Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1872-12-07
TINE HISTORY OF EMANCIPATION


ishes history Of emancipation, which pos
sesses fully as much merit and interest as
his former contributions bearing on the is
sues involved iD our civil war. The treat
ment and disposition of slaves who were
captured, Or who came within the lines of
the Union armies, were in the early days
OF he war perplexing questions, The Con-
stitution Of the United States, which Mr..
Lincoln had sworn ''to protect, preserve and
defend," recognised slavery and the right to
property in slaves, and Mr.. Welles says
"neither the President nor any member of
the Cabinet was disposed TO interfere with
the institution Of slavery, or believed the
Government would interfere" In support
of this position, Mr.. Welles refers to the
fact that Mr.. Lincoln had declared previous
TO his election, and reiterated at his inau-
gurstion: 81 have no purpose directly n
Indirectly, TO interfere with the instituticn
Of slavery in the States where It exists. !
believe have no lawful right to do so, and
| have no inclination to do So" Notwith-
standing this explicit declaration, there was
a strong faction, if not majority in his
party of declaring the slaves free at once,
aud these men brought terrible pressure
to bear upon the President and <his
Cabinet as well as the army,
TO secure their end. Many of the Generals
in the army deemed it tbier duty to respect
the Constitution and, laws bearing on the
question Of slavery, and they did so by
sending back TO their masters the slaves
that fed to their camps. But this proceed
ing excl ed violent protestation from the
fanatics. MIR. Welles says: "The orders of
such officers as Gems. Mcclellan, HslecB,
Dix and others, prohibiting the fugitives
from coming within the army lines, caused
great dissa. isf&cdon at the North, without
appeasing any at the South" Stimulated
by this fanatic feeling, Gen. Hunter took it
upon himself TO proclaim the freedom oftbe
slave in South Carolina, Georgia and Flor
ida. President Lincoln promptly issued a
counter proclamation on the 10Th of Nav,
1852, annulling that of Gen. Hunter, in
which he said: al further make known
that whether it be competent for me as
Commander in Chief of the army aud navy
to declare the slaves of any State or States
free, and whether at any time, in any case,
il shall become a necessity indispensable to
the maintenance CT the government to ex-
ercise such supposed power, are questions
which under my responsibility 1 reserve TO
myself, and which / cannot feel justified in
leaving to the decision OF commanders in
the field" As the war progressed, the feel
ing in favor of declaring the slaves free in
creased, while Congress was steadily keep
ing step to this music. Mr.. Lincoln, who
had scruples of conscience, appreciated
the difficulties Of his position, aud while
resolutely resisting the opportunities of the
fanatics, he sought to solve the perplexing
problem by getting the border States, Mary
land, Kentucky and Missouri, to decree
emancipation Of their slaves, for which the
Federal Government should pay them, for
he again and again confessed that no au-
thority but that of the States could set
them free. Mr.. Welles says: "a part of
this scheme was 2 plan for the deportation
Of the colored race; for Mr.. Lincoln had a
belief, amounting almost TO a conviction,
hat the two races could not dwell together
in unity and as equals IN their social rels-
lions. There was, be thought, a
natural antagonism between the whites
and blacks, which could not
and ought not to be overcome. He,
therefore, at an early period of his admin
isLration, some time before bis emarcipa-
lion proclamation was projected, devised
plans for the deportation and coloDiziDg OF
The colored population. Il these various
projects Of deportation and colonization he
was earnestly sustained by the Attorney
General. Bates, the Postmaster General.
Mr.. Blair, and the Secretary of the Interior,
Mr.. Caleb Smith" Even when bis emsr-
cipatiOn proclamation was issued, deporta-
ton continued to be fAvorite idea with
him, and be never abandoned it. 1t may
seem new TO some when the well-know fact
is presented that compensation for
the less of slave property was
favorite pr iect with Mr.. Lincoln, fire.
quenlly urged by him to Congress. He pro-
posed scheme by which, first the Border
States, end then all the Southern States
were 10 be paid for their slaves. This was
The bait " tn which The Southern States
were to be drawn back into the Union. l.
was very natural, therefore, that Mr.. Gree |
ley, as Mr.. Liuc0ln's ambassador, should
lave proposed such terms 10 the Southern
ia Canada. The Radical pa.
peIs which 50 .ercely denounced Mr. |
Greeley for this in the late campaign, care
fully ignored the fact that be was then |
truly representing the views of the |
President. Mr. Lincoln was, too, firm ad-
v0cate Of much less feasible scbeme-the |
a SOA +dtAOA Va all LhO hCSiOOos WdS |
always part of his own scheme Of emanci- |
patton.
- As to the motive which prompted his EN-.
proclamation, we are told by |
Mr.. Welles, che wss governed not by |
sympathy for he slave, but by a sense OF |
duty, and the obligations which, as Chief
Magistrate, he owed TO his country" Il |
vas not until after McCleilan's failure on
he Peninsula that Mr.. Lincoln recognised |
The necessity Of abolisbiDg slavery TO save
he government. The next Sunday after |
his return, on his way b. funeral In com. |
pary with Mr., Seward and Mr.. Welles, he |
Tor the first time, indicated his purpose
10 proclaim emancipation. Gle had tried |
various expedients to escape issuing an
executive order emancipaling TIE slaves,
5he last aud only alternative" but che saw
no escape" Further efforts with TIE |
border States would, lie thought, be useless.
That was not the road 20 lead us out /
Of the difficulty. We must take q
different pa.h. We wanted the army to
strike more vigorous blows. The admins