The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1872-02-06

Of the People.
The time has come for the American people,
without distinction of party, to look this Eng
lish question full in the face. We cannot dis
cuss this question as partisans, nor with the
view of making political advantage for or
against any party. Whatever criticism
may be made upon the President,
no American can fail to see that
in this issue he speaks for the
whole people. The interest is national, and
the duty is national. We must make front
against England without showing any dissen-
sion, or even any appearance of dissension.
Failing in this, the British will not fail to take
advantage of our internal feuds to embarrass
the government and destry the practical
effects of our demands upon England.
The full and interesting dispatches from
Washington we publish to-day show the po-
sition Of the administration. Those who
imagined that President Grant would be in the
least inundated by the arrogance of the
British press-an arrogance proceeding as
much from ignorance and an inherent bru-
tality of character, and that traditional
tendency of English diplomacy to
achieve by intimidation what cannot be
won by fair dealings the character
of the President He has taken a position
that recalls the resolution adopted by
Andrew Jackson when dealing with
Louis Philippe. The sudden excite
ment shown in the British newspapers
and the anxiety expressed in all circles as to
the issue with our country, not to speak Of
that truculent tone of middle class sentiment,
which seems to see in war with America
an atonement for the indignities inflicted
upon England by Germany and Russia, make
no impression upon him. He cannot consider
any ministry. The American government has
met the English government in the person of
duly accredited ambassadors. They discussed
the whole question. They agreed upon GER
tain rules Of action. These rules were COM
bined into treaty. This treaty is
a law to those who are to appear before the
Conference. England stands in precisely the
same position as America. If we have made
an exorbtant claim 1t is for the arbtrators
to decide that fact In other words, what we
see every day in our Courts upon an action
for damages, or any proceeding involving the
payment of money, the attorneys for the plain
tiff ask for a sum largely in excess of what
any tribunal will furnish. A man lays his
claim for atonement in an action Of libel
for hundred thousand dollars, and feels
fad kho a. inf tbo
the defendant. Why, then, should not America
state her whole case? It Is truly case that
may excite the surprise Of English statesmen.
The encouragement given to the rebellion; the
two years prolongation of the war by reason of
that aid; the injury to our shipping; the ad-
vance in rates of insurance. the withdrawal
of our mercantile marine from the seas, and
the consequent ACKNOWLEDGMENT of British
commerce, and 80 on through twenty varying
phases of injury Inflicted upon us by England,
and suffered by our citizens, must all be con-
sidered by our people in presenting the case
Had the President failed to advance these con-
siderations he would have been unworthy of
his trust.
If these claims for consequential damages
are resented by England, as harsh and I'M
usual or in any way violating that compact,
what shall we say of the course of the
English Commissioners themselves? 1t is
not generally known. but we have au-
thorty for saying that the English themselves,
in presenting their case before the Board of
Assessors, asked our government to pay the
Confederate loan. Had this circumstance
been brought to the attention of the American
people at the time there would have been an
excitement here far transcending what we now
see in England. Here wal! direct case of
material aid to the rebellion. Money was
advanced by English capitalists to buy arms
and stores for the rebellion. These capitalists
accepted bonds as security, expressing ON
their face that they were to be paid within a
certain time after the recognition of Southern
They were bought at q small
price. 1t was direct, plain business invest
ment, as well as q violation of the
Queens proclamation imposing neutrality
upon the British subjects. The constitution,
by solemn amendment, expressly forbade
the payment of this debt or the enactment by
Congress of any law looking to its payment;
vet here we had British Commissioners
gravely asking the United States to violate
their fundamental law to pay English
men at par for Confederate bonds that
were purchased at q large discount.
Suppose, we repeat, that this claim
had been made known at the time
by the American government. No words
would have expressed the anger, the just and
righteous anger of our people. It is just as
if Mr.. Semmes, the pirate chief, or Mr.. Laird,
the builder of the Alabama, had asked us to
pay for the damages incurred by the sinking