The New York herald., 1872-11-16


embarrassment TO him or an impeachment In the
way Way OF m peimanent ana happy peace @ or IN tns
a Frenchman, loving France above any govern
ment or ioim OF government. would have said at
once that would ain In exile. But he put the
alternative to me In the most offensive manner.
could only assent TO 1t by admitting tnat
for purposes of conspiracy n. 7hiers did not
give me an opportunity OF freeing hin iom any
embarrassment. He made no appeal TO my patriot
ism or nay duty as Frenchman. lie asked no cx-
planatlon OF my motives In returning to France.
He knew that was a citizen as much as hlmseii-
frages Of my constituency, just as he was chosen
by the constituency that made hlm Deputy. 80
or giving me an opportunity for explanation. or
regret or acquiescenee, he sent q policeman TO
hustle me over the border. fell back upon m, my
name, or my rank or my family. II the incident
mas become political, and has attracted universal
comment, am not 20 blame. i i has given any
trouble to the government, 1t Is the fault OF M
Thiers. j could not submit to an ndignity from his
resist, as am now compelled to seek the courts
ana ask Ii am citizen OF France. The case on
my part is simply personal. The political value u
has achieved the work oil the head oil the french
government"
WAS THE pANIsHMrNr MILITARY Acr'
Your correspondent then called the attention OF
Prince Napoleon to the point made in many Paris
journas-that his banishment was military ana
not a civil act; that the house of M. Maurice
Richaud, where he was staying, was In the Depart
ment OF Selne-et-Oise, now under martial law, ana
that by martial law the commanding oiicer could
remove at VIII and without, explanation any one
who was not agreeable TO him. 'Ycs,' said the
Prince, "a have seen that point. But remember
civil authority. 1t would have been different
matter had the soldiers taken me away. ! don't
think there the Prince smiled and shook his head
meaninglyl that the President would have sent
soldiers ON that business No; IL was civil act,
omanasng rom cIvii % authority ana carried into into
tnc existence of martial law as reason or ms
his action, nor viii he or any OF his subordlnates
advance it. No; M. ThierS must make purely
civil defence and abide 10y the decision OF the civil
courts.
81 suppose, M0nSeigneur,N said your corre-
spondent, "that you mean to insist upon your case
being decided In the courts.' "Most certainly;
most certainly" replied the Prince with great
sWho will be the defendant in the case Can
you bring an action against q Minister, who Is at
the same time q member OF the Assembly and en-
titled to the immunites OF that position ~ The
Prince replied that If the Minister of the Interior
representative character, then he would prosecute
the policeman. He would take one after another
until he found a defendant. He could certainly
prosecute Project OF Police. There would be an
obstacle to the prosecution OF any sub0rdinates,
arising out OF an antiquated law of 1775, which
screened them from any legal responsibility.
This was foolish. useless law, and the Olivier
Ministry proposed to rescind It, But war came.
and WITH the war anndsa the Ss v,s4 OF
proposal SO by this old law a project
Of Police, or any other official, could be held re.
could not plead In bar the directions of his superb
ors. 80, in considering this case In Its civil
gives me remedy-the remedy have taken, and
which ! mean to press. Had II been military
transaction there would have been no RESPONSE
bty except on the part OF the officer who gave
the order. No: NJ Theirs imagines he sees phan-
toms of conspiracy in every shadow, and he alone
must be responsible for SO unjust and atrOciOus
violation Of the rights OF q French citizen."
POLITICS IN FRANCE.
The conversation then passed into wider range
with due reserve, as many things would naturally
be said In the freedom and abandon OF an ater-
nOons conversation that would not do for pubca-
tiou. Allusion was made TO the rumOrs now so
generally in circulation as to the alliance between
the followers Of Napoleon and Henry V. Your cor
there was any truth in the rumors OF
such an alliance. TO this he made no direct
answer, but the drift of his conversation whenever
any auslOn was made to the legitimists indicated
change In the minds of the BOnapartes SO far as
the BourbOns were concerned. We were speaking,
for instance, OF the Discrimination made against
the Bonapartes BY NJ. Tniers. a came to France a
| private citizen" said the Prince, sand am ban
ished. II there is no friendship for our house in
| France why care what any member OF 1t may do
| But the Orleans Princes are not troubled and
when the Count de Chambord returned to his
proper to give the Count hospitality. He returned
! to France q citizen OF France and was under the
protection of his country's laws You will see also
that he returned rs King and not only visited his
chateau as King, but issued proclamation signed
Henri He spoke as King to his subjects. Now,
the name OF the Emperor, my cousin There would
then be some ground for anger or severity. II NJ.
Theirs meant to administer the laws to all French
men alike, whether princes or simple citizenss he
would make no distinction between the houses OF
Bourbon, Orleans and Bonaparte."
THE REPUBLIC MOCK REPUBLIC.
This led the conversation to the present condi-
tion of politics in France The Prince spoke with
great freedom and animation, his conversation
having a conciseness and brliancy which your
correspondent despars of rendering in satisfactory
English. ''rhc Republic, ;" he said, 'is mock Re-
Oir1O 10 yisin Ia
beta and jules Fayre organized government on
the sidewalks: We have no government-no
crystalized and respected authority. M. Theirs
came from nothing, and he were to die tomorrow
he would leave nothing behind him but anarchy.
There Is order; but order comes from the conser-
vative honest, patient sense OF the people, who
how wild and unpatrlotic all agitation must be at
this time. Now in this interregnum-when France
is looking around for government-what is the
duty and the right Of every ctizen9 To look
around, see what Is best, discuss the good and
the bad OF ali questions, and especially the
future state OF parties and politics. 10 see
what is best. The world has its lessons Of expert
ence. The war may have taught us lessons, as no
| Theirs has right to think Tor France or to say
that there shall be no speech which does not meet
\ his approval. OF course, cannot say how France
would speak were there to be an absolute freedom
Of discussion and an expression of opinion
FRANCE BEFORE THE EMPIRE.
! pccted TO recall the EMPIRE
LAS to the Empire,n said the Prince, '.of course,
my position in life makes me partisan and not a
critic. win not say what think about that, for
public opinion in France IL too uncertain to Justify
any opinion as TO the future OF its politics. Y0,l
were saying some time ago that Ciuseret, Of the
commune By the way, was Cluseret really a
general in your armyfu
"Yesn / said: .'he was appointed brigadier
general in our army by President Lincoln, at the
urgent solicitation or Senator Sumner, and served
On the stan OF General Fremont
THE COMMUNE NOT IMPOSSIBLE.
"How odd" said the Prince. ~ knew he had
served in an army, but did not know you had
made him really general. But Cluseret as you
were saying, intends to return with the Commune
TO Paris III two years. Now that event is inst as
probable as any other. Just as probable" said the
Prince, slowly as II thinking. ~ would not be sur
prised II il turned out to he more probable than
many events even so impatiently expected. As TO
the Empire, we who believe In 1t and iu the man
ana the system upon which the Empire l. founded,
regard France above all forms OF government.
ii France wants the Empire under that house wHic!
6rs made II the most glorious nation in the world
and the most wealthy contented ana prosperous,
then let us nave The Empire. But II not then let II
he repuhlc or whatever rs wanted. We have no
affection for the Empire that does not belong
Eru, "a AagtAx fh. ,.,ra No E,a,