New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1872-09-04

| preston at the South would result from his
success There may, however, be equal
ground to hope for that good dresultin either
issue of this rivalry. Once his second
term shall have been secured, General
| Grants only motive for inficting misery
on that portion of bis countrymen will
| cease.
An effortes6 secure a third term, or estab-
lish dictatorship, can not reasonably be
| apprehended, and consequently compari-
son probabilities offers us merely a blank
olympiad on one hand for four years of ln'
| definable activity on the other. That wise
| people, whose usages we have generally
| followed, had occasion to pass through
| transitional period somewhat similar to that
now affecting Southern interests, and in their
action at that time we can find safe pre-
cedents for course of policy which would
promptly reinstate Southern prosperity,
But if there be one among the master
spirits of the age who, even if inclined,
could not adopt that policy, it is Mr.. Gree
ley.
The success of General Grant might in
volye no important consequences, but that
of Greeley would. cOnsecrate the practices
referred to, which, in my opinion, are abso-
lutely incompatible with the permanency
of republican institutions In saying this
it is not intended simply to pronounce for
anti-prOtectionist ideas; that question is
| left untouched: If the support OF home in
dustry against foreign competition is re-
| garded as sound policy, IL can be effected,
| as far as needful, by much simpler, less eX-
| pensive, and far less demoralizing process
! than our OyergrOwn customs establishment.
| The true policy is national regeneration.
| 1t is far more comprehensive than mere tree
| trade Its aim is to break the sceptre-
| tending politician, and emancipate the
| Masses fOur-titths OF the government in
| tervention now practiced in carrying on the
affairs of society,shOuld be dispensed with
| existing Indebtedness should indeed be held
| sacred and to the last cent faithfully re
deemed. but the power of borrowing money
| on public credit either by paper issues OF
| otherwise should be absolutely annulled.
| Neither the federal government nor any
! other, down to the smallest civil
division of State should possess it. Ii
| is inconsistent with the purity of free
republican institutions. 1t is the very life
| blood Of aristOcratic rule, for it tetters labor
| as the bond slave of capital. In modern
| times it furnished limited, indispensable
| tower. Without that, the most shocking OF
allnational crimes and calamities would be
| impossible. Such comprehensive advances
| in civilization as here suggested may be, as
vet impFacticable in the Old World if so,
| the fact proves that ours is a high and holy
mission-of first making them. Separated
| by wide ocean from any powerful nation,
mighty in numbers and intelligence, our
| people through their deep and abiding
! interest in their countrys welfare,
no eternal enemy dare assail us.
! Indeed it is manifest to unusual reason
| that the adoption of sufficient curbs on Off
| cial power is alone needed to render this
great continent the abode of peace and OF
| human happiness on a scale of SURPRISING
magnitude Even if defensive wars be
| necessary, the evils of the power Of borrow
| ing money should not be conceded on that
| account. 1t must be admitted that they
| can not be carried on without vast outlays,
| but money is not more necessary than men,
| as the generation which wages war must
| furnish warriors. Why can it not also fur
nish money to feed, clothe and arm him!
| 1t is compelled to furnish ell labor con-
nected with his maintenance and his be-
| ligerent operations.
Posterity can not fight our battles, nor is
| there. any necessity that posterity should
men must do the fighting, 1t is equally in
the power Of our old men to do the paying.
| Paw as YOU go is maxim not less sound IN
political economy than in private affairs.
| IT adopted, peCulation must cease to. per
| vert the government and war could no
| longer lend legal sanctions to cruelty and
| oppression; and if, as some contend, war
| is the normal condition of mankind, poster
| ity will have its own wars to sustain, and
| it is therefore unreasonable to burden pos
terity with debt for the cost of ours.
| Deeply interested in supDressing these
course treat them with derisien. Still
| it must not suffice for the present
| thus to submit them nakedIy on their own
| merits and without detailed vindication, al
though their principles aresalready accepted
| in substance by some OF the Western States
in their recent constitutions Their advo-
cacy must in the main be deferred until
the facts and fables Of the pending canyass
| shall have ceased to engrOss attention. A
few brief suggestions mTill nevertheless be
offered. The power to borrow money is
| mischievous just in proportion as the gov
ernment is liberal in form and as the ma
ton is prosperous. The very constitution
OF the human nature precludes any etfectual
| regulation of it in monarchy. There may
be some supervision, but in a republic the
tendency to abuse is absolutely incOrrigi-
BE. No human skill can devise or human
diligence put in force adequate checks upon
it's exercise. If allowed to exist at all it
must inevitably be abused, and abuse must
progress to an extent absolutely intoler@-
BILE. The mere burden of taxation induced
by it is the least evil among its foul
progeny; fraud and corruption become ylr-
tues under its influence. Statutes to be set
I'D as objects of popular reverence and siml-
lar honors have been proposed for its
cultivators, and if it be not extirpated will
hereafter be decreed to them. Government
restrained within the limits of absolute
necessity may be supported by moderate
| taxation; still, the nature ana amount Oh
/ taxes imposed should always be patent.
They should be plain, visible and palpable.
The deceittul, fraudulent methods which
have been devised to draw money from the
Door people without their consciousness Of
the imposition should be abolished. Duties
and excises for revenue belong to this class.
Such furtive methods of obtaining money
should be known through prosecutions
against criminals.
The asserted difficulty of sustaining the
government under such a system is unreal.
The public expenses need not be great The
necessity of raising all revenue by taxation
at the moment of expenditure or before it
is susceptible may be utilized and made a
source Of great public benefit. However
true il raag be, in a certain view Of the mat
ter, that all taxes are ultimately borne by
tIa IaO0llDg class, they are, nevertheless,
in the first instance collected from those
who possess property; and if, by uniform
usages, every dollar required for the ex-
penses Of the government should be at once
exacted from the taxpayer, q powerful
class would be enlisted III the duty OF
guarding against official extravaganza
Government mortgages upon more de-
sirable investments would cease, ana In
, their place affrighted capitalists could CON
template only the approaching tax gamer
, ers. In selfdefense they would theh Pez-
form public duty hitherto neglected, ana
legislative corruption would be eftectlVeAy
onnosad under their keen scrutiny. Nc
man whose record was tainted could pass
T the ordeal of an election. Long and patient
stndv has convinced me that or the prac-
3 1:NIJ;I:t-, of establishing T,r,aoise1v thia