Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1872-09-04

benign influence of experiment, we can
now detect and remedy those defects In
this glorious though unfinished work which
experience has developed. They laid the
foundation. Upon us is devolved the duty
of completing the superstructure. The
enormous growth of official malyersation in
| this city and State, which was brought TO
| light during the late war, invited good men
| to action. The discoveries made afforded
an opportunity of stirrs.., the general
mind to persistent effort for reform. The
| opportunity was improved, and except the
| offer of disturbance by the inoppertune re-
currences of a Presidential canvass, the
current of popular sentiment has ever
since moved steadily in the right direction.
The desire has been extensively entertain
ed that this movement originated in the
national metropolis should be permitted to
run its natural course, draw into harmony
with itself the honest masses throughout
the country and thereby lead to the estab-
lishment of efficient and self sustaining and
permanent barriers against prevalent evils.
The facts, however, warrant an appre'
hension, that the pending conflict for con-
troll of the Federal power has broken In on
the tendency to reform and may complete
ly reverse it.
GoverumentaI IntermeddIing
with those concerns of society, which,
under judicious laws, might beneicially be
left to individual action, is the only real
evil actually developed in our system. This
eminence is assigned to it because it is the
fruitful parent of all others, and because
the measures required to correct it are pre-
cisely those which would extirpate the I'M
restrainable powers now so mischievously
exercised by our officials. If instead of
prohibiting or diminishing this vicious prac-
tice our people SHOULD impart to it new
sanctions and greater vitality, reform must
become impossible. OF this practice, above
all other living Americans, Mr.. Greeley is
the recognized champion, and no body of
organized opponents to it has ever existed
in the country except the Democratic par
ty. Yet, by the decree of convention,
assuming to represent that party, Mr..
Greeley has been gazstted as its standard
bearer. Opposition to that proceeding has
in my mind a far deeper source than mere
attachment to party. That /, at least, am
not unduly influenced by that sentiment,
may appear by the measure adopted against
the recently detected municipal
malefactors, and in organizing
the forces employed. Equal opportunities
for purging itself from completely
we conceded to each of the great political
parties and to every class. Thus innocence
has been shielded from the discredit of evil
associations inadvertently formed. and Off
cial villainy stands literally defenseless IN
der actual or impending judgment. My
views of the public interest and of existing
public necessities compel me to repud at g
the Baltimore nomination of Mr.. Greeley.
Whenever speaking or writing on the sub
ject have uniformly condemned and de-
clared my readiness to support Demo
cratic candidate. This circumstance has
led to supposal, in some quarters, that
had Aspirations
to Office, and it has teen suggested that my
name be offered to your acceptance as a
candidate. Tie object of this letter is to
avoid misrepresentation on that point. Be-
tween Gen. Grant and Mr.. Greeley as can
didates for the Presidency the Democratic
elector must rely very much upon mere con-
lecture. Those inclined to the latter as a
choice of evils suggest that mitigation of
expressions at the South would result from
his success. There may, however, be equal
ground to hope for that good result in either
issue of this rivalry. Once his second
term shall have been secured, Gen. Grants
only motive for inflicting misery en- that
portion of his countrymen will cease. An
effort to secure third term or to establish
a dictatorship cannot reasonably be appre-
hended, and consequently comparison Of
probabilities offers US merely
a blank olympiad on the one hand or
four years of indefnable activity on
the other. That wise people whose
usages we have generally followed, had oc-
casion to pass through transitional period
somewhat similar to that now affecting
Southern interests. In their action at that
time we could find safe precedents for a
course of policy which would promptly re-
instate Southern prosperity. But if there
be one among the master spirits of the age
who even if inclinedcould not adopt that
policy, it is Mr.. Greeley. The success Of
Gen. Grant might involve no important
consequences, but that of Mr.. Greeley
would consecrate the practice referred to
which in my opinion are absolutely incom-
patible with the permanence Of Republican
Institutions. In saying this, it
is not intended simply 10 pro-
nounce for -protectionist ideas. That
question is left untouched. If the support
of our home manufactures against foreign
competition is to be regarded as sound pol
icy, it can be afforded as needful by amuch
simpler, less expensive and far less de-
moralizing process than our overgrown Gus
toms establishment. The true policy is
national regeneration. 1t is far more COM
prehensive than mere free trade. Its aim
is to break the sceptre of the trading poll
tician and emancipate the masses. Four
fifths of the governmental Intervention now
practiced 10 carrying on the affairs of so
ciety should be dispensed with. The ex-
isting indebtedness should indeed be held
sacred, and to the last cent faithfully re-
deemed; but
The Power of borrowing Money
on the public credit either by paper issue
or otherwise should be absolutely annull ed.
Neither the Federal Government nor down
to the smallest division of the State should
possess it. 1t is inconsistent. with the per-
petuity of free Republican institutions. 1t
is the very life-blood Of aristocratic rule,
for it letters labor as the bond slave of
capital. In modern times it furnished the
aliment indispensable to war. Without
it, that most shocking of all national crime
and calamities would be impossible. Such
comprehensive advances in civilization as
are here suggested may be as yet imprac-
ticable in the old world also. The fact on
ly proves that ours is the high and holy
mission of first making them. Separated
by wide ocean from any powerful nation,
mighty in the numbers and intelligence of
our people, and through their
deep and abiding interest in their
cOuntry's welfare, no external enemy
dare assault us. Indeed, it is manifest to
unperverted reason that the adoption of eff
fcient curbs upon official power is alone
needed to render this great continent the
abode of peace and of human happiness on
a scale of surprising magnitude. Even if
defensive wars be necessary evils, the pow
er of borrowing money should not be con-
coded on that account. 1t must be admit
ted that they cannot be carried on without
vast outlays, but money is not more neces-
sary than men. As the generation which
wages the war must furnish the warrior,
why can it not also furnish the monay to
feed, clothe and arm him? 1t is compelled
to furnish al the labor connected with his
maintenance and his belligerent operations.
POsterity cannot fight our battles. Nor is
there any necessity that posterity should
pay the cost of them. Our own young
men must do the fighting. 1t Is equally in
the power of our old men to do the saying.
s'Pay as You Co..
so r1<nfl