The Rutland daily globe. [volume] (Rutland, Vt.) 1873-1877, 1873-12-23

the party are for the best interest Of the |
government, who sustalns by his voice and |
vote the party on that ground, he, if he be |
rupt and baneful measure the party sup |
ports to We Fright The right of private !
judgment is surrendered, a man must not
think and act for himself, but If he be
"honcst," he must do, think and act, rs
others tell him. this upon all and every
question. Other men may call this ''hon-
esty." but we do not. The idea that the
right or wrong of particular measure de-
pesds upon the particular party which sup
ports it, is too ridiculous to require refuta-
ton. Itmoy be news to our contemporary,
but parties usually havcmorc than one prn
ciplc individuals determine as general
rule If not always, their party affiliations
not upon one particular measure, hut upon
all taken together. We doubt if an intclli-
gent person, of any party, can he found
that approves of every measure of policy
advocated by the party. IL we are right
and is there any doubt about it's il hon
est to approve Of support and "bclicyc'
those measures to he right, which II mans
conscience disapprovcs of If so. it is Il
new and hitherto undiscovered kind of
morality and honesty. We want none of
it.
Let Us try our contemporary Ivy his own
law. If tits a law unto itself, it ought not,
o., tai L,. La,
1t establishes. 1T is poor rule that won't
work both ways If it j. honest ac-
corCling To lis definition OF honesty, il has
ceased 10 lac republican newspaper. and,
in lis own beautiful, refined and choice Ian
guage, become a political freebooter
Party measures" may be determined in
two ways. First by the declaration of a
national convention, commonly called
platforms or, second, by measures re-
| ported by republican committee, adopted
! by republicans Congress and approved by
a republican President. As to the first
point-and it cannot belquotcl too often
let Us look at the last national republican
platform. The fifth ''planEi" declares that
. any system of the civil service under
" which the subordinate positions Of tie
. government are considered rewards for
. mere party zeal is fatally dcmoralzing :;
9 and we, therefore, favor "A reform of the
"system by laws which shall abolish the
"cvils of patronage, and make honesty,
" efficiency, and fidelity the essential quail
. tications for public position. without
practically creating life tenure of
= office. There is no danger of misun-
derstanding the proposition. 1t is right to
the point, and can bear but one construc-
ton. What that one construction is
every person of common sense can see for
himself. 1t was unanimously adopted by
the delegates of the republican party from
every state in the Union, and hcnccfor-
ward became measure of the party. -
every honest member of the party will
believe that the measure is right. This
paper, which calls us .'freGhaTtne that
S2'R"tne exception Of the judiciary and
military officers, THAT the idea of ignoring
party lines in making selections and APP
pointments, is un.oise, and il the issues
." are vital and important, unwtc." So
that it is un'ctse and unsafe to disregard
party lines in the selection Of postmasters,
tax collectors, and many other officers that
might be named This is not in accordance
with the 50 measure the party supports. -
The conclusion, according 10 the law laid
down, is irresistible that our contemporary
is not ''honest or has ceased to be repub-
lican. In regard to the second proposition,
a republican conference committee agreed
to and reported, "A republican Congress
passed, and republican President approx
ed the increase of salary bill, retroactive
clause and all. If we remember rightly
although it would seem that we must be
mistakcn-this same paper has called it a
grab, IL steal and many other such like
scholarly terms. Every honest member
" Of the party will beleyc that the inca.
" sure is right. Is it 'honcst," does it
" believe that the measure is right /;
Otherwise, by It's own law, it is dishonest
or ceased to be republican.
But let us leave these low. croyeIlinp
comparisons, 20 up higher, and see how
the case stands We shall give but single
illustration, although they are nnumenble.
On the fourth day of March, 1861, the re.
publican party, for the first time, found H.
self in power. with President and ma
jority OF the Senate and House of Rep
resena'lveS. States had attempted to Sc
cedc and others followed their example.
until the Necessity va, forced upon the
country and the party of au appeal to arms
or conscntlng To the disruption Of the
Union. The latter was not 10 he thought
oi,and the people heartily responded to the
demand for men and money. Early in
lSO2, our resources were well nigh en-
haustod, and some means were necessary TO
I'LL our depleted treasury Salmon p.
Chase, the republican secretary of the
treasury, then presented his scheme for
legal tender treasury notes. 1t was
made party measure" There were
then, as ever before and ever after, other
party measures, Vermont was repre-
scented in the United States Senate by two
men-Solomon Foot and Jacob Collamcr.
Were they 'honest"? Were they good,
sincere, true, representative republicans
Does there man live now, or did such an
one live from February 1862 to 1866, who
dare dispute or doubt it? Yet, according
to the law laid down, they were either dis
honest or ceased TO lie republicans. The
legal tender clause, we have said was a re-
publican party measure" Solomon Foot