The Daily state journal. [volume] (Alexandria, Va.) 1868-1874, 1872-07-17

scnuSettS by an alluSl0H 10 IL
father as ''the last Adams ''--meaning
John Quincy. The brilliant lawyer would
have regretted the questionable epigram
had he lived TO see how firmly, evenly,
wisely and successfully the object of his
attack conducted the diplomacy of his
country ct the Court of st. James during
our late war. Neither his father nor his
grandfather accomplished anything in the
diplomatic service more memorable or val
liable. @- l5 anH @a
And Charles Francis does not seem des-
tined to be the "last" of a family more
remarkable for unbroken descent of ability
than any of which we know. To say nothing
of the young man who has shown his grand
fathers pluck and independence by tw ice
leading the Democratic forlorn hope in Mas
sachusetts. there is another grandson who
bears the name of Adams, whom Mr..
Choate declared unworthy to succeed John
Quincy. This young man on the Fourth
was Boston's orator and, judging from the
Geographic report in the Tribune, is des-
tined to add credit to the name Of Charles
Francis Adams.
He discussed the gravest and most press
ing question Of our times, the labor prob
lem, and handled it with breadth and
power that would have done credit to any
Adams. He showed that he fully appre-
cjated the dangers arising from the changed
relations between labor and capital in
manufacturing State, where one-half the
people live in towns and cities of over
10000 souls, and where small minority
are proprietors Of the soil. This, he thinks,
is a great evil of the time, and says:
The rapid increase OF manufacturing
prosperity has hitherto implied the no less
rapidinerease oil operative want, and COM
monwealth founded on manufactures is as
yet house built on the sand 1t thus be-
comes a necessity of our continued exist
ence that the sense of propretorsllip, the
dignity of ownership only imnoya-
be basis OF free insttutions-should some
how or in some way be disseminated
through all classes in our State. This,
however, can spring only from conscious
ness in the great mass of the people that
they individually have an interest in the
vested Accommodations of the whole. Our
future commonwealth is not TO be governed
by those who have a stake in the soil, and
it is therefore incumbent upon us to extend
the saving dignity which encompasses the
landowner to the operative as well-it
must belong to him who tends the loom no
less than to him who follows the pillow. Our
commonwealth can only be governed by
all of her children, absolutely equal before
her law, and, that they may govern well,
all should give their hostages to fortune.
lie does not believe that a millennal state
is to be brought about by acts of the
Legislature, or 8 ushered into being by the
club of constable" Reforms in the re-
lations between labor and capital must be
" the result of the deep, grand swell of a
steady purpose" We must accept the
teachings of the experience gained in other
countries. He says:
Germany has already taught us one les
son; England is teaching US another. Both
lessons come to US as the still, small voice
of reason and hope, making itself heard
amid the noisy and profitless tumult of
passion. In those countries, a few among
the owners of labor have at last learned to
cooperate, as well as combine. Are, then,
the laborers of Germany and Great Britain
those whom we so constantly refer to in
our vile political .jargon as the ''pauper la
Dor of Europe''-are they more intelligent
or determined than those Of Massachu-
sets? Few at least here would care to
maintain it.
Are they better endowed with means
with which to further their experiments
cannot say; but with 100000, 900 of
wealth boarded in the savings banks of the
Commonwealth, our people should have a