The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1872-04-16

"AASehN4 ~ WAY " - avn N~S~NSS ~
this earnestness he protested against the par
tisan bigotry which subordinates the public
welfare to personal and party interests;
against. that slaVish submission to party dlcta-
ton and discipline which, tor party ends,
strives to stlfie the voice of truth and to white
wash abuses and wrongs, instead of honestly
exposing aud correcting them; against the in
fatuated wantonness Of power recklesely over.
riding the laws of the land for selfish ends;
against the growth OF personal government In
this republic, which threatens to convert the
public powers into personal property; TO sub
convert the noble pride of the Republican
citizen into the submissive spirit of the sub.
ject. raise that protest In the name of the
great cause you and I, as Republicans, have
80 long fought for; in the name of honest and
constitutional government which is TO protect
ourselves and our children In their rights and
best interests; In the nam of that public mo-
ment of free Institutions; In the name of the
great American Republic which we want to
be the guiding star of mankind In ls strug-
giles for liberty and a higher civilization.
TRUE TO HIS PRINCIPLES.
He then referred to the fact that he began
his political life in the Republican party, said
that 80 long as it was true to Its principles he
never desired to leave 1t, and added: II l am
proud of anything, 1t is not Of the position I
L I'll ~ W IlS hSASAS - NV
achieved, but 1t Is of The consciousness that,
whenever 1 endeavored to exercise an inau.
ence upon public opinion, I have never said
anything which I did not honestly believe to
be true. And If I find myself now In conflict
with the official leaders Of the Republican par
ty, 1t Is because / cannot abandon that con-
trolling rule of my public life Without betray-
ing my duty to the American people.
He then said that each period OF our history
has its own peculiar problem to solve. Dur
ing the war this problem was to preserve the
Union. When the rebellion was overcome we
had to settle the logical and legitimate results
of the war In such a manner as 10 protect them
against the danger of reactlonary attempts.
This has been done, and all sensible men agree
that the settlement will stand. 1t remained to
clear away the rubbish and to develop that
new order of things in accordance with the re-
qulrements of truly free institutions; to obllte-
rate the differences and aufmoslties of the
| past; to revive q healthy national spirit, and
the consciousness of belonging together
among all classes of our population, 80 as to
reinstate q free public opinion Instead Of force
|. as the controlling power In our government;
| to restore the rule OF sound constitutional
| principles; 10 reanimate the popular respect
for the law; to crush corruption wherever 1t
may appear; to raise the standard Of morality
In our political life; to secure a genuine re-
form of our system Of taxation, so that Its bur
dens shall be adjusted TO principles Of justice
aud equality. In one word, to preserve this
government not only as a republic In form and
name, but In spirit and essence, aud In Its
elevaling and ennobliug Influences upon the
character of the people, as Well as their mate
rial prosperity.
THE PROBLEM TO BE SOLVED.
Abiding briefly to the question of economic
reform, he said he believed thai a cnange was
needed In our methods OF taXatiOn-a genuine
tariff reform. But the problem to be solved
after the close of the war has not been solved.
Look at the single matter of amnesty. A gen.
eral amnesty (the removal of political disable
ities) was demanded, not as q measure OF mere
sentimental generosity, but as a measure Of
the plainest political wisdom. Years have
elapsed since the results Of the war were fortl.
fed with ~impregnable constitutional guaran.
tees, and the general amnesty has not been
granted vet. Down to this very day q large and
Influential class OF citizens 10 the South are still
told that the public interest, as 1t is admins.
tered by popular selt-government, 10 20 bust
ness of theirs, and that this great republic Is
no republic of equal rights for them; down to
this very day the jealousy Of the races ls still
4 uourlshed BY the fact that many, and by no
means the unworthiest, white men are de-
prIved of political rights and privileges which
the black man, the late slave, enjoys; down to
this very day the work Of the adventurer and
demagogue, who speculates upon the igno-
rance Of his followers, Is facilitated, corrup-
ton. robbery and Generalization are fostered,
the return Of good and honest government is
Impeded, q cheerful and general acceptance
and successful development of the new order
OF things is prevented IN me so1th oy that
narroW-minded policy which excludes from
public employment and repels from friendly
cooperation a large class of men who have su
great an interest In an honest and successful
administration of public affairs. President
Grant has said a good word for amnesty, but
his most Intimate friends and loudest advo-
Gates all fight the measure.
AND YET ANOTHER DUTY!
The close of the civil war imposed another
duty upon us. Republican government, and
the free institutions upon which it rests, find
their strongest bulWark In constitutional
principles and forms faithfully maintained and
religiOusly observed. No republic can stand,
no popular liberty, no personal right Is secure,
when the powers OF government are lefG with.
out restraint to the Whlms of those who WELD
them. admit that in times Of extreme pub
may be necessary, as the Romans put the
republic In the hands of a dictator when the
enemy were at their gates. But even this
cannot be done without great danger. 1t will
soon create the habit of arbitrary assumptions
of power on one side, and the habit of
tions of. power on the other. 1t is thus that
republics are undermined and perish In the
decentralization OF popular sentiment. But
those In power since the war have not regard
ed the laws. They have fallen into the
habit of accomplishing what they thought
best with the strong hand of power,
and Of interpreting the powers they
wanted in the constitution when the
words of that charter did not willingly yield
them. However good those ends may have
been, the means were full OF danger. The
people became accustomed to look only ct the
ends TO be accomplished, and to think little
about the dangerous means employed. The
abuses OF war ~insenslbly insinuated themselves
into the practices of peace. Now look around
you, look at the young men who were from
ten TO seventeen years old when the war
began, and who are now from twenty-one to
twenty-eight, constituting one full third part
of our voting population. Consider what
school these young men have gone through.
They have scarcely ever seen or heard any
thing of the constitutional restraint oil power.
What they have heard and seen was only a
bold assumption and strong exercise OF gov
Ornamental authority. They were taught to
believe 10 Its necessity-to submit to 1t, to
Justify 1t, to aid it. Why, gentlemen, the Con-
s%titution Of the United States became hardly
known to them by name. That only tradition
and experience under which they have grown
up, and now they are taking an active part In
the control of our government. Is not the
mere statement of this undeniable fact suf1-
cient to oil with apprehension the heart of
every friend Of constitutional government
and of popular liberty in this country?