The New York herald., 1872-10-18

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must necessarily fall to pieces The admins
tration accomplishes the destruction of the
time-honored democracy at the same moment
that it strikes the dissatisfied republicans
to the earth The defeat of Greeley annihiates
the organization that endorsed and adopted
him and that might have rebuilt itself under
his Presidential term and succeeded him at its
close in its own original character. On the
reelection of General Grant there will be
nothing left but to form new party on the
combined opposition elements in Congress.
and these should be made as imposing as pos
sible for that purpose. There will be grand
opportunity at their command before Congress
meets after the November election to as
semble in caucus and determine upon a
digniGed patriotic line of conduct, looking
to no factious opposition to the President or
his Congressional majority, but to a firm advo-
cacy of oil those measures of reform virtually
endorsed by the people in the present cam
paign. They should resolve to press with all
their united power an effective civil service
reform to insist upon q bold, dignifed,
American policy in our foreign relations 7; to
demand full justice for the white people of the
South, a complete reconciliation between
| the sections and equal constitutional rights
for all citizens and all States of the Union.
Should the administration continue to resist
such just and patriotic measures the people
will stand at the back Of the opposition and
will strengthen them year after year until the
next Presidential election comes round AT the
same time President Grant will enjoy an oppor-
tunity such as no other Chief Magistrate has ever
known to make himself in truth the Presi-
dent of the whole nation and the idol Of the
whole people. His own political party is for
ever destroyed as a distinct organization
Losing its most brilliant lights and trusting to
outside combinations, alliances and bargains
! for its present success, it will never exhibit
power again as republican party. In his
next term of Office he can cut loose
| from his evil advisers and stand forth
| as the champion of Southern freedom,
of civil service reform, of American
the government. There is ample field for him
to build up reputation in the next four years
second only to that Of Washington, and to
retire at the end Of his next term Of Office
with as much love and veneration on the part
Of his countrymen as followed our first hero
into private life. Let him do this, and the
fame he wins in peace will eclipse the glory
he has already gained in war;
The Relations Between England and
Iroland-Mr. Froude's Mission.
The large audience which greeted Mr.
James Anthony Froude the historian, ON the
occasion of his first lecture on the relations
between England and Ireland, and the equally
large assemblages which are likely to hear him
to the end, are evidences Of the calmness and
good will with which he is welcomed by the
American people. His eminence in literature
was sure to gain him a patient hearing; but
whether his mission will have any practical
result is question entirely apart from the
personal kindness which is everywhere shown
him. MIR. Froude, as is natural in stranger
to the American nation, and especially in an
English stranger, makes the mistake at the
outset of assuming that America and England
are kindred. Our people are more Irish than
English, and as much German as either The
Puritan blood has evaporated, and the ma
jority of our family names would sound
strangely in English ears. To people thus
constituted, and in the third and fourth
generations singularly free from every feeling
Of kinship to which Mr.. Froude appeals this
eminent student and scholar has come to make
American opinion favorable to English rule in
Ireland. Courteously as he has been received,
and patiently as he will be heard, he is not
likely to make any real progress in his mission;
for he will learn before his task is ended that
his hearers make up their judgment in this
matter by the American and not the English
standard of public policy.
We are not disposed to look upon the letter
of Rufus King in the light which Mr.. Froude
evidently regards it. It was singular letter
for an American ambassador to write, as Mr..
Froude fully admits, but it contained senti-
ments so characteristic Of any other than re-
publican country that we can only place it
where it belongs and pronounce it reflex of
English opinion from an American mouth
piece. Mr.. Kings fears were never shared by
any considerable number Of his countfymen.
If they had been Thomas Adds Emmett and
Dr. William James McNevin would not have
attained the eminence in America which was
accorded them in their respective professions.
The one rose to be Attorney General Of the
State Of New York, and the other was long re-
garded as among the leading physicians Of
this country. In this connection it must not
be forgotten that Mr.. Charles O'Conor and
many of the best and most devoted citizens of
the United States are descended from the con-
spirators of '98, against whose presence in
America Mr.. King protested. At this day we
cannot but feel ashamed Of the letter which
the English historian has brought to light from
among the state papers OF Ireland, but we
cannot draw from the mistake of the American