Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1872-11-04
w. w. VAUGHAN.
Our Former Representative in Congress
Acting Like True Patriot.

v d OaE u
Acting Like "a True Patriot.
D
3 Mr. Vaughan, of Brownsville, who wa
our Representative in Congress while
this was in the Eighth district, ha,
: shown an example of selfabnegatioI
/ and patriotism that ought not to be lost
1t is valuable as an example par
dcularly in the district to which MIR
Vaughan belongs, where the anxiety FOL
Office is so overwhelming that it is SAID
even school-boys are now preparing
speeches which they intend to deliveriI
Congress ten years hence. There wert
four Independent candidates for Con
! gress in the Eighth district. Mr.
! Vaughan, one of the most popular
men in the district, was one o.
these. He magnanimOusly with
drew rather than have the vote
of the district split up in such
q way that . Radical would have room
to slip in between them. There is dan
ger of that now, but Mr.. Vaughan will
have the proud consciousness OF know
ing that such a result will not be due to
his selfishness. Other members Of the
Democratic party may prove recreant,
but he is bound TO keep his record pure
and above Teproach. During his term
in Congress he acted well. There is
nothing he done hat is not only open to
inspection, but challenges adverse criti-
cism. He was a digBified, courteous
and firm adherent of Democracy all
through, and a wise, consistent and
strong opponent Of the administration.
His views are sound upon all the great
questions now up for discussion. He is
not the weakest enemy in the country OF
the Grant party. Everywhere in
convention he puts in heavy liclls
against the usurpations at Wash
ington. He is strongly opposed TO
the bill to extend until after the next
Presidential election the authority of
the President to suspend the writ Of
hGbeOs corpus. In conversation with
him on the subject, he said the kuklux
bill, which was forced through the
American Senate but a few days before
the adjournment of the last session of
the FoTty-secOnd Congress, was dis
tinctly an administration measure. 1t
was put through the Senate under the
crack Of the party whip, welded by the
MOrtOns and COnklins, the pimps OF the
administration. No false pretences a
deceive the American people, it was in
tended to clothe the President with
power to make sure his w election.
1t was a virtual admission hat Gene
raj Grant no longer relied upon the peo-
pie; that neither he nor his immediate
supporters were willing to submit in a
constitutional form their past acts and
present claims TO the popular decision.
1t was a bold advertisement that they
have no confidence in the masses, which
impair a conviction, that there is no
reason why the people should have any
confidence in them.
We're there no other reasons why we
sho'i / have q change in the administra-
tic his would be more than sufficient.
WAen the President Of a nation claim
ing to be a republic proposes to perpetu-
ate his power at the expense of human
freedom it is a signal to every liberty
loving man to set his face against him.
II is a matter of vital interest to every
American citizen, for the privation of
right once sanctioned becomes q prece-
dent, and they who assist the act at one
period may be its victims at another.
Admitting all to have been true that
had been alleged against our people
admitting the entire Of falsehoOd
and scandal that had been collected to |
justify the act that was proposed to have
been veritable histOry-it was no justifi-
cation. If there is anything sacred in
our laws and institutions, it is the guar
anty they profess to afford of the free
dom of election. To place in the hands
of the highest officer of the nation the
means, whether with or without the
forms of law, to keep himself in office, |
is treason in those by whom the act is
committed, and proof positive of the un-
worthiness of him who permits ii to be
done in his own interest.
This is the broadcast question involved
in this canvass. Wecan conceive of no
higher interest that could be represented
by an American citizen than that Of Do
litical liberty. Could the human mind
formulate a more momentous issue than
that which has pronounced itself be-
tween the two candidates who are now
before you, and the ideas which they
severally reflect? Where is the politi-
cal object more worthy, more dignifed,
more necessary to be accomplished than
Reinstatement of the union, hat resto-
ration of peace, that establishment Of
constitutional relations between men
and communities which It was the oh
ject of this bill and the purpose of the
President in giving his influence to pro-
mote its passage, to allay and prevent.
WIN a DEON1t WIN utHEINt 10 nt Tree, |
questions of popular freedom are privi-
lege questions. Theyare always entitled
to the precedence. Then we have before
US to-day, as a nation, a question of
human liberty. In comparison with il,
what are those narrow issues, sectional
prejudices, personal ambitions and pal
try resentments which parties are 50
prolific TO beget and so Jealous TO foster;
hardly excusable when liberties are not
endangered, but despicable when there
is a demand upon all TO combine and see
thatnoharm befalls the commonwealth.
Many other laws, tending in a greater
or less degree toward Capitalization,
have been enacted, but this law comes
in conflict with almost every profession
Of the constitution securing State rights,
in direct antagonism to the article de-
filming the jurisdiction of the Federal
judiciary. It transferred offenses against
the laws Of a State TO the control Of the
Federal courts. II clothed the President |
with the power to suspend the writ Of
corpus, and 10 employ the land
and naval forces of the nation to enforce
his will in any and every State without
the consent Of Legislature or Cover
nor. IL this is to be the ulti-
mate result, State governments have
but few remaining rights, and are hang 1
ing to-day upon the verge OF a grand /
central power, as so many useless APP
Dendapes. The privilege Of hdbeds aor- !
that sacred writ of right handed $
to as i~nviOlate, is not surrendered I
Dy the constitution, but doubly secured 7
q terms as strong and explicit rs lam {
ruage can express. Congress has power I
% suspend the writ in cases Of rebellion 4
,r invasion against the lawful authority |
# the government; but you have never a
yiven them the power TO transfer 1t b. /
one You vest in one man 8
he discretion to declare when he will t
the privilege Of hdbeds corpus ]
n any part Of the country; clothe him /
With power to silence the courts and to +
ender the civil law powerless. Then /
,lace the army and navy at his com L
nand to carry his will into execution. \
nd you have created a ruler, clothed '
With kingly powers more absolute than i
hose possessed by Napoleon when he 4
war against Prussia. More ty- ]
annical than those held by King VIII s
lam when with his invading and in b
incibie armies he entered France. i Il
viii say more, no monarch has ruled FIJI G
who has held such absolute, SUI s
rene and oyersbadowing power since 81
fagna Charta. 7
All required 10 complete your despOt- d
im are opportunity, disposition and L
smptation TO use the weapons put into
is hands.
No man, ] care not how great may Il
ave been bis public services, / care not a
brilliant may have been his victo-
les in war, should be investsd with such 81
authority. II we should be SO S
Irtunate as to escape despotic rule II I,
'oUld be because the executive did not .
i'll It's exercise. But then there is pre- {
edent. Other nations have fallen ere
day by unfortunate examples, A