Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1872-03-24
MIR. LINCOLN ON RECONSTRUCTION.


important paper from the Hon. Gideon
Welles, Mr.. Lincoln's Secretary of the
Navy, in which the views Of the latter as to
the policy to be adopted in the reconstruc-
ton, or rather rehabilitation, of the South
ern States, would be set forth in a more
distinct and authoritative form than they
have yet been. Although the GALAXY con-
tanning this paper is already out, we have
failed to receive our usual copy, and have
therefore to depend on the st. Louis Re
publican for summary of the article.
Mr.. Welles gives us a clear insight
into the views Of President Lin
coin concerning reconstruction, and
the discussions of the Cabinet thereupon,
Immediately before and after his death. As
this subject has been the theme of much
debate in public and private circles, and as
this is the first authoritative revelation re-
garding it which has ever appeared in print,
we propose, says the Republican, to repro
duce few of the leading features, asking
for them the careful attention of our read
ers. After abiding to Mr.. Lincoln's con-
nection with the Wing party, and his chiv-
alric devotion to Henry Clay, Mr.. WelIes
says:
"Time, reflection and maturer years tenn
pered his enthusiasm and modified his
feelings. He did not wholly relinquish his
party obligations, but investigation, discus
sion and responsibility had wrought
change in his views. Aside from personal
admiration Of the eloquent Wing champion,
which fingered in his mind a pleasant re-
membrane, and apart from association,
which begets attachment, Mr.. Lincoln, in
his later years, retained but little zeal for
Wing doctrines. When elected, and during
| his administration, he was sincerely and
! conscientiously, in feeling and principle,
Federal Republican, friend of State rights,
and in his general views an opponent of
consolidation. Observation and experience
made him less a centralist and more a
State-rights Republican than he had been
in his earlier years. If the exigencies of
the war impelled him to exercise extraor-
binary and sometimes doubtful powers, be
lamented the necessity, and became more
and more an admirer Of our federative sys-
TEN, and in his convictions an earnest con- |
stitutiOnalist."
When it became evident that the war was
drawing to a close, Ms. Lincoln's anxiety !
in regard to the condition and treatment of |
the South naturally increased, and he was
continually talking about the matter to
members of the cabinet, in and out of ses-
sion.
"He dreaded and deprecated violent and !
revengeful feelings, or any maleyolent de- |
mOnstratiOns toward those of our country |
men who were involved, voluntarily or in |
voluntarily, in the rebellion. The leaders, |
he believed, would fee the country when |
they became satisfied their cause was hope |
less. BE often expressed a wish that they |
might be facilitated in their escape, and no |
strenuous efforts made to prevent their |
egTess. His great object was |
clemency to the rebels and peace |
TO the country. l !
have reason to suppose that in interviews |
with Gems. Grant and Sherman he had en- |
joined upon them the concession OF liberal |
terms to the rebels on the first indication of |
q disposition to yield and abandon the con- |
test. To these merciful and considerate |
views Of the President may be attributed |
the liberal terms extended by the conquer |
ing generals to Lee and Johnston. Each |
of our generals was impressed with the |
humane, generous and patriotic designs of |
the President, whose earnest, deepest wish |
was peace to the people, an early restora-
ton Of national union, and the re-establish- |
ment of the States and the people in all |
their original, reserved and undoubted rights |
on terms of equality and justice"
After the surrender of Lee came the proc
lamation, or order of Gen. Weitzel, cor
vening the Virginia Legislature, which did |
not meet the cordial approval of the major
ity of the Cabinet. Mr.. Welles stated his
objections to the President in a private
conversation, and the ideas of the latter are
set forth as follows:
"He said his object and intentions were
TO effect a reconciliation as soon as possible,
and he should not sickle about forms, pro-
vided he could attain the desired result
that he thought it best to meet the rebels
as men, felow-countrymen, who were rea-
sonable and intelligent, and hadrights which
we were willing and disposed to respect.
They had been in error, had appealed to
arm, and after having fought well, were
beaten and humbled.
He had, he said, no thought Of treating the
Rebel Vhginian Representatives as a legal
assemblage-a real Legislature; but the per
sons composing that body were leading
men in their respective counties, each of
whom had a local influence, which he
thought should be made available in this
critical transition state, in the interest of
peace and the Union. He was surprised
that his object and the movement had been
so generally miscOnstrued, and under the
circumstances, perhaps, it was best the pro-
ceediDg should be abandoned. State action
in the interest of peace was, however, in
Itself disintegration and destruction to the
COnfederacy. He thought it should be en-
cOUraged, and was, perceived, disappOint-
ed that his friends opposed the measure, and
that l, always recognized by him as a State
Rights Union man, had not favored it."
A Cabinet meeting was held on the after
noon of the 18th of April, few hours be-
fore the President fell by the hands of an
assassin. At that time, while discussing
plans for the reorganization Of the South,
Mr.. Lincoln expressed himselfSs follows:
He thought it providential that this
great rebellion was crushed just as Congress
had adjourned, and there were none of the
disturbing elements of that body to hinder
and embarrass us. If we were wise and
discreet, we should reanimate the States
and get their governments in successful
operation, with order prevailing and the
Union re-establiSned before Congress
came together in December. HThis be
thought important. We could do better,
accomplish more without than with them.
There were men in Congress who, if their
motives were good, were nevertheless i'm
practicable, and who possessed feelings of
hate and vindictiveness in which he did not
sympathize and could not participate. He
hoped there would be no persecution, no
bloody work after the war was over. None
need expect that he would take any part in
hanging or killing those men, even the
worst of them. Brighten them out of
the country, open the gates, let down
the bars, scare them of, said he, throwing
up his hands as if soaring sheep.
There was too much of a design on the
part Of some Of our very good friends to be
masters, TO interfere with and dictate to
those States, to treat the people not as fell
toW-citizens: there was too lille resDeet for