Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1872-01-17

governments for and he regulation of ne Internal
concerns and police Of each colony ought 10 be ieh
aud remain IN he repecfire colonial legislature;
and also, that such plan of confederation be laid
before each respective legislature for their prey-
Gus consideration and assent
This preamble and resolution ex-
press the universal mind of the colo.
MES in relation TO the objects and
character OF the federal union, and
show the noble spirit that actuated
the people of Connecticut. Their idea
OF union was the security and pre-.
SerUdtion Of their Just rights and hter.
fttes, and their mutual defense and Sc.
CURLY" The object they sought ia a
fanion was simply "a confederation OF
the colonies" Observe their especial
declaration that "the administration
OF the government and the power of
forming governments for the regula. |
ton of the internal concerns and po- |
lice Of each colony ought to be left
and remain in the respective colonial
legislatures" How carefully was this
principle guarded in tho Article of
Confederation and rigidly reatlirmcd
and hcdged in with prudent and jeal.
GUS checks in the new Constitution Of
1877, Not one State would have
adopted il, had il had the rcmotest
idea that it was surrendering the
smallest atom of jurisdiction over its
own "internal concerns and police"
They went to war with Great Britain
to secure and perpetuate this local
sovereignty and self government, and
the civilized world said it was sufficient
cause. III it was-and fortunately no
one can gainsay it-then have not the
States a million times greater cause to
commence war of determination
upon the implacable military despot,
ism Of Congrcss-the mongrcl Con.
gress, which not only wars upon the
American principles Of government
bat is striving 10 fasten the Asiatic,
or, in fact, the African principle upon
the country?
In 1885, Chancellor Livingston, of
New York, clearly gave the universal
temper of the States at that time, and
revealed the object of the new Consti.
tuition. In a Fourth of July Grafton
he said:
"Our internal constitutions make us happy at
home, but nothing short OF federal one can rem
der US safe or respectable abroad. Let us not
however In our cagerncsg to attain the ono, forget
to preserve the other inyiolatc, Tor better Is dis
! trCss abroad than tyranny and anarchy at home.
4 precious deposit is given into our keeping; We
hold in our hands the fate OF future generations.
while we acknowledge that no government can
exist without confidence in the governing power
iet Us also remember that none can remain free
where that confidence Is incautiously bestowed"
1t never entered into the minds of
these States TO give away their SOW
ereignty by The establishment of the
federal government, and no man hav-
ing any regard for truth or common
decency will dare to say, that after the
adoption of the Constitution the States
were not just as sovereign as before.
The very act Gratifying was the high
est and strongest deed of sovereignty,
and not one single State consented TO
ratify it until after they had given
the most jealous rigid scrutiny into
every article, section and syllable, to
make sure that there was no word or
letter that could impair the sovereign
ty of the States Every State com.
PEELED tho members of the constitu.
tional convention to appear before
conventions of their own States, and
solcmnly assure them that they Meth.
cr parted with nor endangered the en-.
tire sovereignty Of the States by rat.
flying the new instrument of compact.
Without this, they would not have
ratified it.
But no better proof Of the un.
changed sovereignty of the States can
be found than the instrument itself.
In both branches of the federal con.
grcss, the sovcrcignties of the States
are represented; and without these
representatives of the State sover-
eighties the federal government could
! not exist one hour. Not one penny
can be legally appropriated without
the States representatives consent
Neither the President, nor any other
, officer Of the federal government, can
, draw one dollar without the consent
of tho representatives of the soyer.
cign States. Tho army and navy has
! no support but what they get from
tho States, through their representa-
tives. Without the consent Of these
, sovcreigntes in the Senate, the Pres.
! ident cannot commission single Off.
Ger in the civil, military or naval do
> partment of the federal government.
! In word, as we said at the begin.
: ming Of this article, let the States re.
F: fuse to elect senators and representa-.
, tives to congress, and the federal
. government is at an end 1t depends
/, entirely upon the sovereign will Of the
y States to choose Presidential electors,
i and If they should elect to leave that
+ prosttuted place vacant, there is no
4 power in the world to compel them TO
i lill it. The States can impeach, or
f try, or suspend the President, Vice
: President and all the civil officers Of
the federal government, through the
{ delegates of their sovoreignties IN the
! federal congress. Can anything more
/ be wanted TO prove the absolute SOW.
= creignty of the States? They alone
q have the right to alter and amend tho
' federal constitution.
!, These facts prove concusivoly that
n I, the federal government is only tho
e creature (and the very dependent
It creaturc) and agent Of the sover.
! eighties of the States. We would
I dcspise the ignoramue, II we did not
d pity him more, who goes about talk
% ing of the "pesllent doctrine of State
o q sovereignty and States rights"
\ Tho Fcdcralist, work writton by
d Madison and Hamilton, and published
|, ata period contcmporaneous with the
10 constitution, says;
y az the new constitution be examined with ac
~ cuacy and candor, u viii bo found that the
I, chango which Is proposed consists much less IL
" the addition Of powers to the union than In th'
~ indignation Of Is original poiper The rcgula
- ton Of commerce, II Is true, is now power, bu
VI that seems to be an addition which few oppos,