The Wheeling daily register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1864-1878, 1872-03-22

protection OF the black, and for the
benefit of the white man. By no act
of their own-and possibly not even in
accordance with the wishes Of q majori.
ty Of the negro race-in one day and BY
one act, the slaves were all set tree. Up
to that time they had been denied the
rights Of citizenship. 1t bad been
affirmed by the Supreme Court OF the
United States, in case most elaboraii-
ty argued at the bar and exclusively
treated by the bench. that negroes were
not citizens, and could not acquire the
rights Of citizenship. l refer to the
celebrated bred Scott case. 1t is true
that this decision has never been ap'
proved by the entire American public;
but thereit stood, resting upon the power
full logic OF fancy and Curtis, and the
other eminent jurists who sat on the
bench. 1t would have been absurd and
unjust to emaucipate four millions OF
people aud suffer them to remain In the
State as a part of the community, but
refuse them all political rights-even
to refuse them recognition rs citizens.
This would have been the refinement
Of cruelty; compared with which
slavery was blessing. 1t was equally
demanded in the interest Of the white
race, that a just political status should
be accorded to the negro. Anything
short of this would have been in direct
conflict with the theory and principles
OF our government. To have withheld
political rights from the negro under
such circumstances would have taught
this dangerous lesson to the white man ::
that governments may exist on our Sol
in which large portion OF the people
are not represented; and that laws may
be passed, in whose enactments they
have no voice. Such lesson taught
and followed, might in time reduce the
larger part of the white population to
the political condition OF the negro.
At this point, then, the Fourteenth
Amendment, so far as it confers citizen.
ship upon the negro, became a civil and
political necessity. 1t was demanded
alike by the necessities Of both races !;
and both races would be equally injured
by the repeal of the right.
| advance one step further in my
argument. As soon as the negro was
elevated 10 the rights Of citizenship, it
became necessary to confer another
right upon him; l. mean the right OF
suffrage. To emancipate him, and
declare him a citizen, and stop there.
would be mere mockery. 1t would
accomplish no good to either race. 1t
became a necessity, therefore, that he
should not be prescribed in the exercise
Of the most ordinary right that belongs
to cilizenship-the right to vote-on
account Of race or color. And the
Fifteenth Amendment was enacted to
meet this necessity. This amendment
did not make him voter, but it de-
clarad that he should not be deprived
Of the right of suffrage, solely on ac'
count OF his race or color. 1t was
simply protection against prescription.
And like the declaration OF citizenship,
it was one Of the natural, legitimate and
logical consequences Of emancipation.
This series Of enactments, as en-
braced in the Thirteenth, Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Amendments Of the Con
stitution of the United States (so far as
they relate to the negro) was the logic
OF events, reduced to laws. And look
ing at them in this light, | would ask,
who would repeal them? Would you
repeal the Thirteenth Amendment, and
remit the negro again to slavery :?
Would you deprive him of citizenship?
Would you say to him, you shall not
vote, because Of your Golor2 Why, sir,
if this Convention had the power to
repeal all the provisions OF these three
NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS. which ad-
vance the nero from slavery to citizen.
ship and suffrage-there is, | am con-
WINGED, enough wisdom and patriotism
in this body to make it pause before 1t
would attempt to tread backwards the
footsteps OF the past. And if these
measures were repealed to-day, | ven
ture to assert that this body tomorrow,
with one voice, would demand their re-
enactment
| do not speak OF the manner in
which these amendments were imposed
upon the country; do not say whether
they were constitutionally adopted or
not. 1t is not necessary for my present
argument to discuss that question. |
put the political rights of the negro
on a different and independent ground.
| do not rest the tenure Of his rights
upon these constitutional enactments;
put them upon the ground Of an
inevitable and irresistible necessity-a
necessity as strong aud controlling with
me, as with him-a political necessity,
which neither he nor can dlsresari-a
necessity which is the result of events
that are settled and fixed; of events
that in some degree have changed his
political condition and mine.
have endeavored to show that the
negro has become a citizen and votes,
not in compliance with any demand OF
his own, but in consequence Of circum-
stances which control him and the
white man alike. Why, then, SHOULD
he not be eligible to office? Would you
say to him, you may elevate me to office,
by your vote, but you shall not aspire
to the office. YOURSELF Will you tell
him, that you fear to enter into TAR
competition with him. tor office? Are
you more worthy to fill the office than
he? Then you have great advantages
over him. because you have the advan'
tage OF merit, Numbers and caste,
while he conteuds with you under
every disadvantage OF color, race
and purjudice. The last census shows
that there are $4,000 white inhabi,
tants in this State, and only 1850
colored-that is twenty-four white
voters for one negro voter. And yet
gentlemen fear competitor with the ne
gro, and demand his exclusion from