Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1872-08-01
WoRCEsTER.


law maxim of Coke: FUrioSus dbSentiS in loco
est; for the noblest man ceases to be himself
when his better qualities are overwhelmed by
the rage of anger; another very different per-
son usurps his place and misrepresents his
nobeness. Il would be utterly impossible for
Senator Sumner, in his right mind, TO aid a
movement which seeks to destroy the republic
can party and restore the democratic party to
power; therefore, our quotations are pertinent.
His position was already understood The
extreme violence of that speech against Presi-
dent Grant, in the senate, had made it very clear
TO everybody. But, those who support the dem
ocratic candidates wanted something more.
Hence, certain colored men in Washington,
where there can be no voting at presidential
elections, were induced TO write the letter TO
which he has replied. This reply is studied
continuation of the violent speech; it is in the
same strain and may be appropriately printed
with that speech as an appendix. But, in read
ing it, we are moved to wonder, TO absolute
astonishment, to find Mr.. Sumner protesting
that he is Gree from personal feelings" in
this renewal of his assault on the pres
ident. This profession is sharply con-
tradicted by the matter, manner, and purpose
of what he says. just now, he can not speak
candidly OF President Grant; there are some
moods and conditions of mind which make
honest judgement and fair dealing impossible,
while they last. As well may we claim all the
effects of tranquil sunny weather for the fash
and roar of thunder storm, as to profess that
The brooding spirit of over-mastering anger can
be just TO those against whom it is directed. If
anything is true, it is true that President Grant
not such a man as Mr.. Sumner describes.
There must be reason for the wide difference
between his estimate of the president and that
of such men as Judge Hoar and Frederick
Douglass, whose means of forming correct
judgement are even better than his; and this
reason exists in the mood by which he Is in
tuenced.
The same tendency to extreme rather than
accurate expression, appears in his extrayagant
laudation of Mr. Greeley as an "aboitionist,"
as a man who "from early life was constant
against slavery" We notice that Mr. Schurz
and others have described Horace Greeley as
"the father of abolitionism" There are many
people who have lived long enough to form at
once just appreciation of this attempt to falsi-
iy history. Some OF us have fought steadily and
without faltering, In the anti-slavery ranks,
longer even than Mr.. Summer himself. We
know the history of this struggle. We know
well who fought with US and who against ms.
Some of us have studied closely, not only the
written words, but, also, the political action of
Horace Greeley ever since the first number of
his New Yorker was published, in March, 1884.
We know quite as much of him as Mr.. Sumner
knows; and Judging by Mr.. Summers recent
letter. our recollection of Mr.. Greeley's political
career is far more accurate. Through all the
weary days and weary years" of our struggle
with the slave power, TO rescue the "truth"
which that Internal power had "crushed TO
earth" there was no earnest help from Horace
Greeley. He was vehement Henry Clay whig;
and he continued to be that until the greater
portion of his party was swallowed up in the
triumphng party of freedom
Mr.. Grceley's special mission in his party was
to influence anti-slavery men to vote with it,
and, as far as possible, keep anti-savery wings
from joining the liberty party and free soil Or
CARNATIONS. Therefore, he wrote vigorously
against extending slavery, denounced the fug-
tive slave law, and spoke against slavery itself.
His efforts to serve his party in this way were
not entirely without success. But, in all this,
he seemed 10 US TO be controlled more by his
feelings and aims as a Henry Clay wing, than
by such convictions as controlled those
who saw that there could be no effective
struggle against slavery in either of the
old parties, and who were ready TO maintain
the fight, in a minority, as long as circum-
stances might require. What he really
meant was shown by his political action, and by |
his frequent abuse and misrepresentation of |
anti-slavery men who would not be Influenced |
by what be said. The significance Of his anti |
slavery talk, in those days, was very much like
that in the resolutions of certain state conven-
tions of the time, which told not what those
voting for them would do, but what they deem
ed it polite to say. The prevalent feeling
towards him was like that expressed by Mr.. Gar.
rison, who says: 81 have always regarded
Greeley as a man without any fixed principles"
His convictions on most questions have always
seemed to be much weaker than his tendency to
arrange compromises. In this lay that weak.
ness of his character which came out in so many
hurtful ways, during the war.
Let Mr.. Greeley have due credit for the much
he said and the little he did in the way Of polit-
cal action, against the slave power; but don't
misrepresent the truth by describing him as the
great apostle and father of aoolitonism. He
Wac nothing of the sort. His old habit of COM
promise seemed to be much stronger than his
anti-slayery convictions, after he became re.
publican. In 1860, the republican national con.
r-an LII -. NJ
candidate for the presidency. VIM. H. Seward,
Salmon P. Chase, Abraham Lincoln, Simon
Cameron and Edward Bates, were before the
convention as candidates for the nomination.
Mr.. Greeley was in the convention as a dele
gate from Oregon. The convictions and de-
sires Of each delegate could not fail TO
influence his choice among those cand-
dates. A considerable number of the posi-.
tive and-slavery delegates preferred Mr..
Seward, who seemed better 10 them,
then, than he seemed afterwards. Others pre-
ferred Mr.. Chase. while many were inclined to
vote for Dir. Lincoln. For which of the men
proposed did Mr.. Greeley vote and work
Surely, ''life long abolitonst' could not 90
astTay, at such time. II he dstrusted Mr.
Seward, there were MIR. Chase, an abolitionist
with record, and Mr.. Lincoln, and old anti
slavery wing, an honest, earnest man whom
everybody knew to be trustworthy. But bis
preference went in another direction he voted
and worked for that respectable, but hopeless
old fogy Of the pro-savery sort, Edward Bates
Of Missouri, who was as much below Chase or
Lincoln, in ability and political value, as he was
in sympathy for the principles of the party by
which the nomination was to be made
Mr.. Sumner has great record which cannot
be botted out; but il was not made by such
work as this. The time will come when he
himself will sec what be is now doing against
Inc republican party and in aid of the demo.
cratic party, as it is seen by some of his old
friends. Perhaps the democratic associates he
now seeks IN company with Mr.. Greeley, will
compensate him for the loss of the friends he
now SO madly iorsakes; perhaps they will sun.
port him more earnestly and regard him with
more ardent sympathy; but we don't believe II
They will gladly use him; but his demons,ro.
ton against Gen. Grant and in behalf or moi
candidates is so extrayagantly oyerdone. ina, !,
viii not help them much. They will not givc
him sympathy aud good will not even his
great anger against the president can so cbanoe
him as 10 make this possible. There will no
another time when his nreganf mod ain A,