Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1872-11-13

competition Dy refusing 10 permit any oenei
association to engage in similar business, II
simply creating a monopoly. 1t does just
what exactly answers the definition of mo
nopoly; it gives an exclusive right. Hotel
owners, manufacturers, merchants would be
glad. undoubtedly, to be given the monopoly
Of the particular business in which they ere
engaged, and could give any number Of
plausible reasons why they could better
accommodate the public if they had the con-
troll of the business, but probably there is
not a member of either branch of the Gene
raj Assembly who would not see at once that
such proposition was hostile to every def
milton of equal rights
During the debate in the Senate, dis
tinct;on was attempted to be made between
public and private rights, and the inference
drawn from this distinction seemed to be
that the Legislature could properly establish
a monopoly Of public rights-like the right
To take land to build railroads-wben they
could not establish such a monopoly in pri-
ware rights, like manufacturing or hotel
keeping. But it ought to be oby ious that
such a distinction not only does not exist,
nut would be most hostile TO the spirit Of
our institutions if it did exist. Public
nights sre not the possession of the few /;
they belong to tile whole State. They are
not to be harmed out for the benefit OF the
few; they should he open equally to all, or
closed as ,inst every one.
~ "A IL. bo Oh
dIen Of the State, and should be protected
10y The State; and, IN general sense this is
true. But they are to be protected just -
every otIer child and interest Of the State
Is Irotected,-just as manufacturing and
III ming aud any other Industries in the State
are proteeted-by equal and just laws which
leave every mans or association Of men at
liberty to build railroads wherever the needs
of the public invite the investment. This
Is recognized as the only just principle oi
protection in every other pursuit or business
or corporate existence and any exception
OF railroads is only relic Of the favoritism,
special privileges and monopolies which
have made personal government everywhere
an enemy to the liberty and equal rights of
the people
B. yond these general reasons, the history
of legislation in this State has signaliy
illustrated the value of some general rail
road law. Thousands of dollars have been
expended at single sessions of our Legislature
IN the legitimate expenses of pressing and
resisting applications for railroad charters
and how many thousands have been spent in
improper ways, and how much demoriliza-
ton has been brought into the legislation on
this subject, can only be imagined Yet we
do not now remember single application
that has been seriously pressed, that has not
after repeated efforts been successful but
we know of many that failed year after year,
and although finally triumphant, had lost by
the delay the moment when capital was
ready to invest money in the enterprise.
The fact that the Legislature meets now
only once in two years, makes a general
law more immediate necessity
Capital, under such a law, can 90 forward
with any projected railroad whenever it is
ready. New emergencies, or new conditions
may at any time call for immediate action,
yet extra sessions need not be summoned, as
they have been in the history OF the State,
to consider such questions.
We trust the House will promptly concur
with the Senate in the passage Of the bill
aud We shall regard its final enactment into
a law as marking an epoch in our legislation,
and as iudica ting that the day af special
legislative favors, privileges and monopolies
has passed, never, let us hope, to return.