New-York tribune., 1872-05-07

GREAT BRITAIN AND QUE "CASE."
Our readers already know that we regretted
the concession to Great Britain recently made
by our Government. and that we rejOiced to
learn tbat--the British Ministry having de-
clned to meet us on the ground OF compro-
mise proposed by us-our Government has de-
cded to withdraw its indirect proffer and
stand by its Case as originally submitted. Let
us endeavor to set forth the whole matter as
it now stands:
|. From the outset Of our great Civil War,
the governing classes in Great Britain were
in open, hearty sympathy with the Rebels.
Their Cabinet Ministers from time to time
declared that the Confederacy could never be
subdued, and that Jefferson Davis had
founded nation" Large sums were sub
scribed and paid by British noblemen and
capitalists to tho Southern cause, Ostensibly as
loans, but practically 40 gifts in aid of the
struggling Rebellion.
II. Largely favored by this unfriendly spirit,
the partisans of the Confederacy bired or
caused to be constructed in British ports
number of swift armed steamships, which, es
Gaping thence by the negligence, if not the
demonstrable cOnnivanCe, of her authorities,
secured the seas in quest of our merchant
vessels, which they Overhauled, plundered and
burned by scores, weakening US to the extent
of millions of dollars. These corsairs were
armed with British guns, manned by British
seamen, and were, to all intents, British.
Most of them had never entered a Confederate
port when they began to plumber and destroy
our merchantmen.
I'LL Our protests and remOnstrances were
prompt, earnest, forcible, but Intellectual. They
were fruitful only in excuses But, the War
being at length over, we made our reclamation
in due form, and at last Joint High Commits
sion assembled at Washington and framed a
Treaty, whereby it was agreed that certain OF
our claims against Great Britain, with certain
claims against US set up by her, should be re-
ferred to certain foreign pOtentates, who were
to act by their commissioners as arblters on
these claims respectively.
". The United States, being plaintiff in the
case of our destroyed merchantmen made out
its Case and presented it 10 the British Gov
ernment, by which no cavil was raised until
that Case had been several weeks in its hands
V. At length, it leaked out, or was somehow
made public, that our Case embodied claims
for indirect or consequential damages suffered
by us through the prOlOngatiOn of the War by
reason of these AnglO-Rebel devastatiOns of
our foreign commerce. No sum was named as
the probable or estimated amount of our indi-
rect damages, but it was clearly intimated that
they were large.
vi. The Wing Ministry of Great Britain has
evidently seen its best days. 1t is so shaky
that any casual gust may tOpple it over. The
Tories hot on the scent of power, at once
seized upon this claim as a lever wherewith to
hurl Mr.. Gladstone from Office.
VII. Mr.. Gladstone, thus threatened, mounted
the high horse. He seemed to be surprised by
the claims for indirect damages, and insisted
that the Treaty gave no possible warrant for
presenting them. He gave this not merely as
his construction of that Treaty, but as one
which no rational mind could dissent from.
VIII. Our Government has recently offered
to accept or consent TO q prof1er from Great
Britain that claims for such indirect damages
shall in no case be deemed valid In plain
words we offer to waive or abandon our claim
for indirect or consequential damages in case
Great Britain shall unite with us in recogniz-
ing this as principle, to be respected in all
future cases of international reclamation.
TX. Great Britain declines this proffer, in
sistiDg On a naked abandonment or surrender
OF our claims In question, on penalty Of her
withdrawal from tho arbitration.
X. Our Government declines TO withdraw or
mv.1V lts Case. oven though by ~ dong tho