, 1872-09-11

some ct WhIch may YET DC VI IhO HA1" SCASO
ouonco TO Great Britain it would relieve Austria
Of her fear of seeing her German subjects join
their kinsmon to the ruin of her power in the valley
of tho Danube and it would leave Germany free
to conduct to the bitter end her warfare with the
Pope. Those are very important consequences
and they might easily follow from a mornings
con Yersation amonr the three Emperors, who, If
not absolute, are in foreign politics so trusted By
their subjects that any defensive policy they may
devise will be accepted without much opposition,
except from minorities like the Poles, Czechs, or
German UItramontanes, whose power would be
diminished or destroyed by the agreement itself.
It is possible, again, for these three gentlemen, it
not to settle what is called tho ''olavlc question:
at least to give it an entirely new character, and
make any great movement IN Eastern Europe very
nearly impossible, by simply agreeing to the ar
rangement we have suggested, and they have
each Of them one strong reason for so doing.
Russia might wish to retain q hold over Bohe-
mia and the Slays of Hungary, and so be able to
annoy Vienna at every turn but she purchases
that pleasure at a great price, the risk of seeing
the Hapsbnrg start forward some fine day, as de-
liverer and King of ancient Poland, a policy which
since the downfall Of France has greatly attracted
some leading Poles, one of whom recently made at
Cracow a speech in that sense of which we publish
ed an analysis. Austria, on the other hand, may
like to be sure ofGn internal ally in her contest with
Russia for the mouths of the Danube, but she pur-
chases that reserved power dearly, if Czech and
Slav are encouraged to look to st. Petersburg as
the ultimate capital Of q PanslaYiC Empire, an en-
pire which would attract to it all in Eastern Eu-
rope who are not Germans, or Magyars, or Mos
lem. And Germany, though she might like to
keep her hands free to operate in any direction
for example, to attract Holland into the federation,
and so gain ships, colonies, and at u
blow-purchases her freedom dearly at the price
of her liability to a combined attack from the West
and the East at the same time. Each Power,
therefore, has some strong and definite interest in
an agreement which it is quite open to the three
Soycreigns to make, which two atleast of their ad-
yisors, Prince Bismarck and Count Andrass Q
understood earnestly to desire, and which is rot of
a kind that the remainder Of Europe could reso-
lutely attack. It would threaten nobody Yimmedi-
ntely, and if it did, while England continues to ap.
prove the policy ofisoIatjon, Kaiser William may
fairly say to his brother Monarchs, "NoW W. three
have said il, it skills not much whOer impugne
our DOOM The agreement would not, like the
old Holy Alliance, threaten hborty-oxeopt in
Poland,-for no monarch now asks external guar
antcc8 against his own people nor would it great
y anger the Revolution, which, if no nearer its
end in consequence, would be no further from it,
might indeed be Il little nearer, in consequence of
the increased attention the Germans, relieved from
their fear Of invasion, would pay to their internal
affairs. There is, in fact, no force anywhere to
resist such an alliance, except in the West, where
Franco by herself is poweriess, and England,
which might make her powerful, is intent upon
ends with which the politics Of the Continent have
no immediate connection.
1t is quite possible that a league such as We have
indicated might be arranged by the Sovereigns to be
present at this meeting, and quite certain that the
meeting, therefore, whether or not it be followed by
consequences, is a most important event, but Europe
has still to discover whether the Sovereigns concerned
are willing to arrange it. Count Andrassy, according
to the Eastern Budget, which is a semi-oficial Au
strian journal, thinks they will be, but there are some
obstacles to be removed before foreign observers car
share in his opinion. Of the three SoVereigns con
cerned, one gains everything, while the two others will
be asked under the agreement suggested to give up q
great deal, and may when the actual moment arrives
be unwilling to give it up. The Emperor of Germany.
it may be said, gives up nothing, for no is guaranteed
in possession of Alsace and Lorraine, and has at pre-,
sent no desire for further acquisition of territory, nc,
wanting more Catholic subjects vet awhile. But the
tic neighbour by French aid; that is his best chance
of securing Constantinople, an object which he could
not abandon without danger to his Grown, his subjects
desiring that possession even more than he does. He
cannot AGREE to guarantee Germany and attack Ger
mapv. cannot make friends with Austria, and at the
same time Law his hand upon the threat Of the ETnpiT6.
the mouth of the great river which drains it from end
to end. He must in fact remain very much where he
is, that is to say, shut out from the Mediterranean, and
hemmed in on the West By powerful empires, from
which he is protected only by Il treaty, which they
may observe and probably will, but also may not. tic
gains no new security except q promise. So also the
Kaiser of Austria must give up a great deal-his
chance, should war arise between Berlin and Paris, OF
securing the coveted Principalties, or of re-enterlng
Germany, or, as might happen, OF securing the Catho'
lie States of the South for his own dominion. in q