The Wheeling daily register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1864-1878, 1872-03-23
acting upon given point, the resultant

acting upon . given point, the result,n
motion will often lie, not 10 the dlrec
ton OF any one of them, but is to b
found by careful composition OF then
all, allowing to each It's due direction
and quantity relatively to all the rest
In no question Of practical interest u
the world, can we expect to reach aoso
lutte truth 40 long As the faliibIlIty, o
of human judgment enters as an eie-
ment 10 the problem; the most that VI
can hope to attain is a wisely BALANCED
compromise. Thus out OF confusion
we educe order, and from the conf CT o
opposing forces. as in the material. 81
in the political world, is worked the
harmony Of the universe.
l was affected, sir-no one OF any
sensibility could fail to be affected, by
the eloquent pictures of domestic and
social evil, VIII CD were 30 wildly held
up before US by the gentleman from
Hampshire, (Mr. Monroe and could |
be convinced that they have any solid
foundation on which to rest, l could
not refuse them a powerful influence
over my judgment-but eloquence l;
the child OF Imagination and passion
and too often her grandest flights mount
from premises, as aerial as the regions
through which che soars. Who, sir
proposes domestic and social equality
1t surely does not follow. as conse'
quence from eligibility to office. We
are not bound to admit any one to the
sacred circle of our fresdes, merely be,
cause we extend to him the right to hold
an office. Among white men, no such
criterion is recognized or enforced.
Our houses are still our castles. Old
as the J usliuian PauIects is the maxim,
!SIa domus est quiqus tutiss imum rsfug.um'
and no edict OF Kings or force OF Con-
stitutions, has ever dared or can sue.
cessfully dare to break through and
invade the sacred and inviolable refuge
The time has not come and never can
come. when the mere right or eligibility
to office can compel or encourage social
and domestic intercourse. There IS no
power, that can force upon us against
our wills, the humiliation OF marrying
our daughters! against their consent to
either a President or a constabe-nor
even 50 much as the duty OF opening
our doors 20 their company or their adj
dresses. The inference is illogical and
the fear, imaginary.
I do not propose, Mr.. President, TO
insist on the proposition that the right
to vote carries with it the right to hold
office. 1t is not necessary TO the line
Of argument which | prefer TO follow,
that | should do 81. Both OF these
rights are strictly civil rights. They
are granted by const tutions,-re!ulated
in their exercise. by law The right OF
suffrage is withheld from minors and
females, and limited upon various con-
d tons of residence, birth, &c. The
same power, which does this, can also
place limitations upon the right to hold
office-and make the conditions under
which the one may be enjoyed different
from those OF the other. This is done,
in the case of judges and other officers,
where different age ia prescribed, and
in the case of Presidents Of the United
States, where birth is made condition.
As TO the question OF potcsr, therefore,
there Can be no reasonable doubt Still
the presumption is against its exercise.
it is interposed, there must
be special reason shown for doing 30.
Legitimately. the right to vote, does
involve eligibility to Office. This is the
general principle any departure, is an
exception, and must be for special and
sufficient reason. What, let me ask, is
the theory OF our government,-th first
elementary principle OF the till OF
Rights which we have just, without a
voice. adopted? Is It not,
that "the powers Of government reside
in all the citizens OF the Sa'eT What
does this mean? Can that reside in a
citizen-be in his power to bestow.
which is vet not hi privilege to enjoy ?
Do you mock me, by saying you are free
to give, but not free to ttke? Is the
creature, greater than the creator? the
agent, than the principal? the repre-
sentative, than the Constituent? Sir,
DO We propose to violate another section
OF this same Bill of Rights" and es-
tablish in this State "priviIeged' class
OF men2 Debar the negro from office,
and say that white men alone shall hold
office, and is not this an heredit ary priv.
lege, not grant you in the narrow sense
OF personal representation, but still in
the broad sense Of race-a privilege
hanging upon the blood? But | only
propose 10 suggest this elementary ar
gnment, which is at least a strong pre-
against the proposed exclu.
sion requiring, that any exception, any
departure from the leg innate inference
OF suffrage, must be made tor special
and sufficient reasons.
Let us examine the strongest that
have been suggested and relied on by
the advocates OF this prescription.
l. 1t is urged that the negro il unfit
for office. He is ignorant, DEGRADED
and incompetent. Granted. 1t cannot
he denied, nor am | one Of those who
believe that these disqualific atoms are
the result Of his American ensIavement
/ form my judgment OF his natural
from his historic place in
the scale OF races. There can be no
that his condition in America
has greatly elevated him above the rank
which be held in his native land. But
this is not the question. The question
is, Are ignorance. degradation and in
com potency confined to the negro? and
are Intellectual and moral distinctions
TO be made Constitutional qualifications
for Office? Then let us saw so, at once
Make the law general, and We can all
understand it. But this is not pro-
posed. The argument proves too much,
II