Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1872-10-02
Charles Francis Adams, Dr., ON POIitic
and CandidnIes.

| with your KIND indulgence, to do for myself on
| the present occasion. And in one respect at
| least the canvass now going on affords matter
| for sincere cOngratulation. Much of it as there
is there is vet far less discredtable electioneer-
ing cant about il than at one time there seemed
cause to apprehend. A lew weeks ago l acct
dentallv came across an old volume of political
pamphlets relating to the election of 1S4O-the
famous clog cabin and hard cider" campaign of
"Tippecanoe and Tyler too, that ideal year
for the believers in ''tidal waves" and "prairie
fires, in which, through the grace of God John
Tyler was chosen 10 preside over the destinies
of this people for the space of three years and
eleven months. II was singular reading, though
somewhat melancholy wthal, and closed the
volume with, to state il mildly, small admira-
ion for tidal waves and prairie fires when
viewed through a perspective of thirty years.
Early in the present summer another hard cider
dispensation seemed impending over us in the
shape of a white hat and woOdchopper cam
paign; and it was only as the season advanced
that it became evident that the professionals in
charge of that novelty had dreadfullv undereSti-
mated the intelligence of those "masSes," of
whom they thought so much; and the feeble
uutTmeut which suffced for 1910 was a pro-
nouneed failure in 1872. We may not, as a
people, even vet have reached the full height of
calm political debate, but we are out of our
swadding clothes, and the childish appeals
which once excited an odd enthusiasm have this
year been distinctly productive only of laughter
and disgust.
This certainly is fortunate for me this evening,
| as l by no means propose to deal in campaign
| eoquence or in any appeals to enthusiasm; on
the contrary, intend to discuss both the issues
| and the candidates now bafore us in decidedly
| calm and purely critical spirit. l am, in the
first place, and for the reasons which have for
| some time sought a suitable occasion to state,
greatly indebted to you for the invitation which
YOU have extended TO me to address you this
| evening. As yOu well know, am not politician.
l have never indeed publicly mixed in politics
| at all, and probably never shall; but it is not
| unknown to some of you that, in my own way,
| | was concerned in the movement which result
| ed in the Cincinnati convention of May last,
| and, having been actively engaged in that move.
ment from its first inception, have been most
| anxious for some suitable public occasion on
| which might put on record my reasons for re-
| fuSing TO abide by its result, and for giving my
| vote against the candidate of that convention,
Mr.. Greeley, and in favor of the opposing candi-
dna General Grant
In stating these reasons | do not propose TO
| indulge III any personalities concerning either
| of the candidates or their supporters So far as
| |, at least, was concerned, mo Cincinnati move
| ment was pure matter of political conviction.
| | was and am iree-trader,-a free -trader in the
| most radical meaning of the phrase; not mod
| crate tariff man or revenue reformer, but an
ultra free-trader,-one who believes that indi-
| rect taxation is a Self-impOsed fraud and q sure
incentive to political corruption, and that an
absolutely free interchange of commodities
dIuOuI lt ldtlUlS VI tue GdIlu NOulu NC rs Dcll-
| eicial as it has proved among the states of this
| Union. | was not then, or am now, believer
| in a iTredeemabe paper currency, and | regard
| ed a nation, as rich and prosperous as this, and
| which nevertheless does not pay its notes, much
| as regard business man who can paw and
| don't. ! was, and am, also, a firm believer in
| the necessity of an immediate and thorough re-
| form and publication of our whole civil service
| system; l detest and dispise the theory that the
| offices of government are the legitimate booty
Il, Lilo
| that the recognition of such a rule is WAol-
| ly inconsistent with a continued political
purity. believe, also, in local self-gOvernment,
| and have the utmost dislike to Capitalization in
| any form, whether state or nation; combined
| with a profound lack of faith in the efficacy of
| legislation, whether to make men richer or bet
| ter. These were the few simple principles in
| which the Cincinnati movement originated.
| Certain men met together at Washington and
| subsequently in New York-editors, economists,
| politicians, and men of buSiness-few in number
| being not more than fifteen or twenty in all,
| but welding an enormous power through the
| press. We discussed the position and probable
course of existing political parties, and the ma
| chinery which should be set in motion to in
| auence the current of public events. We were
| all of one mind. Political managers and aspir-
| ants for office were very civil and profuse in ex.
| pressions of sympathy with us in private, but
| very shy of us in public. For that or them
however, we cared but little. We felt pretty sure
Of the future; for we knew that the growing
| thought of the country was with us, and as that
developed itself we entertained little doubt that
| the professionals and aspirants would rapidly
| find themselves illumined. Acting in concert
| with the gentlemen / have referred to, nearly
| two years ago | had the honor, or otherwise as
| it may be adiudged, at the suggestion Of Col.
| Grosvenor, then Of the St. Louis Democrat, and
| of Horace White, then and now of the Chicago
| Tribune, two men who are powers in the west
and whose names were always prominentin this
| movement-at the suggestion of those gentle
| men then drew up with my own hand the
| original draft of q resolution calling conven-
| ton of those sympatizing in our views to meet
| at Cincinnati. This was not however, the NOM
| mating convention of May last-that subSe-
| quently grew out of it, Yet | do not now hest
| tate TO say that when the convention of May was
| called | sympathized most heartily in its spirit
| and objects as then understood them-further,
| | still heartily sympatize in them, if my under
| standing of them was correct.
| That convention was called in open and
| avowed hostility to the policy pursued by the
present administration and the party which sus-
| tanned it, to which you belong, and with which
| | now propose during this campaign to act.
| What am about to say may not be pleasant to
| republican ears to hear, but the saying it is
necessary to a complete exposition Of my views,
and | seek from you no approval but only pa
| tient audience. | am not here to make any con-
| iession Of wrong-doing, We rebeed against
| the existing administration of public affairs
| upon almost every conceivable ground-aS free
traders, as revenue and civil service reformers,
as opponents of Capitalization in government
| as disbelievers in every description of meddle-
| some legislation, as aspirants for a purer and
| more elevated and more intelligent tone of pO-
| litical thought and action and discussion and
| administration. So far as President Grant him
| self was concerned ] personally entertained but
| one sentiment-that Of intense and bitter disap-
| pontment at what l still consider his great fail
| ure as a civil administrator He was my old
| general, and as such, felt toward him, not as
You feel, but as those only feel who have passed
| through long days and nights of battle agony
| looking to one man in firm reliance that he
| carried with him ultimate victory, and, in the
| end, have found that faith justified. had
| passed through that awful ordeal in close at
tendance upons General Grant, and the strong
feeling of faith with which he then insured me
long survived his transfer to civil life and was
more than once matter Of rdcule to those who
could not understand loyalty which had found
itself justified amid the roar of cannon. And
let me further say that |, in common with
vast multitude of others, have had my admira-
ton and sympathy deeply excited by the grand
silence with which the president has undergone
the vile torrent of contradictory calumny which
has so persistently been poured forth against
him. Gen. Grant cannot at once be both the
wretched imbecile and the cunning usurper he
is so commonly described by the same lips, and
| can assure those now so indiscreetly assailng
him that they are guilty of a grave error Of
Judgment if they fOndly believe that the men
who stood by him while lead was in the air will
be driven from his side by the hurting of hard
words.
Nevertheless, ! could not but feel two years
since, as still do feel, that my old general did
not comprehend, or was opposed to, what were
the cardinal principles Of my political faith
We can not live forever on the dry husks of the
ant-slavery agitation, or upon the animosities
Of the late war. The northern heart will not
much longer be fired by appeals to f'the BOYS
in blue," any more than by "reminiscences of
hard cider or encOmiums on white hats That
long battle is over; that issue is decided beyond
peradyenture Of reversal. Whichever party is
successful this year the vile scandal known as
"carpet-bagism" is doomed, and the states late
" in rebellion are sure at last of being left to
themselves The only contingency, so far as |
can forecast the future, which can endanger this
much to be the desired result, would be the cleo
ton Of Mr., Greeley. That might possibly, by
inviting new disturbances, reopen the whole
question. In such an event Mr. Greeley is, judy
ing by his own utterances in the past in relation
to the justice and propriety of secession and
force bills, scarcely the man should care to see
entrusted with the delicate duty Embellishments
was one of those who met our southern breth-
rem on number of hard.tought fields. Seven
years ago, when General Grant paroled Lees
army, | ''casped hands across the bloody
chasm," and from that day to this have enter
es9V, l. 1lu &