The spirit of democracy. [volume] (Woodsfield, Ohio) 1844-1994, 1872-06-11

l found Him reclih ng on sofa, propped
by pillows, he reached out his hand, al
ready clammy ahtl cold, and in reply to
my inquiry, "How are you p he answer
ed: "W aiting for my THROUGH" Then
at once, with singular solemnity. he said i:
Il have something to say to you" When
! was seated, he proceeded without one
word of introduction: 81 know General
Grant better than any other person in
the country can know him and now
tell you what / know-he cannot govern
this country" The intensity of his man
ner and the positiveness of his judgment
surprised me, for. though I was aware
that the late Secretary of War did not
place the President very high in general
capacity, / was not prepared for judg-
;ment so strongly couched. At latter
some delay occupied in meditating his
remarkable statement,I observed: What
you say is very broad" at is as true
as it is broad,'' he replied promptly. 1
added: "You are tardy? why did you
wait till this time? Why did you not
swered that lie was not consulted about
the nomination, and had no opportunity
of expressing his opinion upon it, he
sides being very much occupied at the
time with his duties as Secretary of War
anu his contest with the President. I
followed by saying: "But you took part
in the Presidential election, and made
succession of speeches for him in Ohio
and Pennsylvania" 81 spoke" said he,
"but / never introduced the name of
Gen. Grant l spoke for the Republi-
can party, and the Republican cause"
Insisting upon reelection, the Presi-
dent challenges inquiry, and puts him.
self upon the country. But even if his
pressure for re election did not menace
the tranquility of the country, it is i'm
portant that the personal rretentions he
has set up should be exposed that no
President hereafter may venture upon
such ways, and no Senator presume to
defend them. The case is clear as noon.
In opening this catalogue / select two
typical instances, nepotism and gift,tak.
ing, officially compensated, each abso-
lutely indefensable in the head of the
Republic, most pernicious in example,
and showing beyond question that the
surprising egotism which changed the
Presidential Office into personal instru-
mentality not unlike the trunk of an ele-
phant, adapted for all things small as
well as great, from provision for rela-
tive to pressing treaty on reluctant
senate, or forcing relation on a relnct-
ant people. Between these two typical
instances | hesitate which to place fore.
most, but since the nepotism of the
President is his ruling passion, revealing
in primary instances his nature ;since it is
maintained by him in utter unconscious.
ness Of its offensive character; since in
stead Of blushing fer it as an unhappy
mistake, he continues to uphold it; since
it has been openly defended by Senators
on this floor and since no true patriot,
anxious for Republican institutions, can
doubt that it ought to be driven with
Kisses and scorn from all probability Of
repetition, l begin with this undoubted
abuse.
There has been no call of Congress
for a report of relations holding office
or stipend or money making opportunj-
ty. under the President. 1t is evident
that any resolution calling for it, moved
| by Senator not known to be for his re-
election, would meet with opposition ;
and an effort to vindicate republican in.
stitutiens would be denounced as an as
sault on the President. But the news
papers have placed enough. beyond
question, for Judgment on this extraor-
dinary case, although thus far there has
been no attempt to appreciate it in the
| light of history. One list makes the
number of beneficaries as many as forty
two. 1t will not be questioned that there
is at least bakers dozen in the catego-
ry Thirteen relations of the President
billeted on the country,not one of whom,
but for this relationship. would have
been brought forward. the whole con-
stituting case of nepotism not unwor.
thy of the worst governments whose
Office is family possession. Beyond
this list Of thirteen are other relations,
showing that this strange abuse did not
stop with the Presidents relatives, but
that his relations obtained appointments
for others in their circle, so that every
relation became the center of influence
while the Presidential family extended
| indefinitely.
Mr.. Sumner here quoted from Amcri-
can authorities on nepotism, and said
that hut one President (Adams) had
ever appointed relatives to Office, and
that public sentiment had condemned
these appointments. Mr.. Sumner then
answered the apologists of the President
and continued:
Assuming that in case of positive
merit designating citizen for particu.
lar post, the President might appoint a
relation, it would he only where merit
was so shining that his absence would
be noticed At least it must be such as
to make the citizen candidate without
regard to family. But no such merit is
attributed to the beneficaries Of our
President, some of whom have done lit-
tie but bring scandal upon the public
service. At least one is tainted with
fraud, and another with a commission of
the Republic abroad has been guilty of
indiscretion inconsistent with his trust
Appointed originally in open defiance Of
Republican principles, they have been re-
tained in Office after their uuftness be-
came painfully conspicuous BY testi-
mony before Congressional Committee
one Of these-a brother in law-was I'm
plicated in bribery and corruption. 1t
is said that at last, after considerable de
| lay, the President has consented to his
removal
Here leave, for the present, this
enormous pretension of nepotism, swol,
len to elephantiasis, which, as nobody
can defend, l pass to gift-taking, which
with our President has assumed an I'M
precedented form. sometimes public
men, even in our country, have taken
gifts; but it is not known that any Pres.
| f8cnt has befyrp maid . natron with