American citizen. [volume] (Canton, Miss.) 1864-1890, 1872-06-15

| was unbalanced by presidential 1aTQrj ana
| whose gifts have become notorious; and WHEN
the demand for his removal was Irresistible
| the President accepted his resignation, with
an e1tusion of sentiment natural toward
patron, but without justification in the
| character Of the retiring officer.
| L have now completed survey of two
| typical instances of nepotism and gift TAX
| ing, officially compensated, in which we arc
| compelled to the President in these
| things as he shows himself. This is no portrait
| drawn by critic or an enemy. Its original
stands FORTH saying, behold the generosity
| practice to my relations at the expense of
! the public service; also, the gifts take, and
| then my way of rewarding my patrons, always
at the expense of thepublic service In this
| open exhibition we see how the Presidency,
| instead of trust, has become a perquisite.
A President that can do such things, and
not recognize at once the error he has com
mttted, shows that supereminence of egotism
| under which the Constitution, international
| law, and municipal law, to say nothing of re-
| publican government in its primary prin-
| ciplcs, all subordinated to the Presidential
will; and this is personal government. Add an
| insensibility to the honest convictions of
Others, and you have characteristic Incl
dent of this pretension. Lawyers cite what
are called leading cases. A few of these
| show the Presidential will in constant oper-
| alton, with but little regard to precedent or
reason, so as to be caprice if it were not
pretensiOn. Initiating the POpes in nepo-
tism, the President has initiated them in an
OStentatlOuS assumption of lnfalliblllty.
with certain modesty and distrust, but our
soldier, absolutely untried in civil life, en-
tirely new man, in entering upon the sub
FINEST duties, before which Washington and
Jefferson had shrrnk, said, in his inaugural:
The responsibilities of the position 1 feel,
but accept them without fear" The next
step, after the inaugural address, was the
selection of a Cabinet, and in his selection of
Cabinet the general disappointment was
only equaled by the general wonder. All
tradition, usage, and prOpriety we've dis
carded the just expectations of the party
that elected him were set at naught, and the
safeguards of Constitutional Government
were subordnated to the personal preten
sions of one man. Marked among the spec
tacles which followed, and kindred in its
character with the appropriations of Cab-
net as an individual property, was the apprO-
priaton of the offices of the country. Mr..
Summer here repeated the charges of nepO-
tism in appointing relations to office, etc.
Mr. Sumner criticised in severe terms the
conduct of the President in sending a mes
sage to Congress, March g. 1869, asking
them to set aside a fundamental law, in or
der that Mr.. Stewart might enter upon the
duties of Secretary of the Treasury-he,
(Mr. Stewart) being one of those from whom
the President had received gifts. He next
spoke of the Military Ring at the White
House, and said the Executive Mansion as
sumed the character of military headquar-
tiers, to the dishonor of civil service; and in
total disregard of precedent, the President
surrounded himself with officers of the
",
those of civil life, detailing for this service
members of his late staff, although Congress
has shown purpose to limit the employ
ment of military officers in civil service by
three different statutes. Mr.. Sumner con-
demned the President for the taking away
from their proper duties of officers in the
army, to make them Presidential Secreta-
taries, in defiance of law; the subordina-
ton of the War Department to the General
in Chief; the attempt to devolve the duties
of the Navy Department upon deputy, so
that orders were to be signed "A. T.. Borle,
Secretary of the Navy, by ID. D. Porter. Ad-
miral'' the effort to absorb the Indian Blu
reau into the War Department; military in
reference at elections the efforts to Sc
cure the repeal of of the Tenure-Of-Office
act, which limited the Presidential power
of appointment and Presidential interference
with political questions and party move
ments in distant States, from Louisiana to
New York.
Mr.. Sumner also again referred at length
to the San Domingo question in terms of con-
demnation, and said the whole continuance,
besides being wrong to the black Republic
of Hayti, was an insult to the colored race,
not only abroad, but here at home How
Chief Magistrate, with four millions of color
ed fellow citizens, could have done this
thing, passes comprehension. The colored
orator, Frederick Douglass, was selected by
the President one of the Commissioners to
visit San Domingo, and yet, on his return,
and almost while in sight of the Executive
Mansion, he was repealed from the common
table OF mail steamer on Ine
where the other Commissioners were already
seated, and through him was the African
race insulted, and their equal rights denied.
But the President, whose commission he had
borne, did not say anything to right this
wrong; and few days later, when entertain
ing the Commissioners at the Executive Man
sion, he actually forgot the colored orator
whose services he had sought. But this in
dignity is in unison with the rest. After in
sulting the black Republic, it is easy to see
how natural it was to treat with inscnsibility
the representative of the African race.
Here l stay this presentment, under its
various heads, beginning with nepotism
and gift-taking officially compensated, and
ending in continuance against San Domingo,
with intignity to the African race, not be-
cause it is complete, but because it is enough
With sorrow unspeakablc, 1 have made this
expose of prctensions, which, for the sake
of Republican Institutions, every good citi-
zen should wish eXpunged from history; but
l had no alternative. The President himself
insists upon putting them in issue. He will
not allow them to be forgotten. AS candi- |
date for reelection, he invites judgment, and
now the question of duty is presented to the
Republican party. like that word. 1t is a
mandate of duty that we must act upon. Do
Presidential pretentions merit the sanction |
of party? Can Republicans, without depart |
ing from all obligations, whether of party or
patriotism, recognize our ambitious Caesar as
their proper representative? Can we take |
the fearful responsibility of his prolonged |
Empire? put these questions solemnly, as |
n member of the Republican party, with all
the earnestness of a life devoted to the |
triumph of this party. With me, the party |
was country and mankind; but with the |
adoption of all these Presidential pretensions |
party loses its character and drops from its |
sphere. Its creed ceases to be Republican, |
ism, and becomes Grant men," 1t is no
longer apolitical party, but personal party.
For myself, say openly, l am no mans
man, nor do l belong to any personal party.
Mr. Sumner spoke at length on the one
term principle.
In abiding to our foreign relations, Mr.. |
Sumner said he felt bound to say that never
before has their management been so want |
ing in ability and so absolutely without char
acter. In every direction is muddle: muddle
with Spain, muddlc with Cuba, muddle with
the Black Republic, muddle with distant
Corea, middle with Venezuela, muddle with
Russia, middle with England-on all sides |
one diversified middle. To this condition
are we reduced. When before in our history
have we reached any such pass as that to
which we have been carried in our questions
with England? Are these the laurels for a ,
Presidential candidate?
Sound Teeth.
MuSuES rruels r<36uddinps and SOLIDS |