Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1872-02-27


cational fund if he had been as astute in
prying into the cracks and crevices Of his
own marty organization as he has been
into those of the Democratic party. He
! would have ascertained that after the
people had been scourged by war, plumber
ed to poverty, almost painting for life, his
party loaded them with accumulated mil
lions of public debt, and seized upon the
school fund and sunk it in the bank to which
have alluded. Only about two hundred
and seventy-three thousand dollars of this
fund have been recovered, and the balance
may never be recovered. That is what
your party did for education in tennessee.
The people of Tennessee, by their dele
gates in convention in 1870, in their amend
ed constitution, rededicated the original
school fund to the inviolable use of COM
mon schools, also sppropriating the State
taxes derived from polls. The Democratic
Legislature of Tennessee, in 1870 and 1871,
recognized the common schools, assumed
the payment of the interest on the whole
amount of the school fund.- and authorized
the counties to levy the school tax, as have
before stated.
Mr.. Speaker, so far as the population of
Tennessee is concerned, while we may de-
plore the illiteracy of part, we are proud
of it in the main. Though they may not
have had the polish of a Massachusetts
school, we are proud of the magnanimous
and heroic virtues of our SEWERS and Shell
bys and their mountain troops, whom they
led to Kings mountain, where they found
the pivot point of the American revolution,
and there struck a blow deemed by Mr..
Jefferson to be the seal Of American indie
pendence. 1t was the end of disaster to
the American arms. The tide turned. The
battles of Cowpens and Guilford Court
house followed in rapid succession, and the
| final blow at Y orktOwn. The descendants
of the Kings mountain heroes and the de-
scendants of the other pioneers of Tennes-
see, race of people with as good brains,
muscles, morals, and virtues as are to be
found ON the American continent, are the
men whom the gentleman would degrade
with the imputation of the grossest ignor-
/ ance. What Tennesseean does not remem-
Der with pride our Jacksons, Folks, CAROLS,
! Grundys, Whites, Bells, Fosters, and long
| line of statesmen and patriots too numerous
| to mention on this occasion, as well as her
noble peasantTy?
! But few moments remain of my time,
and beg to call the attention of the House
! to the character of the bill. 1t is to be re-
GREETED that party politics have become in
volved in this great measure. The bill has
! several serious, if not insuperable objec-
tions, but l believe these objections can be
obviated, and bill be perfected to harmon
ize all views constitutional or otherwise;
and believe it is the duty Of this House to
take deliberate consideration and perfect
such a bill.
There are objections to the bill to which
l call the attention of the House. There is
not time to enter into the constitutional
question. The point made by the distin-
guished gentleman Ohio TMr. Shelabavger1
did pot reach the vexed question which is
now before us. presume no lawyer will
enter into controversy with him on the
proposition that donor in giving trust
fund may attach any condition within the
scope of law on that trust fund. But, on
the contrary, it is insisted that when the
condition is unconstitutional, then the do
nor has no right to make any legal gift.
There is the point where the constitutional
question Eimpinges. While l believe the
bill is subject to constitutional objections,
time will not permit me to discuss them. l |
propose to point out few of The objections |
to the bill.
l. There is no security of the fund
against congressional change. The bill, |
should it pass, will be purely a legislative /
act, and would be subject 10 repeal or Inodi- |
ficatiOn by any future Congress. Here the |
hammer fell-ten minutes having expired. |
Mr.. Bright asked leave to print the balance |
Of his remarks, which was granted.l The |
mere fact that it is styled "a perpetual fund.-" |
does not impress upon it the ch lracter Of a |
"vested fund, - irTevOcable and unalterable /
The corpus of the fund does not pass 20 the |
States as guarantees or trustees, but it is to !
be retained in the possession of the United |
States, and they, as the grand almoners of
national education, are to distribute the five
per cent interest on the educational bonds,
and that distribution is contingent on the
compliance on the part Of the States with
certain conditions, one Of which is that they
should provide by law for the free
education of their children between
six and sixteen years of age. Whether the
States have complied with this and other
conditions is to be adjudged first by the
Commissioner of Education, and then by
Congress in the event of appeal. Therefore
the will of Congress is the foundation of the
system. The will of Congress, subject to
the domination of sectional jealousy, party
animOsity, and of historic Changeability, to
constitute the foundation Of a great educa-
tiOnal system! PTepOsterOUs 1t is moth
ing but the metaphor Of the house built
upon the sand. Looking at it in another
aspect, if the structure should be erected in
the outset through the influence of sectional
forces, it would look 'like the leaning tower
Of Pisa" NodOUbtful or unstable fund can
ever be made the foundation of great edu-
catiOnal system. Place the system on the
foundation of vested right, which is the
only granite base Of the law; pass the funds :,
to the States as trustees for the purpose of
education forever, and it will be vested safe.
2. But should l be wrong in my first po-
sition, aud the funddn fact should be a per-
petual furd secured by the bonds of
the United States bearing interest
at the rate Of five per cent. per annum,
then the advocates of this fund must be
driven to another horn Of dilemma. This
view of it would connect and blend the sys-
TEN of education with the public bonded
debt Of the country.
In providing for the perpeiuity of the
school fund to that extent it would perpet-
uate our public debt. Here we come upon
the antagonizing views of different political
parties. One party, on principles of econ
omy, in connection with other COnsideTa-
tons, advocate the paying of the public
debt as soon as practicable; another party,
from other considerations, will seek to per-
petuate it.
The public debt always travels with its
ugly concomitant, taxation. Indeed, a ma
tional debt and taxation are bound together
like the twins of Siam and however much
some might desire the promotion of educa-
ton, they might be willing to tear down
any system which would entail upon them
and their posterity a perpetual debt. Any
system Of national education has much to
fear from the power of people who are
stung with taxation for its support, and par
ticularly so when the Authority Of the gov
ernmeHt to levy a tax for such purpose is
called in question. l would say, no al
lance of education in the States with the
public debt of the United States.
The wisdom and sOundness of this view
derives great force from another considera-
ton. 1t makes the noble cause of educa-
ton, by perpetuating the national debt,
tributary TO the system of protective taxa
ton, which fosters one branch of industry
at the expense Of another. 1t is not neces-
saTy TO decide whether the protective policy