The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1872-02-20

whether 1t was possible Conceivable that It could
enter into the mind and view Of any country TO
make such claim. the right honorable gentle
man has very properly reverted to
THE SUBJECT or RESPONSIBILITY.
He says the Commissioners are not responsible,
that Parliament is not responsible and that govern
ment Is responsible i agree with the honorable
gentleman that government Is not competent 10 cast
on any portion OF iis responsibility and 10 throw
It either upon Parliament or upon the Commission
ers. i own It Is with regret, when consider how
much the government was indebted to these gentle
men for their Intelligence, patience and energetic
ia6ors, that have seen cast upon them the
blame no portion OF that blame belongs 10 the CONF
misstonsrs. The right honorable gentleman says
as Of 81 az m
and they did to the best OF their power SO watch H.
and the OF the sna Seas
formed ed their duties HONORABLE and with
bllrv Is ABSORBED in that OF the government and
whatever there is OF blame lies upon us and upon
ilrsi Of ALI whether there is ground Of blame in the
Treaty OF Washington apart from the construction
honorable gentleman says he saw much to object to
In the treaty and do not stand here Tor moment to
sse t cosues H. DIT as sce cos"s III Ma nyS
ana eUen extraordinary concessions haze been
mGds think we are Justified In making these con.
the claim arose, the length OF time That had
THE ENORMOUS INTERESTS INVOLVED IN THE SET.
TLEMENT OF THE CONTROVERSY,
but, above all, the feeling of the people OF England
towards the people of America made us conscious
that 1t was our duty TO deal literally IN this matter;
Tor though believe 1t Is the nature and disposition
Of this nation to be governed by justice in its ne.
gotiations with every country, yet II there De one
country in the aoorid to soIsioh In negotiation,
tbs country Is toAifn0 TO 0iue more and rom
United states or america II Is upon that principle
that am DESTROYS to justify
THE REMARKABLE CONCESSIONS
which are made In the Treaty OF Washington. I
snail state these concessions very briefly. In The
FIRST place. IN the opinion Of many high authorities,
II was very large concession to submit our
conduct 20 arbitration at all. SO far as my own
Judgment is concerned. ! admit that ! think
concession warrantable, as think, but unwsr.
to establish retrospective action by which our own
conduct was to be treated That was not done by
N was tSe suec M care me gUv
prolonged communication. II was
LARGE CONCESSION TO THE UNITED STATES
OF America, but by IL we are prepared to abide.
Another concession was this:-The government of
thus country thought that in consequence Of the
to make large 'A'i Claims for re'' inde%nI fc
lea. when America demanded arbitration in
the case OF the Alabama, who could have blamed US
II we had said, 1--WE grant It on condition Of your
ARBITRATION ON THE FENIAN CLAIMS r'
It is quite plain that by our forbsarng to hold that
sp0nsi6ility towards Canada, but 1t Is remarkable
concession made by that we excluded that serious
and grave complaint rom the side Of the British
nation. There Is another point which the right
honorable gentleman has not noticed but II is more
ferred. Remember the ~nauage OF the protocols
presented to Parliament last year. In the recital OF
are SAID TO ON have nrodnced cren
fully classified sketcn or outline Of the claims they
We're about to make. These claims were divided
by them into direct losses and indirect losses due
to the Alabama and consOrts.
AMONG THE INDIRECT LOSS S
yYap nPt
prolongation OF the war, and the addition to the
cost OF the war. which Is distinguished as a sepa.
ton. But what are the direct losses E we have
consented to meet in arbitrauonY According
to 1T the e, view which m would present Itself
Alabama and other ships would be the value OF the
ships ana cargoes destroyed by those cruisers and
that 1t is not so-that the American Commissioners
put ltforward tnat not only the ships and carg0es
destroyed by the Alabama and her sister ships were
to be considered as direct losses, but likewise
the whole charge incurred Dy the American gov
which were engaged in pursuing those ships lam l am
not sure whether have shocked the House by this
table, and 1t may create some astonshment In the
minds OF those who may not nave the protocols
fresh fires IN their recolIecton But !, WIN show to
civilized world, that we are not using merely
empty phraseology when we say that In this neOO-
considerations that tcere capable or UNDERGOING
such a prOceSs-thdt everything except national
risk or me sake or thai object zoe priced so dearly
namely, the horOugh re-eStdbtishnsent OF cordial
relations toith me United States or america and
the setting to the world OF an example that might
be OF untold benefit to future generations. ! fully
FAIR MATTER FOR CONSIDERATION
whether these concessions were too large, and
should not De surprised to hear any gentlemen say
that we went too lar But need not say that II we
have gone, and ma We made these remarkable ofrersW
II they are embodied in the treaty and we pre-
pared TO abide by tnem-at least there must be
n nrnp AtV,fr0
The right honorable gentleman has put 10 me Ger.
tain questions which will endeavor TO answer as
well as can, seeing that have not at present the
power OF minute precise reference to documents.
One is question OF the greatest Importance, be.
cause IL concerns ministerial responsibility as apart
from national interests yet Is secondary as COM
pared with
THE GREAT NATIONAL QUESTION NOW BEFORE Us.
The right honorable gentleman points to the debate
OF June, 1871, In the House or Lords, and which Is
reported In "Hansard." with which work, from the
that country are perfectly familiar) and says that
several Ministers of the Crown declared, in the
from America the exclusion OF these Claims
for indirect losses. The right honorable
by some TO Inc @ ara
eminent, and he asks me whether any protest has
been made on the part OF the United States against
those which we believe TO be perfectly explicit and
authoritative declarations. My answer Is, that no
such protest has been made TO my knowledge Ia any
shape or form. The right honorable gentleman
then asks what communications we have made to
the United states, and he presses me TO tell hum
what time we became acquainted with
THE AMERICAN CASE.
Now 1t must be borne in mind chat the whole
strength OF the Foreign ONCE was engaged in this
subject The British case occupies folio volume
OF 200 closely printed pages, every word and line OF
which required to be maturey weighed and con-
sdered. This we had TO get translated for the use
OF the arbitrators. When the American case ar.
rived we found IT to be an octave volume of between
five hundred and six hundred pages. IL had to be
printed for the use OF the Cabinet and considerable
time was occupied In producing volume OF that
magnitude. No doubt more than month has
Wv fycf
TO the Foreign ONCE but ] have 1t in my
possession only. fortnight and / believe
We have advised the queen in her speech to state
that ..in the case so submitted on behalf of the
United states large claims have been included
which are understood on my part not TO be within
the province OF arbitraton.". And that Is not only
our understanding, but believe It IL the under.
standing OF every rational mind VINO has thought
on the subject Will not enter into the
arguments upon that subject. But accord.
ing to the best critical processes we have been able