The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1872-10-31
rroudo on the Irish Question

very uSniy.
u,oudo on tho Irish Question.
The last of the course OF lectures npor
tba relations between England and Ireland
by-tbe. eminent English historian, Jamel
Anthony Froude, Las been delivered. ine In
| lecturer has had large and attentive au'
d,ences and his utterances have peep
,reated by the leading journals, In their re'
norts ard discussions, With uncommon res
meet Mr.. Froude himself seems not "
have entered upon his undertaking Without
| serious mlsgivings as to its success iof' a'
the close, he said: "When started on
"ubst nv friends called my visionary and
.ouixotic scheme, 1 determined to make
"my New York reception kind OF test. Ii
"lt had been adverse, I should have printed
omv lecture and held my peace. As it is,
"vou have encouraged me to proceed, and,
athsnky to your reception, I shall open my
..moath elsewhere" The aim proposed TO
himself by Mr.. Froude was to enlist the
,r,endly force OF American public sentiment
IN ending the bitter feud between England
and Ireland, which has lasted through so
many generations. At the outset he TOOK
the nosition that the two counties are
nnttad by nature, and cannot be separated.
At the same time he depicts, in vivid aHd
truthful colors, the many wrongs that Ire
land has suffered at the hands OF her con-
ouerors. he appears to sympathize with
the sorrows OF Ireland, and to like the Irish
people, and dwells upon the kindness shown
him by the humblest when sick among them
IN the wilds OF Mayo.
He attributes the conquest and retention
OF Ireland under British rule to her own in-
ternal fends, and points to the Scotch, who
were united In resisting England, as illus
trating the value OF unity In national de-
fence. He appeals to the tribunal OF Amer
lean public opinion for decision OF the
questions between England aud: Ireland, and
he says: "The aspect Of England may be
"summed up In this: Sepa ration We cannot
..grant, all else We are willing to accede to-
which reminds Us OF the French soldier who,
having brought his adversary to the ground,
with his swords point at his throat asked
him II he had any last request to make.
The fallen man asking for his life, the
-Frenchmsn replied, Anything but that, my
a. o.
'dear slr," and dispatched him.
The second Of Mr. Froude's lectures was
devoted to review Of the condition OF Ire.
land Under Henry VIII, and the religious
;element In the contest, her condition under
the reign Of Queen Elizabeth, and the inva-
sion under Cromwell, whom MIR. Froude
lglorihes, and whose refusal OF quarter to the
troops at Drogheda and Wexford he under
takes to justify.
The third lecture continued the subject OF
Cromwell, whom he would have the public
believe was quite beneiactor OF Ireland, and
condemns the liberation shown by William
OF Orange. He defines Cromwell's position
In regard to liberty Of conscience as fol.
lows: ."What was Cromwell to do will
''tell you what he did. and you shall judge
s'ior yourselves whether he did III. The
'Irish demanded liberty Of conscience, 4
f''meddle with no mans conscience the
Lord General answered, but il you mean
rs'by liberty OF conscience liberty to have
"'the mass, that will not be suffered while
"'the Parliament Of England has power"
Mr. Froude does not appear at all to be
aware Of the remorseless irony of that
speech, which smountedit to this, that the
Irish might have liberty Of conscience IL
they did not exercise It In the way which
their conscience dictated.
The fourth lecture was devoted to "Grat-
stan and the Volunteers OF 49," the mise.
rles Of home rule, &c. The fifth and final
lecture was in relation to the "Rebellion OF
"'9s, the Union, and the Ireland Of To-day"
In which Mr.. Froude claimed the great evil
was the land question, which Gladstone's
measure OF three years ago served to relieve
6y pE0HtufetuE5 CStCtfOu5 WfSuOuO tuu CUu.
pensation, and which, he contended, no
Irish Parliament would have passed. In
conclusion, he advised that both Irish and
English should stand together to obtain
their rights in this matter, aud that the
Americans should not, by their sympathy,
tempt the Irish to waste their strength in
efforts that hundred times had resulted In
extreme disaster.
Mr.. Froude certainly cannot complain that
the American press and public have not ac-
corded him Q foil and respectful hearing;
but the result Of his lectures, as far as their
paclfying influence is concerned, will hardly
fulfil his hopes. Those whose interests or
sympathies are enlisted on either side OF
the Irish question would not be likely to be
shaken in their convictions on the subject
even by the pleading Of an advocate who,
to Mr.. Froude's unquestlonable ability, could
add fairness and freedom from prejudice
lar greater than that gentleman has shown.
IL may be, however, that his efforts will have
II