Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1872-02-01

| friend to Pomeroy, often furnishing him
with much needed brains, and Pomeroy
naturally desired to repay him. In this
letter he promised that, if the appoint
ment could be had, the President could
depend upon his friendship, "even in
case OF his impeachment" This was
during the pendency of the articles OF
impeachmentinthe house, and when it
was considered doubtful whether they
would pass.
Alter they had passed the house, and
the case was pending in the Senate, Mr.
Pomeroy, foreseeing that there was still
doubt about theresult, and naturally (tor
him) desiring TO "turna an honest penny,
wrote to Mr.. Edmund Cooper, the pri-
vate secretary Of the President, assuring
him that "a any arrangement made with
bis brother-in-law, Mr.. Gaylord, would
be carried out by him" This letter was
given to Mr.. Legate, and by him 70 Mr..
Gaylord, for delivery to, or to be shown
to, Mr.. Cooper Mr.. Legate and Mr..
Gaylord went together to JacksonSquare,
Immediately in front Of the Presidents
house, where they parted, Mr.. Gaylord
going to Cooper, and Legate remaining.
Arriving at 1Coopers Gaylord opened
Negotiations l The sum finally agreed
upon was $4,000. When the money
came to be counted out, however, Gay.
lord found that a part Of it consisted of
a check on one Of the Washington banks.
This, of course, would not do, as 1t
would lead to unpleasant disclosures.
Gaylord insisted that the whole should
be in currency and Cooper in
sisted on putting in the check.
On this disagreement the whole
matter fell through, Gaylord, going
back to Legate in the park, and inform,
ing him that There was no use talking,
tore Pomeroy's letter into bits, and
dropped it on the ground, After few
minutes convefsation they parted, going |
out of the park by different ways. No
sooner, however, was Gaylord out of
sight than Legate returned, gathered up |
the scraps Of the letter, pasted them
neatly together oua piece of card paper
and had them, photographed. In this
shape the letter is quite complete, as
quite number of our citizens who have
seem It can testify. Pomeroy first bought
the negative of Legate, paying him
large amount of money therefor, think
ing doubtless that he was thus destroy
ing all trace Of the damaging missive,
only to find that Legate had had the
foresight to have two negatives taken.
Pomeroy has since paid various sums of
money to purchase Legate's silence.
This is Legate's story, given to us by |
himself, with authority to use it. The
essential facts are also substantially cor
roborated by Mr.. Cooper.
Failing in his negotiations with Mr..
Johnson, Pomeroy takes new derpar-
ture." He suddenly becomes intensely |
Jealous for conviction. So thoroughly |
convinced had he become, on the fail
ure to secure ready money, that the |
President ought to be impeached and
removed for the good of the country"
and having an unlimited faith in the |
power of money for, the accompiseh- |
Inent of good ipurposes, that he AN |
nounced his willingness to advance a |
large sum of money for the vote neces- |
sary TO secure that object. Mr.. Legate
was the bearer Of dispatches" to this
as in other negotiations. A Mr.: Shaef-
ffsSsSs ffsSsSs friend of Che Hon. /. Z Butler, can
also tell something about this matter.
Other members of congress, besides Mr..
Pomeroy, were also engaged in negotia-
tions of this kind; but of them hereafter.
We say Mr.. Pomeroy proposed to
advance this sum, and could well af
ford TO do so as financial speculation,
because it was then well understood
that, in the SLATE that we had the mex
pressible satisfaction of smashing" at
that time, he and q certain member of
the house were to have the entire con-
troll, under Mr.. Wade's Presidency, Of
the appointments in the internal reve-
nue. bureau. This was Mr.. Pomeroy's
share Of the impeachment plunder, and
he could we'll afford to advance $4,000
or $l00 900 for Mr. Johnson's removal,
and Mr.. Wade's installment in his place.
which would have given him a certainty
of getting it back many fold in few
months. lrfnrrtr rlfe thUpr
So intense was his anxiety for the sue
cess, of the impeachment, that he went
so far beyond the bounds of propriety
and deceney as to stop rs at the door of
the senate chamber, on tne morning of
the day on which the first vote was taken,
and demanded to know how we were GO
ingto vote On being informed by US that
we would know at the proper time when
and not until then, he began to threaten
us with political death at home, and with
an Investigation and expulsion on
charges Of bribery, If we did not vote for
conviction; foreshadowing what we al
ready knew as to the first, and what we
afterward learned as to the latter, for,
no sooner had the senate adjourned on
that day, than the house appointed a
committee to inquire into our eondnct in
keeping our own counsel and voting as
we pleased, with the expectation, in the
fierce passion and hate of the hour, of
securing our expulsion from the senate,
and the appointments Of . successor who
would vote for, and thus secure con-
viction on some Of the other articles of
impeachment, - .atyrts
Active in this base conspiracy was
our own colleague, the Hon, (?) Samuel
O. Pomeroy; and SO keen was bis dis
appointment at the sudden check Of his
mastery advance upon the Treasury
so fierce his indignation toward us as
the cause of all his woe-that he hasten
ed before that committee aud detailed a
tissue of falsehoods, acting under his
oath as senator; relating, with great
various conversations as /
sumed to have taken place between us, |
and repeated assurances given by US
that We would vote for conviction, in all !
Of which there was not one word OF I
truth. Its entire falsity was stated in !
the senate a few days afterward at the
.Io-o or tba trial and efande raanrdad .
IN the Globe That statement Of fact !
Mr.. Pomeroy has never yet attempted, to /
our knowledge, to disprove or to deny. ]
He cannot, for he knows it is true in !
every particular.