The Fremont weekly journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County, Ohio) 1867-1877, 1872-10-18

large majority of Mr.. Stewards
friends were returned to the Legisla-
ture of New York, who early selected
him as their candidate for United
States Senator in place of General
Dix, whose term was about to ex-
pire. In the election, February
1S49, } Mr.. Seward received 121 votes
to 80 for all others. On the meeting
of Congress in December following,
the members from the South appre-
hending the adoption of an anti-slav-
cry policy, took grounds in opposi-
ton to General Taylor's administra-
ton, while the friends of freedom
sustained it. General Taylor early
chose Mr.. Seward IS one of his con
fidential friends ard advisers, and he
soon came to be regarded as the
leader of the administration party.
A violent contest in Congress imme-
diately commenced, Mr.. Seward
avowed determination to make no
further concessions to the slave pow
er, and was denounced as seditious
and dangerous agitator. In a
speech on the admission of Califor-
MIA into the Union, March IL, 1850,
he used the following language: at
is true indeed, the national domain
is ours. 1t is true, it was acquired
by the valor and with the wealth of
the whole nation. But we hold, nev-
ertheless, no arbitrary power over it.
We hold no arbitrary authority over
anything, whether acquired lawfully
or seized by usurpation. The con
stitution regulates our stewardship
the constition devotes the domain to
union, to justice, to defence, to we'll
fare and to liberty. But there is a
higher law than the constitution
which regulates our authority over
the domain, and devotes it to the
same noble purposes. The territory
is part, no inconsideTable part, of
the common heritage of mankind,
bestowed upon them by the Creator
of the universe. We are His stew
ards, and must so discharge our trust
as to secure in the highest attainable
degree their happinss." The phrase
"higher law" thus applied to the
law Of God, was the subject of much
excited comment IN the Senate and
in the public press, and has been
ever since urged as a ground of re-
proach by the political enemies of
Mr.. Seward. Besides his speeches
on the compromise of 1850, he de-
livered others equally elaborate on
the commercial and industrial rela-
tiOns of the country-upon the Pa
cific railroad, the Public lands, mail
steamers, American fisheries, survey
Of the Arctic and Pacific oceans,
French spoliations, the tariff, the
ocean telegraph, &c. His speech on
the repeal of the Missouri comprom-
Use and admission of Kansas, like
those on the compromise Of 1850,
were widely circulated among the
people. The right of petition, the
assault on Senator Sumner, the
Dred Scott decision, the acquisition
of Cuba, the increase of the army,
and the Utah or Mormon difficulties,
were also subjects fully discussed by
Mr.. Seward in the Senate. During
the recess of the Senate in 1858 he
made an election speech in Roches-
ter, in which, after alluding to the
constant collision between the sys
TEN of free and slave labor in the
United States he said: "Shall 1 tell
you what this collision means?
They who think that it Is accidental,
unnecessary, the work of interest
ed or fananatical agitators, and
therefore ephemeral, mistake the
case altogether. 1t is an irrepres-
ible conflict between opposing and
enduring forces, and it means that
the United States must and will,
sooner or later, become either en-
tirely slave-holding nation, or en-
tirely a free labor nation" The
great Southern secession plainly
revealing itself during the last ses-
sion of the Thirty sixth Congress
(1860,61) Mr.. Seward in the Senate
expressed his views on the estate of
the Union" in two speeches, in which
he said: Il avoW my adherence
to the Union with my friends, with
my party, with my State, or without
either, as they may determine; in
every event of peace or Of war, with
every consequence Of honor or dis
honor, Of life or Of DEATH" He de-
clared also in conclusion: 81 GER
tainly shall never directly or indi.
rectly give my vote to establish or
sanction slavery in the common ter
ritories of the United States, or any
where else in the world" Mr.. Sew
ards second term closed with the
Thirty-sixth Congress, March 8,
1861. He had been reelected in
1856 under circumstances of peculiar
interest. He was strenuously op-
posed both by those who disliked
his uncompromising resistance to
the slave interest, and by those who
disliked his incorporating resist
ance to the slave interest, and by
those who could not endure his per-
sistent opposition to the exclusive
creed of the american" party, at
that time a rising power throughout
the Union.
The Wing party, to which Mr..
Seward had belonged since its org
anization. in 1852, adopted a plat
form, approving of the slavery com
nromises of 1850, at the same time
General Scott for the
Presidency. While Mr.. Seward
could not sustain the platform, he
his support to the nominee
who before the Convention, had been
regarded already as his favorite
candidate. In 1856 the Republican
nartv nominated Colonel Fremont
for the Presidency. Mr.. Stewards
laborA in the canvass were Jealous
and effective. In 1860, as in 1856, a
large portion of the Republican par
tv favored his nomination for the
g In the convention, on
the first ballot,he received 173 votes,
Mr.. Lincoln the next highest, 103-
necessary for choice, 233. On the
final ballot Mr.. Lincoln was nOmina-
ted Mr.. Seward received the votes
of the delegates from Main, Massa-
chusetts, New York, Michigan, Wis
1T:.,,os,,+o .ColifOr,,io ou5