The New York herald., 1872-11-18

pect immediate steps to be taken for the eman-
cipation of the slaves in the Spanish colonies.
In June, 1870, Senator Sumner presented a
report from the Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions of the Senate, declaring the "pain
OF the American government at the
fact that the pretension of property
in man is still upheld in the island
colonies of Spain lying in American waters;
that such spectacle is justly offensive to all
who love republican institutions, and espe-
ciaHy to the United States, who now, in the
name of justice and for the sake of good neigh
borhood, ask that slavery shall cease there at
once" In July, 1870, the correspondence
between Secretary Fish and our Minister at
Madrid was sent in to the Senate, and from
that it appeared that in June preceding, about
the time the above report was made the Sec
the Minister, in which he spoke of the plan
proposed in the Spanish Cortes for the "extirpa-
ton of this blot upon the civilization of
America" as falling far short of what the
American people chad right to expect. )"
Mr.. Fish showed at length the insufficiency
and deception of the proposal for gradual
emancipation Of the Cuban slaves, and said
" You will state to the Spanish government
in friendly but decided manner, that this
government is disappointed in this project;
that it fails to meet the expectations that have
been raised by the various conversations with
you; that in the opinion of the President it will
produce dissatisfaction throughout the civil
lied world, that is looking to see liberty as the
universal law of labor; that it will fail to
satisfy or to pacify Cuba that peace, if re-
stored, can be maintained only by force so
long as slavery exists and that our proximity
to that island and our intimate relations with
it give us deep interest In its welfare, and
justify the expression of our earnest desire to
see prevail the policy which we believe calcu-
lated to restore its peace and give it perma-
nent prosperity" These were certainly brave
words but they have unfortunately been
unproductive of good. It is now nearly
three years since they were penned,
and Cuba is still in revolution
and the fetters cling to the limbs Of four hun
dred thousand negroes on the island as cruelty
as ever. This is not as it should be. A pow
erful nation like the United States should
utter no threat that it does not mean to
carry out and should make no de-
mand that it does not intend to en-
force. The republican Congress, whic,s
nearly three years ago, Tin the name of JUS
tice and for the sake Of good neighborhood,
asked Of Spain that Cuban slavery should
cease at once, and which declared that the
emancipation of the slaves on the island
would influence our diplomatic and COM
mercial intercourse with the Spanish nation,
is the republican Congress of to-day, with a
powerful majority in both branches of the ma
tional Legislature. The administration which
nearly three years ago declared that the gov
ernment of Spain was pledged to us for the
abolition of slavery in Cuba; which declared
that our government, relying on pledges re-
peatedly given, would expect the immediate
emancipation Of the shyes in the Spanish
colonies: which formally expressed dissatis-
faction with o scheme of gradual emancipa-
ton, and in view Of our proximity to Cuba
and our intimate relations with the island
pressed for the redemption of the promises Of
emancipation, is the administra-
ton now in power and about to enter upon
new term Of Office. Are the republican Con-
gress the republican administration and the
republican party to stand idly by another four
years, contented with high-sounding protests,
while the Cuban negroes drag out their lives
in bondage and suffering?
There is on easy way to force the abolition
Of Cuban slavery from the Spanish govern
ment without the argument Of powder and
steel. The government and people of the
United States are in fact to-day its chief sup
in Cuba would not survive year. Our trade
makes slavery profitable on the island; our
money enriches the slave owner and confirms
him in his desire to rob the negroes of their
labor; the revenue we secure to Cuba
makes its ownership valuable to Spain and
raises up barrier to its independence and
freedom. In 1868, of the whole six hundred
and twenty thousand tons of sugar exported
from the island in nine months only, from
January to September 80, the United States
took nearly four hundred thousand tons. and
during the same period, Of three hundred and
thirty thousand tons Of molasses, we took
nearly two hundred and twenty thousand
tons. The sugar crop for the year 1901
was FIVE hundred and forty thousand tons,
Of which the United States received three
hundred and twenty thousand tons. We may
safely state that we consume on an average
between sixty and seventy per cent Of the Cuba
crop Of sugar and greater percentage Of the
crop Of molasses. This slave-labor sugar,
under our present tariff, comes in direct con-
fict with our free labor, and realizes to the
Cubans larger profit than our own citizens can
secure. On the other hand Spain affords us no
facilities or advantages in the Cuban markets.
Her tariff discriminates against American i'm
ports, and the enormous duties are prohibitory
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