The true northerner. [volume] (Paw Paw, Mich.) 1855-1920, 1872-10-11

will DO him no injustice. | have no
doubt he will employ somebody else To
write articles in his paper advocating
the use of "coercive measures" Heis,
in principle, a secessionst to-day, as he
was when he wrote that article of No.
vember 9. 1860. observe he is stump
ing the country in his own behalf.
When he makes his next stump speech,
Let any one ask him, in the face of the
world, if he still holds the doctrine of.
secession as stated by him on the 359th
page of his "History Of the American
Conflict" and he may try 10 evsde the
question but if he is compelled TO give
direct, manly and true answer, eyes"
or No." he will answer Yes" His
secession faith is the basis of his whole
political character. On that basis he
urged the taxation Of the country to
pay the shareholders for their slaves,
when he knew they would not sell
them. That plan was part of his sys-
tenn calculated TO encourage secession
by convincing the South that the North
was trembling with terror, and would
do anything but fight for national exist
ence.
whenever any considerable section
Of our Union shall deliberately resolve
to go out, we shall resist all coercive
measures to keep it in" says Mr. Gree
ley. Whenever includes the four
years of the next Presidential term.
Suppose that during that term "a con-
siderable portion of our Union shall de-
liberately resolve 10 90 out" Mr.. Gree
ley stands pledged ito resist all coer-
Give measures designed TO keep IL in"
How much the election of such man
to the Presidency would stimulate Sc
cession, we shall never know, because
the honest masses Of the people will
never allow such man to be elected.
They will never put the Government
into his hands to enable him 10 redeem
that secession pledge.
This doctrine of secession is the only
article Of political faith to which he has
shown any disposition TO adhere. He
was supposed to be an unflinching high
tariff man; but, 10 get free trade votes,
he pledges himself to smother and sup.
press his opinions on the tariff question,
and 10 give no advice and Use no infu-
ence on that question, which he has
pressed as Of the most vital importance
to the country. He hes given no
pledge to smother and suppress his
opinions on the secession question.
What such pledge would be worth,
while his pledge "to RESIST all coercive
measures" remains unredeemed, you
can Judge as we'll as |.
IF such a man should be elected
President, what should he do when his
secession views had encouraged the
South TO secede againY He would, of
course, again offer TO hire them to re.
main by paying for their slaves. Know
ing, by actual experience, the cowsrdlce
of the man, they would naturally de.
mand our taxation 10 pay the rebel debt
and pensions to rebel soldiers, as the
price OF their consenting to stay in the
Union. And if he WAS right in his doc.
trine that we were all wrong in using
"coercive measures" we ought TO be
taxed TO pay all the consequences Of
those measures, for the slaves, and the
rebel debt, and rebel pensions.
What would be the effect of Mr.
Greeley's election? Manilestly the
South would at once be instigated by
his sentiments TO agitate the question OF
compensation for their slaves, their
debt, and their pensions, and with the
fiery elements thus famed into flame,
the agitation would naturally end in
our being obliged TO recall Grant and
the army TO put down another insur-
rection. The people of the North, and
those of the South, like Longstreet and
Mosby, who have had fighting enough,
don't want TO 90 over that ground again.
Neither do they want dissension and
disturbance. | have been an agitator,
but never without necessity. Now the
necessity for agitation has ceased, and
we want peace. If il does not involve
rebellion, the agitation of the Southern
claims means controversy over an
other constitutional amendment for
striking out such part of the Fourteenth
Amendment as may stand in the way
Of those claims. 1t means nothing less
than the renewal Of excitement, irrita-
ton and strife; the revival Of the muir
derous Ku-Klux the cruel persecution
OF the freedmen and Union mon at the
South the disorganization of Southern
labor, and q general arrangement OF
business. The cause of humanity unites
with all the material interests Of the
country in protest against the election
Of man whose triumph would neces.
sarily open SO dangerous an agitation
Obviously no such man could be nomi
mated for President by the Republican
party. When he was satisfied Of that
then, and not till then, he left uS.
That is one serious aspect Of Mr.
Greeley's case and if, in addition &c
his perverse opinions upon this moment
Gus question of American nationality
you take into the account his excessive
vanity, weakness and vacillation, hi:
aabby and yielding moral nature, his
eccentric temper and inordinate hank
ering for office, you have, think, ful
explanation of his present lamentabl'
| course.
Mr.. Summers case is measurably plair
to those who, like myself have hac
better means of knowing the man thar
is afforded by public speeches.
Mr.. Sumner was not, as has beer
claimed for him, among the earliest o
our anti.slavery champions. Mr.. Gar
rison, Mr.. Phillips, Mr.. Gerritt Smith
Mr.. Giddings and others antedate Mr.
Sumner by many years in their espousa
Of the cause of the slave. But | bea