Marshall County Republican. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1856-1878, 1872-10-10
HALE ON GREELEY.
Letter from the Old Anti Slavery
Candidate for the Presidency.
The Danger of Electing Horace Greeley
to the Chief Magistracy. Ill
Mr.. Hale Advises All His Friends to
Vote for the Recollection OF
Gen. Grant.

OON11y L ds1 N1OeC W tlO AOhs COA1A
Hale, of New Hampshire, regarding his
position in the present campaign, and
received the following reply:
DEAR SIR: l have received your let
ter informing me, that you had seen
among the "news items Of the papers
the statement that had "quite recent
ly declared preference for Mr.. Greeley
for President" and asking me if the
report is true. That | have either de-
clared or entertained any such prefer
ance is news to me. The report is a
specimen of the means used by the
oAbal of Democratic and Radical"
ofice-seekers who support Mr.. Greeley,
in their desperate attempt to deceive
the honest masses of both parties. You
say you have taken the liberty of ask
ing the question, "being a namesake'
of mine, and an approval Of my "polit-
zeal history" and you avow your con-
viction that the statement is "prema-
ture, il not absolutely false" You are
entirely correct in this supposition, and
it is gratifying to me to receive such an
assurance that l have maintained the
cause Of liberty and justice first, and
peace and order afterward, in such
manner as to render my apostasy in
credible.
You ask my explanation of the course
taken by Mr.. Greeley, Mr.. Sumner and
others.
MIR. Greeley's case is plain enough.
On pages 35S and 359 of the first vol
ume of his "History of the American
Conflict you will find his own account
OF himself as he was at the breaking
out of the rebellion. He there says
that on the second day after Mr.. Lin
coins election, November 9, 1860, "the
following leading article appeared in
the New York Iribu,e.n You will find
he says in that article: "If the Cotton
States shall decide that they can do
better out of the Union than in it, we
insist on letting them go in peace" To
avoid all possibility of being mi.under-
stood, he repeats the sa ne doctrine in
different words: "Whenever a con-
siderable portion Of our Union shall de-
iberately resolve to go out, we shall
resist all coercive measures designed to
keep it in" Lest one article might not
make his position sufficiently conspic-
uous, he wrote and published many
articles containing the same doctrine.
Lest all his newspaper articles on the
subject should, in the course of time,
be forgotten, he copies one of them into
his History of the American Conflict"
for the apparent purpose of preserving,
in the durable form of historical re-
cord, his undisputed claim to the title
of an original secessionist.
If a majority of Southern voters, that
is, Of free white men, would "deliber-
ately resolve to go out" he pledged
himself to resist all coercive measures
designed to keep them in. That was
the simplest plan ever suggested for the
dissolution of the Union and the per-
petuation of slavery. What stronger
invitation 'to 60 OUT could he have
given the South than that pledge "to
resist all coercive measures designed to
keep it in ?' Shareholders, anxious
"to 60 out" but dreading the "coercive
measures read Mr.. Greeley's pledge
republished in every Southern paper.
Its effect is well known. Among the
influences that changed the doubling
and hesitating white men of the South
into firm and ardent secessionists, none
was more effective than Mr.. Greeley's
pledge to "resist all coercive measures"
Whether that pledge was the means of
turning the scale, and giving the active
secessionists their majority, we may not
certainly know until the day of final
reckoning. But this we do know, that
for all the ruin, desolation and misery
of the secession war, no man, North or
South, is more responsible than Mr..
Greeley.
1t is worthy of note that Mr.. Greeley
admitted the illegally of secession. He
admitted the right of the Government
to save the Union by "coercive meas
ures," but insisted that the Government
should not exercise that right. If he
had thought the Union had no right to
defend itself, he would have taken q
position where brave man, entertain
ing that opinion, might sorrowfully
stand. But admitting the right to de-
fend the nations life, he insisted that
it should not be defended, but he basely
surrendered without blow. The
treason of his position was only sur
passed by it's cowatdice.
Mr.. Black President Buchanan's At
torney General saw this dastardly plank
IN Mr.. Greeley's platform, and, under
his advice given November 20, 1860, Mr..
Buchanan, in his last annual message
to Congress, took the ground that the
Government had no right /" to coerce''
8 seeding State. Observe the dates
and the language, and you will see that,
under Blacks advice, Buchanan adopted
Greeley's secession doctrine, all but the
cowar1y part of it. The yenomous
abuse with which Mr.. Greeley followed
President Buchanan to his grave, and
Mr. Black up to the year of grace 1872
may be explained by the fact that then
rejection OF the pusillanimous plank Of
his secession platform exposed him te
universal contempt.
When ne found his secession princi
pies unpopular, and the subscription
list of the Tribune falling off, that paper
suddenly advocated an exterminatins
and merciless prosecution of the war
notwithstanding a vast majority of the
Southern whites, encouraged by his sol
emn pledge, had deliberately resolved
to go out"
Suppose he hired somebody else /.
sJ0H iCl .Ji
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