New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1872-08-29

| and pardon to rebel officers and peoplcY
GRANT, have occasionally recommended
a person for amnesty. thought there was
nc reason why, because person had risen
to the rank Of general he should be ex'
cluded from amnesty any more than one who
had failed to reach that rank.
| don't see any reason why the volunteer
who happened to rise to the rank of general
should be excluded any more than colonel
I frequently had to intercede
for General Lee aud other paroled officer:
on the ground that their parole protected
them from arrest and trial. The President
at that time occupied exactly the reverse
grounds, viz: that they should be tried and
punished. He wanted to know when tho
time would come that they should be pun
ished. l told him not so long as they
obeyed the law and complied with the
stipulation
| THE OPINIONS OF OTHERs.
Upon this point it will be interesting to
observe what some of the able men who have
never acted with the Republican party have
to say in comparing the magnanimity OF
Grant and Greeley. We first give an e1-
tract from a speech of Hon. Mr.. Voorhees,,
the great Democrat Of Indiana:
"Sir: 1t is sometimes said, and | regret
| to hear it, that this nominee Mr.. Greeley
went bail for Jefferson Davis. 1t is too mar
row platform for Presidential campaign.
Laughter 1t is most dangerous appeal,
| a most mischievous issue to raise between
the man who put Mr.. Davis in Jail and the
man who bailed him out. 1t would not be a
prudent issue, and, as q friend of the South,
crn people, implore them not to make it.
1t will arouse a feeling which is rapidly pass
ing away, for the soldier element of the
North is magnanimous, just, and good. 1t
will, in other respects, provoke comparison
not favorable to the nominee of tho Cincin-
natl Convention. A hundred millions of
property stood ready to bail Mr.. Davis. He
was not helpless he did not need support !;
the whole South would have bailed their own
prisoner. But there was q time when An
drew johnson and his administration, espe-
cialy guided by his Secretary of War, de-
sired to arrest Robert E. Lee and Joseph E.
Johnston, and other prominent leaders of
the South. But one man could prevent 1T.
That man is now the Chief Executive of this
nation. General Grant at that time stepped
forward and told the authorities that he had
taken the paroles of these distinguished
Confederates as soldiers, and those paroles
should be respected. [Applause.)
I fear, Mr.. Speaker, that if l should take
the stump and press the claims Of MIR. Gree.
lev, should find a candidate opposing him
who had done more and kinder things for
the South than he had"
Governor Wise, the indomitable defender
of the South, presents the case this way in a
letter to Col Mosby: "Was Greeley super
serviceably benevolent in going bail for
President Davis? Grant was far more man
ly in giving US honorable capitulation at
Appomattox to 60 home with the honors of
war, and, so long as we obeyed the laws,
there to remain unmolested in all respects
whatsoever"
HE URGED AMNESTY ALL THE TINE IN HIS
MESSAGES.
In his messages he has throughout en-
phasized the question of amnesty, appealing
to his friends in Congress and to the North
ern people in the strongest and most direct
language, TO hasten the bestowal of that
cherished boon upon the late Confederates
and to his persistent efforts in private and
public council is to be credited the final
passage of the general amnesty law at the
last session of Congress. Read his appeal in
his last message, observing as you will, that
it is in spirit and substance the same gener-
Gus argument which he advanced soon after
the surrender, when others were demanding
trials for treason, and punishment in chains
or upon the scafold.
"More than six years having elapsed since
the last hostile gun was fired between the
armies then arrayed against each other-one
for the perpetuation, the other for the de-
struction, of the Union-it may be well con-
sidered whether it is not now time that the
disabilities imposed by the fourteenth amend
ment should be removed. That amendment
does not exclude the ballot, but only imposes
the disability to hold offices upon certain
classes.
~ do not see the advantage or propriety
of excluding men from office merely because
they were, before the rebellion, of standing
and character sufficient to be elected to posi-
tons requiring them to take oaths to sup
port the Constitution. and admitting to eli
gibility those entertaining precisely the same
views but of less standing in their communi-
ties. Il may be said that the former violated
an oath, while the latter did not. The latter
did not have it in their power to do so. If
they had taken this oath it cannot be doubt
ed they would have broken it az did the
former class.
AN APPEAL FOR VIRGINIA.
The Old Dominion, the mother of Presi
President Grants assistance. In the very
first month of his administration he urged
upon Congress her claims in q special mes
sage; and in the election which took place in
1869, on the adoption of the test oath clause
in the State constitution, he allowed seps-
rate vote.
THE rEsr-oArH.
When the military Governor proposed to
apply the testoath to the members of the
State Legislature thus elected, the President
prevented him, and on the reassembling of
Congress in the fall, the State officers, by
his urgent recommendations, were recog
nized, and its national Representatives were
admitted to their seats and in no way since
has he interfered with the sovereign rights
of Virginia. A similar policy was likewise
pursued towards Texas and Mississippi.
From the beginning of his career at Bel
tsseu d not an act of cruelty or unjust Sc.
os y charged against him. The future
histr com ,idnm orlorave thepolitical preiu.