Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1872-11-04

spirit Of the Melbourne Administration.
/ From lS4l TO 1916 he led the opposition
against the Peel Administration and
/ when that government went out in ls43
I Lord Russel became Premier, aad re-
talnpd the government of the Kingdom
until the accession Of the Derby Admin
istration in 1882 Under the Aberdeen
government he was Foreign Secretary;
under Lord Palmerston he was Colonial
Secretary; and in 1859 ne again became
Foreign Secretary under Lord Palmers-
ton. On the death Of Palmerston, in
1865, Earl Russell--whO had been raised
to that title in 1S6l-for the second time
became Prime Minister, and in 1866 in
trodueed the second Reform bill, which
caused the defeat of the government in
the same year. Since then Earl Russell
has not taken Office, but has pursued in
the House Of Lords career ofiDdepend-
ent liberalism.
This is the venerable and experienced
statesman who, always a friend of Ire
land, now contemplates the crowning
of the edifice of his fame by endeavoring
to show the British Parliament how it
may do that 'Justice to lrelandn which
vet remains undOne. The letter which
he has addressed to your correspondent
shows that he Is no more blind to what
he considers the faults of ''the Irish ma
turen than he is insensible to the wants
the legitimate and real wants-of the
Irish people. Earl Russell has never
been wanting in courage; but that it
should have been possible even for a
man of his courage 10 take the position
which he has assumed in behalf of Ire
land indicates a great change in the
disposition of the rulers of Great Britain
toward the Irish people. His letter on
the subject Of "home rule published in
the Times toward the close of the last
session Of Parliament, left it uncertain
as to whether he favored in their en-
tirety, the wishes of the "home rule"
party in Ireland; but this question is
now definitely answered in his letter
to your correspondent. In his
letter to the Times published on
Friday, August 9Th, Earl Russell
ostensibly deals with the question Of
the delays in public business, and sug-
gests a remedy of twofold nature:
firstly, as TO the work of the Imperial
Parliament; secondly, as to local legis-
latiOn. In regard to the first, Lord Rus
sell makes certain suggestions of tech
alkind, as TO the time allotted for the
consideration of financial and other
questions, and the alteration OF dates for
the financial year. He then says:
"The question of local legislation is
one too large to be properly treated in
the present letter. 1t appears 10 me that
if Ireland were allowed to elect a repre-
sentative assembly for each of its four
provinces of Leinster, Ulster, Munster
and Connaught; and if Scotland, in
similar manner, were to be divided into
Lowlands and Highlands, having for
each province a representative assem-
bly,, the local wants OF Ireland and Scot
land might be better provided for than
they are at present. The Imperial Par
lament might still retain its hold over
this legislation and refuse, if it SO choose,
to give a third reading to any bill assent
ed to on its first and second readings,
and on the report by the local assembly.
But this is too large a subject to enter
upon in the present letter. l will en-
deavOr in the course of the winter to ex-
plain, in a pamphlet, the course which
think might be taken to the satisfaction
of the nation at large" 4
1t will thus be seen that in his forth
coming pamphlet Earl Russell will not
retreat from, but on the contrary
strengthen and hold with a firmer grip
than ever, the position be at first as
sumed. His project of four representa-
tive assemblies was at first secuted in
England as a mere multiplication of the
evil likely to arise from the re-establish-
ment of even one Irish Parliament.
Earl Russell, it was supposed, had shown
the gullibilityiof the age i'm takingin good
faith the Irish professions of simply local
aims. Their assembly, it was
argued, would soon aspire to
become imperial, and then
where would English authority be?
1t is clear that the English statesman
was not blind to the danger; hut, being
equally alive to the plausibility, at least
to say nothing more Of it-of the Irish
demand, he aimed, as statesmen should, |
to reconcile the two. His four represent
ative assemblies are therefore so many
forces to the evils incl !
dental to their own nature. A single
Irish Parliament would be provocative
Of political contentious eventuating
in ga cOnflagration" in the English |
mans house. The four Parliaments
would "divide the forces' that might |
otherwise be united against Great Brit /
ain, and thus make Irish disloyalty, as
it were, the cOnquerOr of itself.