American citizen. [volume] (Canton, Miss.) 1864-1890, 1872-08-03
NepOtism and Gift-Taking.

NepUtlSu anu
In a speech at indianapolis few even
ings ago Hon Thomas A Hendricks com
mented as follows upon the appointing OF
relatives to office, and the acceptance OF
presents as practiced by MIR. Grant
The political offense of nepotism has been
deliberately and publicly defended and jus
titled in our midst, otherwise | would not re-
fer to it, for the facts must be known to you,
and your judgments cannot be uncertain
The instances of this offense have not been
rare, but numerous they have not been
confined to the Presidents family, but have
extended to the families of his special and
personal supporters. They cannot be eX-
cused or palliated on the ground that the
persons appointed were qualified, for in
many instances the appointments were not
fit to be made In one instance n brother
in law of the President compelled by
the force of public sentiment condemning
his conduct, to resign a high Office, but his
resignation has not been accepted
Many persons have been appointed to i'm
portant and lucrative offices, who would not
have been thought of had they not been re-
lated to the family of the President or one
of his personal supporters. The vice OF re-
garding office as a right of family posses
sion, was long since condemned, and upon
the authority of Mr.. Sumner, and without
further examination, venture the assertion,
that prior to this Administration, ''only one
President has appointed relatives That
exceptional case was the elder Adams, and
he offended in only two instances Public
opinion compelled him to refuse all further
applications, with the emphatic acknowl-
edgcment, that the offense ''drcw forth a
torrent of obIoquy.'' The sentiments and
practice of washin gton and Jefferson, upon
this subject, so established the American
judgment, that no subsequent Presi
dent has dared to offend until now.
Perhaps it is Just to General Grant
to suppose that he was not informed
of the practice of his predecessors and of
the sentiment of the country upon this sub
jcct. The course of his Administration
in this respect, if now di>approved, Will not
become a corrupting precedent-but if ap-
proved by the people, in his reelection,
there will be no check or limit to the vice
in the future; and the public offices will be
regarded and treated as of the Presidents
personal right to be bestowed in family az
grandizement. The rule excluding family
appointments, rigidly enforced, may seem
harsh and cruel, in some instances it may
exclude some fit and worthy persons, but if
it be abandoned or relaxed, the evil is with
out check. and, as We now see, the temp
tation to build up families will break down
every resistance, and incfficiency, favoritism
and corruption will break over the public SER
vice as flood. What you owe to yourselves,
to your children, and to the future will not
allow you to stamp the vice of nepotism with
your approval.
The practice on the part of Gen. Grant, of
taking great presents, has also been justified
in our midst, and the people are asked by
their -Otcs to say that il is right and proper.
You woulu punish with great severity, under
our criminal laws, him who would give
take a bride. How near akin to that is it, if
person interested in public business makes
valuable present to another who has con-
troll of that business, or is likely soon to have
such control? And how deplorable is the
state of public morals if the people
present, and said that his country paid him
for his services. But the defense is that
Gen. Grant received his presents before his
election as President, except, perhaps,
cane, pipe, and a box of cigars. 1t is not
of canes, or pipes, or cigars L am speaking.
Such presents, of trifing value, may be given
and received because of personal friendship.
1t is of equpages, of houses, of United States
bonds, of such large values as to make him
very rich man; and l suppose they were all
given after it was understood that he was to
become President.
Indeed, on the 18th of February, long after
his election, and only two weeks before his
Inauguration, General Grant seems to have
written the following letter:
..WAsHISGroS, D. c., Feb. H. 1863
DEAR GENERAL: Your letter of the 18th. ]
closing me the handsome testimonial of the citi-
zens Of New York, with the names of all the too
generous contributors it. is received .
Through you wish to thank the gentlemen
whose names you have inclosed to me- Individually
and collectively.
Il have the honor to be your obedient servant,
The Handsome testimonial +" thus ac-
knowledged to Gen. Butterfield was not any
'pipe or box of CIGARS" but is understood
to have been money, United States bonds,
and other securities of the value of hun
dyed and fire thousand dollars: more than
and laws to the President for four
years. Some of the donors were soon
thereafter appointed to high and valua-
BILE Offices But it is said they were able to
give g without missing the amount :" That
was SO, no doubt They were very rich men.
They have made General Grant one of them
selves. They have won his special sympa-
thies- He is one of them, not of you. They
bAr mia al has
all come back to them. The recon-
mendation in the inaugural message that
provision be made to pay all the bonds in
gold, and the first law which he approved
and signed, providing for such payment in
gold, added twenty per cent to the value of
the five-twenty bonds-making each thou
sand dollar bond, which was payable in
Treasury notes, generally conceded,
worth twelve hundred dollars. During the
year ending June 80, 1871, believe the Sec
Rotary of the Treasury claims credit for nire
million dollars paid premium on that class
of bonds. They lost nothing The burden
of making General Grant very rich man
was as light as a feather, compared with the
advantage to them of controlling the policy
of his Administration, and securing its spec
ial sympathy in favor of the untaxed and
dead capital of the country. l want to see
no prejudice against that class of capital no
unjust legislation to its hurt. There should
be no partiality or favoritism in any direc-
ton; but il there must be Partially, it ought
to be shown to the active capital of the
country, the use of which gives en-
ployment to labor, adds to the pro-
auctions and wealth of the country,
and helps to meet the constantly in
creasing foreign demand upon our resources.
You know that the vice of taking presents
prevailed here during the war-that it hurt
the public service, that it enabled contract
ors to receive excessive prices, and to de-
liver defective articles. You know that it
ought to be stopped-that in its nature it is
growing evil, and that the people alone
can stop it; but that if it be now Endorsed
or excused by them, in this the most marked
instance in history, there will be no check or
restraint in the future. Favoritism and cor
ruption will have unchecked sway. If gifts
of great value do not blind the eye, pervert
the judgment, and hurt the public service,
why does orr Constitution forbid any public
officer receiving any present from foreign
power? Our fathers feared and forbade the
inhuence-and not of you would con
sent to strike that provision from the Con
stituiion. Will you then consent that the
peoples offices shall be sought, and the
treasury approached by an influence SO dark
and dangerous. The stern duty now rests
upon the people to put stop to this vice
forever.
The Cry OF "Rebel".-.Grant's Best
Sfne xii IT