Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1872-02-10
THE CENrRALIZTNG POEICY- MAY
NARn,S OppORTTTNTvv-


the constitution, and already the eaifce
erected by the patriotic founders of the Re-
public totters toits fall. The rights reserved
by the States when they united, and which
they guarded with such JEALOUS care up to
the time of the war, have been usurped by
the Central Government, till scarcely
shadow Of State sovereignty remains. 4
Strong in the support Of powerful and
blindly bigoted party, Grant has pursued
his scheme of Capitalization almost I'M
checked. The movement has not been In
sidious. Scarcely an effort has been made
to conceal the object which the Radicallead-
ers seek to attain. Morton and other crea-
lures or creators Of the President, who
bask in the smiles of the embryo Emperor,
have openly advocated Capitalization. 1t
is to their selfish interest to see the policy
successful. Their power increases in exactly
the same ratio that the rights of the States
are abridged and the freedom of the press
is impaired. The President from being the
servant of the people becomes their master
the dispenser Of faEors to the elect, and
of Presidential frowns to them that oppose
his sovereign will. With the growth of
power the appetite for it increases, 1t is
like money, which is but one form of it;
the possession of it not only begets desire
for more, but also affords the means to &C
quire it. Thus it is that the Capitalization
scheme advances with eyer-increasing
rapidly. It's first approach was gentle; its
first success trivial. But each month it has
gained some new vantage ground, and as
serted itself more boldly and vigorously,
till now there is hardly right which State
can call its own.
The latest, and perhaps the most danger
Gus assumption of power by the central
government, is that granted in the educa-
tional bill which was adopted in the House
on the 9Th. When the measure was intro
duced in Congress by Mr.. Hoar, of Massa-
chusetts, we pointed out the dangerous con-
cessions which it proposed to make to the
Federal Government. 1t places in its
hands the control of an immense sum Of
the public money, in such way that it can
be used to further the interests of the
dominant party. For the expenditure of
this large amount, it cannot in any way be
held responsible, and it will undoubtedly be
used to reward those States which have
given a steady adherence to Ulysses.
Mr.. Hoar's bill payes the
way for even greater abuses. 1t adds to
the already enormous patronage of the Ex-
ecutive. 1t places under his control an
other brigade in the army Of ofice-holders
who swarm throughout the country, and,
like the daughter Of the horse-leech, inces-
sanity cry, "GiVe, give"
We have not yet been favored with
copy of the new bill, and the synopsis sent
bytelegraph, and published by US yester-
day, is more conspicuous for the informa-
ton it withholds than for what it furnishes.
According to Mr.. McHenry, who opposed
the measure in the House, it ''gives the
proceeds of the sale of the lands to the
States for school purposes, but reserves to
the General Government a superintendent,
through its officials, over the expenditure of
the money. The duties of those officials and
the general management and control of the
fund viii from time to time be prescribed
by Congress, and a school system utterly
variant from the State system may be
adopted mixed schools may be established,
different books used, a different standard
for teachers, and different course of study
for the scholars; municipal regulations for
the government Of the schools, and for the
protection of them, will have to be pre-
scribed, and penalties imposed and en-
forced"
But this is not the worst Of it. The bill
confers on the Commissioner of Education
the power to "decide what States and ter
ritories are entitled to receive apportion-
ment, and what amount" a most
dangerous power to delegate to any
man under ordinary circumstances,
aud tenfold more dangerous to every
Southern State when the man who makes
the appointment is most relentless and
vindictive foe of the Southern people. With
such law i'll force, what are we to expect?
Some Massachusetts bigot, whose services
in doing some nasty job for the administra-
ton demand recognition, will, perhaps, re-
ceive the appointment of Commissioner of
Education. He win proceed to apportion
the education fund among the States and
Territories. Under the provisions of the
bill, this fund is to be applied 'Esolely to the
payment of teachers wages" The cost of
constructing school buildings, pur-
chasing apparatus, etc, falls on the
States and Territories. In the Northern
States where comparatively honest and COM
petent men have had the management Of
local affairs, the people would not feel such
an expenditure burden, and the grants
from the Federal government will prove
most welcome additions to their revenue.
In the South, however, it is different. The
UlSdSJIOuS Gu6ClS VI Iu0 WAT, anu JQ6 sui
more ruinous results of the subsequent
misgovernment and robberies Of the Radi-
cal carpet-baggers have well-nigh beggared
the Southern people. Some of the States
are unable even to pay the interest on their
debts. Any obligation to expend money in
establishing a general free school system
would involve them in hopeless bankruptcy.
They cannot do it. The sponge has
been squeezed dry, and not another drop
will trickle forth. Happy would it be for
them if the Federal government would
withhold their grant with its attendant oner-
Gus obligations. Under the provisions Of
the bill each State is required before the LIST
day of January, 1878, or within two months
after the first meeting Of its Legislature
thereafter, 10 engage that it will provide by
law for the free education of all its children
between the ages of six and sixteen years,
and unless this engagement is made, and in