The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1872-08-01

Is the restoration OF the Union. Mr.. Linz
coin was reprcached with an tinWilltngness
TO make peace on any terms short OF tne SUD
.jngatton of the States of this conledefny
and the utter overthrow OF their pecuilaI
social system, and q consequent indsposl-
ton to ascertain the sentiments OF tue soutL-
ern people, for fear they might profess a
readiness to submit to the authority of the
United States on more reasonable conditions:
Although no proposition for peace which q
not concede our Observation-Disclosures would
have been entertained by US for q moment,
IL did not seem to me wise to give our enc
mics the moral and material benefit to be de-
rived from a position they were not honestly
entitled to occupy.
Had we returned the answer which has
been suggested, the friends of President
Lincoln could have appealed to the letter OF
Mr.. Greeley as 4 proof of his Willingness TO
oDcn negotiations on the most liberal OASIS.
That letter wholly abandoned the attitude
which the Government of the Unitod states
had maintained since the secession oil Soutn
| Carolina. and to which, according TO the
declaration of Mr.. Seward in his recent
speech at Auburn, it has returned OF mo
negotiations with rebels in arms" III eA-
pressed a readiness to open negotiations ana
attempt to settle through diplomacy the quesi
| tions which had been SO long in vain sub
,nitted TO the arbitrament of war. 1t did not
even announce that the restoration OF the
| Union was an indispensable condition OF
peace, but proffered Il free and
| conference. Had the correspondence closed
Mt that point it must have added strength to
the administration Of Mr.. Lincoln, and thus
increased it, capacity to carry on the war
| Within our own borders it would have nour-
| ished the deluSive and dangerous hope OF a
| compromise with our enemy on terms con-
| sistent with liberty and selfrespect. A re:
| newed pressure would have been brought 10
bear on the President to send commissioners
| TO Washington with the view of opening ne
rotiations at the hazard of fresh indignities
to the Confcderacy.
In framing our reply to the letter Of Mr..
Greeley, we endeavored to shape it so as to
compel such new developments from Mr..
| Lincoln rs would disclose the true policy OF
| his administration, or such an adherence to
! the position assumed in that letter as would
| enable our Government TO act upon it with
safety. This purpose was fully accomplished
in calling forth the celebrated document
addressed "TO whom it may concern No
paper probably ever produced so great Il
revolution of public sentiment in the same
space of time. Although Il gross dclusion as
to the extent of their recent military sue
ccsscs has induced Il rejection and secured
the reelection Of Mr.. Lincoln. it is destined
TO exercise an enduring influence for good.
1t has permanently weakened and distracted
the war purity Of the North, and there Is
much reason to hope that before many
months intervene it will wholly deprive it OF
Democratic support. However this may be,
it has united and animated our W people
more than any political action of our adver-
saries since the commencement OF the war.
1t has been suggested that the effect of this
correspondence, by rendering probable the
defeat of Mr.. Lincoln ut the polls, WAS un-
favorable in the Northwest by depressing 4
growing tendency to revolution in that quar-
EIer. This was. no doubt, to some extent, its
temporary effect, but it has worked no in
Jury to our cause. The revolutionary Gle
ment has been hitherto too feeble to be en-
Moved in Our service with any advantage.
Before this correspondence took place our
sanguinc friends in that region had fixed
upon various periods of revolutionary out
break, but they We're deferred at their own
instance from time to time, us the conviction
gradually dawned upon their W minds OF
the extent to which they had exaggerated
their strength. From all the developments
which have since been made, | am satisfied
that no explosion could have taken place
previous to the election which would not
have resulted in permanent injury TO our
cause. The Northwest is not now, and
without the systematic and possibly long
continued application of the agencies which
control the popular mind may never be, ripe
for revolution, But it is fermenting with
the passions out of which revolutions have
been created. In Illinois, Indiana, and pos
sibly Ohio, IL majority Of the population are
hostile TO the present Administration.
The recent election furnished no evidence
to the contrary, for, with Il large body OF the
peace party, Mcclellan was held in rs much
odiuln ~ Lincoln himself. The bitterness te-
tween these hostile factions is intense. The
one llas received from the other every out
r#me which the strong can perpctrate on the
weak. 1t would be Il fatal mistake, i'll my
opinion, to abandon all effort TO separate this
section from the United States, because no
results have yet been achieved commensurate
with our expectations. The hope OF closing
the war by negotiation has been eXtinSlllShcd.
Our resources are diminishing more rapidly,
lUr OBVIOUS ICaSoUSj tliah tNcSCrl ohi c''Cinli
TO keep alive such Il degree of apprehension
us will lead to the concentration OF large bo-
dies of troops to repreSs Instruction within
their own limits will, of itself, be in impor-
tant diversion in our favor. We should en-
ploy money and talent without stint To give
this brooding resentment the proportions of
anarchy and civil strife.
Let us preserve our communication with
our friends in the North. Warned by our
past experience, let lis introduce arms more
gradually and cautiously, as Ear as practice
bic subSidiZe leading presses, and through
the ordinary channel Of newspapers, us well
as of campaign documents, enlighten and in
fiucnce the public mind. Enlist public men
of character and influence, whose principles
and sympathies are with us, by indemnilying
them against the hazards to which bold and
decisive action may expose them. With
arms, leaders, and an opportunity, we could
strike il deadly blow.
1T is proper to add that | have expressed
only my individual opinions, and do not
know to what extent they would meet the
concurrence of Messrs. Clay and Thompson.
have the honor to remain, very respect
fully, JAMES Z. HoLCoMBE.
Richmond, November 1G, 1864.