Perrysburg journal. (Perrysburg, Wood Co., O. [Ohio]) 186?-1965, 1872-04-05
Government by Party.

LET it be supposed that the Cincinnati
Convention results in the nomination of
a Republican of high character-for in
stance, Mr.. Trumbull, or Mr.. Greeley, or
Mr.. Sumner. Suppose that the Demo
Gratis make no nomination of their own.
Suppose, further, that Gen. Grant is re-
nominated at Philadelphia. What would
then be the question presented to the
voter ?
The question would not be simply
whether Gen. Grant or his opponent is
personally the better fitted for the Office
of President
Reason and experience show beyond all
question that the character of an admin
istration depends on something besides
the President. 1t depends even more ON
the party that supports him.
AT the very outset, the President must
appoint Cabinet officers, on whom de-
wolves double duty. 1t is they who i'm
mediately carry on the executive part of
the Governmeut-its Foreign Affairs, its
Finances, the Post Office, the Army and
Navy Department, etc. Besides this,
they are the immediate counselors of the
President. These Cabinet officers must
be taken from the party that has chosen
and supports the President.
Further, the Executive can do little to
shape the general policy of the nation,
except in cooperation with Congress. 1t
is in the latter body that the real center
of power rests. Thus, the financial poll
cy favored by the Executive can be utter
ly thwarted by Congress. The foreign
treaties it may make fail without the SEN
ates confirmation Every one of its ap.
pointments to Office depend on the SEN
ates concurrence. In all the vast range
of affairs which come directly under leg
islation, the Executive can do nothing ex-
cept through the party in Congress that
supports it.
If ever President came into office
seeming to stand above the necessity of
party support and alliance, that man was
Gen. Grant. In good faith and with gen.
eral appreciation, he made the attempt to
disregard party considerations in his ap-
pointments. The attempt broke down
at the outset. 1t had been shown again
and again, before that, that President
unsupported by party can do little more
than act as an imperfect clog to the Gov
ernment. He is powerless to control or
direct it,
We repeat, then, it is a question of
prime importance on whom the Presi-
dent will depend for the party support
without which he is only figurehead.
Now, one thing about the next Presi-
Dental campaign is clear. The mass of
the Republican party will hold together
in support of the Philadelphia nominee.
Say, If you please, that they will be un-
wise in doing so-the fact that they will
do so remains, They may be defeated,
but theywill be strong enough to preserve
their party organization, and to include
in it the great majority of those who have
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hopes and fears that enough Republicans
may leave the party standard to turn the
scale in the national election. But no
man doubts that there will be distinct
lively Republican candidate, and that at
the very least, large majority of those
now in the party will support him. The
New Hampshire election is profoundly
significant as to this. In the face of the
disaffection of some of the party's most
honored leaders, the Republicans of that
State not only kept their ranks together
they were strong enough to beat all
their enemies. No; be the issue of the
Presidential campaign what it may, the
Republican party will not cease to exist
and be vigorous
Suppose, then, that the candidate OF
the Opposition be elected President. BY
whose votes will he have been elected
In other words, on whose support and co
operation must he as President depend |
A handful from the Republicans, and the
whole of the Democrats For every
vote he might have received from q
former Republican, he must have had
ten, twenty, from Democrats, And the
"new" party supporting him would be
made up in overwhelming proportion OF
Democrats. This is as PLAIN as anything
can be. And in such a case ii is as certain
as anything in history that the present