American citizen. [volume] (Canton, Miss.) 1864-1890, 1872-06-15

in antiquity, made the same man a soldier
and a statesman. 1t has been often said
| that he took no note of public affairs, never
voting but once in his life, and then fol
james Buchanan. After leaving West Point
he became a Captain In the army, bt;t soon
abandoned the service to re-appear at a later
day successful General. There is nc
| reason to believe that he employed the inter
mediate period in any way calculated to i'm
prove him as a statesman. He was earning
| q few hundred dollars ayear by tanning hide.
| in Galena. BY the war he passed to be
| President; and such was his preparations
to govern the Great Republic making it an
! example to mankind. Something also must
here ! express no opinion of my own. l
| shall allow another to speak in solemn
words, echoed from the tomb. On reaching
| Washington, at the opening of Congress in
December, 1863, was panied to hear that
| Mr.. Stanton, lately Secretary of War, was
in failing health. Full of gratitude for his
unsurpassed services, and with a sentiment
| of friendship, quickened by common pOliti-
| cal sympathies, l lost no time in seeing him,
and repeated my visits till his death, near
| the close of the same month. My last visit
| was marked by communication never to be
| forgotten. AS entered his room, where l
| found him reclining on sofa, propped up
by pillows, he reached out his hand, already
| clammy cold, and, in reply to my inquiry,
"HOw are you?" he said, waiting for my
furlough." Then at once, with singular So
",
you" When l was seated, he said, without
word of Introduction, Il know General
| Grant better than any one in the country can
know him. 1t was my duty to know, when l
| saw him, and when l did not see him, and
now | will tell you what know. He can't
| govern this country" The intensity of his
manner and the positiveness of his judg-
ment surprised me, for though / knew that
he did not place the President very high in
general capacity, was not prepared for a
judgment so strong AT last, after some de-
lay occupied in meditating, on his remark
able statements stat nraad observed What you
broad, he replied, promptly. 1 added, you
are tardy. Why did you wait till this time?
| Why did you not say it before his nomina-
ton ~ He said he was not consulted, and
had no opportunity of expressing his opinion
on it, besides being much occupied at the
| time with his duties Secretary and his
contest with the President. / followed by
| saying: "You took part in the Presidential
| election, and made succession of speeches
| for him in Ohio and Pennsylvania" 81
spoke" said he, ''but never introduced the
name of Grant. Ispoke for the Republican
| party and the Republican cause"
Insisting upon reelection, the President
| challenges inquiry, and puts himself on the
country. But even if his pressure for re-
election did not menace the tranquility OF
| the country, it is important that the per-
| exposed, that no President hereafter may
| venture upon such ways, and no Senator
presume to defend them. The case is clear
as noor-dav. In opening this catalogue 1
select two typical instances-nepotism
and gift-taking, officially compensated-each
absolutely indefensible in the head of a re-
public, most pernicious in example, and
surprising egotism which changed the
Presidential office into a personal in
strumentality not unlike the trunk
of an elephant, for all things, small
! as well as great, from provisions for rela-
tive, to pressing treaty on reluctant Sen
ate, forcing his relation on reluctant
people. Between these two typical instances
l hesitate which to place foremost. But since
the nepotism of the President is ruling pas
sion, revealing the primary instincts of his
nature; since it is maintained by him in utter
Inconsistencies of its offensive character;
since, instead of blushing for it as an unhap
DIV mistake he continues to uphold it; since
it has been openly defended by Senators on
this floor; and since no true patriot, anxious
for Republican institutions, can doubt but
that it ought to be driven with Kisses and
scorn from all probability of repetition, l
begin with this undoubted abuse.
There has been no call of Congress for a
report ofrelatives holding office-on stipend,
or money-making opportunity under the
President. 1t is evident that any resolution
calling for it, moved by Senators not known
to be for his reelection, would meet with
opposition; and an effort to vindicate Repub-
lican institutions would be denounced
assault on the President; but the newspapers
have placed enough beyond question for
Judgment on this extraordinary case,
although thus far there has been no at
attempt to appreciate ii in the light of his
tory. One list makes the number of beneti-
Charles many as forty-two. 1t will not be
questioned that there is, at least, bakers
dozen in the category. Thirteen relations
of the President billeted on the country, not
one of whom but for this relationship would
have been brought forward, the whole con-
stituting case of nepOtism not unworthy of
the worst Governments whose office is a
far ion isl of
teen are other relations, showing that this
strange abuse did not stop with the Presi-
dent S relatives, but that these relations OBJ
tanned appointments for Others i'll their cir
Gle, SO that every relation became Il centre of
influence, while the Presidential family eX-
tended indefinitely.
Mr.. Sumner here quoted from American
authorities on nepotism, and said that but
one President, Adams, had ever appointed
relatives to office, and that public sentiment
condemned these appointments. Mr. SUM
ner then answered the apologies of the
President and continued. Assuming that, in
case of positive merit, in designating citi-
zen for particular post, the President might
appoint relation, it would be only where
merit was so shining that his absence would
be noticed. AT least ii must be such as to
make citizen candidate, without regard
to family. But no such merit is attributed to
the beneticiaries of our President, some of
whom have done little but bring scandal
upon the public service-at least one is
commission of the Republic abroad, has
been guilty of indiscretions inconsistent
with his trust. Appointed originally in open
defiance of republican principles, they have
been retained in office after their unftness
became painfully conspicuous by testimony
before Congressional Committees; one of
these, brOther-in-law, was implicated in
bribery and corruption. 1t is said that at
last, after a considerable delay, the Presi
dent has consented to his removal. Here l
leave for the present this enormous preten-
ton of nepotism, swollen to elephantiasis,
which, as nobody can defend, pass to gift
taking, which with President has as
sumed an unprecedented form. Sometimes
public men, even in our country, have taken
gifts, but it is not known that any President
has before repaid patron with office. For a
public man to take gifts is reprehensibe. For
the President to select Cabinet Counselors
and other officers from among those from
whom he has taken gifts is anomaly in
Republican annals. An ancient Patriarch
have become a proverb: But there are
Greeks bearing gifts elsewhere than at
Troy !"
A public man can trife with such only at
his peril, and at its appearance a prayer
should be said, Lead us not into tempta-
ton" The President VIGOROUSLY has taken
gifts while in the public service, some at
least after he had been eleted President, UNI
til the GalcHa tanner of a few hundred dol
lars a year, to borrow the words of my col
league, one of his supporters, is now rich in
houses, lands and stock above his salary, be-
ing probably the richest President since Gen
cral Washington. He has appointed to his
Cabinet Greeks bearing gifts" without
. H..