Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1873-10-29
Limited Government.


throw of the Tweed dynasty, has disbanded.
Ii SAYS in final address that the retro-pec
of two years continuous efforts in the dlrec- |
ton of reform, though marked with many |
disappointments and failures, affords abund-
ant cause tor congratulate and encourage |
ment, and a careful comparison of New York
city to-day with that which 1t presented at
the time from which the committee dates
exhibits a marked and probably permanent
progress.
Another paper says the committee found
that their vocation was gone; that party
drill had again become strong enough to ron-
der the work OF an independent organization
productive of little or no good; and that, ar
the public seemed to have no farther use for
them, they consulted their own dignity and
retired from the business of reforming New
York politics. Toe spectacle just presented
in New York city is certainly not calculated
to give great encouragement to those who
seek simply honest COVE nment. The So
called Apollo II Ill Democrats, after having
10 vain attempted to agree with the Tamma-
ny Hall Democrats upon division of the
-
lance with the Republicans, and united with
them upon a ticket composed about half-and-
half of Democrats and Republicans. This
is simply partnership in the prospect oil
Office, and it does not require any particular
sagacity to see that such truck and dicker
will prove advantageous only to the politi-
Clans who engage in it. When hostile politi
cal parties coalesce on such basis, it is ev-
ident that neither party regards it's politics
AS of any account, except 50 far As it leads to
ofice-holding.
But this is the fashion of New York poll
tics at least.-not to make a broader general
zation The value of office holding has be-
come too strong for the principles of the
parties; in other words, the parties have
shown that their principles are only of &C
count so long as profession of them brings
DO itcal success And here ought to be
found the need of a re orm going deeper than
party professions, or even than the movement
for electing honest men to tfice. The men
who framed Our government recognized that
the safety, security and liberties Of the peo-
pie were found rather in the limitations upon
than in the pow 3rs confded to governments
Those who have observed thoughtfuliy the
corruption that has found place in so many
uficial positions, cannot fail to see how 1t
has kept pace with the progress of the idea
chat government is an agency to be employed
by the majority with very little regard t.
The rights of the minority. The natural
outgrowth of such fa.se idea of govern
ment is the use of all opportunities which
office holding gives to advance the interests
OF the men in power and their iiiends. Fol
why should not custom house tficiu or 6
member of Congress or a President use hls
opportunities for his personal advantage, al
we'll as party which happens to be in {
majnrity legislate and divide up the Offices
and apportion the fat contracts for the bene
fit of is party friends? Unless ofice- holding
IS only a trust for the benefit of the who'll
country, why shouldn't postmasters asses
their subordlnates, and party committee
assess officials, and treasurers put into the
pockets the public funds? Phelps, the de
taulting cashier of the New York State treas
ury, has recently stolen $500 900 Of the fund
Of the state; yet what has he done, excep
in the larger amount, more than is done B.
every person who uses his official position t
advance his private or political interest a
the expense of the public?
Greatly extended business affairs need tn
most carefully guarded restrictions to secur
iaithfulness and accountability IN those en-
how much more frequently populations ot
cur in corporations than in individual enter
4 prlses The old maxim " hat Is every
Q body's business is nobody's business" ha
l. truth 10 it. No stakeholder in stock col
poration watches the conduct of the officer
n as he would the conduct of his Subordinate
IN his private business; indeed, be ofte
d knows tscarcely anything of the corpora,
J. business, and seldom has his curiosity excite
unless be misses his annual dividends. An
,e when the corporation is great state lib
10 New York, or great republic like tn
= United 'ates, one can readily understan
IT how careless individuals may become in the
j. investigation of the principles upon whie
8, government acts, or in the injury which
10 may do to any interest which, for the tin
n being, they do not share. 1t is an inevi
able result Of such state of things, tn
those in Office, having great temp tations
cri6ce the public good to private gal
will often do so. Indeed, Cakes Ames s
- forth the philosophy of the whole matte
: when he gave, as a reason for dlstributil
Credit Mobilier stock so freely among mel
bers OF Congress, that he had observed TIL
,0o members would not take the trouble to i
IN form themselves upon the merits of que
q. tions calling for legislation unless they b
II personal interest in the subject; for
~ this is not universal truth, it is, at lea
IN, MIR. Ames made on his faith in it, 1t i.
-, melancholy fact that men cannot safely
he trusted with irresponsible power and
- the best safeguards. against abuse of pow
Eat w
ho selfish use of it, the wisest theory of q
:, ernment, limits the power as far as is pos
10, BILE consistent with the existence of Cover
ment itself. Offenses will come; the b.
,, conceivable government will not escape the
81 as long as it must employ human .agencie
81 and the imperlections of the race ma
Is government necessary; but that governme
7 1ss other things being equal, will be the le
100 liable to abuse which is the most rigidly
1888 stricted to the work of protecting the int
SS5 rI,,,I :, +bo o,;orrao,> nc bic ,,t,r,, r;ch
Si4 ''"A IL Wiz ""J'J 'AAoA' W ii' "A~'' rs"
' oS This is the theory of government as expou
cd in q DopIQ "A Il