Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1872-11-01
ESTABLISHED 1e4o.T

(. which Is offered to me untll ascefta
II the hand be clean which holds it: Z
the contrary, I will throw the water q
the blaze and beg him to get another
soon as possible, aud when he has dor
Q Il I win not only thank him for e, b
shake that hand, whether Ii be clean {
dirty. He came with kind and hone,
purpose, and I win give him q eordii
greeting In return. II, as ] said befor,
Mr.. GREELEY AND HIS FRIENDS
viii render me efficient assistance {
secure Just and equal treatment to III
south, to give It real peace and securit
and to prevent further encrOachment
on the constitution Of the country an
public liberty, / win hold it As case fo
grateful Remembrance. FeIlow-citizens
| trust that in a few DAYS from now Vii
gtnia will be found In her right place il
the great political battlefield Of which
have been speaking, striking for tn
good and the true, for the caBse Of thl
South and the constitution. And VIII
should she not be found battling wherl
she ever has battled-in the cause o
popular rights and the constitution? An
20 be told that the cause is hopeless
that we must make terms with the con,
i queror2 Why is the cause hopeless?
stay 50 much at home that / know very
little Of what is going on, but believe
what q distinguished member OF Con-
gress from New York said 70 me in q
letter the other day: IF there be spirit
and organization in the party
THERE Is NO REASON TO DEsPOND."
Whether that spirit and organization
/ exist i know not. Let US do our duty,
! come what may. We have no terms 10
1 make with the cOnquerOr but those
4 of truth and Justice. Let him give
Us that lead and we viii follow him
! But suppose it We're true that the cause
/ be hopeless, is that any reason. why Vir-
ginia should not discharge her duty?
With such tremendous issues as these
before her, can she be cold or fnsensi-
bic % their importance? Suppose when
we go up TO this battlefield next month,
one Of the most important, civil or mil
itary, that ever was fought, the cause
should be lost, what would Virginia feel
thereafter If she knew that she had
failed to discharge her duty at such
crisis because others had not supported
her who ought 70 have done so? What
would her sons say if they were forced to
acknowledge hereafter that she had
quailed and cried "craven," 4" because she
was not supported on either flank and
in the rear as she ought to have been,
and as she desired.
"sEE THOSE vIRGINIANs,U
said General Bee, as he pointed across
the field Of Manassas to JacksOn's brig
ade; "see how they stand like stone
wall, fixed and immovable in the face OF
q M eft eHaaH
And viii they not stand like the glori-
ous brigade on the first Tuesday in next
month, fixed and immOvable against all
the assaults which may be made upon
her? The field and the weapons are
different, yet the same qualities which
were conspicuous then are necessary
nOw-courage, self reliance, manhood
patriotism. These are the qualities
which make people great. We must
display them now. Fellow-citizens.
Virginia has been wasted and worn by
the war, wasted and worn beyond what
Is known by the outside world. But
she knew what she staked, and she has
made no complaint or murmur because
she lost her cause with the world against
her. She did not beg when she was
trampled upon; she did not whine when
she suffered, but she bore it all in the
same great spirit Of which her sons are
so justly proud. awe have lost all save
honor" was the great saying Of the
King after the battle Of Pavia-a say
ing Of which the French are so Justly
proud. The consciousness Of having
saved their honor healed the pain Of the
sense Of defeat. FeiloW-citizeus, this i
the feeling which has reconciled the sons |
OF Virginia to all their sufferings The
State has saved her honor, Oh! let her
not lose Il now. 1t is a proud thing to
believe that your citizenship reflects
credit upon you.
ST. PAUL, THE GREAT APOSTLE
Of the Gentiles, speaking Of his Roman
said, with perhaps a feeling
Of eXcusable pride, to the captain, who
was trembling to find whom he was
about to scOurge, but II am free born. "
| was born in Virginia, and am proud
Of il. That source of pride hope will
never be taken from me. I have but
little else left me now. But, fellow
| have been treating the sub
Iect so far, as If there was nothing left
Us after defeat. I admit that defeat
would be a cruel blow TO the South, and
threaten with extreme danger popular
rights and the constitution Of the coun- |
try. But the injury, although great, in |
my opinion Is not fatal. II we should 1
be beaten in the Presidential question,
We may still rally party to the defense |
Of the constitution and American lib |
erty. 1t Is true that the party which 4
wields the power Of this government |
can do an immense deal Of good or mis- |
chief. 1t is also true that the Radical I
party has shown, so far, very mischiev- 1
0us purposes. And in my opinion the
people will make great mis-
axe il they continue them in power.
But if they do,
THE CASE Is NOT HOPELESS.
The supreme power in this country is
that of public opinion. We must pre-
serve the means Of appealing 70 that
display az large a minority as possible
In the Presidential election: elect as
large a number Of Representatives I'm
Congress as we can; infuse ali the ability
IN the public press Of the country which 1
It Is In our power 10 command. We /
must spare no fair means to influence
.ne public mind, and We will have
many opportunities to do this. So far
from there being any reason for despon-
iency now, the-e never has been a time
since the war when there was 50 much /
hope Of organizing a party whichT
would do justice to the South and save
he country. The ablest portion of the
Radical party has left them, because,
amongst other reasons, Of the manner
In which they have treated the South.
The North will hear them when il would /
be deaf 10 cur voice. In the appeal 10
public opinion, the arguments are all on
Dur side. The great Democratic issue Of /
al, the right Of the many 70 rule this
government, will soon be fairly made
Ip. Let the American people realize
his and they will be with US. The
Northwest is more nearly identified /
with
THE SOUTH
han with any other section in its in
.erests. New England and Pennsylva-
Bia oppress it through the tariff, and 4
blind il to the fact by incensing il I
against the South, and thus diyerting 1
It's attention from its own wrongs. The /
South demands the productions Of the
Northwest to an extent probably more |
than five times as great as the market /
afforded by New England. Leave the /
south free 10 develop its own resources, !
and while its markets are far more val
liable than those OF any other portion of /
the country 70 the Northwest, its ex- 4
ports viii furnish a sure basis for the cur I
rency and credit system Of the whole \
people. But upon the great issue Of pop |
llar government the cause Of the people /
Is in the greatest possible danger unless i
there shall be a cordial union between
THE NORTHWEST AND SOUTH.
But this is not all. Upon the present /
scheme Of finance, the great agricultural |
interests and the poor win pay nearly I
the whole public debt, while the rich, /
who receive the most Of the debt held 4
at home, viii pay very little of t. Who |
pays the tax on whisky and tobacco? 1
Do tie rich pay this tax In proportion 20 4
heir capital? On the contrary, it is /
mainly paid by the consumer the poo I
and those Of moderate means The same 4
nay be said Of the present enormous I
.ariif This is mainly paid on the ne \
'essaries Of life-that is to say by the I
DoOr and those Of moderate means. /
is but one tax on which the rich
nan pays his share, and that is the in- /
,ome tax. He Is bending every nerve I
% get this repealed, and the Radical 1
party viii aid him TO do it. Let him /
'urnish thsm with
THE MONEY TO BUY VOTERS,
and they viii relieve him from this por-
ion Of the burden Of paying the public /
fakf n hfnaeaif and saddle the whole 4