is valued only Tor Its Indirect
effect upon public sentiment and bills before
Congress are really discussed, not in the Sen
ate or House of Representatives, but in the
newspapers. The arts of promoting legislation
are practiced secretly in the lobbies and cor
ridors and what those arts are, If the present
Investigations go on much longer, we shall all
thoroughly understand.
There is the purchase system, for instance,
of which the Senate Committee on Privileges
and Elections is getting pretty fair illustra-
ton in the Kansas case. Mr.. Caldwell 1t
seems, wishing to be Senator, bought the
Kansas Legislature out and out, as he might
have bought drove of hogs. The usual
price of member was $1,000; but if there
happened to be corner in the market quo
tations ran as high as $4,000, and some UNI
commonly conscientious gentlemen refused 10
sacrifice their integrity for less than S5,OOO'
One member, being applied to for his vote,
limited that he was poor man." and struck
bargain at $4,000. 1t is painful to learn
that although he voted according to
agreement he never got the money
Mr.. Caldwelrs friends formedi commit
tee of five, who used to go over the
list of members together and divide the work.
sometimes (this is the confession OF one OF
the five) ga member would report that
certain man had better not be counted yet,
Gas he was a little too high, but he Thought
abe could bring him down" And yet there
seems to have been O competition lively
enough to send prices up one hundred per
cent in two days, and Mr.. Caldwell had to
pay roundly because he was " a little slow
in coming to terms. Mr.. Carson testified
that he had been employed by T. J. Ander-
son, a friend of Caldwell, to buy votes at
" 81 ZOO each; that is, he was to have S1,7OO
" for each vote he bought, and he was to make
"all the profit he could" Under this arrange
ment the honorable gentlemen were most I'M
mercifully shaved. Mr.. Carson paid only
81 900 for the wear and tear of the moral
sentiments, and kept $500 for his own wear
and tear of lungs and shoe-leather. One OF
the members who had taken the money after
wards returned it, having changed his mind,
and Mr. Carson "kept it to pay for his own
services So little disguise was there about
this business that the same Mr.. Carson asked
| legal advice as to the possibility of taking
receipt from the members whom he bought,
so as to insure delivery.
There is another system of lobbying, much
| less dangerous and less brutal than these
| dealings in legislative livestock. 1t consists
! in "making friends" and the Credit Mobilier
ipouiry presents an excellent illustration of it.
| The Credit MObilier was a doubtful company
which made a great deal of money through
the favor of Congress. 1t had obtained, as its
chief managers tell us, all the legislation it
wanted but it was threatened with an inves-
tigation; it might at any time be ruined by
unfavorable action in Washington and If it
wanted nothing else it wanted to be let alone.
The trustees consequently put into the hands OF
Cakes Ames and Thomas G. Durant thousand
shares of stock to be distributed where 1t
"would do most good" These gentlemen (or
at any rate Mr.. Ames-we have not heard
Durants story yeti proceeded to place the
stock in Congress They asked no direct re-
turn for it they only wanted to make friends
by giving Congressman a pecuniary interest
in the affairs they were expected officially to
examine. They did not give the stock out
right they only sold it at a third or quarter of
It's value, and promised that every man who
took it should have his money back, with ten
per cent per annum additional, if he did not
like the investment. That the Credit MObiler
was not molested in Congress after this, and
that it was even benefited by subsequent acts,
it would perhaps be superfiuous to mention.
What difference is there in principle between
these two methods of corruption 2 In both
cases legislators accept a pecuniary considera-
ton for their official action. In both cases
they prove false to their public duty and be-
come the paid agents of private persons or
companies. The corruption in the Kansas
system is tie more gross and degrading, be-
cause it presuppOses the loss of all shame;
but the bribery in the Credit Mobilier case is
nevertheless real and the implicated Con-
gressmen can only vindicate their honesty at
the expense of their understanding.