Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1872-08-03
woRCE T B.
SATURDAY. AUGUST 3. 1879.
The TaIL About "Cen.ralism.

Gratis in assailing the present administration, is
the assumed danger of an unconstitutional CEN
tralism OF power in the national government.
This talk comes from the "ex-confederate" wing
of the democratic party, and is repeated by
northern democrats, confidently, as if it were
true, or. at least as if they felt sure of persuad
ing somebody to believe it. Horace Greeley
and his associates echo it as a means of winning
democratic favor and of establishing harmoni-
Gus relations with the party TO which they have
gone. This talk of tendency to centralism' is,
of course, inspired by the crushed slave powers
old doctrine of Estate sovereignty" which de-
MED the national constitution, put in its place
the notorious RESOLUTIONS of 49," and allowed
the national government TO be nothing more
than a humble agent of the Sovereign states"
This reasonable doctrine of disunion, which
aimed 10 destroy the nation, and out of which
grew the Shareholders rebellion, was overthrow
and doomed to perdition with its ugly, bloody,
rayening creature, the "loSt cause" Its baf1ed
supporters now seek TO rescue and restore it to
power; and il is their influence in the democratic
party which brings it forward again in this un-
warranted charge of an unconstitutional ten
dency to ceutralism.
Any man who observes and thinks can see
clearly, that nothing is more obstructed by the
actual tendency of things in this country, or,
in our circumstances, more impossible, than the
establishment of such a Capitalization of power
in the national government as would override
the constitution. The danger is in the other d.
rectiou. There is a tendency to deprive the
national government of its legitimate authori-
~, and drive it back, at certain points, from
doing its whole duty under the constitution. In
our history, it is the states rather than the ma
tional government, which have usurped author
ity beyond their legitimate right and this has
been done to a large extent in the name of
"local seli-government." The right TO local
sell-government is absolute. One purpose of
the national constitution is to defend it; but
this right does not imply right to violate the
constitution, and usurp authority, which, by
virtue of that instrument, belongs 10 the nation,
and not to any state or other local organization.
Nevertheless, states have done this, in such
matters, for instance, as dealing with the civil
rights of citizens, from which their clamor and
influence have excluded the rightful authority
of the nation. Originally, the chief incentive
10 this local usurpation was purpose to pre-
vent interference with slavery; and it is an in
fluence of the old spirit, which still haunts the
country, Ethat now talks against the constitu-
tional power of the nation, and justfes this
local usurpatio7lIof power, in the name of
''local selfgovernment."
In this republic. citizenship is something more
than matter of local concern; in fact, it is a
great deal more, and so it is viewed and treated
in the national constitution. To be a citizen of
Massachusetts or of any other state, by birth or
naturalization, is to be citizen of the United
States. 1t confers a right TO all the preroga-
tives, immunities, and privileges of citizenship
in any other part of the country. This right is
of vital importance; it stands foremost among
those which demand national recognition and
protection, for no local government could be
endowed with power or authority to enforce it
beyond its own limits. Therefore, the national
constitution provides that "the citizens of each
state shall be entitled to all the privileges and
From the beginning of the organized nation, this
has been part of its fundamental law The
privileges and lmmunities" specified were thus
made constitutional rights; but they were not
wholly created by any constitution, state or ma
ton. They are mostly natural, personal, or
common law rights, which constitute the basis
OF all demands for freedom and free govern
ments. Therefore, to use the words of Chief
Justice fancy, they were placed "under the
guardianship of the general government" No
other effective guardianship was possible.
In the practical. operations of the government,
what has been the history of this most impor-
tant provision of the fundamental law? In a
very large part of the country, it has been null
lifted by local usurpation; the rights of citizen
ship have not been protected; the national con-
stitution has been counteraeted by state viola
ton of its provisions; and the influence of this
very dangerous state of usurpaton has wrought
some demoralzing effect in almost every state
and community in the nation. Personal free
dom has been denied by state laws; the rights
of citizenship have been suppressed by state
authority; abdication of natural and common
law rights has been made the necessary condi-
ton OF resistance in some of the states;
citizens Of some of the states have been
forbidden to enter others on pain of being
arrested, and then sold into slavery for the pay
ment of jail fees; certain citizens of some of
the states have been forced from vessels visiting
the ports of other states, and sold into slavery
Massachusetts sent one Of her eminent citizens
10 s~.tl Carolina, to test the constitutionality
of such laws and proceedings, and he was i'm
mediately driven out of the state, not by law
less mob, but by the deliberate purpose and
action of those in authority. This state def
ance Of the constitution was so freely allowed
TO suppress the authority of the nation, in the
matter Of the rights Of citizenship, and pre-
vailed so long without interruption, that the
constitutional authority and duty of the national
government in the premises, were nearly forgot
ten even in many of the free states; and there
were too many, in every part of the country,
who came to be much inclined to regard it as
rightful and proper for any state to deal with
the privileges and immunties" Of citizenship
in its own way.
One result of the changes wrought by the sup
pressed rebellion, is a determination to revive
the violated authority of the constitution, and
enforce it against this very dangerous usurpa-
tion of the "local governments. Slavery has
1871 N~SNASJ NJ NV thNiS W. dlbOy u COu1plctc
destruction of its reasonable doctrines and
practices. 1t is against this endeavor to make
the nation what it processes to be, that the old
pro-slayery talk of "centralism" is revived. II
is against this that all the '1iberals are turned
Shy force Of circumstances" in order TO estab
llsh fraternal relations with the democratic
party We have seen the New York Tribune
undergo a total apostacy from its for
mer position relating 10 kuklux legisla-
ton, and heard Mr.. Greeley say in a
letter Of acceptance; "Our policy should aim at
local sel-goyernment; and not at centraIiza-
ton" What this means has been explained
by democrats of the southern wing, in various
forms Of expression. The Kentucky democrats,
in the resolutions of their state convention, now
in force, explain it in this way: eve must
earnestly assert that Kentucky has the right to
regulate the political status Of the negro race
within her territory" That is to say, Kentucky
has right to override the supreme law of the
land in whatever relates to this matter of citi.
zenshipi and it is "centralism," tyranny"
and everything else bad, for the national GOV.
eminent to undertake the very important duty
imposed on II by the constitution. II is freely
admitted, ~ the same resolution, that Ken
lucky, If left 10 herself, would deprive the negro
race Of important rights and reduce colored