Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1872-11-26


The letter, which we publish this morning,
from Mayor Medill of Chicago, to a Boston gen.
tleman, gives some reasons suggested by the ex-
perience of that city for doubling the wisdom
of the proposed special legislation to aid in re
storing the buildings Of the burned district.
Mr.. Medill uses only the arguments afforded by
the manner in which his own city, with re-
sources far less than those of Boston, has sue
CeSslully repaired greater disaster, without
any ofthose special helps which it is understood
that Boston now asks. These arguments are of
great weight as tending to prove by the result
of actual experiment that the means for re-
building may readily be supplied in the ordinary
way Of such business transactions, without seri-
GUS danger of extortion or hardship. But there
are other reasons, at which Mr.. Medill only
hints, for refusing to authorize a municipal
loan, which to our minds are quite as conclu-
siye as any which he presents
In the first place, we hold that it is the duty
of the legislature to inquire, not merely what
the losers by the fire or the business men of
Boston wish, but what the state may wisely
grant. 1t is a common fault of our legislation
that, so far as it directly affects special inter-
ests, the persons Immediately concerned are
permitted substantially to dictate its terms. If
measure affecting railroads is under consider
alton, the railroads, if substantially agreed, can
shape it as they please. Our legislators seem to
say, "The railroad corporations know their own
business best, and if they are sure this or that
measure will be Of service to them we had bet
ter let them have it." In the same way legsla-
tionconcerning banks, manufacturers, cities and
towns, is shaped to.suit the present advantage of
the persons or corporations directly con-
cerned or of those who appear as their
representatives, while the broader and possibly
conflicting interests of the whole people, and
even, it may be, the permanent well-being of the
former, are overlooked Legislators who thus
allow themselves to be controlled practically be-
tray their trusts. 1t is their duty to pass such
laws only as their own judgment approves. The
interests of the commonwealth are in their
charge, and even Of private and local matters
they may often be better qualified to judge wisely
than the persons most intimately concerned in
them, because they have no personal interests to
warp the Judgment and divert the attention
from large and permanent good by the nearer
prospect of immediate advantage.
What is asked OF the legislature in the inter-
est of the owners of buildings destroyed by the
great fire is, in substance authority for the city
TO contracts loan of twenty millions and TO lend
its proceeds to these owners to aid them in re-
building. How far these losers are dependent
upon aid Of any sort, how far the loans from the
city would be of advantage in protecting them
Tho l.
vate capitalists, and the various practical ques-
tons relating to the administration of the loan
we will not discuss at present. What we have
to say, relates to the principles involved in the
proposed legislation and its significance as
precedent.
1t is not question of relieving
personal distress. To those sufferers by
the fire who are in actual want relief
is furnished from other sources and in an
other manner. 1t is designed simply to enable
the owners of valuable property to improve it
to better advantage than they could expect to
do with the ordinary resources at their COM
mand; TO afford special facilities by the loan of
the public credit to certain persons who anticl-
pate difficulties in the way of transacting their
matter of principle there is no good reason why
this relief should be confined to real estate own
ers, who, as a class, need it least, and with
held from those men in business who
are more seriously crippled by the loss
of stocks of goods of much greater value than
the buildings which contained them. The
pecuniary embarrassment Of the former is less
and their prosperity is of no greater importance
to tue future welfare Of the city. The private
and public reasons, therefore. for extending this
aid to the former class apply with at least equal
force to the latter. The only assignable reason Tor
giving the preference TO real estate owners is
the nature of the security which they can Offer
and that is mere matter Of detail No doubt
many Of the losers Of goods could give unex-
ceptionable security Of the same kind.
As matter Of principle too, the manner in
which The occasion for loan Of the public credit
arose is Of no consequence. The present emer-
geney assumes quasi public character, from the
alleged danger that delay in rebuilding the
pnrned district would be Of great damage to the
prosperity Of the city, and IN consequence, of
the state, BY repelling business, through the
lack Of facilities for transaciing il, aud thus
sensioly diminishing the wealth of the CITY and
us revenues from taxation, and giving undue
advantages 70 us commercial rivals. Whatever
force there may be in these considcr.,;o,s
applies as well to the case Of any hnsinoss
which appears to be important to the pros.
perty Of the city or town in which il /.
TO be carried on. II is as much a matter Of
public concern 10 create business as to retain
IT. II a company Of mechanics, without CAPT.
tai, wish to improve a water power on the Con.
neeucui, and build up manufacturing town
IKE HolyoRe or Lawrence, or to establish the
manufacture Of locomotive engines in Worcester,
way should not the city or town which is to
proht by their enterprise be authorized to lend
"em Its credit. There is no principle which