The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1872-07-31

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patton of the government, and the democratic
party, contending for their restoration to
power, occupied the same platform on the vital
question Of Southern slavery, the platform of
Henry Clay's compromise adjustment of 1850.
That adjustment embraced FIVE measures of
compromises territorial government for
Utah, on the basis of no slavery. Utah being
free territory, acquired from Mexico; the adj
mission of California as a free State; the re-
affirmation of the Missouri Compromise east of
the Rocky Mountains, whereby slavery was in
terdicted north of SO deg 80 min; the sboli-
ton of the slave-trading pens of the city Of
Washington, and the concession to the South
of the Fugitive Slave law. This platform as
settlement of the slavery agitation was adopted
by wings and democrats in 1852, General Scott
being the whig candidate and General Pierce
"a general of volunteers under Scott in the
Mexican war, the democratic candidate. The
people wanted peace, and they had manifested
everywhere their satisfaction with Clay's adj
justment as basis of peace; but the conser-
natives distrusted the whig party because Of
the strong opposition within its ranks to the
stringent law for the restoration of fugitive
slaves, and 30 SCOTT was overwhelmingly de-
feated and the whig party was SO completely
overthrown that it never rose again. mo7 4,
Had Pierce adhered to his pledges the demo-
cratic party might have been in power to-day;
but we need not here repeat his bad faith and
it's terrible consequences to oil concerned We
have cited the election of 1852 as somewhat
resembling this of 1872, in the occupation by
both parties of the same platform on the lead
ing issues of the time The opposition, demo-
Gratis and liberal republicans, now stand on the
same platform with the administration on the
equality and negro suffrage. On the, question
of general amnesty, however, and the COM
plete restoration of the South through policy
of Cancellation and fraternal confidence, the
opposition alliance is in advance of the adj
ministTation; and the broad proposition of a
change in the national administration in order
to put into practice this policy of Southern con-
Citation is evidently taking strong hold upon
the public mind of the whole country. And
yet, again, upon the general merits and specific
demerits of the administration, there is un-
questionably growing popular desire for q
change, and even upon the hazardous adven-
ture of 'anything for o change" the ire
sistible opposition war cry of 1910. iaig
+, Our Presidential elections since the time Of
General jackson teach us another very i'm
portant lesson, and it is this-that the
patronage of the general government is upon
the whole rather q lightweight than an
advantage to the party in power. To every
friend gained by an appointment to Office the
President makes two, three, four, five, or ten,
twenty or hundred enemies. He cannot
help it; but he must take the consequences if,
In appointing Smith to the Johnstown Post
Office, he arrays against him the disappointed
applicants, Robinson, Thompson, Jones and
Brown. And so, since the time Of General
Jackson, excepting Lincoln, our Presidents
have been limited to one term. Lincoln was
triumphantly reelected, not because of the
power he welded through his immense war
patronage, but because his reelection was
deemed necessity in view of the prosecution
of the war for the Union to successful issue.
General Grant was elected in 1868, as the
great soldier who had fought through the war
for the Union to glorious triumph, and as
the proper man to carry out the policy adopted
by Congress and endorsed by the country for
the reconstruction, and restoration Of the
ex-rebel States. But all this work which
General Grant was appointed to do being
accomplished and in the main accepted by all
parties, the real issues of this contest are mar
rowed down as we have defined them, and
upon these issues, though the results may be
much or little, we await the results of the
North Carolina election fst