Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1872-04-30

jected earnestly to the carelessness with
which the President and military
authorities dealt with the State laws
and civil precedents in the occupation
Of Chicago after the fire. Trumbuil's
bold stand against the administration
clique in the Senate, and his high
character and excellent record as a
statesman, give him much considerations
Mr.. Greeleyis the best known Of Ameri-
can citizens, and whatever may be
recklessly said Of him, he Is known
throughout the land as an honest man
and a fair one. If it were not for his
special fury about the tariff, and the fact
that he has moved in a somewhat eecen-
tric orbit, so as 10 acquire "A
reputation as man Of devotion
to hobbies in matters of doctrine, and
Of something Of weakness in the
Executive Department, he would, by
force of genius, reputation and fitness,
be the inevitable candidate. We take it
for granted that the Davis movement
will presently be abandoned. 1t cannot
succeed. The nomination of Davis for
the Presidency would be an absolute
fOolishness, and the convention would
be discreditable affair-a second fiddle
to the Columbus Instrumentation. The
Davis delegates are likely, when they
abandon him, TO go for TrumbulI or
Brown. Trumbull is at disadvantage
because he is in the Senate. A Senate
rial seat is pleasant place for an Amer
lean statesman, but it is not a good
position for a Presidential candidate,
unless it is thought that he should be
continually under fire. Then TrumbuIl
is the author Of a good deal of the legis-
latiOn of which the Democracy most
complain, and there might be DISPOSE
ton among them to support the fight
ing man Grant rather than the lawyer
IrumbulL Upon the whole, much as we
respect Trumbull, we cannot regard him
as the strongest of the candidates. Gree |
ley, Brown and Palmer do not seem to !
US TO offer to the popular apprehension |
the assurance of safety that is essential
to success. The country has been torn |
up and has suffered the horrors of war.
We must be sure, if we make a great
movement, that we are not travelling in |
the direction of civil disturbances.
Those who are against Grant must give
satisfactory evidence that they have the !
power and the will to preserve the peace
no less certainly than it is now done. |
Grant is understood to be a safe sort of
man. Equal safety in the public esti-
nation must beprovided. This brings US /
to our favorite proposition that Charles
Francis Adams is the man for the oeca-
sion. He has the advantage that made 1
James Buchanan President-thatofbe being |
out of the country during a time of /
trouble. He has an advantage that Bu-
chanan had n0t-that of having served /
his country when abroad with eminent /
usefulness. A cOnsUmmate statesman,
a man Of the highest character, of the
largest experience, of the purest life, of
undoubted patriotism, and unequivoeaI
position, yet no Office-seelleF, no parti-
san, man whose name is a platform,
whose fame is a guarantee of the solid /.
judgment hat conserves the public
safety, il seems to US perfectly clear that
the highest evidence the Cincinnati
Convention can give of its honesty of
purpose and intelligence of aim would
be the nomination of Adams for the