Wyandot County Republican. [volume] (Upper Sandusky, Ohio) 1869-1903, 1872-06-20
From the New York Times.

From the New York Times.
We generally from an idea OF
mans fitness to give advice in sea-
sons of energy by the judgement he
has displayed on previous critical
occasions. Test Mr. Greeley by
this standard, and who would be rash
enough to intrust the work of gov
ernment to his hands? What would
have happened to us in 1860, if Mr..
Greeley's counsel had been adopted,
may be gathered from his own pub
lished words at that time, portion
of which we print below. We COM
mend the following literal quotations
which have no little historical value,
to the calm consideration of all our
readers
STATE SECESSION Fully INDICATED.
From tn Tribune, nov. 9Th, 1850.
And now if the cotton States con-
slider the value of the Union depsta-
BILE. we maintain their perfect right
to discuss it. Nay, we hold with
Jefferson to the inalienable right of
communities to aller or apo,ish forms
of government that have become op-
pressive or injusieus and if the cot
ton States shall decide that tile can
do better out OF the Union than In it
we insist on letting them 60 in peace.
The right to secede may be a rcrol-
utionary one, but it exists neverthe-
less; and we do not see how one
party can have right to prevent. We
must ever resist the rsserted right Of
any State to remain in the Union,
and nullify or defy the laws thereof;
to withdraw from the Uninn is quite
another matter. And whenever q
considerable section of our Union
shall deliberately resolve to go out,
we shall resist all coercive measures
designed to keep it in. We hope
never TO live in republic whereof
one section is pinned to the residue
by bayonets.
But while we thus uphold the
practical liberty, if not the abstract
right of secession, we must insist
that the step be taken, il it ever shall
be, with the deliberation and gravity
befitting SO momentous an issue.
Let ample time be given for refec4
tion; let the subject be fully cantass-
ed before the people; and let pop
ular vote be taken in every case, be-
fore secession is decreed. Let the
people be told just why they are
asked to break up the confederation ),
let them have both sides of the uues-
ton fully presented let them reflect,
deliberate, then vote; and let the
act of secession be the echo Of an
unmistakable popular fat. A judg-
ment thus rendered, demand for
separation so backed, would either
be acduiesced in without the effusion
of blood, or those who rushed upon
carnage to defy and defeat it would
place themselves clearly in the
wrong. ......
THE SOUTHERN STATES HAD AS MUCH
RIGHT TO LEAVE TOE UNION AS THE
COLONIES HAD TO REVOLT IN 1776-
THE ARGUMENT USED BY SOME BRITISH
STATESMEN IN 1861 81.
From the New York Tribune, Dec. II. 1880:
We have repeatedly asked those
who dissent from our view of this
matter to tell us frankly whether
thsy do or do not assent to Mr. def
ferson's statement in the Declaration
of independence that governments
''derive their just powers from the
consent of the governed; and that
whenever any form of government
becomes destructive of these ends,
it is the right OF the people to- alter
or abolish it, and 10 institute q new
government" DC. We do heartily
accept this doctrine, believing it in
trinsically sound, benefcent, and one
thUt, universally accented is calcula
ted TO prevent the shedding of seas
of human blood. And if it justified
the secession faom the British empire
Of three millions of colonists in 1776,
we do not see why it would not. lrs-
tify the secession of fve millions Of
Southrous from the Federal Union
10 1851. If we are mistaken on this
point, why does not some one attempt
to show wherein and why? For our
own paIt, while we deny the right of
shareholders to hold slaves against
the will of the latter, we can not see
how twenty millions of people can
rightfully hold ten, or even five, in q
detested Union with them, by mill
tary force.
OF course we understand that the
principle of Jefferson, like any other
broad generalization, may be pushed
to extreme and baleful consequences.
We can see why the Governors Is
land should not be at liberty to Sc
cede from the State and nation, and
allow herself to be covered with
French and British batteries com.
manding and threatening our city.
There is hardly q great principle
which may not be thus "run into the
groune." But II seven or eight con.
tiguous States shall present them
selves authenticity at Washington,
saying 1--WE hate the Federal Union /;
we have withdrawn from it.: we
give you the choice between acquies-
cling IN our secession and arranging
amicably all incidental questions on
the one hand, and attempting to SUBJ
due US on the other"-We could not
stand up for coercion. for subjuga-
ton, for we do not think it would be
just. We hold the right of self. gov
ernmeds sacred, even VIXEN invoked
in behalf of these who deny it to 9TH
ers. SO much for the question OF
principle.
Now as to the matter Of policy:
, Soath Carolina wifl certainly Sc
cede. Several other cotton States
| are evidently reluctant TO- do like
wise. South Carolins Aas grossly
lnsuiteu them by her dictatorial,
reckless course. What she expects
f and desires is clash of arms with
the Federal government, which will
[ at once commend her to the SYM