New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1872-11-20
TIE USES OF CENTRAL POWER,

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can citizens. We say unnecessarily
alarmed, for the reason that we recognize
in our system Of government the existence
of checks and safeguards which are able
to restore the equilibrium in case the cen
trail power shall ever be pushed beyond
the point Of safety The same influences
which SO promptly and effectually checked
the overgrown tendency to States rights
ara at hand to be invoked against any
abuse that may hereafter obtain through
any other means. There is about the
same choice between what has been pic
tured as q despotc centralsm and States
rights as there is between heat and cold
Too great degree of either would be de-
structive Of personal liberty, and an I'M
mitigated evil But in contending for the
| one we should not demand the extinction
of the other. Experience has demons
trated that q principle which if applied
judiciously and in moderation, contains
many excellencieS, may be pushed so far
| by indiscreet friends that it becomes IN
popular Such has been the case with the
doctrine Of so-called States rights. From
a once dominant and commanding posi-
ton, it has been Frustrated so that
some of its friends already bewail its
| destruction, and even those who assailed it
in its days Of strength raise their voices in
its behalf as a thing not to be banished
altogether from the land. Instead Of APP
plying to either of these seemingly an
tagonistic principles the severe rules Of
logic, which teach us that if small guam
tity is good a greater is better, we should
rather remember the laws Of compensa-
ton, and take from each just enough to
create healthy balance, and hold all the
opposing interests with steady hand.
The total absence of central power would
inevitably lead to confusion among the
several States. The destruction Of all au-
thority in the States would leave the peo-
pie subject TO cumbrous and almost I'M
wieldy political system, which could not
be put in motion soon enough to effect a
good purpose in time, nor readily stopped
when once in motion.
The true doctrine, as it appears to us,
would be to establish the central power as
sort of appellate tribunal, with ample,
but latent, powers, only to be invoked in
State policy when the local authorities are
unable to agree, or are disposed to deny
justice to any citizen Of the United States
under any pretense. There never should
be any irritating antagonism between the
State and national governments, any more
than there is between the District and Su-
preme Courts. 1t is necessary that there
should exist reyisory power over all
members Of one body, and that power
should be not only undisputed but itself
subject to control by still higher. This
tribunal Of last resort is, of course. the
people, who are called upon every two
years to elect Representatives to Congress,
and President every four years, while
very important part Of the national gov"
eminent, this SO called central despotism,
the Senate, is elected by the States in their
sovereign capacity. We regard it as next
to impossible that centraEsm Or States
rights shall ever either destroy the othes;
for the same werand wisdom that called
the two principles into action will take
care that neither is destroyed, that neither
an undue preponderance.
Hence the cry Of alarm for the loss Of
State rights in this city at this time is en-
tirely without foundation. If a postofice
robber or counterfeiter or an assassin
who has committed murder on the high |
seas be arrested and tried by the United
States courts, we hear no complaints about |
the invasion Of States rights We can
not see why a man who has been guilty Of
felony in the conduct Of State election
should be judged by rules different from
those applicable to the other offenders. If
q supervisor or commissioner Of election
has been attempting to cheat the people OF
this State out of their choice Of officers,
we can not see wherein the State is out
ragged if the United States Circuit Court
sends for, tries and Furnishes the accused
f he is found guilty. No innocent man
S in danger. Unless he has been cheat
ng he may stand before the court with as
bold front as District Attorney Beckwith
" Judge Durell himself But if he is
proved to be guilty of an outrage against
ne election laws we can not see what in
crest the State can have in screening him
rom punishment Justice is one of the
Of sovereignty, and no prince,
or power can long maintain his
tate who habitually disregards it.
The objections to the federal courts do
lot come from those who love justice, but
rom those who fear its application to the
lection cases will injure their interests.
hey find themselves in danger and raise
he cry Of alarm for the safety Of States
lights, as though the repose Of the State
expended upon the success Of their indi-
idual political schemes. When Bill Nye
iscovered that he had not only been de-
ected in cheating at cards, but actually
verreached in the game at which be was
n adept, he waxed wroth with virtuous
1dignation and raised the popular cry:
We're ruined by Chinee CHEAP labor y"
he cry here supposed to be most like
7 to arouse popular feeling is States