Virginia free press. (Charlestown, Va. [W. Va.]) 1832-1916, 1872-01-27

IN common parlance, III lOOktu line lnio"iuS
a tub to the whale. When the President de-
clares for civil service reform perhaps It IS
with mental reservation that it is to be killed
in Congress. When he says he wants am
nesty, perhaps it is with the understanding
that the radical leaders are TO oppose it. He
did not charge hypocrisy upon the President,
but it must be confessed this looked very
strange
Mr. T. then discussed at some length the
constitutionality Of the civil rights bill amend
ment of Mr.. Sumner, taking strong adverse
ground He maintained that the principle of
the bill would utterly annihiate all local self
government, aud said from 1895 down to this
time no such broad principle had ever been
cuntended for.
Mr.. Edmunds asked in what did the differ
ence of principle consist in this bill aud the
civil rights bill Of 1866 z?
Mr.. Thurman replied that when the Senator
got TO be Chief Justice Of the Supreme Court,
which some said he was to be, that then, be-
ing a Judge, be would hear both sides. II
there were no such thing as State rights, how
does New England, which has not the popu-
lation of New York. send twelve Senators
| here to make local laws for New York q? If
there are no State rights, why does Nevada,
with less population than ward in our large
cities, have the same voice here as New York
AS to the right of secession, he bad never been
able to satisfy himself that it existed, although
Quincy and John Quincy Adams had both as
serted it.
Mr. Edmunds. and where?
Mr.. Thurman When and where Why,
Quincy ID speech on the annexation Of Tex
as. Nearly every statesman in the North had
at one time or another affirmed that right, and
nearly every Northern Sa.e had acquesced
in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions OF
1898. William Henry Harrison had voted for
them in the Ohio Legislature; Henry Clay had
over and over acquiesced in them. Yet, not
withStandng all this, as he said, he had never
been satisfied that the right of secession did
exist. He earnestly argued that local self-gov-
eminent should not be destroyed. To it we
owed all Of our prosperity under it we had
spread from the arctic zone to the equator,
from ocean to ocean Iflocal self-government
was to be struck down, piece by piece if we
were to be made one consolidated centralized
government, then we would 60 the way that
all cen tralized governments go; first dcspo-
tsm, then rending into fragments more num-
erous far than the States of the Union are
Mr.. Morton said this is the same old demo-
cratic speech. (Laughter.) 1t has been frequent
" heard in the swamps Of Indiana. 1t issthe
same old cry Of destruction OF local self-gov-
ernment, invasion Of State rights, sc. He
MIR. Mnrton,) was believer in State rights,
Int they are tights conferred by the consiitu-
ton, not inherent from State Sovereignty
lhs State tlndiqua) never had any original
sovereignty, mr. had Ohio; they were born OF
the constitution, and all tie rights that they
had the constitution gave them. Proceeding
to speak upon the cliuging Of lie democratic
party to exploded dusmas and dead issues, he
compared it to a man riding back wards IN the
cars, who never sees anything until it is past
him. Great Laughter lie SAID the demo-
cratic party was wholly responsible for the
condition OF the South.
He then alluded to the Broadhead letter Of
Senator Blair, which had obtained for him the
democratic nomination for Vice President
Mr.. Blair.-ll the Senator had not backed
out from his speech Of 1868, he would proba-
bly, have got my place on the ticket Laugh
ter.
Mr.. Morton said in bis speech of 1865 he
distinctly favored universal suffrage, but he
said that the coored people should first have
a probation of ten or fifteen years The Sen
ator from Missouri was once republican, but
he had seen fit t. leave that party.
Mr.. Nye (SOtiO COce. "A good radiance.
Mr.. Murton-Well, will not say as to who
gained 10y bis leaving.
Mr.. Blair said he did leave the republican
party and he left it because of its usurpations
When lie joiued it the whole party could sit
down to dinner table, VIXEN he lett it it con-
trolled the whole government. The speech Of
the Senator in 1865, who at that time was
supposed to be destined for a place in Mr..
.Johnson's cabinet, had much more effect in
the South than his Mr.. Blair's) letter.
Mr.. Morton then sent to the desk to be
read, that portion of the Broadhead letter in
reference to the dispersion Of the car
pet-bag governments in the event Of the cleo
ton of a democratic President.
Mr.. Morton then said that in this letter Of
the Senator the President was advised to play
the part of a despot. What sort Of a show
was this for the Senator, who says he left the
republican party because Of its usurpations
lApplause.) The President did not recommend
universal amnesty, but general amnesty,
which is quite different thing, and he init
mated as proper to make the very eXcep-
tons which are in this bill There can lie
but two parties in this country until the issues
Of the war are settled Pu; the democratic
party into power, and the people Of eight
States of this Union-at least four millions Of
people-will have their civil and political
rights in deadly peril. This is question Of
far more importance than civil service reform,
or the tariff, or anything else.
Mr.. Scott argued that it would be an incon-
sruity to attach Mr.. Summers amendment to
the bill, aud characterized the Vance amend
ment Of Mr.. Morton as a barbed shaft to
strike single victim He denied that grant
ing amnesty would make any one think the
rebellion was right.
Mr. Robertson stated that tomorrow he
would ask the friends of the bill to sit it out.
| He asked unanimous consent to take the vote
at 4 O'Clock.
Mr. Edmunds said he would not agree TO