New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1872-08-08

proclaimed, in q public of1clal uspatcn' uiae
the Union would be restored without freeing
a single slave, Mr.. Greeley did not indorse
and was not enrapturcd by that assurance.
When our Republican President gravcly
nroposed the wholesale expectation OF our
free blacks at public expense to some foreign
land, Mr.. Greeley did not approve that recon-
mendation. nor tho appropriation OF public
money to be wasted in obedience thereto.
When the General-in -Chief of the Union
armies ordered the IIutchinsOns to be turned
ont of the camps of the Army of the Potomac
for singing anti-Slayery songs to the soldiers,
Mr.. Greeley was not delighted by the order.
When Major-Gen. Halleck, commanding the
Department of Missouri, ordered that all
Blacks coming into our lines from those of the
Rebellion should be turned back and driven
off, Mr.. Greeley did not approve this strategy
of the commentator on Jomini.
When Gen. Grant Gas was currently stated
nj the time and never contradictory declared
that, if the war for the Union were to be per-
verted into war against Slavery, he would
break his sword and carry it over to the Rebel
side, Mr.. Greeley was not in accord with hlin'
I'm short, Mr.. Greeley persisted in regarding
Slavery as at once the impelling force and the
vital part of the Rebellion, and had no falth
in any Union craftsmanship or Union general
ship which was blind to this truth. lie dld
not believe that the war for the Union eitler
could or should be prosecuted to successful
| issue while it wore the aspect OF Struggle
| to make the Slave Power resume that dolni-
nation over us which it had in an hour OF
madness renowned and forfeited.
1t is quite probable that, had Mr.. Greeley
been proffered his choice between Union oil
| twenty-five States and twenty-five millions OF
people whereof every one was free, anu q
Union of forty States and forty millions OF
people whereof five millions were chattels per-
sonal of other men, and every rood OF SOIL the
| legalzed hunting ground OF saye-calchers
and their bloodhOunds he might have chosen
| the former In the actual case, II was his
| chief anxiety, from first to last, that Slavery
| shonld gain no advantage i'll the struggle,
whether from war or peace, victory or COM
promise.
That there were Others more sagacious than
he is quite possible; but who was more faithful
| tohs own earnest cOnvictOns3 His view OF the
main question was fully set forth in lecture
entitled "The Nation" which he read before
Mr. Lincoln, a majority of his Cabinet, and
large proportion of Congress, at the Smith
sonian Institute, in January, 1852. 1t was re-
iterated in his Prayer Of Twenty Millions
which President Lincoln answered, asserting
his willingness to free all, some, or none OF
the slaves, as one or another of these expedl-
ents should seem most likely to save the Union.
1t is fortunate for Mr.. Greeley that his
adyersaries have printed his private letter to
Mr. Lincoln, of July, 1854, suggesting terms
which the President might advantageOusly
offer to the Rebels, whether they should he
accepted OF rejected. But for the notoriety
given to that letter, those who assert that he
proposed to give up the Union or consent to
the perpetuation of Slavery for the sake OF
peace might lilo with some plausibility, and
perhaps to some purpose.
When the doom of Slavery was sealed, the
war was, in Mr. Greeleys conception, ended.
But for Slavery, no one could ever have
armed and drilled ten thousand American citi-
zens to fire at the flag of their country and
trample it into the mire with shouts of eXul-
tation. If the Rebels had ever given effect to
the plan of their leaders by abolishing
Slavery, we might have thereupOn disbanded
the National armies and retired from the con-
test for an early restoration of the Union
could not have been prevented by all the Sc
| cessionistS on earth.
Such are the well-known convictions which
guided Mr.. Greeley through our long and ter
rible struggle. That he did not foresee the
end from the beginning is quite probable
how many did 1t pleased God to vouchsafe
us an issue different from (and of course
better than that contemplated by any states
man or any considerable party in our country.
Thousands will say non that they always
foresaw, they always intended that the
struggle should not end till American Slavery
was no more. 1t is easy to be wise after the
event, but to most men it is enough that they
faithfully do tO-day's work in accordance with
to-day's light, and thus prepare themselves
for the reception of more and clearer light
| tomorrow.