New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1872-09-12

habitants of a State, or ip any way abridged,
except Tor participation IN rebellion or other |
crimes, the basis of representation shall be |
reduced, &c.
The XVIII amendment provides that the |
right of citizens ofthe United States to vote,
shall not be denied or abridged by the United |
States or any State, on account OF race, |
color, or previous condition of servitude.
Why cannot every Southern State again |
put upon its statute book, the same act be- |
fore spoken of, turning every person of color
who commits crime, however small, back in
to slavery, under the exception of the XIIIth
amendment, or at least, denying them the
right to vote under the exception of the NIVth
Observation-Disclosures of which acts would
come within the prohibition of the XVIII
amendment. Some will in answer, say that
by the first section of Art. XIV, no State can
deny to any person within its jurisdiction
the equal protection of its laws, consequently
cannot make law discriminating between
colored and white citizens-granted; but
they can apply such laws to all what force
has law, how oppressive is it, unless it be
executed?
If the executors of the law are men who
feel as the Hon. Judge Black feels, can they
not destroy the political rights of the hated
negroes, without injuring but little, the class
OF white men who are most likely to come
under It's provisions, and who the good old
slave arstocrats of the South, have always
considered but little superior to the negro,
cannot they fail to execute it when white
skin violates its provisions, without straining
their cOnsciences
Many think that the Constitution of the
United States carries its restrictive powers
over the State government.
The Court of Errors of New York, has de-
cided, in the case of Barker Us. The People,
3 Cowen, Csc, that ''the provision in the
Constitution of the United States, that cruel
and unusual punishments, shall not be in
tiicted, is a restriction upon the Government
of the United States only, and not u pom the
government of any State" 1.-The Constitu-
ton of the Uuited States does not regulate
the punishment of crimes against the State"
3 Cow, 702.
Such being the law, does any man who
understands the spirit of Democracy, and
kept advised of its acts, doubt that when
once in power, having not only the Presi-
dent and both branches of Congress, but the
Supreme Court also, they will devise the
way to fasten the shackles once more upon
the despised negro? Under laws similar to
those which existed in almost all the States
before the rebellion and those enacted by
Johnson's reconstructed State governments,
by which free colored men were sold into
vagrancy, they would find the amendments
to the Constitution very trifling obstacle.
Laws of the same character would undoubt-
edly be enacted in every rebel State as fast,
as they passed under the control of the
Tammany Greeley Democracy.
The principles and opposition of the DEM
Ocratic party to the Constitutional Amend
ments XIII, XIV, and XIV as expressed by
their leaders, are based upon the Constitu-
ton itself. Art. S. Congress, whenever
two-thirds of both Houses shall deem neces-
sary, shall propose amendments, &C."
They claim that Congress as it existed
without representation from those States
whose governments were rotten with treason
and rebellion, was no Congress at all" a
rump COngress"-sO said Andrew johnson,
while swinging around the circle, in 1866.
| An unconstitutional body-consequently as
such a body, it had no power to propose
amendments, nor had the loyal States, with
out help or opposition from the rebel disloyal
States, who had not yet become loyal enough
| to be represented in Congress, the power to
ratify such amendments.
Judge Black says, they are not onl I'M /,
buI
How are we going to do it 2" Have we
ever had President who has not at some
time during his administration, had the privi-
| lege of filling one or more vacancies in the
Supreme Court of the United States?
| To-day, looking at the political status of
| the Supreme Court, we find the Republican
party have majority of one-so if Mr.. Gree
| ley is elected, and should have the very usual
opportunity to fill at least two vacancies
our Supreme Court will be prepared to adu-
dlcate upon questions arising under the XIII
XIV, and XIV amendments, in such way
as to satisfy the hearts desire of every eX-
rebel in the country, and such men as Black,
Voorhees,, and other noted leaders of the
Greeley party.
| Then let Congress pass an act, authorizing
the Secretary of the United States Treasury
| to endorse the Confederate war bonds. 1t
would go to the Supreme Court, and be de-
clared constitutional, because, upon Demo-
cratic principles, the prohibition in the Con-
sttution referring to it, is itself unconstitu-
| tional.
So on, if we can pay the rebel war debt, we
can pay the rebels for their slaves, pension
their soldiers and now the amendments are
overheard, we've got can for the negroes,
if those we found before are not satisfactory.
| AS we have stated, the idea has been pub
licly proclaimed by Southern papers, and has
taken fast hold of the Southern mind that if
Greeley is elected, they will not only get pay
for all their losses, but be relieved from the
cause of all their troubles which they attrib-
ute to negro suffrage. In a recent article
upon Southern grievances and their remedy,
the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, the leading
Greeley organ of the South, gives expression
to Southern sentiment in an article headed,
'Greeley to secure for the South the re-
moval of negro suffrage" In this article the
Enquirer characterizes negro suffrage as ''the
sum of all the woes and misfortunes Of the
South-the incurable cancer which is eating
out its young life, and for which there is no
remedy, which cannot even be cut out" 1t
then proceeds in this bold strain:
GLOW are we to get rid of this noxious
plant-whoi is to lay the AK to the root? Our
answer is, Mr.. Greeley. He understands the
disease thoroughly, and we must look to him
| and to Mr.. Sumner to cure us. They ought