New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1872-06-06
Letter from Mississippi.


fess l never had much taste for; nor woult
l seemingly be cultivating an appetite for il
now did not deem it my duty to correct The
error into which you seem to have fallen.
In your issue Of the 10th instant. find the
following:
s.Senator AIcorn.
This gentleman has some qualities thai
we admire. He is no coward, and that is
something. What he thinks he speaks RIGHT
out without much concerning himself as to
who is pleased or who is offended. When
running for Governor of the State of Missis-
slppi he fairly strangled the preicnsions OF
the mreconstrtlcted Secessonisfs i'm the re-
morselcss grasp of his logic. In that case
he had decided advantage. He knew that
he was citizen of n great nation as well as
a citizen of a noble State that secession WAS
a dead failure, and that citizenship of a State
cannot warrant any abridgment of the rights
or duties Of the citizen of the United States.
and in fact the State can have no rights as
against the United States. That was great
knowledge for a Southern man at the time he
learned it; and with that knowledge he ac-
cepted the situation. In addition to this
knowledge and this wisdom he flung himself
boldly between the colorcd people and the
reactionary forces arrayed in his State against
them as well as those against the Federal
Government. Being one of the old master,
class, he well knew how to ingratiate himself
with the former slaves of Mississippi. He
did not approach them like Miss 'Feelv.'
of Uncle Toms Cabin, holding them at a dis
lance. He was not afraid of contact with
negroes, for many of his class had nursed at
the breast Of colOred mothers. He called The
negroes about him and took council with
them. He was rich, and could well afford to
give them meat and drink under his own roof
and make them political associates. BY his
professions of friendship and apparent indie
pendence he won the heart of the colored
people, and by their support (for they are the
majority he reached the Gubernatorial chair
and finally the high place he now fills in the
Senate of the United States. No man who
holds seat in the Senate owes less to the
late rebels, no man more to the colored peo-
pie than this same Senator Alcorn They
have made him.
All of which l can safely assert is true.
If your article had ended here l could will
lingly commend it (; but it goes on to say that
1t is therefore with deep regret that we
see him now turning his back upon the men
who made him and joining with their enemies
to keep them degraded caste.''
Now, Mr.. Editor, can say, without fear
of successful contradiction, that the last SEN
tence finds no justification neither in truth
nor in fact. Having Travelled over more than
two-thirls of this State in 1860 with Governor
Alcorn as a cO-wOrker in the cause of Repub-
licanism and freedom; having enjoyed his
confidence to as great an extent, perhaps, as
ALMOST any man in Mississippi, conversing
with him often and freely upon the questions
that you, Mr.. Editor, as well as myself and
all other friends of liberty and progress are
most deeply interested in, to wit, "the
elevation and advancement of our race"
can cOnscientiously assure you that Senator
Alcon is as hne friend to the interests of
the cOlored man as any member of the Re-
publican party, be he from the North, South,
East, or West. He has proced it in this State,
and posterity will affirm it, and predict that
he will also prove 1t in the Senate of the
United States.
The Republican party of Mississippi is
peculiarly situated upon the question of am
nesty. You doubtless remember that the
Republican party rode into power on plat
form teening full of pledges to the people
that sit would use all its influence with Con-
gress for the immediate removal Of all polti-
cal disabilities" imposed by the fourteenth
amendment for participation in the rebel
lion.
Indeed, Mr.. Editor, IF 1t ,cas possible the
Republican party of Mississippi were more
jealous in their advocacy of amnesty than
the Liberal Conservative National Union
Republican Dent party were, and the first act
of the Legislature, after ratifyng the amend
mcnts and electing L. S. Senators, was to
pass resolution without dissenting vote)
memOrializing Congress to give us ''uncondi-
tional and unrestricted amnesty" they at the
same time made it obligatory upon Senator
Revels TO present to the u. S. Senate that
memorial, and i'm addition TO the above, the
same Legislature passed resolutions upon two
occasions instructing our Representatives in
Congress to use their influence to secure the
passage of an act giving general amnesty.
More than this, Mr.. Editor, every Republic
can State Convention held since reconstruc-
ton have reafmed the pledges contained in
our platform of 1869. This showing, l think,
justifies Senator Alcom's vote i'm the United
States Senate, for l hold that the pledges of
a political party should be held rs sacred as
those of an individual.
Some one has said that Consistency is a
jewel" If this be true, don't you think,
Mr.. Editor, your "deep regret" as to Sena-
tor Alcorn's course in voting against attach
ing the civil rights amendment to the am
nesty bill would be equally applicable to
President Grants position upon the same
question? For you certainly have not for
gotten that President Grant told delegation
of colOred men, who waited upon him mo
later than last winter) to request him to use
his influence to secure the passage of Mr..
Summers amendment, "that he thought there
had been legislation enough upon that ques-
ton, but il more was really needed he felt
quite certain that Mr.. Summers bill could
pass upon its own merits, and that he did moi
think the civil rights amendment and amnesty
bill should be attached TO each other, rs the
former only required a majority vote and the
Executive signature, whilst the latter re-
quired two-thirds vote. Therefore the one
oudau0nre1 fl,a paeeoua Of tLa othou -