The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1872-06-03
Abstract of Senator Summers Speech.

tenslyely as campaign document.
After an extended introduction in which the
Senator takes to himself considerable credit, he
turns upon President Grant, beginning with the
Presidents San Domingo policy which was de-
nounced by the speaker He (Sumner) had been
denounced as at raitor by an administration ena-
tor for his opposition to that policy. No mat
ter how much the President set at defiance the
Constitution and international law OF how much
he insuted the colored people, the President was
to be maintained at all hazards, notwithstand-
ing his alterations, and all who called them In
question were to be struck down. The whole case
was more reprehensible as also plainly more un-
constitutional, illegal than anything alleged
against Andrew johnson, on his impeachment.
Believe me, sir 1 should gladly leave this mat
ter to the judgment already recorded If 1T were
not put in issue again by extraordinary efforts,
radiating on every line OF office, to place its
author for second term as President. All
these efforts were his efforts. They become
more noteworthy when it is considered that the
name of the candidate thus pressed has become
a sign of discord and not of concord, dividing
instead of uniting the Republican party, so that
these extraordinary efforts tend directly to the
disruption of the party, all of which he wit
nesses and again by his silence ratifes. "Let
the party split" says the President; 81 will
not renounce my chance of second term. y
The speaker said the exalted trust of the Presi-
dency had dropped to be personal indulgence,
where palace cars, fast horses and seaside lott
erings figure more than duties. Personal aims
and objects have been more prominent than the
public interest The Presidential Office has
been used to advance the Presidents own fam
lily. Office has been conferred upon those from
whom he had received gifts or benefits, thus
making the country repay his personal obliga-
tons. Personal devotion to himself, rather
than public or party service, has been made the
standard of favor. The vast appointing power
conferred by the Constitution for the general
welfare has been employed at his will to pro-
schamaa tn fria 70
punish his opponents, and to advance his cleo
ton to a second term. All these assumptions
have been matured in q personal government,
semi-military in character and breathing mil
itary spirit, being specie of C8sarism and
Napoleonism abhorrent to republican institu-
tions. aNl e. - y 80
The President, himself unconscious that a
President has no right to quarrel with anybody,
insists upon quarreling, until he has become
the Presidential quarreller, who has made more
quarrels than all the Presidents together, and
all begun and continued by himself His per
sonal followers back him in quarrels, and in
suit those he insults.
He next charges that President Grant MAIN
tains personal government and had interfered
with the judicial and legislative departments,
and proceeds to say that it is in direct conflict
with republicanism, but makes no definite
charges, merely adding that the fact that the
President has offended in this regard is unhap-
PLY too apparent. The President is civilian
The President is the titular head of the army
military or naval AS if to exclude all cues
tons, he is classed by the constitution among
civil officers. The successful soldier is rare
ly changed to the successful civilian There
seems an incompatibilty between the two
One always soldier cannot late in life, be-
come statesman. One always a civilian can
not, late in life, become a soldier Education
and experience are needed in each. Washing
ton and jackson were civilians as well as sol
diers. In the large training and experience of
antiquity the soldier and civilian were often
united, but in modern times this has been rare
The camp is peculiar in the influence it exercis-
es 1t is In itself an education, but it is not the
education of the statesman. To suppose that
we can change without preparation from the
soldier to the statesmen is to assume that
training and experience are of less consequence
for the one than the other; that man NAV be
born statesman, but can fit himself for a SOL
dler only by four years at West Point, careful
scientific study, the command of troops and ex-
perlence in the tented field. Mr. Sumner goes
on to prove from history that the successful
soldier has usually failed as a statesman He
then traces the history of the President, whom
ne accuses of taking no interest in the past in
political matters, never voting but once, and
then for Buchanan. When the war broke out,
MI All. sumner says with sneer, the now Presi-
dent was now earning few hundred dollars
year tanning hides in Galena By the war he
passed to the Presidency
Mr.. Summer then proceeds to introduce the
testimony OF ex-Secretary Stanton few DAYS
before his death. 1t is to the effect that the
Senator visited the ex-Secretary few DAYS be-
fore he died. when he told the Senator: 81
know Gen. Grant better than any other man in
the country can know him. 1t was nv duty to
study him, and did SO night and day, when
saw him and when did not see him. 1 tell
you what know; he cannot govern this coun-
try"
This was legacy from that great man which
Mr Summer felt he had no right to longer with
hold. The speaker charged the President with
nepotlsm and gift-taking, describing him as apt
for all things, small as well as great, from pro-
reluctant Senate, or forcing relation on a re-
luctant people. One list makes the number
OF beneficaries as many as forty-two, being
probably every person known to be allied to the
President by blood or marriage. Persons SEEM
ing to speak for the President, or at least after
careful inquiries, have denied the accuracy of
the list, reducing it to thirteen 1t will not be
questioned that there is at least bakers dozen
in the category. Thirteen relatives of the Pres
ident billeted on the country, not one of whom
but for this relationship would have been brought
the whole constituting case of nepo-
tism not unworthy of those worst governments
whose office is family possession. Beyond the
list OF thirteen are other relations showing that
this abuse did not stop with the Presidents rel
atives, but that these relations obtained ap-
every relation became centre of influence,
while the Presidential family extended indefi-
nltely. Only one President has appointed re-
lations, and that was John Adams but he found
public opinion, inspired by the example of
Washington, so strong against it that after a
slight experiment he replied to an applicant:
You know it is impossible for me to appoint
my own relations to anything without drawing
a torrent of obloquy.'
Assuming that IN case of positive merit. des-
lgnating a citizen for particular post, the
President might appoint relation it would be
only where the merit was shining, that his alb
sence would be noticed at least it must be such
as to make the citizen a candidate without re-
gard to family; but no such merit is attributed
to the .benehciaries of our President, some of
whom nave done little but bring scandal upon
the public services. At least one is tainted with
fraud, and another with the commission of the
republic abroad has been guilty of indiscretions
Inconsistent with his trust Appointed origi-
nally in open defiance Of republican principles.
they have been retained in office until their un-
htness became painfully conspicuous BY the
testimony before a Congressional committee.
one OF these, a brother-in-law, was implicated
n thievery and corruption 1t is said, at least,
after considerable delay, the President
mas consented to his removal. pass to
which with our President has as
'umed an unprecedented form. Sometimes
public men, even in our country have taken
yifts but it is not known that any President has 4
before repaid their patrons with office For
public man to take gifts is reprehensible. For
| President to select councillors and officers
imong those from whom he has taken gifts is
IN anomaly in republican annals Observe, sir,
hat speak OF it gently, unwilling to exhibit
he Indignation which such a Presidential pre-
enslon Is calculated to arouse. The country
will judge it and blot it out as an example Dl1
MIR. Sumner proceeds to denounce the inaug-
lral address of Gen. Grant as evidence of the
luthor IS confidence, of his own infallibility and
hen considers his cabinet appointments in the
everest tone as made up of men unknown and
hose who were his personal favorites, having
,lven him presents Mr.. Sumner STYLES the
domination of A. I. Stewart for Secretary of
he Treasury presidential assault mon the
afeguard of the Treasury" ii ~
The animus of the whole speech can be gath
red from some or the closing paragraphs which
We give .. ..-.s....,..
Some nations are governed by the sword; in
ther words, by central force, commanding ODE
ienee. Our President governs by offices; in |
ther words; by the appointing power, being a |
entral force by which he coerces obedience to |
lis personal will. Let Senator or Representa-
i've hesitate in the support of his autocracy. or
oubt II he merits a second term, and forthwith |
ONE distant consul or postmaster, appointed |
y his influence, begins to tremble The Head |
,entre makes himself felt to the most distant |
circumference. Can such tyranny, where the
Military spirit OF our President finds a congen-
II field, be permitted to endure?
In adopting him as a candidate for re-elec-
ion, we undertake to vndicate his Presidency
nd adopt in all things the insulting, incapable,
dictatorship which he has in.
ugurated. Presenting his name we vouch for
is fitness, not only in original nature, but in
experience of civil life, in aptitude for civil du
es IN knowledge of republican institutions
nd elevation of purpose; and we must he