The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1872-02-23
Our Relations with NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS. Of
tho Euslish Despatch.

tho English Despatch.
The long expected communication from
Lord Granville to our government Ia refer
ence to our case before the Geneva Tribunal
of Arbitration was received yesterday by the
Secretary of State. In the afternoon the
English Minister called on Secretary Fish, and
there was long and amicable conference.
Mr.. Adams, the arbitra tor selected by the
American government, arrived In Washington
yesterday morning, and gave the Secretary
his Impressions of the state Of public feeling
in England. We are informed that the Sec
rotary, who is always prompt in his conduct
of the diplomatic business, prepared last
evening draft Of his proposed reply to Lord
Granville. This draft will probably be con-
sidered in Cabinet session to-day, and will 60
to Europe in to-morrow's steamer.
The note of Lord Granville is addressed to
General Schenck. 1t is exceedingly amicable
in tone and is elaborate and profuse in the
expression Of the desire of the British
Cabinet to preserve the treaty aud
establish friendly relations between the two
governments. In addition to this, the burden
of the communication is simply repetition Of
the views expressed in the speech from the
throne. England AYERS that the presentation
Of our claim for consequential or indirect
| damages does not come within the English
understanding of the treaty. Her Majesty
sees in these claims portion Of the American
case that was believed to have been
abandoned. She cannot consent to
an arbitration that might possibly award
an indemnity larger than what was ex-
acted from conquered France by victorious
Germany-an indemnity that could not be paid
by England without involving national bank
ruptcy. Even if such an award were i'm
probable. she cannot leave the possibility Of
it to any Of these arbitrators, no matter by
whom appointed. Until this possibility is
removed, therefore, by our consent, she cannot
consent to any arbitration.
With this plain understanding of the English
position our main care is as to the exact posi-
ton assumed by the American government.
In the first place, we have to congratulate
the country that in crisis of this kind
our foreign relations are In the hands of men
as judcious and patriotic and conservative as
President Grant and Secretary Fish. Mr..
Fish is statesman fully in sympathy with the
American people. The country cannot forget
his splendid vindication of the cause Of the
United States in his famous letter presenting
| the Alabama case, after his entrance into the
| State Department. Remembering that letter,
we can have no fear that he will shrink from
I,,<r hu Aro
consideration Of the interests and the
honor Of the country; that he will
recede before any exhibition of the diplomacy
of menace upon the part of the English gov
eminent. He knows the difference between
bravery and bravado So far rs mere per-
sonal fame and pride are concerned, no one
has more to lose than the Secretary of State.
Upon this treaty his reputation must largely
rest, and certainly there could be no purer or
more desirable fame than to have been the
means of removing all causes Of irritation
between the two countries-of establishing
moral alliance between the great English
speaking nations, and Of contributing to inter-
national law and the peace of mankind the
principle that arbitration is always to be
preferred to war. If the treaty should fail,
the only question for us to decide is, how far
is the failure due to the action of the President
and the Secretary Of State?
| As we have shown from the outset Of this
discussion, Mr.. Fish is in no way to be Gen.
sured for any misunderstanding that may
exist in the minds Of the English
government The English newspapers
have all along advanced the idea
that the consequential claims were
surprise to the Gladstone Cabinet. Mr.
Disraeli, in his speech at the opening of Par
lament, intimated that we dealt with England
in spirit of trickery and chicane. If this
were true-if there were the shadow of sus-
picion that it was true-our position would be
most unfortunate; but the evidence shows the
truth to be curiously the reverse of the Eng
lish averment. When the Joint High Com
missoners, in the progress of the dis
cussions, came to the Alabama claims,
or, as the treaty expresses it, to
what are generically known as the Alabama
claims, Mr.. Fish opened the debate by read
ing a carefully prepared statement of what the
American Commissioners expected to de-
mand. This statement appears in the printed
copy of the treaty and protocols. 1t has been
before the world for many months. There is
not point in the Geneva lease" as prepared
by the State Department, which was not an
ticpated in this statement The English
| Commissioners were shrewd and able men,
and knew the meaning of the Secretary's
words. More than that as Mr.. Gladstone
said in the House of Commons, his govern
ment was duly informed day by day Of these
discussions, Of every point that was presented,
Of every argument and inference advanced by
| ha American Cou ssonors and tho Eno1iah