New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1872-09-20
PIT AMES ON THE STAND.

All of the Grant journals which have mus
tered up courage enough to say word about
the Credit Mobilier bribery vehemently declare
that the case is closed. Not so, gentlemen
the case can not be closed until Mr.. Cakes
Ames goes on the witness stand and gives us
sworn evidence to rebut Off possble) sworn
evidence. Col. McCOmb swears that the in
dorsernents on the back of Ames's letter of
Jan. %, 1868, showing to whom the stock was
assigned, were furnished by Ames to him.
Does any intelligent man suppose that Mr..
Ames's simple denial, in a general way, of
bribing Blaine, Patterson, Wilson g. Co.,
covers and closes tho case Then,
again, even in his disingenuous card
to his constituents, Mr.. Ames admits that he
wrote that letter of Jan. Is, 1868, to Col.
McCOmb; he calls it "my letter; )" and in that
epistle he explicitly said that he had dis
tributed {" given" is the word) certain shares
of his Credit Mobilier stock TO certain States
which he names and the States thus speci-
fed are the States represented by Blaine, Will
son, Scoleld, and others. And yet Mr.. Ames
has the hardihood, after this confession, to
intimate in his card of exculpatOn that he did
not bride Congressman with Credit hObilier
stock in 1851 Why was this stock given"
as he says it was, in 1868, except
to bride Congressman And to whom
was it givenY Put him on the stand!
1t has already been shown that the preteXt
of Mr.. Ames that he was not asking for
friendly legislation in 1868 is a flimsy, uncan-
did pretext He does not dare deny that he
gave away valuable stock but he pleads that
then he could have had no special AK to grind
in Congress, just as though we did not know
that he was trying to preuent unfavOrable leg
islatiOn in 1862 when it was sought to compel
the Union Pacific people to pay interest on
their Government bonds. The records of Con-
gress show that Mr.. Ames and his associates
were interested in the legislation of every
session from 1868 to 1871; and every
Washington habitu6 knows that the cor
poration exercised an unceasing lobby
vigilance. And yet Mr.. Ames thinks to
blow away all these damning facts and con-
illusions by Whit of whine addressed to his
constituents. This won't do, Mr.. Ames. You
cannot sweep away sworn evidence by a mere
verbal disclaimer or denial We want to see
Col. McCOmbs afiidavits disprOved Mr.. Ames
says that legal answers exist to them; let us
have them at once. Mr.. AmeS evidently
knows all about the disposal of the Credit
Mobilier stock in 1853. He knows whether
Blaine, Wilson, and others got it. Let us
have no more filings about wicked SANDERS"
but put Mr.. Ames on the stand.
We may as well add another word. There
is not an intelligent man, having personal
familiarity with the course OF affairs in Con-
gress during the time specified, who doubts
that Congressman were then bribed. Many
doubt whether Thos. ID. Elliott or Jas. A. Gar
field, or this or that man, could have been so
won nobody doubts that some were. The
use of money in this matter is as implicitly
believed as is the use of money to
affect legislation at Albany. Doubtless the
shares did not go direct to the men
named. When Mr.. Tweed wanted to buy
James Wood, he resorted to no vulgar bribery.
He merely lent Wood money, and never col
lectcd or expected to collect it. When Mr..
Ames wanted to buy Henry Wilson, nothing
was easier than to set aside stock for him, pay
him the enormously swollen dividends on it,
sell it after the rise, and pay him the profits
on the sale. And nothing would then be
easier than TO deny that no had given Mr..
Wilson any stock 49, nothing, except lying. In
that way. or u some way, no intelligent man