The Manitowoc tribune. [volume] (Manitowoc, Wis.) 1866-1878, 1872-09-05

consequently comparison of probabilities
ohers us merely blank. Olympiad on one
| hand, or four years of undefinable activity
| on the other. That wise people whose usa-
ges we have generally followed. had occasion
| 10 pass through transitional period some
what similar to that now affecting Southern
interests In their action at that time we
could find safe precedents for a course of
policy which would promptly reinstate
Southern prosperity, but if there be one
among the master spirits of the age who
even II inclined, could not adopt that policy,
1t Is Mr.. Greeley. The success of General
Grant might involve no important conse-
quences, but that of Mr.. Greeley would con-
secrate the practices referred to, which in
my opinion are absolutely incompatible with
the permanency of republican Institutions.
In saying this it is not intended simply to
pronounce for -protectionist ideas. That
question is left untouched. If the support
OF our home manufactures against foreign
| competition is to be regarded as sound poll
cy, 1t can be afforded as needful by a much
| simpler, a less expensive and far less de-
moralizing process than even governs Gus
toms establishments. The true policy is ma
tional regeneration. 1t is far more compre-
hensive than mere free trade. Its aim is to
break the scepter of the trading politician
and emancipate the masses. FOur-hfths of
the Governmental Intervention now practiced
| in carrying on the affairs of society should
should, indeed, be held sacred, and to the
last cent faithfully redeemed, but the power
OF borrowing money on the public credit,
either by paper issues or otherwise, should
be absolutely annulied. Neither the Federal
Government nor down to the smallest dl-
vision of State should possess it. 1t is in
consistent with the perpetuity of free repub-
lican institutions. 1t is the very life blood
of aristOcratic rule, for it letters LABOR as the
bond slave of capital. In modern times it
furnishes the aliment Indispensable to war.
Without that the most shocking OF all ma
tiona1 crimes and calamitles would be 1mpos-
sible. Such comprehensive advances in
civilization as are here suggested may
be yet impractcaible in the old
world. If so, the fact only proves that ours
is the high and holy mission of first making
them. Separated by wide ocean from any
powerful nation, mighty in the numbers and
intelligence of our people and through their
deep and abiding interest in their countrys
welfare, no external enemy dare assault US.
Indeed, 1T is manifest to unperverted reason
that the adoption of efficient curbs upon
official power is alone needed to render this
great continent the abode of peace and of
human happiness on scale of surprising
magnitude. Even if defensive wars be nee
essary evils, the power of borrowing money
should not be conceded on that account. It
must be admitted that they cannot be car
RED On without vast OUTLAWS, but money is
not more necessary than men. AS the gen
Grafton which wages war must furnish the
money to feed, clethe and arm him 1t is
compelled to furnish all the labor connected
with his maintenance and his belligerent
operations. Posterity cannot fight our bat
ties, nor is there any necessity that posterity
should pay the cost of them. Our own young
men must do the fighting it is equally in
the power of our old men to do the pay
ing. Pay as you go" is maxim
not less sound in political economy than
in private affairs. If adopted, speculation
must cease to pervert government, and war
could no longer lend legal sanction to cruel
ty and oppression. Andif, as some contend,
war is the normal condition of mankind, pos
terity will have its own wars to sustain, and
it is therefore unreasonable to burthen pos
tority with debt for the cost of ours. Deeply
interested in suppressing these ideas, the
rulers OF the people will, of course, treat
them with derision. Still it must suffice for
the present thus to submit them markedly on
their own merits, and without detailed vim
dication. Although the principle is already
accepted in substance by some Western
States, in recent constitutions, their advo-
cacy must in the main be deferred until the
facts and foibles of the pending canvass
shall have ceased to engross attention. A
few brief suggestions will nevertheless be
offered. The power to borrow money is
eminent is liberal in form and the nation is
prosperous. The very constitution of hui
man nature precludes any effectual reg
ulation of it. In monarchy there
IL,
the tendency to abuse it is absolutely incor-
rigible. No human skill can devise, or hui
man diligence put in force, adequate checks
upon its exercise. If allowed to exist at all,
1t must inevitably be abused, and the abuse
must progress to an extent absolutely intol-
cradle. The mere burden of taxation in
duced by it is the least evil among it's foul
progeny. Fraud and corruption become vir-
tues under it's influences. Statues to be
set up as objects of popular reverence and
similar honors have been proposed for its
and if it be not extirpated, will
hereafter be decreed to them. Government
restrained within the limits of absolute
may be supported by moderate
taxation. Still the nature and amount of
taxes imposed should always be potent.
They should be plain, visible and palpable.
The deceitful and fraudulent methods which
have been devised to draw money from the
pockets of the people without their con-
seriousness of the imposition, should be
abolished. Duties and excuses for rev.
enue belong to this class Such methods of
obtaining money should be known only
through the prosecutions against crimi-
nails. The apparent difficulty of sustaining
the Government under such system is I'M
real. The public expenses need not be
greater, and the necessity of raising all rev.
penditure, or before it, is susceptible of
being utilized and made a source of great
public benefit. However true it may be, in
a certain view of the matter, that all taxes
they nevertheless in the first instance are
collected from those who possess property.
If by the uniform usages every dollar re-
quired for the expenses of Government
should be at once eXacted from the tax
payer, powerful class would be enlisted in
the duty of guarding against official eXtrav-
agance. Government mortgages upon labor,
the most safe and desirable of investments,
would cease, and in their place affrighted
capitalists could contemplate only the APP
preaching taX-gatherer. In self-defense
they would perform a public duty hitherto
neglected; legislative corruption would be
effectually opposed under this keen scrutiny;
no man whose record was tainted would
pass the ordeal OF an election.
Long and patient study has convinced me
that on the probability of establishing pre-
csely this popular surveillance rest the last
hopes of our Republic. Paternal government
is not necessarily mischievous in monarchy,
but in Republic based upon universal sui
evils. 1t is, in fact, the s'sum of all villain
les" A government which devotes some of
its powers to putting money in mems
pockets must employ others in eXtortion.
The policy involves continuous career of
favoritism.
Ny deep aversion 10 all these things has
induced me to encourage the movement
which YOU represent, and doubtless my name
viii be presented for your consideration as
nominee. In that event l beg leave respect
fully to withdraw it. The strength of en-
phasis which has marked the language
employed by some gentlemen in
be my excuse for the remarks which
follow. Success should, of course, be an OBJ
ject in the present condition of efairs. 9th
er leadership will afford a better prospect of