Marshall County Republican. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1856-1878, 1872-10-10

| he YVES ashamed to write himself? /
will do him no injustice. have no
doubt he will employ somebody else to.
| write articles in his paper advocating
| the use of coercive measures" He is,
in principle, secessionist to-day, as he
| was when he wrote that article of No.
venber 9, 1860. l observe he is stump
ing the country in his own behalf.
When he makes his next stump speech,
let any one ask him, in the face of the
| world, if he still holds the doctrine of
secession as stated by him on the. 359th
page of his History of the American
| Conflict, land he may try to evade the
question but il he is compelled to give
direct, manly and true answer, dyes"
| or "No," he will answer dyes" His
secession faith is the basis of his whole
political character. On that basis he
urged the taxation of the country to
pay the shareholders for their slaves,
when he knew they would not sell
them. That plan was part of his sys-
TEN calculated to encourage secession
| by convincing the South that the North
was trembling with terror, and would
| do anything but fight for national exist
| ence.
Whenever any considerable section
of our Union shall deliberately resolve
to go out. we shall resist all coercive
measures to keep it in" says Mr.. Gree
ley. e" Whenever includes the four
years of the next Presidential term.
Suppose that during that term "a con-
siderable portion of our Union shall de
liberately resolve to go out" Mr.. Gree
ley stands pledged "to resist all coer-
Give measures designed to keep it in."
How much the election of such man
to the Presidency would stimulate Sc
cession, we shall never know, because
the honest masses Of the people will
never allow such man to be elected.
They will never put the Government
into his hands to enable him to redeem
that secession pledge.
This doctrine of secession is the only
article of political faith to which he has
shown any disposition to adhere. He
was supposed to be an unfinching high
tariff man; but, to get free trade votes,
| he pledges himself to smother and sup
press his opinions on the tariff question,
and to give no advice and use no infu-
ence on that question, which he has
pressed as of the most vital importance
to the country. He hes given no
pledge to smother and suppress his
opinions on the secession question.
What such pledge would be worth,
while his pledge to RESIST all coercive
measures" remains unredeemed, you
can judge as we'll as l.
IF such a man should be elected
President, what should he do when his
secession views had encouraged the
South to secede again2 He would, of
course, again offer to hire them to re-
main by paying for their slaves. Know
ing, by actual experience, the cowardIce
of the man, they would naturally de-
mand our taxation to pay the rebel debt
and pensions to rebel soldiers, as the
price of their consenting to stay in the
| Union. And if he was right in his doc.
trine that we were all wrong in using
"ooercive measures" we ought to be
taxed to pay all the consequences of
those measures, for the slaves, and the
rebel debt, and rebel pensions.
What would be the effect of Mr..
Greeley's election7 Manifestly the
South would at once be instigated by
| his sentiments to agitate the question of
compensation for their slaves, their
debt, and their pensions, and with the
| fiery elements thus famed into fame,
the agitation would naturally end in
our being obliged to recall Grant and
the army to put down another insur-
rection. The people of the North, and
those of the South, like Longstreet and
Mosby, who have had fighting enough,
don't want to go over that ground again.
Neither do they want dissension and
disturbance. have been an agitator,
but never without necessity. Now the
necessity for agitation has ceased, and
we. want peace. If it does not involve
rebellion, the agitation of the Southern
claims means controversy over an
other constitutional amendment for
striking out such part of the Fourteenth
Amendment as may stand in the way
| of those claims. 1t means nothing less
than the renewal of excitement, irrita-
ton and strife the revival of the muir
derous Ku-Klux the cruel persecution
of the freedmen and Union men at the
Souta the DISCRIMINATION of Southern
labor, and q general arrangement of
business. The cause of humanity unites
with all the material interests of the
country in protest against the election
of man whose triumph would neccs-
sarily open SO dangerous an agitation.
Obviously no such man could be nomi-
mated for President by the Republican
party. When he was satisfied of that,
then, and not till then, he left us.
That Is one serious aspect of Mr..
Greeley's case; and if, in addition to
his perverse opinions upon this moment.
GUS question Of American nationality,
you take into the account his e1cessiv
vanity, weakness and vacillation, his
fabby and yielding moral nature, his
eccentric temper and inordinate hank.
ering for Office, you have, think, full
explanation of his present lamentable
course. asr ~~ 80 Va,
4 Mr.. Summers case is measurabiy plain
to those who, like myself, have had
better means of knowing the man than
| is afforded by public speeches.
Mr.. Sumner was not, as has been
claimed for him, among the earliest Of
our anti-slavery champions. Mr.. Gar
rison, Mr.. Phillips, Mr.. Gsrritt Smith
Mr.. Giddings and others antedate Mr.
Sumner by many years in their espousal
of the cause of the slave. But / bea,
cordial witness that, after he entered
upon the work, he was among the most