New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1872-04-29
THE CONFESSION or THE STATE DEPART
NEWT

MEME.
We should be very glad to see a denial of
the statements we made on Friday in regard
to the intention of the Administration to sur
render the Alabama question to England. We
should derive nothing but pleasure from an
authoritative contradiction of the news which
we printed. 1t is one of those cases in which
we prefer to be mistaken. But it seems that
we are not to have that satisfaction. Only
cOnfirmatOry rumOrs come to us from wash
ington 1t is true that the Presidents mouth
piece in this city prints dispatch pretending
to deny our statements; but, independently OF
the fact that the authority is not trustworthy,
il has evidently received orders not to go too
far in it's contradiction. This is the language
in which it tries to prepare the pubic mind
for the confession that the Administration has
betrayed not only the interests but the dignity
of the country, at the dictation of the English
Ministry, and in obedience to a cowardly
spirit of political expediency. 1t says the IN
direct claims
! "wil not be withdrawn. unless Great Britain makes
such n concession inside or outside OF the Geneva
Tribunal as will grant the point for which they were In
serted to wit a settlement of the question inVoVeu
The Government sincerely anxious to save the arD-
traton 1t has been unjustly accused OF unnecessary
stubbOrnneSs the mattcr. III mas never
IL expected any award OF pecuniary damages for the III
direct claims and 1t does not believe the people expect
f. But # believed and 1t still believes, that 1t had
perfect right to present thcm and to have them decided
decision all it wants, and II Great Britain does hoS
agree TO q decision OF the question: then she must uAc
the responsibility Of not only breaking the Ireatv' on'
of refusing meet this Governments most generous
| advances in q spirit OF fairness and candor'
This is the lame and mpotent conclusion
| Of the most pretentious and the most lmpor-
| tant act of the present Administration. Inc
worst suspicious of the public are more than
realized. The American Case is virtually sur
rendered Some new jugglc of words Is to be
ATTEMPTED by which we are to escape from our
present attitude to prevent the failure OF the
arbitration. which the Cabinet evidently fear
would endanger the reelection of the Presi-
don't "Tbe Government has been unjustly
" accused of unnecessary stubboTnness in the
"motterv and therefore to free itself from this
occusotion. il is about to exhibit unnecessary
! weakness. But the confession of qualification
is complete The Government has never IN
"timated that it expected any award OF pecu-
"niary damages for the indirect claims" They
were put in expressly to be thrown out 1t
seems "a decision is all it wants." this inno-
cent Government. Great Britain may decide
as she pleases, but decide she must, or
this spirited Government OF ours will know the
reason WHY. "JobsOn," says Robson, "you
"called me a sc0iindrel yesterday. | want
"to know whether you were i'll earnest" 81
certainly was" says Jobson. "That is lucky
for you, for l allow no testing in such mat
"ters" The reader viii observe what wide
margin is left for the retreat of the State
Uba EovorDmpuf Is
hoped, will say something, inside or outside
" OF the Geneva Tribunal" to let us down as
easily as possible. We will not be exacting.
We can only hope that the bruised reed will
be tendery handled.
In the sudden panic which has fallen upon
the Administration, they seem to have lost
not only their logic and their courage, but
their memory as well. Their organs begin to
assert that the claim for national damages Ito
use the expression Of Mr.. Sumner) has never
been an Administration measure. AS long
ago as the opening of the session of Decem-
Der, 1860, Gen. Grant said in his Message to
Congress, speaking of the Johnson Clarendon
Conventions:
1.-THE time and the circumstances attending the ncgo-
tatons of that treaty uniavorabe to its acceptance
by people of the United States and Its provisions
wrongs that had been sustained by this Government
well as by its citizens. The injuries resulting 10 tho
United by of the course adopted by Great
Britain during late civil war-in the increased rates
in the dimnutiOR OF exports and Imports
and other distractions to domestic industry and prcduc
ton in its effects upon the foreign commerce Of the
country the decrease and transfer to Great Britain
OF our commercial mnrinc in the prOlOngat0n of the
and the increased cost both IN treasure and in lives
its suppressioncoud not be adjusted and sasfeeas
ordinary commercial claims which continually arise be
tween commercial nations. And yet the Convention
treated them simply such ordinary claims from which
they differ widely in the gravity Of their character
than in the magnitude OF their amount great Is
hat difference"
This Message contained the highest notice TO
the world, including England of the attitude
and sentiment OF the American Government
upon what were called genercally the Ala
bama Claims; and by this Message the Presi-
dent distinctly adopted She demand for con-
seauental or national damages OF course, it
was not necessary that they should be pre-
scented in such way as to raise a popular
storm in England which should endanger tho
existence of the Ministry and force it into
reputation Of the Treaty. But the tempest
was raised, and the two Cabinets were con-
fronted by the possibility of serious attack
in Parliament and at the polls. Gladstone
fears England more than he does America, and
SO blusteringly holds his position. Our Gov
eminent utiers again the waschwOrd which
carried the election Of 1865 and says: "Let
Gus have peace" Nobody wants war; Every
body knows that even if the Arbitration
should fail there would be no war. We would
be whore we were before, with nothing dam
aged but the Foreign Offices. But there is
h. .l.zI