The Andrew County Republican. [volume] (Savannah, Mo.) 1871-1876, 1872-10-18

prosecution of the war. Is he irrespol
sible for hiring somebody to write wha
he was ashamed to write himself?
will do him no injustice. have n
doubt he will employ somebody else I
write articles in his paper advocatin
the use of "coercive measures" lie i
in principle, a secession:st 10 day, as. h
was when he wrote that article of NJ
vember 9. 1860. Iobserve he ia stumy
ing the country in his own behai
When he makes his next stump speech
let any one ask him, in the face of tn
world, If he still holds the doctrine @
secession as stated by him on the 359tl
fpage of his History of the American
Conflict" and he may try to evsde tn
question but if he is compelled to Civ,
a'direct, manly and true answer, eyes
or"No," he will answer "Yes." Hi
secession faith is the basis of his Who'll,
political character. On that basis h,
urged the taxation of the country 4
pay the shareholders for their slaves
when he knew they would not sci
them. That plan was q part of his sys
TEN calculsted to encourage secession
by convincing the South that the Nortl
was trembling with terror, and woulG
do anything but fight for national exist
ence.
Whenever any considerable section
of our Union shall deliberately resolve
to 60 out, we shall resist all coercive
measures to keep it in" says Mr.. Gree.
ley. Whenever" includes the four
years Of the next Presidential term.
Suppose that during that term "a con.
siderable portion of our Union shall de-
liberately resolve to 90 out" Mr.. Gree
ley stands pledged "to resist all coer.
Give messures designed to keep it in. u
How much the election of such a man
to the Presidency would stimulate Sc
cession, we shall never know. be- ause
the honest masses of the people will
never allow such a man to be elected.
They will never put the Government
into his hands to enable him to redeem
that secession pledge.
This doctrine of secession is the only
article of political faith to which he has
shown any disposition to adhere. He
was supposed to be an unAinching high
tariff man but, to get free trade votes,
he pledges himself to smother and sup.
press his opinions on the tariff question,
apd to give no advice and use no infu.
ence on that question, which he has
pressed as of the most vital importance
to the country. He has gwen no
pledge to smother and suppress his
opinions on the secession question.
What such a pledge would be worth,
while his pledge ito RESIST all coercive
remains unredeemed, you
can judge as we'll as /.
IF such man should be elected
President, what should he do when his
secession views had encouraged the
South to secede againf He would, of
course, again offer to hire them to re-
main by paying for their slaves. Know
ing, by sctual experience, the cowardIce
of the man, they would naturally de-
mand our taxation to pay the rebel debt
and pensions to rebel soldiers, az the
price of their consenting to stay in the
Union. And if he was right in his doc
trine that we were all wrong in using
"coercive measures" we ought TO be
taxed to pay all the consequences OF
those measures, for the slaves, and the
rebel debt, and rebel pensions.
What would be the effect of Mr..
election? Manifestly the
South would at once be instigated by
his sentiments to agitate the question OF
tor their slaves, their
debt, and their pensions, and with the
fiery elements this famed into q fame,
the agitation would naturally end in
our being obliged to recall Grsnt and
the army to put down another insur-
rection. The people of the North, and
those of The South. like Lopgstreet and
Mosby, who have had fighting enough,
don't want to 60 over that ground again.
Neither do they want dissension and
disturbance. have been an agitator,
but never without necessity. Now the
necessity for agitation has ceased, and
we want peace. If it does not involve
rebellion, the agitation of the Southern
claims means a controversy over an
other constitutional amendment for
striking out such part of the Fourteen'h
Amendment as may stand in the way
of those claims. 1t means nothing less
than the renewal of excitement, irrita-
ton and strife; the revival of the mur
derous Ku-Klux the cruel persecution
of the freedmen and Union mon at the
Souti; the disorganization OF Southern
labor, and a general arrangement Of
business. The cause of humanity unites
with all the material interests of the
country in protest against the election
of man whose triumph would neccs.
sarily open so dangerous an agitation.
Obviously no such man could be nomi-
mated for President by the Republican
party. When be was satisfied of that,
then, and not till then, he left us.
That is one serious aspect OF Mr..
Greeley's case and it, IN addition to
his perverse opinions upon this moment
Gus question of American nationality,
you take into the account his excessive
vanity, weakness and vacillation, his
habby and yielding moral nature, his
eccentric temper and inordinate hank.
eripg for Office. you have, think, a full
explanation of his present lamentabie
course.
Mr.. Summers case is measurabiy plain
to those who, like myself, have had
better means of knowing the man than
is afforded by public speeches.
Mr.. Sumner was not, as mas been
claimed for him, among the earliest Of
our anti-slavery champions. Mr.. Gar
risop, Mr.. Phillips, Mr.. Gsrritt Smith,
Mr.. Giddings and others antedate BIZ;
Summer by many years in their espousal
of the cause of the slave. But l bear
cordial witness that, after he entered
upon the work, he was among the most
earnest, faithful and persistent Of the