New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1872-03-12
THE POPULAR WILL.

| preference. LII polAtACS copcCNt1iy, outi
which we want to be, we conclude is. Gu
own party principles We think are right
and, therefore, believe are shared by tn.
majority of the people. Hence is it tina
we are too prone to conclude that our de
| feats are to be attributed to some unlawful
device, which prevents the popular vii
becoming manifest.
BY parity Of reasoning, for year Of
two past, the Democrats have been LOUD
in their denunciations of the Republican
party. They say the elections have no,
been fair; the ballot has been trifed with,
and that undue influences have been ex-
cited to stife the expression of the popular
sentiment 1t is true that no evidence of
it has been shown; that everywhere
throughout the State fair elections have
been held but nevertheless the assertion
is made, and in. many cases it is believed
in sincerely.
The reason for all this consists simply
in the fact that in the pride of individual
opinion and party fealty We think all the
| world should think as we think, should
believe as we believe, aud worship at the
same political shrine we have set up for
incense. Here, in Louisiana, political
opinion for years has been directed, not
taught. The creed of political faith was
posted high up so that all might see, and
the political neophyte was told to look,
see and believe, lest he die. It never &C.
cured to those who shaped political
opinion, up to the time of the breaking
out of the war, that anybody could have
an opinion of his own. For those who
dared the experiment the penalty was
swift and inevitable. 1t was death or So
cial ostracism.
No wonder that men grew hardened in
their views and intolerant in politics. But
for the war it would be SO yet. It was
rude expedient, certainly, but it was,
nevertheless, necessity. 1t tore up this
long abused horror by the roots, striking
the first and fatal blow at intolerance, il
iberality and political oppression.
From the wrecks which it occasioned
emerged the possible idea of iberality in
politics. An influx of population and an
extension of the franchise made the idea a |
reality. Parties sprung up with adverse
politics and different views of government.
In the struggle which Immediately ensued |
the old party went to the wall and the |
Republican party obtained the ascendancy.
Nor is it strange that it did so.
The policy Of the Republican party was
suited to the times; it was liberal in
opinion, generous and benefcient 1t
the greatest good to the greatest
number; it recognized the white man and
the black man as members Of the same
and imposed upon all the
duties of citizenship.
The Democratic party, on the contrary,
said This is white mans govern
nent, and must be run by white men.
Down with the negro!' They said this
n 1868; have said it, indeed, all along up
l
% the present moment. Defeated on their
avorite platform, they have now changed
their ideas, and are now bidding for the
votes of the colored people.
1t was this opposition of the Democratic
party to the citizenship of the black man
hat gave the Republicans their great
No wonder they swept the
State with a triumphant majority. With
such platform, representing the under
ying principles of self-government, it
vas not nee essary in Louisiana to tamper
With the ballot to secure victory. Il was
impossible to have done otherwise. But
t is too late now for the Democratic party
o abandon its old hostility to the colored
nan, and assume to be the genuine ex-
,onent Of our doctrine. 1t is trick too
hallow to succeed. at is made Of glass;
be sun shines through it" The only
'olitical right the colored man enjoys to-
lay he obtained from the Republican party.
The only opposition he ever encountered
o these rights was from the Democratic
arty. These are the naked facts They
peak for themselves. They account for
be large Republican majorities in the
tate; they tell upon which side is the
DICE Of the people.