The Portland daily press., 1872-07-31

Mr.. Sanders submitted the note to us, which |
appears first in the printed correspondence, we
found that he had, most unexpectedly, assocl-
ated his name with our own in the proposed
ISOLATION, but believing Mr.. Sanders to be a
sincere and Jealous friend of the cOnfederacy,
thinking that on this occasion his peculiar.tal-
ents might render him useful in acquiring the
information we desired, and feeling that if
safe conduct was rendered, his wishes on this
subject would be entitled to some consideration
we permitted the note to be sent without cor
rectiQn. 1t is, however, incumbent upon me
to add that, with all proper respect for Mr.
Sanders, he was at no time taken into my
confidence nor / believe into that of Mr.. Clay.
In few DAYS we received letter from Mr.
Greeley advising us of his arrival at the Inter
national Hotel, on the American side of the
Falls, and rendering us safe conduct to Wash
ington, and his own escort, upon the hypothesis
that we were duly accredited from Richmond
as the bearers of propositions, looking to the
establishment of peace, and desired to visit
Washington in the fulilment of our mission.
Mr.. Clay and myself We're so deeply impressed
with the grave responsibility which would at
tach to any action we might take on this COM
munication that We telegraphed to Colonel
Thompson to meet us at st. GATHERINGS and
unite in our deliberations. Whilst can only
report the reasoning that led my own mind to
its conclusions, yet may add that the response
which was made to Greeley received the appro-
baton of Mr. Thompson, as well as of Mr.
Clay and myself. Our most obvious course was
to have informed Mr.. Greeley that he labored
under strange delusion, both as to our char
acter and our wishes, and that we could only
meet him as private citizens, and for the infor-
NAL interchange of opinion. This course how
ever as L thought, would have given to the
party now in power in the United States the
means of defending itself against the charge
which was used with the most effect by its po-
litical adversaries.
Neither the present nor any other Republican
administration can secure the same degree of
public support in the prosecution of the war on
policy of confscation and emancipation, as ON
policy which looks simply to the restoration
of the Union. Mr.. Lincoln was reproached
with unwillingness to make peace on any terms
short of the subjugation of the States of this
confederacy, and the utter overthrow of their
epeculiar system, and consequent indisposi-
ton to ascertain the sentiments of the Southern
people, for fear they might profess readiness
to submit to the authority of the United States
on more reasonable conditions. Although no
proposition for peace which did not concede our
absolute independence would have been en-
tertained by us for moment,i it did not seem
to me wise to give our enemies the moral and
material benefit to be derived from position
they were not honestly entitled to occupy.
Had we returned the answer, which has been
suggested, the friends of President Lincoln
could have appealed to the letter OF Mr.. Gree
lev as q proof of his willingness to !open nego-
tiations on the most liberal lbasis. That letter
wholly abandoned the attitude which the Gov
eminent of the United States had maintained
since the secession of South carolina, and to
which, according to the declaration of Mr..
Seward in his recent speech at Auburn, Hit has
returned of mo negotiations with rebels in
arms" 1t expressed readiness to open nego-
tiatiOns, and attempt to settle through diplo-
macy the questions which had been so long in
vain submitted to the arbitrament of war. 1t
did not even announce that the restoration of
the Union was Jan indispensable Condition of
peace, but proffered free and Euntrammelled
conference. Had the correspondence closed at
that point, it must have added strength to the
administration of Mr.. Lincoln, and thus in
creased Tits capacity to carry on the war.
Within our own borders, it would have nourished
the delusive and dangerous hope of comprom-
Use with our enemy on terms consistent with
liberty and self-respect. A renewed pressure
would have been brought to bear on the
President to send commissioners to Washington
with the view Of opening tnegotiations, at the
hazard of fresh indignities to the cOnfederacy,
In framing our reply to the letter of Mr. Gree
ley, we endeavOred to shape 1t so as to compel
such new developments from Mr.. Lincoln as
would disclose the true policy of his administra-
zion, or such an adherence to the position
assumed in that letter as would enable our
Government to act upon it with safety This
purpose was fully accomplished in calling forth
the celebrated document, addressed $40 whom
it may concern" No paper probably ever
produced so great revolution of public senti-
ment in the same space of time. Although q
gross delusion as to the extent of their recent
military successes has induced reaction and
secured the reelection of Mr.. Lincoln, it is
destined to exercise an enduring Influence for
good. 1t has permanently weakened and dis
tracted the War party of the North, and there
is much reason to hope that before many
months intervene it will wholly deprive it of
Democratic support However this may be, it
has united and animated our own people more
than any political action of our adversaries
since the commencement of the war
1t has been suggested that the effect of this
correspondence, by rendering probable the de-
feat of Mr.. Lincoln at the polls, was unfavora-
c in the Northwest by REFRESHING q growing
tendency to revolution in that quarter This
effect, but it has worked no injuey to our cause.
The revolutionary element has been hitherto
too feeble to be employed in our service with
any advantage. Before this correspondence
took place our sanguine friends in that region
had fixed upon various periods of revolutionary
outbreak, but they were deferred at their own
instance from time to time, as the conviction
gradually dawned upon their own minds of the
extent to which they had exaggerated their
strength. From all the DEVELOPMENTS which
have since been made, / am satisfied that no
explosion could have taken place previous to
the election, which would not have resulted in
permanent injury to our cause. The Northwest
is not now, and without the systematic and
possibly long-continued application of the agen-
cies which control the popular mind, may new
er be, ripe for revolution. But it is fermenting
with the passions, out of which revolutions
have been created. In Illinois, Indiana, and
possibly Ohio, majority of the population are
hostile to the present administration, The re-
cent election furnished no evidence to the con-
trary, for, with a large body of the peace party,
Mcclellan was held in as much odium as Lin
coin himself. The bitterness between these
hostile factions is intense. The one has receiv-
ed from the other every outrage which the
strong can perpetrate on the weak. 1t would
be fatal mistake, in my opinion, to abandon
all effort to separate this section from the
United States, because no results have as vet
been achieved commensurate with our expecta-
tons. The hope of closing the war by negotia-
ton has been extinguished Our resources are
diminishing more rapidly, for obvious reasons,
than those of our enemy. To keep alive such
degree OF apprehension as will lead to the con-
ccentration of large bodies of troops to repress
self, be an important diversion in our favor
We should employ money and talent without
stint, to give this brOodng resentment the pro-
portions OF anarchy and civil strife. Let us
preserve our communication with our friends
IN the North. Warned by our past experience.
let us introduce arms more gradually and eau,
tlously, as far as practicable substitute leading
presses, and through the ordinary channel of
newspapers, as well as of campaign documents,
enlighten and influence the public mind. En-
list public men of character and influence,
whose principles and sympathies are with us,
by indemnifying them against the hazards to
which bold and decisive action may expose
them. With arms, leaders, and an opportuni-
ty, we could strike deadly blow.
1t is proper to add that L have expressed ONLY
my individual opinions, and do not know to
what extent they would meet the concurrence
of Messsrs. Clay and Thompson.
have the honor to remain, very respectfully,
JAMES p. HoLCoMBE
Richmond, Nov 16, 1864.