The Portland daily press., 1872-08-26
Another Letter on the Presidency.

RICHARD II. DANA, JR., URGES THE COLORED
MnN TO SUPPORT GRANT.
The following letter was addressed to Rich
ard 81. Dana, Jr., of Boston, by several prom
inent colored men of Massachusetts, few
day. ago:
"Dear Sir: We have been permitted to
ascertain the opinions of the acknowledged
leaders of the anti-savery sentiment of the
country, namely, Messrs. Garrison, Phillips,
Gerrit Smith and others, whose early labor
did much toward creating public sentiment,
which afforded shelter and protection to the
escaping bondman from American slavery,
thereby necessitating the passage by Congress
of the law known as the Fugitive Slave bill
of 1850.
While this repulsive measure seemed to
overawe the bar of Massachusetts,, we are
happy to know that there remained still a
few OF its members true to humanity; fore
most of whom to tender their services in our
defence was your honored self, as the records
of the courts from time to time attest.
And now, honored sir, we, the undersigned,
would be most happy to have you address us
on the political issues of the day at as early
date as may suit your convenience.
The substance of Mr.. Dana's reply, which
was dated on the 18th of August, is contain
ed in the following extracts:
'My brethren of the African race, you
should have long memories. Now that you
have come into the possession of political
power, and large share of it, claims will be
made upon your confidence and gratitude
which will not always bear the test of exam
ination. Whoever asks you to vote for Hor-
ace Greeley for President, as having been a
lifelong abolitionist, must have lost their
memories or trusted to the imperfections of
years. Mr.. Greeley was never an abolition
ist. He was never free soiler Names are
things. History and usage fix their meaning.
We must not palter with words, any more
than with other facts. Certain anti-slavery
men came to the conclusion that they must
abjure the Constitution, becausesof its COM
promises with slavery, and neither vote nor
hold Office under it. Of this class we're Mr.
Garrison and Mr.. Wendell Phillips, and to
them and their associates belongs, historical
ly, the name OF abolitionist, with all its ap-
pendages and appurtenances. Other anti
slavery men thought it their duty to accept
the Constitution and act politically under
it, making the questions of freedom para
mount. These constituted, after 1S4S, the
freesoil party. OF that party, which was
yours and mine, were Adams, Sumner, Will
son, Samuel Hoar and his sons, Palfrey, Ste
later, Horace Mann.
But Mr.. Greeley had no part or lot with
either of these classes. He was, in his politi-
cal action, Henry Clay protectionist whig.
until the whig party broke up in general
wreck in 1856. In 1851, when MIR. Summers
election to the Senate was pending and the
friends OF freedom throughout the land were
anxiously watching the changing fortunes Of
the ballot in the legislature for weeks and
months, and every influence was needed.
nothing could make Mr.. Greeley commit him.
selfin Mr.. Summers favor, either in the
Tribune or in social circles, or even in private
conversation.
HE adhered to the Wing party after it had
accepted the Fugitive Slave law and the COM
promises of 1850, and after it had repudiated
the Wilmot proviso and all attempts to ex-
clude slavery from the territories by national
legislation. The language in which the late
Theodore Parker spoke of Mr., Greeley
course on the slavery questions as late as 1898
Suppressed in the American edition OF his
works., though marked by verbal asperity, is
not in substance undeseryed. Ar. Greeley's
vaccillating and pusilanimous course in 1860
and during the war has been so recently and
clearly exposed to you that l need not recall
it to your attention. He has, indeed, ex-