Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1872-12-15
.ACCEPr THE SITUATION.

There is no one who bad arrived at mans
estate and was citizen of the United
States prior TO the wa, that has not been
startled by the imperial eeicts which have
been issued from the Executive Mansion at
Washington relative to the contests going
on in Louisiana and Alabama. The Presi-
dent of the United States assumes TO de-
tsrmine which is the legitimate State Gov
erDment upon hearing from one side,
and straightway declares through his
law officer that Gov. Pinch
back is recognized rs "the lawful Execu-
tive Of Louisiana, and the body assembled
at the Mechanics Institute as the lawful
Legislature.n This law officer goes further
and suggests to the Pinchback Executive
that be make proclamation and set forth
this recognition of the Executive authority
at Washington, and also that all necessary
assistance will be given to the Pinehbaek
Legislature and Governor. BE
It remembered, TOO, that this ukase
clmes in despite of the protest OF
the contesting Governor and hundreds OF
the best citizens of the State, who have
asked only for hearing. There may be
those alive who remember or have heard
something of the case Of the Cherokee In
dams and the State of Georgia, in which
that State denied the authority of the Su-
preme Court of the United States to adju-
dictate its rights, and the Supreme Court,
after full argument against the State, deci-
ded that the position taken by the Governor
of Georgia was right.
Where does the President Of the United
States get the power which he SO peremp-
torily exercises? 1t certainly is not to be
found in the Constitution. That instru-
ment says 1.-THE United States" shall guar
sntee TO every State a republican form of
government, and shall in certain contin-
gencies protect each of them against do
nestle violence. But the President and
the Attorney General are not the United
States. The powers of the President are
very clearly defined. He shall be
Commander-in-chief of the Army and
Navy; he may require the written
opinion of the heads of depart
ments; he may reprieye and pardon;
be may make treaties with consent of the
Senate; he may appoint to Office with the
consent of the Sanate, etc. But it is no
where given to him to decide a contested
election between candidates for Governor,
or to determine the legitimacy or illegiti-
macy of the election returns for State Leg
islature. Suppose Jefferson, Monroe, Mad
isOn, or Andrew Jackson had undertaken
to decide what Gen. Grant so promptly
disposes of. Either one of them would
have had articles of impeachment present
ed within twenty-fcur hours, and been de-
posed within less than thirty days. Nov,
the only response we hear is that
We must "accept the situation" Ihere
must be no criticism, especially from the
South, of the principles, policy and prac-
tees of this Federal administration, or we
will be denounced as a Bourbon who fsvors
secession, who is unwilling 10 be national
lied and have rehabilitation of the South.
Popular sentiment must be suppressed, the
Press must be silencad, or it will be evil
dence Conclusive That the Sonth refuses 10
accept the situation" five attempt to stay
the march Of Imperialism and point TO the
constitution and reproduce the republican
doctrines Of the ablest of the founders OF the
Union, VIC are charged with being guilty Of
asterile agitation," and Of refusing to be
taught by the memorable logic of events.
We presume thai Congress and the Radical
party will susl ain Gen. Grant in his
Usurpsiions, aud that We shall be forced to
"accept the situation" If so, the people
cf the North viii, before. the end Of another
Presidential term, find that they are as
complete slaves IS We sre now subjects,