New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1872-09-12

point Of equality Of civil rights of the citi
zen. Mr.. Sumner declares this the most
important issue before the people, and l
think he is right. / read to you from the
New York Tribune remarkable extract
from a speech delivered by Mr.. Greeley to
the colored men at Poughkeepsie
81 am not at all sure that the colcred race Will
not they now do rule. prefer their own
society and prefer to have churches ana h
and colleges Of their own. Nor am ciear uA'
this would not be q wise choice. 50 then, i saS'
with regard to common scheo's, where rura uis
trct contains but p 80 families II Is Simply impos
sibe where three of those colored TO have
separate schools and in those cases. to say that
children shall not go to school WIN whte mn "
say they shall not have any school whatever But 10
communities such as these, while II were a oaSs
man, should not ask a separate school, yet shouid
still say If the whites chose to have separate schools
should NOT object to IT, 1 should only ask that the
schools for my children should he made as good, AS
sufficient schools provided for other mems children
Then IL the majority chose that the minority should
be educated in separate schools should say, Gentle
men, be il you please have choice ia the mat
ter. gentleman or a lady never discusses the ques
ton Was it proper to refuse me invitation to my
neighbors party lie OF she accepts the fact and lets
the reason take care Of itself Precisely so with re-
gard TO religious fraternity associations for mamie,
of divine worship. l would advise the coiored
TO make distinction, and never TO refuse
If tho whites chose that the blacks shall not be
members on equal terms Of general congregations
should accept exclusive my choice
but as the choice of the dominant race"
This speech of Mr.. Greeley was made at
Poughkeepsie, New York, May 16, 1872,
after his nomination at Cincinnati, and
while he was hoping and expecting the
Democratic endorsement at Baltimore. 1t
shows that the man, whatever truths he
may at times have seen clearly, has not yet
got rid of the old prejudice on which slavery
was based. He is speaking of the COM
mon schools, paid for from the common
81 H., 60 ~
thing that recognizes inferority of race
there, recognizes it in the beginning of life
The policy of which Mr. Greeley is speak
ing is to teach the infant Republican at the
public charge distinctions founded on race.
What constitutes State?
Men who know their rights, and, knowing,
dare maintain. Not so, says Mr.. Greeley
"Leave your rights to the dominant race"
The dominant race. No man here is so ig-
norant as not to know the meaning of that
detestable word. 1t is from the same root
as dominate, domineer, dominion, and the
other phrases of Latin origin which express
the hateful idea of mastership of man over
man. There can be no dominant race with
out servile race over whom it is dominant.
Mr.. Greeley is unfit for this great office,
as shown by rashness, timidity, and want of
judgment in great public exigencies.
Time will allow me to advert to but two
proofs of this charge, but two so conspicu
GUS that they ought alone to deprive him of
all future claim to the confidence of his
countrymen. In July, 1861, with the same
presumption which now seeks to instruct our
farmers in agriculture, he undertook to teach
General Scott the art of war. Keeping at
the head of his paper the motto, son to
Richmond" taunting the military authori.
ties with imbecility, imputing to General
Scott that he was not earnest in a desire to
put down rebellion, he excited public SEN
timent which made the forward movement
necessity. 1t is to his credit that he after
ward confessed his terrible mistake. Here,
thousands of loyal lives paid for his folly
and presumption.
Again, in the autumn of 1864, when the
rebellion was driven to the wall, he under.
took to put new hope into its respondent
chiefs by undertaking to substitute negota-
ton for arms, expressing his willingness to
pay the old slave owners for their slaves at
the public charge. What disgrace and ig-
nominy to the country had this counsel pre-
vailed! Whether he has changed his mind
in this particular do not know.
Mr.. Greeley is also unfit for this great Of
fee, because he is easily affected in his pub
lie conduct by low, personal considerations
Of patronage and favor.
There is little pamphlet published by
the Union Republican Committee, entitled
The Greeley Record" which wish might
be in the hands of every intelligent voter.
1t is Mr.. Greeley's picture of himself 1t
consists of extracts from his writings,
speeches, and letters. What disclosure of
vanity and weakness, of arrogance before
the event and repentance afterward, of petty
personal ambitions, of meddling with things
of which he is ignorant, of foolish and timid
counsel those extracts contain. In one sen.
tence he says. " it seems to us unwise in an
editor ever to allow his name to go before
the public as a candidate for any party NOM
nation" Then he scolds that he has not
been offered offices in reward of his party
service. He writes long letter to Governor
the dissolution Of what he calls "the firm Of
Seward, Weed, and Greeley" There is not
a word in it of principle, Of public interest,
or public duty, but only complaint that THE,
that and the other office has not be en- given
to him.
You know, l suppose, the history of the
efforts made to break up the corruptions in
New York-corruptiOns so vast that the
thieves stole from the public treasury, not by
thousands, but by millions, and which were
cited by our enemies the world over as their
strongest argument against the principle of
self government itself. No man supposes
Mr.. Greeley to be responsible for these things
1t has been said that he engaged in some
business adventure in company with Tweed.
But am quite sure that an inquiry into the
fact would acquit him of everything but i'm
prudence in the choice of his associates.
But he is justly chargeabe with letting his
miserable jealousies about patronage and the
spoils of Office prevent him from giving
hearty and manly aid in correcting this great
abuse. read you his letter written during
the memorable New York campaign Of 1871,
in answer to an application from his Repub
licau associates to take his place in the ap
preaching battle:
NV YORK, April o 1872
obliged decline the part assigned 10y the State
committee in the proposed reorganization of the Re-
publican party of our city. Had Iite forbedrdnce
and consideration been by the appointing pooer
at Warrington. think this might hare been different
Yours. HORACE GRrELEY.
Mr.. Greeley has been tried in public office,
once al member of Congress for short
term, once as member of the New York
Constitutional Convention. A weaker and
more worthless member never took seat in
either.
Mr.. Greeleyis unfit for this great office,
as totally unable to form sound judgments as
to character and discriminate between good
men and bad.
Before leave this contrast of the two can
didates, ought to advert for a moment to
some personal charges which have been made
against President Grant.
Against every President they have been
altered with equal clamor. His detractors
almost overcame the resolute spirit of
Washington. They stung nearly to mad.
ness the sensitive and fiery John Adams.
city, addressed to his intimate friend, the
elder Levi Lincoln, complains bitterly of the
same thing John Quincy Adams was de-