New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1872-06-06

sincere harmony, especially when, as l Tear,
sinister influences mterposcd to defeat the
reconciliation. 1t is said that after Martin
Van Buren, was defeated by Harrison, in
1910, he was the most surprised of men be-
cause he had been told quite different story
by his confidantes, and had hardly seen
newspaper except that which flattered him.
What I complain of in this speech OF my
friend is its personality. When he was struck
down in the Senate by a South Carolina mad
man, in June of 1856, he made no complaint,
but retired from public notice and rccreated
his shattered constitution. This was IN re-
Spouse to the wrongs inflicted by political
foe. Had he shown the same spirit as to "a
political ally, if not friend, after his deposit
ton from the Senate Committee of Foreign
Relations after Motley's removal, after the
Santo Domingo mistake, all had been well.
This cold world cares nothing about any
mans griefs. 1t sympathizes an hour and
then forgets. 1t rather rejoiccs in our mis-
fortunes, because it has not itself been
wounded. Our neighbOr breaks his leg; we
pity him, but eXult in the fact that our own
remains whole. No man knows this axiom
more thoroughly than Charles Sumner; and
yet he has allowed himself to become the
organ of personal griefs, and, l regret to add,
the repeater of personal accusations. His
tory takes little note of the foibles of public
men. They have abOunded in all administra
tons from the beginning OF civilized govern
ment but in this country. at least, they
amount to nothing when public service has
been faithful, and when principle has not
been sacrificed Discount Grant, if you
please, by all that Mr.. Sumner charges, and
what remains? Alas! why did not the great
Senator sum up the good done by our silent
President while he was parading what he
calls his errors? Why did he not tell us OF
the unforgotten aggregate, so much greater
than the wrong to himself, the removal of
Mr.. Motley, the experiment of Santo Do
mingo, or even the appointment of relations,
and the selection of Cabinet Ministers, whom
we are told did not deserve such recognition |?
That would have been the part Of the impair
tial statesman. Why did he not recall his
own grateful emOtions---for | know how he
felt then--when Grant captured Nicksburg
on almost the same day that Gettysburg fell !;
when Grant marched through the Wilderness
and laid his conqueling sword on Richmond.
and when the living Stanton poured out his
thanksgiving to God over the accomplishing
devotion of Grant in her agonizng extremity?
Why did not Charles Sumner rise to the lofty
height he has heretofore so resplendantly
occupied, and bravely point to the other and
the brighter and better reverse of the medal =?
Could he not see that one so wildly worship
ed by great people for the greatest work
ever wrought in history will not be discarded
because of personal charges which, at the
worst, if true, only prove that Grant has
yielded to influences that have been favored
by many Of our public characters?
Had Mr.. Sumner confined himself to merely
personal charges it would have been better
for his case; but when he tries to deprive
President Grant of all credit for the manage
ment of the finances, and to assert that An
dresc Johnson paid Off more of the national
debt than George s. Boutwell,, and when he
arraCns him for faithlessness to the colored
people, he oilends, undertake to say, against
his own better judgment. The confidence of
the money circles and the united support of
the colored people upon Grant as their candi-
date for reelection are the double answer to
this extraordinary accusation.
For one, / do not fear Grants personal
government. Many people asseverate that,
if reelected, he will dedicate himself to the
punishment of those who have not favored
the special features of his policy; that he will
ignore States like Pennsylvania and take the
bulk of his Cabinet from useless men and
Democratic commonwealth. All this is pos
sible. A man generally sticks to those he
has learned to like, and a community of ac-
ton makes a community of confidence. A
President is like other men at the best, and
will be guided by the same motives. | GO
for Grant, not because he will change his
household, but because he grandly aided to
save my country, and has given to me and
mine the best government in the world
Some things he does L do not like but he is
so much better than Republican at the head
of the Administration, and in the keeping OF
the Democratic party, who would restore the
old rebel leaders and measures, that / often
thank God he is here to rescue us from thai
calamity. And will my dear friend, Mr.
Sumner, bear this fact in mind? Is it not
better to have Grant at the head of our AID.
minstratiOn for four years more than Greeley
at the head Of the Democracy for the same
time?
The personal government that | fear in
this country is that of the United States
Senate. A Senator is often greater than the
Executive. He confirms and consents, but
he also commands. Under a new and most
offensive ruling a United States Senator can
be despot. He may override the delegation
in the House. He may control in defiance
of republican sentiment, che appointments in
Congressional districts represented by Demo-
Gratis, and he may degrade and dsfranchise
the best men in those districts. The Pres-
dent himselfis impotent before this mOnstrous
anu IL must Dc
cost what ii may.
No, my dear friend Summer. We cannot,
we dare not, forget General Grant. l am
not one of his flatterers. l have never con-
cealed the truth from him. But l am not
insensible to the fact. l cannot forget how
much he has done for you and for me in Civ
ing us a country. | cannot forget that with
out him we might be to-day divided, discorl-
ant, and hostile peoples. And l shall 90
back to my workshop in Philadelphia to-
night, and next week do my best to re-elect
him, in the confident hope that he will for
four years to come be q good, old-fashioned
Republican President. If he deceives me
and proves to be Caesar, he will also prove
that he is n very foolish man. j. w. +.
The Soldiers Protest