Whig and tribune. [volume] (Jackson, Tenn.) 1870-1877, 1872-10-12
Z, OCTOBER u, 1872. 30. 40.

the prestige or continued victory.
| always forgetting that he was once
| beaten by BrOokius Campbell for
State Senate (he has been beaten
and can be-, the measure of his am
bition was full. For all this he ran
| for the Senate-he runs for Con-
! gress, and came to Nashville Ia do
/ both, protesting that he would
''ne'er consent" consented.
GREENEVILLE RESOLUTIONS.
Following this meek and sanity
pilgrimage he proposed his Greene
vile resolutions to the convention
! of 1869, which nominated Governor
Brown. His GreeneYille platform
condemned secession, although there
was no call for il, no such issue, and
although Tennessee had never held
the doctrine or seeded. They were
rejected by men who were looking
forward to material wealth, deVel-
spment, immigration and live issues.
de went to Gallatin and made 4
speech, denOuncing the convention,
| and also denounced the COnstitu-
tional Convention of 1870, and said
that in abrOgating the schedule of
1865 it restored the ordinance dis
solving the Union, leaving secession
measures in full force.
He then read the resolutions
adopted by the Democratic State
Convention: "ResOlUed, That the
Southern States should be immedi-
ately restored TO their rights as
sovereign States in the Union" He
said "that is secession in disguise" 5"
and ''I viii warn the people as l did
in 1860" Magnanimous, If he had
wanted no reward. lie meant, Il
am right as l have been; rally
around me and will be your Moses" +"
He voted in 1860 for Restitution of
Jefferson Davis's indorsing State
sovereignty more strongly.
OFFICES FOR THE LOYAL.
He then INDUCED in a fling at
Governor Brown, just nominated:
''In placing a standard-bearer at
the head of our columns, he should
be clearof all suspicion Of secession,
or q desire TO enter again into reCO-
luton, and this ShouLd be carried
out tn elections Of members Of Con-
gress and the Legislature"
That sounds like his policy of
making treason odiOus, and giving
the offices to loyal men.
lie then showed what he was
after. lie thought the election of
Cooper was illegal, and although
himself candidate before il, the
Legislature of 1869 had not power
TO elect, and he speaks for the place
"a thing unknown before in Ten
nessee. lie said:
1t is thought by many that the
| Legislature about TO be elected will
be the proper one TO choose Sena-
tor in place of Senator Fowler. The
people should take the subject into
consideration, and determine who
they prefer, and especially when it
is remembered what transpired in
the election of Senator by tAe late
! Legislature?
Shall we endorse him: Would we
have been better of had we gone
with him? We might, had we gone
against our convictions OF duty,
have had more wealth, more spoils
of war and of office enriched at the
! expense of our brethren OF the
South; but could we have been more
proudly conscious of a duty honest
ly and faithfully performed, had we
even gone with him, than we are in
remembering that we followed, and
; won imperishable renOwn in follow
i ing Lee and Johnston and Jackson?
VIOLENTLY SOUTHERN.
Let us see if his war record is so
consistent, and If his advice did not
| bear its part in gOading the people
! TO revolution.
In 1860 we find him balloted for
in the Charleston Convention, back
ed there by the secession leaders of
Tennessee, who indOrsed him in
State Convention. We find him
supporting the secession Democra-
CIV, ,Breckinridge and Lane, the nomi-
nees of the seeding Democrats
and according 10 his own account,
| spending money for them. Mr..
JohneotI knew the men who formed
that party, and were its leaders in
| the South, as well i'll 1860 when he
went with them in supporting 4
sectional candidate, as he did after
ward.
He said (speeches 3j2) "this move
ment has been long contemplated;
the idea has been to break Hp the
government" lie knew then, which
was during the war; and admitted
that he had always known the OBJ
ject of Rhett and Yancey, and yet
he went with them (see letter of ac-
ceptance, 1861. Why not support
Bell or Douglas to whom not a sus-
piciOn attached of an intent to dis
solve the Union. lie gave them a
| cordial support and defended their
party from the charge of disuniOn.
In the Senate, in 1859 Con. Globe,
page 100, first sec, S6th Congo he
| had a contest with Senator Trum-
bull, of Illinois, in which he went
the full length with his prO-slavery
allies-the extremists of the South:
II deny that any power is con-
ferred Oh the Federal Government
in reference to the Territories. IL
is not sovereign. The Federal Gov
| ernment possesses no sovereign
power. All its powers are deriva-
tive and limited. Ii can exercise no
single original power"
If the National Government is
not sovereign, it follows that the
State Governments are. lie SAYS
again:
"The difference between the races
began with the Deity, and all this
clap-trap about equal rights and lib
erty falls to the ground. p Globe, p.
IO2.
In his war speeches he said:
There was no cause for the war,
no rights invaded or lost"
In 1859 he said:
"He (TrumbulD iutimates that
| two-thirds of the States can amend
| tie Constitution: that the North is
to go on in conformity with the
Constitution until slavery has been
abolished in more than twO-thirds
of the States, aud then amend the
Constitution and Obliterate the
States. Cannot we understand
that? You talk about Southern
men being alarmed. They are not
alarmed. They see the encrOaching
doctrines. They see the principles
laid down by which an institution
that is dear to them is TO be up
rooted and blOtted out of existence
Then ought you 10 think a Southern
man violent, and call him rash, when
he declares that he will not be will.
ing to see this man entertaining the
same doctrines and advocating
them, administer this Government
when it is 10 bc administered TO the
destruction of the Constitution
Call us fire-eatcrs2 / am no fire
eater. am not panic-stricken, but
because / am neither, should L bC
blind nor see the advance? Should
be deaf and not hear the approach.
ing storm? Can we be mistaken
You see he speaks of the idea o.
amending the Constitution. He re
fers to n time when freedom vii
universally prevail.
He quotes from Trumbuli: