The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1872-03-04
American Views Of the Treaty--The
Feeling I'm America at the Time the
Trenfy was Opinions OF Presi-
dent Grant and Mr. Sumner.


dent Grant and sTr. Sumner.
The London Times of February 18th pub
fishes second letter from Mr.. George W..
Snralley, which is given below:
Sir.-I stated in former letter some of
the evidence which seemed to me to show
that the American Government intended to
include all classes of claims in the treaty of
Washington; that the American people
expected them to be included, and that no
treaty failing to include them could have been
ratified. On the face Of ii, such a state
ment, although it contradicts the English
notion that the presentation of those indirect
claims at Geneva was a novelty or n surprise,
may seem to leave the two nations farther
apart than ever. 1t puts us in the attitude Of
insisting steadily OH claims which you have
loudly declared you will never submit to
arbitration. But l believe the difficulty to
be more apparent than real. venture to
think that yollr Government has misundcr-
stood the object Of ours, and misconceived
the line we should finally have taken at
Geneva. That is, however, too delicate q
matter TO 90 into fully just yet, nor could
anything might say about it be said with
authority. For the present l shall continc
myself to q few suggestions and few facts,
which indicate, as believe, the mood of the
American Gorernmentand people at the time
Of making the treaty.
True though it be that we meant MI claims
should be included, it does not follow that
they were TO be pressed in an unfriendly
way, or that anybody dreamt they would en-
barr,ss the arbitration. The plain truth is,
the Government had no choice. Englishmcn
have been in the habit of saying that Mr..
.. cto Of no
pudiated" by the American people. 1t was
not. One or two American lawyers of cmi-
hence tissented from his views of interna-
tional obligations, as did some others whose
chief claim to emncnce lies in the Fictitious
importance attributed to their opinion on this
side. BY the great majority of Americans
competent to form an opinion on the matter,
as well us by most of those who take such
things pretty much on trust, that speech was
regarded as the first adequate statement Of
the wrongs we had suffered at the hands of
England during the rebellion. The evidence
that it was so accepted may be found in the
files Of the leading American journals of that
date.
That being so, and the popular view being
fixed on the basis of that speech. and remain
ing unaltered down to the Conference last
year, ask you whether it was possible for
the American Government to disregard it in
the negotiation Of Il treaty. Clearly they
could not, no matter what might lie their
own views as to the eXpcdiency Of pressing
such claims, or the probability Of obtaining
by arbitration an award propoItionatc to
their magnitude. 1t Is, nevertheless, certain
that the proposal made by the American
Commissioners at one of the first meetings Of
the Joint High Commission, to take u lump
sum and an expression of regret in full OF
I'LL demands, would have been accepted
gladly hy the very people who had adopted
Mr. Summers statement. don't think any
body ever expected to get a great deal of
money for those indirect claims. We wanted
something. but the question was not one OF
amount. The facts us to that proposal arc
not stated very fully in the protocol. What
went OH was something like this: When the
American Commissioners made the proposal
your representatives did not at first reject ii
absolutely. They asked the Americans to
say what sum would he deemed sufficient. We
replied that if Great Britain would accept the
proposal in principle there would he no serious
difficulty in agreeing on the amount. This
was declined. and the proposal went of; but
il looks lis if the English Cabinet Were 1T that
time ready at least TO consider, or even did
actually consider, Il proposition Which Nj.
Gladstone has since gone out OF his way 10
denouncc rs fatal compromise Of the good
name and ancient honor of England. 1t was
well enough understood that the United
States would have taken six millions Ster.
ling. How happens it that it has never oc-
CURED to your Government, nor, so far as
know. to any English journalist, to read the
American case by the light Of that PROPOSE.
ton? If the whole matter were not SO
serious. I should be inclined to SLY that tie
alarm and indignation aroused in England
have been absolutely grotesque. You took
fire at the notion Of being asked to pay al
immense sum, which an unlucky arithmcti
clan computed to Surpass the tribute imposed
by Germany on France. will only add on
| this point that no sum is mentioned in the
American case, and that the figures which
have 50 much affected the popular imagina
ton are of English origin.
Now, as to the feeling Of our Government
and leading statesmen about the treaty when
it was made. Before saw the President the
| conversation with General Butler referred to
in my first letter had occurred, and had been
opened with sweeping declaration of dis.
like to the treaty. 81 shall fight the treaty.
| exclaimed General Butler, in his emphatic
| way, with every bone in my body as long
as ! have n breath in my body" He eX-
pressed his belief that the British clAims
would fur exceed the estimate of our com.
miSSionerS, and that when the awards come
10 be made on these and Oh the Alabama
claims the balance would be heavily against
us. But" proceeded General Butler, mo
money can be paid on the award to British
claimants except by vote OF Congress, and pe
the amount large or small, for one will
never consent to the payment OF one dollar
under that award" He has a counterpart
on this side in Sir James ElphinStonc. " Fur
Their" said General Butler, ''you may rely
upon it that if Englishmen get more under
their claims commission than we get under
the Geneva arbitration the country will
never pay it. The House of Representatives
cannot be got to vote money for such pul-
pose in such an event.
Having General Buffers permission to
quote these somewhat alarming observations,
did quote them to the President, and
asked the President if they expressed his
view. "How can you ask!" was the an
swcr. 1--WE have made the treaty in good
Elith. We shall carry 1t out in good faith, no
matter what it costs us" ''But," said l,
4" let us suppose an extreme case. Suppose
the English award should exceed the Ameri-
can, then WHAT" II don't think it will"
replied the President. 81 do not believe
such thing is possible; but in any case we
shall pay it. The House of Representatives
will never refuse to vote money to the pay.
ment of which the honor Of the nation is
pledged"
The President went on to express the salts
faction with which he had seen settlement
reached, and the pride he took in the success
of a policy which had marked his admins.
tration from the beginning-a policy OF