The Athens post. [volume] (Athens, Tenn.) 1848-1917, 1872-02-08
Senator Schurz on Amnesty.


Senator Schurz as to believe that MS
cnunciatcd opinions always contain rs
much truth and saving virtue as Is en-
bodied in the four gospels Of Mathew
Mark, Luke and John, but as he never
speaks without saying something, his
uttcranccs are always entitled to more
than ordinary confederation, On the
Both ult. the amnesty bill came up III
tho Senate, and ELECTED a very interest
ing debate between those who favor
partial and the supporters of universal
amnesty. Senator Schurz belongs to the
latter class, and said on that occasion:
lie had at first intended to vote for
the House bill without amendment, cX-
pccting it would be promptly passed
but the bill having been amended IN
one particular it must now 90 back to
the House, and therefore there was no
longer any reWon for rciinining from
All attempt to make it apply to all classes
laboring under political disabilities at
the South. The Senator from South
Carolina (Roberts) had given notice that
he should move to strike out the cXccp-
lions from the bill, and but for this he
(Schurz) would make that motion, be-
licving that tiG reasons which make it
desirable that there should be an am
ncstv granted ut all, makes ii desirable
that the amnesty should be universal.
The wickcdncss aud terrible consc-
qucnccs of the rebellion had been adj
duccd by Mr.. Morton and others as n
reason against amnesty, but if the re-
bcllion had beer still more wicked and
its consequences still more terrible. he
(Schurz) could not permit himself TO
forget that in dealing with this question
Congress had to deal, not with the past,
but with the present and future inter-
csts of the South and of the whole coun-
try.
However Senators might differ as to
the means, he assumed that they were
agreed as to the supreme end and aim
they should have in vicw-t0 secure to
all the States the blessing of good and
free government and the highest degree
of prosperity and wcll-bcing they can
attain, and revive in all citizens Of the
republic that love for the nation and its
institutions and that inspiring con-
seriousness of u common nationality
which should bind all Americans to-
gcthcr. This being the end, no one
would say that it had been attained or
even that the policy pursued hitherto
had tended to attainment. Some Of the
Southern States were governed by COM
binalions of rascaity and Ignorance,
and were in a condition bordering on
anarchy, as the result. to some extent ut
least. OF that unwisc policy.
The first step at the close Of the war
was necessary to secure the freedom and
rights of the emancipalcd blacks, but
the next step should have been to secure
guarantees for good and honest govern
ment at the South. lie would be the
last to cast odium on the cOlorcd people
in the South. Their moderation and
general good conduct was uneXamp.cd
in history, but it was not reasonable to
expect that just after emerging from
slavery they should step into the polili-
cal arena armed with the intelligence
and experience necessary for the man
agcmcnt of public affairs. When ig-
norancc and incxpcriencc were admit
ted to 50 large an influence, they ought
to have been regulated by the admission
of countcrbalancing elements. Expe-
ricncc had shown that the system OF
disabilities did NOT serve in any way OF
measure to protect anybody in his rights
or liberty or property, and therefore, it
is the duty of Congress TO acknowledge
its mistake and place men of character
and ability at the South in n position
where they could again take part in the
management Of affairs.
He had heard it said that many of the
late Rebels did not deserve amnesty
Perhaps not, but was not the welfare OF
the country of far more important con-
sidcraton? A Senator had asked whe-
Their dcfaulters should be punished and
traitors allowed to 90 free; whether
cmbc2zlcmcnt was n greater crime than
treason. That was not the question:
The question was, whether general am
ncsty to Rebels was not more demanded
by public good, than Il general pardon
of thieves? A broad distinction was
always drawn between violations OF
law in which political opinion was a
controlling element, and crimes imply
ing moral depravily.
There were men now sitting in the
German Parliament who few yea. s
ago were iugitives from justice. They
had been admitted, too, without being
asked to ALLURE their former opinions
and most of them belonged to the Lib
eral opposition. The Count Androssy.
condemned to death in 1919, was now
at the lead of the Austrian ministry.
and it was now known that the liberal
amnesty granted to him had done much
to attach Hungary to the Imperial
crown.
Again it was argued that certain men
cause they had been educated by the
United States government and deserted
its service; but the rule had been vio-
lated by the appointment to Office Of one
of the most conspicuous Of that class,
Gen. Longstreet.
In the discussion Of this question in
the Senate, so much had been heard
about the wickcdncss OF the rebellion as
reason against amnesty that the ques-
ton was suggested whether that argu-
ment comprised the whole political wis
dom and virtue Of those who used it
whether we were to keep the Southern
States in their present condition merely
for the purpose of keeping thorn in
the side of our enemies, and demon
stratlng again and again our disappro-
baton of rebellion. The people were
fast becoming aware that, great as the
crime of rebellion is. there are other
villainies which impcratively demand
correction. They were beginning TO
look behind these vociferous assertions
Of austere and exclusive patriotism to
see what abuses they intended to dis
guisc. and to discover that good and
honest government in the South as well