New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1872-05-03
PA TFORNS ON THE TARIFF.

So much has been said-much of it mis-
takenly-with regard to differences at Cincin-
natl respecting the Tariff, that we are impelled
to elucidate the matter fully.
In the early days of our Union, the question
of Protection as against Free Trade did not
enter into party politics but the Federalists,
having on their side nearly all the great mer-
chants, with the importing and shipping inter-
est, were most inclined to Free Trade. Wash
ington, as President, recommended Protection !;
John Adams did not jefferson did, while
Madison ably indicated that policy in success
sive Messages Monroe followed in the same
strain so did John Quincy Adams; so at first
did Jackson. OF our Governors, George and
Dewitt Clinton advocated Protection John
Jay did not Daniel D. Tompkins did.
The Wing party, when first organized, made
no platform but when it had elected Pres
ident and Congress, in 1910, it proceeded to
enact Protective Tariff, in ~, and stood by
it in the Presidential Election of Al. The
Democrats declined to make direct
issue OIL this question, but declared them
selves, through Folks letter to Kane, in
favor of "equal Protection to Agriculture,
Manufactures" &C., and carried Pennsylva-
MIA on a party cry of "Polk, Dallas, and the
Tariff of ~" Yet the Congress they then
elected repealed that identical Tarif-every
PENNSYLVANIA member but one voting with
the Wings in the negative Free Trade was
thencefOrth in the ascendant till 1861.
The Republican party, formed by fusion
of ant-Slavery Wings and Democrats with
the original Free-Soilers, was organized in
1875, but held no National Convention till
1856 when it held two, but said nothing in
either on the Tariff question. In 1860, it
held at Chicago its third, when the following
Tariff plank was imbedded in its platform:
"That while providing for the support Of the
General Government, by duties upon imports. sound
policy requires such adjustment Of these imposts
to encourage the development Of the Industrial interests
OF the whole country, and commend that policy Of
national exchanges which secures to the workingmen
liberal wages TO agriculture remunerative prices. TO
mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for
their skill labor and enterprise and TO the nation
mercial prosperity and independence"
We understand this to mean Protection The
Erening Post interpreted it in an opposite
sense: so it was swallowed by men of the
most diverse Economic convictions. And the
Republican National Conventions Of 1864 and
1868 were wisely silent on the subject. Prac
tically, entire freedom of opinion has pre-
vailed with regard to it,, and well known Pro-
tectiOnists and Free-Traders have alike polled
for Congress the full Republican vote of their
respective districts. Thus Messrs. Burchard
and Finkelnburg Free-Traders) were chosen
to the present House, as were Messrs. Dawes,
Maynard, Kelley, and Roberts, who confront
them in the Committee of Ways and Means,
giving the balance of power therein to Messrs.
Brooks, Beck, and Marshall, Democrats.
We have steadfastly insisted that the liberty
to differ ON this question always hitherto en-
joyed and exercised by Republicans shall not
be denied to those who sympathize with the
Liberal movement We have not asked nor
wished that Protection shall be accepted or
indorsed by Liberals who see fit to be Free
Traders we have denied the right of any
Convention or Committee to make those Lib
erals who are ProtectiOnists profess or seem
TO be what they are not. We are not of one
mind on this question: then why not frankly
say just that7 We would not exclude OF repel
Free-Tmders from the movement if we could:
why should they seek TO exclude or reDel us I