The Tiffin tribune. (Tiffin, Ohio) 1868-1887, 1872-08-29

. those nomIudlly connected With IN
( Republican party, and those VIII
5 support its organization, is not neces
= sarily proof to the point. Some, al
r least, of those heretofore most cOnspic
I uOus in their work of plundeT, ar,
. now clamOring zealOusly in the rank!
, OF the opposition, for reform, Is j.;
{ notable in the case Of Louisiana.
= / find other causes than the one as
signed, powerful and active in opera.
: ton, necessarily tending to produce
= these results, and sufficient to account
: for them, and the effect of which il
, was not in the power OF any admins
tratiOn to have prevented.
They are to be found in the war IL
! self, the fact of the actual condition
Of the rebel States, at its termination,
PROSTATE in the military possession oil
r the government, and the policy pro
t dueed by the rebels themselves. Their
political and civil institutions were
either actually blOtted out or hope
lessly disOrganized. Society itsell
: was almost dissolved. Civil govern
= ment of some kind was an immediate
necessity. Any kind was better than
martial law; either better than an
. archy. The rebels had laid down
their arms, but had not laid aside
: their animOsity. They hated the
= power that conquered them. They
} were disqualified TO participate in the
work OF reconstruction. lt was not
, safe to permit them to do so. If per-
mission had been given, they were
neither disposed nor willing to vOlun-
teer their services. They refused to
be recOnciled with the government,
except upon terms of resuming their
domination rs masters over their
former slaves, and they refused to be
recOnciled with the latter rightfully
possessed of civil rights and their pO-
litical equals. They sullenly with
held themselves from all cooperation
in the work of building up on its new
foundation the fabric of social order,
and obstructed every way in their
power every effort on the part of 9TH
eTs, no matter how well meant, TO re-
store the necessary political institu-
tiOns. Every one OF their number
and class, well disposed to assist in
the patriotic effort, who prOffered his
aid, was stigmatized rs a traitor to
the cause, which, if they believed to
be lost, they also believed left moth
ing worthy of being saved. No re-
pentant rebel could take employment
under the national government
without incurring the penalty of
public Odium, as was witnessed when
seeking the aid of such, the adminis-
tratiOn conferred office upon so dis
/ tinguished and influential n man as
/ Gen. LOngstreet.
What else, in such circumstances,
could have been expected than what
has already happened? II the govern
ments Of the Southern States have
been placed i'm other hands than those
Of the natural leaders of public Opin-
/ ion, whose fault is it but those who
abdicated their functions and refused
to have anything to do with them? If
the ignorant and alien have succeed
ed To the places of the native born
and intelligent, how came those plac-
es vacant that they should be filled
10y usurpers?
One thing may be said with truth,
if not TO the general acceptance. Bad
and corrupt as many of the govern
ments of the Southern States may be,
the worst is better in all that essen
TALLY constitutes the goodness of gov
ernment than the best of them was
before the rebellion. Then, if peace,
and order, and public economy pre-
vailed, they rested upon the unpaid
toll of three millions of slaves held as
property, and denied the rights of
human nature. Now, at least, all
are free; and freedom is not only
priceless in itself, but is the fruitful
soil from which shall yet spring every
other blessing n good government can
guarantee.
1t may be said that allowance ought
to be made for human nature, and
allow time for the passions of fierce
civil war TO abate and give place to
reason. Truly so, but the cOnsidera-
ton must be applied to all alike, and
excuses all, il il excuses any, wrongs.
But am not accusing, I am defend-
ing; it is unjust and inadmissible to
charge upon the Republican party
the evil consequences attributable on
" to rebel sentiment.
OFFER To BRIDGETHE BLOODY CHAsM
IN 1867.
In 1865, when the Republican party
recovered full control of the Federal
government after the detection of An
drew Johnson, by the election of Gen.
Grant, there had been time, since the
close of the war, for passion to cool
and reason to resume its sway. The
Republican party, representing the
dominant opinion and feeling of the
country and the government, bore to
none Of those who had been engaged
i'm the rebellion either hatred, malice,
or i'll will. 1t had stTiven only to do
them good, and had actually saved
them with u common country, from
the consequences of their own folly
and madness. 1t had not, indeed,
sympathized in their designs, but
fought against them, but had pity for
their misfOrtunes and compassion for
their sufIerings. There was no pOlit-
ical good, for all in common, which
it so much desired rs 4 true and hearty
reconciliation of all sections of the
country. The newly elected Prcsi-
dent expressed Il desire rs the repre-
sentative of the party and the people,
and earnestly invited and pTOflered
the coyetcd peace. That nc meant it
sincerely and in an honorable sense
none could doubt that remembered
the modest and magnanimOus terms
in which he received the surrender of
the military leader of the rebellion at
AppOmattOX.
The responsible and educated class
es of Southern society refused then TO
acknowledge the inevitable logic of
events, and Withdrew in sullen and
passive, but implacable hostility to the
new and necessary order of things
from all participation inpublic affairs.
| The newly emancipated and enfran-
chised negro was left, unadvised, to
/ bear the RESPONSIBILITIES of self-gOv-
ernment, the object of derisiOn and
caricature, in the hope and confident
| belief and prediction that the expert
ment would prove 4 ridiculous and
disastrous failure. What could he do?
/ He knew the Republican party was
| his emancipation, which had restored
/ him to the condition of 4 man, and for
/ his protection had invested him with
/ the authority of \ voter. He was ig-
nOrant, uneducated, inexperienced,
unskilled. Those to whom he had
| been accustomed To look for direction,
/ advice, and guidance, refused to rec
ogniZe him in his new habiliments Of
/ citizenship, and scOrned all political
association and fellowship with him.
He naturally turned to the stranger,
the adventurer, and the demagOgue.
lie knew no better and could do no
better. Certainly there was never 4
more inviting field for unscrupulous
adventure in political speeulatiOn; and
right thriftily to its cultivatOrs has it
been occupied. But those who opened
the gates to these trespasses-whO
pulled down the fences and threw
open the vineyard to these freebOOters-
who invited in robbers because they
had predicted the burglary
these are not the men who have the
right to complain of plunder, to which
they have become victims, because
they We're first accOmplices.
Had they taken the lead 10 which
they say they were naturally and 10y
their situation entitled, for which their
superiority i'm intelligence and educa-
tiOn certainly fitted them; sympa-
thized with their former slaves in
their new hopes, aspirations, and priv
ileges; manifested their friendship by
wise advice and counsel and timely
assistance; gone before them, as Moses
did before the people OF Israel, inter
pereters of the time and teachers Ol
duty; guided them in their predestin-
! ed way, in fellowship with the iuhu-