Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1872-01-19

The custom house investigation adds dairy 10
the mass of evidence collected, but little new or
important information can now be expected
from it. The inquiry may, aud probably viii,
90 on for some time; some statements hereto
fore made may be contradicted and some errors
arising from mistake or prejudice, and affecting
personal character or conduct, may he corrected;
hut facts enough are already established by the
concurrent testimony of many official and I'M
official Witnesses, to make it clear that the abuses
IN the custom house have not been greatly over
rated. even by those who have condemned its
management with the most severity. The
| abuses are: the eXtoltions of the general order
monopoly; the system of moieties and perquis-
ties, which leads to oppression of merchants and
corruption of officials; the exaction by clerks Of
fees from merchants and others as rewards for
simple acts of official duty or unlawful favors;
and, finally, what is the source and parent Of all
the rest, the prostitution of the custom house pat
ronage TO reward friends and punish enemies
for the advancement of political or lactonal
ends. The existence of these evils no one will
any longer deny nor will many be found will
ing to extenuatc them. And yet the investiga-
ton has not disclosed much that is new or I'M
expected. This condition of affairs has long
been known. The only difference is that the
belief, which before was founded only on general
statements and some isolated facts within the
knowledge OF a few individuals, is now confirm
ed by the definite, sworn testimony Of many
witnesses, which is published day by day and is
readily accessible.
The evils are undsputed and alarming; what
is the remedy? 1t is easy and natural to say,
remove all officials who are proved or reasonably
| suspected TO be dishonest, inefficient or incom-
| petent; Gil their places with men selected solely
with reference TO their fitness for the duties as
| signed them put at the head of the custom
house a man who is known to be honest, reso-
Lutte energetic and capable, and make him under
stand that he is required to collect the revenue
faithfully, and is responsible to his superors for
nothing further; that political service to any
party or faction is no part of the official duty Of
| himself or his suoordnaes, and will not pro-
cure appointment or promotion nor lead 10
removal. So much is all very well,
1t is essential indeed, and no radical i'm
| provoment can be had without it. But,
though it is easy enough to propose this, it
would be found extremely difficult, if not quite
| impracticabe to carry it into execution, without
some change in the laws governing appoint
| nents. The president is not omniscient; he
cannot know personally all those whom he is
is obliged to appOinttO Office; he must be guided
By the recommendations of those whom he does
know or whom the people by their suffrages
| nave indicated as ftto be trusted. He is not an
autoc:at, and cannot and ought not to maintain
IN attitude of hostility to the representatives OF
the people in congress. The custom oil
making appointments in compliance with
| che advice of senators and repre-
sentatives has become too firmly established 10
be overihrown by one man, however high IN
station or strong in popularity. Some editors
nave promised the president the support Of the
people if he should fall out with congress on
this issue, bat their guaranty is not entirely
trustworthy. A president who is resOlute and
in earnest can do much, of course, especially
when aided by the general indignation which
the recent disclosures excite; but the improve
ment must be partial and temporary, and the
service will settle back into the old routine un.
less he is sustained by the other departments OF
the government.
we are NOT ulspdTd1lug CIVIL SERVICE TelOTH
We are convinced of its necessity. We believe,
however, that, if it is to be permanent, congress
must contribute to it. The rules lately proposed
BY Mr.. Curtis commission Can be adopted, it is
true, without the action of congress- but if con-
gress, as seems likely, should express its disap-
Droval of them, they must soon if not formally
abandoned, become practically a dead letter
We believe the system, of which those rules are
an outline, to be worth trying. 1t is no. perfect
by any means. 1t is easy to point out what
seems TO us radical defects in its methods, be-
sides practical difficulties in the applica-
lion of them; but almost any test of
qualification for office other than political
favoritism would be an improvement on the
present system, las it works in some states and dis
tricts. Mr. Butler says that he can tell whether
man is fit for Office quite as well as any board of
broken-down scnoo masters, and he is right;
there is no doubt of it. But suppose-there is
no harm in the suppostion-that he selects his
man, not with reference TO his capacity for pub
lie duty, but for some other service personal to
himself. 1t has been SAID that some congress-
men act thus, and will until the opportunity
| and the temptation are removed.