New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1872-06-04
TERRIFIC ASSAULT ON GRANT
The Administration Arraigned

WASHINGTON, May 31-In the Senate to,
day Mr.. Sumner delivered his long prolnlsea
speech, devoted to a scalhlng revue" VI
Grants administrator.
The Senator opened his speech with the
announcement that he was member OF
the Republican party, and one OF the
straightest of the sect; had never failed to
snsts3n its candidates and advance ITS prin-
ciDles. Not without regret could he see It
sufFer. nor without pang could he see 1t
cbaneed from its original character, for
sucb Change is death. Therefore he asked,
with no common feeling, that the peril
which menaees it may pass away. He STOOD
by its cradle, and was not willing to follow
its hearse.
Mr.. Sumner then proceeded to detail the
rise and progress of the party, and his con
nectiOn with it, as a party necessary and
permanent, and always on the ascending
plane. But, alas how changed. Once
principle was inscribed on its victorious
banners, and not a name only. 1t is not
difficult to indicate when the disastrous
change, exaltiDg the will of one man above
all else became manifest. Already it had
begun to show itself in personal preten-
sions. When the President elected by the
Republican party precipitated upon the
country an ill-cOnsldered and ill-Omened
scheme for the annexation Of q portion of
San Domingo in pursuance of O treaty me-
gOtiated by one of his own household, it
was pressed for months by every means
and appliance of power. Reluctant Sena-
tors were subdued for its support. While
treading under foot the constitution one of
its most distinctive republican principles,
the President seized the war powers Of the
nation, instituted foreign Intervention, and
capped the climax of usurpatiOn by mem
ace of violence to the black republic of
Hayti, thus adding a manifest outrage of
international Law to manifest outrage of the
constitution. III.
Mr.. Sumner would gladly leave this mat
ter TO the Judgment already recorded were
it not put in issue again by the extraOrdin-
airy efforts radiating on every line of Office
TO place its author for the second term in
the Presidential chair; and since silence
gives consent all these efforts are his efforts,
They become more noteworthy when it is
considered that the name of the candidate
thus pressed has become the sign Of dis
cord, dividing instead Of uniting the Re
publican party; so that these extraordinary
efforts tend directly to the disruption of
the party, all Of which he witnesses, and
again by its silence ratifes. "Let the par
ty split" says the President; Il will not
renOunce the chance of a second term"
The extent of this personal pressure and
subOrdinatiOn Of party to the will of the
individual compel us to consider his
pretensiOns. These, too, are an issue: son
what meat doth this, our Caesar, feed that
he should assume so much 2" No homer or
victory 10 the world can justify disObedi-
ence to the constitution and to the law,
nor can it afford the least apology for any
personal immunity, privilege or licence in
the Presidential Office.
The President must turn into the king
before it can be said Of him that 'he can do
no wrong He is responsible always as
President. He is the foremost Servant OF
the law, bound to obey its slightest man
date. As the elect of the people, not only
example and willing obedience, but he
owes also of fidelity and industry in the
discharge of his conspicuous office, with an
abrogatiOn of self, seeking nothing for SELF
but everything for the country. And now,
as we regard the career of this candidate
we ind 10 cur amazement how little it
accOrds with this simple requirement
Bring it to the tOuchstOne and it falls. Not
only are constitution and law disregarded,
but the Presidential Office is treated as
little more than a plaything and per-
quisite-when not the former the latter.
The details are ample, showing how, from
the beginning, this exalted trust has dropped
TO be personal indulgence, where palace
cars, fast horses, and seaside lOiterings figure
more than the duties how personal aims
and objects have been more prominent
than public interests; how the office
Of President has been used to advance his
own family on a scale of nepOtism dwarfng
everything of the kind in our history, and
hardly equaled in corrupt governments
where this abuse has prevailed how, in
the same spirit, office has been conferred
upon those from whom he has received
gifts or benefits, thus making the country
repay his personal obligations; how per-
sOnal devotion to himself, rather than the
public or party service, has been made the
standard of favor; how the vast appointing
power conferred by the constitution, Tor
the general welfare, has been employed at
his will, to promote his schemes, to reward
his friends, to punish his opponents, and to
advance his election to a second term; how
all these assumptions have matured in per
sOnal government, semi-military in charac-
ter, and breathing a military spirit, being a
species of C9sarism or persOnalism, abhOT- |
rent to republican institutions, where sub
to the President is supreme law; |
how, in maintaining this subservience, he |
has operated by a system Of combinations, |
having their orbits about him, so that like |
the planet Saturn, he is surrounded by |
rings.
Nor does the similitude end here, for his |
rings, ike those of the planets, are held in |
position by the satellites; how this utterly |
unrepublican C9sarism has mastered the /
Republican party, and dictated the Presi- |
dental will, extending into the Senate |
chamber itself while a vindictiye spirit |
visits good Republicans who can not sub
mt; how the President himself, uncOn-
scious that the President has no right to
quarrel with anybody, insists upon quar-
reling until he has become the great Presi-
Dental quarreler, with more quarreIs than
all other Presidents together and all be-
gan and continued by himself; how his
personal followers back him in uuarrels. in
suit those he insults, and then, not depart-
ing from his spirit, cry out with Shake
speare, 1--WE will have rings, and things.
and fine array" and, finally, how the
chosen head of the republic is known chiefly
for Presidential pretensiOns utterly indie
Fensible in character, derOgatory to the
and full of evil influence, making
personal objects primary pursuit, so that,
instead Of benehcent presence, he is a
bad example, through whom republican in
suffer and the people learn wrong. |
Would that these things could be forgot
ten; but since, through OfiiciOus friends, |
the President insists upon a second term,
they must be considered Nobodywill vim
dictate them. 1t is easy to see that Caesar
ism, even in Europe, is at a discount; that
personal government has been beaten in
that ancient field, and chat Caesar with a
Senate at his heels, is not a fit model for
our republic. King George Ill, of Eng
and, so peculiar for obstinacy and narrow
ness had retainers in Parliament who went
by the name of the Kings Friends
Nothing can be allowed here to Justify the
inquiry, "Have we a King George among
rs Z" or that other question, Have we
party in the Senate Of Kings ?" Personal
government is autOcratic and in direct con
iict with republican government. gov
of laws and not OF men is the OBJ
ect of republican government, Nay,
more; it is the distinctive essence without
N hlch III becOmes tyranny. thereto mar